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PRESERVED PRINCIPALLY IN THlE


ARCHIVES. OF


SIMANCAS.

Vol. II.


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ERRATA.
Page 15, line 16 from bottom, foi " Chalelherault" read "- Chatelherault.",, 68, note t, liue 2 from bottom, for " Approbrium " read "Opprobrium.",, 68, date of letter No. 46, for" 10th July" read " 19th July.",, 258, line 20 from bottom, for "Forgaza" read "Fogaza.",, 273, date at bottom of letter No. 212, for "22nd September" rea '" 2nd September.",, 378, line 9 from top, for "Beaton" read "Seton.", 532, line 18 from bottom, for " sieze" read " seized."
ADDITIONAL NOTES.
Page 81, line 27 from bottom, " Brucel" should probably be " Bruch " or ' B1rug.",, 218, line 21 from top, " Hamberton " should probably be " Harrington.",, 319, line 22 from bottom, " Huggins " should probably be "Hawkins.",, 659, line 4 from bottom, "La Lone" should probably be " La Noiie."


y 76467.




a




INTRODUCTION.


THE Spanish State Papers published in the former
volume of the present Calendar exhibited with great
clearness the gradual change of the relations between
England and Spain which took place during the first nine
years of the reign of Elizabeth.  The English policy
of promoting dissention and division in neighbouring
countries, whilst openly joining neither of the rival
powers, had succeeded, perhaps better than even Cecil,
its great advocate, had expected. The hands of the Queen
and her government had become firmer as the powerlessness of their potential enemies became more apparent,
and although the Queen's calculating fickleness and
ambiguity of expression continued to confuse her rivals,
she had, in the tenth year of her reign, when the papers
in the present volume commence, finally thrown in her
lot with the Protestant party, and had practically become
the leader of the reformed faith throughout Europe. It is
true that Catholics abounded all over the north of England,
and that a strong party in her own Court was attached,
more or less strongly, to the old religion. But the Queen
was personally popular, and sought to increase her popu.
larity with a persistence which would not be denied, and
had also, by a policy of alternate severity and leniency,
convinced the English Catholics that their future treatment depended mainly upon their gaining her goodwill.
They had, moreover, persuaded themselves now that
Philip, slow and little-hearted as he was, would not, even
if he could, come and re-establish their religion again in
England at the point of Spanish pikes, as they had hoped
at the beginning of the reign. Nor had the behaviour of
'these same pikes under Alba in the Netherlands tended to
increase their popularity, even amongst Catholics, in
England. By the beginning of the year 1568, therefore,
the Queen was able to assume an attitude towards Spain


y 7646?.


a




1i


INTRODUCTION.


which she would not have dared to take up ten years before.
Philip's hesitancy and avoidance of risk were understood
now to be a characteristic weakness of the man himself,
and were seen not necessarily to hide any terrible danger
behind them, as was formerly feared. His wars with the
Turks, the rising of the Moriscos in the south of Spain,
and the troubles in the Netherlands, kept his hands full
of care and his treasury empty of doubloons. Nothing,
therefore, was to be feared from Philip alone, whilst the
king of France and the Emperor were, so far from being
able to help him in a crusade against the reformed faith,
themselves almost at the mercy respectively of the
Huguenots and the German Protestant Princes.   It is
true that the Catholic League, which years before had
been established to extirpate Protestantism the world over,
still existed on paper, but the only signatory who was
able, or even desirous, of carrying out its objects was the
Pope; because he alone had joined it for religious rather
than political reasons. Cardinal Lorraine and the other
Guises were, as usual, plotting to bring the Catholic powers
together again for their own ends, and, as Norris writes
from Paris (15th December 1567, Foreign Calendar), were
urging the Queen-Mother to utterly crush and ruin Conde,
Coligny, and the Huguenots, either by force or treachery,
in order that France, Spain, and the Pope might together
invade Enlgland and place Mary Stuart on the throne of
a unied Catholic nation. It was but a dream now, and
all saw that it was so but the besotted priests who urged
it. iMary herself was a disgraced prisoner at Lochleven.
Catharine de Medici feared and hated the dominion of
the Guises little less than she did that of the Huguenots,
whilst Philip of Spain, even if he had been able to do so,
was not the man to risk everything by going to war with
the great Protestant power, whilst his own Netherlands
were ready to burst into flame at any moment, for the
purpose of placing Mary Stuart on the throne of England
and Scotland with a French uncle at her elbow; and so
give to France again the predominant power in Europe.
Religion apart, it was better for Philip's policy that




INTRODJUCTION.                111
England should remain Protestant than that this should
happen; always provided that he could keep Elizabeth
friendly, and either frighten or cajole her into a position
of neutrality towards his own rebellious Protestant subjects
in the Netherlands. He no longer attempted to dictate to
her, but only sought to gain her good will; and both
parties were fully cognisant of their changed position
towards each other. Overbearing Feria had hectored and
threatened the Queen, and treated her ministers as if they
were still subjects of his sovereign; Quadra had gripped
firmly under his velvet glove, until, deserted by his master
and despairing of combating Cecil's bold craftiness with
Philip's sole weapons of feebleness and procrastination,
he died defeated and broken hearted. Guzman de Silva's
task was more difficult than that of either of his predecessors, but he was well chosen to perform it.  His
manner and appearance were amiable and ingratiating, as
a glance at his portrait in Hampton Court Palace will
prove, and he became a prime favourite with the Queen,
whom he flattered to the top of her bent. His Castilian
pride sometimes revolted against the work he had to do,
and his letters to the King contain many complaints that
his flattery and suavity and "the show of simplicity and
frankness," which he says he habitually adopted, and by
which he had gained great influence over the Queen
whilst he was with her, were counteracted by the
"heretics" who surrounded her, and who were for ever
whispering in her ear distrust of him and his master.
His geniality seems sometimes even to have disarmed
Cecil himself, notwithstanding  the alarmist and exaggerated reports of Philip's sinister intentions constantly
being sent by Norris in Paris and the English spies in
Spain and Flanders; most of which reports are proved to
be unfounded by the letters in the present volume. A
good example of Guznan's adroit bonhommie in dealing
with Cecil will be seen on page 38. Cecil was in a furious
rage about the unceremonious expulsion of the English
ambassador from Madrid on the pretext of his religious
ildiscretion, to which further reference will be made,
a 2




iV


INT"RODUCTION.


He inveighed volubly and indignantly on the slight thus
put upon his mistress, and denounced Guzman himself for
having made mischief in the matter. Guzman met the
outburst very characteristically. Relating the scene to the
King he says: " I let him talk on, and, when he had done,
' I waited a little for him to recover somewhat from his
rage, and then went up to him laughing and embraced
him, saying that I was amused to see him fly into such
"a passion over what I had told him, because I knew he
"understood differently, and that the affair was of such
"a character as to be only as good or as bad as the Queen
" liked to make it. She could take it as a good sister and
"friend, as I hoped she would, and had shown signs of
doing which was the easiest, most just, and even necessary way, since it was only right to take the actions of
"a friend in good part, at least until bad intention be
proved, or she could, for other reasons, look at it in a
different light, which might make it more difficult, to
the prejudice of his Queen and of your Majesty. I did
"not believe, however, that any sensible man who had
the interests of the Queen at heart would do this, and
"it was for this reason, and because of my zeal to pre" serve this friendship, that, as soon as I heard of it, I
wished to let him know so as to be beforehand with
the mischief makers, and because I knew him to be
" faithful to the Queen and well disposed towards your
"Majesty's affairs.  I meant him to make use of my
"information privately in favour of the objects I had
stated. He asked me whether I had not told him in
"order that he might convey it to the Queen and
"Council, to which I replied no, that I had only told
' him as a private friend, and with this he became
"calmer."   The ambassador then cleverly presents the
Spanish view of the case, and "at last he (Cecil)
seemed more tranquil."  At the date of the opening
of the present volume this cloud had not yet arisen, and
England was more peaceful and assured than she had
been since the Queen's accession. The standing danger
from Scotland had disappeared for the first time for many




INTRODUCTION.


v


years.  Mary was a prisoner, with a dread suspicion
hanging over her, and Murray, sustained by English
money and English forces, was the bounden servant of
Elizabeth. France was aflame with civil war, and the
royal house divided against itself by the bitter jealously
and distrust of the King for his brother Anjou, prompted
by the Queen-Mother; that she might the more effectually
hold the balance between the rival parties in the State.
Disaffection had been ruthlessly crushed in the Netherlands
by Alba, but was still glowing beneath the surface with
dull ferocity, as Philip well knew; and his powerlessness
for harm, alone, was made clear by the attitude of his
ambassador in England, whose one object for the moment
was by flattery and cajolery to induce Elizabeth and her
councillors to refrain from damaging Spanish interests by
countenancing the Flemish Protestants or aiding English
voyages to the Spanish Indies. Under these circumstances
Elizabeth could afford to drop the hollow negotiations
which had been lingering for so long for her marriage
with the Archduke Charles.   Sussex, perhaps the only
prominent person who really believed in the sincerity of
the negotiations, was himself at last undeceived and was
begging for his recall from Vienna, in deep disappointment
and resentment against Leicester and his party, upon whom
he laid the blame of the failure of his mission. A decent
pretence was assumed on both sides that the project was
still pending, the Emperor was given the Garter with great
pomp, but the affair was practically at an end in February
when Sussex left Vienna, to the relief of Philip who, for
years past, had lost faith in the Queen's sincerity in the
matter, and whose interests were daily drifting further
away from those of his Austrian cousins. But this state
of tranquil security did not last many weeks. Immunity
from danger made the reforming party in England bold,
and already in February (1568) steps were being taken
again to worry the Catholics, in reprisal, to some extent,
for the atrocities committed by Alba's troops on the
Flemish Protestants, who were flocking into England by
thousands with their stories of cruelty and oppression, and




vi


INTRODUCTION.


deeply stirring the resentment of their co-religionists here.
Whilst all Protestant England was thrilling with sympathy for the oppressed Flemings, the victims of Alba's
cruelty, the Queen was strongly desirous of clearing
herself from  the suspicion of helping them, and she
seems to have gone out of her way to reassure Guzman
on the subject. With her usual clever evasion of responsibility, she assured Guzman that she knew  nothing
of the archbishop (Parker) of Canterbury's new attempt
to force the oath of supremacy on the ecclesiastical lawyers
of the Court of Arches. Guzman writes to the King (2nd
February 1568, page 4): "This appears to be the case
" from what she said to me about it, and what afterwards
"happened, which was that she was angry with the Arch" bishop and rated him on the subject, although sub"sequently the earl of Bedford, Knollys and Cecil
pacified her and gave her to understand that it would
be unwise to be severe on the Archhishop for fear of
"encouraging the Catholics too much."     He writes
again on 16th February 1568 (page 7): "News comes
from Scotland that some of the principal people have
"risen against the Regent and the Government, and when
"I asked the Queen whether it was true, she said it was,
and they even wanted to throw the blame on her, as
" some malicious people had also tried to do respecting
"the disturbances in France, and even those of Flanders,
which she said    was entirely unfounded, as she is
strongly opposed to such proceedings of subjects against
" their rulers, and particularly in the case of your Majesty
"and your dominions, which should never be molested by
England, at least whilst she was Queen. I said that
she was quite free from any such suspicion, seeing the
(loving goodwill your Majesty bore her, and she, like the
great Princess she was, could not fail to reciprocate it,
as I constantly advised your Majesty she did. As the
" malice of the heretics is continually exercised in
arousing her suspicion, no opportunity must be lost to
" dissipate it."
But disclaim it as she might, Protestant feeling in the




INTRO DUCTIO.


vii


country was deeply moved and was becoming aggressive
instead of merely seeking toleration; and distrust and resentment against Philip and the Catholic league were being
industriously fanned by the English agents in France and
Germany, who constantly reported the intended invasion
of England and its reduction to Catholicism. The attempt
of England to assert equal international and religious
rights with Spain and the Catholics, seems to have been
precipitated at first accidentally, and resulted in a breach
which grew ever wider until the final triumph of England
over the Armada. In January 1568 the vicious lunacy of
the miserable boy Don Carlos had reached a pitch which
necessitated his isolation.  Philip entered his room at
10 o'clock on the night of the 18th January and arrested
his only son and heir with his own hands. It was known
that he had had communications with the discontented
Flemings; and John Man, the dean of Gloucester, who
was English Ambassador in Madrid, thought the event of
sufficient importance to dispatch a special messenger, one
of his own secretaries, post haste, to carry the news to
England. He arrived in the middle of February and gave
an account of what had happened. In the course of conversation he told the Queen that the ambassador's household
were not allowed to perform divine service according to
the reformed rites, even in their own house, and Elizabeth
immediately wrote to Man (21st February 1568, Foreign
Calendar) peremptorily ordering him to demand the free
exercise of his religion in accordance with international
rights, saying that if this were refused she would at
once -recall him.  Unfortunately, on the  same day,
both the Queen and Cecil also made the same request of
Guzman (page 9), and Philip was therefore forewarned
of the demand which was to be made by the English
ambassador. That the hated heresy, which struck at
the very root of the principle by which he ruled, should
raise its head in his own capital, even in the house of
an ambassador, was too much for Philip. The demand
for international recognition of the dreaded thing alarmed
him and he determined to forestall it. Before the am



Vlli               INTROnDUCTION.
bassador could formulate his complaint, he had a series
of accusations drawn up against Dr. Man, and a number
of the English Catholic refugees who lived in Madrid,
mostly on Philip's bounty, were called to testify to un.
becoming words pronounced by the ambassador against
the Catholic religion and the Pope, at the dinner table and
elsewhere in private conversation. An English spy called
Robert Hogan or Huggins, who betrayed both Spain and
England in turn, writes to Cecil (30th March 1568, Foreign
Calendar) that he, like others, had been forced to testify
against Man, who, he says, will certainly get into trouble,
although entirely by his own fault and foolishness, and his
"too liberal tongue."  It is mainly the duke of Feria's
doing, he says, as he is Man's deadly enemy; although
elsewhere Hogan calls the Duke the friend of the English,
which he certainly was not in any sense. Man was never
afforded an opportunity of making his complaint. Philip
saw him no more; he was hurried out of Madrid to a
village called Barajas and thence contemptuously packed
off to England, without being allowed even to take leave
of the King. Guzman smoothed the matter over as best
he could, with many loving messages from his master to
the effect that another English ambassador who was more
modest and respectful to the Catholic religion would be
welcomed with open arms; but the blow was a heavy one
to the pride of Elizabeth and her Protestant advisers, and
their wrath was nursed silently until ample revenge could
be taken. They were revenged a hundred-fold as will
be shown, although the exaction of their retribution gave
rise to events which, it is not too much to say, in the end
left their indelible mark upon the fate of christendom.
In the meanwhile the rising of the Catholic lords in
Scotland against Murray and the. belief that French forces
would be sent to aid them if the Huguenots were disposed
of had caused more countenance to be given by the English
Government to Conde and the Huguenots on the one hand
and to the Flemish Protestants on the other, whilst the
English Catholics 'were more vigorously prosecuted than
they had been for some time. Guzman mention a rumour




:ITRODUCTIxN-!tBowco.     -, iX
(lth.April 1568) that Cardinal Lorraine was raising 1,200
harquebussiers to, send to Dumbarton, and this, together
-with the passage of -a French envoy to Scotland, deeply
alarmed the Queen, notwithstanding the solemn assurance
of the king of France and his mother that, out of gratitude,
for Elizabeth's neutrality in the French troubles, they.would rnot.allow any French force to be sent to Scotland;
a covert threat that if she openly.helped COond6 1they would.retaliate by helping Mary. The apprehension was immensely increased by the news of. Mary's escape from
Lochleven (after her first unsuccessful attempt of which
an interesting account is given by Guzman, page 26),,but the policy which had been so successful before was
promptly adopted' again.- Fresh  encouragement was
given to the Huguenots. Protestantism in. the Nether'lands was accorded a more hearty sympathy than ever,y
and expeditions of refugee Flemings were allowed to
fit out in English ports to go over and help.their
compatriots. Against this Gtzman protested over and
over again, but only got vague promises of redress or hypocritical professions of ignorance; and when at last orders.
were given for the prohibition of such expeditions,
they were easily evaded, and. the -current 'of help and,
sympathy still flowed, as it flowed for many years 'afterwards, from the Protestants in England to their.struggling
~co-religionists across the North Sea.
On the 21st May 1568 news reach Elizabeth and her
advisers which, whilst increasing their perplexity and
-danger, changed the base of trouble and. brought it nearer
to their own doors. The battle -of Langsyde had been
-fought six days before, and Marr was already a fugitive,
and practically a prisoner, in England., Cuzman, at this
point, represents Elizabeth as beinge desiros of treating  i
'Mary as a.sovereign, which, considerng her views of the
royal state, was probably hers first impulse.  He says
(22nd May), "If this Queen has her way now, they will
" be obliged to treat the queen of Scots as a sovereign,
' which will offend those who forced her, to abdicate, s"c that, although these people are glad enough to have her in


I         I., j




x


INTRODUCTIO'.


"their hands, they have many things to consider.  If
"they keep her as in prison, it will probably scandalise
"all neighbouring princes, and if she remain free and
able to communicate with her friends, great suspicions
"will be aroused.  In any case it is certain that two
"women will not agree very long together."
If it were ever Elizabeth's intention to receive her
unfortunate cousin as a sovereign the idea must have
disappeared promptly on the reports received from Drury
and her other officers in the north of England. All the
country side, they said, Catholic to the backbone, was in
a ferment of excitement and rejoicing at the arrival in
their midst of the Catholic princess, upon whom their hopes
were fixed. Norris in Paris (4th June, Foreign Calendar)
writes to say that an effort will be made to carry Mary to
France, "but he is assured that Cecil will rather, as he
"writes, help and counsel the Queen to make her profit
"of her there than consent to her coming hither." In
any case Elizabeth did not hesitate long as to the course
which would best serve her own interests. Her unceremonious treatment of Mary's envoys, Herries and Fleming,
is fully detailed by Guzman, for whom and the duke of
Alba they brought letters from their fugitive mistress.
The envoys complained bitterly of their treatment, and
threatened if aid was refused by England to appeal to
" France, your Majesty, or even the Pope."  " The Pope,"
said Bedford, as if shocked with the bare idea. " Yes," said
Herries, "and even the Grand Turk, or the Sophi, seeing
the need my Queen is in."  Such talk as this was too
dangerous to be endured for very long, and on the 24th
June Guzman writes to the King, " The Queen has given
a decided answer to Herries and Fleming, and has
refused to give leave to the latter to go to France
"respecting the Scotch queen's affairs. Her answer is
that she has ordered their Queen to approach nearer to
her, and has sent word to the Scotch government to
send representatives to the same place, whither she
herself will also send persons to treat with both parties.
If she is assured that their Queen was not an accomplice




INTRODUCTION.


xi


" in the murder of her husband, she will help her, and if
she was privy to it, she will try to reconcile her to the
government."    Herries and Fleming conveyed this
answer to Guzman, and asked for his advice, which he
gave, as follows (26 June): "I replied that their Queen
should show full confidence in this Queen, and should
act, at present, in such a way as to give to the latter no
reasonable excuse for not helping her and treating her
" well. She should be very careful, I said, to avoid all
"suspicion that she had any pretensions to the crown
during this Queen's life; and, as regards satisfying her
"respecting her husband's death, their Queen should say
"that she herself desired to do so, loving her as she did
as a sister and friend, but by other means than by judicial
"action and question and answer with her own subjects,
which would be a derogation of her dignity and unfitting
" to her rank." The first portion of this sound advice
Mary, unfortunately for herself, did not follow, very different
counsel being given to her subsequently by those who
succeeded Guzman as her advisers, but the latter portion,
no doubt, led to her sudden change of front in refusing to
acknowledge an investigation for which she had formerly
professed herself anxious. Guzman had a long conversation
with Elizabeth on the 29th of June about Scotch affairs,
particularly with reference to the answer which had been
given to the special envoy from the king of France, M. de
Montmorin. Elizabeth told him that there were difficulties
in the way of her giving armed help to restore Mary to the
throne, and the result of such an attempt would be uncertain, and she thought the best course would be to come
to terms with Murray. "These terms she said must be
"hard, as Murray and his gang would never be safe if
the Queen returned as a ruler, even though she pardoned
"them now, as she could easily find an excuse afterwards
"to be revenged on them."  She said very emphatically
that on no occount would she allow Mary to go to France,
and, as for sending her back alone after she had placed
' herself under-her protection, that would be a great dishonour for her (Elizabeth) and her country. Seeing also




Xii                 IXTaODU CTION.
the pretensions she had to the English crown, it would
"be dangerous, she said, to allow her to be free in this
"country, as she might take opportunities of satisfying
"people here about past events, and gain them over. She
"therefore had determined to bring her to some place in
the interior of England, both that she might be safer
from her enemies, and also in order that, if she attempted
to escape clandestinely to Scotland, her flight should be
" made longer and more difficult; as between Carlisle
"and Scotland there was only one small river which
"could easily be crossed."  The determination thus early
expressed by Elizabeth to keep her cousin under guard
for good was no doubt prompted by the knowledge
that Mary was clamouring for foreign aid on all hands,
and that the people of the north, forgetting her misdeeds,
were burning to help her.    Norris was persistent in
his alarmist reports of Popish plots in her favour and
Murray himself begged Drury to    warn  Elizabeth to
keep people from   access to his sister, "as she has
"sugared speech in store, and spares not to deal part
" of it now."
Guzman says that Fleming is constantly coming confidentially to him about his mistress's affairs; but neither the
instructions nor the peaceful disposition of the ambassador
allowed him to hold out hopes of Spanish help. He says
"I have shown him great goodwill, and have, in general
terms assured him of your Majesty's sincere affection
for his Queen, as I am letting the Catholics, her friends,
"also understand."  But at the same time he took great
care to keep in the good graces of Elizabeth, who appears
to have been sincerely attached to him.
In February 1568 Guzman, who had been complaining
of ill-health for some time, begged the King to withdraw
him from   London.  All, he said, was now quiet and
friendly, and another person could easily fill his place.
Unlike the bishop of Aquila he was a wealthy man, but
his means were nearly exhausted with the great expense of
the embassy, and the poverty or penuriousness of the King.
Philip was not in the habit of taking into account the




INTRODUCTION.               Xiii
personal wishes of his servants, and if it had not suited
him to remove Guzman he certainly would not'have done
so. No answer to the ambassador's request was sent until
13th May, when, as has been shown, the whole aspect of
matters had changed and the prospect had become anything
but " quiet and friendly."  Philip was evidently in great
trepidation 'as to the way in which his high-handed treatment of the English ambassador would be received, and it
is possible that when he saw the apparent submissiveness
of the Queen under the blow, he may have thought that a
rougher tongued representative than Guzman would be
more likely to serve, his purpose.  He may have considered, moreover, that Guzman was too tolerant and
yielding to the " heretics "; particularly as the ambassador
gives as one of the reasons for desiring his recall, the
danger to which Catholics are exposed who dwell long
amongst ' heretics," and witness their laxity in religion,
and their freedom from restraint (page 10). Be that as
it may, Philip appointed as his successor a man diametrically opposite to him; a firey Catalan knight called
Guerau de Spes, as haughty and intolerant as Feria himself,
a man, as it afterwards turned out, entirely wanting in
discretion at a time when, of all qualities, discretion was
that most needed. At first sight it is difficult to understand why so close an observer of men as Philip appointed
such a firebrand as this to represent him, unless he had
determined to adopt an aggressive policy towards England,
contrary to that which he had thitherto followed, and it
has been usually assumed by English historical writers
that this was the case.  Norris' letters of the time
certainly give colour to the assertion that Philip sent
Don Guerau with instructions to forward a Catholic conspiracy in England in union with Cardinal Lorraine and
the duke of Alba, for the purpose of expelling Elizabeth
and crushing the Protestant power; but Norris, zealous
Protestant as he was, eagerly accepted and repeated all the
news his spies could bring him that was damaging to the
Catholics, and was ignorant of or underrated Philip's
difficulties. The present letters, for the first time, show




xIv


INTRODUCTION.


clearly that, whatever may have been the wish of Philip's
heart, it was absolutely impossible for him to embark upon
a war with England, beset as he was on all hands.
Guerau de Spes was doubtless sent with the idea that a
less complaisant envoy than Guzman would be able to
exert more influence over the Queen by fear than by
suavity, an idea encouraged doubtless by the quiet way in
which she had accepted her ambassador's contemptuous
dismissal. As will be seen, however, Don Guerau did not
stop at rough words or haughty demeanour; like the hot
partizan he was, he began more or less overt plotting with
the disaffected as soon as he arrived in the country, and
probably even before.  The ostensible reason for I)on
Guerau's coming was to give explanations about the
expulsion of Dr. Man, but Elizabeth, full of Norris'
sinister reports, was much perturbed by the withdrawal
of her favourite Guzman. " She hoped to God," she told
the latter, "that there was no mystery behind this
change," and reproached him personally with her usual
coquetry for wanting to leave her.  Cecil was more
outspoken and professed to believe that Guzman himself
had arranged the plot; which we now know Norris had
informed him, Cecil, that Don Guerau was engaged in.
Guzman was surprised and indignant, he, at all events,
having had no hand in the matter, as Cecil indeed well
knew. Guzman tells the story to the King in his letter of
the 9th August 1568:-" On my return to London, I
" talked with Cecil and told him of the coming of Don
<' Guerau and my departure, whereat he expressed sorrow
" and assured me that the Queen would be greatly pained,
"especially as it would seem to confirm what had been
"conveyed to him from several quarters, that Cardinal
"Lorraine had arranged a treaty with the duke of Alba,
"respecting this country and the queen of Scots; which
"had been negotiated through me, as the French ambas" sador here could not be trusted. It was said also that
"the queen of Scotland herself was in communication
" with me and sent me letters for your lMajesty, and it
' was asserted that, now that I had arranged what was




INTRODUCTION.


XV


"wanted, I wished to leave, in order that my successor,
"s and not myself, should witness the carrying out of the
"plan. It was known that I had a person at Dieppe to
advise people in France of these matters, and that Don
Frances de Avila (the Spanish ambassador in France)
never left the side of Cardinal Lorraine. My own belief
is that Cecil invented the whole of this.... because
"I am told that the letter that the queen of Scotland
"wrote to me with a letter to your Majesty, together with
"another for the French ambassador, fell into Cecil's
"hands."   Guzman repudiated the accusation with much
spirit and evident truthfulness, and doubtless confirmed
Cecil in his knowledge that, whatever were the instructions
of the new ambassador, the main object of the departing one
was to preserve peace and amity between the two nations.
A perusal of the substance of the instructions to Guerau
de Spes (page 66) will show how limited was the mission
confided to him. He was to satisfy the Queen about
Dr. Man, beyond which his functions were mainly to send
to the duke of Alba and the King constant reports of all
that was passing in England. He is instructed, over and
over again, that he is to do nothing without the orders of
the duke of Alba, and, indeed, so far as can be gathered
from his instructions and the letters sent to him, his
functions were more those of a spy than a minister. The
following sentence from the instructions will prove that it
was not Philip's desire at the time to break with England:
" You will give the Queen my letter, saluting her gaily
"and graciously from me, saying that I have appointed
" you the successor of Diego de Guzman to reside near
"her as my ordinary ambassador, with instructions to
serve and gratify her on every possible occasion, as, in
"fact, 1 wish you to do, trying to kceep her on good terms
"and assuring her from me that I will always return her
" frielndship as her good neighbour and brother."
At a time when the bad faith of Elizabeth in seizing the
specie destined for the pay of Philip's troops, and the indiscretion of Guerau de Spes had embittered the relations of the
two governments to the last degree, the correspondence in....




xvi


INTRODUCTION.


the present volume between the King and the duke of Alba
proves indisputably the (perhaps necessarily) peaceful attitude of Philip towards England and the fear entertained
both by the King and his Viceroy of the indiscretion and
meddlesomeness of the ambassador. As the letters in
question were confidential and there was no fear of their
being seized tley certainly contained the real sentiments
of the writers. It will be seen by reference to them
that so hardly pressed were the Spaniards for money
and so beset with difficulties, that their only desire
at the time was to recover the Spanish property
seized in England and re-open their suspended trade,
leaving the idea of vengeance for a future time. Alba
several times complains that Don Guerau's zeal is outrunning his discretion, and that he allows himself to be
drawn into compromising positions by exceeding the instructions sent to him. This correspondence is mentioned
here out of its chronological order to enforce the view
that the treasonable plots in which Don Guerau was certainly concerned during the whole of his residence inl
England, and his complicity in which contributed largely
to the subsequent bitterness between the countries, were
entered into by him in the first place in violation of the
spirit of his instructions and of his master's desire; and
that the secret aid afterwards given by Philip to treason in
England was bestowed in consequence of the misleading
reports sent by the ambassador with regard to the strength
and resources of the disaffected. These reports, indeed, as
will be seen in the present volume, were evidently pervaded more by the zeal of the partizan than by the dispassionate scrutiny of the minister. A further proof that
Guerau de Spes was not sent by Philip for the purpose of
plotting the overthrow of Elizabeth in favour of Mary is
afforded by the letter from the King to the duke of Alba,
dated 15th September 1568 (page 71), written at the time
when De Spes had just arrived in England. In it the
King refers to Mary's letter to him complaining of her
imprisonment and invoking his aid, with earnest professions of her Catholicism. "I have," he says, " refrained




INTRODUCTION.


b v
Xvll


from taking any decision or answering her autograph
"letter, of which I enclose a copy, until you tell me what
" you think of her business, and in what way, and to what
extent, I should assist her. I therefore beg and enjoin
"you to write to me on this by the first opportunity, and
"to encourage the Queen from there" (i.e., the Netherlands) " as best you can, to persevere firmly in her good
purpose," (namely, to remain a firm Catholic) "as it is
clear that whilst she does so God will not abandon her."
Guerau de Spes arrived in Paris in July 1568 after suffering much insult and maltreatment on his way through
the south of France, of which he complained to the QueenMother, who told him that the King was not obeyed in
that part of the country. He does not mention that he
saw Cardinal Lorraine privately, but merely says that he
and Cardinals Guise and Bourbon, with the dukes of
Nemours and Guise, were present at the audience, and " recommended the affairs of the queen of Scotland to me."
The bishop of Glasgow, Mary's minister in France, was ill,
but, says De Spes, "he sent two gentlemen to recommend
"his mistress' affairs to my care. She appears to found all
" her hopes on your Majesty's favour, and I have told him
" that I have orders on my arrival to do what I can for her."
However strong may have been De Spes' sympathy for
the queen of Scots, it is clear from these general expressions that he was charged with no deep plot in her favour
by his master, as has been assumed on the strength of the
information sent to England by Norris and others. The
account he sends of his interview with the duke of Alba
bears out this view, as it principally refers to the commercial grievances existing between England and the
Netherlands, still left unsettled by the provisional agreement of Bruges. In this letter, however, written before
he arrived in England, he shows how different are his
methods from those of Guzman de Silva, who invariably
palliated and minimised points of difference.  "Antonio
" de Guaras," he says, " has sent me two slanderous papers
printed in England, which the heretics of that country
" have made up to entertain their gang, and to endeavout
y 764G7.                                  b




xviii


Bi1TADUCTI0N.


" to diminish the favour your Majesty extends to the
" Catholics, and the justice and equity which you maintain
" in your States. If your Majesty wishes, they can be
"copied and sent to you in Spanish. I shall be glad to
"be directed as to whether I should speak to the Queen
about these insults."  Needless to say that on his arrival
in England the queen of Scotland's friends approached
him, and thenceforward a constant correspondence was
carried on between him and Mary through them, most of
which correspondence was, of course, well known to the
English Court through their spies. On the 30th October
1568 (page 81) when he had only been in London about
seven weeks, writing to the King a propos of the meeting
of the Commission in York to settle Scotch affairs, he says,
" I am of opinion that this would be a good opportunity
"of handling successfully Scotch affairs, and restoring
this country to the Catholic religion, and if the Duke were
" olt of his present anxiety and your Majesty wished, it could
b discussed."
On the 6th November he wrote:-" It appears as if the
"time was approaching when this country may be made
( to return to the Catholic Church, the Queen being in
( such straits and short of money.   I have already
" informed your Majesty of the offer made by Viscount
" Montague's brother-in-law on condition that they may
"hope for protection from  your Majesty."  These are
the first suggestions of a design to overthrow Elizabeth,
an(l, as will be noted, they do not come from Philip, but
are only tentatively made to him by his ambassador. In a
letter dated 12th December 1568 (page 85) he assures the
King that " whenever Flemish matters are calm, and your
( Majesty and the French king choose to stop English
" commerce, without even drawing the sword, they (the
"I English) will be obliged to adopt the Catholic religion;"
aidl he enclosed for the King's approval a draft of a long
address of exhortation which he proposed to deliver to the
Queen, thinking thereby to convert her to Catholicism
(page 85). Philip, who knew well the tremendous forces
arrayed against him, may well have smiled at the simplicity




INTRODUCTItON.


xix


of his envoy in supposing that a turgid speech from a hot.
headed bigot could revolutionise the consummate statecraft
of Elizabeth and Cecil. With such an ambassador as this,
it was naturally not long before matters between England
and Spain reached an acute stage. Cardinal Chatillon was
at Elizabeth's Court arousing sympathy and obtaining aid
for the Huguenots in France; the Flemish refugees were
spreading abroad a feeling of indignation against Alba's
atrocities in the Netherlands, and money was being sent
daily across to help their brethren against their oppressors; privateers, and pirates who called themselves such,
were already swarming in the Channel, and few vessels
bearing the flag of Spain escaped their depredations.
Early in December, Cecil wrote to De Spes (Foreign
Calendar) complaining of practices of his which had
been discovered, and the envoy retaliated by almost
daily complaints, couched often in very intemperate
language, of the piracies in the Channel.  Norris and
others, as usual, were reporting unceasingly the terrible
things which were to be done in England as soon as the
Netherlands were quieted and the Huguenots suppressed.
The Queen told De Spes himself (18th December 1568,
page 89) that " she knew that, after the king (of France)
had pacified his country, he would turn upon her for the
sake of religion, as she was assured by persons in her
"favour who were members of his Council."    Similar
ideas had been current in Guzman de Silva's time, but he
wisely and adroitly laughed them aside. Guerau de Spes,
on the contrary, fanned the flame by his manifest plotting
with the Catholic party; and at the interview referred to
above, told the Queen that whilst she allowed the Huguenot
privateers to enter her ports, it would be very difficult for
her to preserve her friendship with the States of Flanders.
In view of the fears thus engendered and encouraged by
the indiscretion of the envoy, it is not to be wondered at
that when chance threw into the way of the Queen a
means of crippling her enemy and averting the threatened
danger, she should have adopted it, even at the expense of
honesty and international rights. She herself was hardly;b 2




gX


INTRODUCTION.


pressed for money to fit out a fleet to help the Huguenots
and defend her coast, and had not only borrowed to the
full extent of her credit, but, says De Spes (page 83), had
pledged some of her jewels to raise the required sum.
Late in November 1568 several vessels carrying a large
amount of treasure from Spain to Flanders were chased by
pirates in the Channel, and for safety put into the ports of
Southampton, Plymouth, and Falmouth respectively. The
money, on its arrival in the Netherlands, was to be advanced
to the king of Spain by its owners, certain Genoese
bankers, for the purpose of paying Alba's troops and
enabling him to continue his operations for the suppression
of the Protestants. Two of the cutters, shrewdly suspecting that they were in as much danger from the English on
shore as from the pirates themselves, boldly left port the
day after they had taken refuge there and ran the
blockade of pirates, arriving duly at Antwerp. The rest,
consisting of a large vessel with 31,0001. in Southampton
and three or four cutters in the western ports, continued
to be assailed or threatened by the privateers, even whilst
in harbour, and, ostensibly for the protection of the
treasure from their depredations, it was landed and placed
in safety by the shore authorities.  The transaction is
related diversely by the two parties interested, and both
sides of the question are set forth in the present volume;
but there seems to be no doubt that Spinola, the great
1 lorentine banker in London, who was charged with the
forwarding of the moneyin case it came to England, informed
the Queen that it was being conveyed to its destination at
the risk of the lenders, and could not be rightly called the
property of the king of Spain until its arrival in the
Netherlands. Prior to this information being given the
Queen had signed (12th December) passports and safeconducts for the money to be sent overland to Dover, or
under convoy by sea from the ports, but on learning tho
state of affairs from Spinola, orders were given for tho
landing of the money, which was done on the 21st. There
is no doubt that it had been determined at this time to
retain the money if, on examination, Spinola's statement




INTRODUCTION.


XXi


were confirmed, as on the 24th Horsey, the Governor of the
Isle of Wight, writes to Cecil (Foreign Calendar), giving
him an account of his examination of the specie from the
ship in Southampton which had satisfied him that it was
still the property of the bankers, and asks whether he shall
send the treasure up to London at once. It was a mere
technical excuse for taking the money, of course, as it was
undisputed that it was destined as a loan for the king of
Spain; but it enabled Elizabeth to make the seizure
without openly committing an act of war. De Spes was
violent and headstrong as usual, and immediately wrote to
the duke of Alba urging him forcibly to seize all British
subjects and their property in the Netherlands, and to
recommend Philip to do the same in Spain. The seizure
was made in the Netherlands on the 29th, as soon as De
Spes' letter reached the Duke, but on various pretexts, no
definite refusal had yet been given to De Spes by the
English Government to restore the money. On the 29th
Elizabeth told him that she might as well borrow it as his
King, as she was quite as responsible and able to repay it,
principal and interest. De Spes' precipitancy had put him
again in the wrong in urging Alba to make his seizures
before the intention of the Queen to keep the money had
been officially declared.  Even on the 29th she left the
question ostensibly open, although her intention was clear,
but when news arrived of the seizure of all English
property by Alba she at once made this an excuse, not only
for retaining the money she had landed, but for seizing
all Spanish property in England as well, the amount of
which was great in excess of the value of Alba's
seizures; and a great show of indignation was made
at the  illegality  of Alba's action.  It will thus
be seen that Elizabeth had put herself technically in
the right, however wrong she might be morally. The
principal effect of her action was to make her for the time
rich, whilst Philip's sorely shrunken exchequer was the
more depleted and his power for evil greatly diminished.
Philip and Alba, as will be seen in the letters in the
present volume, were well nigh in despair. The Gueux




xxii


INTRODUCTION,


crushed on land, were swarming on the sea, and made marltime communication between Spain and northern Europe
almost impossible. Trade was paralysed and credit dead.
The moral effect of Philip's poverty and powerlessness was
very marked. Alba's task in the Netherlands became
more and more difficult, as the bankers became increasingly
chary of lending money to a King who could not even
retain his own treasure or punish those who plundered
him, and the unfortunate, sorely-beset and over-weighted
King could only hand the whole question over to Alba
with the arbitrament of peace or war. In a letter to the
Duke (18th February 1579) he says that De Spes informs
him that the opportunity is now ripe for deposing the
Queen and placing the queen of Scots on the throne of a
Catholic England, and leaves Alba to undertake the
business without further consulting him if he thought
proper. But Alba had a very poor opinion of De Spes
and his recommendations, and was in closer touch with the
difficulties than was Philip, immersed in his papers at the
Escorial, and wrote to the King on the 10th March as
follows:-" I do not know whether an open rupture with
England at the present time will be advantageous, con" sidering the state of the Treasury, and these States being
so exhausted with the war and late disturbances, and so
bereft of ships and many other things necessary for a
"fresh war, whilst it would certainly be a grave loss of
"dignity to again return to the old negotiations. All
things considered, I think it would be best to adopt a
gentle course, writing to the Queen that, seeing the close
"friendship and alliance that have so long existed between
"the countries, particularly between her father and the
"Emperor, and your brotherly affection for her, even
though she should desire to quarrel, you will not consent
to do so, and that it shall never be said that the knot
that binds you together has been loosened. She should
be asked to say in what way she considers herself
" aggrieved, and your Majesty will be ready to give her
( every satisfaction in consideration of your tender love
" for her, and will not pursue the same course as with any




INTRODUCTION.


xxill


" other prince under similar circumstances. I thought
well to set this forth to your Majesty in case she should
"send anyone to you before the definite opinion is for"warded to you from here, and you can thus go on tempo"rising, and, afterwards, adopt the course you think best.
" There will be means for fully satisfying your Majesty
"by-and-by if you desire it." This was the tone of Alba's
recommendations to the King during the whole of his stay
in the Netherlands, and Philip never wanted much persuasion for him to adopt a temporising policy. Necessary
as such a policy may have been, it was a clear evidence of
weakness to the English, who took higher ground than
ever. De Spes, in impotent fury, wrote a foolish flighty
letter (page 105) to one of the Spanish officials in the
Netherlands. The letter was of course intercepted, and
the ambassador was placed under arrest for his insolence.
He stormed and appealed in vain. Philip and Alba answered
him in the same way as the bishop of Aquila had been
answered under similar circumstances eight years before.
He must make the best of it and endure everything patiently
for the King's service. Alba's first step was to send over
the pedantic and wordy Flemish councillor D'Assonleville,
but the Queen refused even to give him audience and would
not recognise the duke of Alba in any way. D'Assonleville
himself even was surrounded with restrictions and had to
return empty handed to the Duke. Thenceforward for
years the same policy was pursued. Envoy after envoy
was sent from the Netherlands to England to negotiate for
the restoration of the property seized. Cajolery, bribery,
and appeals to honour were tried in vain; the owners of
the property and the bankers interested did their best to
get private restitution on any terms, but Elizabeth and her
ministers knew well that they held the strong position and
refused to agree, except on conditions which it was impossible for Philip to accept, as they included the settlement
of long outstanding claims made by the English on account
of confiscations by the Inquisition in Spain, and the past
and future treatment of British subjects there in relation
to religion. In the meanwhile the property dwindled and




xxiv


INTRODUCTIONO


was jobbed away, and in the end but little of it ever reached
its legitimate owners. For many months Do Spes was
chafing under the galling restrictions which had been placed
upon him, all his letters read and his every action followed.
His indiscreet reference to the Queen in the letter already
referred to had alarmed and annoyed even the earl of
Arundel, favourable though he always had been to the
Spanish domination of England, and ever ready to plot for
t e overthrow of the existing order of things. He wrote to
De Spes (16th January 1569, Foreign Calendar) saying that
he blamed him quite as much as did any other of the
councillors for his expressions about the Queen, and
"wished that a wise and well-meaning man were here for
the good of both sovereigns." Arundel's annoyance can
be easily explained by the fact that he, with the duke
of Norfolk, Lumley, Westmoreland, Throgmorton and
others, with the treacherous connivance of Leicester, had
adopted this question of the seizure of Philip's money
as a lever by which to overthrow Cecil, and anything which
prejudged the question, or put Spain in the wrong, was
likely to frustrate their designs. In March 1569 De Spes
was still under arrest, but with less strictness than at first,
and writes to the King urging him " to punish these people
"in a -way which shall make them realise their offence.
It is," he says, " disgusting to hear Cecil talk about his
Queen being a monarch, and that no other Christian
"prince is a monarch but she. I have heard that they'are
"going to publish a decree ordering every person to take
an oath to this effect, which will mean a butchery of
"Catholics if God in His mercy do not prevent it."  This
was evidently to inflame Philip's mind and induce him to
show sympathy with the cabal that was plotting the ruin of
Cecil. Later in the same letter, De Spes says that Norfolk
and Arundel have been in close communication with him
through a trustworthy person, and acknowledged the offence
committed by the Queen and Council, "but that hitherto
everything has been over-ridden by Cecil, and they have
not dared to resist him or even to point out to the Queen
( his bad government, until they felt their way with other




INTRODUCTION.


xxv


nobles and with the people. They have now done this
" and have many sure pledges." They promised that all
Spanish property should be restored, the Catholic religion
established, and much else besides, which it was obvious
could not be done except by the deposition of the Queen.
"They only ask that your Majesty should stand firm in the
stoppage of trade, as well as the king of France, so that
the English shall have no commerce with either country.
"The people are already beginning to murmur, and these
gentlemen will find means to raise them and punish the
"evil-doers. To add strength to the enterprise they sent
me the draft of a proclamation for me to forward to the
"duke of Alba for publication. It contains a statement of
the motives which they desire the public to know, which
"are similar to what I have already written about the
"tyranny of some members of the government, of the
non-fulfilment of the passport given, of the favour shown
to pirates, and the support given to rebels. I have sent
"it to the duke of Alba and assured him of the goodwill
of these gentlemen and their power here. They wish the
"affair to be conducted very secretly for the present, for
the Queen and Cecil are suspicious even of the birds of
" the air."
The "trustworthy person" who was the medium of
communication between De Spes and the conspirators was
Ridolfi, the Florentine banker and papal agent in London,
of whom mention will be made later on, and before very
long he was pressing urgently in their name that a sum of
money might be sent to them as an aid to the cost of
their conspiracy. Philip had but little money to squander,
and Alba instructed the ambassador to put the lords off
with promises and fair words. For the next month or
two the professions of loyalty and adherence to Philip
on the part of Arundel, Lumley, and Norfolk became
constantly more emphatic and precise until late in June,
when 6,000 crowns were sent by Alba to be given to
them. In the meanwhile things had gone badly with the
Huguenots in France and the Guises were again paramount, so that it behoved England to feign friendship for
{.




xxvi


INTRODUCTION.


Spain; and accordingly De Spes was released, and pretended negotiations were opened for restitution through
a wealthy banker in Antwerp named Thomas Fiesco, who
came over provided with large sums of money to bribe
Cecil and Leicester.  Approaches were even made to
De Spes, who was ordered by the King and Alba to
avoid all reference to unpleasant subjects and to be
"very gentle." Alba writes, 2nd July: "I again press
"upon you that on no account in the world are you
"to listen to any proposals about Ireland  or other
"parts, as I can assure you that such a course might
"ruin everything and you also would run a personal
"risk, for which I should feel truly sorry.     You
"may, however, at unsuspicious hours, listen to the
" servants of the queen of Scots. I must again repeat
" most emphatically that you are not on any account
"to entertain approaches to you against the Queen or
"her councillors, or anything touching them.  On the
"contrary, if people come to you with such talk you
" must be so reticent that they shall never be able to say
"that any minister of the King has given ear to it." Notwithstanding the constant repetition of similar instructions,
De Spes never ceased to lend a ready ear to real or pretended conspirators, of which Cecil was fully informed
by his spies.  Ridolfi, the bishop of Ross, Stukeley,
Lumley, and others were for ever begging that money
should be sent from Spain to promote disaffection; but
the 6,000 crowns already sent had been wasted, the
conspiracy against Cecil having failed through Leicester's
treachery and Cecil's vigilance. The bishop of Ross gave
De Spes the story of the failure (15th June 1569):-" The
"Bishop told me that the duke of Norfolk and the earl
of Arundel had always informed him of their desire to
" serve your Majesty, and.... that their intention
was in April last to arrest Cecil, and give me complete
liberty, restoring all the property stolen and detained
" belonging to your Majesty's subjects.  He said that
"( on three occasions, when the project was about to be
" carried out, the earl of Leicester softened, and said that




INTRODUCtION.


xxvwi


" he would tell the Queen. This prevented the execution
" of the intention three distinct times....     and
"these delays gave Cecil an opportunity of discovering
"the plot against him."   The manner in which Cecil
cleverly circumvented the conspirators is then told
(page 167), but undeterred by this fiasco, and by the
precise instructions sent to him, the ambassador, in the
same letter to the King, mentions that Lord Dacre had
sent him a message proposing the marriage of the duke
of Norfolk with the queen of Scots and the conversion of
England to the Catholic faith, and adds:-" He (Dacre)
now says that, whenever your Majesty pleases to send an
army to this country, he and his friends will undertake
"to provide 15,000 selected troops for your service."
From the tone of the correspondence it is quite clear that
Philip's only present desire was to stir up the Catholic party
in England in order to embarrass Elizabeth and prevent
her from aiding the Protestants in the Netherlands, but,
in pursuance of his invariable policy, he desired to do so
without in any way appearing or incurring responsibility,
whilst at the same time both he and Alba feared the
impetuosity and indiscretion of the envoy they employed.
The letters in the present volume prove more decisively
than hitherto the treasonable intentions of the duke of
Norfolk in his design to marry the queen of Scots. It
is probable that at first he did not realize to the full
extent the objects of those with whom the project
had originated; most certainly those Protestant coun.
cillors who sided with him at the beginning did not
do so.  Guerau de Spes, however, never deceived himself about it. On the 25th July 1569 he writes to
the King:-" The bishop of Ross came to me at
"three o'clock this morning to assure me of the wish of
"the duke of Norfolk to serve your Majesty.  He said he
was a Catholic, and has the support, even in London,
"of many aldermen and rich merchants."      On the
1st August, he says, "Norfolk and the other adherents
" of the queen of Scotland are busy trying to get her
" declared the Queen's successor, and this Queen is already




xxviii


INTRODUCTION.


"somewhat suspicious of the Duke. - There certainly will
" be some turmoil about it. They all assert that if they
"succeed, religion shall be restored." The ambassador
duly notes that, in the face of this powerful combination
of nobles against Protestantism, and indirectly against the
Queen and Cecil, he is being treated with more gentleness,
and that fresh advances are being made to him about a restitution. These negotiations went so far as the appointment
of a more formal and dignified embassy than had previously been sent, namely, that of Chapin Vitelli, marquis
of Cetona, a famous Italian general, whose mission, prepared with scrupulous care and circumspection by Philip
and Alba, was as fruitless as others had been, for reasons
which will be mentioned in due course. On the 27th August
De Spes wrote to the King reporting a further development of the Norfolk project:-" The Council has decided,
"at the instance of the duke of Norfolk and his friends,
"that the queen of Scotland shall be set at liberty on
" condition that she marries an Englishman, and the
"signatures of all the principal people in this country
" have been obtained to this effect. The matter of her
"marriage also is so far advanced that the French
"ambassador has been reconciled to it, and, within a
" day or two, I understand that the Duke himself, or
some leading personage, will come and request me to
"write to your Majesty to learn your wishes on the
"subject."  The ambassador urges Philip to bless the
union as it could not now be avoided, which the King
does somewhat distrustfully, on condition that the duke
of Norfolk be sincere in his religious professions. The
King's tone was doubtless inspired by Alba's repeatedly
expressed opinion that De Spes was being tricked and
betrayed.  Early in September the Queen vetoed the
project of Norfolk's marriage with Mary, but the ambassador tells his master that the Duke will not desist from
his enterprise on this account. He says (17th December
1569):-" A stronger guard has been placed around the
c queen of Scotland, although I understand that she
" will nevertheless soon find herself at liberty, and this




INTRODUCTION.              XXix
" country itself greatly disturbed. All the north is ready
"and only awaits the release of the queen of Scotland,
and the latter is anxious to give your Majesty a full
"account of everything, as events are now coming to
"a head; but I await until I see the affair commenced
"before writing at length. Your Majesty can then decide
" what will be best for your service.  Perhaps God is
now opening a wide door which shall lead to the great
"good of Christendom."  On the 27th September 1569
the ambassador advised the King that Norfolk had raised
his standard, and says that he has refrained from throwing
any doubt of his Majesty's favour being extended to
the Duke's party. "They were about to dispatch some
"one to inform the duke of Alba fully, and the
" queen of Scotland intends to do the same," and in
his next letter, dated the 30th, ignominious collapse of
Norfolk is foreshadowed. "I do not know," he says,
" what will happen, but I understand, considering the
number of the Duke's friends in England, he cannot
"be ruined except by pusilanimity, and the queen of
"Scotland has sent to urge him to behave valiantly
" and not to fear for his life, which God would protect.
"She and the Duke wished to send a person to the
"duke of Alba, but it was not possible, as the
"ports were closed." A week afterwards Norfolk had
surrendered and was a prisoner, and Northumberland at
once entered into communication with De Spes and asked
for a few harquebussiers, "after they have released the
queen of Scots." They will, he says, restore the Catholic
religion in England, and will be ruled in all things by the
king of Spain. Northumberland and Westmoreiand were in
arms in the north, when news came that Chapin Vitelli, the
successful soldier and a large company wore coming across
on their peaceful mission about the restitution. This was
considered suspicious, as Cecil's spies had told him that
Chapin had a half hundred experienced officers with him.
He was, therefore, detained on the road, and forced to
proceed to the Court alone, leaving all his company at
Dover well watched.  It was not surprising, under the




XXX


INTRODUCTION.


circumstances, that he was politely got rid of as soon as
possible without effecting anything. Emissaries were sent
by the rebel lords and the queen of Scots to Alba, recommended by De Spes, begging for aid, and the close connection
of the Spanish ambassador with the Queen's enemies is
clearly seen in the correspondence; but little active help or
comfort could be obtained from Philip or his Viceroy, as the
latter refused to take any step without direct authority from
the King, and invariably urged the need for temporising,
whilst the former was too far away and too slow in his
decision for his help to arrive in time. How inadequate
was Philip's timid wavering policy to the circumstances is
seen in every letter of his to the duke of Alba. It has
already been pointed out how his credit had been spoiled,
his exchequer emptied, and his subjects ruined. His
ambassador has been imprisoned and his special envoys
contemptuously dismissed, and yet, after a year of hesitancy,
when the Catholic party in England was really at last in
arms, and only wanting prompt aid probably to be successful,
the King writes to Alba (16 December 1569), as follows:"English affairs are going in a way that will make it
"necessary, after all, to bring that Queen to do, by force,
" what she refuses to reason. Her duty is so clear that
"no doubt God causes her to ignore it, in order that by
these means, His holy religion may be restored in that
"country, and the Catholics and good Christians thus be
rescued from the oppression in which they live. In
" case her obstinacy and hardness of heart continue,; therefore, you will take into your consideration the best
" direction to be given to this. We think here that the
" best course will be to encourage with money and secret
( favour the Catholics of the north, and to help those
"in Ireland to take up arms against the heretics and
deliver the crown to the queen of Scotland, to whom it
belongs by succession. This course, it is presumed,
"would be agreeable to the Pope and all Christendom,
" and would encounter no opposition from any one. This
" is only mentioned now in order that you may know what
' is passing in our minds here, and that, with your great




1NTnODUCrIoN.


xxxi


"prudence and a full consideration of the state of affairs
"in general, you may ponder what is best to be done."
Events marched too quickly for pondering, and the
northern rebellion was stamped out by the promptness
and vigour of Elizabeth's government whilst Philip was
ruminating. The complete collapse of the formidable
and dangerous insurrection in the north was another
triumph for the Protestant party in Europe, and a closer
union was at once effected between the Queen and the
German princes. Hans Casimir, Count Volrad, and other
mercenary leaders, were busy raising troops, subsidised by
England and the Huguenots, for the purpose of again
entering France and avenging Conde's rout.   In the
meanwhile, Sussex and Hunsdon did not let the grass grow
under their feet, but harried both sides of the Scotch border
to stamp out the last embers of rebellion and strike terror
into the Catholic fugitives. Murray, on his side, was
ready enough to help, for he was smiting his own enemies
whilst he attacked those of the queen of England, and the
Scotch Catholics were as dismayed as were the English,
utterly despairing now that Dacre had fled. Murray was
murdered on the 23rd January 1570, but this was not the
heavy blow to the English party that it would have been a
year before, for the queen of Scots was in Elizabeth's
hands, Chatelherault was in prison, and the Catholic
party in Scotland ruined, and divided in their objects, so
that the disappearance of the Regent was but a momentary
check to Elizabeth's policy. The German armaments went
on, the privateers in the Channel grew ever bolder and
more numerous, and Chatillon was still a welcome guest at
the English Court; Philip saw his commerce swept from the
seas and his power derided, but still did nothing but enjoin
secrecy, accumulate information, weigh, ponder, and consider, until the opportunity for action went by. Hardly a
letter is written by De Spes that does not contain some
suggestion'for striking at the enemy. The queen of Scots
might be captured by a coup de main and carried to Spain,
as she herself suggested. The bishop of Ross assures him
that a few Spanish troops sent to Scotland might easily






INTRODUCTION.


overturn the new Regent. A small force sent to the Irish
rebels would enable them to expel the "heretics" and " it
" looks as if the enterprise might be effected in both
" islands at the same time, as in Ireland most of the nation
"will rise as soon as they see your Majesty's standard
"borne by ships on their coast, and no resistance would be
"made excepting in Dublin and some other fortresses"
(12th June 1570). To all this,Philip had but one invariable
reply, when he replied at all, namely, that his envoy must,
scrupulously follow the orders sent to him by the Duke of
Alba, who refused to act without special orders, and whoso
letters show the deepest distrust of both the French and
English, Catholics and Protestants alike. The long distance
between the King and his Viceroy, the tedious discussion
and consultation on points of procedure, and the cumbrous
methods by which alone Philip arrived at a resolution, made
all prompt action impossible. At one time, it looked as if
real help would be given to Stukeley to invade Ireland. Ho
was effusively welcomed and splendidly entertained at
Madrid, and De Spes shows his satisfaction in his letters;
but the King, after long study, thought he was not strong
enough for the task, and sent him off to obtain what comfort
he might from  the Pope, whose help, such as it was,
enabled him to get no nearer to Ireland than Portugal
with "t two leaky old ships."
The English Catholics had been for some time begging
Philip, through De Spes, to obtain from the Pope a bull of
excommunication against the Queen. No reply was sent,
but when the Pope was induced by others to promulgate
the bull, and its appearance was announced by De Spes
(page 251), in the evident belief that it had been procured
by Philip, the latter was extremely angry and blamed the
Pope roundly for his action, at which he was alarmed and
distrustful.  Philip's reticence and slowness in avenging
himself appear even at times to have excited the alarm of
Elizabeth and her friends, who were surprised at their own
immunity. If Guaras is to be believed (28th July 1570), a
perfect panic seized upon them  when they learned of the
powerful fleet being fitted out by Alba to conduct Philip's




INTRODUCTION.


XXlll


fourth wife to Spain. To add to their fright, a peace had
been patched up in France, affairs were once more disturbed
in Scotland, and the Catholic party in England was again
raising its head, thanks mainly to the activity of the
bishop of Ross. But Elizabeth promptly procured money,
fitted out a strong fleet, and stood on the defensive until the
Spanish flotilla had passed harmlessly by.
De Spes' active participation in what is called the Ridolfi
plot is fully proved in the letters in the present volume, as
well as the connivance of the duke of Norfolk. In his letter
to the King (2nd September 1570, page 274) the beginning
of the conspiracy is set forth, and the communications on
the subject are continued in many subsequent letters,
although the matter for a time was cooled in consequence
of the information wrung by torture form the kidnapped
Dr. Storey us to the duke of Alba's intentions. So far as
may be seen, Dr. Storey had not really very much to tell
beyond the fact that the Duke had received agents from
the Queen of Scots and the Catholic lords, to both of
whom he had sent sums of money and messages of
sympathy. His intentions, however, were bad enough, and
the information Cecil obtained put him on the alert. On
the 25th March 1571 the vigilance had somewhat relaxed,
the bishop of Ross and Norfolk were again at liberty, and
Ridolfi was dispatched on his mission. Guerau de Spes
thus writes to the King on the subject (page 300): " The
Queen of Scotland and the Duke of Norfolk, in the name
of many other lords and gentlemen who are attached to
"your Majesty's interests and the promotion of the
Catholic religion, are sending Rodolfo Ridolfi, a Floren.
" tine gentleman, to offer his services to your Majesty, and
represent to you that the time is now ripe to take a step
"of great benefit to Christianity, as in detail Ridolfi will
set forth to your Majesty. The letter of credence from
"the Duke (of Norfolk) is in the cipher that I have sent
to Zayas for fear it should be taken."  The ambassador
gave a letter of introduction for Ridolfi to the King's
secretary Zayas on the same date worded as follows: —
" The bearer is Roberto (?) Ridolfi whom the duke of
y 76460.                                  C




1NTRODUCTION.


" Norfolk and the queen of Scotland are sending to his
Majesty. It is necessary that he should have audience of
his Majesty with the utmost secrecy, which your worship
will be able to arrange on so important a matter as this.
" I beg you will favour and forward him to the best of
your ability, as he has been an agent of his Holiness
here, and is a person of great truth and virtue, and an
"intimate friend of mine, besides being entrusted with a, negotiation which well merits favour."  The Duke at
his trial strenuously denied that he was privy to the
mission of Ridolfi to Philip and Alba, as had been confessed
by the bishop of Ross and Barker, and this accusation
was by far the most serious which Norfolk had to meet,
as it amounted to a plot for the invasion of England by a
foreign power. These letters prove conclusively that the
Duke was as false in this as in his religious professions,
and rightly died the death of a traitor. In April the bishop
of.Ross' secretary was captured with cipher letters on his
way from Flanders, and, although by the connivance of
Thomas Cobham at Dover, the secret despatches he bore for
the Bishop, the queen of Scots, the duke of Norfolk, and
De Spes, were spirited away and replaced by waste paper,
the poor fellow himself was put upon the rack and confessed all he had learnt from Ridolfi in Flanders. The
duke of Florence also got wind of the plot from one of his
agents, and at once sent the news to Elizabeth; and the
capture of Norfolk's servants with the money being sent
to the north, put all the threads of the intrigue into Cecil's
hands. De Spes at first expressed his belief that the discovery of the plot would be of no consequence, as the blow
would be struck before measures for its prevention could
be adopted, but he was soon undeceived. No blow fell, but
active negotiations were at once opened for the marriage of
the Queen with the duke of Anjou; the Flemish and French
privateers were helped and sheltered in England more than
ever, and matters were settled in Scotland by the lavish
expenditure of money in bribery. And then the toils began
to be spun round De Spes himself. He was told he was no
ambassador as he had to consult the duke of Alba upon




INTRODUCTION.


every point, and the Queen refused to recognize him.
Henry Cobham was sent to Spain to make formal complaint of him,.and Philip's treatment of Dr. Man was cited
every day as a pretext for the flouting of De Spes. The
long spun-out negotiations for the return of the seized
property in England were once more contemptuously
brought to an end, when the Spaniards had hoped that
all was arranged, and the connection with the French Court
became daily closer, as envoy after envoy sped backwards
and forwards with conditions of marriage and alliance. In
the meanwhile De Spes, helpless, mortified, and bitter, outwitted and discovered, could only rail, and urge his master
to revenge. He writes (12th July 1571): " As all of Lord
Burleigh's tricks have turned out well for him hitherto
he is ready to undertake anything and has no fear of
"danger. They and the French together make great fun
of our meekness.            But, in any case, I will
serve him (the King) in such a way as shall prove my
" goodwill and determination that he shall be acknowledged everywhere for the great Prince he is, and his
"interests respected by friends and enemies alike, but, as
I have said, one must dissemble here and at times be a
very Proteus. I will, however, try to bring due punishment on the heads of these people for their insolence."
Whilst he was assuring the King how easily England
could be conquered, notwithstanding the discovery of
Ridolfi's plots, he was again being hoodwinked by Hawkins
and Fitzwilliams (a cousin of the duchess of Feria) who,
he was firmly persuaded, were willing to help Philip to
invade England with a powerful fleet of English ships.
Philip himself was never very sanguine of Hawkins'
sincerity in the matter, but the plan succeeded to the ex.
tent of Hawkins' desire, namely, the release of the English
prisoners of the Inquisition in Seville, and the restoration of
certain property of his own withheld by the same tribunal.
Meanwhile, Cecil was carefully informed of every particular, and was piling up such evidence of De Spes"
intrigues against the Crown as would enable him, in due
time, amply to avenge Philip's treatment of Dr. Man. At
c2




xxxvi


iNTRODUCTION.


last the blow fell in December 1571; Norfolk was in the
Tower, all his friends prisoners or fugitives, and the whole
conspiracy laid bare. The terms of the French alliance
had been settled with De Foix and La Mothe Fenelon, and
Elizabeth thought it would be a good object lesson to her
new friends and would show her power if she took this
opportunity of summarily expelling De Spes and the
Flemish envoys who were negotiating about the seizures.
She told Cavalcanti (21st December 1571, page 359) that,
"the King of Spain thought he had it in his power to
separate her from the alliance whenever he pleased, but
however accommodating he might show himself in the
"negotiations about the property seized, and however
ready to agree to terms favourable to the English, she
said she would never trust Spaniards again, seeing the
"trouble they had prepared for her in Ridolfi's plots with
"the Pope.... She said the king of France might
"see how little she cared for the king of Spain by
"the way she had ordered his ambassador to be gone
" without delay.  She would have liked Cavalcanti to
"have seen him already on the road, but under some
" excuse or other about money matters, he was here
for a day or two longer, though she could assure
him he should not stay in the country, and she did
" not care very much whether another came or not."
De Spes was peremptorily ordered to be gone on the 14th
December. In vain he pleaded for delay in order that
instructions might reach him, but was told that Dr, Man
was not allowed to justify himself, no more should he. He
owed money here, he said, and must wait for a remittance,
which they said was not necessary, as they would lend him
the money and deduct the amount out of the Spanish property in their hands; in any case, he must leave the country
within three days.  He vapoured, of course, about his
master's grandeur and his privileges as an ambassador; all
his protests were answered by reference to the treatment of
Dr. Man, and after a week of bickering, he was hurried off
to Canterbury; there to await the instructions from Alba,
without which he would not leave. To make matters worse




INTRODUCTION.


xxxvii


his secretary, Borghese, who was probably a tool Cecil's
was arrested on a charge of plotting to poison the latter,
and De Spes himself was evidently in danger of being
accused on Borghese's confession.  It was a relief to
all parties when at length he took his departure, after
having sown the seed of more dissension than ever minister
of foreign prince before. If, instead of his indiscretion, his
rudeness and his bigotry, a minister of the adroitness and
tolerance of Guzman had represented Philip in London
during these critical years, it is highly probable that much
of the hatred which culminated in the Armada would have
been avoided.  How little he understood the growing
strength and spirit of England will be seen by the "relations " and reports which he wrote after his arrival in the
Netherlands (pages 363, 367, and 386), in which, amongst
other things, he proposed terms for the restitution of the property seized, calmly ignoring the fact that very much more
favourable conditions had been scornfully rejected more than
once by the English Government, and he still urged Philip to
make himself master of England and Ireland, although, at the
time the report was written, namely, in the spring of 1572,
Brille was in the hands of the Gueux and half the Netherlands
in open rebellion. Philip himself well knew that with the
failure of Norfolk's conspiracy his chance of revenge, for the
present, was gone. In November 1571 he was sending a new
Viceroy(Medina Celi) to replace Alba in the Netherlands, and
there is a passage in his instructions (page 349) which proves
that Philip had at one time really made up his mind to aid
the Ridolfi plot and not even yet quite lost hope, depending,
however, as usual, more on the chance of divine action
than his own.
For months before his departure De Spes had been pro.
testing in vain against the privateers which hovered between
the Channel and Rochelle, principally under Schonvall and
De Lumbres, but when matters were reaching a crisis with
him he reported (21st October and 22nd November 1571) that
the ships were now being concentratedat Dover under Lumay,
Count de la Marque. He (De Spes) says (page 386) that he
had informed the duke of Alba six months before the event




xxxv{iI


INTRODUCTION,


that their intention was to capture Brille, and he certainly
mentions as early as 31st October 1571 a project for the
taking of Sluys by the privateers. The letters now published
show, first, that the capture of Brille by de la Marque was not
so unpremeditated an affair or so unsupported by the English
as it is usually represented, and, secondly, that the ostensible
reason for Elizabeth's warning the privateer fleet away from
Dover was not in order to satisfy Philip's demands, since De
Spes had already left and she had just offended Philip beyond
forgiveness, but to satisfy the Hamburg merchants who
were complaining of their depredations. In any case, the
capture of Brille and the almost simultaneous rising of the
rest of Zealand aroused great enthusiasm in England. Men
and money in abundance were sent undisguisedly for their
support for it was as clear now to Elizabeth as it was to
Philip that Spain had once more been out-manceuvred by
agility and boldness and was again impotent for harm.
For more than five years after the expulsion of
Guerau de Spes no Spanish ambassador resided in
England. A Spanish merchant or banker named Antonio
de Guaras, who had lived in London for many years
and had continued to send information to Alba, was
instructed to look after Spanish interests informally. He
was a man who appears to have had a perfect passion for
intrigue and whose ruling desire was to play the statesman.
He was fond also of placing on record in the form of newsletters or rough histories the public events which he witnessed, but to judge from his acts and writings must have
been both superficial and unstable. His letters were neither
so full nor so frequent as those of a regular minister would
have been, and are almost entirely missing for the years 1573
and 1574. They have, however, a certain simple naturalness
which makes them interesting, the character of the writer
showing through them with quite undiplomatic artlessness.
The Walloon noble Zweveghem and the merchant Fiesco,
who had been negotiating in London for the restitution of
the seizures, had been packed off at the same time as De
Spes; but although it did not suit Elizabeth to disgorge
what she had taken, the stoppage of the great cloth trade




INTRODUCTION.


xxxlx


between England and Flanders, and of the importation of
produce from Spain was causing great distress in the country.
A cloth staple had been set up at Embden and an attempt
was being made to introduce cloths to the Continent through
Hamburg, but the cloth weavers of the eastern counties
were clamouring for the free outlet for their wares such as
used to be offered by the rich markets of Antwerp and
Bruges. In March, approaches were made to Guaras from
Cecil for the re-opening of trade (page 376), and many hypocritical professions of amity were made on both sides. The
negotiations resulting therefrom are quaintly related by
Guaras in his letters, and were, after a long interval, partially
successful, inasmuch as they led to a re-opening of trade and
the patching up of some sort of balance of accounts in respect of the seizures by means of the appointment of a joint
commission. Guaras was, of course, no match for Cecil in
diplomacy, and quite believed that the desire for a settlement
arose from a sincere feeling of friendship towards Spain, notwithstanding that Cecil constantly repeated to the Spaniard
that he was well aware of the duke of Alba's plots to injure
England, against which he said the Queen was fully armed.
During the course of these negotiations Guaras gives
a curious account of his first interview with the Queen
(page 381).
The alliance between England and France was settled
at Blois on the 19th April 1572. The Netherlands were
to be partitioned and the old rivals were never to quarrel
again, but together were to resist the arrogance of<
Spain. Navarre was to be married to the King's sister,
Montmorenci was to go in great pomp to England for
the ratification of the alliance, the Guises were beaten, and
Elizabeth for the moment could scoff at Alba's futile plots
and Philip's leaden pondering. But not for long. The Emperor, the Pope, and the Venetians sent to remonstrate
with the eldest son of the Church, Charles IX., for joining
rebels and heretics. Catharine de Medici, with the Biragos,
the Gondis, and the Guises around her, was getting alarmed
at the complete dominance of the Huguenots. So, very
soon the messages sent to England got cooler and cooler, and




INTRODUCTION,


Charles IX. begun to cry off his bargain about the Netherlands. Things were not going well either in the Netherlands
themselves. Genlis and his French Huguenots had been
routed and massacred by Alba's son, Fadrique. Elizabeth,
therefore, seeing that Charles IX. was not to be depended
upon, again smiled upon the Spaniards, and all Englishmen
serving with the rebelsin the Netherlands were ostentatiously,
but fruitlessly, recalled. But it did not suit Catharine de
Medici to lose hold of the English alliance altogether, particularly in view of what was being plotted for Navarre's
wedding feast; so she brought forward the farcical project of
a marriagewith her youngest son Alenqon, whom she hoped
yet to job into the sovereignty of a part of the.Netherlands.
A young lad named La Mole, one of the " mignons," was sent
to do the vicarious love-making, and all was going prosperously when, on the 29th August 1572 (page 409), there fell
like a thunderbolt upon the English Court the appalling
news of St. Bartholomew. Guaras, when be gave news to
the duke of Alba (30th August 1572), could find no word
of reprobation for the great crime. He says, " God grant
that it may be true, and that these rebel heretics have
"met with this bad end." Its consequences, however,
strike him at once. "Since then there is no intelligence
" of English soldiers going over to Flanders, and this last
" news will give them something else to think about....
As may be supposed, if this news from Paris be true,
"the league between these people and the French will
"come to nothing, as people are already murmuring that
they cannot trust Frenchmen."  Elizabeth felt that she,
too, had been betrayed.  The French had tried their
hardest to get her openly to break with Philip with the
intention of leaving her in the lurch, and the treachery
had only failed owing to her own wariness. La Mole was
hastily dismissed and the French ambassador treated with
conspicuous coldness.  Orange was in  arms in the
States, and was obliged to depend mainly upon England
for money now that France had deserted him. The readiness and dissimulation with which the support was sent to
him will be seen by the letter of advice to Alba from




INTRODUCTION.


xli


London (page 415), and by many other similar letters in
the present volume; but it was necessary, that whatever was
done for Orange now must be done without causing an
open rupture between England and Spain, so that when,
after long delay, Guaras received a reply from Alba about
the terms of the proposed settlement respecting trade, he
was welcomed by Cecil almost effusively. He says (6th
October 1572): " I at once left for the Court, which is now
"away from here, and Lord Burleigh summoned me and
"told me that on that very day and other previous days
the Queen had said to him she wondered why Guaras
" did not come to Court with the reply to the message
given to him. He said they were surprised they had
"received no reply to the offer made by the Queen and
"Council to recall the Englishmen, who, they said, went
"there to resist the Frenchmen who might try to set foot
"in Flanders.         When I told him I had a letter
for the Queen he seemed greatly delighted thereat and
asked me to show it to him. When he read the super"scripture, he said, 'Although it comes tardily and the
"' Queen is unwell, I will take it to her at once, because I
' know she will be pleased to learn that you have come
" 'with the message.' " It is curious to observe all through
this protracted negotiation that the main difficulty was the
treatment to be extended to Englishmen in Spain by the
Inquisition, and Cecil's claim for toleration was regarded
from the first as preposterous; it was, indeed, the only
point upon which, in the end, he did not have his own way.
The gaps left by the loss of Guaras' correspondence are
mainly filled by a remarkable series of letters in the
Cotton MSS., directed to the Flemish Viceroys. I identify
them as the writing of a Portuguese spy named Antonio
Fogaza, who subsequently fell into poverty and was imprisoned for debt in London in 1579, when, no doubt, his
papers came into the hands of the authorities. His information respecting armaments and aid to be sent to the
rebels in Flanders is extremely full, and he was for the
time in closer touch with sources of intelligence than was
Guaras. It was owing to this fact that his ruin was




xeiii


INTRODUCTION,


brought about. He was the agent in London of the king of
Portugal, but was secretly thwarting the Portuguese negotiations in the interests of Spain. Some letters from Alba to
him were sent through Guaras, who opened them and learned
for the first time that he was a valued Spanish agent and
was giving important information to Alba. Fired with
jealousy, Guaras denounced him to the Portuguese authorities as a traitor to them, and he was dismissed. Philip,
as we have seen, was a bad paymaster, and for years
Fogaza was begging the Spaniards for help and charity.
The almost open enlistment of men in England for the
prince of Orange, the constant collection of funds from all
classes of the people for the support of the war, and the
constant fear that Elizabeth would at last be induced by
the arguments and persuasions of Orange to openly espouse
his cause and assume the protectorate of Holland and
Zealand (see page 455), brought down Alba's pride, and he
consented to the re-opening of trade with England early
in 1573, on terms immensely favourable to Elizabeth, since
her subjects again obtained a free market for their cloths,
whilst she practically kept the bulk of what she had taken.
This agreement alone would prove how completely Philip's
cumbrous policy had failed when applied to a disjointed
empire such as his. His selfish dread of responsibility and
his constant aim of making catspaws of others, had alienated
from him every power which could help him except the Pope
and the Venetians, whose objects were not identical with his.
The Emperor was held in check by the German Protestant
princes, whilst the support given to the French Huguenots at
Rochelle and on the sea had rendered the king of France as
impotent for harm as was Philip. All the attempts of the
Pope and Cardinal Lorraine to patch up the Catholic league
again had failed ignominiously, and an instance of the
nervous desire of the king of France to conciliate Elizabeth
at this time is seen in Fogaza's letter to Alba of 17th November 1572, when the presence of Cardinal Ursino, the
Pope's envoy in Paris, is almost apologised for by the French
ambassador, who sought to counteract it by inviting the
Queen to stand sponsor for the King's newly-born daughter.




INTRODUCTION..             liii
Alba's fleet under Bossu was completely defeated by
the prince of Orange in the autumn of 1573. Orange
still held Holland, Zealand, and the best part of Flanders,
and the Spaniards could make but little headway
against him. Alba himself was more bitterly detested
than ever, his troops were unpaid and mutinous, his exchequer empty, and he, old and ailing, was obliged to
confess that his policy of blood and iron had utterly failed.
Medina-Celi had never been allowed to assume the
governorship, and when, in September 1573, Alba laid it
down, he was replaced by Don Luis de Requesens, whose
task it was to accomplish by suavity what Alba's severity
had failed to perform. Whatever policy was adopted by
the Spaniards in the Netherlands, Elizabeth had gone
too far now to turn back, and it was clear that if
Philip were ever allowed to rule undisturbedly over his
Flemish dominions again, she would be the next object
of attack.  More support than before therefore was
given to Orange, both on land and sea, and, as will be
seen by the letters of Fogaza and Guaras in the present
volume, some of Elizabeth's best officers were already
employed openly on the rebel side.
In the meanwhile Guaras, in somewhat more humble
fashion than De Spes, was immersing himself in intrigues
on behalf of Spain, many of them, doubtless, undertaken
sincerely by those who broached them to him, but others
mere traps set for him by Cecil's connivance, into which
he easily fell. Captains Chester, Pool, Haselby, Bingham,
and other persons were for months in negotiation with
him, some for the betrayal of Flushing, Caunfer, and other
strong places, some for the murder of the Prince of Orange,
some for the capture of the young king of Scotland, and
some for the release of his mother. These advances were
apparently received with cold caution by the King and Alba.
Guaras' discretion was apparently not thought much more
of than that of De Spes had been, and when anything of the
sort had to be arranged it was considered best to do it
without his help (see orders to Zubiar, page 469). Late
in the autumn of 1575 the position of the prince of Orange




xliv


INTRODUCTION.


became critical. His mercenary troops were worse than
useless when they were unpaid, and money was running
short. Requesens' mildness had conciliated the Catholic
Flemings and weakened their sympathy for the rebellion.
Orange, despairing of obtaining more effective aid from
Elizabeth than she had thitherto given, which had always
stopped short of an open national espousal of his cause,
had approached the French Huguenots. The new King,
Henry III., a blinded bigot, had thrown all his weight on
to the side of the Guises and the Catholics; which action
had been met by the diplomatic Queen-Mother by putting
her favourite son, the duke of Alengon, at the head of a
moderate Protestant party, in order that she might still
hold the balance. As early as July 1575 Guaras reported
that Orange had offered to send his daughter to France
to be married to Alengon or any other French prince, which
proposal naturally was met in London by a resuscitation
of the plan to marry Alen9on to the queen of England.
All through the summer Guaras was hinting that a joint
enterprise might be undertaken in Flanders by the English
and Conde in union, the object of which would be the
expulsion or massacre of all Spaniards; but if ever this
were intended, Elizabeth's agile policy was at once changed
when she saw that the king of France and the QueenMother were to be parties to the arrangement. Then she
took fright and smiled upon the Spaniards again. She sent
off Henry Cobham to Spain in August, charged with many
loving messages, and appeals for favour towards English
subjects in the hands of the Inquisition, but the real
object of his mission is seen (page 506) in the desire to
open Philip's eyes to the intrigues of Orange with the
French Court.  A fleet of Spanish transports for the
Netherlands also touched Dartmouth and the Isle of Wight
in November, and was received with marked courtesy by
Elizabeth's orders.  This softened aspect towards Spain
had the effect which was doubtless desired. Alen9on had
fled from Paris, and was now in the field with Conde with a
strong force, and Catharine de Medici, who was increasingly
apprehensive of Spain and the Pope since the battle of




INTRODUCTION.               xlv
Lepanto, saw that, if only Elizabeth could be conciliated,
the Huguenot force might be used against Philip in the
Netherlands, the trouble diverted from France, and her
favourite son aggrandised. Elizabeth had the satisfaction,
therefore, of finding herself wooed on all hands. In the
beginning of the year 1576 the king of France (or
Catharine de Medici) sent La Porte and La Mothe
Fenelon, together with an envoy from Alen9on, to beg her
to marry the latter and join forces with the Huguenots
to invade the Netherlands for their joint benefit. Orange
sent Aldegonde, Paul Buiz, and others to urge her in the
same direction; whilst Requesens, the Viceroy of the
Netherlands, sent the great Catholic noble Champigny
(Cardinal de Granvelle's brother) to entreat her not to join
with the French to injure "her good brother the king of
Spain."  But Elizabeth had succeeded too well in her
balancing policy for her to adopt any other, and she still
dexterously held the scales. Champigny got soft words,
Orange got English volunteers with a mere affectation
of concealment and Alenyon was coyly encouraged,
when the death of Requesens on the 6th March again
somewhat altered the position.  The Spanish soldiery
were now quite out of hand; all discipline was dead, and
they pillaged and massacred Catholics and Protestants
alike. Walloons and Flemings who had stood faithful
even through Alba's cruelty could not stand this, and the
revolt became once more national rather than purely
religious. The appearance of Don Juan of Austria as
Viceroy followed, and Elizabeth began to take up stronger
ground. The States, north and south, were united now
against a common enemy, and could dictate terms to the
new Viceroy. The Spaniards were all to leave and Flemings
only were to govern, and upon these humiliating terms
alone was Don Juan allowed to enter Brussels. Now that
the States were winning, Elizabeth did not want to be left
out of account. She sent Sir John Smith to Philip to ask
him to grant the terms of the Flemings and to offer her
mediation, and at the same time made no secret of her
intention to raise a strong national force and help them




x]vi


INTRODUCTION.


if their demands were refused. The truth is that nothing
would have suited her less than a pacification, and it was
accordingly the last thing she was seeking. There was
no surer way of preventing a pacification than by pressing
her intervention. She had heard, and Guaras himself
repeats the story more than once, that Don Juan was
giving terms to the Flemings in order to invade
England, marry Mary of Scotland and rule over a Catholic
Britain. Philip had learnt the story too, and was more
afraid of his bold brother even than Elizabeth was, as
Escobedo found to his cost, but their policy in face of the
danger was as opposite as usual. Philip had his brother's
principal adviser secretly murdered, and crippled Don
Juan by starving his resources; Elizabeth openly
equipped a strong force for attack or defence, and laid
a heavy hand on to Mary and the English Catholics.
Guaras himself had been intriguing with all and sundry
for a long time past, closely watched by Cecil, and had
written in very uncomplimentary terms of the Queen and
her Government. It was advisable that the Catholic party
in England should again see how little she cared for the
power of Spain, to which they were looking for help; so at
midnight on the 19th October 1577 Antonio de Guaras
was arrested, his house occupied, and he imprisoned, at
first in the house of the Sheriff of London and afterwards
in the Tower, where, in constant fear of the rack, he was
kept for eighteen months, broken in health, ruined in
fortune, and treated with calculating contumely, to be
afterwards ignominiously expelled the country penniless,
that all men might see how little power to injure the Queen
had her " good brother," who could not either keep his own
treasure or protect his own servants. Although Don Juan
had acceded to the humiliating terms dictated by the States,
and was making a show of withdrawing Spanish troops, he
was still regarded with deep distrust, even by his own
Flemish Council of State in Brussels.  The Catholic
Walloons and Flemings of the south were now almost as
hostile as the Protestants in the north, and Don Juan, at
last, tired of the sullen obstruction which met him at every




INTRODtUCTION.


xlvii


ttirn, denied the necessary resources by his jealous brother,
and despairing of winning over the Flemings by concessions,
took the bit between his teeth, threw over the Edict of
pacification, seized the citadel of Namur, and defied the
States to do their worst. Philip was dismayed at such
bold action, and saw that if the Flemings, united as
they were now, could get any help from abroad before
he could overwhelm them with Spanish and Italian troops
again, his Netherlands patrimony would, indeed, be lost
to him. Elizabeth had sent a Secretary of the Council,
Thomas Wilkes, to Madrid in December (page 549)
to urge the King to withdraw    Don Juan and the
Spaniards, and let the States govern themselves on the
terms of the Edict. It was gall and wormwood to Philip
to be obliged to brook Elizabeth's interference between
himself and his rebel subjects, and he treated Wilkes
in a very high and mighty fashion, on the pretence that
he was not of sufficient rank for such a mission. But
he could not afford to offend the Queen, who now made no
secret of her intention to uphold the Flemings with all her
force in their demand for liberty and toleration. So, hard
on the heels of the returning English envoy, he sent Don
Bernardino de Mendoza, a Spanish noble of the highest
lineage, as his resident Ambassador in London. No apology
for the expulsion of De Spes or the seizure of the treasure
had ever been sent, Guaras was a close prisoner in the Tower,
threatened daily with torture, but Philip was obliged to
swallow his pride and send, almost a suppliant, to beg
Elizabeth not to help his revolting subjects. The change
of position between England and Spain since the beginning
of Elizabeth's reign is nowhere more clearly seen than by a
comparison of the instructions given to Mendoza (page 553)
with the attitude of Feria and his master as displayed in
the former volume of the present calendar. Mendoza's
instructions are almost piteously apologetic. Don Juan and
the Spainards shall be withdrawn. It is entirely a mistake
about the abrogation of the Edict; the States shall have
all they desire if they will only be loyal and Catholic, and
Elizabeth is to be entreated not to interfere. Mendoza is




xlviii              INTRODUCTION.
told to "endeavour to keep her in a good humour and
convinced of our friendship, banishing the distrust of us
which she now appears to entertain, and for which we
have given no good cause."  The English ministers were
all to be bribed, and, at any cost, English neutrality was
to be secured. Mendoza passed through Paris at the end
of February 1578, and found the Court in dismay. A
fortnight before, Alengon had escaped again, and was now
with a great force of Huguenots and Germans on the frontier
of Flanders, in defiance of his brother's authority, in open
treaty with the Protestant Flemings to enter the country
as their champion, in rivalry with the Archduke Mathias,
who had been invited by the Walloon and Catholic nobles.
Don Juan also had just won the great victory of Gemblours,
and was known to be plotting with the Guises, although it
was thought in England, incorrectly, that he was doing so
with the connivance of Philip. The new ambassador therefore, found Elizabeth in perplexity between two fires. On
the one hand D'Havrey, the envoy from the States, was
assuring her that unless she made up her mind at once to
send over her army under Leicester or his brother, they
would be obliged to hand themselves over to Alengon and
his Frenchmen, which, at any cost, she was determined to
prevent; whilst, on the other hand, she was informed from
all quarters, that the kings of France and Spain, the Pope,
Don Juan, and the Guises were now united and determined
to crush her for once and for all. Her diplomacy at this
juncture was as masterly as usual. At her first interviews
with Mendoza (page 564) she flattered him personally,
although she said she knew he had been sent to injure her.
She pressed her mediation on behalf of the States and urged
that the terms of the Edict should be confirmed to them.
If this were done and they were not contented she would
send her army to support Philip against them, whereas if
it were refused she should be obliged to help them, and,
moreover, was determined that the French should not get a
footing in the country. AMendoza was a man of vast
ability, suave and courtly, and soon managed to get on
good terms with the Queen, since, in face of the new




INTRODUCTION.


xlix


position she had taken up, it was obviously to his master's
interest that she should be conciliated.
An interesting account is given by Mendoza of Frobisher's
voyages in his letters to the King, who was evidently deeply
interested in them, and several references are made to the
progress of Drake's plundering expedition to the Pacific of
which reports, incredible as they seemed at the time, were
then reaching Europe. The protracted negotiations for the
release of Antonio de Guaras and the tempestuous efforts
to the same end made by his wealthy brother Gombal de
Guaras, are related at length, although the release of the
prisoner was not effected until May, 1579. During his
various negotiations for the neutrality of England in the
States for the protection of the Spanish Colonial trade and
the release of Antonio de Guaras, Mendoza's suavity
towards the Queen rarely deserted him.     He made
frequent reports as to the project of buying over the
Queen's ministers, although, as usual, Philip was more
ready to demand impossible pledges than to pay for
them. There is no doubt, however, that eventually Burleigh
and  Sussex received presents to the value of 3,000
crowns each, Sir James Crofts 2,000 crowns in money,
and Leicester some handsome jewels and horses (Mendoza
to the King, 3rd May 1579). Dexterously as the Queen
managed to hold out hopes that under certain circumstances her troops might be sent to the support of the
Spaniards in Flanders, large bodies of men under experienced officers were allowed to slip over, with more or
less secrecy, to help Orange and obviate the necessity for his
appealing to French aid, whilst money and supplies were
sent in a never ceasing stream, notwithstanding Mendoza's
expostulations. The Queen at the same time was on the
worst possible terms with Catharine de Medici, to whom
she attributed the renewed Catholic activity in Scotland
and the design to checkmate her in the States by means
of Alen9on. So alarmed was Elizabeth at the apparent
danger from this quarter, that Catharine's envoy Gondi
was dismissed insultingly and refused permission to go to
Scotland, and at last it seemed as if Elizabeth's hand was
y 76467.                                  d




1


INTRODUCTION.


to be forced. She sent Walsingham and Cobhaim to Orange
to warn him against the French connection, and to Don
Juan to say that if the French entered the country she would
send over twenty thousand men to help the Spaniards,
and if these were not enough for the purpose she would
send over every man left in her country and avail herself
"of the forces of all her friends and allies" (21st May
1578). To all remonstrances against the going over of
English volunteers she had but one reply, namely, that
they went to prevent the country falling into the hands of
the French, and were in Philip's interest rather than
against him.  Orange told the Queen that he would
fight to the end against the Spaniards and must seek aid
where he could get it. If she would not support him
effectually he must, and would, appeal to the French.
Orange was invariable in his object and inflexible in his
method.   This was the only attitude against which
Elizabeth's agile feminine policy was ineffectual, and
English help had to be sent more boldly than ever,
always, as Elizabeth was careful to assure Mendoza, in
order to prevent the dominions of her good brother from
being overrun by the French. The position was not one
that could endure very long. In September 1578, a few
weeks only before the death of Don Juan, French envoys
were sent both from the King and from Alenqon, with
offers of marriage from the latter to the Queen, confirmed
by his brother, in order that joint action in the Netherlands.
might be undertaken for their united interests.  It is
doubtful whether the Queen would have given the ready
ear she did to this, except for her knowledge that Philip,
under cover of the Pope, was subsidising a Catholic
invasion of Ireland under Fitzmaurice, but in any case,
she did listen to it willingly and for many months Mendoza
sent his master constant accounts of the progress of the
courtship. Philip himself was never deceived by it. "It
is all pastime," he said, "she is not in earnest about it,
" and will never take a husband."  Under cover of it
however, Alengon entered the States, and Elizabeth's
countenance immediately changed towards his agents in




INTRODUCTION.


li


England. " Before she would proceed with the marriage
treaty he must retire," she said, and in the face of the cold
welcome he got from  the Flemings themselves he was
constrained to do so in December 1578. And then the
marriage  negotiations began in earnest.   Mendoza's
letters tell the story of Simier's mission to and cap.
tivation of the Queen, and of Alengon's stolen visit- to
her, but not so fully as the Hatfield Papers published by the
Historical MSS. Commission, although Leicester's advocacy
of the marriage when he thought it was feigned, and his
bitter resentment when he found the Queen was at last in
earnest, are fully set forth in the present volume, and we
catch a glimpse of Simier's ample revenge upon him by
divulging his marriage with the countess of Essex. In
the last letters in the present volume another element of
intrigue is brought upon the scene, which served to bring
closer together the interests of Elizabeth and Catharine de
Medici, namely, the succession to the Portuguese. crown,
claimed by Philip, to the manifest prejudice of the other
maritime powers, and this, with the raising of a great
fleet by Philip in the autumn of 1579, considerably
modified Elizabeth's attitude towards the Spaniards. The
long threatened invasion and rising in Ireland took place
in August of that year, and the Queen. told Mendoza that
she could not believe his master would help rebels or
wished to make war upon her, and hinted her uneasiness
about Philip's fleet. Mendoza saw she was alarmed and
gave her but cold comfort, saying, that if his master went to
war with her it would not be with insignificant forces such
as these (page 686). At the end of December these fears
on the part of the Queen had become acute, and Mendoza
says (27th December 1579) that as he did nothing to allay
them, but had avoided her, she sent for him. After, in her
usual fashion, overwhelming him with blandishments, she
told him the sinister news she was receiving from all parts.
He tells the King, however, that he left her more alarmed
than ever, although he hints that the armed preparations
she was making were as much to guard against her own
people's discontent at her unpopular marriage as against




iii


INTRODUCTION.


his master's fleet. At the end of 1579 the more hopeful
prospects of the Catholics are reflected in Mendoza's letters.
The prince of Parma was more than holding his own in
the Netherlands and he had managed to separate the Catholic
Walloons and Flemings of the south from Orange and the
Hollanders. D'Aubigny had already taken Scotch politics
in his grasp, and his coming predominance was foreseen;
Ireland was in ebullition, but, above all, the seminary priests
were flooding England and, as Mendoza says, increasing the
number of Catholics every day. The English people was
anticipating with loathing the marriage of the Queen with
a Frenchman of less than half her age, and Mendoza's glee
was undisguised at the trouble in store.
There only remains to add that the letters in the present
volume are drawn from similar sources to those in the last,
and that, as they were practically all originally written in
cipher, no distinction has been made in the type to indicate
the fact.
MARTIN A. S. HUME.




CALENDAR OF STATE PAPERS,
SPANISH.
ELIZABETH.
1568-1579.
1568.
3 Jan.  1. GUZMAN DE SILVA to the KING;
The duke of Alba sent me copies of the three letters dated 14th
and 15th October, forwarded by your Majesty by way of Italy.
They arrived here on the 30th ultimo, and the next day I told the
Queen of the happy delivery of our lady the Queen, whereat she
showed as much delight as must have been felt everywhere at the
news, and thanked your Majesty warmly for your care and
thoughtfulness in informing her of it; as also of the reasons
which have prevented you from going to Flanders until the spring,
which reasons, she thought, were very sufficient ones. She said
she longed for the time of your Majesty's voyage in the hope that
she might see you, although she did not think you would recognise
her as she has changed so much and become so thin.
I thanked her from your Majesty for forbidding Hawkins and
the rest of those who are going to Guinea from proceeding to your
Majesty's Indies, and assured her with all possible emphasis how
much importance you attached to this proof of her regard, in order
to fix her the more firmly. She made me great promises about it,
and said she would cut off Hawkins' head if he exceeded by one
tittle the orders that had been given to him and would punish hie
associates as well. I am trying to get her to make a show in this
matter, as I consider it of great importance, and, if these people are
not taken in hand in real earnest, they may do much damage by
showing the way to the Indies and opening up this business, and
also by their religious action in those parts, the dangers arising
from which may well be imagined.
I am advised by a Portuguese, who came hither five days ago
from the island of Madeira, that Hawkins' fleet had arrived at the
Canaries, and that the ship they call the "Mignon" with three
others took in all the victuals they required at Gomera, whilst the
Jesus of Ubique (Lubeck) and two sloops did the same at Teneriffe,
and they had all continued their voyage on the 12th November.
I have not yet been able to discover the nature of the decisionsent by the Queen to the Earl of Sussex about the marriage, but I
have learnt from Cecil that the letter was written to him by Cecil
himself in his own hand, and as soon as the Queen had signed it


7 16467. 400.-6198. Wt. 2283.


A




2


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1568.
he folded and sealed it in her presence, so that no one knows the
contents but the Queen and himself, as I was told and informed
your Majesty when the despatch was sent off. Some of the Council
had asked the bearer what the despatch contained, and he told
them he did not know, which was quite true. I am assured that
the duke of Norfolk has given valuable assistance in the matter,
and I fancy the secretary is not displeased with the despatch sent.
I can only hear of one matter they are discussing now, the
question of Ireland, and whether they shall send troops against the
Scots, who, as I have written, had gone over to the island. There
is some difficulty about it, as they have very little money and less
desire to spend it. I am told they will decide to-day. Nothing
fresh from Scotland beyond what I wrote on the 29th.
They say the earl of Leicester will leave after Twelfth day, with
the Queen's permission to stay at home until the end of Marcll, but
these things are generally changed.-London, 3rd January 1568.
10 Jan.  2. GUZMAN DE SILVA to the KING.
Last night I received, by way of Flanders, your Majesty's
despatches of 14th and 15th October, and those brought by sea,
duplicates of which I had already received and acknowledged. This
Queen has been ill for four or five days, but is now well and affairs
here are quiet. I hear the same from Scotland, and that the
parliament, which was being held there, is now finished with the
result of its approving of the imprisonment of the Queen, in consequence of her having been cognizant of the murder of her husband,
and confirming the acts of the earl of Murray. Ireland is still
under discussion here, but no decision has been arrived at. I am told
that the Viceroy has resigned, displeased with their treatment ot
him after his services there, and that the Queen has appointed the
Vice-Chamberlain as his successor. His name is Knollys and he
was there about a year and a half ago, investigating the affairs
which had arisen in the time of Sussex's viceroyalty.
I have heard nothing about the Archduke's suit. —London, 10th
January 1568.
24 Jan.  3. The SAME to the SAME.
The Queen is well and things here quiet, although in suspense,
awaiting the outcome of events in France. It appears that the earl
of Leicester's leave of absence from court is suspended, the principal
reason of his going, I am told, being to meet the duke of Norfolk
on the way. They make an appearance of friendship, but have to
be on their guard, as there is no love lost between them. The
second collection of the taxes, granted by parliament to the Queen,
has begun. The amount is 400,000 ducats, and it is to be collected
in six weeks. They want the money, as they have none left, adti
I believe they will only employ it in their own private needs. The
Queen seems very determined about this, so I do not think the
rebels will get much help from her. In the college called the
Arches opposite St. Paul's are established the principal lawyers in
civil and canonical law, who are judges and advocates of most of




ELIZABETH.


3


1568.
the cases in the metropolitan see of Canterbury and other ecclesiastical jurisdictions. They have therefore to check many of the
vexatious things which are done to the Catholics, and the Archbishop,
in order to annoy them, is attempting to exact from them the
oath recognising the Queen as head of the church of the realm. It
is not plain how it will end, but they are certainly putting them to
much trouble. It was to have been done to-day, but it has been
postponed.-London, 24th January 1568.
Feb.    4. The KING to GUZMAN DE SILVA.
On the 26th January three of your letters arrived together, dated
1st, 7th, and 15th November, and although they were stale, in consequence of long delay at sea, I was glad to read the details contained
in them. Whilst the road through France is obstructed, it will be
well to write to me by any ships that may come from England to
Spain, directing the letters to the commissary Juan Martinez de
Recalde, with instructions for him to send them on by special
courier. Write to me all you hear about Flanders and France, as
you have done now. If I learn the news from other sources no
harm will be done, and if I do not I shall be glad to get it from you
and shall value your diligence in sending it. It appears from your
remarks and what they write from Germany, that the negotiations
for marriage with the Archduke Charles are being carried on with
more warmth than previously, although I cannot bring myself to
believe that my cousin, for any worldly interest, will agree to
anything that could injure his good name as regards religion.
Continue to advise me of what occurs in this matter, and if you
think there is any hope of the Queen some day coming to her
senses and recognising her error, and also whether, in effect, there
are any persons about her or in her Council who may be able to
lead her to this with credit and dignity. If there are any such
persons, let me know their names and who they are, and tell me
what you hear from the Queen herself; because, so far as we can
judge here by her words and actions, she seems so wedded to
heresy that it will be difficult for her to free herself from it, but if
I could in any way profitably help to this end I would do so with
all my heart.
Tell me what you feel about it in full detail, and let me know
also how Scotch matters stand as regards religion, both as to the
government, the nobility, the clergy, and the people, as we are
especially anxious to understand the question from the bottom.
With regard to what the Queen said about having heard that my
voyage to Flanders was for the purpose of invading her country,
you answered so exactly in accordance with my wishes that if I
had instructed you you could not have done better. The fact is
that what you said was the simple truth, and it will be well in any
future conversations on the subject to entirely dissipate the shadow
and leave the Queen thoroughly assured that, for my part,
friendship and kindliness shall always be maintained towards her.
I am very sorry for the trouble they have given to the Archbishop of Armagh, as I look upon him as a good servant of God,
and, as such, I hope you will help him in the way you think best,
A 2




4


SPANISHI STATE PAPERS.


1568.
With regard to the Prince, my son, I have nothing to add to what
is contained in the other letter,* except that I am still in sorrow
about it as may be imagined.-Madrid, - February 1568.
2 Feb.   5. GUZMAN DE SITVA to the KING.
I have already written that Catharine, the wife of the earl of
Hertford, was indisposedt. The illness took such a turn as to
prove fatal, and she is dead. She leaves two sons, aged six and
four years respectively. The heretics mourn her loss, as they had
fixed their eyes on her for the succession in any eventuality. The
Catholics are pleased, and are already beginning to say that the
children are not legitimate owing to Catharine's having married
against the law. I am told, however, that in her will she has again
left the necessary declarations to prove her marriage. The Queen
expressed sorrow to me at her death, but it is not believed that
she feels it, as she was afraid of her, so that both on this
account and on the Scotch side, she is now without misgiving. I
take every opportunity of trying to convince the Queen how
important it is that she should refuse to lend an ear to base and
biassed councillors and others, who would seek to divert her from
the policy of living in peace and harmony with her neighbours;
and this is very necessary from what I hear they are telling her in
order to incense her and get her to make some movement in Flemish
or French affairs. Having engaged her in conversation on this
subject, and pointed out how inconvenient to her would be any
disturbance here, I mentioned what was being said about the
attempt of her Ministers to force the oath of supremacy on many
persons, in accordance with the orders given in the first parliament
after her accession. This I did to stop, if possible, the forcing of the
oath on the lawyers of the College of Arches, as I wrote to your
Majesty they were doing.
The Queen answered me that the reason they had taken the
matter in hand was to frighten many people who were talking
with more freedom than was conducive to the pacification of the
country, but that compulsion would only be used to a few of those
who talked loudest, as an example to the others. I do not know
how this will be, because, although generally when I talk to her
she seems full of good resolutions, they soon disappear, thanks to
the crew she has around her, all composed of these sectaries, who
have become more shameless than ever with recent events in
France, and have been giving as much trouble as they can to the
Catholics. As they do not find the Queen quite so ready to help
them as they could wish, they are more wary of me than ever, and
are continually trying to alarm the Queen with all kinds of inventions about me, as they think no doubt that I am warning her
against them.
* This letter is not in the Archives.
t Catharine Grey, eldest surviving sister to Lady Jane Grey, daughter of Frances
Brandon, Duchess of Suffolk, and by the will of Edward VI. next heir to the crown.
She had secretly married in the Tower the earl of Hertford, the eldest son of the
Protector Somerset.




ELIZABETH.


5


1668.
On the 25th ultimo a Scotsman arrived here from the earl of
Murray. The Queen tells me that she has refused him audience
because the earl of Murray and the rest of them would not let her
ambassador see their Queen when he was in Scotland. She says
his object in coming is to propose an alliance between her and the
regent against France, and she intends to let him know that she
will not agree to it or enter into any negotiations except with the
Queen, and if they reply that the Queen herself will send messages
and letters on the subject, she (Elizabeth) will say that before she
can believe them their Queen must be set free, and in some place
to her own liking; otherwise she will give no credence to anything
said or done in her name.
I am told by the Queen and others that the news from Scotland
is, that five of those who were executed for the murder of the
King have confessed that the Queen knew of it, and it is considered
certain that these statements will be brought before the (Scotch)
Council and proceedings taken against the Queen herself. This
Queen (Elizabeth) and others greatly fear this will be the case. It
is said that the Scotsmen who had entered Ireland by the country
of the late Shan O'Neil have returned home. No decision has been
arrived at here yet about Ireland.
Since writing the above, I have been informed that the archbishop of Canterbury summoned the collegians (i. e., of the Arches)
and presented the oath to them in accordance with the enclosed
statement in Latin* which was given to me by one of those
present. Efforts are being made to prevent the molestation of
those who declined to take the oath, and the earls of Pembroke,
Leicester, and Ormond have promised their good offices. It is
believed that the Queen had no special knowledge of it, but that
it was done by the man they call Archbishop, and even by the
advice of his wife, who fittingly performs the office of primate.London, 2nd February 1568.
7 Feb.   6. The SAME to the SAME.
On the 2nd instant I wrote your Majesty what had been done
respecting the tendering of the oath to the collegians of the
Arcubus,t and that it was believed that the Queen was not aware
of the Archbishop's proceedings. This appears to be the case from
what she said to me about it, and what afterwards happened,
which was that she was angry with the Archbishop and rated him
on the subject, although subsequently the earl of Bedford and
Knollys and Cecil pacified her and gave her to understand that it
would be unwise to be severe on the Archbishop for fear of encouraging the Catholics too much. Before the Queen spoke to the
Archbishop on the subject he had already summoned the officers'of
his court for a given day in order that they might take the oath
before him, as the lawyers had done, but when the day arrived,
the Queen having spoken to him in the interim, the oath was not


* (In original.) This statement was not enclosed.
t (In original.) Vulgarly called the Arches which is a tribunal or court of the
archbishop of Canterbury.




6


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1568,
tendered, and the officers were told that as it was a question of
conscience he would give them until after Easter to think the
matter over and decide the course they would take. He said he
thought that the lawyers would have asked for a similar time, only
that some were so ready to make up their minds to swear and the
others to refuse. It is believed therefore that the matter will be
hushed up, and I am convinced that if, when I was discussing it in
general terms with the Queen, she had been told exactly what the
Archbishop had ordered, she would have stopped it. Both I and
the persons interested did not, however, think this advisable, as the
Queen and her Council are so suspicious that great caution has to
be used with them  in religious matters, and they might have
thought that I was speaking on behalf of some of the collegians,
which would perhaps have been worse for them later on. The
Queen went out hunting yesterday and I accompanied her, so as
not to lose any chance that might occur of urging her to stand firm
in her good intentions with regard to these disturbances in Flanders
and France. She told me, when I arrived, that she had just
received a post from the earl of Sussex, but she had only been able
to look at two of the letters so as not lose the day's pleasure. If
there was anything of importance she would let me know, but the
Emperor had detained the Earl and would not let him go. I said
he did quite right to hold him as a pledge of her making up her
mind. She has not sent me any further news. I suppose she will
not have had time to read the despatches until to-day as she did
not return till night.
From what M. de Chantonnay tells me, it appears they are still
trying to put off the Emperor with words, and this was the object
of the answer taken by Cobham which, Chantonnay writes, was to
the effect that the Queen wished to confer with Sussex on certain
points when he returned hither, and that, as the question of religion
was subject to Parliament, nothing definite could be settled until
Parliament met. This was no doubt the letter the Queen mentioned
to me and respecting which I wrote your Majesty.-LIondon, 7th
February 1568.
16 Feb.  7. GUZMAN DE SILVA to the KING.
I was with the Queen yesterday. She is well, but much surprised at what her ambassador (in Spain) writes to her, under date
of the 19th ultimo, namely, that at 10 o'clock on the night of the
18th your Majesty entered the room of our lord the Prince and
arrested him with your own hands, and, it was believed, had
ordered him to be conveyed to Toledo.   She said that your
Majesty had acted in the matter with the dignity and consideration
due in a great prince by arresting your son with your own hands,
but she had not been informed of the reason for the arrest. However, both she and Lord Robert and Cecil have given me to understand that they learn by letters from France that it was on
account of some plot against your Majesty's person, a thing so
hard to believe that only heretics could imagine it, and such they
must have been, children as they are of the devil who was a
murderer from the first,




ELIZABETH.


7


1568.
I hope to God, as I told the Queen, that the cause was very
different, because, although his Highness is not lacking in spirit
and courage, which in later years may serve for great things, he
has hitherto shown no bad intentions, disobedience or disinclination
to accept humbly your Majesty's commands. The matter has made
great noise here, as no doubt it has done elsewhere, and I trust
your Majesty will have ordered instructions to be sent as to the
course I am to take in the interests of your service.
Things here are quiet. News comes from Scotland that some of
the principal people have risen against the Regent and the Government, and when I asked the Queen whether it was true, she said
it was, and they even wanted to throw the blame on to her, as
some malicious people also had tried to do respecting the disturbances in France, and even those of Flanders, which, she said,
was entirely unfounded, as she is opposed strongly to such proceedings of subjects against their rulers, and particularly in the
case of your Majesty and your dominions, which should never be
molested by England, at least whilst she was Queen. I said that
she was quite free from any such suspicion, seeing the loving goodwill your Majesty bore her, and she, like the great princess she
was, could not fail to reciprocate it, as I had constantly advised
your Majesty she did. As the malice of the heretics is continually
exercised in arousing her suspicion, no opportunity must be lost to
dissipate it.
Irish affairs quiet. The Viceroy, after much entreaty, has consented to go back to the Government, and they will let him have
Wales as well, which he had before and wanted still.
The Queen expects the earl of Sussex to arrive here next week.
She has said no more to me about the Archduke's affair, as she
would have done if there had been anything of importance.
They say here that French affairs are going badly, and, in conversation with the Queen on the subject, she gave me to understand
that she blamed the queen of France for not stamping out the
business at the beginning. She is not the only person who
thinks so.
About a week ago they discovered here a newly invented sect,
called by those who belong to it " the pure or stainless religion."
They met to the number of 150 in a house where their preacher
used a half a tub for a pulpit, and was girded with a white cloth.
Each one brought with him whatever food he had at home to eat,
and the leaders divided money amongst those who were poorer,
saying that they imitated the life of the apostles and refused to
enter the temples to partake of the Lord's supper as it was a
papistical ceremony. This having come to the ears of the city
authorities, they, in accord with the Queen's Council, sent 40
halberdiers to arrest the people. They found them meeting in the
house and arrested the preacher and five of the principals, leaving
the others, and have appointed persons to convert them.-London
16th February 1568,




8


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1568.
21 Feb.  8. GuzA&N DE SILVA to the KING.
I received your Majesty's despatch of 23rd ultimo the day before
yesterday, with duplicates of those of 10th and 18th from the duke
of Alba to which I have replied.
I wrote to your Majesty on the 16th the report the Queen had
received from her ambassador of the seclusion of his Highness in
his apartments by order of your Majesty and the various comments
and discussions to which this had given rise here, and what I had
replied to the Queen about it. For this reason I at once requested
audience of the Queen and delivered your Majesty's letter yesterday.
I related the iaffair in substance as your Majesty ordered me to
write to her, for her better understanding and recollection, and then
showed her a copy of what had been written to me about it so that
no word should be overlooked as they are all weighty. After the
Queen had read her letter and listened very attentively to what I
said, as well as going over slowly what I had written, she thanked
your Majesty, first for your kindness in advising her always of all
that happened in your affairs, which well deserved her thanks and
good wishes that all should prosper with you; and, although as she
had told me before, she was very sorry for the news, on account of
the trouble it gave your Majesty and the cause from which it arose,
yet it was satisfactory to hear what I said about it. She could wish,
however, that more detail were given in order to banish the suspicions of people and not leave so large a field for imagination and
gossip, in a matter of so much importance.
I told her that no father liked to confess the excesses of his son
so readily, and what your Majesty had had written was quite enough
to prove that there was no excessive harshness or extraordinary
action, and that, in order that the cause of the trouble might
not be lasting, it was necessary for the blow to be a heavy and
decisive one. The rumours about it have greatly calmed, now that
it is shown not to be a matter of disobedience or anything of that
sort; but heretics interpret everything that happens in their own
favour, in order to make people think they have many on their side,
and so they not only assert but publish that his Highness' arrest
was owing to some such cause as this.
I have several times written to your Majesty about the suspicions
these heretics are constantly sowing in the Queen's mind, to the
effect that a league has been formed against her by your Majesty,
the Emperor, the king of France and the Pope, and how I have
always tried to reassure her. She told me yesterday that she had the
previous night received letters from some of the German princes
and from other quarters, again asserting the truth of the statement.
I told her that it was nothing but an invention to alarm her and
get her to declare herself on their side and back up their weak and
falling cause, as they saw ruin before them, as I had told her before,
I again assured her of your Majesty's friendship for her, and how
desirable it was to her for many reasons that the friendship should
continue and no cause for its rupture should be given by her. I
pointed out how your Majesty had striven to save her life and keep
in good brotherhood with her, and much to the same effect in order




ELIZABETH.                          g
1568.
to quiet her. She thinks, however, that your Majesty may be
persuaded to change your views by people who make you believe
that, whilst religion here is different from that of your Flanders
States, inquietude will constantly result, and that your Majesty's
policy may be changed for this reason. I said, since it appeared
that all my good assurances joined to the deeds that she had always
had to confirm them were not sufficient to dissipate from her mind
the suspicions engendered by malicious people, I begged her to tell
me some way in which she might be satisfied and made proof against
these insinuations. She said she would be quite satisfied with a
single letter from your Majesty saying that you had heard that such
rumours had been spread and you wished to assure her that they
were not true. She swore that she had not communicated to her
Council what had been written to her about it lately from Germany,
although she had told me, and I said I would do my utmost to satisfy
her, as I was quite clear as to your Majesty's good will and love
towards her.
Two days since Secretary Cecil told me on the Queen's behalf
that she had heard from a servant of her ambassador in Spain, who
had arrived here, that the household were not allowed to perform
the services of their religion in their own house, and, moreover, that
they were forced to hear mass, of which she had not previously
been informed by the ambassador or anyone else. She asked me,
since the ambassador's households were always privileged and free,
as mine is here, to write to your Majesty to be.pleased not to allow
her ambassador's servants to be maltreated or forced to hear mass,
and that they be permitted to perform their own service in a way
not to cause scandal, as had always been done formerly in the
Emperor's time. If this were refused she should have no alternative
but to recall her ambassador, and she added that if your Majesty
replied that you did not interfere with the inquisitors in matters of
this kind, but left them full liberty to act as they liked, this was
understandable, so far as your own subjects were concerned, but
not with the household of an ambassador. She had sent instructions
to her ambassador to take an opportunity of referring the matter to
your Majesty, as she was sure you did not know of it. I replied
that I had heard nothing of this but would do as the Queen desired,
being certain that no innovation would be made with the ambassador
or his household, and that your Majesty would have the matter seen
to when you were informed of it. Cecil tried to emphasise somewhat the liberty I enjoyed here, but rwas able to appear not to
understand him in order to avoid discussing that point. The Queen
subsequently told me that, as she did not expect to see me so soon,
she had sent Cecil to speak to me about it, and ask me to write to
some one on the subject, and exert my own influence to prevent
her ambassador or his household from being troubled. She thought
that would be enough, without importuning your Majesty, especially
just now when you are annoyed about his Highness. She said she
would not have mentioned the matter, only that it was a point of
honour which she could not overlook. She spoke much more
moderately than Cecil had done, and it is quite possible that she
may not have heard of the matter before, as Cecil again assured me




10


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1568.
she had not, nor he either, he added, until Lord Robert mentioned
it; but I do not believe him, for in affairs of this sort they are
vigilant enough for anything. They think, no doubt, that the
present troubles in France and elsewhere give them a good opportunity of gaining ground, their own affairs being favourable, so
they have begun to look out more keenly and to trouble the
Catholics, summoning some and arresting others, and warning them
to obey the present laws. I have spoken to the Queen several times
about it, hinting that it was unadvisable for her to do this, and she
has thanked me kindly for the advice, but still they continue to a
certain extent, although with more leniency, in the same course. I
reverted to the subject again yesterday, and she reminded me of
what she had done with the archbishop of Canterbury about the
oath. But they soon change her, and all their efforts are directed
to making her shy of me, now more than ever, and neither suavity
nor a show of simplicity and frankness, which I have hitherto
adopted, suffices to disarm them, as their consicence disturbs them,
and they are lovers of change, although they do not show it, for they
are false in everything. I do not wonder that they are discontented
with me in religious matters, as I am with them, and this is a grave
inconvenience for those of us who live here, on account of the danger
to which it exposes our households, who are exposed for a long
time to the consequences of so much freedom and bad conversation.
This gives great and constant anxiety to those who are responsible
for them, because the failure to attend regularly at church and
perform the sacred offices and duties, cools devotion and causes
thereby a greater fall still, and, for this reason, the long continued
residence of the ministers in this country is a matter to be deeply
considered.
I have therefore decided humbly to pray your Majesty, if there
is any other place where I could serve you, even though the care
and labour be greatei, you will deign to send me there, since things
here being quiet, the friendliness of the Queen undoubted, and
Flemish commercial affairs arranged, another person could easily fill
my place. In case, however, that it should appear advisable for any
reason that I should continue here for some time longer, although
the country does not agree with my health, I will hold that and my
life of small account in your Majesty's service; but it will be
necessary to let me know, in order that I may replenish my means
from my private estate, which will be needful if I am to stay here
and fittingly fill my office. That this is so is evident from the fact
that my predecessor died deeply in debt, although your Majesty
granted him 100,000 ducats soon after his arrival and 300,000 aid
in Naples, the expenses having been greater in my time than in his.
It is true I have had larger private means than he had to spend, but
I am coming to the end of them, although not to my spirit, encouraged
as it is with the hope of the favour with which your Majesty's
munificence rewards your servants.
The French ambassador tell me he has leave to return home as soon
as the disturbances in France are at an end. I am informed that a
nephew of his, a Calvinist, will remain here, who, his uncle tells
me, is being converted. The ambassador says he has urged the




ELIZABETH.


11


1568.
Queen to use her good offices in favour of the Queen of Scotland, his King having been informed that her person was in
danger, and having written very pressingly about it, saying that,
although he is fully occupied at present he is anxious for her (the
Queen of Scots) and is determined to have satisfaction if any excess
is committed on her. The Queen said to me, " It is a fine thing for
"the ambassador to come and ask me from his master to help the
"Queen of Scotland, when he himself refused to do so when I
"asked him some time ago." The Queen tells me that she does not
know the position with regard to the union of certain (Scots) lords
against the Government of which I have already written, but she
has received news that the Queen (of Scots) is ill, although not in
danger, but yet she cannot be out of danger even if she is quite
well, seeing the pass at which things are.
Although they are collecting the last payments of the taxes
amounting to 400,000 crowns, they have raised fresh money and
have deferred the payment until August of the 80,000 crowns the
Queen owes in Antwerp.-London, 21st February 1568.
28 Feb. 9. GUZMAN DE SILVA to the KING.
The Queen is well, and all here quiet awaiting news of French
affairs, which now principally interest them. As regards the part
of France nearest to England, Britanny, and Normandy, it remains
calm, as does also Ireland. It was said here that the Queen of
Scots was ill, but she is now reported to be better, and that the
earls of Argyll and Huntly are still estranged from the Government party, although no rising is spoken of. The second son of
the duke of Chatelherault passed through here on his way to
France some days ago and visited this Queen, who received him
well. He left Scotland without permission of the Regent.
It is reported that the castle of Dumbarton on the banks of the
river Leven, which issues from Loch Lomond, four or five miles
above its junction with the Clyde, is in the hands of a gentleman who
refuses to obey the Regent. By this way, and by the isle of Arran
which lies in the bay at the mouth of the Clyde, an entrance
could be effected into the country, if the French wished to liberate
the Queen. The place is therefore looked upon as of importance.
Arran is in the hands of the Hamiltons.  Nine or ten of the
Queen's ships are being fitted out here. They are being overhauled, the sails and gear got into order, and 44 sailors have been
put into them to prepare them for sea, so that they can sail directly
the crews are shipped.
I wrote to your Majesty that a new sect had been discovered;
people who call themselves of the pure or apostolic religion, and
that a houseful of them had been found, and six of them arrested.
Another of their meeting places has been found, and six of the
principal members of this congregation, too, have been arrested. I
am told by a well-informed Catholic that he is certain there are
5,000 of them in this city alone.
I learn by letters from M. de Chantonnay of 31st ultimo that
the- earl of Sussex had left Vieana the dpy pw wu^, but that he




12


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1568.
had gone to where the Archduke Charles was, intending to come
from Gratz to Salzburg, Ratisbonne, and Nuremburg. No news
from the Earl has, however, arrived here. He said to Chantonnay,
about the marriage, the same as he told me before he went, and, as
I had already advised Chantonnay, he was answered there in a
similar way to that in which I replied to him here. I do not repeat
it, as your Majesty has been informed, but I again say that the
Earl knows that, not only did I do all that could well be done, but
I also acted in accordance with the desires of Sussex, the duke of
Norfolk and their friends, when they asked me to act, always
avoiding, however, placing your Majesty in a position of being
affronted with the Queen or pledging you more deeply than the
position of the business and their proceedings warranted. The
Earl is wrong, and I will tell him so. In former letters I wrote
that the earl of Leicester had leave from the Queen to go to his
estates and meet the duke of Norfolk on the road, but his departure
has been put off from day to day. It is now said that he will
leave here in five days, and that in Northampton the Duke and the
Earl will meet together with the earls of Warwick and Huntington
and other nobles, in order to arrange a new friendship. Cecil and
Leicester will also be reconciled, and they will discuss the succession
in consequence of Catharine's death.
Postscript: The archbishop of Armagh is closely imprisoned in
the Tower, and as the matter is a suspicious one, being connected
with Ireland, I have not ventured to speak of it, except very
cautiously to a Catholic who is one of his judges, suggesting that,
as the Archbishop is imprisoned for religion's sake, and is so
worthy a person, I recommended his case very sincerely. They have,
it appears, accused him of high treason, but they have no legitimate
cause to do so.-London, 28th February 1568.
14 Mar. 10. GUZMAN DE SILVA to the KING.
The earl of Sussex was with the Queen yesterday. I sent to
greet him, and he replied that as soon as he had done his business
with the Queen and Council he would come and see me. The
news he brings has not yet transpired, but, doubtless, it is only what
Chantonnay wrote, and these people will make up some fresh story
to throw dust in the eyes of the public, and avoid the sudden
confession that the negotiations for marriage with the Archduke
have been broken off.
Orders have been given to release the people who call themselves
members of the pure or apostolic religion, on condition that within
20 days they conform to the religion of the State or leave the
country. It is looked upon as a mere excuse for dissembling with
them. News has just arrived from the duchy of Lancaster, where
nearly all the people are Catholics, that many people of position
have been arrested for refusing to take the "Lord's supper" and
attend the services, and also, they say, because mass was celebrated
in their houses. It is quite possible that this and other similar
things may cause disturbance, although these folks are peaceably
inclined —London, 14th March 1568.




E3~tZABtTIIH.


18


1568.
20 Mar. 11. The SAME to the SAME.
The Queen has expressed to me her great satisfaction at the good
reception and treatment of the earl of Sussex, but did not even
drop a hint about the marriage, although there was ample
opportunity for her to do so on the 15th instant, when I spent the
whole afternoon with her in the country. She did not refer either
to the league, about which I have written, but she spoke shortly on
French affairs, and the arrangement now being discussed between
the King and his rebel subjects, as she had done on a previous
occasion at the beginning of the disturbances; only that she now
said she did not know how such an arrangement could be made
compatible with the King's dignity. I said that at least, so far as
she was concerned, the King had not been prevented from having
satisfaction on the rebels, and carrying through the business with
the advantage that kings usually have over their subjects, as ehe
had been so firm and steadfast in refusing aid to them or
countenance their attempt against their sovereign.  She replied
that what I said was perfectly true, and assured me that when she
sent troops to Havre de Grace in the former disturbances she did
so principally because she was persuaded that the Guises wanted
to get the King into their power and govern the country at their
pleasure. They had also designs against her, as the Queen of
Scotland was then married to the French king, and had declared
that when the time came for restoring Calais they would not give
it up. She went on to say that, with regard to the intention of
the Guises to take the King and Queen, not only was it publicly
stated, but she had received a letter from the queen of France,
which she still kept, telling her of it. The prince of Conde had
risen in consequence of this, and if she had not understood it in
this light she said she would never have sent her forces to France,
as she had refrained from doing on the present occasion. I replied,
praising her very much for what she had done and was doing, and
said she was being commended for it everywhere, seeing the
pressure that had been used to cause her to do otherwise; whereupon she showed great pleasure.
Slhe also expressed her disapproval of the Count Palatine's action
in detaining the money and goods belonging to the merchants, and
she had said as much to the Count's representative here. I also
praised her for this, adding that it was understood that most of the
property belonged to persons who were coming to this country,
and that this would have a very bad effect on the prices of
merchandise here, besides causing her a loss of customs dues. It
is said that most of the property belonged to the Easterling
merchants from the maritime cities who are established here. I
wrote to your Majesty that the Queen had told me that she had
been requested, on behalf of the countess of Egmont, to write to
your Majesty respecting the Count, but that she did not wish to
interfere in the matter. She has since told me that they write so
pitifully to her that she cannot help feeling compassion, and she
thinks of writing to your Majesty, but that she wished me to see
the letter before she sent it. I understood her intention to be to
write very circumspectly and carefully, and therefore replied that




14


SPANIISf STATE PAPERS.


1568.
she could well do so in the way that friends ask favours of bne
another, and grant them  out of kindliness and mutual affection,
and that many neighbours liked to be besought in honest causes
for divers reasons. The earl of Sussex tells me that he is gratified
because the Emperor was fully satisfied with the negotiations,
and he is convinced that the marriage will be carried through.
He said he had made every effort in his power, passing lightly over
some points that could not be avoided, and bringing into prominence
others where agreement was assured. As regards the question of
religion, upon which assurance was sought on the part of the
Archduke, that he and his household should not be coerced, Sussex
said he made such declarations on behalf of the Queen as satisfied
them; without the need for written obligation, which it would
have been difficult for him to give, for many reasons, particularly
as there were people here who for their own ends wished to
obstruct the business. The Emperor, nevertheless, urged him to
send Cobham to the Queen on the matter, as he did, although he
was sure that no written obligation would be entered into, as in
effect was the case. He said that he thought what he had done in
the matter would be quite sufficient, as he, being so faithful a
servant of the house of Austria, would never have pressed the
Archduke to come if he had not felt certain that the match would
take place, and his verbal assurance be sufficient. The Emperor
and the Archduke himself, however, were so resolute about the
assurance, in accordance, they said, also with your Majesty's
opinion, that he was obliged to send Cobham. Notwithstanding
this he had discussed certain matters with the Emperor, which, if
the Queen agreed to them, as he hoped, would enable the Archduke
to find a good excuse for coming, which the Emperor had promised.
He (Sussex) had left a private cipher with the Emperor, so that
whatever was arranged might be absolutely secret, and nothing
known until the business was concluded. He had avoided telling
the Queen the substantial part of his negotiations pending the
arrival of the duke of Norfolk, in whose presence he wished the
matter to be discussed. He had spoken since his arrival, he said,
with the earl of Leicester, about the Emperor's and the Archduke's
pretensions respecting religion, in order to gain his support, which
he had promised, but that, if he did not fulfil his word and the
Queen would not agree, in consequence of the views of certain
persons, he (Sussex) was determined to publish the names of those
who had stood in the way of the match, so that the country might
know how he and others had striven to bring it about, for the
public good, and who had prevented it. Still, he said, he had
every confidence that it would be carried through successfully. I
replied that I approved of his intention, and was not surprised that
M. de Chantonnay was firm in his opinion that the Archduke
should insist upon an assurance as regards religion, which was a
point of the greatest importance, especially that, since he (Sussex)
left here, more rigour had been shown on the subject than
previously, whicl, of course, would be known  verywhere, and
many persons probably might think that these demonstrations
were made for the very purpose of preventing the marriage, by




ELIZABETiH.


1668.
arousing the distrust of the Emperor and his brother, and causing
them to demand further assurances, which the people here know
would not be given, and so the affair might be upset. He knew,
I said, how these people had always tried to prevent it, and how I
had striven to bring it about, continually and unreservedly, except
on one point alone, namely, that there should be no cause for
resentment between the Queen and your Majesty if the match did
not take place, as I knew your Majesty held her friendship so dear
that it was my duty to refrain from anything that might jeopardise
it. He said that M. de Chantonnay had always said the same.
I took the opportunity of mentioning the league which certain
people here profess to be effected between your Majesty, the Pope,
the Emperor, the king of France, and other princes, against this
Queen, with the object of separating her from her friends, and said
that, as the news had come from Germany, he could say how false
it was, and I asked him not to fail to satisfy the Queen that it
was so, in order that her suspicions might be allayed. He replied
that he had heard something of this, and had inquired into the
matter in Germany, both from friends and foes, and had learnt that
such a league really had been proposed by certain princes, but not
with the intention stated, and with a different object. The rest, he
said, were simply fables and market-gossip, as he would assure the
Queen.
I wrote to your Majesty on the 8th instant that tie duke of
Alba. had reported on the 3rd a certain plot which these people had
made in Calais to recover the town with the aid of one of the
King (of France's) officers there, and the preparations which were
being made slowly with that object. The day fixed was to-day,
I am assured, but the matter has cooled; perhaps owing to the
certainty now held of peace being made between the King and his
rebels, as they are watching here very closely what is going on in
France, and I am told receive advices from hour to hour. I, too,
am on the watch about this Calais affair, in order to report to the
duke of Alba. I have just been informed that the two vessels that
had been fitted out and manned, as was said in the council at the
request of the Regent Murray, to capture the earl of Bothwell on
his way fiom Denmark to France, and the duke of Chalelherault
who was going from Dieppe to Scotland, were really intended for
another purpose, namely, to encounter the ships conveying the
Count de Buren. This having come to the ears of the Queen, she
made a show of anger that such a thing should be attempted
against your Majesty, and ordered the ships to be dismantled
immediately, which was done. It is quite possible that they may
have desisted from their intention owing to the Count de Buren
-alone going in the ships, as they thought other persons were going
as well. These are very little people to attempt such a thing as this,
but I have my information from a good source.
On the 16th instant the ships conveying the Count de Buren passed
the Downs in sight of Dover, and with the present wind will have
already cleared these coasts.
These heretics are saying that their doctrines are being preached
in many parts, especially in Navarre on the French borders, and,




16


SPANISTI STATE PAPERS.


1568.
although this is not a fresh assertion, they are insisting more upon
it lately. I do not believe it, as the Inquisitors have not discovered
it, nor have I been able to obtain particulars, although I have tried
to do so.-London, 20th March 1568.
27 March. 12. GUZMAN DE SILVA to the KING.
I received yesterday your Majesty's letter of the 19th ultimo,
by which I learn that mine of 10th January had come to hand.
The favour your Majesty desires to show to the archbishops of
Cashel and Armagh is of a piece with your Majesty's action in all
things fitting for the service of God and the universal church, for
which your reward will be long years of great happiness on earth
and an endless eternity in heaven. As I wrote to Secretary Gabriel
de Zayas, the business of the former prelate presents great difficulty,
and it appears imprudent to mention it to the Queen just now as
little good could come of it, seeing the usual suspicions of your
Majesty which are rife among these heretics; besides which it
might be a source of grave inconvenience to the church in places
where this Queen has full power. It will be necessary, therefore,
if he designs to go and take up his functions, that the utmost
circumspection and caution should be used, as the only way ii
which it could successfully be done is for him to be secretly hidden
amongst Catholics and safe from molestation by the heretics. It is
true that, for the sake of peace, the Catholics in certain parts
of Ireland are tolerated, but there is great vigilance used to
prevent the exercise of any authority by bull or order of his
Holiness. I will, however, carefully enquire and see what safely
can be done to comply with your Majesty's wishes, and the same
shall be done with regard to the imprisonment of the archbishop of
Armagh. I am anxious about this as they keep him closer than
ever, and in bad case for one of such poor health as he. The worst
of the matter is that your Majesty's favour for these good folks does
them more harm than good, so that it is necessary to act with the
utmost caution.
The Catholics of this country are numerous, but much molested.
I have been endeavouring lately, by means of a well-informed
Catholic, to get the names, not only of the principal party men, but
also of the private persons in the provinces, with a note of the
number of Catholics and Protestants in each county. I have been
pressing him for the list so that your Majesty may know the state
of the country, and, if he delays giving it to me, I will send the best
statement I can obtain.
I have been unable to learn anything about the Archduke's
match further than what I have written. I am told that the duke
of Norfolk will come hither to discuss it. I wrote to your Majesty
that I had been told by the earl of Sussex that a man had been
secretly sent hither by the prince of Conde and the Admiral. He
has now gone back. I do not know whether he will be captured
on the way, as they are on the alert to catch him all along the
coast, and to learn the particulars of his negotiations, although the
copy in French of the letter he brought to the Queen from his
principals, which I now enclose, lays bare the cause of his coming.




ELIZABETH.


17


1568.
If Hawkins does not obey the Queen's orders about going to your J
Majesty's Indies, steps shall be taken to have him  punished. I
Advices from Scotland say that those who are against the government were still trying to obtain the Queen's release. The Regent
was to go and visit the Queen soon, and as the people here suspected
that he might give her some extension of liberty, they have
written requesting him not to do so.
I have just been informed that, in addition to what is contained in
the enclosed copy of letter, the prince of Conde sent to say to the
Queen that, even if she would not help them with money or men,
she might make a demonstration of religious zeal. This has given
rise to some extraordinary proceedings, and, amongst others, the
arrest of one Wilson, who, I am informed, had authority from the
Pope to absolve and admit to the church those who became
Catholics, and who also was trying to collect subscriptions from
Catholics in aid of those who lave taken refuge in Louvain. Of
these contributions he kept a list in a book with the names of the
donors, which book has been found on him, and much harm may
be done thereby. I am much surprised that this man did not come
to me as other good men come, I having been one of those who
recommended this subscription and promised my part. I will advise
your Majesty of the result.
A certain Emmanuel Tremelius has been here lately on behalf of
the count Palatine. He is a heretic who was formerly in one of
the universities here called Oxford,* and in the pay of the Queen.
He is the son of a Jew of Mantua. It is said he comes for the
purpose of arranging a league with this Queen, and will go on to
Scotland to discuss a similar matter with the Regent and his
government, taking letters from the folks here.-London, 27th March
1568.
3 April.  13. GUZMAN DE SILVA to the KING.
Everything here is quiet as usual and the Queen well. She goes
to Greenwich in four or five days.
The commissioners of religion are still proceeding against certain
Catholics, summoning them for interrogation on the subject. This
has only been resumed since the rebels in France began their
disturbances.
The party in Scotland which had risen against the Regent and
his government has increased in number.  It is said that they
now demand the release of the Queen, and that justice shall be
done on certain members of the Government, who, they say, are
implicated in the murder of the King. The leader of the party is
said to be the archbishop of St. Andrews, who has fortified himself
and his friends in St. Andrews.
These folks here are not well pleased with the rising, as they
thought themselves quite safe on that side for a time, and, if affairs
in France are settled, the French might take a hand in the Scotch
business, in which case these people will have look to them

* John Emmanuel Tremelius was Professor of Hebrew at Cambridge.
la


y 76467,




18


SPANISi STATE PAPERS.


1568.
selves. The French ambassador tells me, however, that his master
will take no part in the matter out of gratitude to this Queen for
having refrained from acting against him in his late troubles, but
we all know what the French are, and how little trust can be placed
in them.
I went out to the country with the Queen this afternoon, and
took the opportunity of speaking about the two ships which I
wrote had been fitted out to capture the Count de Buren. I pointed
out to her that the heretics not only wished to make her suspicious
of your Majesty's friendship, but tried to make it appear that she
was a party to such a thing as this in order to injure her. She
was much surprised that anyone should say such a thing of her,
and thanked me for telling her of it. I can hardly believe that the
ships were fitted out with such an object, although I had it from
many good quarters. On the night of the 27th ultimo there
arrived here a servant of the prince of Orange. I was advised of
his coming but not of its object, but I was told that three days
later he passed a long time with the Queen. She informed me
to-day that she heard he was here, and that he had only come to
assure her from the Prince that he had never any intention to be
undutiful to your Majesty, and that he would never be found
guilty of such a fault, which would be unworthy of him. He
wished to place himself in some neutral country where he could
free himself from the matter, and hinted that he considered the
duke of Alba was not to be trusted, although he had no proof of
this. J replied that the true facts of the case would be seen in the
end, and that most people who have done wrong object to be tried
by those who they think will do justice. I said I thought it
would be more prudent to avoid interviews of this sort. I do not
see any signs of the Archduke's match coming off for the present.
On the contrary, I hear that those who oppose it are trying to
delay the despatch of the reply to the Emperor. They think this
will quite upset it.
A Portuguese ambassador arrived here to-day, having written
to me on the road saying that he was coming to lodge at my house
until he got a lodging of his own. I went to meet him and brought
him home. He comes about preventing the English from going
to the Portuguese Indies, and says he is determined to press the
matter, and either get them to promise not to go, or he will declare
that the Portuguese will prevent them. I fear it will all end in
words.-London, 3rd April 1568.
6 April. 14. The KING to GUZMAN DE SILVA.
(Draft of letter with a note in the King's hand saying " all in
cipher.")
On the 19th March I advised you, through Don Frances,
that I had received your letter of 25th February. Yours of 16th,
21st, and 28th February arrived on the 1st instant, and, although
we are glad of your information, there is little to reply to but to
thank you for your diligence and to satisfy you upon the point introduced to you by Cecil and the Queen, namely, the question of the
English ambassador here. The object of the complaint to you was,




lmtlzQnlg~lr.


i9


1568.
without doubt, to get beforehand with us, and anticipate the complaint I have to make of the conduct of the ambassador. You
must know that, as soon as he arrived here, I gave him notice that
he would have to conduct himself as his predecessors had done,
and must avoid any demonstration which might cause scandal.
That he must make no alteration in the old customs which have
been followed by English ambassadors here, especially in religious
matters, the more especially as in Spain the existence of the
Inquisition causes more strictness than elsewhere, and prevents me
from making concessions of any sort. The ambassador understood this perfectly well and promised my ministers on several
occasions to act as he was requested, instead of which he has
failed to do so and has conspicuously and frequently overstepped
the bounds.  One signal instance occurred shortly afterwards;
he scoffed at one of the processions that were held for the Queen's
health when she was ill. When I learnt of this, I sent the duke
of Feria to warn him again, and request him to moderate his words
and actions so as not to transgress the limits laid down for his
conduct which he had promised to respect. He again promised to
to do so with many professions and excuses, but as he is so
corrupted at heart with these religious errors, he could not restrain
himself or stifle the promptings of his bad spirit, and has shown it
by such daring and pernicious acts, that I am convinced that it is
a planned thing, not done at his own initiative alone, but by order
from England. Amongst other things lately at a dinner in the
presence of many persons, Spaniards and others, he presumed to
say, publicly and shamelessly, that I was the only one who defended
the papal sect, but that, in the end, the prince of Conde and his
party would prevail, and that the Pope was nothing but a canting
little monk; with other similar expressions for which he would
richly deserve the punishment the Inquisitors, who learnt of his
rashness, would give him, if it were not for respect of his office as
the minister of the queen of England, with whom I am on terms
of friendship. I have, however, made up my mind to hold no
more intercourse with him, and will not receive him or permit him
to live in my capital, but have sent him orders to go to a
neighbouring town, with a warning to conduct himself there so as
not to cause scandal to anyone, and to avoid in future such rash
words and acts as his previous ones. He has acted simply like a
perverse dogmatiser, and I have had him told that, if he does not
comply with the directions now given to him, I cannot prevent the
Inquisitors from doing their duty, and I am not without scruple
for having overlooked his actions so far as I have done. Some
days ago he received a letter from his mistress for me, and has
been pressing for an audience, but I have been delaying and putting
him off with the determination of never receiving him again. He
has had some communication with Ruy Gomez, and I learn from
him that he wants to address me on the point spoken of to you
by Cecil and the Queen, This is not a matter that it is fitting I
should discuss with him, touching, as it does, our holy catholic
faith, and he being offended at this, intends, I am told, to send a
secretary to give an account of the matter to the Queen. He w;ll1
R 2




20


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1568.
of course, give his own version of it, and I have therefore decided
to send this courier ahead of him, expressly in order that you may,
in accordance with the enclosed letter of credence for the Queen,
state the matter to her and tell how just and deep is the complaint
I have against the ambassador, and that I have decided to hold no
more intercourse with him, as he has so rashly and disrespectfully
exceeded an ambassador's license, and might more fittingly be
called a perturber. He has tried to persuade vassals of mine to the
rebellious and new sects which are rife in other dominions, totally
contrary to the duties and customs of an ambassador, and, if it were
not for the friendship and respect I bear to the Queen, he would
deserve anything that might be done to him, as she will learn by
the personal relation of a gentleman whom I am sending post to
her for the purpose, who will leave in a few days to complain also
of the bad and dangerous offices of this man in sowing discord
between two souls so united as those of the Queen and myself.
Only in consideration of his being her minister have I refrained
from dealing with him otherwise than I have said, namely, to
refuse further intercourse with him or permit him in my capital,
and I therefore beg of her to appoint another person who will
conduct himself as previous ambassadors of her's and her father's
have done here, men whom I can respect and treat with confidence
and kindness, as I have always done all men and matters appertainingc to her. Things have arrived at the present pass with this
man in despite of me, and I am unable to dissemble or excuse it
any longer, and I therefore beg of her to take in good part the
request I make, for the reasons which the gentleman I have
mentioned will further make known to her, and will satisfy her
both of the reasonableness of it and.of the utter falsity of the
assertion that the ambassador's household was forced to hear mass.
No such thing has been done. On the contrary, I am informed
that some of the servants having entered a church without showing
due and proper respect to the holy sacrament, they were simply
told by those who were present either to behave themselves
decorously or leave. Nothing but this happened as you will see by
the depositions and investigation of this and other excesses, which
will be despatched by the gentleman who is coming. These depositions are only for your own guidance and information, and it will be
sufficient for you to refer generally in conversation with the Queen to
the just cause I have for being offended with this man, so that she
may comply with my request and send another who will do his
duty as lie ought; in which case I will receive him well, and will
do everything in my power to please the Queen and preserve the
close and ancient alliance and friendship between us and our
respective states. You must dwell very especially upon this, with
all the fair words and arguments you can use. It occurs to us to
say to you that, when conversations are raised about religion
(unless they are directed expressly to persuade or bring to a sense
of the right the person with you) they should be avoided by you,
but when you cannot avoid hearing such conversations, as for
instance with the Queen, you should, at least, excuse yourself from
undertaking to write to me upon the subject; although, of course,




ELIZABETH.


21


1568,
it will be well and even necessary to do so for my own information,
without the Queen or anyone else knowing it.
With regard to the conversation the Queen had with you about
the suspicions and doubts they have aroused in her of a league
between myself and other princes to invade her country and
forward the Catholic cause there; since you told her the truth and
gave her to understand that the assertion was a groundless one,
invented by mean and jealous people for the purpose of alarming
her, it will not be necessary for me to write you the special letter
you suggest on the subject. It is amply sufficient that you, as my
minister, have assured her of the falseness of the rumour, and you
can, if you deem necessary, repeat the denial on my behalf.
It is unnecessary, also, to say anything more about what passed
in the matter of the Prince between the Queen and you, nor need
you descend to any further details of the matter except to thank
her in my name (as I do myself in the letter) for her condolence, in
the general terms you think fit. You may at the same time thankS
her for forbidding Hawkins and his companions from going to my
Indian territories. Both of these acts have been proofs of our
friendship and brotherhood, and I will always reciprocate similarly
in matters that concern her.
Scotch affairs seem getting into such a condition, particularly as
regards religion, that I cannot help feeling grief at them. You
will continue to keep me informed of events there, especially
about the Queen's imprisonment and the result of the accusation
against her.
This courier will go in a smack, with orders for her to await in
port to take him back again, and you will therefore despatch him
as soon as possible, with advices to me as to what passes with the
Queen, and the decision you arrive at with her about the ambassador. You will also inform the duke of Alba, as you will see
how important it is that he should know. You will likewise
communicate to me what you hear from him and any news about
affairs in Flanders and France, as I wish to hear often from all
quarters. As the earl of Sussex has arrived, it will be well, too,
for you to let me know whether any result of importance on the
marriage question has been attained by his journey. I still believe
that it is all artifice to entertain her subjects, as you have very
cogently said on various occasions.
With regard to your request that I should remove you from
England (although I am very satisfied with you), the reasons you
allege are of such weight and importance that I will give to the
matter due consideration, having regard to your labours and
services, and will advise you as to my decision.-Madrid 6th April,
1568.
10 April.   15. GUZMAN DE SILVA to the KING.
Things here are quiet as usual and the Queen went to Greenwich
on the 6th. As I accompanied her in the country on that day,
Lord Robert made me a long speech to the effect that, in your
Majesty's interest and for the welfare of your Flanders dominions,
it was advisable to adopt some lenient and peaceful course with




22


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1568,
regard to religion and the punishment of those who have misbehaved themselves in the States. He instanced the course taken
in France, and how the King had come out of the affair there.
He pointed out how strong the new religion was in Germany and
the States, and said that even in some parts of Spain things are
not quite so assured as is thought; nor in Italy either, especially
near Rome. He spoke, he said, as alservant of your Majesty, and he
desired your peace and prosperity, although he knew his words would
be of little avail as he was a Protestant. I thanked him much for
his good will, giving him to understand that he was mistaken about
Spain, as also, I thought, about the rest of your Majesty's dominions;
and said that if there had been any backsliding in Flanders, it would
be remedied in a way that would scour it out completely, as the
duke of Alba had got the matter in hand. Ever since the French disturbances they have been molesting Catholics here in various ways,
pressing or relaxing, however, according to the news received from
France.
Three of those whom I wrote they had arrested in the duchy of
Lancaster for refusing to attend their services have been brought
here, and amongst them a gentleman of position called John Southwell (Suduel), who, with the others, after the Council had examined
them, was sent to the common jail. On the same day, the 7th
instant, they arrested on religious grounds three lawyers of standing,
called respectively Dr. More (?), Dr. Mitchel, and Dr. Windham, and
they have also taken two ladies, lady Brown and lady Cave (?). It
is reported from Berwick that the Queen of Scots wishes to marry
a gentleman named Lord Moffat, who is connected with the Stuart
family, and the matter has been discussed with great secrecy between
the Regent and his closest friends; the idea being that, as the
gentleman belongs to his family and is connected with him by blood
and friendship, such a marriage would add to the Regent's strength
and satisfy the Queen at the same time, and that if she marries a
person of her own lineage and an enemy of the Hamiltons, more
liberty might be given her.  The Regent will retain power as
hitherto, and hopes by this means to reconcile factions, satisfy the
Queen, and strengthen himself. He has many enemies and must
keep a good look out. He has news from France that Cardinal
Lorraine is procuring 1,200 harquebussiers to be placed in Dumbarton. The Portuguese ambassador, whose arrival here on the
3rd I advised, has not yet seen the Queen. He is in no haste and
is preparing for the interview. He has communicated to me his
business, which is principally to request the Queen to forbid her
subjects from interfering with the Portuguese Indies, especially
Guinea, although they will consent to the English going to buy
blacks at the places where the Portuguese sell them. He is also to
ask for restitution of 600,000 ducats that he says English pirates have
taken from the subjects of his King. I think he will have quite
enough to do to get either of these things granted, but he says he
will press very urgently the question of going to the Indies, and he
means to put it in such a way that, if they do not grant his request,
he willbreak with the Queen. I do not know what he will do,'but I
cannot believe this, It appears that he will be satisfied if the English




ELIZABETH.


23


1568.
who go thither do not go with the Queen's permission or in her ships,
so that if the Portuguese fleet for the defence of the coast meet
them, it may punish them as it punishes the French.
A gentleman from the King of France arrived here to-day to
give an account to the Queen of the treaty of peace between him
and the rebels. He has audience to-morrow.-London, 10th April
1568.
19 April. 16. GUZMAN DE SILVA to the KING.
The night before last I received your Majesty's letter of 19th
ultimo. Thank God your Majesty still enjoyed the health that is so
important to christendom and your servants! It is necessary that
this good news should be reiterated on every opportunity to
counteract the inventions of the ungodly, who can only produce
according to their kind, and nearly every week set afloat a thousand
wicked stories. The decree issued by your Majesty promising a
good reception and freedom to those who convey bread stuffs to
Biscay and Asturias is very wise, and, no doubt, will easily result
in the supply of the much needed food for those countries. I
understand that from various parts of England bread stuffs are
already being sent by persons who have special license, and by
gentlemen who do not need licenses from their own ports, and they
will doubtless find it to their interests to continue to export. For
this reason, and seeing the difficulties that usually are raised here
when a general free export is requested, by reason of the wickedness
of those who contrive means of putting up prices, which causes
discontent amongst the common people and compels the Queen to
withdraw the licenses to calm the clamour, I think best to hold
my hand for the present and consult people well versed in the
matter. A few days delay,will not prejudice the business, and I
shall then be able to address the Queen on the matter if desirable.
As an instance of what I say,: in 1566 I asked the Queen for the
export of breadstuffs for certain ports in Flanders where scarcity
existed, and greed then reached such a pitch that her own ministers
bought up the supplies, which they sold to the exporters for their
own profit. The outcry of the people was so great that, not only
was the export prevented, but great prohibitions were decreed;
whereas, if the matter had not been mentioned at all, the food
would have been sent somehow, as usual, and as it is even now
being sent to Biscay. The Queen is ill in bed with a great excess
of bile, which I myself have been troubled with these two years
past] by reason of the climate. I will have your Majesty's decree
made known amongst the merchants here, and their greed may,
perhaps, prompt them to send grain as desired.
Secretary Cecil has told me that the King of France's gentleman
who came hither is going on to Scotland, whereat, I think, they
are not at all pleased, but rather suspicious. If what I wrote in my
last about the projected marriage and extended liberty of the Queen
of Scots be true, these people will feel it strongly, as they thought
themselves quite safe from that side; but if she is to be married, it
would not be altogether amiss for them that she should marry Moffat,




24


SPANISH STATE PAPERS,
1568,
as he is on the side of the Stuarts against the Hamiltons and the
French.
I have not heard the peace made in France well spoken of
here. These people have strange fancies and talk like men
who have never left home.   Some people wished the rebels to
beat the King because of the heresy, and others that the war
should continue, whilst they remained on the look-out to seize any
advantage that the discord might afford them.
The Earl of Sussex has sent to tell me that about five days ago
the Queen had a very long conversation with him respecting the
marriage with the Archduke, but only generalities and nothing
decided. I think she must be as false in this matter with the
Earl as she is with others.
On the 14th I accompanied the Portuguese ambassador to court.
He was well attended, and we went up to the presence chamber
without anyone having come out to meet him, although the day
and hour of his reception were fixed. After we arrived in the antechamber, some courtiers and gentlemen came to speak to me,
amongst them the lord-chamberlain. I made them speak to the
Ambassador, which they did, but sourly. I got the lord-chamberlain to entertain him until he was summoned, and they remained
thus standing for a long while, I being seated as I am ailing. After
the ambassador had waited for about an hour he was introduced
to the Queen's chamber, where she received him, and, after a few
words from him in his King's name, the Queen, with an angry look,
complained greatly of the Cardinal,* who, she said, had written her
a letter by an ambassador sent by her to the king containing discourteous expressions which were unfit to be addressed to her. She
turned to me and said she wished I could see the letter and I should
agree with her that it had been written by bishop of Osorio, whose
style she recognised from having read certain writings of his about
religion, which had been answered by a servant of hers named
Dr. Haddon, to whom the Bishop had again replied. The words
the Queen mentioned as being in the letter alluded to her as a
tyrant. The Ambassador replied that he could not believe it until
he saw it, and I said I agreed with him, as a Portuguese was never
yet discourteous to a lady; and the conversation being thus turned
into a lighter vein, I asked permission to be seated in consideration
of my weakness. Cecil and Leicester presently came up to me and
expressed their regret at such a letter being written. Secretary
Cecil showed me the letter, and I took it to the ambassador tha
he might see what it contained. I think it might well have
been expressed in a different way and somewhat more modestly,
although the writer had sacrificed some of the grace of his Latin in
doing it. I enclose copy of it. Cecil said that the presumption of
the Portuguese was insufferable, and made them hated by all
nations. Both he and Leicester treated the subject in such a way
that I told them that I had no answer to give them, as your Majesty,
although you honoured your relatives, was very faithful to your
Uncle of the young King Dom Sebastian, afterwards ling Heary of Fortugal,




ELIZABETH.


a$


1568.
friends, and so the conversation ended. I asked them, for the love
I bore them, to treat the ambassador graciously, as courtesy honoured
the giver, and presently the Queen called me to her again and the
rest of the time passed pleasantly. The Queen having recovered
her temper, the ambassador told her she greatly resembled the
Infanta Dona Maria.*  This ended the first interview, business not
having been spoken of. The lord-chamberlain accompanied the
ambassador to the door of the presence chamber. The ambassador
is a sensible man. He is hurt at their treatment of him, as well he
may be, but they are strange people to have to do with. We shall
see by their future dealing with the business whether this display
has been a feint in order, as they think, to prevent him from carrying
his complaints of them with so high a hand, but I do not regard it
in that light myself. -London, 19th April 1568.
24 April. 17. GUZMAN DE SILVA to the KING.
The Queen is at Greenwich in good health, and affairs are all
quiet and calm, without thought of trouble, as are also things in
Ireland.
The gentleman from the King of France, who came to give an
account of the peace with the rebels, has already started for
Scotland. They were suspicious of his going, and intimated as
much to the ambassador, who had to tell him that if they considered it inconvenient he would send him  back.  Seeing that
they gave him no answer for two or three days he sent to ask
audience of the Queen for the purpose of discussing the gentleman's
return to France. They then gave him his passport for Scotland.
I asked the ambassador if the gentleman would see the Queen
herself or deal with the Regent. He answered that, if he could
get to speak with the Queen he would negotiate with her, but if
not, he would deal with the others. He said he bore private
instructions from Cardinal Lorraine, which he had seen, to urge her
to endure her troubles with patience, and await until God put
your Majesty's affairs in a prosperous state, for he knew that aid
could come from no other quarter. I passed this over, pretending
that I took no notice of what he was saying, as I think that it is a
new move of the French to ingratiate themselves here by raising
suspicions of your Majesty.
Hearty thanks have been given to this Queen from their Christian
Majestys for her neutrality and expressed sympathy with them
during the late disturbances, and the ambassador asked in the
names of his sovereigns what she would like them to send her
from France, as they wished to make her a present to her taste.
In mine of the 10th I wrote to your Majesty that advices from
Berwick of the 1st said that the Queen of Scots wished to marry
Lord Moffat, and that her brother the Regent had secretly discussed the matter with his intimate friends. By the same route
news now comes that the Queen has told her brother that she wishes
to marry, and on his asking her whom she desired to wed she
* Princess Maria of Portugal, who had married Alexander Faraeie, Priace of Parma,
in October 1065. See Vol. I.




26


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1568.
answered the nephew of the gentleman who has her in keeping, a
certain George Douglas; to which the Regent replied that he did
not consider him a fit person for her husband, and he thought
it would be better if she married Lord Moffat, as he belongs to the
house of Stuart, and it was believed the Queen would do this. It
is asserted that, on the 14th instant, the Queen exchanged apparel
with her laundress, the latter remaining in the Queen's room
whilst she left the castle and entered a boat with the intention of
escaping from prison. The boatmen requested her to unveil, that
they might see who she was, and she, whilst resisting them,
uncovered one of her hands, which made them press her the more,
until they unveiled her. She showed great spirit, and commanded
them, with threats for their lives, to take her across to the opposite
shore, where two men and three horses were awaiting her. They
refused and took her back, although they promised they would not
inform the keeper. The Portuguese ambassador had his second
interview with the Queen to-day, when his business was discussed.
He asked me to send my secretary with him, which I did, and he
was also accompanied by Antonio de Guaras, Juan Baptista de San
Vitores, and two other subjects of your Majesty. He was met by
order of the Queen some distance outside the palace gates by Henry
Cobham (who went to Germany with the earl of Sussex), a brother
of his, and another gentleman of the chamber named Kyngesmyll.
They led him to the presence chamber, where they entertained him
until the lord chamberlain came out and took him to the Queen.
As soon as he had entered, Secretary Cecil came out and called
Baptista de San Vitores and afterwards Antonio de Guaras, and in
the presence of the earl of Bedford said to them, "Since you are
"helping the Portuguese ambassador, you will inform him that it
"is the Queen's will that no one should attend mass in his house,
"except his own servants and dependents, and that, if any other
persons do so, they will be severely punished."  Antonio de
Guaras retorted that surely foreigners might attend, to which the
Secretary replied that they could not, and then entered the Queen's
room, where the ambassador remained for over an hour. When
he took his leave the lord chamberlain accompanied him outside
the presence chamber, where he was taken charge of by the same
gentlemen that received him, who went with him to the boat. The
ambassador sent word to me that he would come and give me an
account of what had -passed with the Queen.-London, 24th April
1568.
1 May.   18. GUZMAN DE SILVA to the KING.
Nothing fresh from Scotland. I believe these people have a good
understanding with the Regent and his government, in spite of this
Queen's attempt to conceal it. Their carelessness about the frontier
and laxity at Berwick are a good argument of this, and it is
further confirmed by a letter that this Queen has written to the
king of Denmark (copy of which I enclose) against the earl of
Bothwell, no doubt at the request of the Regent and his friends.
I am told that the details of the partition of some of the lands of
John O'Neil amongst certain English persons have arrived in




ELIZABETH.


27


1568.
Ireland, and that an uncle of his, who is also called O'Neil, has
joined with a neighbour named O'Donell, determined to resist the
division, and it is feared that greater dissentions will result than
in the past. This O'Neil is married to a daughter of the earl of
Argyll, and it is said that he will therefore have the aid of the Scotsmen of the adjacent isles. This would somewhat disturb these folks,
but much more if the Queen of Scots should gain her freedom. I
had an appointment for an audience this afternoon, when I intended
to speak to the Queen about the export of bread stuffs to Biscay
and Asturias, but when I arrived at the gate of the palace I met
a gentleman sent by the Queen to ask me to put off the interview
till to-morrow, as she was somewhat inconvenienced with some
medicine she had taken. Almost immediately afterwards another
courtier came to say that the Queen, having heard that I had
arrived, would make an effort to receive me. I went up to the
presence chamber where I learned from her doctor, whom she had
sent to entertain me, and from others, what her condition was, and
refrained from importuning her in consequence.  I went to the
Council with Cecil to despatch certain private subjects' business,
and the Queen sent thither to say that she would be glad if I
would return to-morrow. as I had not cared to see her this afternoon. After I had done my business, the Secretary asked me what
news I heard from Flanders. I told him, in short, that the
duke of Alba, having received information that some show of disturbance was being made on the borders of Gueldres, had sent
troops to Maestricht and Namur, and was still continuing the
necessary measures to punish the disturbers. It was certain, however, that all would end as the similar attempt did some months
ago, as it could have no support, and there was no one in Germany
or elsewhere who would, for the sake of other people, undertake so
dangerous and fruitless a step as to show himself an enemy of your
Majesty's states. Cecil replied that he agreed with me, but he had
been informed that great hatred had been aroused in Germany at
the rigorous measures of repression which had been adopted by the
duke of Alba in the States, as it was alleged that the Spaniards
wished to expel all the natives therefrom and take possession of
everything. I said it was no new thing for rebels against their
sovereign to invent such stories as these to cause hatred and envy.
He laughingly said, no it was not, only that the Spanish nation was
a strange one, and wanted to be mistress of the world, and it
was currently reported in Flanders that the Spaniards were coming
over to this country tempted by the riches of the sea, but if they
did, he said, they would find they had some queer cattle to deal
with. I told him I did not believe, nor should he, that there was
any such talk amongst Spaniards, who were a very temperate and
modest people, especially as they had not the same amount of
liberty as the English, who are allowed with impunity to say whatever they like. He said that some persons had certainly spoken
in the sense he had mentioned, but they were not party men. I
replied that doubtless those who spread such tales were the
rebel scamps who came hither from Flanders, against whom I had
not yet complained, as he knew, to the Queen and Council, but I




28


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1668.
could assure him that it was my intention to represent to the Queen
that, in the interests of herself and her country, she should take
care that those who took refuge here should not be allowed to
return, alone or with others, to commit fresh offences in the
States. I said it was quite enough, surely, to receive them here,
without their making of this friendly country a centre from
whence they could sally for the purpose of insults such as these, and
then be received here again as before. I thought this should be
altered as, from small beginnings, great troubles ensued.  He
thought that it would be very proper and just to remedy the
matter, and the Queen ought to give it her best consideration.
Although I do not know what will be done or how, I should be
glad of some step being taken which would moderate somewhat
these impudent Flemings here.   A man has arrived here from
the Regent of Scotland. Cecil tells me that his only errand is to
arrange about the thieves that infest both sides of the border.
He (Cecil) says that his Queen cannot endure the treatment of the
Queen of Scots, and her imprisonment in the name of the Regent,
and of the child they call King. I do not believe him on either
point, and think they are still at their plots and combinations, and
that it is all a blind, although the Qqeen has several times said the
same to me as the Secretary.-London, 1 May 1568.
8 May.   19. The KING to DON JUAN DE ZUNIGA.*
Draft headed: Respecting the departure of the English
ambassador here.
Having heard that the ambassador from the Queen of England
resident here did not conduct himself in a way fitting to his office
and the interests of his sovereign, and that, in his conversation
and actions, he did not proceed with due respect to religion and
veneration to the holy see; and, bearing in mind the difficulties
that might arise from his presence in this court and the danger of
contagion to others from his bad example, I have resolved to order
him to leave my court and await outside of it the orders of his
mistress. It seems to me needful for the service of God and the
public welfare to banish such a person from my court and from
conversation with my subjects, and nothing in the world, however
great, no consideration however grave, shall ever make me waver
in the slightest degree in my determination to avoid the least
offence to God Almighty; whose service and the observance of
whose holy faith I place before all my interests and acts, and
prefer to everything in this life, even my own existence. I have
thought well to advise you of this, in order that you may report
the same to His Holiness in my name, giving him the letter I write
to him in your credence. You will tell him the resolution I have
taken, of which I am well satisfied and am sure His Holiness will
be so, as I desire so earnestly that my actions and proceedings
* The Spanish ambassador in Rome, brother of the Grand Commander of Castile,
Don Luis de Requesens y Zuniga, afterwards governor of the Netherlands on the
recall of the duke of Alba.




tLIZABETH.


1568.
may content one whom I love, esteem, and reverence as a father.
-Madrid, 8th May 1568.
Postscript in the King's hand: The letter for His Holiness
does not go, as it is unnecessary. The above says that I have
ordered the man to leave here and wait outside the orders of his
Queen. I have written to her and asked her by my ambassador
to recall him, and if not, I shall be obliged to expel him.
11 May. 20. GUZMAN DE SILVA to the KING.
I wrote to your Majesty on the 8th, saying I had received on
the 6th the despatch of the 6th April, and that the Queen had fixed
an audience for me on the 9th instant. I went, and, handing her
your Majesty's letter, watched her countenance closely whilst she
was reading it. When she came to the latter part, about the
ambassador, she changed colour, and seemed somewhat annoyed,
asking me what it meant. I related the matter in accordance with
your Majesty's instructions, in general terms, without reciting
details, concluding by saying that, considering the man's conduct,
he might more fittingly be called a perturber than an ambassador.
She said she wasnuch surprised at what I told her, but asked me
for particular iniances for her information. I replied that I had
already toldAher that your Majesty had ordered a gentleman of
your household to be despatched, who would give her such information as would enable her to judge of the whole case with full
knowledge, and in the meanwhile, she might be assured of the
love and affection with which your Majesty had always regarded
all that concerned her, and the consideration and gentleness with
which you proceeded towards your friends. As an instance, which
would enable her to see the way her ambassador had acted in other
things, I might tell her, however, that a person in whom I had full
confidence had written to me that, at a dinner at which many
persons, Spaniards and others, were present, he presumed to say,
publicly and impudently, that only your Majesty defended the
papal sect, and that in the end the prince of Conde and his followers
would prevail; that the Pope was a canting little monk, and other
expressions of a similar sort. She replied that these were very
insignificant matters, of which no notice should be taken. I said,
in Spain, on the contrary, they were so important that, if the
man had not been a public person and her minister, his punishment
would have been exemplary; to which she replied that, even if
there were reasons why your Majesty would not receive him
personally, he still might remain in the court as before. She said,
when the bishop of Aquila was plotting against her and the peace
of her realm, of which she was fully informed, she had seized
some letters of his from the courier, but had refrained from
opening them, except in his presence, and had shown him what
he himself had signed, and yet she had taken no further steps
against him.  She was therefore grieved that her ambassador
should be treated as he had been, especially as, at this time, suspicions and comments would arise therefrom, and this way of
treating ambassadors was the forerunner of greater unpleasantness,




30


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1568.
particularly coming, as it did, on the top of the news about the
league, and I should hear the next day what would be said in
London about it. I answered that, as to the comments and
opinions which would be current everywhere, they might easily be
disposed of by her at once appointing another ambassador, as your
Majesty asked; some person to whom you could show the true love
and friendship you felt towards her, as your Majesty had always
done, and in the meanwhile the matter might be kept secret, as it
should be by me. She said, when she sent this ambassador, she
considered him rather an adherent of the 'old religion than a
Protestant, and she was therefore the more surprised that he should
not have acted sensibly, but she had been told that some of the
ambassadors she had sent there had not lived according to the
English laws. I said her former ambassadors had acted prudently
by avoiding all cause for scandal, and her servants might well
learn discretion from her own wise moderation in these matters
here. This man, however, no doubt, had been carried away by
passion, or had been ruled by orders from elsewhere. The Queen
asked me what I meant by that; did I mean that lie had acted
under the instructions of others? I said that, judging from his
actions, it might be so suspected.
Her reply was that she greatly regretted that her ambassador
should have said or done anything to offend your Majesty, as that
was quite against her wish and instructions to him, and, if it
be so, that she will have him punished in a way that will prove to
your Majesty her goodwill and friendship; but you must allow her
not to condemn her minister until she had the whole case before
her and had heard him in his defence; as until then she was compelled by her position not to condemn him or to admit that he had
offended. Perhaps, she said, your Majesty has had a one-sided or
untrue account given to you, as is often the case with sovereigns,
as she well knew from her own experience. Here she stopped, and
I continued: " And I will add in your Majesty's name that, if you
" find the ambassador to blame, you will send for your ambassador
" some such a person as my King suggests."  She replied: "Yes,
" yes, I say so and I will do it." She was annoyed at first, but
became calmer afterwards, and seemed satisfied with what I said
from your Majesty about the league. In addition to what your
Majesty directed me to write about it on the 6th, I also showed
what was said in your Majesty's letter of the 12th, which came
very appropriately.-London, 11th May 1568.
13 May. 21. The KING to GUZMAN DE SILVA.
Such of your letters as require reply will be best answered by
telling you that, on our resolution as to the English ambassador's
banishment from here being conveyed to him, he decided to go to
Barajas, where I ordered a lodging to be provided for him, and
his house here is still considered to be in his occupation. It will
be well that the Queen should learn this from you, as if casually
on your own account, so that she may see the respect and kind
treatment accorded to him, in his character- of her minister, he




tIIZABETH..


3i


1568.
himself having richly deserved to be burnt at the stake, as will be
seen by the report borne by Don Guerau de Spes, a- Catalonian
knight of the order of Calatrava, whom I have appointed for the
mission and have sent for to come here. I may tell you openly that
I am sending him with the intention, if matters are settled satisfactorily, of appointing him to succeed you there. Bearing in mind your
services and my satisfaction with you, I have decided to send you
to Venice to continue in that republic your duties as my ambassador.
Don Guerau takes with him the necessary instructions and information, so that, after he is informed of the position of things
there, you can leave when you like. It will be well, however, for
you to keep this secret until due time for many good reasons, and
I have only had the duke of Alba informed of my intention in this
respect. You will also keep him informed of what is done, for his
guidance.-Aranjuez, 13th May 1568.
14 May. 22. GUZMAN DE SILVA to the KING.
At 10 o'clock yesterday morning the courier arrived that your
Majesty sent by sea on the 6th ultimo, and at the same time
arrived Dr. Arias Montano and Harrington who crossed in the same
vessel. Bad weather had driven them into an Irish port called
Youghal, which accounts for their being so long delayed. The
despatches for the duke of Alba I will send by the ordinary
to-morrow, as there seems no need for greater haste, the duplicates
having already reached him.
On the afternoon of the 11th, the person sent by the Queen's
ambassador arrived here, as your Majesty informed me he would,
and he was for more than an hour with Cecil on the same evening
in London. The next day Cecil went to Greenwich, where there
have been many council meetings. I have been unable to discover
the account the man brought to the Queen, although I have a
person on the look-out for it; but I learn that the ambassador is
returning and begs urgently for his recall. I detain the courier
until I see the result of this man's coming, in order to advise your
Majesty, seeing that I have already sent by way of Flanders an
account of what passed between the Queen and me on the matter,
and send copy of the same herewith to Don Frances de Alava. I
think these council meetings are about Scotland, as I am told they
are much annoyed at the liberation of the Queen of Scots. A
gentleman sent by the latter to visit this Queen, and give her an
account of her successful attempt, arrived here three days ago and
came to see me to-day on his Queen's behalf. He said he did not
bring me a letter from her, as she was always accompanied by
people before whom she could not write, but had instructed him to
inform me of her deliverance, as she knew I should be glad to hear
of it, and in order that I might convey the intelligence to your
Majesty. Now that she is free, she says, she will take steps to
show how blameless she was in the events which are attributed to
her in the past, and that those who had kept her in durance were
the principal culprits, as she will more fully inform your Majesty
and the Christian King. She begged me to advise and enjoin her




32


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1568.
what she ought to do, and she would esteem it a favour as she
always used to do. I replied suitably, as I thought, both as to the
pleasure with which your Majesty would hear of her liberation, and
your personal esteem of her and desire for her welfare; and also
as to myself, that I should be very glad to use my good offices in
her interests in consideration of what I understood to be your
Majesty's goodwill towards her and her affairs. This man assures
me that she is as firm and constant in the Catholic faith as ever,
and that she has need to be very careful now how she proceeds.
I asked him if she had resources to stand against her enemies, to
which he replied that she had, as a great part of the lords and
nearly all the people were on her side, and that the earl of Argyll
had already sent to her offering his services. If she were not so
poor in consequence of all her jewels and property having been
taken from her, and her having escaped with no other clothes but
the servant's garb she wore, all would be well. This man begs me
to write to the duke of Alba to ask him to seize and detain the
Queen's jewels in case they should have been taken to Antwerp for
sale. La Mothe is coming here for French ambassador but not
until July. He is considered to be a Catholic. I have no reply
yet about the exportation of breadstuffs.-London, 14th May 1568.
16 May.   23. GUZMAN DE SILVA to the KING.
Secretary Cecil has sent to say that two places have been
appointed where the persons who have been authorised to export
grain for Biscay and Asturias will find most convenience for doing
so, and he promises me a list of the persons so authorised, who will
have to take an oath not to go elsewhere.
The details and mode of proceeding in this business I will learn
later. I have always been of opinion that it would be made profitable to English subjects, as it usually is, but still if they carry food
in sufficient quantities it will also be of advantage to Biscay and
Asturias.
A person has arrived from Berwick who says that the earl of
Murray the Regent has 3,000 men, and that 900 only still stood by
the Queen. The castle of Hamilton where the Queen is, is not
considered strong, but. the Queen of Scot's servant tells me she
can go to Dumbarton, which is stronger and near the sea. The
folks here are anxious about this business, and the Council is for
ever sitting. I do not know what they will decide to do.
The reports about the Scots having crossed over from the islands
to Ireland are still current, and, if true, they cannot fail to disturb
people here.
Secretary Cecil has sent me, by the Queen's orders, the enclosed
copy respecting what was written by a certain Dr. Gonzalo de
Illescas in a " Pontifical and Catholic History," and asked me to read
it and say what I thought of it. I replied that it appeared to me
to show great indiscretion and disrespect on the part of the writer,
and I was quite sure that, if your Majesty heard of it, you would
not only have the book altered, but would punish the author. I
referred the note to Arias Montano as I did not know anything of




ELIZABETH.


33


1568.
this Gonzalo de Illescas. He tells me that he understands he is a
person of little prudence, and that the book had been examined by
Father Pedro Juan de Lastanosa by order of the Council, and he
would report upon it. As it is a question that touches the honour
of a marriageable princess of high lineage and gifts, if only God
would make her a Catholic, I have thought well to inform your
Majesty, although I said to the man who brought me the note that
if I made a grievance and wrote to your Majesty of all the
scurrilous things they say in this country about your royal person
I should have to write nearly every day. I said that great Princes,
as they could not shut everybody's mouth, had to content themselves
with doing their duty and taking no notice. They could not help.difference of opinion amongst men. I expect when I have audience
to-morrow the Queen will mention the matter to me, and, in that
case, I shall tell her that her ambassador who sent her the paper
might well have had the evil remedied in Spain, without troubling
her about it, and that in matters of this sort " the reciter is as bad
as the rhymer."
The statement of what happened at the escape of the Queen of
Scots made by her gentleman here is enclosed.*
With regard to my request to the Queen that she would order
such means to be adopted in the ports as will prevent those from
the Netherlands who have taken refuge here from returning to the
States to do damage, the enclosed decree has been issued.-London,
16th May 1668.
20 May. 24. The KING to GUZMAN DE SILVA.
I note what passed when the ambassador of my nephew the King
of Portugal went to speak with the Queen, and I am glad you
accompanied and guided him in the interests of his embassy. I am
greatly displeased that the Queen and her courtiers should have
treated him with the coolness you describe, as the Latin letter does
not seem to me to contain any expressions which justify such
treatment, and I am of the same opinion as you, that they made
this a pretext to pick a quarrel so as to avoid coming to close
quarters with him about the demands he has to make of them. I
had a copy sent at once to the Portuguese ambassador here, Don
Francisco Pereira, that he might send it to the King, my nephew,
that he may take such course as may be necessary.
In the meanwhile, you will aid the ambassador to the best of
your ability whenever opportunity occurs, and will promptly give
me an account of all that is done and happens, as I 'am as much
interested in my nephew's affairs as my own, indeed I consider them
as such, as my affection for the King is that of a father for his son.
-Aranjuez, 20th May 1568.
21 May. 25. GUZMAN DE SILVA to the KING.
I have already written to your Majesty that, although it would
have been possible for me to send back at once the courier that
brought me your letters of 6th ultimo, as I had discussed with the
Queen the matter of her ambassador, I thought better to delay his
* This paper is missing.
7O6..


y 76467.


c




34


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1568.
departure until I could see her again, and learn what she had heard
from the man the ambassador had sent hither, and whether she
had come to any decision.  After having spoken to her on several
other subjects and purposely avoided this one, in order to see
whether she would broach it first, she referred to it in almost the
same words as when I discussed it with her before; expressing
regret that any minister of hers should have acted in a way displeasing to your Majesty, whereas she had no greater desire than to
gratify you. She nevertheless requested your Majesty to allow her
to keep one ear open to obtain full information, as was her royal
duty, and said that she would not retain a person near your Majesty
who was unable to please you. She thought this man would have
done so, as he was considered moderate in religion and had no love
for the French, and this is why she had sent him. She was therefore much surprised that he had acted contrarily, although he had
recently sent her a special messenger to say that after your Majesty
had appointed many audiences for him, and he had gone to the
palace,* you had not received him, either on the plea that you were
indisposed or busy; whereat he was much surprised, as he did not
know what he had done to deserve your Majesty's displeasure, and
assured her that there was nothing he would wish for better (if he
were not an ambassador fulfilling a public office) than to be put into
prison and tried, so that his innocence might be proved or he be
unislled for his offence.  She said that, although he wrote to this
Hefect, she did not learn either from his letter or the statement of
lis messenger that your Majesty had actually refused to receive him
or had sent him out of Madrid; and she wished you had let her
know if you were unwilling to treat with him, rather than allow
him to go so many times to the palace for audience and return
without it, as she said he had done nineteen times.  I do not know
whether she made a mistake of ten.t   She could only believe that
your Majesty's displeasure must have been caused by tales of
somebody inimical to the ambassador or herself, and suggested
that it mnight be the duke of Feriat in consequence of what
had passed with him respecting the earl of Arundel. I begged
her to believe that your Majesty had not acted without just and
sufficient reasons, the extreme gentleness, moderation and consideration, with which   you proceeded with     all persons being
notoriou:s, and, above all, wvitl the ministers of such a good friend
as she was.  It was quite foreign, I said, to your royal spirit and
dignity to take offence without ample cause, and I did not believe
that the duke of Feria, was inimical to her, indeed, he had rather
proved otherwise by the care he took to honour and entertain her
subjects, nor would he be prejudiced against her ambassador, unless,
indeed, lie thought the latter was not serving her successfully.
* In the handwriting of the King is the following note: It is true that I evaded
audience, but it is not trie that he came to the palace for it. I saw him ceme in once
and thought he had come to ask for audience, but I found it \waS not so as he had only,.ome to speak to Ruy Gomez, as the latter told me afterwards.
t Note in handwriting of Secretary Zayas; " No doubt she did so mistake '; to which
the King adds in his own hand, "I hlave already said that he did not go once, much less
niiietcen times.": Note in the handwriting of Zayas: "Suspicions of Feria."




ELIZABETH.


35


1568.
She replied that certainly he (the duke of Feria) had never been
friendly towards her since she gave him the answer she did
about the marriage with your Majesty, and he (the Duke) had
told her himself that he should never in his life forget her reply.
As for the duke's kindness to her subjects, that was owing to the
Duchess, and she knew he was offended with her ambassador about
the earl of Arundel's affair.  I said the ambassador had shown
a lack of perspicacity and prudence in writing as he had done,
and that he might far better have smoothed the matter over,
instead of making mischief between two persons of such position
as theirs. She tried to exonerate him by saying that the earl
had heard of it from other sources, and not from the ambassador,
and that she had told me herself at the time that she had been
informed of it. I said, to convince her that the matter had not
arisen from any ill-feeling on the part of the Duke or any other
person, but from the fault of the ambassador, I had a letter from
Prince Ruigomez* in which he writes to me, with his own hand,
that the ambassador had acted in a way that made it impossible to
treat him otherwise than had been done. She would understand, I
said, from the reticence, calmness, and moderation, with which the
Prince always spoke, that these words conveyed much more than I
could venture to imagine or describe. The Queen checked herself
for a moment and then said the ambassador had written that
Prince Ruigomez had always shown him great kindness and a good
disposition towards her affairs, no doubt carrying out in this your
Majesty's wishes, and she greatly appreciated the care and uprightness with which, she was assured, he proceeded. She carried
the matter no further, and I afterwards discussed it with Cecil, who
said almost the same as the Queen about inimical persons having
influenced your Majesty against the ambassador. He said, perhaps
these persons were some of the Englishmen resident in your
Majesty's court, who may have spoken with undue freedom of the
Queen and this country, and the ambassador may have deemed it
necessary to reply to them. I said it was quite unnecessary,
knowing him as I did, for me to say more than that it would be
best for this man to come home, and much to the Queen's advantage
to send another person, even if for no other reason but your Majesty's
wish; and if I were one of the Queen's councillors, this reason would
be sufficient, without seeking any other, because the person least fit
to uphold the dignity of two brother sovereigns was one who was
hateful to one of them. Cecil said he was of opinion, and always
had been, that it would be better to choose some other person to
replace the ambassador, although he was sure the man had not
misconducted himself, at least intentionally, and again cautiously
hinted at suspicions of the duke of Feria, which suspicions I tried
to allay.-London, 21st May 1568.
22 May. 26. GUZMAN DE SILVA to the KING.
As soon as the arrival of the queen of Scotland in this country
was known, the Council met to consider what was to be done with
* Ruy Gormez de Silva, Prince of Eboli and.Duke of Pastrana.
c2




SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1568.
her; whether she was to be treated in accordance with her present
or her former position. It is said that this Queen took the part of
the queen of Scotland, but her views did not prevail as a majority of
the Council was of a different opinion. The duke of Norfolk and
the earls of Arundel and Leicester were ordered to be summoned,
so that a full Council might decide what was to be done. I think
they must be somewhat embarrassed, as this Queen has always
shown goodwill to the queen of Scots, and the Council, or a majority
of it, has been opposed to her and leant to the side of the Regent
and his Government. If this Queen has her way now, they will be
obliged to treat the queen of Scots as a sovereign, which will offend
those who forced her to abdicate, so that, although these people are
glad enough to have her in their hands, they have many things to
consider. If they keep her as if in prison, it will probably
scandalise all neighbouring princes, and if she remain free and able
to communicate with her friends, great suspicions will be aroused.
In any case it is certain that two women will not agree very long
together. I am informed that orders are to be sent to Berwick for
50 harquebussiers to leave there to serve as a guard to the queen
of Scots. I have seen a letter from the earl of Bedford to the
Regent in favour of the gentleman whom this Queen sent thither,
namled Leighton. He requests that he be very well received, and
since the Fiench ambassador was allowed to see the Queen, that he
(Leighton) might also see her. He (Bedford) recommends the Regent
to use every effort to prevent the Queen from slipping. out of their
hands, and now 'that she had, as was reported, taken refuge in
Dumbarton and was well surrounded, measures should be taken at
once to cut off supplies. He said they should do very promptly
what had to be done, in order that the Queen and her friends might
not escape and join with foreigners, whose presence in Scotland
would embarrass them, and, if they succeeded in succouring the
Queen and remained in her service, they would certainly pull down
religion, which must be borne in mind. Other things to the same
effect were contained in the letter, which was very remarkable as
coming from a councillor, as such persons do not usually speak at
random on these matters like private people. —London, 22 May
1568.
23 May. 27. The KING to GUZMAN DE SILVA.
After the enclosed had been written, your letter of the 19th April
was received, and we are sorry you still continued unwell, although
we trust in God, since you so willingly devote yourself to His
work and the interests of religion, that He will restore you to
perfect health. For the reasons you give it was quite right of you
not to speak to the Queen about the export of grain to the coast
of Spain, and the more especially as, thank God, it will be no
longer necessary, since the season is so propitious that a very
abundant harvest is expected everywhere. However, if any parcels
have been sent, those who bring them will lose nothing, as it will
le willingly bought up to supply the demand pending the gathering
ci th!e new harvest.
As to the marriage of the Archduke to the Queen, I am




ELIZABETH.


37


1568.
becoming more confirmed every day in my belief that it is nothing
but a trick and pastime from beginning to end, and that she is
deceiving Sussex and Leicester as well as she does others.
The English ambassador told Zayas that the audience he had
requested of me was for the purpose, amongst other things, of
showing me the enclosed paper copied from a book called " Pontifical
History," which was recently printed by a Dr. Illescas, and, as the
book bears the statement that it was issued with my license, the
Queen had supposed that I had read and passed it. Zayas undeceived him as to this, and gave him to understand that these
matters are disposed of by my council without my seeing them,
and assured him that I knew nothing about it, but that if I had
seen the expressions I would not have allowed them, which is true.
This quieted the ambassador, and, on Zayas referring the matter
to me, I ordered notice to be given to the Cardinal-President, who
had already ordered all copies that could be obtained to be withdrawn in consequence of certain other impertinent things contained
in the book, and that it should be reprinted at Salamanca, leaving
out all objectionable portions, and amongst others the contents of
the paper, and any other expression touching the dignity and
estimation of the Queen. It is well that you should know this, so
that, if she or her ministers should mention the matter to you again
you may satisfy them by telling them the truth as stated above.
Aranjuez, 23rd May 1568.
24 May. 28. GUZMAN DE SILVA to the KING.
By a letter from Secretary Gabriel de Zayas I learn that, on the
20th ultimo, he had conveyed to the English ambassador in Spain
your Majesty's message respecting the course you had thought well
to adopt towards him in accordance with the communication I had
made to this Queen on the subject from your Majesty. As I
thought the ambassador would send an account of the matter
hither, and it was desirable for me to know what had been decided
about it, I took the opportunity afforded by Cecil's coming from
Greenwich last night to call upon him early this morning, with the
excuse of asking him for particulars of the persons who were to take
breadstuffs to Biscay, and as to the assurance they would carry it
thither, and to no other place. I told him that I had heard that
Secretary Zayas had conveyed the message to the ambassador, and he
(Cecil) thereupon flew into a great rage. He said such a proceeding
towards the ambassador of a friendly prince had never been heard
of before, except when a pretext for war was sought, and it was a
great piece of disrespect and insult towards his Queen, showing
a desire to pick a quarrel with her, as had been already stated in
certain quarters, and it now befitted the Queen to be prepared.
He said it would have been only right for your Majesty to have
advised the Queen that you were dissatisfied with her ambassador
and desired his recall, giving particulars of his transgressions before
taking such a course as this, in order that the Queen herself might
punish him, instead of your Majesty's doing it, as no superiority
could exist between equals. He asked me whether I had told the
Queen this, and said the members of the Council would take the




38


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1568.
matter up, as they thought it should not be passed over. He said
it had been decided to recall the ambassador and the letter was
already written, but he did not know now how it would end. He
knew that the ambassador's enemies had influenced your Majesty,
as one of them, when in a passion, had threatened him (the
ambassador) that they would do so. He (Cecil) recollected when
the Emperor, your Majesty's father, was dissatisfied with two
ambassadors from the King (Henry VIII.), and with one, to such
an extent, that he said that, but for respect to the King, he would
have had him thrown out of window. He nevertheless took the
course of requesting the King to recall them, without having made
any public demonstration against them. He (Cecil) asked me to
tell him what had moved your Majesty to do as you had done, and
said that he was informed from Madrid that I had been making
mischief from here against the ambassador, and had been instrumental in angering your Majesty with him; and asked how should
I feel if anyone were to act in that way towards me? He said he
had also been told that, since your Majesty had shown your displeasure, the Inquisitors had examined certain Englishmen against
the ambassador, threatening them to compel them to say what was
required of them. I let him talk on, and, when he had done, I
waited a little for him to recover somewhat from his rage, and then
went up to him laughing and embraced him, saying that I was
amused to see him fly into such a passion over what I had told
him, because I knew he understood differently, and that the affair
was of such a character as to be only as good or as bad as the
Queen liked to make it. She could take it as a good sister and
friend, as I hoped she would, and had shown signs of doing which
was the easiest, most just, and even most necessary way, since it
was only right to take the actions of a friend in good part, at least
until bad intention be proved, or she could, for other reasons, look
at in a different light, which might make it more difficult, to the
prejudice of his Queen and of your Majesty. I did not believe,
however, that any sensible man who had the interests of the Queen
at heart would do this, and it was for this reason, and my zeal to
preserve this friendship, that, as soon as I heard of it, I wished to
let him know so as to be beforehand with the mischief makers,
and because I knew him to be faithful to the Queen and well
disposed towards your Majesty's affairs. I meant him to make use
of my information privately in favour of the objects I had stated.
He asked me whether I had not told him in order that he might
convey it to the Queen and Council, to which I replied no, that
I had only told him privately as a friend, and with this he became
calmer. I said, as to its being a demonstration, such things were only
done in time of war or as a pretext for it, as he had said, but this
was out of the question in this case with the present friendship and
alliance and without any cause, and particularly as your Majesty
was desirous of seeing in your Court some fitting man as a successor to this ambassador, as I had told the Queen and him, and
the sooner such a man was sent the sooner would friends and
enemies see the good reception your Majesty would give him, and
how much you honoured and loved his mistress. As to the idea that




ELIZABETH.


39


1568,
the ambassador's enemies had influenced your Majesty, I said he
was to believe no such thing, and that your Majesty was not to be
persuaded except of the truth, as would in due time plainly appear,
and, with regard to the Emperor's action with King Henry's
ambassadors, no doubt the reasons were different from the present
case, and I thought he (Cecil) would agree with me in this,
knowing how carefully and considerately your Majesty always
acted, and it should suffice for the Queen, the Council, and all the
world that your Majesty had ordered a certain course to be taken
to be sure that just and ample reasons existed for doing so without
my justifying it. The inquisitors, I assured him, were not in the
habit of obtaining evidence by threats, but with the greatest
gentleness, and, as for the statement that I had made mischief
about the ambassador, that was absurd. I had in fact no knowledge that anything was being done against him, and knew nothing
at all about the matter until I received your Majesty's despatch
ordering me to inform the Queen. I had indeed been very sorry
that your Majesty had been compelled to take the course you did,
more sorry, perhaps, than any member of the Queen's Council that
her ambassador had given cause for it, being, as he was, a minister
of hers. In reply to his question as to whether I had told the
Queen when I spoke to her about it that it was your Majesty's
intention to take this course with the ambassador, I said yes, I had,
and him (Cecil) as well. He said he did not recollect that I had
told him, and I replied that he must have forgotten it amidst other
matters.
He gave me to understand that the Council regarded me with
suspicion, and blamed him greatly for giving credit to all I told
him, hinting that the Queen did the same. I said he knew full
well, from long communication with me, how mistaken the Council
was in this, how many good offices I had done, and how straightforwardly I had always acted with him. As regarded the Queen
(whom I knew they had been trying to persuade that I was
deceiving her), if I did not know her and had not experience of
her great talent, I should be grieved to think that she might allow
herself to be misled by them; but I know well that no one would
make her believe anything about me against her own knowledge
and experience of the attachment with which I had always served
and advised her for the best. I said she was the best witness, and,
in continuance of my good offices, I desired to conduct this business
in a way to prove that nobody had been in fault except the
ambassador himself, and so to banish any contrary suspicion. With
reference to his question as to how I should feel if I were treated in
the same way, I said, that although I should grieve, being a minister
of your Majesty, if the Queen were to do it without any fault of
mine, yet, if I were to blame, I would endure it with patience.
I told him he was the only person to whom I had communicatedthe banishment of the ambassador from the court, without
desiring him to convey the intelligence to the Queen and Council
because I had understood already that they had decided to recall
the man, and I did not wish that the recall should be delayed on
this account; but I am quite sure he will at once tell the Queen




40


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1568.
and Council what passed between us. In the course of the conversation, he said that the English complained that they could
never get justice done to them (in Spain), and, even though your
Majesty issued decrees for it to be done, they were not obeyed, and
no notice was taken of them by the officers of justice, whereat he
said he was much surprised. I said that was new to me, and
asked him for a statement of complaints. At last he seemed more
tranquil. —London, 24th May 1568.
31 May. 29. GUZMAN DE SILVA to the KING.
I have already written to your Majesty the answer given to the
Portuguese ambassador, and do not again refer to it here except to
say that, when he again requested audience of the Queen to discuss
the reply, she referred him to the Council. They confirmed the
answer previously given; whereupon the ambassador was again
offended, and told them that, if they did not agree to what his master
demanded, they would have a war on their hands. I understand
that they made light of this, in the belief that the forces of
Portugal cannot do them much harm, in which I think they are
mistaken, for, considering the state they are in, a smaller power
still could make things uncomfortable for them. The warrants
were dispatched yesterday for those who have been appointed to
take breadstuffs to Biscay, &c., and, at the same time, three licenses
were given for Spanish ships which are here to load food for the
same destination. It is not much, but under cover of these permits,
with a little scheming (without which nothing can be done here),
they will take as much as they can ship.
The queen of Scots is at Carlisle on the Scotch frontier. The
Council has been considering lately what they shall do with her,
but I do not know that any decision has been arrived at, although
it will not be long delayed. The French ambassador, who went to
Scotland, came the day before yesterday to my lodging, and told
me that this Queen had asked him to assure his master, from her,
that the life of the queen of Scots would be safe here. The servant
of the Queen's ambassador (in Spain) is leaving from day to day,
but still does not start. They say lie bears the ambassador's letters
of recall.-London, 31st May 1568.
5 June. 30. The SAME to the SAME.
The Queen informed me yesterday that she had ordered her
ambassador to be recalled, as it was not desirable to have a person
to represent her near your Majesty who was distasteful to you,
although she greatly wished that your Majesty would hear him in
his exculpation, as, by his own account to her, he had not transgressed, and it gave her pain that an ambassador of hers should be,
as it were, banished from your Court and presence, on account of
the talk it would give rise to. I reminded her I had previously
asked that a' fitting person should be sent at once, and said the
welcome and good reception your Majesty would give him would
prove to all with what affection you regarded her, and always had
done. I said I was glad to hear of her resolve to recall the




ELIZABETH.


41


1568.
ambassador, and knew your Majesty also would be pleased,
particularly as her readiness to do so proved her goodwill towards
you. She still wished to blame the Duke de Feria in the business,
as she did when I discussed it with her before, and I did my best
to reassure her. I have not beard of a new man being appointed,
nor did I mention it, except to remind her, as I have said, in order
to avoid.... * entering afresh into discussion now      the
matter is settled.
When I left the Queen, and had dispatched some private business
with Cecil, I told him what the Queen had said about recalling the
ambassador. He confirmed it, and said that he had received letters
fiom the ambassador saying that two secretaries had been to convey
to him your Majesty's orders for him    to leave the court; one of
them, Gabriel de Zayas,t and another, whose name he did not
know. He wrote, saying that he had never exceeded what the
duke of Feria had told him, namely, that, as to religion, he
personally could do as he pleased, so long as he did not set a bad
example. He had not departed from this course, and had not
forbidden his people to go to mass.  He said that the person your
Majesty was going to send to the Queen to inform       her of the
reasons for your action had not left yet, and he did not know
whether he would go.-London, 5th June 1568.
12 June. 31. The SAME to the SAME
The servant of the Queen's ambassador (in Spain), who came
hither on his business, started on his return on the 6th instant, and
no doubt took the letters of recall, as I wrote on the 5th by way
of Flanders.   I am   informed   that he   carried also  for your
Majesty a statement of the proposals made by the Portuguese
ambassador on the King's behalf, and of the answer they gave,
which is, in substance, the same' as I have already advised.  It is
to be supposed that their reason for communicating with your
Majesty on this subject is that they would like to come to some
agreement, notwithstanding their show of contempt for the
Portuguese.
M. de Montmorin, one of the gentlemen of the king of France
who came, as I have reported, to visit the Queen and recommend
to her the affairs of the queen of Scots, had audience on the 7th,
but they have not yet given him an answer. I understand he
asked for leave to go and see her (the queen of Scots).
Fleming and Herries have also had audience on behalf of the
queen of Scots. These are the men that, the Queen told me, are
here secretly, and whom  she had not decided whether she would
* There is a word erased here, and in the margin of the letter there is a note in the
King's handwriting which perhaps refers to it, as follows: " There seems to be a word
"missing here. Look if it is in the cypher. I thought the same thing occurred
yesterday in part of the letter from Don Frances, but I forgot to mention it. Look
" that up as well. I do not know whether it was something about those three men
respecting whom he wrote to you, and said that he was also writing to me on the same
" subject, although I do not recollect that he did so. Look well into it so that we may
" know what it means, for I did not understand it yesterday."
t Note in the handwriting of Secretary Zayas: " It is true that Gaitan was with me,
" but he did nothing but accompany me."




42


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1568.
receive or not. They begged for help to restore their Queen, and
permission for Fleming to go to France. No answer has been given
to them either.
Fleming sent me two letters, one from his Queen to the duke of
Alba, and the other from himself to me, copy of which I enclose
with my answer, and another short note from him. Herries who,
as I say, also came for the queen of Scotland, seeing that both he
and Fleming were kept as prisoners and without liberty to walk and
talk as they liked, owing to the English guard told off to accompany
them, spoke to the Council about it, and said that he was surprised
that such a course should have been taken with him, whilst the
person sent hither by the Regent was free to gowhere he pleased,
and especially as he (Herries) was one of those who advised his
Queen to come to England, and not to France, whither she could
have gone. He requested that they would give him a prompt
answer, and let him go, as he could not suffer the long delay usual
here, nor would the nature of the business permit it, and he wished
to learn whether the Queen, as she had always said, was willing to
help his Queen. When the Chancellor asked him how or when
the Queen had bound herself to do so, he replied, in a letter written
with her own hand and by a jewel she recently sent to his Queen
as a token by the hand of Throgmorton when he went thither, and
he, Herries, had no doubt the Queen would fulfil her promise; but,
if she did not, he would go and beg aid from the King of France,
the Emperor, your Majesty, and even the Pope.
The earl of Bedford, who is the most zealous of them, at once
exclaimed, "the Pope!"  "Yes," said Herries, "and even the
"grand Turk and the Sophi, seeing the need my Queen is
in."  The Council met to-day to consider the.answer they
would give him. They have ordered the queen of Scots to be
brought to a castle in' the county of Staffordshire, called Tutbury,
which I am told is a mean place of small importance. They want
to serve her and her household in English fashion, and will provide
necessary food for themn, although the number of officers and
followers to be allotted to her has not yet been fixed.-London,
12th June 1568.
19 June. 32. GUZMAN DE SILVA to the KING.
The Queen has informed me that she hlas ordered her ambassador
to return. I told her that I thought she had acted wisely in doing
so, and that, so far as I could learn, if he had been a minister of any
other sovereign but herself, so much consideration. and forbearance
would not have been shown him. He had been provided with
another house in a place that he himself had chosen, as well as
retaining in his possession his house in Madrid. The Queen asked
me whether he was a prisoner, to which I replied no, that, on the
contrary, he was very well treated. She does not seem aggrieved
except that your Majesty would not hear him in his defence, but
even this grievance is now mitigated, and she is calm. She is also
tranquillised about the League,* and, on this subject, I took the


* The Catholic league against England and the Protestants. See Vol. I., 646.




ELIZABETH.


43


1568.
opportunity of again reassuring her, and greatly praised, on your
Majesty's behalf, the answer she gave to Count Egmont and the
Palatine, whereat she was extremely pleased. She told me that
her ambassador had written to her that Dr. Illescas' book had been
reprinted, but with worse expressions than at first. I repeated to
her what your Majesty had ordered to be written to me on the
subject, and the diligence of Cardinal Pacheco in calling in the
books and having them amended, where she was referred to, in
such a way as to prove conclusively to her the love and interest
your Majesty felt in all that concerned her, and especially where
her reputation was touched. She has made much of this business,
and will greatly esteem all that is done in the matter for her.London, 19th June 1568.
24 June. 33. The SAME to the SAME.
The Queen has sent a decided answer to Herries and Fleming,
and has refused to give leave to the latter to go to France
respecting the Scotch Queen's affairs. Her answer is that she has
ordered their Queen to approach nearer to her, and has sent word to
the (Scotch) government to send representatives to the same place,
whither she herself will also send persons to treat with both parties.
If she is assured that their Queen was not an accomplice in the
murder of her husband, she will help her, and if she was privy to
it, she will try to reconcile her to the government. Everything
seems to be tending to what I have previously written was the
intention in this business.-London, 24th June 1568.
26 June. 34. The SAME to the SAME.
The Queen has replied to Herries and Fleming, who, as I have
written, came on behalf of the queen of Scots, flatly refusing
Fleming his passport to go to France, and saying that, as to her
seeing their Queen, she had ordered the latter to approach nearer
here, and had written to the Regent and government asking them
to send persons to discuss matters, which persons will meet in the
same place as the queen of Scots. She (Elizabeth) will thereupon appoint representatives who will treat with both parties, and
if she is advised that their Queen was not culpable in the murder
of her husband, she will help with all her forces to restore her to
her former dignity; and, if the contrary should be the case, she
will try to reconcile them in the best way possible. These folks
are a good deal embarrassed in this matter, and fear that a French
force may be sent to Dumbarton, which would cause them some
anxiety.
In spite of the threats made to the sect called the Puritans, to
prevent their meeting together, I am informed that recently as
many as 400 of them met near here, and, although a list of their
names was taken, only six of them were arrested, in order to avoid
scandal and also because they have their influential abettors.
The Queen has sent an ambassador to the Muscovite, a brother
of that Randolph who was killed in Ireland.   This Randolph
is as great a heretic as his brother was a Catholic. He is going
with a good equipment which it is suspected is paid for by the




44


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1568.
company of adventurers they call the Muscovy company.  They
say the principal reason of his going is that the agent of the
company there, an Englishman who is married in the country,
refuses to come home and render accounts.   No doubt other
matters will be settled respecting facilities and security for trade,
and, considering that the Muscovite is an enemy of the Holy
See, some think that an alliance will be negotiated, or, at all events,
that attempts will be made to win over his sect if possible. Two
English merchants go with the embassy, who will proceed to Persia
in order to see how best a trade can be opened up and established
with that country. The company is giving them the whole of the
expenses of their voyage, on their declaration of the amount, and
3,000 crowns each for their trouble. It is asserted that a great
quantity of spices could be brought from those parts if the business
could be established.
Since writing the aforegoing, Herries and Fleming have sent to
convey to me the answer they had received from the Queen (which
is the same as that which I have already written) and to ask me
for my opinion. I replied that their Queen should show full confidence in this Queen, and should act, at present, in such a way as
to give to the latter no reasonable excuse for not helping her and
treating her well. She should be very careful, I said, to avoid all
suspicion that she had any pretentions to the crown during this
Queen's life; and, as regards satisfying her respecting her husband's
death, their Queen should say that she herself desired to do so,
loving her as she did as her sister and friend, but by other means
than by judicial action and question and answer with her own
subjects, which would be a derogation of her dignity and unfitting
to her rank.
I wrote recently that, amongst others who had been arrested for
religion were two women, one of whom was called lady Cave (?),
and the other the wife of a rich merchant. They were accused of
having mass celebrated in their houses. One of them had been
arrested previously for the same offence, and, although the punishment is now doubled, she has been pardoned by the Queen and the
other has had to find surety.
The lawyers of the college of Arches who had refused to take
the oath recognizing the Queen's supremacy, in all her dominions
in ecclesiastical and spiritual affairs as well as temporal, were
further pressed, and, although they were somewhat obstinate,
means were found to persuade them, the oath being slightly
disguised in the form enclosed. They set forth the various reasons
which they thought justified them in conscientiously taking the
oath. Some of the Catholics, however, have refrained.
Herries and Fleming have pressed me to write to their Queen and
assure me that it will be a great consolation to her in her troubles.
I have accordingly done so and enclose copy of my letter. —London,
26th June 1568.
27 June. 35. The KING to GUZMAN DE SILVA.
On the 7th instant Roche the courier returned with your letters
of 11th, 14th, 16th, 21st, and 22nd ultimo. Before proceeding to




ELIZABETH.


45


1568.
answer them I wish to inform you that, bearing in mind what you
recently wrote respecting your desire to leave England, I have
appointed you my ambassador in Venice, and Don Guerau de Spes,
the bearer of this, to be your successor in your present post. I
write to this effect to the Queen by him, for her due information,
and you may take leave of her and come hither forthwith, in order
to arrange your affairs, which we are informed you require to do,
and receive personally your instructions and information as to how
you are to bear yourself with the French ambassador respecting
precedence, which is the principal question now at issue in Venice,
and about which it is needful that you should thoroughly understand my will. I leave to your own discretion whether you
should come by land or sea....*   Before leaving, you will
thoroughly inform Don Guerau of the state of public and private
affairs, and point out to him the persons whom he may trust, as
well as all other matters in that country and court, in order that
he may be able to write to me fully. You will see his instructions
and make what remarks upon them you consider will help him in
his task. You will accompany him every time he has to speak to
the Queen whilst you are there, taking your leave of her amiably
so as to keep her pleased and contented for the due maintenance of
our friendship, and to enable Don Guerau the more advantageously
and easily to fulfil his mission with benefit to me and my subjects.
The aforegoing, together with Don Guerau's instructions, and
the verbal expressions of my wishes, which I have ordered him to
convey to you, will nearly suffice to answer the various points in
your letters, which, notwithstanding their length, may be treated
briefly here. First, we are glad that the Queen has come to the
decision to withdraw her ambassador, in accordance with our
request, and to send another in his place who will be more acceptable to us. We were in some anxiety until we heard how she
had taken the demonstration made against this John Man, who, as
you say, stretched matters to the extent of writing to the Queen
that I had denied him audience 19 times. It is well that you
should know that I never appointed an audience with him, nor did
he ever come by my orders to the palace, although it is true that
he sent to ask for audience, and I put him off as I was unwell at
the time, and especially as I had already resolved that I would not
see him or allow him to enter my presence for the reasons I have
already stated. If he came to the palace it was without my orders
and only to negotiate with Ruy Gomez, as the latter subsequently
told me. It will be well for you to explain this to the Queen that
she may see there has been no shortcoming on this point, and say
that I will always extend to the new ambassador she may send the
kind reception and treatment demanded by our friendship and
brotherhood, on the sole condition that he acts properly, or, in
other words, that he does not transgress the limits of his position.
I beg she will therefore send expressly a man who will avoid similar
* There are several words erased here, and in the margin in the King's handwriting
is the following note:-"< I do not erase this because I do not intend to do it when
opportunity offers, but because there is no reason to tell him so here."




46


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1568,
occurrences which,'without ally fault of hers, might disturb our friendship. I am so anxious to maintain this unbroken that I am grieved
to see this matter of the league still being spoken of, being, as it is, so
far from the truth that such a thing has never crossed my thoughts,
and I am very desirous that you should inform the Queen fully on
this point before you leave, and banish from    her mind the
suspicions she expressed to you of the duke of Feria in the matter
of John Man. By the statement taken by Don Guerau it will be
seen perfectly clearly that the man's only enemies have been his own
faults and excesses, and I trust that she will look upon the Duke in
another light and favour the relatives of the Duchess, which to me
will be a source of great contentment, as it has been to hear of the
measures adopted by her respecting the Flemish freebooters who
have taken refuge in her dominions. You will thank her for this
on my behalf, urging her to have her orders rigorously carried out,
and reminding Don Guerau to follow the matter up in the way you
will point out to him, and in accordance with the orders he will
have received from the duke of Alba.
It was well done to write to me in detail the position of the
affairs entrusted to the ambassador of my nephew the king of
Portugal, as I informed the King of it at once, which I tlought
necessary to do. I have no answer from him yet, but I shall be
glad that you and Don Guerau continue the help and favour you
have hitherto extended to the ambassador, as if the business were
my own. I instruct Don Guerau to the same effect, as you will
see, and have also set forth the terms in which he is to satisfy tile
Queen in the. matter of those words contained in the "Pontifical
History," which certainly have annoyed me, as will be seen by the
order given to withdraw the books and eliminate all that appears
objectionable.
This Englefield who is here is such a worthy gentleman, so
modest and so good a christian, that I am quite sorry for the
severity with which the Queen treats him, aid I should be glad,
when you take your leave of her, if you would again mention the
matter to her, and try to obtain from her the favour he asks, which
is so reasonable, as you are aware. You will press her so that you
may bring with you some good news for him, whereat I shall be
pleased; but if you cannot manage it, you will inform Don Guerau
of the condition in which you leave the affair, so that lie mlay
follow it up as opportunity offers.* —Madrid (?), 27th June 1568.
3; July.  36. GUZMAN DE SILVA to the KING.
I have informed your Majesty of the return hither on the 26th
ultimo of M. de Montinorin, and the news lie brought of the queen
of Scotland. On the day after his arrival here he had audience of
* In the King's handwriting: "It will be well to put the same in the instructions to
Don Guerau so that he may keep the matter in view when opportunity offers." This
was a petition of Sir Francis Englefield, who had been a member of Philip and Mary's
council, to be allowed to enjoy the revenue of his estates during his exile. The
petition was refused and Sir Francis subsequently went to resida in the Netherlands
with the duke of Alba.




IEIZABETH.


47


1568.
this Queen, in the course of which he told her about the letters
from the earl of Murray's people, which had fallen into the hands
of the Queen, and both he (Montmorin) and the ambassador asked
her to see the queen of Scots and aid her restoration to the throne.
They tell me they gave this Queen to understand that if she did
not do this their King could not avoid assisting her (the queen of
Scots) in her need. The Queen gave a fair spoken reply, but they
thought it was merely words. On the same day Herries and
Fleming went to the Queen to take her the original letters of
Murray's agent, and good deal was said at the interview. She
subsequently referred.them to Secretary Cecil, and ordered the
agent to be examined before them, but he made no statements of
importance. No doubt he had been advised beforehand what
answers to give.
On the 29th I went to speak with the Queen, ostensibly on
private business, but really to hear about the queen of Scotland,
and what she (Elizabeth) thought of doing with her after hearing
Montmorin and the two Scotsmen. I waited for her to start the
subject, which she did, remarking that the business was somewhat
perplexing her, as, on the one hand, it was only right that the
Queen should be treated well, and, on the other, that she should be
taken care of. I answered that, if what the Queen sought was
help for her restoration to the throne, and she (Elizabeth) was not
willing to help her, I begged she would undeceive her, and let her
go over to France, and if she was not willing to allow that, at least
she should let her go to Scotland again and take her chance. She
said, as regarded giving her help towards a restoration by force, not
only were'there difficulties in the way of this, but the result of such
an attempt would be uncertain, and she therefore thought it would
be better to negotiate some terms. These, she said, must be hard,
because Murray and his gang would never be safe if the Queen
returned as a ruler, even thougli she pardoned them now, as she
could easily find an excuse afterwards to be revenged on them.
On the other hand, the Queen could not return without any
position, so that she thought the best course to adopt was for her
to return with the title of Queen, but that the government should
be carried on in the name of her son, as it is now, without giving
her power to change it, or to do anything without the orders of the
Government and Council. She said that, in order to discuss this,
she had sent (as she had already told me) to Murray, asking him to
despatch representatives with whom she might treat. She was still
of the same' mind about it as she had been from the first, and
would not, on any account, allow the Queen to go to France; and
as for sending her back to Scotland alone after she had placed
herself under her protection, that would be a great dishonour for
her (Elizabeth) and her country. Seeing also the pretensions she
had to the English crown, it would be dangerous, she said, to allow
her to be free in this country, as she might take opportunities of
satisfying people about past events and gain them over. She
(Elizabeth) had therefore, as she had already told me, determined
to bring her to some place in the interior of England, both that she
might be safer from her enemies, and also in order that, if she




48


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1568.
attempted to escape clandestinely to Scotland, her flight should be
made longer and more difficult; as between Carlisle and Scotland
there was only one small river, which could easily be crossed. I
asked her why, then, she did not bring her away at once? to which
she replied that the Queen would not leave Carlisle, and had sent
to tell her (Elizabeth) that she would only do so under compulsion,
by which she understood a direct and peremptory order from her.
She (Elizabeth) said she did not want to affront her by treating the
matter in this way, and she was sorry for her to remain where she
was, for the reasons she had said; which reasons, as I understand
from Fleming, are the very ones which make the queen of Scotland
unwilling to leave, although she says it is because she wishes to be
near where she may know quickly what is passing in her country,
and keep in close touch with her friends. I told the Queen that,
as this was a matter of so much importance, I thought she ought to
keep her friends informed of her acts and intentions with regard to
it, and that she should so manage it that, whilst looking to her own
interests, she should satisfy the other powers. She said that she
had already done so with every one but your Majesty, but, as you
had refused to receive her ambassador, she had not ordered him to
communicate it to you. She asked me, however, to write to your
Majesty what her intentions were, and again repeated to me her
assurance that she would not allow her (the Queen of Scots) to return
to Scotland. She said that not even her enemies would wish that to
be done, or to allow her to be again endangered in Scotland after she
had placed herself in her (Elizabeth's) power. She (Elizabeth) is
anxious about it; as well she may be, for the queen of Scots has
certainly many friends, and they will increase in number hourly,
as the accusations of complicity in the murder of her husband are
being forgotten, and her marriage with Bothwell is now being
attributed to compulsion and fear. This view is being spread,
and friends easily persuade themselves of the truth of what they
wish to believe, especially in this island. It therefore behoves this
Queen, especially, to prevent the queen of Scots from marrying in
France, to look out for her own interests by settling the business
with all speed, and getting the queen of Scots back again in her
own country without giving the French a pretext for going thither.
The Hamiltons, who support the Queen, are very strong, as this
Queen (Elizabeth) confesses; and it would certainly suit her (Mary)
best to go back, because, being free and in the exercise of her
authority, she would be in a better position to negotiate. I am
persuaded that these folks here will do everything in their power
to delay and procrastinate, to see what time will bring forth.
Fleming has been constantly coming and sending to convey,
apparently confidentially, to me, news of his mistress' affairs. I
have shown him great goodwill, and have, in general terms, assured
him of your Majesty's sincere affection for his Queen, as I am
letting the Catholics, her friends, also understand. With the queen
of England I am proceeding in such a way that, whilst doing the
queen of Scots no harm, I persuade her that my main desire is that
she shall succeed in her management of so important a business,
cautiously pointing out to her the need for discretion in a matter




ELIZABETH.


49


1568.
which deeply concerns her neighbours. She tells me that some of
her people are asking her how she finds me disposed in this
business; since she seems so secret with me some of them think
that I am trying to forward the queen of Scots' interests, whilst
others think I am in favour of those of this Queen and her
country. I said that I had been glad to know her. wishes and
silently serve her, as I always did, to which she replied that she was
quite satisfied of my good will, although I believe that some of her
friends are doing their best to make her suspicious of me.
The numbers of those who belong to the Puritan religion, as they
call it, are going on increasing. As I understand, they are strict
Calvinists, and are called purists or reformados because they will
not allow ceremonies, nor anything but what is contained in the
letter of the Gospel as they call it, although they probably do not
believe it. They therefore avoid the churches where others congregate, and do not allow their ministers to wear any distinguishing
garb. A few of them are arrested as I have written, but no harm
is done to them, and, rather than try to escape imprisonment, they
offer themselves for it.
So far as can be seen, most of the heretics in this country are of
the Calvinist sect, although really they are all so mixed up with their
various opinions that they do not understand each other, or know for
certain how they stand, which of itself would suffice to convince
them of their error if they were not so blinded. There are some
suspicions that certain of the Queen's councillors tried to bring her
over to these new views, and to weld all these sects into one, believing
that, in such case, there would be no dissensions, and that, if all
were of one faith, they could maintain themselves better, and they
would try to get people in other places where divers sects existed
to do the same. I saw how injurious this would be if it were done,
and took a good opportunity of saying to the Queen how distrustful
she and other princes ought to be of these libertine heretics (for
this is their right name), as liberty and freedom from  all subservience is the real aim of the wretches. I told her it was
reported that amongst some of those who surrounded her there was
a talk of persuading her to abandon the Augustinian creed, which
is that which she professes to follow, and adopt this other one, and
I begged her not to allow herself to he deceived and misled. She
replied that there was no one near her who would dare to suggest
anything of the sort to her; I might be sure of that. I said very
likely no one would openly venture to do it, as she, with her intelligence, would understand what would be the result; but they might
artfully try to persuade her by working upon her fears and representing that their numbers were large, in order to prevail upon her
to assist them for her own preservation, instead of which, I said, it
would be to her ruin. She told me that, in the last few days, fifty
Anabaptists and other evil sectarians had been expelled, and no
doubt they tell her this, but I have heard nothing of it and do not
believe it, nor is it to be expected that there can be concord
amongst so many diverse and extraordinary opinions. They will
doubtless try to attain it, but the devil is no friend to concord and
will only help them for his own ends, The book of the names of




y 76467,


p




50


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1568.
the persons who gave alms for those in Louvain, which was in the
possession of that good man named Wilson, now in prison, has not
been forgotten. The names of all the donors were not contained
in it, and those that were there were disguised; but they threatened
Wilson with torture, and he has declared the names of some of the
subscribers, under the belief that no harm could be done to them
for giving charity.  They have commenced proceedings against
some of them, and have arrested a gentleman of wealth and wisdom
named Copley, who was formerly a heretic, but who, for the last
five years, has been a good Catholic and a person of great virtue.
They have also summoned Roper, who married Thomas More's
daughter Margaret, a person of high position, and it is not yet
known what will be done with him.
A book has been printed here and has been sold publicly for
the last three days (and has even been fixed in certain public
places in this city), a quarto nearly two inches thick, called
" Declaracion evidente de diversas y subtiles astucias de la Sancta
Inquisicion de Espana."  It was written in Latin by Reginaldo
Gonzales Montano, and has been recently translated into English,
but the translator's name is not given. I have only been able to
see the prologue, which speaks very shamelessly of the Pope.
The night before last there arrived here a gentleman named
Douglas, who was concerned in the escape of the queen of Scots,
and who was said to be her favourite. He is going to France, and
hlas been advised to separate himself from her, in consequence of
the favour with which she was said to regard him. He is accompanied by a young secretary of the Queen, who passed as his
servant, and from whom I have received a letter from his mistress,
copy of which I enclose with my reply to a former letter of hers,
of which also I send your Majesty a copy. The message he brings
me from his Queen is the same as that which I wrote had been
conveyed to me by Montmorin and Fleming. I have replied to the
same effect as I did to them, showing sympathy and general good
will, and did my best to encourage her without any pledge. I
enclose copies of the letters sent by the queen of Scots to this
Queen, and the substance of those which were taken from the
courier despatched by the Regent's servant, who, I am told, is called
John Hood.
The duke of Norfolk denies that he said to Tyrwhitt what the
latter alleges, and Cecil and Throgmorton do the same. The Duke's
word may well be believed, as he is a worthy gentleman, only that
he is an Englishman, and the best of them are not to be trusted
overmuch.-London, 3 July 1568.
10 July. 37. GUZMAN DE SILVA to the KING,
The Queen arrived in this city on the 6th in good health and
continued her progress which, as I have said, will only be in the
neighbourhood, as she is careful to keep near at hand when troubles
and disturbances exist in adjacent countries. She came by the
river as far as Reading, and thence through the country in a
carriage, open on all sides, that she might be seen by the people,
who flocked all along the roads as far as the duke of Norfolk's




EL;IZA13MIT.


51


1568
houses where she alighted. She was received everywhere with
great acclamations and signs of joy, as is customary in this country;
whereat she was extremely pleased and told me so; giving me to
understand how beloved she was by her subjects and how highly
she esteemed this, together with the fact they were peaceful and
contented whilst her neighbours on all sides are in such trouble.
She attributed it all to God's miraculous goodness. She ordered
her carriage to be taken sometimes where the crowd seemed
thickest and stood up and thanked the people. Amongst others
there approached her a presentable looking man who exclaimed,
" Vivat Regina. Honi soit qui mal y pense"; whereupon she said
to me, "This good man is a clergyman of the old religion."  I
replied that I was very glad he should show so openly the good
will and affection with which the Catholics had always served their
sovereigns, and that she might be sure their fidelity was advantageous
to her, in order to check the disobedient people in the country. For
this reason, I had several times advised her not to allow them to
be molested and maltreated. She said she had in this followed
my advice and would still do so, and said one of the things she had
prayed to God for when she came to the throne was that He would
give her grace t govern with clemency, and without bloodshed,
keeping her bands stainless. This gave rise to a remark from her
about the justice which has been done in the States of Flanders,
but not such as to indicate that she thought it so hard as when she
spoke of it before; indeed, my observations to her on the subject
seem to have convinced her that it was necessary. The earl of
Leicester also mentioned the subject to me the same day, and What
seems to aggrieve them most is that the persons executed were not
heard in their defence, on which point I undeceived Leicester and
Sussex. The latter said he had been much distressed at this action
of the duke of Alba, for your Majesty's own sake, and he would
rather have walked to Rome and back, or further still, than that
this execution should have taken place. I showed him how mistaken
he was in thinking that the Counts had been condemned unheard,
and said they had been clearly convicted of high treason by judges
of great ability, and their own countrymen.* He replied that, notwithstanding this, some consideration should have been paid to
Egmont's services and character. I said, if he had rendered good
service it had been richly rewarded, as was well known, and for that
very reason, and the high position and esteem in which your
Majesty had placed him, he should have been all the more careful
to prove his gratitude and fidelity. The punishment for his not
having done so had been most righteously awarded, to the deep
pain of those whose duty it was to punish him. Sussex said that
I spoke rather as your Majesty's minister than as a man, and would
yet think very differently. I replied that he was in error, and that
the offences of these men and the others had been notorious, and
those who had so far been fortunate enough to escape might pray
that they should not be caught, for, certainly, if they were, they
would share the same fate.


* Counts Egmont and Horn.




52


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1568.
The duke of Norfolk awaited the Queen at his house, where she
was received. He told me subsequently that, in consequence of his
many occupations, he had not been able to go and see me, with
other compliments of the same sort, but said nothing whatever
about Egmont and Horn. Two days ago there arrived here a
gentleman of the queen of Scotland wlh had come away since her
arrival at the place where Fleming is. He brought me a letter
written by her, copy of which I enclose. He says she remains in
good health, and with a stout heart to face her troubles. She is
not displeased with those who guard her, excepting with Vice
Chamberlain Knollys, who is always mentioning religious matters
to her. The rest treat her kindly. The earl of Murray with his
confederates are in Edinburgh.
They say the Viceroy of Ireland will be despatched to-morrow.
He has been hurried off lately, but I have not yet heard what
extraordinary need there is for this.
I wrote in my last letter that the Council had summoned some
of the people whose names were entered in the book written by
Wilson (who is now in prison), as having contributed charity to
the Catholics at Louvain. Copley has been sent to prison, and
Roper was told to return on the 2nd instant. When he again
appeared they postponed the hearing until the 8th, and then
referred him to the Chancellor and Cecil, who told him that he
L]ad confessed to sending money to the Queen's enemies in Louvain,
whereat they were much surprised. He replied that it was quite
true that he had sent them some money in charity, but that he did
not look upon them as enemies of the Queen, but as her natural
subjects who were ill need. They said they understood that he
had sent large sums in charity to those living abroad, but they had
not heard that he had done anything for the many poor who were
here. He replied that he was not obliged to render an account of the
charities he gave, which he considered ought to be secret; but, since
they had opened the question, they had better make inquiries
of the poor students that he maintained at Lincoln's Inn and other
colleges, and they would then find out whether he only sent charity
to those in Louvain. They said then, that, as he was so great a
friend to the poor, perhaps he would give them, (i.e, the Chancellor
and Cecil) some charity for certain poor people they knew.
Ile told them he would willingly give them 101. or 201., in the
belief that they would distribute it well. They would only take
10., and with this dismissed him. I understand that this good
mlan gives a thousand crowns a year in charity to the Catholics
who are in prison and at Louvain. Roper was the husband of
NMargaret, the daughter of Thomas More, and his children are
strong Catholics. Copley has also been released and left prison
yesterday. They have suspended proceedings against the others.London, 10th July 1568.
14 July. 38. GUZMSAN DE SILVA to QUEEN ELIZABETH.
B.M.     I spoke to your Majesty on the 11th instant to the effect that,
Cotton Galb for a long time past, it was stated that many rebels from the Low
C,    countries, subjects of my King, who had taken refuge here from




ELIZABETH.


53


1568.
those parts by the help of your Majesty's subjects, were returning
thither with arms, in order to disturb the peace of the States;
disembarking in places where they thought they might safely rob,
and that they had killed some poor people who were unsuspectingly
working in the fields, and also some priests who were performing
their offices, as well as committing many other cruel murders which
I refrain from dwelling upon. As these rebels have been received
here as in an asylum from the punishment they deserved, I begged
humbly that your Majestywould prevent them from returning in
this guise to injure the States. When your Majesty had graciously
heard me, you promised that a remedy should be provided and that
all care should be taken to prevent the continuance of the evil. I
depended upon this promise being carried out, but I afterwards
heard that nothing whatever had been done in the matter, and,
consequently, addressed your Majesty several times on the subject,
and also appealed to Sir William Cecil, your secretary, to have the
fitting orders sent out. The latter replied that the orders had been
promptly despatched and were being put into execution at Sandwich, and I thereupon thanked your Majesty for the orders that
had been sent, under the impression that they were official. I have
since heard that this was not the case, and that they were only
private intimations to the officers of the ports, and I consequently
sent to inquire whether they were being carried out. I found that
they were not, and that many persons with arms were still being
allowed to leave, which is not ordinarily the case in this country.
Many of these rebels are now making ready in London, Norwich,
Sandwich, Southampton, and other places. I therefore again begged
your Majesty humbly to take measures to prevent the evil, in
conformity with the old friendship and alliance between the
countries, and I handed to your Majesty the substance of certain
clauses of the treaty between the late Emperor and your Majesty's
father, King Henry, in order that you might see what were the
obligations on both sides in similar cases. I also stated that, to
provide for the despatch and payment of these men, subscriptions
were being opened in England, also entirely against the treaty, and
again begged your Majesty to prevent the passage of these armed
persons. I have received no answer whatever to all these representations, and as nothing has been done as a consequence of my
verbal protests, I again address your Majesty in writing, and beg
you to be pleased to give public official orders that may be effectually
enforced. If the matter is delayed or passed over and these people
are allowed to go, together and armed, accompanied by your own
subjects (as they certainly will be), for the purpose of injuring the
States, it is evident that this will be carrying on open war under
the cloak of friendship, and as such I shall consider it, giving due
notice to my master the King and the duke of Alba, that they may
take such steps as may be desirable to obtain redress. I beg your
Majesty to be pleased to reply promptly, as I shall look upon
silence as a refusal of my request. In order that your Majesty
may understand the reasons why promptness is so necessary in th:s
business, I may say that, in addition to the subscriptions I have
already mentioned as being made in the French and Flemish




54


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1568.
churches here, I am informed that a subsidy is being raised from
the clergy of this country in aid of the rebels who are invading my
King's dominions, as well as contributions from laymen of position,
who, for their honour's sake, I will not name; being sure that if I
did so they would incur your Majesty's displeasure for the love and
friendship you owe to the King my master. I should be sorry for
this, but I cannot refrain from speaking very plainly as is my
duty.-London, 14th July 1568.
Signed. D. Guzman de Silva.
17 July. 39. GiTZMAN DE SILVA to the KING.
The Queen left here on the 12th instant to continue her progress.
The day previously I had received notice that the Flemish rebels,
in pursuance of their intention to return to Flanders for the purpose
of disturbance, were purchasing arms and urging each other to
take part in the expeditions. I had also learnt that the proclamations issued by the Queen prohibiting the departure from the
ports of any armed persons were being disregarded, and I thought
well to speak to the Queen and tell her clearly what was passing.
I did this, and said that it was two months since I told her that
the rebels were taking refuge here, and that, at that time, I had
not wished to say anything about the way in which they were
received and sheltered, thinking best to leave to her as a friend to
consider what was most fitting for her to do. I said that, although
the number of those who came was large, yet, knowing your
Majesty's clemency and your great desire that these poor people
should be convinced of their error and return to their loyalty, I
had not desired to say a word against them, but only to inform
her of their offences, which were notorious and which, being
rebellion and disorder, would have justly deserved prosecution and
punishment, in accordance with'alliances and treaties between the
countries. Seeing, however, that they were not satisfied with past
excesses and with being let alone, but that their insolence had
arrived at such a point that some of them were returning to the
States to rob and kill faithful subjects there whom they found
unprepared, and afterwards to take refuge again in this country,
whence again they would sally out to do the like, I had asked her
to be good enough to take measures to prevent their leaving the
ports with arms, so that they could not commit similar offences in
future. I had said they ought to be told that they would be
harshly punished if they committed such crimes, as it was not
reasonable that such invasions as these should be allowed to leave
a friendly country, and, in addition to its being wrong, it might
bring forth other evils. She had replied at the time that the evil
was worthy of a remedy, and she would take care that I was
satisfied. When I had again mentioned the matter to her, for the
purpose of agreeing what the remedy should be, she had told me
that she had already taken the necessary steps, and she sent Cecil
to me to say that the orders were being carried out at Sandwich.
Notwithstanding all this, seeing that no public order was given, I
had taken measures to discover whether the guards in the ports
were [carrying out their instructions, and I had understood that




ELIAZBETH.


55


1568.
the contrary was the case, whereat I was much surprised, particularly as many rebels and even Englishmen had already left,
and many more were arming furiously to do the same. This was
done with so much impudence that the only thing wanting
appeared to be the drum  beat. I had, therefore, considered it
necessary to again request her to find a remedy, not that there
was anything to fear from such a rabble as this, but in view of
other eventualities, especially as it was now known that they
were helped with means in this country. The Queen said thft she
had sent the orders as she had told me, which would be confirmed
by Lord Cobham, who was entrusted with the carrying out of the
orders, and whom she said she would summon that he might give
an account of it in my presence. She said that as for allowing
them to come over and remain here, this she did out of pity an(l
as they said that they came for conscience's sake, and she did not
know how she could prevent them from returning if they liked.
I said, "Let them  return as peaceful citizens, without arms or
" turbulence, separate and not in bands, so that they could do no
" harm, and then, of course, there would be no objection; but they
should not be allowed to go over in warlike guise and with the
"intention of disturbing, and especially being paid, as they were, as
"soldiers."  I said that the so-called churches of French and
Flemings had contributed largely, the former 7001. and the latter
8001., with the help of other persons. She replied that, as regards
the money which was given to them, she could not prevent that or
forbid them from returning to their own country; to which I again
insisted that if they went separate and without arms there was no
need for it, but that in the way they were going it was illegal and
ought to be prevented, as otherwise it would be tantamount to
England making war upon the States of Flanders; and so it would
be considered by anyone who thought upon the subject. In order,
I said, that she might have in her mind the obligations she was
under with regard to the States and your Majesty, I begged her to
read certain clauses of the Treaty of Alliance of 1542, which 1
gave her in writing. She read them, saying that she quite recollected their purport. I said I hoped she would recollect also to
act up to it, and wished to leave her the paper, in order that she
might not lose sight of it; she replied that she would not forget it,
and put the paper in her bosom. I send a copy of it herewith, but
I did not include Clause 7 of the treaty, by which she is bound, on
40 days' notice, to provide as many captains and soldiers as could
be paid with 700 French crowns a day, which clause I only mentioned verbally in order that she might not think that this aid was
being asked for.
I have written previously that some persons have come hither
from Embden, and it was said that some sort of treaty was being
arranged to send them a certain number of cloths every year. I
have since learnt that their principal object was to say that if
Ludovic's business was settled they feared the Duke might send
his army against them. The Queen confirmed this to me, and said
that she wished to tell me that these people had come on behalf
of the count of Embden to inform her of their fears, and the Count




56


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1568.
had begged her to write and intercede for them with your Majesty,
as perhaps by an untrue report that they had helped Ludovic,*
your Majesty might be incensed against them, or might take this
opportunity of invading their country in revenge for their having
received cloths when the importation was prohibited in the States.
She was assured that, although some of the people of the country
were with Ludovic, they were men who went of their own accord
and without the Count's order, as others of them are with your
Majesty's forces. Her Council, therefore, was of opinion that she
should write to your Majesty on the subject, since the Count had
not helped Ludovic, or done anything to offend your Majesty.
She thought better, however, to let me know before she wrote, so
that I might report to your Majesty the causes that had moved her
to do so. I replied that I had no information as to whether your
Majesty was advised of this, nor did I believe that the duke of
Alba would go forward in it, unless the rebels took refuge there, in
which case it would be necessary to follow them up and put an end
to them at once. I said I thought that they had conceived this
suspicion, either because they knew they were in fault, or because
I had said to people here, who had told me that Ludovic was being
helped in Enbden, that they had better look out what they were
doing, as those lands were under the sway of your Majesty in your
capacity of perpetual Vicar-General of all Friesland, and you could
punish them as such. This may have aroused some suspicion, but
your Majesty was not accustomed to be angry without just cause,
and, if they had not offended, they had nothing to fear.
I asked her whether she had come to any decision about the
queen of Scotland's affairs, to which she replied that she had not,
as she could not understand it, since the Queen was so determined
in her refusal not to leave Carlisle. She could not decide until
she had had an interview with her, and her subjects had been
heard against her. It was difficult to deal with these things where
she is now, as it was so far off, and she did not consider that in
honour she could allow her to return to Scotland in such peril as
she would be, since she had taken refuge in this country; she
would not let her go to France either, as she had very distinctly
told her, and for this she had many reasons; amongst others, that
the whole time she (the queen of Scots) was in France there was
not an hour's peace between this country and that. She said the
queen of Scotland wrote her one thing, and Lord Herries, in her
name, said quite differently, pressing her constantly either to let
her go to France or to return to Scotland, on the promise that she
would give security before she left that no foreigners of whom this
Queen could be suspicious, should go to Scotland, which undertaking would be further guaranteed by the signature of the king
of France and your Majesty. I replied, as I had on former
occasions, that this was a matter of high importance to be treated
with great consideration, and she ought, above all, to inform
friendly princes what she did. I always say the same thing when
* Ludwig of Nassau, the brother of the prince of Orange, who was still in arms
against the duke of Alba.




ELIZABETH.


57


1568.
I speak of this matter to her, in order to sound her as to her intentions, so that if it should please your Majesty afterwards to
take any action in the matter you may be well informed thereupon.
She told me she had ordered a statement to be drawn up to be
sent to your Majesty and the king of France. The next day when
she left, I accompanied her to hear whether she would say anything
to me about the Flemish rebels returning, but she did not, and I
was loth to again broach the subject until I saw what she had
ordered. She told me that she would not give me the written
statement she had spoken about touching Scotch affairs for four or
five days, as she was expecting a reply from the Queen, but, in the
meanwhile, I might write to your Majesty what she had said about
them. The way in which these people negotiate may be clearly
seen by what passed when the queen of Scotland came to England.
She (the queen of England) sent a gentleman named Middleton to
try to persuade both the Regent and the Queen's party to lay down
arms and see whether a reconciliation could not be effected, but
before this gentleman arrived, Cecil wrote to the man at Berwick
to send a messenger with all speed to the Regent, giving him notice
of the message that Middleton was bearing, and telling him to
immediately put into execution what he had to do. This he did
by destroying the house of Herries and those of two other friends
of the Queen. They have their signs and countersigns, and whilst
they publicly write and do one thing, they secretly order another;
and, as this Scotchman says, the queen of England uses towards
his mistress fair words and foul deeds. I believe that she will
treat her as I said from the first, namely, keep her in an honourable
prison, the one object of these people being so to manage Scotch
affairs as to keep that country friendly with them, in the belief
that, whilst the two kingdoms are in accord, they have nothing to
fear, and they think this could not be the case whilst the Queen
remained free, because of religion and other reasons.
Seeing that between the 11th, when I spoke to the Queen, and the
14th, no steps had been taken, and that the rebels were hurrying
their departure, the time meanwhile being wasted in the ordinary
way here, I thought well to write a letter to the Queen at Havering,
especially as I was informed that a subsidy was being secretly
collected of so much in the pound on all ecclesiastical salaries
throughout the various dioceses for the purpose of helping the
prince of Orange and Ludovic. I wrote instead of going myself,
in the hope of getting a written answer, but they replied verbally
in conformity with the enclosed copy. On the same day that I
sent my letter off, I wrote another letter to the Treasurer, more to
see what he would say than because I thought he would remedy
anything; saying that, as he knew what the Queen had ordered
about armed Flemish rebels leaving England, it was his duty, in
the absence of the Queen, to see that redress was granted, and I
was advised that many such men were still going over, and the
Queen's orders disregarded. He replied verbally that he also had
reports that these people were leaving, but he had no instruction
from the Queen to act; if he had had, he would have prevented
their departure, and said that I should personally press the Queen




58


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1568.
in order that she should instruct him, as he did not know of
anyone at Court who could be entrusted with the matter.
The earl of Sussex and Sidney, viceroy of Ireland, have now
made friends and have dined together. Sidney retains Ireland and
Wales, and Sussex has been made President of York, in place of
the Archbishop, who has died. I said that they had released
Copley with a fine of 501. and Roper of 401. They have also
liberated another northern gentleman, but afterwards summoned
Roper again before the Chancellor and Cecil, who showed him a
document containing three heads which they said he had to sign.
First he had to confess that he had broken the law by sending
charity to those who were on the side of the Queen's enemies;
second, he had to promise that he would in future obey the ecclesiastical laws now existing in this country and those that may be
enacted; thirdly, he had to undertake not to give any more charity
to those who were abroad for religion's sake, or those who, for a
similar reason, were in prison. He said that he must consider
carefully what he had to put his hand to, and asked for time. He
consulted the duke of Norfolk and complained of what they asked.
The Duke told him that he thought he could not avoid doing,
partially, what the Council ordered him, nor could he get him
excused, but if he would meet the demand in some moderate way,
such as his conscience would allow, he, the Duke, would help him.
He thought that he might say, with regard to the first head, that
he had sent money to Englishmen beyond the sea who the Council
declare are in league with the Queen's enemies, and he, Roper, did
not wish to contradict them, but would submit to their authority.
To the second head he might say that he would always be obedient
to the legitimate laws of the realm; and to the third point, that
he would give no charity to those outside the country, and would
conform in future to the law. He did this and they released him.
They have also released Wilson, who is the clergyman upon
whom they found the book with the list of subscribers to the
Louvain people. I have advised your Majesty what passed with
the Queen relative to the imprisonment and ill-treatment of the
archbishop of Armagh. When I spoke to her about it again, and
asked her whether she had inquired into it, as she had promised,
and asked her to do me the favour of being merciful to him, taking
off his chains and letting him have some books and the visits of
his friends, she replied that she had inquired and would be glad
to please me, but this man had been a traitor and a rebel, and
letters had been found upon him from John O'Neil, which she
herself now had. I replied that I had heard very differently, but
ended by saying that if he had been a rebel I had no wish to help
such people. Some of these good men think that it is only necessary for me to speak to the Queen for everything to be settled, but
they are much mistaken, as the greatest of care has to be used in
these matters to avoid doing them more harm than good.
This morning, seeing that they had not sent me a copy of the
proclamation which was to be issued respecting the going of the
rebels to Flanders, I wrote to secretary Cecil pressing him to have
it published, as they were about to leave, and would have done so




ELIZABETH.


1568.
ere this if the wind had not been against them. Many have gone
already to the place of embarkation. Cecil sent me the proclamation this evening with a letter of his, copies of both of which I
send enclosed, and the man who brought it said that he had called
in at the printers on his way to tell them to print the proclamation
with all speed so that it might be sent out. I told him I wished
it had been sent out to-day as the people were already departing,
and it would be of little use after they were gone. It would look,
indeed, more like a compliment than a remedy. I do not know
whether it will be done even to-morrow, as it is Sunday, although
if this wind lasts they cannot leave before it is published. It has
been long delayed, which makes me doubt their sincerity.London, 17th July 1568.
18 July. 40. The KING to GUZMAN DE SILVA.
I only write to you to say that John Man, having received an
order from the Queen to return, and a letter for me in answer to
that which I had written, he asked Zayas if he could hand the
same to me and take his leave. On this request being conveyed to
me at the Escorial, where I was then, I ordered him to go to Barajas
and deliver the letter, and say what he wished from the Queen.
I promised, if there was anything in which I could please her, I
would do it most willingly without his seeing me, as upon that
point I did not consider it desirable to alter my determination,
which had been arrived at after very mature deliberation. John
Man, when he heard this, delivered the Queen's letter to Zayas,
and told him that he had no particular instructions, only that he
wished I would hear him in his justification. Since, however, this
could not be, he would depart when he had received my reply and
the passport for his safe journey. This was sent to his satisfaction,
and he went on his road from Barajas without returning here,
Zayas having told him to take this course. As it is desirable that
you should see what the Queen wrote to me and my reply by
John Man, I send you copies that you and Don Guerau may
discuss the contents, and, if the subject is introduced or John Man
should have told the story differently, you may know what to say.
As I shall be very pleased for the successor of this man to be a
Catholic, I enjoin you and Don Guerau very strictly to see whether
you cannot dexterously lead the Queen into this road. You will
keep in touch with the duke of Alba about it.-Madrid, 18th July
1568.
19 July. 41. GUZMAN DE SILVA to the KING.
I have detained until to-day the enclosed despatch for your
Majesty, in order to send advice of the issue of the proclamation.
I sent to the man who came to get it printed, urging him to press
the matter forward, and he replied that it had first to be published
at the Court before it was issued in London or elsewhere. This is
no doubt in order to give time for the people who are ready to
get away. It is the ordinary proceeding, saying one thing and
doing another.




60


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1568.
I am informed that the contribution which was being collected
from some of the councillors and others has been postponed, because
every one of the members was saying what amount Cecil would
have to pay, and he refused to give any more than ten pounds,
whereupon all the rest of them were very angry, and the thing was
suspended as they all thought he would give much more. Almost
at the same time as this happened, my letter to the Queen telling
her about the contribution arrived, greatly to their astonishment
that the affair should have got wind before it was executed.
It seems it has now been dropped. The French ambassador was
suspicious that these heretics were going over to join and help some
(French) heretics who had got into Valery, but news came yesterday
that the Christian King was beseiging them and had opened his
batteries upon them.
I have been informed that on the 17th a letter from the Prince
of Conde arrived for Nicholas Throgmorton, in cipher, the substance
of which was to beg him to say to the Queen that she had no doubt
been informed that the conditions of the peace were not being kept
in France, whereat he, Condd, felt injured and aggrieved, although
he did not blame the King but his bad counsellors. He was therefore obliged to take up arms, and would do so on the 21st instant,
when he would have 12,000 men, Count Rochefort having already
3,000, and he hoped with God's help to punish the King's advisers
in such a way that not one of them should remain in France. He
pledged his word to this, promising never to lay down the task
except at its completion or his death.
I am informed also that secretary Cecil has instructed a gentleman,
who is to go from Berwick to the Regent of Scotland, to say to him
in the name of this Council that he must moderate the severity with
which he is treating the queen of Scotland's friends, as he will
stir them up otherwise to a fiercer feeling against him and his
Government. He is recommended to commence his rule by fair
methods and to gain popularity by choosing conciliatory officers, as
he will by this means tranquillise the country more quickly. They
have here already gained over Lord Maxwell otherwise Lord Herries,
who promises to be on the Regent's side if he will associate him in the
Government, together with some of his friends, as he is not satisfied
with the Government of the Queen and will not consent to her
rule. The Secretary (Cecil) advises the Regent on his own behalf
to follow this course, as everyone wishes him to remain the head
of affairs, and if he does not adopt the advice sent him he will not
have so many friends here as otherwise he would have. It is
Throgmorton who has won over Herries.
Since writing the above I sent to the Lord Treasurer a copy of
the proclamation saying that, as it was already printed and ordered
by the Queen, he should send instructions to the Customs houses to
prevent any person passing in violation of it. He replied that it
was very badly drawn up and clearly showed the animus of those
who had the matter in hand, particularly in the delay that had
taken place in the publication. He would, however, do what he
could although he had no orders from the Queen about it.-London,
19th July 1568.




ELIZABETH.                        61
1568.
24 July. 42. GUZMAN DE SILVA to the KING.
The proclamation issued by this Queen against those who were
passing or wished to pass over to Flanders with arms in their
possession in order to disturb that country, was printed on the
18th instant, but was not published until the morning of the 22nd.
Some people think that it was delayed on purpose to give the
people time to get away before it was issued, and I am quite of that
opinion, as it is the usual mode of proceeding here in similar
matters, and especially in any affair at all touching religion; their
usual desire being to convince all those who are treading the path
of heresy of their attachment and support. This is doubtless to
encourage and affirm the various leagues and understandings they
have with each other; and everything tending in the slightest
degree to oppose this is managed as dilatorily as if they were
carrying it to the stake. In this matter I have had to break
through my habitual patience and to make them understand that,
after signing a decree, it was necessary to publish it, as otherwise it
looked much more like a compliment than a remedy. But they
are hard folk to force and will go their own pace. I spurred them
somewhat when the Council sent me a copy of the proclamation by
Wilson, who was ambassador in Portugal and is much attached to
the earl of Leicester, by saying that I was greatly surprised that the
Earl, such a distinguished person as he was and so grateful and
attached to your Majesty for your favour to him, should not try to
get the Queen to do what she ought for your Majesty, and that,
seeing how things were going, I was beginning to reflect upon what
some people were telling me, to the effect that he, Leicester, listened
to these heretics and admitted them to his acquaintance, which I
could not believe of him. I thought well, however, to let him know
by his intimate friend, as in such cases as this even suspicion should
be avoided, and that neighbouring princes should always be con
ciliated where the interests of his own Queen were not jeopardised.
Wilson went with this to the Earl and returned with very many
thanks and excuses, giving me an autograph letter from him, copy
of which I enclose. I replied that if I had not been persuaded of
his kindness, I should not have sent him the message, as it was
unnecessary to take any such course with an enemy with whom one
has to dissemble and bide one's time. I answered his letter by
word of mouth, saying that I was quite certain that what he said
was true (his expressions being extremely complimentary) from
what was known of my attachment to him. But although he wrote
that he hoped I should not be credulous, except in his favour, I
might well have answered him by referring in terms more plain
than are generally used in this country to what, it is certain, he
has been negotiating. I believe what he says about his having had
little to do with Count Ludovic, but I do not think he is so free
from the prince of Orange, about whom he says nothing, nor from
French affairs either, about which he replies, although I said
nothing except my general reference to neighbouring princes.
The ecclesiastical subsidy is being collected apace and, no doubt,
the lay subsidy is also proceeding, only more secretly. There are




62


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1568.
people who hint that the Queen will keep the ecclesiastical subsidy
for herself.
The Queen of Scotland is to be brought to Lord Scrope's house,
sixty miles this side of Carlisle, and it is even said they will bring
her to Farnham (?).
The French ambassador told me very secretly yesterday that she
was not a Catholic, as he had been assured by Fleming, who said
that neither he (the French ambassador) nor I ought to be deceived
about it. But this Fleming himself is a heretic although he pretends
to be a Catholic to me, and probably the Queen is deceiving him or
else he thinks the French ambassador is a heretic and wishes to
please him, as he does me. This is the present way of dealing, and
one ought to believe nothing; which is one of the greatest perils of
heresy.-London, 24th July 1568.
31 July. 43. GUZMAN DE SILVA to the KING.
Don Guerau de Spes who had arrived in Antwerp has forwarded
to me your Majesty's letter of the 28th ultimo. As he had not found
the Duke there, he being occupied in Friesland, he writes that he
should be detained for some time, having to communicate with the
Duke respecting matters in those States, and the questions with
this country as regards commerce. There will be little to discuss
however upon this point, as things are now settled and it would
be better not to disturb them.
John Man will, no doubt, have left Spain ere this, and I will
carry out your Majesty's instructions in endeavouring to satisfy
the Queen entirely on the point, particularly to banish her suspicions of the duke of Feria, which, I 'have already told her, are
entirely without reason. I have said that it was most foreign to
his nature to show  bad feeling, especially towards an English
minister, he having always been so friendly to Englishmen. I
will return to this subject when I speak to the Queen from your
Majesty in favour of the Duchess' relatives.*
The Portuguese business is pending until the arrival of the
King's reply, but, in the meanwhile, everything possible shall be
done that these people may be brought to understand the best course
to take. I will show the ambassador what your Majesty says, and
the instructions which Don Guerau brings. I have already on
other occasions assured him to the same effect, and he ought to be
well pleased.
The Queen has been so hard in Francis Englefield's affair that I
have been quite surprised. Everything has been done that was
possible, and if the matter is not decided by the time that I hIave,
Don Guerau can take a favourable opportunity of trying to
persuade the Queen to a better decision than hitherto.
The publication of the Queen's edict, prohibiting armed men
from going over to Flanders, has somewhat cooled these rebels
and others who were ready to embark. I believe, however, that
* The duke of Feria who had accompanied Philip to England, and was subsequently
Spanish ambassador here, had married the daughter of Sir William Dormer of
J;thropc.




ELIZABETH.


63


1568.
their discouragement has also been caused by the events of Friesland
and St. Valery, and the knowledge that all parts are well prepared
for them. They are not going over now in bodies, or in a way
that violates the proclamation, but still they can find means to go
over, as they do. I pressed for this edict, but it was mainly in
order that these people should not openly appear so indifferent,
rather than because I thought it would be a real remedy. As I
have written on other occasions, the public ordinances here are not
always executed, but are counteracted by private understanding, as
I have frankly told these people. I have assured them that I am
having the ports well watched to see that they are carrying out the
orders, and I am told that they are now showing more vigilance.
The contribution of the twentieth part of the ecclesiastical
revenues for the succour of Ludovic is being carried forward on
the old basis. I am also advised that the aid subscribed by private
persons in proceeding, and I have been recently told that the Queen,
herself, is giving a considerable sum, although I cannot obtain any
certain information upon this last point. The Councillors and
others are constantly showing their bias and ill-feeling towards us.
Notwithstanding their attempts to dissemble, it is clear that they
wish nothing so much as our adversity in Flanders and elsewhere,
and I told the Queen that I was sure they wish to bring her round
to the belief that she could never trust your Majesty; that being
their great object, in the fear that, at one time or another, she
might change the religion. I have not done anything more about
these subscriptions and impertinences since writing to the Queen
on the 14th instant, as I await further instructions from the duke
of Alba.
I do not know what decision the Queen will arrive at about the
queen of Scotland. I have received two letters from the latter,
copies of which I enclose with a letter which she sends me for your
Majesty. I expect that the affair will be delayed as she herself
fears, in order to see whether the Scots can agree amongst themselves. Although the queen of Scotland writes asking that her
letter should be sent post, I have thought it sufficient to send it
by the ordinary, as her affairs are proceeding so slowly, and it is
as well that time should help your Majesty's deliberations as to
what is best to be done.
There has been a Frenchman named Dumbal (?) secretly here
lately from the French Huguenots. He treats through Throgmorton,
and I have been able to get a note which he wrote to him in French,
which I have had copied and send herewith in order that his
dealings may be seen. I think I can get Throgmorton's answer
to it and the other particulars of their dealings through a certain
channel. —London, 31st July 1568.
2 August. 44. GUZMAN DE SILVA to the KING.
I wrote on the 31st ultirno, saying that the duke of Alba being
busy in Friesland, Don Guerau would be detained in Flanders for
some days. I see that his coming has been published here, and its
object, by means of many letters from merchants resident in
Flanders, and I thought best to speak to the Queen about it,




64


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1668.
and to discuss the other matters which your Majesty orders, so that
she might be prepared for Don Guerau's coming. I accordingly
left London to-day for this place, in order to be near Hatfield
where the Queen is. I had sent to ask for audience in order
that I might have the reply when I arrived here. I am to have
audience to-morrow, as the Queen says that she wishes me to be
present at an entertainment to be given to her at the house of a
neighbouring gentleman. When I had nearly arrived here I met
a courier from the Christian King on his way froIn the queen of
Scotland with letters for this Queen. He handed me the letter he
brought for me from the queen of Scotland, copy of which is
enclosed.
The edict ordering no person with arms to go from this country
to Flanders was published, and coming after the news of events in
Friesland and St. Valery, the rush of these rebels to get across has
ceased, although it is of no great importance, as the ports on the
coast were well prepared for them.
-I am still advised that the contribution of the twentieth part of
ecclesiastical revenues is proceeding, as also is the other subscription.-Barnet, 2nd August 1568.
9 August. 45. GUZMAN DE SILVA to the KING.
I was with the Queen on the 3rd and 4th instant, at Hatfield, 17
miles from here, in order to tell her of the coming of Don Guerau
de Spes, which had been published in various parts. She showed
more sorrow than I expected, and, changing colour, told me that
she was grieved from the bottom of her heart that your Majesty
should make any change, as she was so greatly pleased with my
mode of procedure in affairs. She had, she said, always shown how
pleased she was, and she hoped to God that thece was no mystery
behind this change. She dwelt so much upon this that, in order to
banish suspicion, I threw the blame upon myself, assuring her that
your Majesty had decided to give me leave at my own supplication
and importunity, my sole reason being my poor health, which I
was sure this climate did not suit. I said she knew this herself,
and there was no other mystery behind it. She was somewhat
quieter at this, but complained greatly of me for wanting to leave
her. I spoke to her also respecting the league, and she seemed
satisfied, as she was, indeed, before, in consequence of my many
conversations with her on the subject. She also seemed to be
reconciled about John Man, and with regard to what I told her of
your Majesty's orders touching Dr. Illescas' history which she was
anxious should be amended.
On my return to London, I talked with Cecil and told himi of
the coming of Don Guerau and my departure, whereat hle expressed
sorrow and assured me that the Queen would be greatly pained,
especially as it would seem to confirm what had been conveyed to
him from several quarters, that Cardinal Lorraine had arranged a
treaty with the duke of Alba, respecting this country and the queen
of Scots; which had been negotiated through me, as the French
ambassador here could not bl trusted. It was said also that the
queen of Scotland herself was in communication with me and sent




1,LIZABETH.5


65


1568.
me letters for your Majesty, and it was asserted that, now that I
had arranged what was wanted, I wished to leave in order that my
successor, and not myself, should witness the carrying out of the
plan. It was known that I had a person at Dieppe to advise
people in France of these matters, and that Don Francds de Alava
never left the side of Cardinal Lorraine. My own belief is that
Cecil invented the whole of this, although he told me he would
show me letters saying it, because I am told that the letter that
the queen of Scotland wrote to me with the letter for your Majesty,
together with another for the French ambassador, fell into Cecil's
hands. I therefore replied that, as for arranging anything of the
sort between the Cardinal and the Duke, I looked upon such a
statement as a silly joke, and the vain talk of idle men, and I
could assure him that the assertion that any such treaty had gone
through my hands was absolutely false. If I had done such a thing
against the Queen, I should be worthy of great punishment from
your Majesty, and even from the Queen herself. I said that it
would have been entirely opposed to my instructions, and that I,
in my life, had never seen, written to, or in any way communicated
with the Cardinal, nor he with me, and I was quite sure that the
Queen would not believe such nonsense. It was true that the
queen of Scotland had, since her arrival in this country, written
me some letters and sent servants of hers to me, whom I had
received as officers of a princess who was on friendly terms with
your Majesty, but nothing had passed touching the affairs of this
Queen, and I had only fulfilled my office as ambassador, which
obliged me to receive all kinds of people. I said that he would
recollect that when Melvin, the Scotch gentleman, was here, he,
Cecil himself, had sent him to me to ask me to write to the queen
of Scotland and her husband, when they were at discord, recommending them to make friends; and I had done this, I wish I
could say successfully. He said it was quite true that he hoped to
have arranged such a reconciliation through me, and that I might
be quite certain of one thing, namely, that the Queen had so much
confidence in me, and was so satisfied, that she had told him several
times that she knew of no one whose opinion coincided with hers
so well as my own, and that she did not like to praise me openly
in her Council, in order not to arouse the jealousy and suspicion
of certain of the members. He did not know what sort of a
person Don Guerau was. I praised him    very much both to
Cecil and the Queen, assuring them that he would be a gracious
and pacific minister. —London, 9th August 1568.
45A. STATEMENT 1made by DON CRISTOBAL DE SALAZAR, Secretary
of the Ambassador DON DIEGO DE GUZMAN DE SILVA,
respecting the Ambassador's departure from England.
I, Cristobal de Salazar, secretary of the very illustrious Senor
don Diego de Guzman de Silva, of his Majesty's Council, his
ambassador in Venice, et cetera, truly testify that on the 9th day of
the month of September last year, 1568, the said illustrious
gentleman, my master, left the house where he resided, which was
called the house of my Lord Paget, in the parish of St. Clement's
y?6467.                                                    E




f6


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1568.
outside the walls of London, to go to Spain. He went first to take
leave of the Queen of England in company with Don Guerau de
Spes, who had arrived recently as his successor in the post of
ambassador. After having taken leave of the Queen in the presence
of the ambassador, Don Guerau de Spes, and without any further
detention, he departed for the port of Portsmouth without returning again to the said bouse, and embarked for Spain in the
said port as he had been ordered by his Majesty, in the presence of
the following witnesses: Martin de Robles Ximenez, Alonso de
Zuaiga, and Alonso Pantoja, servants of the ambassador.    I,
Cristobal de Salazar, notary public apostolic, was present at all of
this.
CRTSTOBAL DE SALAZAR, Notary.
16th August 1570.
45B. EXTRACT from the INSTRUCTION given to DON GUERAU DE
SPES as Ordinary Ambassador in England, dated in the
Escorial, 28th June 1568.
First of all you must know that the ambassador from the Queen
who has resided here lately, called John Man, is a heretic so pernicious and evil-minded that, ever since he came to my Court he
has acted differently from what lie ought to have done, and has in
many thlings exceeded the limits of his position, and broken the
promise he gave on his arrival to the duke of Alba, and subsequently to others of my ministers who told him the conduct he
would have to observe. This was only the same as had been observed
by his predecessors, both in the Emperor's time and my own. Not
lhaving, complied therewith, but on the contrary having very
scandalously and indecently dared to exceed in many things, his
insolence and boldness could be tolerated no longer; but, as it was not
desired to punish him otherwise, he being a minister of the Queen,
with whom I am on friendly terms, I sent a special courier to inform
his mistress of it through Don Diego de Guzman, my ambassador,
in the form which you have seen by the copies of letters exhibited
to you. I asked the Queen directly and through Diego de Guzman
to recall John Man, whom I had declined to receive any more or
allow in my Court, and to name some other person in his place
who should behave with proper modesty. Pending the receipt of
the reply, I ordered John Man to leave my Court, which he did, and
is now at Barajas awaiting the orders of his mistress. Diego de
Guzman delivered my letter to the Queen, and he writes to me
tlat, although the Queen was somewhat disturbed at first, she
afterwards became tranquillised and took the matter in good part,
s;ying that she would recall John Man and would send another
lperson nmore to my satisfaction, as you will have seen by Guzinan's
letters shown to you. As I promised the Queen and also D)iego de
Guzman to send a fuller and more complete statement of the things
Don Guerau de Spes, the new ambassador, was a native of Lerida, and a son of
Don Jaime de Spes, one of Ferdinand the Catholic's gentlemen of the chamber. He
was a knight of the order of Calatrava, and had rendered himself conspicuous in Spain
by his strong Catholic views.




ELIZABETH.


67


1568.
in which John Man had transgressed, and the scandalous, bold, and
disrespectful words which he had allowed himself to use in condemnation of our holy Catholic faith and in contempt of the Pope
and the holy apostolic See, you have had handed to you with this
instruction a statement of Cardinal Espinosa, president of my
Council of Castile and Inquisitor-General, containing the evidence
of trustworthy witnesses against John Man. You will take this
statement in order that you may convey to the Queen of England
the details it contains in fulfilment of my promise.  You will
proceed in this in accordance with the advice and instructions
given to you by the Cardinal Inquisitor-General, and will communicate everything to Diego de Guzman, in order that the Queen
may remain entirely satisfied that the action taken towards the
ambassador was rendered necessary entirely by his own bad
behaviour and departure from the conduct observed by his predecessors; that his action was of such a character that I could not
avoid doing as I did, and that it was only with great reluctance
that I adopted this course, having regard to the respect and goodwill
I bear to the Queen. You will set forth all this with the fair words
and arguments which you and Diego de Guzman mayconsider suitable.
As John Man is so malicious as to have signified that the duke
of Feria, out of regard for the Duchess and her English relatives
and friends, has been the origin of this treatment, you may know
that this is pure malice and meanness on the part of John Man,
whose only accusers have been his own bad deeds and evil
conscience, which were so flagrant that they could not be concealed. It is necessary for you on every occasion to banish this
suspicion of the Duchess' relatives from the Queen's mind, whilst
assuring her that the Duke has never said anything to me against
John Man, but, on the contrary, has invariably shown a desire to
benefit and promote his interests. I ask and beg the Queen,
therefore, to graciously show all possible favour to the relatives of
the Duchess, which will be for me a great satisfaction. You yourself will make the acquaintance of them, and do your best on all
occasions to help them, as you know well the claims the Duke has
upon my thanks and affection.
You will also try to learn what arms and gunpowder the English
have received from abroad, because they neither make nor possess
these things themselves, but usually provide them from Flanders
and Germany through Embden.    You will advise the duke of
Alba of what you learn, so that he may keep his hand on the export of these things from the States, such course being of great importance to rly interests.
When you arrive at the court of England you will go straight
to the lodgings of Diego de Guzman, my ambassador, to whom you
will show this original instruction and deliver my letter to him.
He will inform the Queen of your arrival, and arrange the day
and hour when she is to receive you. You will go together to the
audience, and you will give the Queen my letter, saluting her
gaily and graciously from me, saying that I have appointed you
the successor of Diego de Guzman to reside near her as my ordinary
ambassador, with instructions to serve and gratify her on every
2




SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1568.
possible occasion, as, in fact, I wish you to do; trying to keep her
on good terms, and assuring her from me that I will always return
her friendship as her good neighbour and brother.    In these
generalities and compliments, giving her news of things here which
can be fittingly told, you can pass the time of the first audience,
without saying anything about business, unless she wishes to
commence that subject. The first matter that you will discuss
with her must be about John Man, giving her an account, as set
forth in the statement, of his excesses and bad behaviour; first
because I have promised her, and next because I wish her to be
well informed of the truth, and thoroughly satisfied that all possible
gentleness was used towards him, and that any other person she
may send will be welcomed and well treated, if only he will
conduct himself with the same modesty as all previous ambassadors
have done. You must deal with this point in such a way that it
may be smoothed over now, once and for all, and you will promptly
advise me of all that passes on this subject with the Queen, as well
as everything else that from time to time may occur, sending your
letters to Flanders, whence my letters to you will also generally
be sent. You may also sometimes, when opportunity offers, send
your letters by way of Don Frances, or by sea when a passage by
ship is obtainable with a trustworthy person, sending such letters
to Juan Martinez de Recalde of Bilbao.*
10 July. 46. GUERAU DE SPES to the KING.
I have written what passed on the road, to Secretary Zayas, the
last letter being from  Bayonne.  Approaching Bordeaux I was
assailed by many people, who threatened us, in consequence of
eight (Spanish?) sloops having endeavoured to enter the Garonne
to burn the flotilla which had come from Florida. Crossing the
river, my boatmen pointed out to me the six ships which they say
had avenged the murder of their friends in Florida, and the captain
is swaggering bravely here about it. It is said he has received
ten thousand crowns for the artillery he brought, with other
things of great value. The whole road has been rendered dangerous
by the ill-will of the French, both Catholics and heretics, against the
Spatiards, and, in some places, the King's soldiers themselves took
arms against us and called us Spanisl hogs.t In another place, on
this side of Blois, they tried to stab Jacques, postmaster of Bruges,
who was with me, because they, thinking he was a Frenchman, saw
him in the company of Spaniards. Everywhere they made us pay
extravagantly, and Spaniards are in danger all through the country.
Even Captain Jordan de Cuellar, who served this King, was stabbed
to death the other day.
Lies are afloat everywhere with regard to Flanders, and these
were brought daily by their couriers, so I was anxious in case
there should be any truth in the reported loss of Maestricht and
the defeat of Count Meghen.
* Juan Martinez de Recalde was the King's commissary at Bilboa, and was subsequently one of the principal captains of the invincible Armada. lie was considered
one of the first seamen of the time.
t "Espafioles marranos." 'his term of approbrium was usually applied to Jews
and outcasts or unclean people.




ELIZABETH.


C9


1568.
I arrived here on the 17th, and was well entertained ly Don
Francds de Alava.   I have consulted with him  as to my instructions, and we went, by appointment, this morning to Little
Madrid here to salute the King, the Queen, and duke of Anjou.
Cardinals Lorraine, Guise, and Bourbon and the dukes of Nemours
and Guise were there. I complimented then from your Majesty
as ordered.  They recommended the affairs of the queen of
Scotland strongly to me.
I told the Queen of the bad treatment we had received, and she
ordered the offenders to be punished.  She also said that the
Florida affair had been without her knowledge or wish, and the
artillery, which is known to belong to your Majesty, has been
ordered to be returned to Spain. She said we knew, moreover,
that the King was not obeyed in those parts, and they had even
refused to admit M. de Vielleville into Rochelle. It is reported
here that the duke of Alba was going to Friesland in great force,
and a successful issue may now be expected. With God's help, I
leave here to-morrow for Brussels, where I will fulfil my instructions and see the duke of Alba, and will then leave to continue
my service in England.
Holograph postscript: The Scotch ambassador here, who is very
ill, has just sent two gentlemen to me to recommend his mistress's
affairs to my care. She appears to found all her hopes on your
Majesty's favour, and I have told him that I have orders, on my
arrival in England, to do what I can for her.-Paris, 19th July 1568.
25 Aug.  47. GUERAU DE SPES to the KING.
I wrote to your Majesty from Paris and to Secretary Zayas from
Brussels that I was sending a special courier to the duke of Alba
with his despatches. He was then at the extreme end of Friesland
with his victorious army, and I informed him that I would go to
Bois le Due, where the Council was, and consult with them what
had to be arranged, according to my instructions, and then would
await his orders as to whether I should go to Friesland or nctt.
He answered directing me to remain in Bois le Duc, but afterwards
told me to come to Utrecht, whither the Council also went. The
Duke arrived there on the 16th and was for some days 'so busy
with the affairs of the war that he could not discuss the business I
was ordered to communicate to him. He afterwards decided to
go to Bois le Duc, where he told me he could attend to me, which
he did; so that I am now fully informed of the grievances suffered
by your Majesty's vassals, both in the States and Spain, at the
hands of those who disregard alliances, ancient friendships, and
good neighbourship. The damage done by this exceeds the sum of
three hundred thousand ducats a year. The Council had all its
papers in Brussels, but as the necessary documents had been sent
to Guzman de Silva the Duke writes to him by me, telling him to
deliver them, or copies of them, to me. Dr. D'Assonleville will also
draw up for me a full statement of the injuries we receive and the
terms which were to have been arranged by the Conference at




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SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1568.
Bruges, and which, no doubt, would have been carried out but for
the troubles and disturbances in the States. I have come to this
place, and after having provided some necessary things, I shall
leave for England in a day or two at most, whence I can write
more fully to your Majesty after having obtained further information from Guzman de Silva as to the remedy to be adopted.
I received the despatch from your Majesty, dated 27th ultimo,
which was delayed in consequence of the death of the courier in
France, and was directed either to Guzman de Silva or myself.
By this I learn of the death of our lord the Prince, whose soul is
now in heaven. I pray that God will give your Majesty the rest
and consolation that your subjects desire for you, and many other
sons and successors. I closed the letter again and sent it on to
London by the courier that was leaving, advising Guzman de Silva
that I should be with him in a few days.
Antonio de Guaras has sent me two slanderous papers printed in
England, which the heretics of that country have made up to
entertain their gang, and to endeavour to diminish the favour your
Majesty extends to the Catholics, and the justice and equity which
you maintain in your States. If your Majesty wishes, they can be
copied and sent to you in Spanish. I shall be glad to be directed
as to whether I should speak to the Queen about these insults,
since she seems so much offended at the " Pontifical History," or
whether it will be better to leave it as unworthy of so great a
sovereign. As to John Man, the road seems now clear. I read my
instructions to the Duke and he thought they were perfectly
sufficient, but made several remarks on them for my guidance.Antwerp, 25th August 1568.
6 Sept.  48. GUERAU DE SPES to the KING.
I arrived in this island on the 3rd instant, and found awaiting
me in Dover Antonio de Guaras and all the Spaniards resident
here, who accompanied me full of love and desire to serve your
Majesty. The ambassador Guzman de Silva received me kindly,
and we have already begun to discuss matters of your Majesty's
service. The Queen is making a progress, and Guzman will come
with me when I go to salute her and give her an account of John
Man's affair, and will accompany me until I am fully acquainted
with the persons in the Court and all that concerns them. He
will then leave for the Isle of Wight, where he has given orders
that the ship in which his goods are embarked should meet him,
and whence he will sail for Spain.
John Man's household have arrived here by sea, from Biscay
where their master landed in consequence of ill-health, with the
intention of coming through France to Boulogne. A servant of the
Marquis de Sarria accompanies'him. I met the household the day
before yesterday in Canterbury on their way to Dover, where they
expected their master's arrival.
There is nothing new here nor of the queen of Scotland's affairs,
excepting what Guzman de Silva writes, —London, 6th September
1508.




ELIZABETH.


71


1568.
15 Sept. 49. The KING to the DUKE OF ALBA.
[EXTRACT.]
Diego de Guzman will have written to you an account of what
passed with the queen of Scotland and her complaints against
the queen of England, in view of which she begs me to help
her to extricate herself from the trouble in which she is, which
may be called an honourable imprisonment. She assures me that she
will gladly die if necessary to preserve our holy Catholic faith. It
has caused me great sorrow to see a Princess thus maltreated by her
own subjects, and, for this and religious reasons, I am willing to
help her in her sufferings; but I have refrained from taking any
decision or answering her autograph letter, of which I enclose a
copy, until you tell me what you think of her business, and in what
way, and to what extent, I should assist her. I therefore beg and
enjoin you to write to me on this by the first opportunity, and to
encourage the Queen from there as best you can, to persevere firmly
in her good purpose, as it is clear that whilst she does so, God will
not abandon her. The Esorial, 15th September 156S.
18 Sept. 50. GUERAU DE SPES to the KING. '
I wrote to your Majesty by Guzman de Silva, who left Newbury
on the 13th, and I presume he will have already sailed. From him
your Majesty will have a trustworthy account of all affairs here.
On my way to London I came across a Scotch gentleman, a servant
of the queen of Scots, who was coming post from Paris, and was
one of those who, when I was there, came to speak to me. He bore
a letter for me from Don Frances de Alava, and was in great trouble
about his mistress's affairs, as, it seems, they are pressing her much
and trying to force her and the country to entirely abandon the
Catholic religion. This gentleman was on his way to beg permission to go to his Queen and, after having seen her, to proceed to
Scotland. I told him I brought a letter from your Majesty and
another from the Queen for his mistress, but I had them in London.
He said he would come for them, which he did yesterday afternoon,
when I handed him the letters and told him that it was advisable,
in the interests of his mistress, that I should not be seen much in
the matter; and as she was so discreet and devout I was sure that
in this adversity she would adopt the best course to enable her to
return to her kingdom, always excepting the changing of the
religion. When she was at liberty, I said, her vassals would
gradually return to their love and obedience, and she could count
upon the support of Christian Princes. He said he would discuss
the whole matter with her and would let me know, by a trustworthy
person, what was decided. The deputies will go to York at the
end of this month and I will inform your Majesty of what happens.
By Guzman de Silva I advised the arrival of Cardinal Chatillon.
He is accompanied by the bishop of Arles who is a son of Monluc,
although his actions are very different from those of his father, and
by M. de Lange. He escaped from a house of his. called Brac, and
embarked at Trdport. He was received by Lord Cobham, Governor
of the county of Kent, and the Queen having been informed, she
sent a company to meet them. The French ambassador M. de la




72


SPANISH STATE PAPERS,
1568.
Forest, also went, but missed him on the road and went straight to
the house of Thomas Gresham, this Queen's factor, where the Cardinal
was to stay.  La Forest received him  cap in hand, with much
respect, which confirms the general opinion that he is a heretic;
certainly a nephew of his who is here and his secretary are so.*
It is certain now that this ambassador is leaving here presently,
as he told me the other day when Guzman and I met him as we
came from an interview with the Queen. The Cardinal dresses in
cape, hat, and sword, and has been to hear the preaching of two
ministers, great knaves and vassals of your Majesty, one a Spaniard
and the other a Sicilian. Yesterday afternoon the Cardinal went
to a pleasure house that Gresham has a league away from here.
The Queen has ordered all the Councillors to be summoned and they
left here this week with the duke of Norfolk and the earl of Sussex.
I understand the Cardinal will remain in Reading. The bishop of
Arles went first to see the Queen, and I am informed that, immediately afterwards, they brought out from the Tower here ten
pieces of field artillery, three hundred harquebusses, eight hundred
bows, a hundred pikes, a hundred halberds, and many corslets, and
a store of powder and balls. It is said that they were going to
bring them to Windsor, but I am told that it was all shipped to-night
in a ship which in the course of the tide was soon out of the river.
I am also informed that fifteen of the best ships are being fitted
out and that troops are being mustered in the north. I will advise
what else I hear to your Majesty and the duke of Alba, to whom
I communicated at once the arrival of Cardinal Chatillon.t
I have just heard that the heretic bishop of London has visited
the Cardinal and has promised him to get the Church to give two
hundred thousand ducats for his succour, which it is thought it
would do. —London, 18th September 1568.
24 Sept. 51. GUERAU DE SPES to the KING.
I wrote to your Majesty at length by Guzman de Silva, who
left Newbury on the 13th, and embarked at Portsmouth, although
with contrary weather. I hope he will shortly arrive, and that,
by his report, your Majesty will well understand the state of
affairs here and in Scotland. I wrote on the 18th, through the
duke of Alba, informing your Majesty of the arrival of Cardinal
Chatillon, and of the former bishop of Arles, and said how well
they had been entertained by Thomas Gresham and welcomed by
the French ambassador, to the great surprise of all good people.
I Lave received four of your Majesty's letters to.day, ordering me
to report that John Man had been despatched from there. He has
not yet arrived, although his servants, who came by sea, have been
here for some time. Guzman de Silva, before he left here, reported
his (Man's) departure, and also the death of the Prince, who is now
in heaven. I have nothing to say on this point as, in the matter of
* Vulcob, the nephew of Bochetel de la Forest, was, as is here suggested, for some
years a means of communication between the Huguenots and the English Court.
i Odet de Coligny Cardinal Chatillon was the brother of Gaspard de Coligny, Admiral
of France, leader of the Huguenot party.




ELIZABETH.


73


1568.
satisfying the Queen about John Man, Guzman de Silva fully
informed your Majesty. Your Majesty's letters of  4th and 16th
ultimo order me to endeavour to obtain restitution of a galleon
with her cargo which was stolen last May by an English pirate
from Domingo de Olano of Monreal de Deva in Guipuzcoa. I have
learnt that this ship was afterwards captured by one of the Queen's
vessels called the "Lebrela," and was taken, with all her cargo, into
an Irish port, where she still is. The merchant-owners of the
cargo have sent thither to recover their property, and I think they
will get the greater part of it. I have written on the subject to
the viceroy of Ireland, but will do so again and ask the Queen also
to write. I will use every effort to obtain the restitution of the
ship to its owner, if possible, and will try to discover the name of
the pirate who made the capture, in order that he may be punished,
and will advise your Majesty.
Three days since the bishop of Rennes, the brother of the
(French) ambassador here, arrived on a mission to the Queen from
the Queen (mother) of France. He has requested audience, and I
understand his object is to become a mediator when the deputies
meet at York, and he is about to ask the Queen's permission for
this. The Queen arrived the night before last at Windsor, and I
intend to ask for audience to discuss this matter of the pirate, and
also about the postmastership here. I will also gently ask the
Queen her intentions regarding the queen of Scotland.
On the day I left Madrid a sealed document was handed to me,
drawn up by order of the fiscal of your Majesty's Indian Council,
for me to use against John Hawkins, an English pirate. I read it
carefully before presenting it in order to master its contents, and,
it seems to me, that it produces very little proof against him, as
all that it alleges has been confessed by Hawkins himself.
Hernalde and Cristobal de Santisteban, two of your Majesty's
officers at the ports of Montespi, Isabela, and Puerto de la Plata, in
the island of Hispaniola, gave a written license to John Hawkins
to trade there, and received from him 105 slaves and a caravel as an.
equivalent for the dues accruing to your Majesty. ( They also agreed
to register, in accordance with your Majesty's decrees, all the merchandise which he obtained by barter there, and consigned to Seville.
He now claims these consignments, and alleges that he has committed
no offence in your Majesty's seas, having only traded by permission
of your Majesty's representatives. It therefore appears to me best
not to show this document to the English, until your Majesty may
have had it reconsidered and send me your orders. Since his
voyage in 1563 Hawkins has made another voyage with a finer
fleet and returned with great wealth. I have no information as to
whether, during this last voyage, he did anything wrong or traded
in your Majesty's dominions. After his return he again despatched
his fleet, but remained at home himself, but is now there (i.e., at
the Indies) more powerful than ever. He was to have been here
at the beginning of this month, as he usually comes at this time
of the year, but he has not arrived yet, and the Queen is very
anxious about it, as she is deeply interested. She promised
Guzman de Silva that he (Hawkins) should not trade any more




74


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1568.
in your Majesty's dominions, and I shall be glad if your Majesty
will have me informed as to whether he has done so since 1563.
Your Majesty orders me to proceed carefully in the queen of
Scotland's business in conformity with your Majesty's general
instructions. I will do so, and will carefully advise everything
that occurs in this most important matter.
I wrote on the 17th that a servant of the queen of Scotland,
who had spoken to me in Paris, had arrived here with a letter of
credence for me from Don Frances. I gave him your Majesty's
letter to his mistress. Another Scotch gentleman arrived here
yesterday sent by his Queen to France, and he has now gone to
Court to ask for his passport. He brought me two letters from
his mistress to Guzman de Silva, but, as the latter has not left his
cipher, or even told me that he had one with her, I have been
unable to read them, and therefore send them enclosed, in order
that Guzman may decipher them if he has arrived. I understand
they will contain very little more than what the gentleman told
me verbally, but I have kept a copy of them, and will try to
get the Queen's cipher. The gentleman told me of the affliction
and distress of his mistress, and, amongst other things, that the
English want her and all her subjects to adopt the new religion of
this country. If the Christian Princes abandon her, she says that,
being a woman and alone, she does not know what she can do.
She is more distressed on this point than she is even at the
attempts of the English to interfere with her in the government of
her country. I have been assured here that all that this gentlemen
tells me is true, and that the Council is trying to do as he says.
The arrangement made for the deputies to meet at York at the
end of the month has been delayed by Cardinal Chatillon's arrival.
I replied to the gentleman in general and complimentary terms, as
he was not going straight to his mistress. I will send a letter by
him to Don Frances giving an account of affairs here.
Cardinal Chatillon has arrived at Reading, and has seen the
Queen almost secretly. He has also had several consultations with
the Council, who, I understand, however, have not yet decided to
resolutely help the French rebels, although many people wish such
help to be given, and, I am told, that the duke of Norfolk is
urgently in favour of open aid being extended to them. At all
events, it is certain that no decision has yet been arrived at, and
that nothing has been done except to take the munitions out of the
Tower of London, which, it is said, were shipped, although report
still insists that they have been sent to Windsor Castle. Troops
are not being raised, but all the houses in the country are being
searched to see that they have their firearms in order, as prescribed
by the law.  The Cardinal has now returned to Thomas Gresham's
house two leagues from here. The French ambassador excused
himself to me for having gone to visit him, saying that he wished
to dissemble with him about his being in disgrace, in order to hear
what he would say. The ambassador tells me that he will have
to stay here a short time longer, as M. de la Mothe, who is to
succeed him, has been sent by his Queen to the duchess of Vendome.
I am carefully going over the Flemish documents. If matters




LIZABETH.


75


1568.
calm down in the States, it would seem best that the settlement
arranged at Bruges should be carried out, which was not done at
the time in consequence of the troubles there.- London, 24th
September 1 568.*
9 Oct.  52. GUERAU DE SPES to the KING.
I wrote to your Majesty at length on the 6th, 13th, 18th, and
25th ultimo, and on 2nd instant, and the last letter I received is of
16th August. Juan De Castro de la Loo has been sent to Ireland
to recover Domingo de Olano's ship and the cargo which had been
stolen. I have an appointment with the Queen for the 11th instant,
and I will press upon her the need for punishing the English
pirates Edward Cook and Thomas Uffal (?) who are already
prisoners, and that the rest should be captured to root out piracy
thoroughly, although, looking at the tendency of these people to
rob, it will be a difficult task. I will also speak of the grievance
of not giving the office of Postmaster to Godefredo, a subject of
your Majesty and a Catholic, who was elected by the powers in
accordance with ancient custom. Cecil is the obstacle, as he wants
to appoint a heretic, and says his object is to preserve intact the
rights of the Postmaster-General of this country, who is now
ambassador in Muscovy, and has left Cecil in charge of his
affairs.
I sent your Majesty the letters from the queen of Scotland, and
another servant of hers has since arrived disguised as a merchant,
who says he is going to the duke of Alba with letters from her
and will advise me when the boat which is to take him over is
ready. The regent James is reported to have arrived in York with
a guard of a hundred horsemen and all the deputies are now there.
The Queen of Scotland knows how to ingratiate herself with her
keepers, and has many on her side. In the neighbourhood, which
is the part of the country where there are most Catholics, she has
many sympathisers, and it will not be difficult to release her, and
even raise a great revolt against this Queen; but it will be more
prudent that your Majesty should not appear in this, and I will
do nothing unless I receive orders from your Majesty or the Duke.
Cecil is much against the queen of Scotland, and so jealous in the
matter that, as soon as he saw Beton, the Queen's servant, he asked
him whether he had been with his complaints to the Spanish
ambassador, and whether he came often to see me, to which he
replied that he had no dealings whatever with me. What I am
afraid of is that they might poison the poor Queen, although she
has won over greatly the Vice-Chamberlain and those who guard
her, he (i.e., Vice-Chamberlain Knollys) being a near relative of
the queen of England. Frenchmen arrive here every day, and in
such numbers that London is half in revolt against the foreigners
who are so numerous.
The Cardinal's wife has arrived with her children, a great
* This letter, as it at present exists, is, in places, unintelligible. I have endeavoured
to reduce it to a connected meaning by re-arranging, but in no case altering, the
text,




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SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1568.
following, and all the fittings of her house, so it is probably untrue
that the officers of the king of France had sacked their house. No
such thing happened.
Captain Sores, Baron de Morbec, the president of Bordeaux, and
many others, have arrived here, and have divulged to the Queen
the plot they have to capture Havre de Grace by the help of the
Governor and a Gascon Captain. I at once informed the French
ambassador, who thanked me greatly, and I have written also to
the Duke and Don Frances.
They have given to the Cardinal Ham House, next to Sion
House, and they say the Queen has granted him a hundred pounds
a month. Great efforts are being made to get the Queen to help
them with money, which they want more than men.
The infantry musters here are not proceeding very warmly. The
Queen has ordered as many harquebusses as have been sent to
Rochelle, and great stores of munitions, such as muskets, &c.
John Man is here, and the servant of the Marquis de Sarria has
gone back without seeing me and without hearing mass. I do not
think it is a good sign.
A Scotch gentleman of the house of Stuart has arrived here
and announces that he is going to Scotland to raise 500 horse for
M. de Condd.
I send enclosed a copy of the claims now pending judicially here,
and, although little justice is done, I think of mentioning the
matter to the Queen, gently at first, but afterwards more rigour
will be necessary, for nothing else is heard of here but the
robberies they have committed on your Majesty's subjects.
I learned from the servant, whom I sent to request audience for
me, that they have detained in the Court that Scotsman who first
brought me the letters in cipher for Guzman de Silva, on the
accusation that he was concerned in the murder of the King.
Lady Margaret thinks that he was, and has sent to tell me so.
This Queen wishes to make use of her to injure the queen of
Scotland. Beton assures me that this man was not concerned in
the murder, although he is mentioned in the pardon granted by
the Parliament to the Earl of Bothwell. The latter is still a
prisoner in Denmark. The deputies are as follows: For the queen
of England, the duke of Norfolk, the earl of Sussex, Sir Ralph
Sadler; for the queen of Scotland, the bishop of Ross, Lord Herries,
Lord Boyd, the abbot of Kilwinning, the laird of Lochinvar; for
the Governor, governor Murray, Lord Morton, Lord Lindsay, the
bishop of Orkney, who married them (i.e,, Mary and Bothwell), and
secretary Lethington, Master James Magill, Master Henry Balnaves,
and the Lord Provost.* I am sure that this Queen has helped Orange
with money, and will now help Cond4, the money being usually
obtained in Antwerp. I have informed the Duke where he may
* The list of Commissioners is not quite correctly given. They were, for Elizabeth,
the duke of Norfolk, the earl of Sussex, and Sir Ralph Sadler; for Mary, Lesly, bishop
of Ross, Lord Livingston, Lord Boyd, Lord Herries, Gavin Hamilton of Kilwiniling, Sir
John Gordon of Lochinvar, and Sir James Cockburn of Skirling.; and for Murray,
himself, Morton, the bishop of Orkney, Pitcairn, Commendador of Dunfermling, and
Lord Lindsay. Magill of Rankeilor, Balnaves of Hallhill, Maitland of Lethington,
and George Buchanan were appointed to attend them as assistants.




VLIZABETH4.


77


1568.
learn what goes on in this matter, in order that he may take what
measures may be necessary.  Leonardo Tadeo, a Florentine, is
the man who can secretly inform him.
Whilst writing this, a trustworthy person has come from the
Court to tell me that the Scots, to the number of 200, have
managed to enter the town of Berwick, and had almost taken
possession of it, killing Marshal Drury* and other officers and
soldiers, and if they had been stronger they would have kept
possession of the town, but they were few and without a head.
In the end they were defeated, but with the loss of the English
who were in the town.
I am informed that the Cardinal seeks 600,000 ducats.-London,
9th October ]568.
14 Oct.  53. The KING to GUERAU DE SPES.
By advices from Don Frances de Alava, and by what I hear from
the French ambassador and a gentleman of the chamber named
Lignerolles, we have learned of the proposal which the English
ambassador in France had made to the King. It was, in effect, to
persuade and advise him at great length that he should not allow
the persecution of the Protestants, but that all should be allowed to
live in their own way without molestation. He ended by signifying, although not openly, that otherwise the Queen could not
avoid helping them. The business was so important that I was
asked by the King how he should treat this. I answered that he
should treat the Protestants as rebels, as in fact they are, and
thereupon all possible difficulty would disappear, since no Prince,
however barbarous he may be, can countenance rebels who are
equally against all Princes. I said I was sure that if he treated
them in this way the Queen would not help them, and that, for
greater certainty, I would instruct you to approach her on the
subject; and I now request that you will do so, without mentioning
religion in any way, but gently reminding her that I shall be
pleased if she will not interfere with the king of France in this
matter, but let him punish his rebel subjects, and that she will not
allow her country to favour or promote such an atrocious crime as
rebellion. She herself will see that this should be her course, and
my advice is mainly inspired by my desire for her tranquillity and
the maintenance of peace between her and the king of France. I
am sure she will take it in good part that I should have given her
this advice. —Madrid, 14th October 1568.
18 Oct.  54. GUERAU DE SPES to the KING.
[EXTRACT.]
The Queen told me that John Man had arrived; that he was a
very learned and worthy man, and she understood that the English
who are in Madrid had plotted against him, causing your Majesty
to be displeased with him. I told her that the English bad nothing
whatever to do with it, but that he himlself was entirely to blame
for speaking so loosely of things, which need not have been mentioned there. She told me that she had been assured that he had
* Sir W illiam Drury, marshal of Berwick. The news was untrue.




78


SPANISH STATI PAPERS.


1568.
not spoken about religious differences, except to one or two
Englishmen. I said that from the account I had, John Man was
much to blame, whereupon she said she should like to see the
statement to which I referred. I said that as the affair was now
past, I did not think I need show it to her, but that if she wished
I would give her a summary of it. I will have this summary made,
and if she asks me for it again, I will give it to her. If it is finished
in time for this post I will enclose a copy herewith. She will probably not recollect it again, but the coming of John Man has
reopened the wound.-London, 18th October 1568.
23 Oct.  55. GUERAU DE SPES to the KING.
I take the opportunity of a cutter leaving for Biscay to write to
your Majesty to say that by letters from Antwerp I learn that the
prince of Orange, with 14,000 infantry and 6,000 horse, passed the
Meuse the previous night to within three leagues of your Majesty's
camp. He brought no artillery, and lost some horses in the passage.
As soon as the Duke was informed of it, he went with his army
against him, and I have since received letters from Geronimo de
Curiel, dated the 17th, informing me of the progress of your
Majesty's fortunate arms. As the Duke could not write to me
himself, Curiel sent me copy of a letter which secretary Juan de
Albornoz had written to him in the Duke's name on the 10th
instant, which is as follows: —
"' The Duke has learnt that it has been decided by the natives,
and by the Italians and Germans, to send a daily courier to learn
news of this most fortunate army, whereat his Excellency is greatly
pleased, and is delighted to be able to inform them, for their
satisfaction, of the good news of the defeat of these rebels, who
for the last three days have eaten nothing but apples. They do
not bring enough artillery to batter an old dovecote. A nice way to
conquer a country. It appears that to-day they are going towards
Zantron; it is to be hoped they are going to pay for the place
where the meetings were held. A hundred waggons have been
taken from them, and amongst other things have been found in
them some custodes, with the holy Sacrament still in them. Please
Gcd to punish those who so wickedly insult Him! Since writing
the above the Duke suddenly raised his camp at Wilzen, but I had
no time to close this letter. This was caused by information that
the Prince was raising his camp near Tongeren. The Duke
followed him so closely that our vanguard came into contact with
his rearguard a half-a-league on the other side of Tongeren, where
500 or 600 men were killed, but few prisoners taken, although
100 waggons of provisions, clothes, &c., were captured. They are
now in a very strong position between two mounds, and the Duke
is within a league of their camp, where, it is said, they leave
entrenched themselves and are suffering from  hunger.  Many
Walloon soldiers are deserting, and though the Duke reconnoitred
their position to-day, he did not find the country very suitable for
coming to close quarters with them. In their quarters at Tongeren
were found many soldiers and waggons which were taken, and the
latter given to his soldiers by the Duke. Of the Prince's soldiers,




ELIZABETH.


1568.
who were naked, the Germans were turned out towards Maestricht,
but all those who are subjects of our King are banged."
This is a copy of the letter, and the courier tells me that the
enemy are hard pressed, and no men had gone to join them from
any part of Flanders. This news is very distressing for these folks
here, who would like to see your Majesty's army destroyed, although
there are some good people who wish otherwise. Some, however,
are such bare-faced heretics, that they go to St. Pauls to preach and
spread false news, by which fictions they entertain the people, who
are naturally of a flighty disposition. Amongst the principal of
them is Cook,* the father-in law of Cecil and of the Chancellor.
He and his two sons-in-law are amongst the most pernicious
heretics in Europe.
There are four ships here called the " Meda," the " Eyde," the
Gineta," and the "Phoenix," as well as a great ship loaded with
stores. It is thought that these vessels will carry the money that
the Queen is providing for the prince of Condd's army. She has
borrowed money here at 12 per cent., payable in a year, and has
given warrants of exemption so that it shall not be considered
usury. I do not think that they have been able to get more than
40,000 ducats, and the rest will have to be raised in Antwerp, of
which I have informed the duke of Alba. Hamberton, a nephew
of the Vice-Admiral, with 30 or 40 young gentlemen, well-armed
and mounted, accompanied by many servants and some soldiers,
have left port, pretending that the Queen does not know of the
expedition, whilst many ships are already asserted to be in the
pay of the prince of Condd, and will plunder the ships belonging
to the faithful subjects of the king of France. It will be well for
ships coming from Spain to be prepared for this, and to come
several together for mutual safety.
Cecil came to my house on Sunday last, as was agreed between
the Queen and myself. He promised me that the pirates already
captured should be promptly and severely punished, and that those
who are accused should be arrested, if possible.
I gave him a memorial about the restitution of what had been
stolen, and he said he would try to get all restored, where possible.
In order that he might be better posted in the matter, I appointed
two of the Spaniards resident here to go over each item in detail
with him.
The business of the Postmaster is a very difficult one, and the
passion shown about it proves how badly disposed these people are
towards your Majesty. I have had a statement drawn up as to
the customary usage on former occasions in these elections of
Postmasters, and will give it to the Queen, as I do not wish to
dicuss the matter again with Cecil.
Cecil again mentioned the matter of the "Pontifical History,"
and, although I assured him that the portions in which the Queen
had been disrespectfully spoken of had been burnt by your
Mlajesty's orders, he insisted that the book had been reprinted. I
told him that to reprint the book would take fully six months, and
* Sir Anthony Cook.




80


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1568.
I could assure him that neither that book nor any other treating
the Queen disrespectfully, would be printed in your Majesty's
dominions. It would, I think, not be undesirable for your Majesty
to have a letter written to me on this subject, that I may give it
to the Queen to satisfy her. All this, doubtless, springs from John
Man, and Cecil takes these opportunities to make bad blood
between his mistress and us. He declares that your Majesty
would not allow the Queen's ambassador to exercise his own
religion in your Court, ignoring the just limitations which your
Majesty alone imposed upon him; and even the man who has in his
custody the queen of Scotland takes advantage of this falsehood to
deny her permission to hear mass, saying that you would not
allow the English ambassador to exercise the reformed rites in
Spain. The queen of Scotland's affairs will, I think, be long drawn
out. During the first few days in York the commissioners
banquetted each other, and since then, documents have been
produced inculpating this Queen and exculpating the queen of
Scotland. Every point is submitted to the Queen here. I have a
person to inform me of all that goes on, and have obtained a new
cipher with the queen of Scotland, the old one having been lost.London, 23rd October 1568.
25 Oct.  56. GUERAU DE SPES to the KING.
Whilst the French ambassador was dining with me to-day, a
servant of the Portuguese ambassador was sent to inform me that
this morning at mass the agents of the bishop of London entered
the house and arrested the Englishmen who were present, but the
ambassador forbade them to take them prisoners, and subsequently
the officers and a great number of people surrounded the house.
He wishes me to see whether I can help him, and asks me to tell
him what I think he ought to do. TI.e French ambassador and
myself were both of opinion that a servant of mine should accompany the Portuguese ambassador's servant to beg the Lord Mayor*
to be good enough to go and disperse the people from  before the
house, but when the Mayor heard that it was a question of the
mass, he was in a great rage, and said that if the Bishop wished,
he, the Mayor, would rather go with his men to help him. He
said it was no good asking him to help men who go to mass. I
sent some more 'of my people to the house of the Portuguese
ambassador to say that I thought he ought to inform the Queen,
and, at the same time, some of the officials of the Lord Chancellor,
who is Cecil's brother-in-law, arrived in great anger and demanded
of the ambassador that the Englishmen should be given up, saying
that they had no quarrel with him or his people. The ambassador
replied that there was no one there but his own servants, and on
the arrival of some more Spaniards, and Wilson who was ambassador in Portugal, the constables retired for the present, those who
were inside remaining there in the hiding. Probably the Queen
would be glad for the Portuguese ambassador to leave after this
affront without pressing her more about the prohibition of trade
with the Indies and Guinea, as people here are much disturbed by
the delay in Hawkins's arrival, and are afraid that the Portuguese
* Sir Roger Martin - Mercer.




ELIZABETH.                        81
1568.
fleet has sent him to the bottom, as is reported by a ship which
brings the news from Rochelle.-London, 25th October 1568.
30 Oct.  57. GUERAU DE SPES to the KING.
[EXTRACT.]
I wrote to your Majesty on the 23rd and 25th by a cutter leaving
for Biscay, sending the letters to Juan Martinez de Recalde, and
since then the ordinary post from Antwerp has arrived fully
confirming all the news, and assuring us of the small, or no, effect
produced by the rebel arms in those parts, although it is greater
than was at first reported. They (the rebels) hoped to unite with
M. de Mouy and other bandits from France. The Duke acts with
~o much prudence that I hope God will give him entire victory with
small loss to us. The heretics here are more impassioned than those
in the camp of the prince of Orange itself.
The four ships are ready, and William Winter who accompanied
your Majesty when you passed from Dover to Calais has been
appointed captain of them. Money is being got together at a
furious pace, and 4,000 infantry have been raised in the North.
I enclose the demands made by the Commissioners in York.
Two of each party have arrived here to consult with this Queen
who is at Hampton Court. I am of opinion that this would be a
good opportunity of handling Scotch affairs successfully, and
restoring this country to the Catholic religion, and if the Duke
were out of his present anxiety and your Majesty wished, it
could be discussed. Juan Brucel who wanted to disturb Amsterdam, and another man, a servant of the prince of Orange, called
M. de Dolain, arrived here recently and have gone to the Court. I
am watching what they arrange, and I am advised that it will be
prudent to keep an eye on what Harrington writes from Spain. It
would be as well to seize some of his letters.
At this moment the bishop of Ross has sent me, by one of the
queen of Scotland's Commissioners, a letter from his mistress,
saying that the Bishop will come and see me and give me an
account of all her affairs. He leaves now for Hampton Court, and
will see me at a fitting hour when he returns.-London, 30th
October 1568.? Oct.  58. The KING to GUERAU DE SPES.
You will have learnt from Guzman de Silva and from Dr. Manuel
Alvarez, a member of the king of Portugal's Council, now resident
in London, particulars of the business which the latter is negotiating, and, as discussion had been opened for a settlement of the
matter (of which I at once informed the King, telling him I was
glad to hear it and hoped an arrangement would be effected on
fair terms), I have advised him that the best course for Alvarez to
adopt will be to make the most favourable terms possible, take
leave of the Queen kindly and return to Portugal. As I have the
interests of my nephew the King as much at heart as my own, and
desire that the matter should be settled to his satisfaction, you will,
after discussing his instructions with Manuel Alvarez, speak to the
Queen in my name, and in the terms which you think will be most
likely to persuade her to the object desired, or, at all events, as near
y 76467.                                                F




82


SPANISH STATE PAPEItS.


1568.
to it as possible. You will also make use. for the purpose, of the
Queen's ministers who may be favourable to a settlement of the
business, and will assist the ambassador in every way in your
power, so that he may return with all speed after arranging the
best possible terms. I shall be glad to know what you do in the
matter, and, in all things concerning my nephew the King, you
will act as if they were for me.-Madrid,? October 1568.
1 Nov.   59. The KING to the DUKE OF ALBA.
Since we were in England you will, no doubt, recollect the bearer,
Francis Englefield, who was a member of our Council at that time
and enjoyed the full confidence of Queen Mary, my wife, and,
consequently, mine. He is a good Catholic, much attached to his
late mistress and to me, and, as he refused to change his religion
or obey the summons of the present Queen, she has sequestrated
his property and patrimonial estates, which my intercession with
her has been powerless to get her to restore, or even to grant him
the revenues of, although Guzman de Silva and Guerau de Spes
have frequently begged her to do so in my name. He now wishes
to occupy himself in affairs of my service, and I have decided
therefore to send him to reside near you, as I think his prudence
and good connections will be useful in the States. In order that
he may be able to maintain himself comfortably, I have assigned
him 1,000 twenty-plack florins* a year, as you will see by the
separate warrant he bears. I beg, therefore, that you will have
this sum paid punctually, and cherish this good gentleman as his
quality and good parts deserve, treating him well in consideration
of his wish to serve me, as I know he will do in all things in which
you may employ him. I shall he pleased at all the honour and favour
you may bestow upon him, so that his countrymen may see the high
account in which we hold good Catholics, and thus be encouraged to
persevere in the true religion.-Madrid, 1st November 1568.
6 Nov.   60. GUERAU DE SPES to the KING.
A French pirate has arrived here who styles himself vice-admiral
of France. His name is Chateau Portut, and he has seven ships
of war, having also plundered 11 vessels, 10 of which belong to
obedient subjects of the French King and one to a Zealand subject
of your Majesty. He has discharged his booty and is selling it on
shore. The Zealander escaped at Portsmouth and demands justice
from the authorities of the place and the arrest of the pirates.
They refused unless they had the Queen's orders, whereupon the
Zealander came to me and I sent him to Cecil. The latter came
and said that it was a matter that must be brought before the
Queen and Council; and, as he would express no opinion, and
seeing that the Inerchandize was being sold and taken away, I
sent the man with one of my servants to Hampton Court, writing
to the Queen by them an account of the matter. They were told
to return to-day for the answer which they are now awaiting.
The Queen's four ships and one of Winter's, with another loaded
with stores, are at the mouth of the river, and for the last three
* Worth about 15d. each.




hLIZABET11.


83


1568.
days all sorts of heavy artillery with large quantities of ammunition have been taken to them. Ten more ships are ready at
Portsmouth, which, together with those commanded by the pirate,
will make up a good fleet. It is understood that this Queen is to
be offered by the Admiral's party a place on this side of Rochelle,
which will be delivered to Winter. The Queen is borrowing money,
and has even pledged a jewel in order to get together over 40,000
ducats. She has been able to get very little in Antwerp and has sent
to Frankfort. She has made the duke of Norfolk and the earl of
Sussex, who were in York, return hither, and has summoned Arundel,
although he excused himself by saying that he was unwell. She
wishes them all to be present when a decision is arrived at about
Scotland. I have received a letter of credence from the queen of
Scotland for the bishop of Ross, who promises to come and see me.
It appears as if the time was approaching when this country may
be made to return to the Catholic Church, the Queen being in such
straits and short of money. I have already informed your Majesty
of the offer made by Viscount Montague's brother-in-law on condition that they may hope for protection from your Majesty. He
still presses it, and I await your Majesty's orders.-London, 6th
November 1568.
29 Nov. 61. GUERAU DE SPES to the KING.
On the 27th I informed your Majesty of the arrival here of a
courier named Antonio de Cordoba, and that he had gone to the
Court with a servant of mine for his passport, but as the French
ambassador was there, it was signed very late by the Queen, and
I have detained the man until to-day after my audience.
The Queen is willing to give a passport for the money that came
in these ships to go overland, or will, at the option of the factor of
the Genoese, lend one of her ships to convoy the vessels. She has
applointed secretary Bernard Hampton to treat with me on all that
concerns this business, in consequence of Cecil being much occupied.
This is all the better as Hampton is a friend of mine. I give
information about it to the duke of Alba, and the agent of the
merchants reports to his principals in Antwerp. The instructions
received from there shall be followed. I have given the Queen a
long account of all that has happened in Flanders, upon which, in
some respects, she was badly informed, not having had news that
all is going so favourably as it is.-London, 29th November 1568.
12 Dec.  62. GUERAU DE SPES to the KING.
By the ordinary courier to Flanders I wrote to your Majesty at
length on the 4th inst., and advised the arrival of two cutters and
another vessel with money on the coast of this island in great peril,
and since then all the others have arrived, with certain vessels from
Spain loaded with wool. Amongst them was one loaded in San
Sebastian with wools by Miguel de Berroes, and this was captured
by Courtney, an English pirate, in company with two Frenchmen.
Besides this, two very rich sloops, on their way from Flanders to
Spain, were taken by Hawkins, another English pirate, with some
Frenchmen, and all these vessels have been brought into Plymouth
r 2




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and the neighbouring ports as prizes, where the booty was at once
sold. Up to the present two cutters and one other vessel have
arrived safely in Antwerp, and for the rest of them Benedict Spinola
asked me to intercede. At the same time that I received news
of them I requested audience of the Queen, which was granted on
the 29th, and the Queen consented to give me a passport for the
money to be brought overland, or to lend one of her own ships to
convoy the vessels in safety, of which I gave notice to the duke
of Alba, from whom I have received no answer. In the meanwhile,
I warned the captains of the vessels not to move, and had letters
from the Queen sent to the officials of the ports, ordering them to
defend the ships, which was highly necessary as, although in the
cases where the ships could get shelter near to the towns they
have done so, the pirates have attacked them, and some of our
men have been killed in defending their vessels, with a greater loss
still on the part of the corsairs. The Mayor himself was badly
wounded in trying to pacify them. Many people have advised the
Queen to seize the money, and the Vice-Admiral has written to
this effect from Plymouth. I am in hourly expectation of the
Duke's order for these ships to proceed on their voyage. The
French pirates have about ten ships with 1,200 men, besides seven
or eight more ships which will join with them. I have heard of the
capture of the two sloops and the Biscay ship since I saw the
Queen on the 19th ultimo, and I at once wrote to her what had
happened, beseeching her for prompt and rigorous action as the
case demanded. I also wrote to the earl of Leicester, who is with
the Commissioners nearly every day at Westminster discussing
with great fervour the affairs of the queen of Scotland. He said
he would come and speak to me, but subsequently sent to excuse
himself; whereupon, after having informed Cecil, and waited two
or three days, I sent to beg that they would receive me, and
also asked for audience of the Queen. I conversed with them at
length yesterday about these pirates, when they promised to take
measures at once and to write more pressing letters to the royal
officers in those ports. These are now being sent off, but in all
things Cecil showed himself an enemy to the Catholic cause,
and desirous on every opportunity to oppose the interests of your
Majesty, who is the head of all Catholics and possessor of this
noble title. He has had to be dealt with by prayers and gentle
threats in all this. I have also begun to discuss with them the
king of Portugal's affairs, and, after having spoken to the Queen, I
will see whether some settlement cannot be effected.
Winter, with six of the Queen's ships, has left for Rochelle. It
is not known whether he is ordered to leave the stores and money
(although some say he carries no money), or whether he is to first
ascertain how the rebels are going on. Although they have promised the English to deliver some strong place to them, I do not
believe they will be able to do it. Every day the nine Commissioners for the Queen meet in Westminster, and many of them
want to condemn the queen of Scotland, although her agents
protest. In addition to the criminal charge of homicide, they
accuse her of having formerly raised this country against the




ELIZABETH.


85


1568.
Queen, so that there is little chance of her getting her liberty,
excepting by some secret succour or contrivance, such as is being
aimed at. The queen of Scotland asks permission to come here to
justify herself before the peers and ambassadors, but as she has
many friends here it will not be granted to her. Things are in
such a form that, if this Princess could count upon support, it
tnight be easy for her to change from a prisoner to sovereign of
this country.
Yesterday, Martin de Mellica, master of a sloop carrying a courier
despatched on the 20th ultimo by the duke of Alba to your
Majesty, advised me that he was at the Isle of Wight afraid to
proceed, and I will, with the Governor of the island and the earl
of Leicester, see what best can be done for his prompt departure.
Whenever Flemish matters are calm, and your Majesty and the
French King choose to stop English commerce, without even drawing
the sword, they will be obliged to adopt the Catholic religion, and
if the French ambassador were to notify it to them first, and
afterwards your Majesty's ambassador and those of other Catholic
Princes, I believe, seeing the position of the country, that they
would be forced to come to reason by pressure from their own
people, who are largely Catholics. I have drawn up a sketch of
what might be said to the Queen in such a case, and send herewith
triplicate copies thereof, so that secretary Zayas may correct it
and it may be ready when your Majesty may desire it.
With this letter I send to Newport, Isle of Wight, letters from
the Queen to the Governor of the island, ordering the sloop to be
dispatched in the best way possible, and her Majesty has also sent
me the letters I requested for the captains of the ports. A man is
going to provide for the safety of the ship that is in Southampton
with so much money, and the letter for the sloop at Plymouth is
also being sent authorizing them to disembark the money if they
wish.
The Council is sitting at Court night and day about the queen
of Scotland's affairs. Cecil and the Chancellor would like to see
her dead, as they have ready a King of their own choosing, one of
Hertford's children. I am informed to-day by Ridofi, a rich
Florentine, that Gresham, this Queen's factor, has asked him for a
letter of credit on Germany for 12,000 ducats for a gentleman
whom this Queen intends to send thither. I expect they wish to
raise as many powerful enemies to us in Flanders as they can.London, 12th December 1568.
Without  63. DRAFT of PROPOSED ADDRESS from GUERAU DE SPES to the
date.          QUEEN OF ENGLAND, apparently that referred to in the
aforegoing letter.
I have to address your Majesty on the most important subject
which can be in the world, not on my own behalf, but in the name
of the most powerful of Christian Princes, a kinsman, friend, and
ally of your Majesty and of this most noble realm. No consideration of self-interest moves him to this, but the welfare and
tranquillity of your Majesty and your dominions, with which those
of his Catholic Majesty are united by ancient bonds of alliance and




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friendship. His Majesty is moved to this also by the great valour,
talent, and gentleness of your Majesty, which good qualities on a
former occasion disposed him to act effectively for your benefit.
He, therefore, hopes that you, the more easily than anyone else,
may be able to judge of the true road to salvation, and will permit
your subjects to return thereto, they having been astutely and
violently forced therefrom by persuasion and intrigue. My own
intention is to serve all parties and do what good I can, and I will
not, therefore, discourse as a theologian, such not being my profession, and this having been done already by so many learned
Catholics. I will speak simply as a minister of my King, a friend
and sympathiser of this kingdom, and will propose for its benefit
the things that my King and other Catholic Princes consider necessary for the happiness and welfare of your Majesty and the
needful unity of Catholic Christianity, so vital to the interests of
your Majesty and your subjects. Our fathers, grandfathers, and
more remote ancestors were as good men as we, and desired to go
to heaven as we do. They obeyed the Catholic universal Church,
and recognised a supreme pastor therein. We must not condemn
them, nor, on the strength of mere words from vain people, consign
them to hell.  A fine thing would it be, forsooth, to say that
St. Augustine, St. Jerome, St. Gregory, and other successors of
the Apostles, men famous for their virtue, were mistaken, whilst in
these miserable days of ours the truth was found in the mouth of
vile apostates like Zingler, Calvin, Beza, and others. Who would
leave the unity of the Catholic faith, confirmed as it has been by
so many general councils and by universal consent, to follow new
preachers, each one of whom speaks differently from the other?
No maze has so many paths as the new religion has conflicting
sects, and, to our misfortune, all these sects find followers and
defenders, particularly the worst of them, whereby God's justice is
seen upon our manifold sins.
So extreme is the evil that there are sectaries who even dare to
advocate the making of a new law, with fresh precepts and rules of
life, on the ground that that which we follow is old. Others read
a translation of the Koran of Mahomet with so much fervour that,
if another Geneva were to urge them thereto, I understand that
many of them would adopt the doctrine therein set forth. I am
informed by persons of great position and responsibility that, by
this means, the Protestants thought to persuade Soliman, Prince of
the Turks, to come to their aid, showing him how little difference
there was between his creed and theirs. For more than fifteen
hundred years our holy Catholic Church has flourished under a
supreme pastor, and, although it has suffered before as it does now,
it has still remained pure and will so remain, by the grace of Him
who founded it. Calvin and Luther, like Arrio and Donato before
them, claimed to speak in the words of God and follow His
scriptures, and will usurp His power as their predecessors tried to
do. This is the vain artifice of heretics, and only used in order to
exalt them. Omnipotent God, by His goodness and through His
only Son, gave us this divine law, authorized by the blood of the
Giver, preached and published through the world by His holy




ELIZABETH.


87


1568.
Apostles and their successors. For its perfect and stable maintenance it pleased Him   to leave the Church as His regent,
lieutenant, and governor, without which it would be vain to hope
that the Christian peoples themselves would agree on a common
symbol and law of life, so that the necessity is clear and acknowledged for the existence of a supreme universal pastor as
successor in the office and dignity of the holy St. Peter, and to
deny it would seem to question the wisdom of Christ himself. If
we banish from our hearts all the hatred and rancour which blind
the human mind, if we cast out the yearning for a life of licence
and offer ourselves in faith and good works to Him who by love
redeemed us, the truth of this will be evident to us. It is said
that jealousy is hard to root out, for the jealous always think that
their suspicion has some foundation, and so it is, and worse, with
heresy. But all the greater will be the glory of conquering an
enemy so terrible, so subtle, and so intimate.   The glorious
Augustine, although at one time a contumacious heretic, and
Cyprian, who was a public invoker of demons, were, nevertheless,
afterwards saints and defenders of our faith; and not they alone,
but great princes and others have, many times, seen their error, and
with sweet tears have returned to the bosom of the holy Catholic
Church.
Truly, when my King considers the prudence and the wisdom of
your Majesty, the eloquence, knowledge of languages, affability,
and really royal carriage you possess, virtues so rarely united in
one person, he has every hope that this country, by your Majesty's
orders, may yet return to the Catholic Church, and all the new
errors be cast out therefrom, and their promoters punished as they
deserve. This is anxiously looked for in other Christian countries,
and even in your own, where, I believe, the greater number of
people are still Catholics. And so much, surely, is due to the
memory of the pious tears of Queen Mary and of so many Catholic
predecessors of your Majesty, as well as to the host of good just
Englishmen who have been true martyrs of Christ. The time
seems now opportune for such a return to the faith, and is crying
aloud to your Majesty. In all that has passed, the moderation
shown by you has been conspicuous, in sustaining the churches and
preserving to the clergy their ecclesiastical vestments, as well as
maintaining a large portion  of the Catholic observances, the
veneration on the altar of the figure of the cross on which our
Lord died, and the checking of the mad and furious insolence of
those unhappy men, vulgarly called ministers, but who really are
coarse clowns and charlatans. Your Majesty is now begged to end
this business as it deserves, accepting and ordering to be observed
in your dominions the decisions of the council of Trent, in which
your action will be recognized as prompted by the Holy Spirit, and
this country, formerly so Catholic, will regain its ancient renown
and lustre. This will be effected without scandal and without
bloodshed, by the sole good will of your Majesty, whom I am sure
all your subjects will willingly obey. Here are the arms of all
Christian Princes, especially those of my lord the King, ready to
support, defend, and aid your Majesty, whose crown will be pro



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1568.
tected by him with as much zeal as his own kingdoms of Castile
and Aragon, to which I pledge his Catholic Majesty's word. I will
also promise in his name that whatever declarations, pardons, or
indulgences may be necessary from the Holy See for the security
and welfare of your Majesty and your country in this conversion,
His Majesty will endeavour to have granted in such a form, where
possible, as to be without injury to anyone, unless they be already
conceived in general terms. If your Majesty will not agree to
what is now requested, or should refer the question for discussion, as
was done, on a former occasion, in a certain Parliament, which, in
affairs of faith, should have no authority, it would be contrary to the
confidence which my King, the other Catholic Princes, and many
worthy people in this country have in your Majesty, and it is
certain that communications between this country and Catholic
countries will be fraught with much difficulty, as it is acknowledged that when the malady is at its worst it is most contagious,
and contact must be avoided. There is no doubt that the conversation of one who has left the holy Catholic faith is more
dangerous than that of an infidel who was never beneath the
banner of Christ.
This, your Majesty, I beg before all these illustrious persons you
will deign to receive in the spirit with which you are credited, and
that you will, with your admirable talent and prudence, be pleased
to order it to be carried into effect. Such a course is hoped for by
my King and all faithful Catholics, and thus, by your benign hand,
the Catholic Church will again become one solid stock, and will
obey one supreme pastor, to the eternal glory of the unconquered
house of England.
18 Dec.  64. GUERAU DE SPES to the KING.
I have given advice on the 27th and 29th ultimo, and 4th, 11th,
and 12th instant, to your Majesty of the arrival of vessels on this
coast, and as it was known that they carried large sums of money,
it was a wonder they were not taken by French and English
pirates, of whom there are many. As it was they attacked them,
and men were killed on both sides. This Queen offered some of
her ships as a guard and convoy, or a passport if the money was
to be brought overland. This was against the wishes of many of
her Councillors, who wanted to take the money. One ship and
two cutters have already arrived safely in Antwerp, and I await
orders from the Duke and parties interested with regard to the
others. In the meanwhile the money is safe, with the Queen's
letters and authority to land it if necessary, but, notwithstanding
this,. Courtney and Cercen (Hawkins?), two English pirates, with
some Frenchmen, have captured two sloops and a ship belonging to
subjects of your Majesty, and persons have been sent to take
measures to recover them, if possible, although Cecil, wherever he
can, favours the pirates, both on account of religious partiality and
of the great profit he derives from it. He and Cardinal Chatillon
are the judges in all these depredations, and settle everything in
their own way.




ELIZABETH.


89


1568.
I received your Majesty's letters of 4th, 14th, and 15th October,
all on the same day, and on the 14th I communicated to the
Queen, during my audience, that God had been pleased to call to
Him our Lady the Queen,* now in heaven. She naturally expressed
great sorrow, and, I suppose, will have the exequies carried out in
her own fashion.  I also fulfilled your Majesty's orders in persuading her not to favour the rebels against the Christian King,
alleging the reasons, which seemed suitable. She replied to the
same effect as at Windsor, and called to witness the late French
ambassador here as to what she had done for his King and Queen.
She had never declared herself against them, but said the house of
Guise, which now ruled, were her enemies, whilst the Chatillons
were her friends. She said that she knew that, after the King had
pacified his country, he would turn upon her for the sake of
religion, as she was assured by persons in her favour who were
members of the Christian King's Council. I tried to satisfy her
about all this, assuring her that no prince would interfere in her
affairs if she did not provoke it herself; that the house of Guise
wished to serve her, and that these Chatillons,t if it suited their
purpose, would be the first to turn against her, for, if they could
not be loyal to their own sovereign, much less would they be loyal
to her.  She will still continue to be made distrustful, but her
answer seems confused when she says that she will not be against
the Christian King, and yet will not abandon the Chatillons nor
the cause of her religion. I tried to persuade her that this war
was not about religion, but was founded simply on rebellion and
disobedience. I will inform the duke of Alba and Don Frances
de Alava of all this, as your Majesty orders, and, in relation with
this, I told the Queen of the great objection there was to her
allowing the French pirates in her ports, and that Englishmen
should join them in their robberies, committed both on Frenchmen
and on our own people. I said it would be a terrible thing to
tolerate them, especially as they did not contribute to the principal
object of the war, whereas the damages and robberies would be
infinite. Whilst she let them remain here it would be very difficult
for her to preserve her friendship with the States of Flanders. She
said she would punish them, although I have no great confidence
about it. I also discussed with her the affairs of the King of
Portugal, pointing out to her the great expense incurred by him in
guarding the extremes of the Red Sea and the Persian Gulf, and
the benefit received by all India by instruction in the Christian
faith. I said it would be very unjust to hamper the King and
spoil his commerce, and agreed with her that, as the Portuguese
ambassador had requested audience, she would appoint persons to
discuss the matter with him and with me, and would give him
audience on Sunday. I will then try to have these affairs settled
on the best possible terms.
I have received a letter from the queen of Scotland, in cipher,
copy of which I enclose. I know this Queen has great connections
* Elizabeth of Valois third wife of Philip II.
t Chatillon was the lordship owned by the Coligny family, and the Admiral and his
brothers were commonly thus called.




90


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1568.
here, and it is quite possible, seeing the wickedness of people, that
some attempt may be made against the person of your Majesty,
upon whom alone depends the preservation of the Catholic Church,
against which and its defenders many here are furiously and
rabidly opposed, and are capable of any perversity for their end.
Your Majesty, in your great prudence, will have this looked into,
and, in the meanwhile, I will manage to send one of my servants
to the Queen, as she asks, in order to learn more of this business
from her. The bishop of Ross has shown me letters from this
unhappy Queen, saying that many of the supporters of the Regent
James have gone against the castle of Dumbarton, which is in that
part of Scotland opposite to Ireland. Their intention is to prevent
victuals being taken in, and as the Castle is on the coast the queen
of England's ships can go thither at any time. The Queen was in
want of money to revictual and aid this place, from which she
could always escape. Your Majesty will decide for the best in
this. The factor of this Queen is taking credits here on Germany,
and has already one for fifty thousand ducats in Nuremburg and
Frankfort, in the name of Christopher Mundt. I do not know
whether it is to help Orange, or to pay the troops being raised for
Condd.-London, 18th December 1568.
21 Dec.  65. GUERAU DE SPES to the DUKE OF ALBA.
I have just received advice from Lope de la Sierra, who is with
his ship at Southampton, that the Queen has sent orders for his
money to be discharged. The Captain of the Isle of Wight has
therefore discharged it, and, against Lope de la Sierra's wish, has
entrusted it to the keeping of the Mayor, as you will see by Lope de
la Sierra's letter enclosed. I believe they have done similarly in
all the ports by orders of the Council. I was in fear of some such
pitfall as this, as they were making enquiries as to whether the
money belonged to his Majesty or to private persons. As Benedict
Spinola had put his own money in safety, he has been slack in the
dispatch of these other ships, although he was authorised to spend
a thousand pounds sterling in the transit. He thought this was not
enough, and sent for authority to spend a larger amount, which
authority, he said, he expected hourly, although I believe it has
been nothing but a subterfuge. I am now sending to give an
account of the matter to the Queen, and shall ask for audience, in
conformity with her reply. I also write about the Marseilles
ship.
Whilst I was writing the above, I have received your Excellency's
letter of 15th instant. It is not for me to advise you but to follow
your orders, but I do not like this way of beginning here, and it is
my opinion that all English ships and merchandise should be at
once seized in the States, and particularly in Antwerp, news of it
being also sent swiftly to Spain as there are valuable English ships
at Bilbao and Laredo.-London, 21st December 1568.
22 Dec.  66. GUERAU DE SPES to the DUKE OF ALBA.
Last night I dispatched a courier to your Excellency reporting
that the money had been taken out of Lope de la Sierra's ship, and




ELIZABETH.


91


1568.
wrote to the Queen and Cecil asking them to return it to the custody
of those who held it before, requesting audience for myself at the same
time. Cecil was very grave about it, as also was the earl of Leicester.
Sometimes they said they were guarding it for his Majesty, and
sometimes that it belonged to other persons; but they would not
say whether they had sent similar orders to Plymouth and Falmouth.
Their refusal to declare themselves on the point, however, proves
that they have done so. They consulted the Queen and then said
that the money was in safe keeping and no other answer could then
be given. I pressed for an audience and they told me to ask again
after dinner, they in the meanwhile being closeted with the
ambassador of the prince of Condd, so that I could get no reply
from them. The Chamberlain was requested to go and ask the
Queen which he went in to do at once, and came out very much
irritated, saying he had not ventured to ask her Majesty for audience
as she was not in the habit of granting it on such days. The
affair is thus in a very bad way and these people are determined
to do any wickedness, so this money will not be recovered. I pray
your Excellency do not fail to seize all English property and send
word to Spain instantly for them to do the same there. Please also
instruct me as to what I am to do. As I am writing this in great
haste to catch the courier at Dover, I do not write to the King.
Please have this copied and forwarded to him, although I fear they
will stop courier and letter too.
Leicester said they knew your Excellency was very ill and my
servants assured him you were quite well. They will again ask for
audience to-morrow, and one of my men shall stay there until he
learns about the queen of Scotland.-London, 22nd December
1568.
27/30 Dec. 67. GUERAU DE SPES to the DUKE OF ALBA.
By my letter of 21st and that of 22nd, which I sent after the
courier, I have advised your Excellency that the Queen had ordered
-the money to be discharged from Lope de la Sierra's ship at
Southampton, and had placed it in the keeping of the Mayor. I have
since learnt that they have also detained the cutters and have sent
to Plymouth and Falmouth, where I have two men with a passport.
I do not yet know how the thing happened, but I do know that, at
the instance of many of her Councillors, and the instigation of the
bishop of Salisbury, a great heretic, the Queen has determined to
take the money, saying that God has sent it to defend His gospel.
Dr. Junio,* agent of the Count Palatine, was at once dispatched,
his errand here having been to persuade the Queen that although
his infantry had been maltreated this year, his cavalry had gained
great distinction. The Palatine is to be told by him about this
money as he promises to go back to the States more powerful than
before, and the Queen fears that all the responsibility will fall upon
her, as your Excellency will have learnt from the prisoners of the
help she has extended to the rebels. Cecil and Leicester tell her
* Dr. Juniur de Jongh who was governor of Vere and an agent of Orange and the
Palatine,




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SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1568.
so, and she thus wishes to declare herself openly against his Majesty
in the belief that, if she makes herself mistress of the sea, and
another army goes by land to attack the States, the task will
be easy, especially as they think the French will be disturbed if
trade is suspended. I pray your Excellency do not doubt this
determination. I again importuned for an audience, and they said
that either to-morrow or the next day I should have one. I. have
a servant at Court to learn whether it is to-morrow and to take a
lodging for me. I fully expect the Queen will give me a temporising answer and delay the matter until she sees how your
Excellency takes it. This is the reason that has moved me to write
so urgently that you should seize all English property and advise
the King, in order that the same step may be taken in all his
dominions. If the Queen restores the money and the vessels and
other property stolen it will be easy to return English property to
its owners. English merchants are already taking fright and are
writing to their correspondents in the Netherlands advising them to
transport all they can. These four cutters and Lope de la Sierra's
ship are worth 400,000 crowns, and there are three more cutters
due to arrive. The sloops and ships seized are worth more than
200,000 crowns.
I have received your Excellency's two letters of recommendation.
I will do my duty in speaking bravely to the Queen and Council,
and will convey to them what your Excellency instructs me about
the robberies and the pirates.
I have sent the man to the queen of Scotland and will advise
your Excellency on his return.
I believe that Dr. Junio has gone to the Netherlands, and, if
diligence is exercised, he may be caught, and, whenever your
Excellency thinks fit, the queen of Scotland's affair can be raised.
It will be well that everything should be decided before the
spring.
Certain Gallicians have just informed me that their ships have
been arrested because they bring some Portuguese merchandise.
Continuation of the aforegoing letter:-The ordinary courier
has arrived without bringing any letters from your Excellency,
although I have letters saying you are at Mons. This Queen has
postponed my audience until to-morrow, and many merchants of
the city have gone to Court to beg her to return our money to us, as
they fear that their property may be seized in the States. No reply
will be riven to them until after my audience. I pray your Excellency
to take the usual course (i.e., of reprisal), and, if these people do us
justice, it will be a warning to them for another time. When the
money is recovered we may ask the Queen, in conformity with our
treaties, to restore the sloops, of which I am told there are five and
the Spanish vessel, as well as the property in the Marseilles ship.
Your Excellency might order to be drafted the protests or demands
that I shall have to present to the Queen, for it is really unreasonable that these heretics should so impudently steal the
property of his Majesty's subjects.




ELIZABETH.


93


1568.
I send enclosed a copy of the passport which the Queen granted
with letters to the captains and governors of all the ports on
the very day before she ordered the seizures. I think it would be
a right thing to seize Benedict Spinola's property, as he, being
the representative of these merchants, and desirous of ingratiating
himself with Leicester and Cecil, has shown to the latter letters he
had received from the individuals, and has told them the marks
and parcels belonging to each. He is a great spy who is kept here
by the members of the Council to inform them of what is going on
in the States, and it is fitting that such scamps should be taught that
it will cost them dear to offend a sovereign so powerful and so good
as our King. He and Giacomo Pascual are in partnership at
Antwerp.
Summary of another letter in continuation of the aforegoing:The last letter from Don Guerau was dated 30th December, and
in it he writes that he had audience of the Queen, who made him
a long harangue excusing her action about the money. She said
that, in order to prevent the corsairs from capturing it she had
ordered it to be taken care of, and other groundless things of the
same sort. The ambassador thanked her and handed her a letter of
credence from the Duke, by virtue of which he requested her to
release the money and to lend two ships under a trustworthy person
to convoy it to Antwerp. She replied that two Genoese had told
her that the money did not belong to the King but to private
persons, in proof of which they had shown her letters from Spain
and she therefore had decided to avail herself of it. Don Guerau
assured her several times that it belonged to the King, and that, if
the marks on the boxes showed otherwise, it was owing to the
persons through whose hands it had passed who were collectors or
farmers of his Majesty's revenues.  Notwithstanding all these
assurances, Don Guerau says they are determined not to return the
money, and he has heard this from the secretary of the Council.
By the aid of this money they will equip themselves to harass the
States by troubling us at sea, and preventing, so far as they can,
commerce with Spain.-London 27th (?), 29th (?), and 30th December 1568.
27 Dec   68. GUERAU DE SPES to the KIN.a
On the 21st inst. I informed your Majesty that two days previously the Queen had had the money which came in Lope de la
Sierra's ship taken out, over twelve thousand crowns, and that
they were going to Falmouth and Plymouth to do the same with
the four cutters, the Queen having given a passport on the day
before she ordered this to be 'done, which passport I sent to the
vessels. She would not give me audience until to-morrow, and I
understand her intention to be to keep this money, as her friends
are in great alarm and will not be reassured by anything that can
be said to them from your Majesty or the king of France. This
alarm is incited by Cardinal Chatillon, the agent of the prince of
Condd, and the Count Palatine, who offers to return this year with
a larger force against the States of the Netherlands. As soon as




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the money was detained CondB's agent, a certain Dr. Junio, of
Malines, went off post haste to his master. It is decided that this
Queen shall molest your Majesty's states by sea, whilst Orange and
the Palatine will return in strength to Flanders. To do this, since
the Queen has little credit in Antwerp and Frankfort, she dares to
show such treachery to her alliance and friendship with your
Majesty and thus breaks her word, twice pledged to me, her own
letters and orders in our favour and the passport which she signed
the day before she gave this infamous order. They have appointed
to-morrow or the next day for my audience with her, and I am
endeavouring to get it for to-morrow. I learn from a secretary of
the Council that she will retain the money and will declare herself
wholly against your Majesty, so that, I have written to the duke of
Alba, it would be advisable that your Majesty should order the
seizure of English property in your dominions, and, when they
return the money and the ships that these English and French
pirates have stolen, your Majesty might restore what you had
seized, otherwise they will have the advantage of the money, and
will make trade with Flanders difficult or almost impossible. It is
therefore necessary to take timely measures. After I have spoken
with the Queen I will write to your Majesty more fully what I
hear. I pray your Majesty do not consider the safety of my person,
for I will suffer cheerfully any trouble or danger in your service.
On the 14th inst. I spoke to the Queen about the king of
Portugal's business, and she promised me that her answer should
be more favourable, and she would send some of her Council to
discuss the matter with me. On the 19th she told the Portuguese
ambassador that she did not see how she could improve her answer,
and that her Council were of the same opinion, and she evidently
wished to end the matter here. I will see if anything more can be
done, but I doubt it, for these people are velry exalted just now, and
have lately ordered the detention of three Portuguese ships at the
instance of George Winter, the brother of the man whose ship the
Portuguese captured in Guinea.  They have also detained two
Gallician vessels. I will speak about this to-morrow to the Queen.
They wish to have as much booty in their hands as possible, so as
to be prepared for what may be done in Spain and Flanders,
where, I understand, there are many rich English ships, as there
are also in the Canaries.
From the queen of Scotland I have received advice, as I have
already informed your Majesty, of the plot being formed in Venice
against your Majesty's life. I have a faithful servant with the
Queen, and when he returns I will send him to your Majesty with
the full information, and by these means and through the queen of
of Scotland, whenever your Majesty chooses, the queen of England
can be attacked. —London, 27th December 1568.
1569.
7 Jan.  69. The KING to GUERAU DE SPES.
You already have notice of the bearer, Juan Ochoa de Mongina,
as he says that on his way from Flanders he was captured in the
Channel by Englishmen, who plundered him of his children and
goods; he escaping, came hither to seek redress, for which purpose




EtIhAA~tH'.


95


1569.
he is now returning with a letter from me to the duke of Alba and
the present letter to you. I request you to help him in every way
to recover the said children, and all, or part of, the property of
which he was robbed, helping him in his claims on every occasion,
both because they are just and because he himself is my subject
and a kinsman of those who have served me well.-El Pardo,
7th January 1569.
8 Jan.  70. GUERAJ DE SPES to the KINa.
The Queen has taken possession of the boxes of money brought
by Lope de la Sierra's ship and 64 boxes from the cutters in
Plymouth. She is going to do the same with the other two cutters
in Falmouth, notwithstanding her promise and letters, besides the
passport she gave. The duke of Alba has ordered all English ships
and property to be seized, and informs me thereof in his letter of the
29th ultimo, which was brought by a special courier, who, however,
was careless, as with him came four others dispatched by the English.
They arrived here on the 3rd at 11 at night, and immediately
thereafter the ordinary post with letters of mine and others was
stopped. They also tried to raise the mob against foreigners, but
the aldermen and constables acted well and took possession of the
streets, so that the matter has ended in the seizure of property of
Flemish and other subjects of your Majesty. All the Spaniards
came to my house at night, where most of them still remain. The
ports are closed and orders have been issued that no post-horses are
to be given to anyone. Cecil was here during the disturbances and
returned next day to Hampton Court, where councils are still being
held, but nothing yet has been said to me. The Queen was much
upset when she heard of the affair. I meant to have sent a servant
of mine to her yesterday with a letter, but I thought better to wait
and see what they would do. I will try to find means to write to
the Duke that he may arrange that my letters may be sent to
Dunkirk or the Sluys, whither I will send for them.
Your Majesty might also order letters to be sent through the
French ambassador here, upon whom and his countrymen no
embargo has yet been placed. It is true that it would be greatly
to the Christian King's advantage to stop English trade so as to
bring them to reason, and also that he should, in union with your
Majesty, show favour to the Catholics, but, in any case, he should
not take it in bad part if your Majesty does so. In the meanwhile,
many means will be found to bring this country to its senses and
convert it to the Catholic faith. Those who have spoken to me
about a rising for the queen of Scotland will not fail to return to
the subject, and I will inform the Duke, as ordered by your
Majesty. Pray your Majesty do not consider me or my safety but
take the best course for your Majesty's interests, as I am ready to
suffer any danger or trouble most willingly in such a service. I
have burnt all the drafts of my letters and everything else in
writing that might be dangerous. The cipher is in safe keeping.
These heretic knaves of the Council are going headlong to perdition,
incited by Cecil, who is indescribably crazy in his zeal for heresy.
The Duke is in Brussels and the prince of Orange on his way to




96


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1669.
Germany by the Bar country. Ambassadors have been sent from
here to him and the Palatine. I have a person in the Council
who will report all that is decided and I will inform your Majesty.
The sloops that these pirates have taken are four, with a Spanish
ship, all very valuable. They (the English Government) have also
seized the property of Portuguese. I send this enclosed in a letter
from the French ambassador, with a letter for the Duke and
another for Don Frances de Alava, and yesterday I sent almost a
duplicate by a man who promised to carry it to the Sluys. The
day before yesterday, Twelfth day, on the pretext of asking for a
letter of mine which they had seized, I sent to Court with the
intention of giving Cecil a letter for the Queen if the time appeared
opportune. My man found him in such a rage against the duke of
Alba that he left him with the contempt he deserves. As to my
letter, Cecil said he had it not, but they have really sent for one
Somers to decipher it, which will not be such an easy job. They
are in consultation every day and I do not know how it will end.
The French ambassador told me that they would put guards over
me, but, in any case, when orders from the Duke arrive and this
first disturbance is pacified, something can be settled greatly in the
service of God, which seems, under the circumstances, very
necessary.
The day before yesterday the servant I sent to the queen of
Scotland returned, and under a pretext I saw him. What she tells
him is that Dulin (Alleyn?), Cecil's secretary, who is greatly in his
confidence, goes occasionally to inspect the guard, and, in conversation with one of the principal persons there, no doubt Chamberlain
Knollys, or the captain of the guard (for the queen of Scotland,
although she would not name him, said that he was still in the
house), speaking of our success in Flanders and the bad position of
the new religion, Dulin (Alleyn?) consoled his interlocutor by
saying that the greatest enemy they had was your Majesty, and
that if it were not for you, their religion would greatly prosper.
He then went on to say that they had therefore agreed that your
Majesty should be poisoned by the hands of the Flemings, and the
event would take place before many months are over. These
knaves frequently spread news of your Majesty's death. God give
you long life and prosperity, so needful to afflicted Christianity.
The queen of Scotland says that she will arrange for the bishop of
Ross to discover the details of the plot through a friend if possible.
She certainly seems a lady of great spirit and gains so many
friends where she is that with little help she would be able to get
this kingdom into her hands. I will await the Duke's orders to
know whether I am to speak to the queen of England, and, if the
time is not favourable, I will speak to her when she is in a tamer
mood. She is fitting out four more ships as well as the twelve
belonging to the corsairs.
The Earl of Northumberland came to see me, disguised, at four
o'clock in the morning and is ready to serve your Majesty. I sent
a post yesterday to the Duke by an Englishman who has secret
communication with Flanders and enclosed him the decree published
yesterday, which in some particulars is false, as I will more fully




IVLIZABETH.


97


1569.
inform your Majesty, and also an answer which I propose to send.
I am informed that they are very divided in the Council; some
wish the money to be returned, and others that it should be kept.
I do not fail to complain greatly of this treatment to the duke of
Norfolk; the earl of Arundel, and the other members, although they
throw the blame on Cecil, who also has sent me a message as harsh
as usual. I now send to beg an audience and will discuss the
matter with both sides to see what will be the best way to get this
money back.
At midnight last night the bishop of Ross came to offer the good
will of his mistress and of many gentlemen of this country, and I
have reported this to the Duke.  We have also agreed that he
shall make use of- a great friend of his, a Protestant and a companion of Dulin (Alleyn?), Cecil's servant, in order to find out
particulars of the conspiracy to injure your Majesty's person.
The queen of Scotland told my servant to convey to me the following words:-" Tell the ambassador that, if his master will help
" me, I shall be queen of England in three months, and mass shall
" be said all over the country."
The four Queen's ships have left the river. The men in them
are poor creatures.  There are about 17 or 18 pirates' ships
altogether.
In the part of Ireland opposite Scotland there has been a rising,
and the castle of Dombibres (?) has been taken and its keeper
killed.
Since writing the above, to-day the 8th instant, the servant I sent
to Court reports that he requested the Chamberlain to ask for
audience of the Queen, and he entered for the purpose. He came
out very downcast, and told the servant that she said she had sent
two of her Council to me, and they would tell me what I had to do.
Before my servant arrived the Admiral and Cecil, accompanied by
by a large train and most of the aldermen of the city, came to my
house this afternoon at three o'clock.  The Admiral began to
speak, but Cecil interrupted him and spoke of the rigour of the
duke of Alba, dwelling with great anger upon the seizure of
Englishmen and their property. He said I was greatly to blame
for it in having sent the statements I had, and he had to request,
in the Queen's name, that I should not leave the house. They dismissed all my Catholic servants, except one, to go on errands, and
they ordered that no Spaniard should leave the house. They took
the names of all of them, and placed in possession of the house
Matthew (Henry?) Knollys, brother of the man who is the keeper of
the queen of Scotland.* They have also lodged Arthur Carew and
Lord Knyvett and some others in the house, that they may inspect
me and all those whose names are on the list, three times a day.
I replied to them that, as to giving advices to the duke of Alba of
events here, particularly as to the money, it was my duty to do so,
and it is true that I sent a courier as soon as I learnt that they had
taken the money from the ship at Southampton. I had also sent a


* The Vice-Chamberlain Sir Francis Knollys.


y 76467,


Q




98


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1569.
servant of mine when I received the reply of the Queen, and in the
meantime the Duke had done his duty also. Cecil retorted furiously
that I had ordered it to be done.* I said the Duke could order me
and not I him, and that my orders would not be obeyed in Flanders.
He said that he had not forgotten your Majesty's severity with tile
English ambassador in refusing to receive him. It would be a
long task to write all the impertinences that Cecil said, for he is
quite blinded by his heresy. From what I can see they will not
return the money, and, as for the rest, although I have not much
liberty, I will do my best. Your Majesty should be informed that
they are preparing for a great war by land and sea, and it will be
well for us to be prepared. Be assured that in your service I will
endure any hardship. I have sent my draft reply to the proclamation to the Duke.
The letter of mine which they seized from the ordinary courier
they will not return, but are trying to decipher it. I do not think
they will do it so easily as they think, although all the letters for
your Majesty and the Duke are in the general cipher.
They have not asked to see my papers in the house, but if they
did they would get little from them. There was a courier here on
his way from Flanders to Spain who was able to get away in the
confusion of these people's visit to the house, but only with one
letter from me to the Duke, as he is returning to Flanders. I have
many letters for Spain which he could not take, but I hope he will
arrive safely.  When these guards about me are fixed, I shall
perhaps find some means of sending my letters. Letters may be
written to me through the French ambassador, and the Duke will
devise some way of sending.-London, 8th January 1569.
10 Jan.  71. (INTERCEPTED LETTER.) GUERAU DE SPES to the DUKE OF
B.M. Cotton,    ALBA.
Galba, C. Ill.
Original.  As I am authorized by Secretary Cecil to write this to your
Excellency, I wish to inform you that I sent on the 8th inst. to request
audience of the Queen and to endeavour to inform some of the
Council. I received a reply that the Queen would send certain
persons to me with the answer, and, accordingly, Cecil and the
Admiral came on the same day to my lodging. The Admiral
said a few not unamiable words, and Cecil many and harsh, blaming
your Excellency and myself most arrogantly for what had passed.
He took a list of my servants, rigorously forbidding any of them to
leave the house except one Englishman. He also refused to allow
anyone to come and visit me and vapoured about religion and the
mass, dragged up the matter of John Man and about Bishop Quadra's
affairs; and, in short, did and said a thousand impertinent things.
He thinks he is dealing with Englishmen, who all tremble before
him. I told him that what your Excellency brdered, you yourself
would account for, and that the matter of the restitution of the
goods and money seized here would have to be settled in Flanders.
This question of the money does not suit him. I beg your
* ie, The seizure of English property in the Netherlands.




k L 1 Z'A B-E T' H.


99


1569,
Excellency not to refrain on my.account from  doing everything
that the interests and dignity of the King demand; for, whilst
Cecil rules, I do not believe there will ever be lasting peace. It is
a pity that so excellent a Queen should give credit to so scandalous
a person as this. God send a remedy, for in this country, people
great and small are discontented with the Government. Pray
your Excellency have this conveyed to his Majesty quickly. He
(Cecil) is having a proclamation drawn up from which he leaves
out what is most important, and mis-states the case. He says that
I agreed with the Queen to return for an answer, which is false, as
her Majesty said she would send it to me in four days. I have
drawn up an answer for your approval.
He refused to return my packet, and these folks are getting a
certain Somers to decipher the letters. If he succeeds I will pardon
him. —London, 10th January 1569.*
(Signed)    GUERAU DE SPES.
71A. COPY of the PROCLAMATION and JUSTIFICATION of the QUEEN
OF ENGLAND "Respecting the Detention of the Money
being sent to Spain."
Her Majesty has heard that the Duke of Alba, governor of the
States of Flanders for her brother the King of Spain, had suddenly
ordered the detention of all merchants and other subjects of Her
Majesty in the city of Antwerp, and had placed guards of soldiers
over them and had sequestrated all their property on the 29th
December last, and that, after some days, the same course had been
taken generally in all parts of the States, which is a strange and
unheard of thing for the house of Burgundy to do to the Crown of
England, since this detention has been carried out without any
attempt to confer or agree as to the intentions of the two Sovereigns.
In view of this Her Majesty has thought fit to inform all her
sh!bjects who have any connection with the dominions of the King
of Spain, that it is her will that they should not continue to trade
therewith until the intentions and designs of the King are known
and the reason of this treatment understood, whereafter Her Majesty
will direct her subjects as to what course of action they should
pursue.
In the meanwhile Her Majesty commands all and every, her
justices and officials within her towns, cities, ports, and other places
under her government, to take steps to detain and arrest with all
their goods, chattels, and ships, all subjects born in the dominions
of the King of Spain, in order that they may be held as security
and pledges for the damages and loss received, without just or
apparent cause, by the subjects of Her Majesty, and for other
reasons which may appear.
* This letter is directed to the Duke of Alba in the usual form and again in the
same hand to the members of the Council. It will be seen that this was subsequently a
ground for grave complaint against the ambassador who, apparently incensed at the
perusal of his letters by his guard, Henry Knollys, had told him to send this letter to
the Council before despatching it, and, as will be seen, had himself directed it to them
open. Considering the contents of the letter this was considered a very insolent
proceeding.
2...,....
e.  e~*.*: aee *




100


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1569.
In addition to this, any merchants born or living under the
allegiance of the King of Spain, who may be found in towns, ports, or
other places under suspicion of hiding or disguise, or in any manner
of fraud in order to prevent the detention of themselves and their
goods, shall be called to account by the officers of justice of such
places with the help of all justices of the peace, who shall inquire
and examine the said merchants by all legitimate methods and cast
them into prison, no matter to what nation they belong, including
all those who may abet or help to hide those who practice such
fraud (always excepting those who may have made prior confession)
and especially those who may have concealed such persons or their
property.
Her Majesty having also learnt from trustworthy sources that it
was the intention to detain her subjects beyond the sea, under the
pretext that the Queen had detained in one of her ports a certain ship
and three or four small boats in which were certain sums of money,
her Majesty thinks fit to declare briefly the facts of the case, by
which it will be seen that the detention of her subjects was unjust
and Without due cause.
An officer of Her Majesty in a port in the west part of England
advised the arrival from Spain of three or four small boats called
cutters bringing a quantity of money belonging to certain Italian
merchants, and to other persons in the States of Flanders, and,
as on the coast there were many armed French ships of war on the
watch for these cutters, in order to capture them when they sailed,
and it was even feared that they would venture to enter the ports
themselves for the purpose of seizing the vessels, her Majesty at
once sent orders, together with special letters, to all the western
ports that the merchants and masters of such vessels should be
informed of this, and that the Governors of those parts should aid
and favour these merchants and other subjects of the king of Spain
and protect them against the attacks of the said Frenchmen by all
means in their power.
The Spanish ambassador subsequently asked that new orders
should be given for the defence of these vessels and the treasure
against the French, and this was granted, certain letters being
given to him with this object and delivered to his own messengers.
Shortly afterwards, her Majesty was requested to express her
will upon the matter as to whether she would allow the owners of
this money to convey it either by land or sea as far as Dover, the
ambassador representing it to belong to his master. Her Majesty
replied that she should allow either of these things to be done, and
the ambassador thanked her greatly for her permission, saying that
he would await the orders of the Duke of Alba to know which
course should be adopted in carrying the money. In the meanwhile the Queen received information that the French had secretly
entered by night into a port on the western coast and had
endeavoured to capture the treasure by force, but that the efforts
of her subjects and the measures taken to defend the ships forced
the Frenchmen to retire. This fact is known in all the neighbouring ports, and the Queen herself gave an account of it to the
Spanish ambassador.
e::."




ELIZABETH.


101


1569.
Having regard to this, and seeing the heavy cost and great
efforts necessary to defend the said treasure in the ports, her
Majesty decided, in the interests of her own authority, that the
money should be landed and put into safe keeping, in the presence
of those who had charge of it, and without in any way diminishing
their hold upon it.
At this time the Queen learnt that the money was the property
of certain merchants, and decided that it was not unreasonable nor
opposed to the bonos mores of sovereigns in their own country that,
after defending this money from the perils of the sea, she should
negotiate with the owners thereof with their full consent and
contentment, and not otherwise, for borrowing from them all or
part of it upon such security and conditions as those upon which
her Majesty has frequently raised loans from merchants subject to
the king of Spain, as other sovereigns have done in similar cases,
and exactly as she herself had done in the case of another ship
near Southampton loaded with wool, and carrying certain moneys
which were in danger of capture by the French, who had made
great offers to her Majesty's officers to refrain from defending it.
Her Majesty thereupon sent orders to the Governor of the Isle of
Wight to secure the ship and defend it against the French, landing
the money, otherwise it is certain the French would have captured
it within four-and-twenty hours. This money also was found to
belong to merchants.
Whilst this was passing, the Spanish ambassador came to the
Queen with a short letter of credence on the 29th December,
demanding that the vessels and money under detention should be
disembargoed, on the pretence that they belonged to the King.
Her Majesty replied that, if they did belong to the King, she had
done him a great favour in defending them against the French, and
certain efforts with this object made by her officers were related to
him. She then told him that she heard that all the property
belonged to merchants, and that she would discover the truth of
this shortly, and could assure him that she would do nothing to
to displease her good brother the King in the matter, all of which
she would prove to him on his return in five or six days. With
this the ambassador left, apparently quite satisfied with the reply.
Shortly afterwards, the Queen received a reply from the west
country and wished to satisfy the ambassador, as she had agreed to
do, not only as to the disembargoing of the ships and treasure, but
also as to the fulfilment of her promise to give a safe conduct by
land or sea for the money, at the choice of the ambassador.
Before she saw the ambassador, however, she learnt that all the
ships, goods, and merchandize of her subjects were embargoed and
seized in Antwerp on the 29th December, the same day as that
upon which the Ambassador had been with her, so that it is clear
that, notwithstanding the many assurances she had tried to give
to him on that day, her own subjects and their property had
already been seized at the time. Her Majesty therefore leaves to the
judgment of the public whether the pretext above-mentioned was
sufficient to excuse a detention and embargo so sudden, so violent,
and so general, carried out in such a way and at such a time as it




102


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1569.
was; and she leaves also to public opinion the decision upon whom
the blame should be laid for the evils which may result, her
Majesty having no intention of displeasing the king of Spain, and
less still to take possession of anything belonging to his subjects
against their will or except under the just and usual conditions
afore-mentioned. And her Majesty has thought fit to publish this
as testimony of her sincerity and as a defence of her actions, whatever they may be, resulting from the provocation given to her.
71B. COPY of a DOCUMENT docketted: " Don Guerau de Spes, knight
" of the order of Calatrava, member of the Council of his
"Majesty, and ambassador to the Queen of England, to all
"those to whom these presents may come, health and love."
Inasmuch as in the name of the Queen of England a printed
proclamation, dated the 6th January, has been published in the
city of London casting blame upon the duke of Alba for having
made a general seizure of the persons and property of English
subjects in the Netherlands; in order that the blamelessness of his
Excellency may be made clear, and that the truth may be known,
we hereby declare that, on the 23rd of November, we were advised
that certain vessels had arrived in the west country from Spain
with money which his Majesty was sending to Flanders for the
payment of his army, and that these ships were in some peril from
the French and English pirates who jointly plundered all ships,
French, Spanish, Flemish, and others. We therefore resolved to
ask audience of the Queen, which was granted on the 29th
November, and we then requested that, in accord with the alliance
and friendship between the King and her, she would order our
ships to be protected in her ports and give a passport, if necessary,
to bring the money overland to Dover, or else lend some ships, at
our cost, to convoy this money safely to Antwerp. All this was
graciously granted by her Majesty, and was communicated to the
Duke who was then in Cambray, occupied in finally expelling the
X rebels from those States. Before his reply was received it was
learned thati Courtney and Herhem (Hawkins?), two English pirates,
I jointly with some Frenchmen, had captured three Flemish sloops
and a Spanish ship carrying rich cargoes, and had brought them
into the port of Plymouth and elsewhere on that coast and had
divided and sold their booty. At the same time, in the ports
themselves, the ships were attacked by the pirates and by persons on
land. Seeing that these pirates went publicly about the country
and had friends in the Court, we gave an account of the matter to
the earl of Leicester and the honourable master William Cecil,
principal Secretary of State to the Queen, both important members
of her Council. This was on the 12th December, and they were
informed of the great evils which might arise from allowing such
piracies to continue, against public peace and the friendship and
alliance between the two countries, and at the same time we begged
audience of the Queen, which was granted on the 14th. On the same
day, the 12th, her Majesty signed the passport for all this money to
come eitheroverland or byseawith all security. This being confirmed
in the audience of the 14th personally by the Queen, who gave




ELIZABETH.


103


1669.
new and more pressing orders than before for her officers in those
parts, and to William Winter, the captain of many of her ships, who
was then believed to be in the west country, we despatched Pedro
de Madariaga and Pedro Martinez, both resident in this city, who
arrived at Southampton on the 18th ultimo, and, on the day
following, presented and registered their passport. Having informed
Lope de la Sierra, captain of a ship in that port loaded with 59 boxes
of money, they then proceeded on their way to Plymouth for a similar
purpose, and to Falmouth to see Captain Winter. On the same day
that they left Southampton, Horsey, the Governor of the Isle of
Wight, and other officers of the Queen, arrived there with many
boats and people in them, and, having entered the vessel of the said
Lope de la Sierra in violation of the Queen's passport and
assurance, and against the will of the master, they discharged all
the boxes of money and put them ashore under the charge of
people of their own choosing, without allowing the said Lope de la
Sierra or any of his people to assist in guarding them, of which
facts Lope de la Sierra at once gave us information. On the 21st
we sent a courier to the duke of Alba informing him of this action,
and we were assured at the same time by many persons of position
in this country that the Queen had decided to take possession of
the money on the pretext that it belonged to private persons,
although subjects of his Catholic Majesty. We also wrote on the
same day to the Queen complaining of the grievance and begging
of her to fulfil her promise, in order that the money might be
placed in Antwerp, as had been ordered by her letters. We also
complained that in the port of Southampton, after the officers of
justice had taken possession of a ship, which the pirates had seized
with its cargo, belonging to Spanish subjects, orders had been given
to restore the ship to the pirates. Her Majesty had a reply sent to
us in writing, and some of her ministers repeated verbally that Her
Majesty was safeguarding the money for the King, but that, since
giving the passport, she had learnt that the facts were not as
represented. My servants who requested audience but could get
no decided answer that day nor assurance as to whether the same
course had been adopted with the cutters in Plymouth and
Falmouth, which, however, subsequently proved to have been the
case, and that, in addition to this, the sails and rigging had been
taken out of the ships. On the 23rd we again demanded audience,
which was not granted until the 29th, when, with all due respect,
we complained of the action which had-been taken in Southampton,
begging the Queen for redress, in accordance with her promises and
with reason and justice and her alliance with the King. Her
Majesty very graciously replied that the landing of the money was
in order the better to guard it for the King, her brother, and dwelt
greatly upon the daring insolence of the pirates, all of which we
accepted on our King's behalf, and thanked her greatly, promising
to hold her kindness in everlasting memory. We then begged of her
to lend the promised ships to convoy this money to Antwerp, which
she had previously so willingly promised. Her Majesty at once
resisted this, signifying that two Genoese had told her that the
money did not belong to the King but to certain merchants, and




104


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1569.
that, if this was the case, she wished to retain it for her own use
paying interest to the owners. We instantly replied that, in
respect of our office and her obligation to believe us by virtue of
the duke of Alba's letter of credence, we assured her that the
money belonged to his Majesty, and was destined for the service of
his army, having been brought from Spain specially to pay his
troops. Here her Majesty was very hard, and quite different from
what she had been in other audiences, and we were much surprised
that so excellent a Queen should be persuaded by any one, at such
a time, to appropriate to her own use money destined for the service
of our King in Flanders, in violation of the friendship due to so
great a sovereign. We therefore left this audience without further
decision than that, in three or four days, she would prove to us for
certain that the money belonged to private merchants, which, up to
the present, she has not done. We were very ill-satisfied with this
reply, and sent one of our secretaries to inform the Duke. We
were also dissatisfied at the frequent conferences which are being
held here with the agents of the Flemish rebels, to the prejudice, as
it appears, of the ancient friendship existing with our King. The
Duke, on receiving our report of the seizure of the money, together
with the verbal statement of certain soldiers from Lope de la
Sierra's ship, seeing so great a grievance, which is disapproved of
by all persons in this country, both Catholics and otherwise, and
believing that this seizure did not spring from the Queen herself
but from other persons, at once ordered the seizure of the persons
and property of English subjects, only pursuing therein a course
which the Queen, without provocation, had already adopted,
notwithstanding that his Majesty and his governors and subjects
had always shown friendship and kindness to the Queen and this
great country, which had received from his Catholic Majesty much
favour and protection. Therefore, all this being so clear and obvious,
we publish the same to the world in order to prove the entire truth
and fair actions both of the duke of Alba as well as of ourselves.
11 Jan.  72. The DUKE OF ALBA to the KING.
Since my last of the 4th instant, advice has been received here
that the queen of England is arresting the ships in her ports, and
I have sent Councillor D'Assonleville to learn her intentions on the
subject. I have thought it advisable also to write and beg your
Majesty to order that no ships should leave your ports until you
hear from me again, and that all English persons and property
should be seized. To save time I have written to Don Juan de
Acuina and to Don Juan Martinez de Recalde asking them to keep
them in hand until your Majesty receives this letter and sends them
orders. I have made a general arrest here as a consequence of the
discharge, by the Queen's orders, of the money in Lope de la Sierra's
ship and the cutters, and, although I cannot persuade myself that
they mean to break with us, yet the entrance into English ports of
any valuable ships might give the opportunity to the Queen and
councillors (who are, I think, in fault) for taking further steps
in the same direction.-Brussels, 11th January 1569.




ELIZABETH.


105


1569.
12 Jan.  73. The KING to GUERAU DE SPES.
[EXTRACT.]
It was advisable to satisfy the Queen about John Man's affair by
informing her of the result of the action of the Inquisition in the
investigation of the offences attributed to him, because, by what
she wrote to me by Guzman de Silva, she seemed still to want to
excuse him by throwing the blame on those of her subjects who
reside in my Court, who she thinks accused him. We shall be glad
for you to banish this suspicion of her's and particularly that against
the duke of Feria and the relatives of his wife.-Madrid, 12th
January 1569.
13 Jan.  74. EXPLANATIONS of GUERAU DE SPES of the expressions used
B. M.          by him in the following intercepted letter to GERONIMO
GCottn          CURIEL, and also of those contained in an intercepted
Galba, n.
Original.       letter, dated 10th January 1569, from him to the DUKE
of ALBA.
LETTER to GERONIMO CURIEL.
"If you hear that I am detained here you need not be surprised,
since the enchantments of Amadis still exist in this island, and
Archelaus is still alive. Nevertheless, here I am, safe and sound a
prisoner of Queen Oriana, and I have no doubt, even without the
aid of Urgandse or other great effort, this all will end in a comedy."
Latin.-The explanation in the margin is that if they had known
the sense in which these expressions were ordinarily used in Spain,
they would have seen that they were meant to be complimentary.
He is much surprised that they should take them otherwise.
French. —Touching the interpretation of the words used in the
letter to the duke of Alba, saying that people both great and small
were discontented with the present Government, the ordinary
signification of the words in Spanish would be to indicate generally
persons of all degrees, nobles and others. It is true that the
Spanish language possesses figurative and hyperbolical expressions
different from those of other tongues, and this particular form of
speech is in common use to express some persons of every class or
condition, not every one of every sort universally. It is only
necessary for the words to indicate one or more person of each
class to be correct. It is a great mistake to suppose that the word
"great," placed as it is in contradistinction to its reverse "small,"
can apply to the princes, lords, or nobles of the realm, especially as
the universal distribution simply implies some of all sorts. It is
right to say in Latin in this sense, "minimo ad maximumm" or
" maximo ad minimum."- 13th January ] 569.
16 Jan.  75. GUERAU DE SPES to the COUNCIL.
B. M.     I have received a letter of the 13th instant, and am much
CGltton,  surprised that such persons should have sent a reply to letters of
Galba, C. IL..
Original.  mine which were not addressed to them, at all events without first
understanding what they meant. When in Spanish it is desired to
indicate " lords," the word "grandes" is used absolutely, whilst the
expression "great and small," " grandes y pequenos," has an
entirely different meaning. As you were unable to understand the




106


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1569.
terms of the language, you have also misinterpreted my familiar
letter to Geronimo Curiel, which means the very opposite of what
you say, as, if you choose, I will explain to you by means of persons
to whom Spanish is their mother tongue. I will also prove the
straightforwardness of my proceedings, and the zeal I have always
displayed in preserving peace and amity between this country and
the States of my sovereign, to whom I owe this duty. As the other
points of your letter are also founded on the same mistaken basis,
I have nothing to reply in respect to them; but if, after you have
been informed, you still think you have cause to see me, I will, as in
duty bound, meet you. Leaving on one side the controversies that
Secretary Cecil seems desirous of entering into with me, my expressions do not in any way refer to the lords of this country,
notwithstanding which I have no doubt he (Cecil) is a good and loyal
minister of the Queen, and perhaps even not my enemy.-London,
16th January 1569.
16 Jan.  76. The DUKE OF ALBA to the KING.
[EXTRACT.]
By the enclosed letters from me your Majesty will learn the
determination of the queen of England, and that I have sent
Councillor D'Assonleville to learn the reason why she has seized the
money. Before he embarked from Calais he sent me a letter he had
received from Don Guerau, copy of which I enclose. I send also
a copy of the Queen's proclamation and a summary of D'Assonleville's letter to me, by which your Majesty will learn all there is to
know on the subject. I am having drafted the reply that I think
your Majesty should give, if the English apply to you in Spain, as
I have no doubt they will. As far as I can judge by the proclamation, the Queen will not break with your Majesty on any
consideration in the world.-Brussels, 19th January 1569.
Marginal note in the handwriting of the King: "This pro"clamation and the statement I have not got, thy are perhaps in the
"hands of Tiznach who will send them to me, or, may be, they have
"been sent by sea. The little note you sent me is something about
"alum which I will send to Tiznach as it is a matter they are dis"cussing with the Treasury."
5 Feb.  77. D'AssoNLEVILLE to the QUEEN.
B.M.     Begs to be allowed to communicate with Guerau de Spes the
Cotton,
GalC c.II ambassador, and requests a passport for a courier. He assures the
Original.  Queen that if she will give audience to the ambassador he will be
French.  able to fully satisfy her respecting the accusations made against
him.-London, 5th February 1569.
14 Feb.  78. GUERAU DE SPES to the KING.
By several previous letters I have infbrmed your Majesty of the
insolence of these Englishmen in daring to detain me and in persisting therein up to the present. They have done the same with
Dr. D'Assonleville, whom the duke of Alba sent with just and
reasonable instructions, and who they have not allowed to see the
the Queen. It has been necessary to consult the Duke, and we




ELIZABETH.


107


1569.
await his reply. In the meanwhile D'Assonleville is in the house of
the sheriff, well guarded. Cecil does as he likes in the Council,
and, as he is such a heretic and fears that the country may return
to the Catholic Church, it may well be believed that he desires to
disturb everything. Some people say that he has all his money
safe in Germany, so that if he does not like the look of things
here he can repair thither. The money from the west, 95 boxes,
entered here to-day, but that from Southampton has not yet been
moved. They have detained five or six more very rich sloops from
Seville, and the value of what they have seized (besides the money)
exceeds 700,000 ducats, without counting what the pirates have
stolen, which is worth 200,000 more. It is advisable to stop the
coming to.this country of oil, alum for their cloths, sugar, spices,
and iron from Biscay. The iron they bring from Germany is not
so easy to work as it might be. The Queen came to London on
the 8th, and told the French ambassador two days before, that
when she arrived she would give me audience, but not D'Assonleville,
who came from the Duke, and therefore she would on no account
receive him, or, at all events, not until he had given an account of
his object to the Council. I believe before doing either they will
await the return of this courier who goes to the Duke. Your
Majesty can never trust this country whilst the present Government lasts, and even if they now return the money and goods
detained, which I doubt, it will be only because they are not quite
ready, or cannot obtain from their confederates the help they
require. They have sent a gentleman named John Killigrew to
Germany, besides others despatched previously.
It seems they intend to send 20,000 pieces of cloth and more to
Hamburg and Embden, and that 16 cargo ships and four of the
Queen's ships will go thither. The cloths are already being packed.
I will try the best I can to keep the Duke informed, but the
strictness of the guards has not been relaxed in the slightest
degree. Your Majesty will understand also that, if the matter is
settled, they will be glad to have some other ambassador here
whom they can manage better than they can me, whereat I shall
not be sorry, because I doubt whether the Council is well disposed
towards your Majesty, and even if they make full restoration, I
do not think they deserve an ambassador from your Majesty here
at all, but only an agent, so that when they make captures,
reprisals may be at once adopted and their commerce stopped,
which is the only thing that alarms them. Your Majesty will
please consider this, and order what you think fit. For my part,
I will continue my work without thinking of the danger. I wrote
to your Majesty that they had taken the queen of Scotland to
Tutbury in spite of her tears and protests, the excuse being that
they had found certain letters written to her subjects by the
Catholics, urging them to rise against the heretics. These people
do nothing without a highly coloured excuse, and this was the one
the Queen gave to the French ambassador.
I wrote to your Majesty that the queen of Scotland greatly
wished your Majesty to take her son and bring him up properly,




108


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1569.
which seems as if it would be a great service to God. Your
Majesty will please consider and instruct me.*
Three hundred of the Spaniards who came in the cutters and
ships that have been taken in the ports have arrived here, but the
guards will not let them approach my door. I have tried to find
means to give them alms, and 70 or 80 of them have been put into
Bridewell, where a knavish Spanish minister goes to preach to them
every day, and has given them a book and other papers in Spanish
full of heresy. I sent for the papers, and had the men told not to
read such things or listen to the preacher, and I gave an account of
what I did to my guards, so that they might report it to the Council,
the affair being so scandalous an example. To-day, the 13th, at four
o'clock in the afternoon, they brought the 95 boxes of money here
from the west country under a strong guard, and they have put it
in the Tower, whereat the populace are much pleased, in the belief
that this money will be a great thing for them, and that it will be
coined anew. It is believed the same will be done with the money
from  Southampton. I Hawkins has come from the Indies, and
entered here with four horses loaded with the gold and silver that
he brings, which, however, I believe, will not pay the costs. He
left 240 men in Florida, which these people think they are going
to colonize.
Cardinal Chatillon has signified to the Queen that he will
arrange for Havre de Grace and Dieppe to be handed over to them,
and they have attempted it, but as the plot has been discovered
they are much confused. They are greatly petting the French
ambassador just now, because they do not wish the King to declare
himself entirely against them.
I have to-day, the 14th, received advice from Plymouth that
there have entered that place 14 Flemish sloops on their way from
Spain with rich cargoes, and some of them had fought with the
French pirates and belaboured them sorely, but fortune was against
them, and when they thought they were taking shelter in
friendly ports, they found themselves in a land of enemies, and
they have all been arrested. The Spaniards have been so illtreated in the ports that it is impossible to exaggerate it. They
could not have been worse treated amongst Turks.-London, 14th
February 1569.
18 Feb. 79. The KINa to GUERAU DE SPES.
By your letters to me and to the duke of Alba, up to the 9th
January, we have learnt how the ship of Lope de la Sierra and the
cutters with the money from Spain, together with other vessels,
Biscay and Portuguese, had been detained in England, and the
steps you have taken in consequence, both with the Queen and her
ministers, in order that this money and property might be allowed
to proceed to Flanders. Instead of this, you say they had placed
a guard over your house and detained you. Both of these pro

* A note in the handwriting of Secretary Zayas says, "No *uch letter has been
received here,"




ELIZABETH.


109


1569.
ceedings are strange, and very incompatible with the ancient
friendship which the house of Burgundy has hitherto held with the
English crown. The step taken by the Duke in consequence of
your information, in detaining ships and goods of English subjects
in Flanders, was appropriate, and a similar step has been taken
here. At the same time orders have been given that no ship is to
sail for those parts without my orders, and I shall be guided in my
future action by the nature of the reply brought by Councillor
D'Assonleville from the Queen, as this will prove whether she wishes
to regard me as a friend or foe. Until this reply comes to hand I
cannot give you further instruction, excepting to refer you to the
duke of Alba, as he, being so near and informed from hour to hour
of what passes, can the better direct you as to the best course to
take, and you will follow his orders If what you mention about
taking the crown away from the Queen were successful, it would be
certainly of great moment, and I would assist it most willingly in
order to redress religion and shelter and console the good Catholics,
who I am persuading are very numerous. You will endeavour to
learn all about this thoroughly and advise me very fully and in
detail, and you will also do the same to the duke of Alba, as usual,
who will give you my instructions. I am now writing to him my
wishes on the subject.-18th February 1569.
18 Feb. 80. The KING to the DUKE OF ALBA.
[EXTRACT.]
Both in the matter of the seizure of the money and ships and
the placing of guards over Don Guerau de Spes in his house, it
seems to me that the queen of England is proceeding in a way
which may cause me misgiving. I believe, with you, that she will
not dare to declare war with me or acknowledge me as an open
enemy, but that the heretics and evil councillors have egged her
on to this action.  It was, however, very desirable to clear up
the question, and learn something of her intentions by sending
D'Assonleville, and ordering the seizure of all English persons and
property in the States. In accordance with your advice I have
taken the same course in these realms, and have ordered that no
ship shall be allowed to leave for England until further permission
be given, which will depend upon events there. Don Guerau
points out in my letters and yours the good opportunity which
now presents itself to remedy religious affairs in that country by
deposing the present Queen and giving the crown to the queen of
Scotland, who would immediately be joined by all the Catholics.
It will be well for you to inquire what foundation there is for this,
and what success would probably attend such a design as, if there
is anything in it, I should be glad to carry it out; as it appears
to me that, after my special obligation to maintain my own States
in our holy faith, I am bound to make every effort in order to
restore and preserve it in England as in former times. If there is
any foundation for the suggestion, no time more opportune than
the present could be found for carrying it out, and, in order not to
miss it, I have thought well to refer it to you. If you think the
chance will be lost by again waiting to consult me, you may at
once take the steps you may consider advisable in conformity with




iio


SPANISiH STATE PAPSERS.


1669.
this, my desire and intention, which would certainly give me great
pleasure.  I have so much confidence in your good sense and
prudence that I am sure I can safely leave the matter in your
hands. Please keep me well informed.
It will be also desirable for you to send me the document you
were drawing up of what I am to say if the queen of England
sends a person here to make any representation or excuse to me,
as she tries to do in the proclamation of which you send copy.
As no doubt in England and elsewhere they will place their own
construction on the punishment meted out by Don Martin Enriquez
to John Hawkins and other pirates whom they found in a port of
New Spain, I send a true statement of what happened, for your
A information and the transmission of a copy thereof to Don Guerau
de Spes, that he may know all about it if they mention the matter
to him.-Madrid, 18 February 1569.
81. EXTRACT of a STATEMENT of the CONVERSATION of an
AGENT* of the KING OF FRANCE with the DUKE OF ALBA,
Saturday, 19 February 1569.
He then went on to give his Excellency an account of the plot
hatched by the queen of England in Dieppe, in which many of the
burgesses and 40 soldiers were implicated. The commander of
the fortress had offered to surrender it for 100,000 crowns, of which
the Queen was to pay one half at once and the other half when the
place was surrendered.  Four of the soldiers had repented, and
divulged the plot to the King, all the rest of them having been
arrested and confessed.  He said that the Queen-mother was
furiously angry and grieved, and wished for nothing so much as to
be revenged on the queen of England. By way of complaint he
then began to talk of the dishonesty of that Queen, and said it was
hard she could not rest satisfied with the freedom she enjoyed and
the subjection in which she held her people, without interfering as
she did in other folks' affairs; but that scnmetimes God allowed
men to meddle in affairs that brought with them their own punishment, and this might happen in her case. He had seen here (in
Flanders) such a good company that, if his Excellency would throw
a part of his men into England, and Anjou were to enter on the
other side, they could take away the Queen's crown in a very few
days. He did not dwell very emphatically on the matter, but
soon started off on another tack with his usual gestures.
29 Feb.  82. GUERAU DE SPES to the DUKE OF ALBA.
On the 18th instant I received your Excellency's letter of the
9th, and that of the 14th by D'Assonleville's courier. On the same
day, D'Assonleville was given permission to communicate with me,
and we determined to request the Queen to send a secretary or a
member of the Council to speak to D'Assonleville, when he would
communicate the decision which had been sent to him. They
replied cautiously that the Council was here and would receive
him. A reply was sent to the Queen, and we have decided to act
* The identity of this agent is not indicated in the document.




ELIZABETH.                         ill
1569.
for the best, in accordance with your Excellency's orders. I will
not request to be allowed to be present at the audience with the
Queen. Hitherto, Cecil has ruled the whole business, and he was
strongly in favour of declaring war, but he could not get the
Council to agree. Some days ago, two of the principal Councillors,
the duke of Norfolk and the earl of Arundel, sent Roberto Ridolfi,
a Florentine gentleman, a great friend of theirs and mine (with
whom they have given me a safe cipher), to tell me that the money
and ships would be returned entirely, and that they had only
consented to my detention and Cecil's other impertinences because
they were not yet strong enough to resist him. But, in the meanwhile, they were gathering friends, and were letting the public
know what was going on, in the hope and belief that they will be
able to turn out the present accursed Government and raise another
Catholic one, bringing the Queen to consent thereto. They think
your Excellency will support them in this, and that the country
will not lose the friendship of our King. They say that they will
return to the Catholic religion, and that they think a better opportunity never existed than now. Although Cecil thinks he has
them all under his heel, he will find few or none of them stand by
him. I have encouraged them, and I write this to your Excellency
in order that you may promptly give me your opinion, and I beg
you will do me the favour of sending this letter itself to His
Majesty, as the messenger will not carry more than one. Cecil, in
the meanwhile, is bravely harrying the Catholics, imprisoning
many, for nearly all the prisons are full. The Spaniards are in
Bridewell, to the number of over 150, and a minister is sent to
preach to them, who promises them gifts if they will become
converts to his sect; but they are firm, and, although I constantly
beg that the minister may be withdrawn, the matter is passed
over.
I wrote to your Excellency that they had brought 95 boxes of
money to the Tower. Cecil has had it all counted in his presence,
and put into sacks of 20,000 to 30,000 reals each, the boxes being
broken up. He would like to have had it melted, but those I have
mentioned on the Council have prevented it. In the meanwhile,
he sent the governor of the Isle of Wight to Southampton to bring
the money taken from Lope de la Sierra's ship. The reason why
the ships which were on this coast could not get away was that,
before your Excellency placed the general embargo in Flanders,
they had taken away the sails and rigging from the ships, and they
made Lope de la Sierra discharge his cargo of wool and give up his
ship by telling him that the pirates were in league with the holders
of the forts, and that the ship would be attacked in the night. He
therefore relinquished his ship and took his ordnance on shore.
/   What are of most value are the 14 sloops which have put in here
from Spain siuce the embargo, believing that they were entering
into friendly ports, some of them wishing to continue on their
voyage; but the Vice-Admiral's ship pursued them like a pirate,
and made them re-enter the port, where they are detained. On
the 13th instant they took away the guards posted in the wooden
sheds they had erected in the garden here, which sheds were then




112


SPAMiSH STATE PAPERiS.


1569.
destroyed. I think it was more in consequence of the severe
weather than anything else. The garden gates are still fastened
up, and the gentlemen who guard me remain in the porter's lodge
at the principal gate, which is well guarded. I do not hear for
certain that they have sent anyone to Spain or that they will do
so. The Queen herself is much confused. Cecil, the Admiral, and
Bedford urge her to war, although the Admiral's object is simply
robbery, and he will turn round to the party that suits him,
according as events may go. He is no lover of fighting. The other
members and the public desire peace. These gentlemen (i.e,, Norfolk
and Arundel) tell me not to distress myself about my detention,
and that it was ordered to prevent any Catholic from communicating
with me. They say the Queen knew very well I had not written to
Bruges, and they were all quite satisfied with His Majesty. They
cast all the blame on Cecil.-London, 29th February 1569.
27 Feb.   83. GUERAU DE SPES to the KING.
By many previous letters I have informed your Majesty, as best
I could, of the insolence perpetrated on me and of the ill-will of
these people. I have also reported the arrival of D'Assonleville,
who has now been here for a month, but whom the Queen has
hitherto refused to receive, although they have tried by divers
artifices to discover what his errand was. The Marquis of Northampton and Cecil have given him a confused answer, as
I'Assonleville will write to your Majesty, the effect of which is
that, before the Queen restores this money, it is necessary for your
Majesty to newly confirm the treaties now in force, and settle all
points left open at the Bruges conference; the bad treatment extended to me being, as they pretend, counterbalanced by the
treatment of John Man by your Majesty. Whilst Cecil governs
and guides these people, their policy will be to delay the affair and
keep the money, as the Queen was in want of it. They will
thereby be able also to detain 22 sloops, which, unfortunately for
them, since my detention, put into these ports; besides which, if
German affairs turn out to their liking, they will do their best to
inflict some great injury in Flanders, whereas, if a better opportunity presents itself in France, they will try to damage the
Christian King in a similar way. The object is to strike a blow at
the Catholic party somewhere, so that they may still remain rich
and contumacious heretics for many years longer. With regard to
your Majesty sending some other person to treat on the matter,
seeing the bad way in which they have behaved with the Duke
and D'Assonleville, and knowing, as I do, the bad disposition of
Cecil and the deceit of all these people, I think it will not be conducive to your Majesty's dignity to do so, as I understand that,
whilst this Government lasts, they will continue to give the same
answer as they have to D'Assonleville; but your Majesty will decide, much better than I can, that which is most advantageous.
There are many means here by which these people may be punished
and this pernicious state of things reformed. As I have written,
the duke of Norfolk, the earl of Arundel, and all their friends
offer to serve with this end. They are the largest party in the




ELIZABETH.


113


1569.
country, without counting the great multitude of Catholics who
are preparing to strike, under the pretence of obeying the general
order for warlike preparations which has been proclaimed. The
stoppage of trade with Flanders is of so much importance here
that the mere fact of its prolongation will contribute largely to
change the present state of things. The only thing needful in the
interim is to take care that no damage is done in Flanders, and
the prudence and valour of the Duke will provide against this.
The duke of Norfolk and the others who are treating with me
advised me of the answer to be given to D'Assonleville, and said it
would be well that we should appear satisfied with it, as that
would enable them to open out somewhat to the Queen, and let her
know their feelings.  They are all extremely cautious in their
proceedings, as they know that, although some of my guards have
been removed, the number of spies has been increased, even to
dog the steps of the servant who goes errands for me, and to
watch all people who approach the door of my house by night. I
shall, however, soon have better means of communicating with
those of whom I speak, and shall be able to arrange with them
what is best to be done. I will advise the duke of Alba of it.
After having despoiled some 200 Spaniards, they have put them
into Bridewell, and, in spite of everybody, still insist upon a
minister preaching to them every day, respecting which there have
been many disputes between the Council and myself through these
gentlemen who guard me, who are a fine set of heretics, and,
although they say they will alter it, the minister still goes to
Bridewell frequently.
The queen of Scotland is kept much more strictly than I am.
All the Commissioners on both sides have been allowed to return
to Scotland except the bishop of Ross, whom they guard closely,
as no doubt they feared that he might go to the Continent and
report the wickedness which is going on here. Their anxiety is so
great that, actually, Cecil sent this evening to the French Ambassador
to ask him to give him an assurance that he would not take letters
on any account from the Spanish ambassador or from i'Assonleville.
They are very anxious for the French not to stop their trade,* but
it is of the greatest importance that this should be done, and
especially as regards Spain, because, without oil and alum, they
cannot carry on their cloth manufacture, by which the greater
number of the people of the country live. If they cannot work,
or there is any obstacle to the disposal of their goods, they usually
take up arms; and at the time of the Bruges negotiations, when
the stoppage of trade was only to the Netherlands, the Queen was
forced to buy cloths from the towns at a loss, in order to keep
things going. They are bragging now about sending cloths to
Hamburg, and they are packing some already, although many
people think that they are only doing it for show. The effect will
soon be seen.-London, 27th February 1569.


-


* In the King's handwriting: "It would be well to reinforce this, so that nothing
shall go thither. Tell Juan Vazquez to write to the ports again."


7 7646,




114


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1569.
Holograph postscrit: By the letters from  me to His Majesty
and from D'Assonleville to your Excellency, you will know what is
passing here. I shall not know the intention of the Lords until
to-morrow, but will write to your Excellency when I do. By the
memorial you will see that I have given the Council here an
account of the robberies that have recently been committed.
Another sloop has just arrived at Southampton, and has been
detained. The courier Florian comes in her, with many letters
from  the merchants of Lisbon, and some servants of Montigny
and of Counts Egmont and Horn who were in Madrid.*      Your
Excellency should send recalling D'Assonleville, as that will be
necessary in the interests of the negotiation.
Note.-This letter was doubtless sent open to the duke of Alba
for Ihis perusal before he forwarded it to the King.
84. DOCUMENT ENDORSED: " Copy of a statement made to Don
" Frances de Alava by the English ambassador resident
" in France, respecting what had passed with Don Guerau
" de Spes concerning the money and tle arrest of his
"person in his house. Sent by Don Francds to the Duke,
"with the letter from the Queen to His Majesty enclosed."
At the end of November last Her Majesty the Queen received
reports froln her governors and officials in the west of England,
namlely, in certain ports of Cornwall and Devon, thiat some ships
hlad arrived there on their voyage to Flanders, and that there were
certain armed French ships at sea, for fear of which neither they
nor the English merchants dared to put to sea, particularly such
as desired to go to Bordeaux for wine, and the said ships on their
way to Flanders.
Her Majesty, thereupon, seeing that she was already informed
by petition that her subjects could not trade with Bordeaux as
usual, ordered some of her own ships to be fitted out for the defence
of her subjects, and she sent promptly to order William Winter, who
had command of her ships there, to extend the same protection to
the subjects of the king of Spain, both at sea and in the ports, as
he would extend to her own subjects. He had previously determined to steer his course direct for Bordeaux, but, understanding
that the said Spanish ships were in certain ports of Cornwall and
Devon, first went tlither and gave them promises of protection.
After lie liad been there a slhort time, the French sllips entered the
ports, and he ordered them   expressly to avoid molesting the
Spanlish ships, and to be gone out of the ports, which they did.
Notwithstanding whichl, they secretly returned in the night and
robbed the Spaniards, but were expelled by Winter and many of
them wounded.
Ablout the same time the Spanish ambassador, having received
notice of the arrival of the said Spanish ships, begged her Majesty
the Queen to order ler officers to defend them whilst in the ports
and to give a passport, authorising certain monies which came in
* Iln the handwriting of the King: "Look to this, although I know nothing of such
servants being here."




/-.
ELIZABEThI.                      115
1569.
them to be brought over-land to Dover, or otherwise, that she
would allow some of her ships to convoy them   in safety to
Antwerp. The Queen replied that she already had news of the
business and had ordered her officers to look to the defence of the
money, and said that she would give guards, and permission for it
to be safely carried by land or sea, wherever was required. To
this the ambassador answered that he would write to the duke of
Alba, and on receipt of his decision, would accept one of the two
offers made by her Majesty. The Queen, for greater security,
wrote fresh and more pressing letters, ordering Winter and all other
officers to attend particularly to the defence of the said ships, and
ordered that the treasure should be put on shore, to the satisfaction
of the persons who had charge of it. At the same time she sent
special letters to Winter again ordering him to guard the s.id ships
against all violence. A fortnight after this, Winter advised the
Queen that it was urgent that he should sail for Bordeaux to
convoy the English merchantmen, to the number of 80, which
were awaiting on the coast; but that he had taken such measures
in the ports that the Spanish ships should be well protected by the
land forces. Those in charge of the ships, seeing that Williaml::
Winter was leaving, also petitioned the officers of the ports and
certain gentlemen of those parts who had been authorised to bring
the treasure on shore, to the same effect; the money in the meanwhile being on shore in charge of the Spaniards themselves, aided
by certain companies of Englishmen for its greater security. Whilst
this was passing in the West her Majesty learnt of another Spanishship in Southampton loaded with wool, and some treasure, and that
the same ship was also in danger from armed Frenchmen, who
were near the port between the Isle of Wight and the mainland.,
She thereupon ordered the Governor of the island, who was at
Court at the time, to go post to Southampton to see if the Spanish
ship was in danger or not, and if so, to warn the owners and
endeavour to provide against it. According to the letters writt' n
by him it appears that he not only enjoined the French to dep.,;
without molesting the Spanish ship, but also gave orders to certain
forts in the island to fire their cannon on the French, in case the
latter attacked the Spaniards. After this the French offered..:
large sum of money to the Governor if he would only refrain from:
helping the said ship in case they, the French, attacked it by night
taking little account, it would appear, of the guns of the forts.
The Governor, for the sake of his own honour, refused the proffered
money, and, in fulfilment of the command given by the Queen to
protect the ship, informed the master, one Lope de la Sierra, who,
seeing tle danger in which his ship was, begged the Governor, in
writing, to help him to place the treasure on shore, which was done
three or four days before Christmas, and it was put into a safe
place under the seal of Lope de la Sierra himself, so that no
lortion of it could be touched without his consent. On Lope de la
Sierra requesting that one of the boxes should be opened that he
might take a sum out for his own expenses, this was done, and in
this box as in other parts of the ship, documents were found
proving that the money belonged to certain merchants, and was.::


i -




316


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1569.
not the property of the king of Spain. About the same time other
documents of a similar nature were received from Devon and
Cornwall with respect to the money in the cutters that were there,
which documents upon being examined proved also that that
treasure was private property and not that of the king of Spain.
This was confirmed by the statement of some of the Spaniards
who came with the treasure, to the effect that it belonged to certain
merchants; besides which, letters were received from Antwerp
dated 16th December, reporting that the money belonged to some
Genoese merchants resident there, and that as they were sure they
would be paid a fair interest, they were willing that the Queen
should have the use of it for a year, or longer, if she desired.
Thereupon the persons who gave this information were requested
to negotiate with the Genoese merchants to this effect. Whilst her
Majesty was awaiting the reply, the Spanish ambassador came to
Court on the 29th December, asking that all the treasure should be
removed from the places where it was; affirming that it was all
the property of the king of Spain, and, in order that greater credit
should be given to his assertion, he handed to the Queen a letter of
three or four lines from the duke of Alba, which simply asked that
credit should be given to the ambassador, without any mention
being made of the money or anything else. Her Majesty having
considered this and compared it with the information she had
received, to the effect that the money belonged to merchants and
not to the King, replied that, what she had already done, if the
money belonged to the King, had been done in order to guard it
against the French, and gave him an account of some of the efforts
of her officers with this object. She, however, was now informed,
she said, that the money belonged to merchants, and, as in four or
five days she would have further particulars, she assured him on
her word that nothing should be done which could displease her
brother the King, and she would prove what she said within four
or five days when she saw him again. The ambassador took his
leave without any sign of being dissatisfied with this reply. Her
Majesty afterwards received nlews from the west country where the
cutters were, fully confirming the-previous information and proving
conclusively that the money belonged to the merchants. On the
3rd of January, which was the fifth day after the ambassador saw
her, he hlaving in the interim not seen the Queen or requested a
reply, she learnt that Count Lodron had called together all the
ulmerous English merchants residing in Antwerp on the 28th December, and told them that the duke of Alba had given orders for
the arrest of all their persons and property. This was the day
before the ambassador had his answer, so that on the following
day, the 29th, when the ambassador received it, as aforesaid, a
general arrest of all English subjects in Antwerp had been ordered,
and all of them were lodged in a house and guarded by a company
of soldiers. It must also be noted that, after the ambassador had
received his reply at Hampton Court on Wednesday the 29th December, he left on Thursday for London and immediately despatched one of his servants named Marron, who is called his
secretary, by way of Dunkirk, who had all the English of whom he




ELIZABETH.


117


1569.
could learn thrust into close imprisonment, and forbade all persons
to go over to England. In Bruges also, all English subjects and
property were embargoed and he (Marron) urged the Governors of
the town to employ greater cruelty to the English people than was
considered advisable by the Governors themselves, who apparently
understood the evils which might arise from such a bold course.
At the same time, all over Flanders the greatest cruelty was
used towards Englishmen, poor mariners and others, who were all
cast into the public prisons, with less consideration, even, than is
employed in time of war. Her Majesty was kept informed of all
this, and being moved by her natural solicitude and.care for her
faithful subjects, ordered by public proclamation in London on the
7th January, that all commerce and trade with Flanders should
cease until the intention of her brother the King should be known
in thus arresting her subjects, and sequestrating their property.
She also ordered that all the subjects of the king of Spain in her
dominions, and their goods, should be detained in consideration of
the prior embargo that had been placed on her subjects abroad.
Her Majesty in doing this, had not followed the severe example
set by the officers of the king of Spain in Flanders, and by the
ambassador, in sending the orders he did by his said servant, as
may be seen by the various moderate regulations made in the royal
decree already mentioned. Her Majesty, moreover, having heard
of the bad opinion universally formed by her subjects of the person of
the Spanish ambassador, in consequence of his action in this matter,
and the cruel persecutions prompted on the other side by his
secretary Marron, which were much more severe than those
ordered by the duke of Alba or Count Lodron in Antwerp, thought
necessary, both for the safety of the ambassador himself, and, at
the same time, to tame him somewhat, and satisfy her poor subjects
who had been so cruelly maltreated, principally by his instrumentality, to order him to remain in his own house and that none
of his people should be allowed outside, except for the necessary
provisions.  For this purpose her Majesty appointed certain
gentlemen discreetly and prudently to arrange this, and to remain
in the house with the ambassador, without cost or annoyance of
any sort to him. To put this into execution she had sent the
right honourable Lord Clinton, Lord Admiral, and Sir William Cecil,
principal Secretary of State, both members of her Council, who
informed the ambassador of her Majesty's resolution. When they
saw the ambassador they proceeded as follows; The Admiral
spoke first and briefly said in French that he and the secretary had
been sent by the Queen, but that as he did not speak much Latin
the secretary would communicate her Majesty's message in that
tongue, which he (the Admiral) understood, although he had little
practice in speaking it. With this the secretary, in fulfilment of
the Queen's orders and the decision of the Council, told the
ambassador that the Queen considered it very strange that a general
arrest and embargo of all her subjects and their goods had been
ordered in Flanders with extreme severity, and she desired to learn
if he had any knowledge whether the duke of Alba had received
special orders from the King to act in this way, and also whether




118


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1569.
he, hiimself, had express commands to do what he had done.
To this the ambassador replied that the Queen ought not to
consider it strange that the Duke should have acted as he had,
as the cause of his doing so was that he considered the King's
treasure had been wrongfully detained. As to whether the Duke
had received special orders from the King, he thought that he had
not done so, but had acted as Governor and Captain-General of
Flanders. As regarded himself, the ambassador said he had no
express command from the King, nor had he done anything in the
matter except to report to the Duke what he had negotiated. He was
thereupon told that, in the first place, the detention of the treasure
was in order to secure it against the French, as was well known by
him and others, and to whomsoever it belonged therefore, her Majesty
should be thanked for having detained it. He also knew how
reasonable had been the reply given to him on the 29th December,
from which nothing could be deduced which could arouse any
mistrust, or from which any blame could be imputed to the Queen,
since she had assured him that she would do nothing which could
displease the king of Spain, as he would understand within four or
five days when she saw him again. Her Majesty, therefore, could
not help holding the duke of Alba as the author of what had been
done, since no trace of its having been ordered by the King existed,
and as the ambassador himself confessed that he had no special
orders on the subject, yet, nevertheless, it was easily discerned that
lie, the ambassador, had intervened very rigorously in the affair,
and tile Queen could not help considering that, thereby, he had
exceeded the terms of his commission, lie having been sent hither
to aid in the preservation of the treaties of friendship and ancient
alliance and commerce between the kingdoms, and not to destroy
them suddenly of his own action. To prove that he had intervened
in this way, against what he asserted, he was informed that he had
on a certain day despatched his seccretary Marron beyond the sea,
and the cruelties which the said secretary had there perpetrated in
his name were cited to him. To this the ambassador answered at
first that he had no such secretary, but on his being told that
Marron was so considered and so styled in the letters, he replied
that it was true that there was a servant of the King thus called,
who had been here and had been despatched with letters to
Flanders, but that even supposing Marron had used his name
beyond the sea, his authority was not sufficient to carry any weight
there. Notwithstanding that Marron's acts were clearly proved to
him, he thought by answering in this way coolly to pass the matter
over, even though letters found from Antonio de Guaras, a great
friend of the ambassador, and other Spaniards, proved clearly that
the ambassador had sent Marion to act as he had done. After this
the ambassador was told that, for the reasons already stated, her
Majesty had determined to order him to remain in his house under
her protection, in order that he might be secure against the irritation of the people.  For this purpose three gentlemen were
presented to him, namely, Francis Carew, Henry Knollys, and
It(lly Kiiyvett. IHe said he was content to accept the Queen's
decision, but colld not help protesting that he ouglht to be allowed




ELIZABETH.                       119
1569.
the rights appertaining to an ambassador. To this he was answered
that, as this embargo and violation of treaties had been his own
doing, without orders from his King, he himself had not thus
acted as an ambassador, and the Queen did not intend to prejudice
in any way by what she did her friendship with the king of Spain
nor any privilege due to his ambassador. On the contrary, she
desired to maintain such amity, so long as he did not wish otherwise. The ambassador, with some heat, again repeated his words
of protest that his ambassadorial privileges should be respected,
and he was told that much more than was now being done to him
had been done to Mr. Man, the Queen's ambassador in Madrid,
which action also the Queen did not attribute to her good brother
the King, but to some of his officers or ministers. Mr. Man was
expelled the town where he lived and sent to a poor village three
leagues off, where he was placed under a guard and confined in a
very small lodging without liberty to speak to anyone, and was not
permitted to enter the presence of the King to answer the charges
against him, although he promised that, if he could not clear
himself, he would be content to suffer the displeasure of his Majesty.
The ambassador replied to this, that it was well known that Man
had been so treated because he wished to exercise his own religion
in Spain, which could not be tolerated, and thereupon the ambassador was told that the queen of England's ambassador, had as much
right to exercise the religion of his country, without interfering
with the King's subjects, as he, the ambassador, had to attend mass
here; because the queen of England is a sovereign princess equal to
any, and a subject to no other person. He was told that he was
also to be blamed in this matter as he was not content to exercise this
privilege for himself and his household, but connived at the attendance of the Queen's subjects at religious ceremonies which are
forbidden by the laws of this country. Towards the end of the
conversation the ambassador asked authority to send some person
to Flanders for money to provide for his daily expenditure and
maintenance, and was told that it would not be necessary for him
to do this as he would not fail to obtain the necessary provisions,
and would have more credit here than the bishop of Aquila had
who was here before Don Diego de Guzman, in whose praise some
well-merited expressions were used. Whilst the Bishop lived here
he had bought on credit both goods and provisions from many poor
persons, for which nothing hitherto had been paid, and these poor
creditors had never ceased since his death to beg for payment, both
through the Queen's ambassadors in Spain and through the King's
ambassadors here. Although promises had been given that these
debts should be paid, no part of them had been received, and
many poor people had been ruined thereby. The ambassador said
that this money had been paid, which, being contrary to the truth,
he was told so. He was subsequently told that if he wished to
write to the duke of Alba or to any other person to report the
cause and manner of his detention, he might give the letters to be
read before closing them to the English gentlemen who remained
with him, and if he would write a letter in his own hand, that the
bearer of them should pass safely when he arrived beyond the sea,




120


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1569.
a man would at once be sent with his letters direct to the duke of
Alba, since experience had shown that otherwise no Englishman
could land in Flanders without immediately being arrested and cast
into prison, it is presumed through the action of his secretary
Marron. To this the ambassador only replied that he would
consider it, and this is all that passed.on that day, without a single
word having been uttered more harsh than those set forth, as can
be testified by various English gentlemen who were present and
heard all the conversation, although the ambassador has since
written to a different effect. It is true that the admiral and the
secretary had instructions to set forth divers things done by the
duke of Alba since he has been in Flanders, at which her Majesty
has cause to be displeased and aggrieved, seeing the good offices she
has performed during the disturbed period when she might by
many ways have injured the Duke and his affairs, which, however,
she would not by any means do, notwithstanding the great provocation she had receivedl. They were also told to mention to thle
ambassador the grievance done by the printing and publishing in
Spain of certain books attacking the King, her famous father, and
insulting her with obvious lies and falsehoods. Although complaints
had been made of this, and redress promised, the evil was renewed
by the printing and publishing of other things worse still. The
bad treatment also of the ambassador, Mr. Man, was to have
been set forth in detail, the action in this case having been effected
with so much discourtesy that the Queen could not believe that
her good brother the King was the origin of it. They were also
directed to declare divers grievances which had been caused to her
Majesty's subjects in Flanders recently in many ways, as for
instance, in new taxes having been imposed upon them, in violation
of the agreement made in Bruges within the last four years. But
the admiral and the secretary, seeing that the ambassador was
disturbed with what they had previously said, and they having
to go to the Court the same night, eleven miles off, the hour being
already late, they thought best to defer the last-mentioned matters
for the present. All this passed on Saturday the 8th January.
Three days afterwards, the lltb, the ambassador sent to Henry
Knollys and the other gentlemen a packet of letters directed to the
duke of Alba, which Mr. Knollys returned to him saying, that if
he wished to advise the Duke of anything regarding his position,
and what he wrote was in accord with the truth, and he would
give letters assuring safe passage to the man who took it, the said
packet would be sent. To this he replied that, as to the first, he
would duly think it over, and with regard to the second, his letters
would have no authority as a safe conduct. Notwithstanding this,
shortly afterwards he sent some of his servants to Henry Knollys
with the aforementioned letters open, saying that after he had read
them and had them sealed up, they might be sent to the Court as
promised. Whilst the letters were being read he sent again to
say that if they liked they could send them to the Court open,
which, having regard to some expressions in them, Knollys thought
he ought not to refuse to do. When they were seen by certain
members of the Council the latter were much displeased at them,




ELIZABETH.


121


1569.
not only in consequence of what they contained, they being written
in a very unseemly way for a person in the writer's position, but
especially for the insolence and presumption he had shown in
ordering them to be sent to the Court open.* When the rest of
the Councillors heard of this and had had the letters interpreted to
them, they could not help being gravely offended, both at the
contents and at the insolence of sending them open, and it was
unanimously agreed to write a letter to the ambassador informing
him of the reasons which they had for complaining of him and his
letters. To this letter of the lords, dated on the 14th, he replied
by another written on the 16th, which reply being entirely
unsatisfactory, seeing that the best excuse he could make was that
in consequence of their ignorance of the Spanish tongue, in which
his letters were written, they had misunderstood what he said,
although their Lordships had no reason to believe that they had
been deceived by the translators, yet they caused some native
Spaniards to read them, and found that no other meaning could be
attributed to the words used than that which had already been
understood. The lords therefore sent Bernard Hampton, whom it
is believed the king of Spain will know, as he was Spanish
secretary to the Queen Mary, and William Winter, Captain of
Artillery in the Queen's fleet, both being discreet persons well
versed in the Spanish tongue, that they might ask the ambassador
what other possible meaning or interpretation could be placed by
him on his letters than that which their Lordships had placed upon
them, confirmed by discreet native Spaniards. The ambassador
replied that it was true that anything, no matter how well written,
could be twisted to an evil meaning, but, as regarded what he had
written to the duke of Alba, saying that all, great and small,
in this country were dissatisfied with the Government, he had
never, for a moment, intended to allude in this to the lords and
others of the Council; but that when in Spain the expression of
" great and small," having said or done this or that, is used, it is
understood to mean that such a thing has been commonly said or
done. He also, wishing to report that the people were generally
dissatisfied, had used these words; but it was not his intention
in saying " that great and small were dissatisfied with the Government," to indicate that they were generally dissatisfied with the
government of the State, but only with this affair of the detention
of the King's money. Regarding the letter which he wrote to
Geronimo de Curiel, saying that he was a prisoner of Queen Oriana,
he said it seemed very strange that their Lordships should misunderstand his meaning, seeing that any person who has been, or
conversed in the Court of Spain, would have understood it, and
taken it in good part, because when they want there to refer to
any lady of singular and excellent person they call her queen
Oriana, and, indeed, the ladies and gentlemen of the Court used to
amuse themselves by calling the queen of Spaini by that name, and
other ladies by other names out of the famous fable of Amadis.
He affirmed that he had never thought of writing anything
* See Note, p. 99.




122


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1569.
injurious or disrespectful of Her Majesty the Queen, for whom he
had the great esteem, which was due to so virtuous and excellent
a Princess. As to what he said in his letter about Archelaus being
still alive, he said he had no intention of indicating any particular
person here, but that, only following the course of the fable, he
mentioned Archelaus amongst other personages therein without any
other intention than the afore-mentioned.
28 Feb.  85. The KING to GUERAU DE SPES.
I have little to add to the enclosed, excepting that they have
acted very badly, after arresting you to seize the letter you wrote
to me. Both are acts of open hostility, but, nevertheless, you will
not make any move beyond what the duke of Alba orders you.
We expect advice of the reply that the Queen will have given to
D'Assonleville in order to decide how to proceed, in conformity with
the intentions manifested therein. If the Queen has the understanding, which you say she has, with the princes of Germany and
particularly with the Palatine, to induce them to arm and jointly
attack my Netherlands, it will be a decided proof that she is my
enemy.   You will endeavour to discover this thoroughly, and
write to me by all opportunities, and also to the duke of Alba, as
you will see how important it is to the interest of the States.Madrid, 28th February 1569.
86. DOCUMENT     ENDORSED:   Statement made by Councillor
D'Assonleville of his mission to England, upon which
he was sent by the duke of Alba.
On the 22nd February 1569 Mr. Mildmay, a councillor, and
Secretary Cecil, came and declared that they had been commissioned
by the Queen to hear, in substance, what I had to say, in order
that they might communicate it to her, to which course they said
I had already consented.
I said it was true, and, as the Queen so wished it, in order to
please her and expedite matters as to my audience with her, I
would make the statement they requested, which I did, reserving
for myself the right of stating to the Queen personally points that
were for her private ear.
They said they would listen to my statement, and asked me
whether I had any other point I wished to mention; to which I
replied that I had, but only in case the Queen satisfied me on the
first matter, and they thereupon left.
On Friday, 25th February, I was requested by Thomas Gresham
to attend after dinner at the Chancellor's house, where some of the
councillors awaited me. When I arrived there I found the marquis
of Northampton, the Admiral, Mildmay, and Cecil, and the marquis
first addressed me saying, that the Queen had been informed by
the gentlemen now present of what had passed with me a few days
before, and, as the duke of Alba, in whose name I spoke, had
treated her with great ingratitude, Her Majesty was determined to
have nothing to say to him or to me as his representative, so that
it would be superfluous for me to address her personally on this or
any other matter, but that Secretary Cecil would more fully state




ELIZABETH.


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her intentions. Cecil then said that Mildmay and he had conveyed
what I had said to the Queen, and after she had heard it, she had
directed them to speak to me as follows:
First. With regard to the des;re expressed for the continuance
of the friendship existing between the King and;heir Queen, the
duke of Alba having stated through me that he would maintain the
same, she was very pleased thereat, and she on her part had done
all she could to reciprocate the good will of the King. As far as
concerned the Duke, however, she had not heard that he had taken
any trouble to preserve such friendship, but rather to the contrary,
that he had done what he could to break and violate it in several
ways, and recently especially, by violently and unjustly ordering
the arrest of the persons and goods of her faithful subjects. It is
true that seizures had been made on former occasions by both
parties, but it had always previously been done in proper form, and
in accordance witfi the treaties which, in this case, have been
entirely disregarded; the Duke having thus proved himself not
only ungrateful for the good offices the Queen had performed, but
had used her subjects iniquitously and unjustly.
As regards the money which is alleged to belong to the King, he
said that, in order to acquaint me with the matter, he would state
fully what had occurred, which in effect was in accord with what
he had already told me at the Council, and is contained in the
published statement.  He concluded by saying that the Queen
never refused to return the money, but had told the ambassador
that as she understood the money did not belong to the King but
to private merchants, which she could prove hy notes which had been
sent to the ambassador requesting him to take steps in relation to
the money, which he was told he could say belonged to the King.
It was also proved by other letters and documents from merchants,
and also by the fact that the bills of exchange for the remittance
of the money had been paid through the bank of Leon, all of which
evidence would be produced. But, notwithstanding this, she had
not refused to pay the money, but promised to give a reply within
four days.
The treaties, and particularly that of 1495, lay down clearly
when reprisals of seizure may be adopted, and the treaties on this
occasion have not been fulfilled, as the arrests were made in
Antwerp on the 29th December last, on the very day that the
ambassador came to ask for the restitution of the money, in virtue of
a letter of credence from his Excellency, containing only four lines; in
contravention of the usual form of such letters to princes. It was
thus evident that there could have been no refusal of restitution
before the arrests of Antwerp, and, moreover, even the previous
day, the 28th, Count Lodron had told people in Antwerp that he
had orders to make the seizure of all English persons and property,
so that, in any case, the order for the arrest must have been given
by his Excellency several days before the ambassador had asked
for the restitution of the money. With reference to my request
that the money should be restored and the arrests cancelled, on
condition that the same thing should be on the Duke's part, the
Queen replied that she had been very badly and injuriously treated,




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and could not be expected to relax before those who had commenced
the seizures.
There were, moreover, many other grave and notable injuries
inflicted upon the Queen and her ambassadors, and many of her
subjects were imprisoned in Spain, as well as in Flanders, the last
treaty of Bruges being entirely disregarded. When she had complained on this account her arguments had been contemned and
hier letters rejected, besides which, arrests of Englishmen, she learnt,
had now been commenced in Spain itself, where the Duke had no
power. It was therefore necessary, since matters had gone so far,
that both questions should be settled together and not separately.
This could not be done with me, as I had no power or commission from his Majesty, but if the King would authorize some one
to deal with the whole of these differences, myself or another, she
would willingly hear him, but not otherwise; and this was the
answer he gave me in the name of his mistress. Having thus heard
what he had to say, I replied on each point as follows:-First, as
regards what the Marquis had said, I was much surprised at the
reply, as both the Admiral and Cecil who were present would
recollect what I had said in my last communication with them on
the 20th, namely, that my mission could only be submitted to the
Queen, as was customary and demanded by the dignity of my
King and the reputation of his lieutenant-genera], and even that
of the Queen herself. All first interviews and replies, I said, were
given by princes, or, at all events, in their presence, if they are
minors or wards, which is obviously not the case with the Queen,
who is so wise and prudent, speaks languages, and is in the habit
of personally treating with ambassadors. Messieurs Mildmay and
Cecil had only asked me for a summary of my commission for
communication to the Queen, and on this understanding I had
given it, that she should be the better informed before my audience
with her. I said I had merely given a summary, reserving to
myself the task of explaining and enlarging as well as answering
any questions or objections which might be put to me. There was,
I said, a great difference between making a simple statement and
making it circumstantially, which was the reason why state affairs
were more satisfactorily despatched by an ambassador than in
writing, and, to prove what I said, I had not yet delivered the
letters of credence and commission which I had offered to hand
to the Queen in the usual way. In short, I saw that she declined
to hear my errand and refused me international rights, adopting
this strange mode of proceeding and declining to listen to me. As
she had taken this course I protested that, if anything untoward
should occur, which God forbid, between sovereigns so closely
united, his Majesty would be exonerated before God and the world,
as also would be the duke of Alba.
They replied that it was true I had given them an account of
my commission under the reserve mentioned that I would explain
it more fully to the Queen personally, but as the substance of it
only was the restitution of the money and the raising of the arrests
on both sides, anything I could say in addition would simply be
persuasion, which the Queen did not now wish to hear, as I had




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no commission from the King to deal with the matter. As regards
refusing me audience, which I said was a new thing and against
international rights, they said the King had first adopted this
course, having always refused to receive the Queen's ambassador,
although he had been requested to do so many times. It need not
therefore appear strange, and the Queen was as much mistress of
her realm as the King was master of his. I said I knew nothing
about all this, and, even if were as they said, some reasons must
have preceded it which I did not understand. I then protested
that I did not consider what they had said as a reply, but only as
a refusal to grant me audience, and went on to say that I did not
understand what ingratitude they referred to from the Duke to
the Queen, nor the bad offices they imputed to him, and begged
that they would particularize them more, in order that I might
give an account to the Duke, as I was quite sure they had been
wrongly informed and that these were simply calumnies invented
by evil-minded people.
They said the Queen was well informed on the matter, and had,
some time ago, given a statement to the ordinary ambassador,
to which no reply had been given; but I could get no further particulars from them of the alleged ingratitude, unless, indeed, they
referred to what they mentioned before about the welcome and
salutation she had sent to the constable of Navarre at Dover.
As regards the money, I said that I had listened to the discourse
they had addressed to me on two occasions, and as it was a matter
which closely concerned the ordinary ambassador, I should have
wished him to be present, in order to give an account of what
passed.  I fully believed that the Queen and Council only
spoke the truth, but that an ambassador (such men being
chosen for their good sense and prudence) ought also to be believed,
as they have to act alone and cannot call witnesses to corroborate
them. This, I said, was the reason why I had pressed so much for
the presence of the ordinary ambassador, as is customary. If he
had been here he would have been able to answer everything, but
it was evident that these innovations were only intended to confuse
matters.
When we had got thus far, I was desirous of making it clear
that we did not recognise that we were in the wrong, or that his
Excellency had acted in contravention of the treaties, and told
them that it was evident that two months had passed after the
detention of the money in England before the seizures were made
on our side, namely, November and December, which, being the
months fixed for the payment of troops, the Queen might understand
that the matter was one that did not admit of delay.
They declared that the Queen made no detention of his Majesty's
money before the general seizure on our side, nor refused to let it
be forwarded. On the contrary, the detentions in England had
been effected at the request of the ambassador to protect the money
from pirates and Frenchmen who intended to enter the ports and
steal it, which they would have done if they had not been prevented by the Queen. They had even offered her Vice-Admiral a
bribe of 50,000 crowns to shut his eyes and let them do as they




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liked, and offered another captain 25,000. They said that the
ambassador bad never asked for the restoration of the money
before the 29th December, but had asked them to guard it safely
until he learnt from the Duke whether it was to be forwarded by
land or sea.
I replied that I had understood very differently, and that the
ambassador lad previously demanded the money, the sole request
for which, by the treaties, and particularly that mentioned by
Cecil, (1495), was a sufficient cause for the counter-arrest. Even,
however, which I did not admit, if things were as they said, I asked
them whether they thought it was a just reason why they should
keep the King's money?
They replied that the money did not belong to the King, as they
could fully prove. I said as the King my master said to the contrary and his lieutenant-general the same, which statement was
confirmed by the clearance notes, and the money was coined in his
mint and exported from his country, fuller credit should be given
to him than to the other arguments they adduced.
Furthermore to upset this reasoning I said that, even if this
money belonged to private persons, which it did not, they could
not detain it without a clear infraction of the treaties, which
provide that subjects of both princes may enter and leave the ports
of either country with ships and goods without any let or hindrance,
and especially co.ld foreigners enter the ports and leave freely
for the country of either of the two sovereigns, as in the case of
these  ships freighted for Antwerp, which   they themselves
confessed.
They said I was right about the treaties, but that the money
had not been demanded of them, except as being the property of
the King, for which reason the Queen might refuse to restore it;
which, however, she had not done previous to the seizures on the
other side. I said the money belon{ced to the King, for the reasons
alleged by me now, to show that, in any case, they were doing
him an injury in detaining his money which he needed for the
maintenance of his Netherlands States.
They said, moreover, that the Queen might receive and hold this
money, as the bankers of Leon did, to which I replied that it was
not for the bankers but for the King, and, in any case, the treaties
provided that goods in transit should not be arrested, so that they
ought to allow the money to go to its destination. I could get no
further reply to this.
I then passed on to the relaxing of the seizures, as they called it,
and asked that the Queen should relax first and adding that the
Duke would maintain that the King's money had first been seized
in England, long before arrests had been made in the Nelherlands.
But, I said, the way to settle the business was not to talk about
who should move first or second, but the thing might be done
simultaneously and everything put into its former position.
They replied that it was well to know which side had been in
the wrong, and I said that I saw very clearly in the meanwhile
they were going to keep my master's nmoney. They said they
would not touch it, and it would be in safe keeping, but, said 1, in




ELIZABETH.


127 -

1569.
the meanwhile the King cannot employ his own funds, and I asked
them whether they thought such a proceeding was worthy of a
neighbouring princess who professed so much amity, and if
friendship generally produced such results as these?
The only reply they made to this was that things had arrived
at such a stage that it was necessary for a general agreement to be
come to.
I replied that all the grievances they alleged had nothing whatever to do with the matter in hand, which was a seizure of
property on both sides, in consequence of the detention of the
King's money by the Queen; and, on this point, I was ready to
expound my commission and negotiate in conformity with it. To
this they again replied, as before, that the whole matter must be
dealt with simultaneously.
I then proceeded to speak of my powers, which I said were
ample, proceeding as they did from his Excellency, who they knew
was Governor-General with powers to deal with all matters touching
his government, such as this was. I had, I said, already proved
this so clearly by examples that the Queen had sent word that I
was right, for which reason I was all the more surprised that they
should again assert to the contrary. They replied that the question
now was not simply one of the government of the Netherlands but
of Spain, from which the Queen had received many wrongs and
grievances which had not been remedied. I asked them what
wrongs and grievances? They replied that books had been allowed
to be printed and sold in Spain, wherein the Queen had been injuriously treated as regards her person, honour, and reputation, and
redress had been demanded for this and granted by the King, but,
nevertheless, no effect had been produced and the books were
printed worse than ever. Many persons, too, they said, were being
detained there, and injury was sought to be done to them without
any just cause for such action.
I asked them whether they referred to the Inquisition, to which
they replied that they did.
Various points also wer e mentioned where the treaty of Bruges
was being broken, and respecting which redress would have to be
given at the same time. I asked them for particulars of these
points, whereupon they said that there were so many that they
could not recall them, but they had written about them and no
notice had been taken. I again urged that all these differences had
nothing whatever to do with the retention of his Majesty's money,
which they ought at once to return, and the other questions could
then be dealt with.
They said that they had heard that seizures had -also been made
in Spain, and I replied that if this were so (of which I was ignorant) it
was only accessory to the seizures in Flanders, and when the latter
point was settled, the Spanish part of the matter would be easily
arranged. The Duke, if necessary, would undertake to obtain his
Majesty's assent. To this they rel-ied that it was uncertain, and in
the meanwhile the money would go out of their hands. It was
much better to deal with all pending questions at once under the
King's own authority, especially as they believed there were many




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things being done both in Flanders and Spain of which the King
was unaware, and of which it was fitting he should be informed.
This was the only opportunity of communicating everything to him,
and it must not be lost.
Seeing that all this was mere impertinent subterfuge, alleged as
a pretext for detaining the King's money, I said, " Well, gentlemen,
" then the Queen means to say, in short, that she will not restore
" his Majesty's money." They replied that she did not refuse, but
wished first that all pending questions between them should be
settled, for which purpose she offered to negotiate with any person
who was duly authorised by the King. I said that this was a very
unjust and iniquitous reply, and I did not believe if the Queen had
heard me that she would have given me such an answer. There
was no sovereign Prince in the world, however insignificant, who
would not feel seriously aggrieved at such treatment, and she might
well imagine how much more it would offend such a King as mine,
when he was informed that I had protested in vain (as I did now
again), that if anything happened, which God forbid, between such
fraternal princes, his Excellency was exonerated before God and
man from responsibility, he having sent me with tle offer I had
made them. This I asked them to convey to the Queen. I said
that, so far as I was concerned, I had not been listened to or
granted an audience, which fact of itself proved the Queen's intentions towards his Majesty and the Duke; so there was nothing
for me but to return and give an account of my mission. I said I
saw very well what the object was. They wished, in the words of
the proverb, to " complain with their hands full," and I would leave
them to judge whether their action was just or reasonable or such
as could be tolerated by my King.
They said they did not wish to be blamed for what they had
told me. They had simply repeated to me the commission entrusted
to them by the Queen, who had submitted the matter to her Council.
The Queen, they said, had not taken the King's money to keep, but
held it and the other goods she had seized as a set-off to the arrests
made by the duke of Alba. I said that neither by right nor
reason could they thus suddenly change the ground of their seizure
subsequent to its having taken place, particularly as the seizure of
this money had been the origin of everything that had followed.
What had been the principal cause could not thus be made into an
accessory fact subsequently as they wished it to be, in violation of
all right and reason.
They said yes, it could, and as I could get nothing else from
them, the conference ended, after I had told them that, as I had
determined to return home, I wished again to speak with the King's
ambassador. They said they would inform the Queen and let me
know
Continuation  of D'Assonleville's Statement:-On the same
day, 27th February 1569, Gresham  came to tell me that, on
his requesting the Queen for a passport in my name, he had
taken the opportunity of saying how sorry I was that I had not
been granted an audience, as I had come on so god an errand
from the King, and that I could hardly believe it, as she had on




ELIZABETIH.


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1569.
former occasions treated llme so kindly:,nd received me so frequently.
He said I had hoped that if I had seen her Majesty I should have
received another sort of answer, and events would have followed a
different course. He had been discussing the matter with the Queen,
he said, for an hour, and she had ordered him to tell me that she
knew me well and considered me an honest man, as she had
always been satisfied with my mode of proceeding; I had not however come on this occasion with a commission from the King but
simply from the duke of Alba, who had treated her so badly and
oppressed her subjects in the Netherlands. She said she declined
to receive me as she had nothing to do with the Duke, and repeated
to him the complaint about the letter of credence of three lines,
which, she said, proved that he did not esteem her.  On the
contrary he disliked her and was anxious for war, and the Duke's
officers and soldiers were already partitioning her kingdom, like
hunters who divide their prey before they capture it. She told
Gresham to convey this to me that I might communicate it to the
Duke and tell him that she was Queen and mistress of her own
realm as her predecessors had been and disposed of the same
resources as they had done. As regards the King, she was attached
to him and would do her best to keep the peace with him. If she
had wished otherwise she could easily have prevented Flemish
affairs from passing over so peacefully, and the Duke would never
have seen the end of them if she had acceded to the request of
Orange, Egmont, and others. She had acted as she had in older to
keep the money safely, and the money did not belong to the King
as was proved by the bills of lading and confessions of the merchants and mariners. She spoke also about the letters slhe had sent
and the treatment of her ambassador in Spain, respecting which
point Gresham said he had replied in accord with what he had
heard me say, namely, that the Queen was satisfied about the
King's treatment of her ambassador. She replied that she had not
been spoken to about it, much less satisfied.
Finally she said that, if I had any commission from the King 3r
anything else to say to her, except in the name of the Duke, she
would willingly hear me.
Gresham told me all this in the presence of my host, adding tl);l.t
he had been talking with the Queen for an hour on these matters,
and she wanted 'nothing but peace with the King; but if anyone
wished to make war on her, they would find her ready; which she
enjoined Gresham to tell me. I asked him whether he had anything more to say to me, to which he replied that I had better
think over what he had told me, as it was late, and he would come
to-morrow for the answer. On the last day of February Gresham
returned, and I told him that I was much surprised that the Queen
sllould still remain under the impression that I had not come from
the King; as I came on his business, from his country, for his mollcy,
and on account of his subjects; that I was one of his Majesty's
councillors and bore a commission from his Lieutenant-General in
the King's absence, in the ordinary form employed on both sides in
matters touching the Netherlands.
As regards the ill-will which she says the Duke bears her, and the
other things she alleges, I replied that these were some false tales
y 76467,




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SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


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told her by the enemies of peace, and of my King and the Duke.
I should like to know who were the partitioners of her kingdom,
indeed, it was necessary that I should know, as I was to convey it
to the Duke. I begged her to be undeceived, and assured her that,
if I had spoken to her I would have convinced her that the Duke had
not ordered the arrests without good reason, as the King's money,
of which he was in such great need, was being detained. I said
that, even if I had come on another errand, an audience ought not
to have been denied me, and she was doing herself great injury by
proceeding in this way.
I was glad, I said, to hear of the friendly feeling she had towards
the King, and was sure nobody deserved it better than he; but
I should like to remind her of what she had told me to convey to
his Majesty on former occasions, and to which I did not wish to
refer more definitely as it was not meet that everyone should
know it.
As regards her late ambassador in Spain, I could only say that
the Spanish ambassador had told me, only the day before yesterday,
that lie had renewed the explanations which he had presented to
the Queen and she had appeared satisfied, as I am sure she would
be if she would hear me.   As regards the audience, I said it
was evident the Queen saw that if I could not speak by virtue of
my commission I could not speak without it. In answer to the
next point I said yes, I had something else to say, but as that
which came first in order on my instructions had been refused, it
would be in vain for me to address her on other points.
Notwithstanding this, I begged Gresham, on my own behalf, to
say to the Queen that it was a poor proof of her friendship for
the King, especially in the present state of his affairs, to keep the
money which he wanted to pay to his troops.
I added that I understood that in addition to the seizures made
by the Queen's ships of our vessels which approached or entered
her ports, our men, after having been plundered, were maltreated
or arrested, which were acts of hostility and not merely of
detention. Personally, I humbly thanked her for her good opinion
of me, and Gresham promised to convey all I said to the Queen,
adding that she herself desired peace, but that the nobles and the
people wished for war with the Spaniards. The English had a
good and populous country, with money, victuals, and munitions,
besides which the riches of the Netherlands were, so to speak, at
their doors, and they could draw 500,000 ducats from Hamburg
in a week, and if the Queen liked to borrow froim her merchants
at 12 per cent. interest, she could have at once a million sterling.
They (the Englisl) had in former times captured part of France
and Spain, and had fought some great wars, and, as the Duke had
fought France, Italy, Germany, and the Netherlands, he had better
try his hand nowv against the English.
I did not care to reply a word to all this extravagant bombast,
excepting only to ask whether they were desirous of war, to
which he replied no, and that war would cause differences here
for which they would be sorry.
On the 1st of March Gresham came again to say that he had
had another interview with the Queen, and, when he had asked




IFtl7ZABETtt.


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her if she knew who were the Spanish officers who had discussed
the partition of her realm, in order that they might be properly
dealt with, she answered him tllat she was a woman, and had
been told so. I said that he had also told me that she did not wish
for war with her brother the King, and would never commence
it, but that if she were forced to it she had means to defend herself.
Gresham replied to this that the Queen could muster 50,000
men immediately, that she had money, and that she was better
supplied with men-at-arms, artillery, war vessels, munitions,
victuals, and warlike stores, than any three of the other European
sovereigns together. Notwithstanding this, however, she did not
seek war, but was quite resolved to have nothing to do with the
duke of Alba, since he had slighted her so, although all consideration would be shown to anyone who came with a power from
his Majesty.
Referring to my statement that I had heard that the Queen's
ships forcibly made (Spanish ships) which they met at sea enter
her ports, she said she had not heard that this 'was done and she
would not allow it. He (Gresham) handed me my passport, and said
the Queen had heard that I had caused certain Englishmen to be
imprisoned at Dunkirk, from which I exonerated myself, and said
that a very false statement of the matter had been made to her.
I begged her to tell me the author of the falsehood that I might
make him retract it, and I urged Gresham to convey this to the
Queen, which he promised to do.
He then said that the Queen had instructed him to say that
she heard that the ordinary ambassador had written to the 'Duke
that Benedict Spinola had informed her that this money did not
belong to the King but to Genoese merchants, and she assured me,
on her word of honour, that Spinola had said nothing of the kind.
He was, on the contrary, entirely innocent, which I could make
known in the Netherlands, especially as she was willing for Spinola
in persom to come and clear himself to me, and that Luis ILopez
de la Sierra would inform me how she had learnt it, which
was through certain notes being found in the boxes naming the
merchants to whom the money belonged. In conformity with this,
Spinola came to me together with many other Spaniards and
Italians, amongst whom was Sierra, and, in the presence of
Gresham, made a long speech in his justification, all of which I
said I would report. He (Spinola) told me apart that he still had
in his possession the passport granted by the Queen for the
transport of the money to Flanders, which he said would greatly
exonerate the ambassador. Gresham concluded the interview by
urging me to use my good offices to preserve peace. I said I was
not in the habit of using bad offices, but I did not know how the
King would take the detention of his money at such a critical
time as this, and the different treatment extended to his lieutenantgeneral and ambassador from that formerly employed towards them.
He replied that the Queen had said that she could not act otherwise, as they had not paid any more respect to her, and the Duke
had so gravely slighted her Majesty.
On the 2nd of March Gresham came again to repeat the same




132                       S!PANISJI STATE PAPERS.
1569.
thing, namely, that the Queen desired peace, and would not fail
on her part to maintain it.  He also said that the Queen had
been badly informed about me, and that it was not I, but someone
else who had had her people imprisoned at Dunkirk.
La Sierra and others informed me of the amount of money
seized, and I had a note delivered to him (Gresham?) setting forth
that the total sum exceeded 300,000 crowns.
I was informed that there were 150 Spaniards, Biscayners,
and others in Bridewell prison, whose ships had been taken
from them, and who were living on charity, and that an apostate
Spanish heretic came there every day and preached to them for
the purpose of leading them astray, which was a barbarous,
exhorbitant, and intolerable thing. I therefore addressed a request
to the mayor of London, who has charge of the prison, that he
would have the matter remedied, as otherwise I should have to
complain to the Queen.
The next day the Mayor sent me word that he had summoned the
said Spanish preacher before him, and was assured by him that
he had done nothing but distribute alms amongst these prisoners,
and s:ly the "Paternoster" in Spanish.   Since, however, I
objected, the Mayor had forbidden him to go to the prison again,
although the consequence would be that the prisoners would suffer
more privation than before. I said that did not matter, and that
the Queen, who was keeping them there, would not let them die
of hunger, but would treat them as subjects of his Majesty should
be treated. I let the prisoners know this, whereat they were
grea4lv rejoiced.
The next morning the principal gentleman of the French ambassador came to say good-bye, and to express the ambassador's
sorrow that he could not come himself, as he had not permission
to do so.
I left London on 5th March, escorted by Gresham and William
Alderson.
10 March. 87. The DUKE of ALBA to the KING.
[EXTRACT.]
Since lly last I have received the enclosed letters from Don
Guerau aLnd D'Assonlcville, by which your Majesty will learn all
that is passing.  I think this business is getting more serious
than at first was believ\ed, as I notice that the Queen has been
complaining lately of the alleged bad treatment of her ambassador, and those who are disposed to forward such movements
have gained her ear by this means. I am awaiting D'Assonleville,
and, when he arrives, I will make myself acquainted with his
action in England in order to send a statement to your Majesty,
as I think that, saving better information, your Majesty should
act in conformity with that which we write to you from here.
In the meanwhile I think it will be well to tell your Majesty
what my own tendency is, so far.  I do not know whether an
open rupture with England at the present time will be advantacreous, considering the state of the treasury, and these States
being so exhausted with the war and late disturbances, and so




ELIZABE iH.


].33


1569.
bereft of ships and many other things necessary for a fresh
war, and it would certainly be a grave loss of dignity, with your
Majesty's power, to again return to the old negotiations.  All
things considered, I think it would be best to adopt a gentle
course, writing to the Queen that, seeing the close friendship and
alliance that have so long existed between the countries, particularly between her father and the Emperor, and your brotherly
affection for her, even though she should desire to quarrel, you
will not consent to do so, and that it shall never be said that the
knot that binds you together has been loosened. She should be
asked to say in what way she considers herself aggrieved, and your
Majesty will be ready to give her every satisfaction in consideration
of your tender love for her, and will not pursue towards her the
same course that you would pursue with any other prince under
similar circumstances.  I thought well to set this forth to your
Majesty in case she should send anyone to you before the definite
opinion is forwarded to you from here, and you can thus go on
temporising, and can, afterwards, adopt the course you think best.
There will be means for fully satisfying your Majesty by-and-bye
if your desire it. I much fear that the Italian who is writing to
Don Guerau about that affair is deceiving him, and that he is
suborned to tempt him in this and other things, he being a new
man.* —Brussels, 10th March 1569.
12 March. 88. GUERAU DE SPES to the KING.
By many letters I have advised your Majesty that this Queen,
on the 19th December last, siezed the money in Lope de la Sierra's
ship in Southampton, notwithstanding her repeated promise, and her
passport and letters already granted for its safe despatch. I advised
the duke of Alba, and tried to gain audience of the Queen, in order
to signify to her the injury she was doing. I found her very hard
and harsh, full of falsehood and fictions to avoid returning the
money, and I understood at once that her intention, and that of
many of her Council, was to retain it, thinking thereby to inconvenience the duke of Alba and, by this means and others, to
give succour to the French and Flemish rebels. Your Majesty
will have heard how the Duke also placed a general embargo on
English property, of which I received news here on the 3rd January
by a courier who came over with four others, despatched by Englishmen and others there. They quite expected here that the Duke
would do this, for, before the news arrived, they had taken all the
ships belonging to your Majesty's subjects in the west country and
had landed the whole of their sails and rigging. In Southampton
they told Lope de la Sierra that the pirates would certainly attack
him in port and that they were in league with the captains of the
(Queen's?) ships. By this means they got him to discharge the greater
part of his cargo of wool and afterwards arrested him. They then
seized all the letters I wrote to your Majesty, to the duke of Alba,
and to Don Frances de Alava, and, on my sending to request secretary Cecil to return them, he began to abuse the duke of Alba as if it


* Kodolf4o Ridolfi.




134


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1569,
was his business to punish him, and threatened me greatly. His
threats were not entirely in vain for, on the 8th January, he and
the Admiral arrested me in this house with great insolence, sending
away all my English servants excepting one, and putting me under
strict guard. They divided the guard into four parties, for whom
they made three wooden houses in the garden, and posted the
fourth detachment in the lodge at the principal gate. At the river
gate they stationed two armed boats with many harquebussiers
and archers, and left three gentlemen with a large suite in the
house. They took one of my servants to the Chancellor's house,
and, under threats of torture, made him give information about a
courier who had already left, and the road he had taken, which
courier they at once brought back and siezed the letters. Cecil
used very harsh words against your Majesty, signifying that this
insult to me was partly in payment of what their ambassador had
to endure in Spain. This severity with me lasted many days,
during which the duke of Alba sent Dr. D'Assonleville hither.
They placed guards over him when he got to Rochester, and
detained him here in this manner for a long time, without allowing
him to communicate with me, feigning many reasons, all false,
which the Queen had for being offended with the Duke. Neither
the Duke, nor any other minister of your Majesty, has ever done her
any dis-service or disrespect, not even complaining of what we and
all persons know she has done to injure your Majesty's States, but
it is the fear and remorse of a bad conscience which make her
uneasy. They afterwards told D'Assonleville that he could see me,
but must not speak with the Queen, either in my presence or
otherwise, on any account. TI^ey said if he had anything to say
he must communicate with Ae Council, and both D'Assonleville
and myself thought best that the Duke should be consulted. When
his reply was received, D'Assonleville insisted on his request for
audience and the Queen in her refusal. The Duke wrote that if
the Queen would give him, D'Assonleville, audience, there was no
great objection to his telling any members of the Council, sent for
the purpose by her, what was the substance of his instructions, and
D'Assonleville, tired out, did so. The next day a decided reply
came from the Queen, by the marquis of Northampton and Cecil,
saying that the Queen would return this money to your Majesty,
but not through the duke of Alba, but that first all the points left
open at Bruges, and others pending here and in the Netherlands,
should be settled, and your Majesty should confirm all treaties now
existing; and further, that satisfaction should be given mutually
for the treatment extended to both ambassadors. There are other
things that D'Assonleville will write about fully to your Majesty,
all of which I believe are so many falsehoods to gain time and see
how German affairs turn out for them. M. de Bourdeille has come
hither, paid by Cond6 and the admiral of France to effect an
offensive and defensive league between this Queen and themselves
and with certain princes of Germany, and they seem very much
set on this with the cardinal Chatillon, whom they have lodged in
a house, in the garden of the palace. When D'Assonleville received
his reply they offered him his passports, and those who were to




ELIZABETH.


135


1569.
accompany him were in such a hurry to get him gone that,
although he had orders from the Duke not to leave and had sent,
with my approval, a courier to inform his Excellency of the reply
given to him, saying that lie ought not to remain- here longer in
the interests of the business, he was obliged to travel slowly to
Dover, where he hoped to meet the courier, whose return had been
expected for some time. This courier had been sent in the name
of the French ambassador. In the meanwhile they are busy here
in persecuting the Catholics, and all those who have attended mass
or who are suspected of it. They put them in prison, and have
lately issued a harsh decree against those who may introduce
Catholic books into England. They have also ordered that vacant
lands are to be cultivated, and have placed heavy burdens upon the
towns to see whether the people who were occupied in the wool
industry can be thereby diverted to agriculture. They have
forbidden, under heavy fines, trade with your Majesty's dominions,
and are preparing a fleet to send to Hamburg with large cargoes of
cloth, of which the Duke has been advised. Chance has brought
them so many vessels on their way from Spain that they are made
more obstinate than ever, and most of the other vessels passing off
the coast on their way to Flanders have been pursued by armed
ships of the Vice-Admiral, and have been forcibly brought into the
ports and detained. Others have been obliged to take shelter in
Plymouth to escape pirates that assailed them; others, again, have
been taken into and robbed in Rochelle. In this way there are
in this country, belonging to subjects of your Majesty, 25 or 26
very valuable sloops, of which the Vice Admiral and other officers
have plundered most, and the pirates themselves have boldly entered
the ships lying in the ports and stolen great quantities of property, as even M. de Bourdeille did as soon as he arrived., On the
16th ultimo 91 boxes of money were brought hither from the west
and put in the Tower, Hawkins accompanying them with four or
five boxes of gold brought from the Indies. During his voyage he
has lost at the rate of 50 per cent., besides the loss of his sailors,
not 15 persons having survived. They said that he had left in
Florida some of his men, but they tell me now that he left them in
Panuco. I have already written to your Majesty how the French
and English pirates, together and separately, have sallied forth
from the ports of the west to plunder the vessels of your Majesty's
subjects, and have brought them into the ports, selling and distributing their booty as they pleased without any measures being
taken to prevent it. Indeed, many of the Council receive great
presents from the pirates. This Queen thinks that your Majesty
should send some person here to treat with her, without considering
how badly she and her people have behaved; but, really, considering the way things are going on here, it will not be conducive
to your Majesty's dignity to send anyone, but rather to punish
these people in a way which shall make them realize their offence.
It is disgusting to hear Cecil talk about his Queen being s
monarch, and that no other Christian prince is a monarch but she.
I have even heard that they are going to publish a decree ordering
every person to take an oath of allegiance to this effect, which will




136                        SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1509,
mean a butchery of Catholics if God in His mercy does not prevent
it. They do not treat the Flemings on board the vessels very
badly, but they have treated the Spaniards worse than the Turks
would do, taking from them everything they had on board the ships,
and they even kept them for days without food. The Spaniards
catme hither, but they were not allowed to approach my'door for
a long time, although secretly many contrived to enter the house.
and I provided for the others as best I could. They have put
200 of them in Bridewell, and have had a Spanish heretic minister
to preach to them, which has been extremely difficult to prevent.
'They have now somewhat lightened my guard, and, although by
means of the French ambassador, D'As;onleville, and the gentlemen
wlho guard me, I have endeavoured to get the Queen to hear me,
she has replied that it is not fitting that she should do so until
she receives a reply from Spain. They have ordered that all
persons here should have their arms ready for a general muster,
which is being obeyed, especially by the Catholics. The other
people, although heretics, are most unwilling to enter into this war,
for they know their weakness. The duke of Norfolk and the earl
of Arundel have been in close communication with me through a
trustworthy person during all this, and they write that they well
know the offence committed by this Queen and Council against
your Majesty, but that hitherto everything has been over-ridden
by Cecil and they have not dared to resist him, or even to point
out to the Queen his bad government, until they have felt their
way with the other nobles and with the people. They have now
done this and have many sure pledges. They say they will cause
this money and all the goods to be returned, and will change the
Government in such a way that there shall be no more pirates in
this country who will offend your Majesty's subjects. They will
respect all alliances and treaties, and will even restore here the
Catholic religion. They only ask that your Majesty should stand
irmn in the stoppage of trade, as well as the king of France, so that
the English shall have no commerce with either country. The
people are already beginning to murmur, and these gentlemen will
find means to raise them and punish the evil doers. To add
strength to the enterprise, they sent me the draft of a proclamation
for me to forward to the duke of Alba for publication. It contains
a statement of the motives which they desire the public to know,
which are similar to what I have already written about the tyranny
of some members of the Government, of the non-fulfilment of the
lassport given, of the favour shown to pirates and the support
given to rebels. I have sent it to the duke of Alba, and assured
him of the goodwill of these gentlemen and their power here. They
wish the affair to be conducted very secretly for the present, for the
Queen and Cecil are suspicious, even of the birds of the air. They
leave put Thomas Cobham and many other gentlemen in the Tower
for a simple word in favour of the duke (of Alba). These
gentlemen desire that the Duke should sieze the ships which are
being loaded for Hamburg, which will carry 20,000 pieces of cloth,:tdl detain thelm on the same grounds as those alleged for the
det telt ion o'! the dloops here. This would be of such great interest




ELIZABETH.


137.


1569.
to the merchants and people of London that, immediately on the
news becoming known, these gentlemen would begin their movement. I have written all this to the Duke, so that he may in his
discretion decide what is best for your Majesty's service, and I have
also written to your Majesty a letter, of which this is the copy, by
the sailor who offered to take it in a boat starting from the extreme
point of this island for Spain. I also advised how Mildmay, one
of the Council, summoned Francisco Diaz, who came with the
money sloops from Spain, and, after much beating about the bush,
asked him at what season of the year the fleet from the Indies
usually came, and what ships came with it as a convoy. He also
asked him about the riches of the Rio de la Plata, and if the
country was populated yet by Spaniards, and many other questions
about the gold and silver mines there. From this it may be
believed that they intend to attack the fleet when it comes,
because, besides the ships which they are loading for Hamburg,
they are fitting out the ships in the west, and have sent captains
to raise troops, which they say, however, are for Rochelle. They
have moved the queen of Scotland to Tutbury and keep her very
close, so much so that the guards are placed on the roads for three
miles round. The bishop of Ross is kept similarly elsewhere. I
wrote to your Majesty that the queen of Scotland had signified to
me that she would find means to have her son delivered to your
Majesty to be brought up in your Court in the true religion with
every virtue and accomplishment, and she wishes to know if your
Majesty will favour her in this way. She also begs you, as a
magnanimous prince, to consider her in her trouble. The duke of
Chatelherault, since he has been in Scotland, has grown more
powerful than the regent James, who is already asking for aid from
here. I also sent to your Majesty the message that the queen of
Scotland had conveyed to my servant, who was sent to her at her
request whilst she was at Bolton, to the effect that Cecil's servant
(Alleyn?), who was in the habit of inspecting the guard occasionally, was consoling Vice-Chamberlain Knollys and Captain Reid
who guarded the Queen, for the victories of the duke of Alba in
Flanders, and told them that, though your Majesty was destroying
their religion, they might rest easy, as an arrangement had been
made, through his master (Cecil), with some natives of the
Netherlands, who would soon give poison to your Majesty, which
God forbid. As this was known by me only a few days before
I was arrested the plan formed for discovering the details of this
business could not be carried out fully, especially as the bishop of
Ross is in his present strait.-London, 12th March 1569.
19 March. 89. DOCUMENT HEADED: Clauses of His Majesty's Letter of
19th March.
B. M.     Encloses an edict that he has published allowing the introduction
Cotton,  of breadstuffs into Biscay and Asturias, in consequence of the short
Galba, C. iin.
Original.  harvest. The ambassador is to show this to the Queen, and to beg
her, in conformity with their mutual friendship, to allow wheat,
&c., to be brought to Spain from England by the inhabitants of
either country in accordance with 'the conditions set forth in the
said edict. If her permission be free and unlimited, he would




138


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1569.
prefer it; but, if not, the ambassador is to get a license for the
largest quantity possible.-Madrid, 19th March 1569.*
2 April.  90. GUERAU DE SPES to the KING.
I have given advice of all that has happened here as best I
could, writing mostly by way of the Captain of Calais without any
superscripture or other due form, so that the letters which I sent
to the duke of Alba might be forwarded to your Majesty. An
Asturian sailor, also, called Pedro de Rugala, who had his boat at
the extreme point of England, offered to take a despatch which I
gave him on the 12th ultimo. In future, I shall not be able to
write so much, in consequence of the strict orders given to prevent
any letters leaving the country, unless they pass through Cecil's
hands. The impudence of these people has reached such a pitch
that the Queen's ships publicly attacked a flotilla of sloops on their
way from Spain three days ago and captured seven of them, which
they took into the port of Hull. These people are well prepared,
although they are downcast at the news of Condd's rout.t I have
already advised how the duke of Norfolk and the earl of Arundel
wish to serve your Majesty. They have many friends and
adherents in this country, and, when they hear that your Majesty
will accept their goodwill, they will declare themselves more
openly at a convenient opportunity. The duke of Alba, on due
consideration, has written, ordering me to entertain and caress
them on your Majesty's behalf, and said he expected shortly your
Majesty's own decision as to what was to be done. Secretary
Cecil pretends to be ill, so that the Councils are held in his house.
He and five or six others are getting very rich with robbery of
your Majesty's subjects, and they think that, even though no war
may break out, they will still be able to keep what they have
stolen. They capture all the boats loaded with wine and salt they
come across, and say that they will pay for them but never do so.
On the 28th ultimo, the Queen ordered a muster of her pensioners
and their servants, who turned out to the number of 200 horse, not
very good. The muster was in the park of the palace, and the
Queen was present with Cardinal Chatillon and the earl of
Leicester. She was very free and joked much with everybody.
The other musters of infantry have been postponed, and they have
suspended the preparations on the fleet which they were fitting out
for Rochelle. Captain William Rivers+(Winter?) is to go in command.
The ships for Hamburg are already loaded, and, on the return of a
pink which they have sent thither, they say they will sail with
four of the Queen's ships in their company, as well as two Venetian
vessels which are fitting out in Norwich. There are three
Easterlings who they say they are going to fit out four more, but they
have great lack of sailors. Captain Jones, with four ships of the
fleet, it is said, will sail shortly for the Azores. Hawkins is
reported to have brought back twenty-eight thousand dollars in
* The letter of which this appears to be an extract is referred to on page 23 and was
doubtless written in 1568 and not 1569.
t The disastrous battle of Jarnac, 13th March 1569.
X Guillermnno de Rivas.




ELIZABETH.


139


1569.
gold, and arbox of pearls. Some'silver was also brought in a ship of
his which was thought to be lost, but which has arrived in Ireland
and has on board, as a prisoner, a gentleman of Alava called Don
Juan de Mendoza, son of Sefior de Mariota y Mendoza. He was in
one of the islands of the Indies, and, out of friendship for the
English, had them supplied with water and victuals. Going on
board one of their ships, they sailed away with him in payment for
his simplicity. He is now in Ireland and thinks Hawkins will
liberate him, in which I believe he is mistaken, as they are guarding
the prisoners here very closely, besides which, many of the Spaniards
are very badly treated and kept in chains\ The money from
Southampton was brought here on the 26th-4ltimo, and has been
weighed and put up like the rest without any discharge yet having
been given to those who brought it. They showed Lope de la
Sierra everything in the Tower, but he saw nothing of the money
they had brought from the west. It is therefore suspected that
they have melted all or part of it, as they are coining money with
frantic haste, which is unusual with them. The Secretary of Lord
James has arrived here, and the Councillors now publicly state
that James and the duke of Cbatelherault have agreed that
the former shall remain at the head of the Government and the
latter be declared the successor of the prince. The Parliament is to
be called together for this purpose. I doubt the truth of this,
because not a day passes without some new tale being made up to
comfort the people; just as, recently, they cried up the rising of the
Moriscos of Granada, as if it were some great thing:  This Cardinal
Chatillon goes so far as to say now, that if the news of Condd's death
be true, which they do not yet believe, he will go to sea as captain
of all the corsairs, although if the intention of his doing so is to
commit more robberies, I do not see how that is possible. Many
Catholics write letters secretly to me saying that the moment they
see your Majesty's standards raised in this country they will all
rise to serve you, and it is certain that if your Majesty commands
measures to be taken for the conversion of the kingdom and the
punishment of these insolent heretics and barefaced thieves, I do
not think it will be difficult to bring them to subjection, or, at least,
to change the Government and religion. If, on the other hand, the
matter is passed over, in addition to other great evils, Flanders will
be in continual unrest. Your Majesty will have it all considered
and will decide for the best. I am still in durance but not so
horribly closely kept as before. It looks as if they were trying to
make it up with'me somewhat, but as regards any principal points,
I will do nothing until I receive orders from your Majesty or the
Duke. In the meanwhile, I am sending complaints of the assaults
and robberies, although I do not hear of all of them. Some of these
people are under the impression that they will get great concessions
from your Majesty, and amongst others, that, if the English are
friendly, they will be exempt from the power of the Inquisition
whilst in your Majesty's dominions. As soon as these gentlemen
who guard me come with their hints of this, I tell them that in your
Majesty's dominions a heretic, whoever he may be, will be punished,




140


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1569.
and they need not think that we change our religion there as they
do here.-London, 2nd April 1569.
Postscript:-I have heard that Peter Wolschart, the agent of the
King of Poland in Madrid for a long time past, reports to a brother
or kinsman of his, who came hither with John Man and remains
here, all that passes. As they correspond in Polish, their secrets
are very safe.  He is a well-known man.*
They have raised the embargo from     the goods of all Flemings
here who have declared themselves of the Anglican faith; I mean
the merchants who were here at the time of the Queen's proclamation.
Many of them have therefore joined the Church and go to the
meetings of the Flemish refugees, who have separate ministers, as
have also the French refugees. There is one minister here, the son
of a Spaniard, born in Holland, who was a friar in Spain and fled'
from the Inquisition, against which he has written a blasphemous
book which is current here in three modern languages. He
afterwards went into Bridewell to preach to the Biscayners, although
some of them told him that he had better go to Calahorrat to preach
such stuff as that.   He gave them    a "Christian doctrine" in
Spanish, composed, it is stated on it, by Dr. Juan Perez.    It is
printed here, although it bears the imprint of Venice and is very
artfully written to conceal the heresy.  I am told that many copies
of these books have been sent to Seville.:   I have had him (the
minister) brought away from Bridewell by main force. He preached
that he disapproved of the robberies that were being committed,
and Cecil has ordered him    not to preach again without a fresh
license, saying that he had been informed that he was an Arryan.
Robert Etienne's~ little book in French is also current here, printed
at Antwerp in the year '67. It is terribly blasphemous against the
holy sacrament and - all the articles of the Catholic faith, with a
curious device of writing certain discourses about Herodotus.
The other night some heretics landed it in at my door and it was
presented to me. I at once had it burnt, and it would be well to
have it served in the same way in Flanders and wherever else it
may be found. I have just been informed that in agreement with
the Queen, Cardinal Chatillon has requested to be allowed to go
with the fleet to Rochelle, where lie would help her against the
common enemy. The Queen answered that she could not allow
him to go against the King her brother. They at once let the
French Ambassador know of this, and they think they can deceive
both sides with such tricks as these.-London, 2nd April 1569.
* In the King's handwriting: "I do not know whether it is the man who left the
other day."
t In some parts of Spain the grating whence bread was distributed to starving
people in times of famine was called by the cant name of Calahorra (which is also the
name of a town), and, as any doctrine might be made acceptable when accompanied by
bread, it became a common expression to say that such a thing must be told in Calahorra
to be believed, as one might say "Tell it to the marines."
+ In the King's handwriting: "Take notice. Let the Cardinal know immediately
on his arrival."
~ Robert Etienne was printer to the King of France and sent a copy of his book
to Queen Elizabeth by Norris, her ambassador, in August 1569, when he was expelled
his country for his reiigicus opiniols,




ELIZABETH.


141


1569.
2 April.


91. The DUKE of ALBA to the KING.




French.   My letters of the 11th, and enclosures will have informed your
Majesty of the state of affairs in England and the issue of Councillor
D'Assonleville's mission, which was that the Queen had finally
declared that, for the present, she would not grant or refuse the
restitution of the money which she had arrested until the questions
pending between your Majesty and her, in Spain and elsewhere,
have been considered and arranged. She was determined that
this should only be done with envoys bearing your Majesty's power,
and refused audience to D'Assonleville. I thereupon instructed
D'Assonleville to report to me in cypher the circumstances and
manner in which everything had occurred, in order the better to
understand the Queen's designs and enable us to consider maturely
the whole matter, and advise your Majesty, The roads both ways
being, however, so insecure, D'Assonleville had left before my letters
arrived. He gave me verbally an account of his reasons for leaving
and made a statement to the Council here, which he afterwards
handed me in writing and which I now enclose.
We have commenced the discussion of the whole matter in order
to grasp it thoroughly, but as we have received news of Conde's
defeat, which appears very important, we defer the decision of the
English business until we learn whether it is true or not.-Brussels,
2nd April 1569.
4 April. 92. The DUKE OF ALBA to the KING.




[EXTRACT.]
As regards English affairs, I beg your Majesty will read the
despatch in French, D'Assonleville's report, and the decision arrived
at by the Council and myself. It is all as full as I can make it, and
notwithstanding what Don Guerau writes, I am not yet convinced
that they are not deceiving him. I thank your Majesty very
humbly for the confidence you place in me, and whenever I see that
an opportunity of serving you may be missed by waiting to consult
you, I will presume to act as you order. I will not otherwise dare
to break with anybody, as I fully recognize that your Majesty's
confidence in me is greater than my parts deserve, and I will not
trust arrogantly to my own judgment. /  have thought well not to
send to Don Guerau the statement o what passed between Don
Martin Enriquez and Captain Hawkins until they broach the
subject in England.-Brussels, 4th April 1569. )
Note int the handwriting of the King:  Tiznach has sent me a
" packet, which is no doubt this, but I have not been able to open it
" yet."
93. GUERAU DE SPES to the KING.
On the 14th instant I wrote your Majesty a long letter by way
of Flanders, with a copy of a letter from the queen of Scotland, and
of the agreement which is under discussion between -the people of
her country. I also send note of the ships which up to that date
had been detained in this country, and the correspondence between
the Council and myself respecting the robbery and piracies committed by the Queen's own ships. In order not to make this letter
too bulky, I am not sending any further statement herewith. I
have informed your Majesty that I had sent a letter to the queen


23 April.




142


SPANIISH STATE PAPERS.


1569.
of Scotland and I am still awaiting the reply. It is impossible to
treat with this queen of England for the present, since the duke
of Alba has forbidden trade with this country and given license to
carry arms. The Queen at once obtained a copy of the duke's
placard and Cecil wished to reply to it by another, which, I am told,
was drawn up in very arrogant terms. In answer to the duke's
assertion that the Queen's proceedings were against the will of the
greater part of the nobles, Cecil wished to make not only the
Councillors but all the principal people in the country sign approval
of them. The duke of Norfolk and earl of Brauges* (Arundel?)
refused to go to the Council, although many embassies were sent to
them from Cecil. In the end, however, the Queen is satisfied with
leaving the placard unanswered. The duke and the earl say that,
in a very short time, they will make the Queen do as she ought to
do, and will change the Government, restoring the property that
has been stolen. It will certainly not be difficult for them, seeing
how unpopular the present Government is; but as they act in the
usual cautious English fashion with one another, they will not
declare themselves frankly, and the affair drags more slowly than
it would elsewhere. They (Norfolk and Arundel) have sent to
me to day asking me to send to the Council by a special messenger
when the duke is there all the points proposed to me by Bernard
Hampton on the 19th, and to which I gave him my answer at the
time, as the Duke knows nothing of Bernard Hampton's coming,
and it was all managed by Cecil, Leicester, and the Admiral. I will
do this, as a means by which they may begin to fall out amongst
themselves. All the replies that Bernard Hampton gave me were
illusory. He said that all the goods detained were well guarded,
which is untrue, that the 13 sloops brought into the port of Plymouth by the new ship were not brought in by order of the Queen,
although her standard was flown. The five sloops that-were handed
over to the French, also, he said, had not been delivered by her
order. He wished to make out that the queen of England was
sovereign of the sea with supreme dominion, and I told him that
this element was a very inconstant one for the Queen to wish to
rule over. I also justified the proceedings of the duke of Alba, and
smoothed over John Man's affair which they only use now as an
excuse for my detention. I also touched upon their complaints
respecting the action of the Inquisition in Spain towards Englishmen,
and gave him a general answer on all points, in the presence of
Captain William Winter. and he did not dare to give me a written
reply in order to prevent me from retorting in like manner. As,
however, the Duke and the Earl wish me to present these matters
point by point in writing, I will do so, and will send copy of my
statement to your Majesty. The Hamburg fleet will be ready to
sail in four or five days, well fitted and valuable, as your Majesty
will see by the memorial I send. To take this fleet would be to
take all England, and even the detention of it would be giving a
grand spur to the action that these gentlemen here wish to take in
your Majesty's service. News has been received here that Holland
is arming, and, if the fleet is ready and strong, the departure of the
* In the King's handwriting: " He must mean Arundel."




IlFIzAI3ETll.


148


1569.
Hamburg ships may perhaps be stayed. They have pilots from
Hamburg here already. The French ambassador has promised
Roberto Ridolfi that the king of France will issue a similar placard
to that of the duke. I think, certainly, that if the Queen does not
change her government voluntarily, there will be a rising here
within a month, especially if any ill should befall these fleets for
Hamburg or Rochelle, or if these people were distressed by our
taking their ships as they do those of others. If any disturbance
arises here, either by the action of these gentlemen or otherwise, the
government can be overthrown, and if the matter is taken up
vigorously the country may be mastered, or, at least, may be brought
to what is desired. The Queen is abandoned by many, and hardly
anyone really likes her. The Council only looks after its private
ends. She is so poor that these gentlemen tell me that she had
not 30,000 ducats before these seizures. Alleyn (?), a servant of
Cecil, who, although he is not a Catholic, sometimes gives me private
information, says that even if they do not keep this money, they
wish to help the arming of the French and Flemish rebels, and have
adopted the device of arming the followers of Cardinal Chatillon
and the prince of Conde, together with those of three or four
Englishmen, sometimes bearing the Queen's standard and sometimes
that of Cond4. With these they will plunder all the ships that
come to this country, and they had already taken more than
200,000 ducats before these detentions began, nearly all from
subjects of your Majesty. On the top of this came tile windfall of
the money, and Benedict Spinola tells me that the reason Cecil
gave for taking it was that the Queen had no credit in Antwerp
or Frankfort to enable her to aid her friends. They thought that
affairs in Flanders would not go so well for us as they have done,
and that your Majesty would dissemble with them and let them
enjoy the money on their promising simply to pay interest. They
imagine, no doubt, also, that these robberies would be treated as
those of seven or eight years ago were treated, for which they have
never yet been called to account. The rigorous action of the Duke
in embargoing all their goods in Flanders has grieved them much,
as they had expected, for the reasons I have mentioned, that things
would have been allowed to drift without an open rupture, and that
they might, with their usual deceptions, continue to help the rebels.
With regard to the other points upon which your Majesty instructs
me, especially as to Montague's brother-in-law and the caution
necessary for similar negotiations with him or others, I will take
great care, and must leave for my next letter further news, as the
Hamburg fleet is now leaving. —London, 23rd April 1569.
94. CoPY   of a MEMORIAL given to HIs MAJESTY respecting
English  Affairs by  Merchants   interested.-Madrid,
28th April 1569.
Your Majesty already knows that the queen of England has
ordered the seizure in her ports of a large number of vessels on
their voyage from  Spain to Flanders, and vice versd. By our
advices we learn that they number already over 70, with great
sums of money which were sent from here with your Majesty's




144


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1569.
license for Flanders to pay your Majesty's obligations there. The
value of the property so detailed, including money and goods,
exceeds three million and a half in gold, and although it has not
hitherto been confiscated, the delay that has taken place already
makes us fear that it may be regarded as lost unless your Majesty
promptly orders measures to be adopted for its recovery, inasmuch
as we know   that much of the merchandise is being sold and
dispersed, and we fear that the same may be done with the money.
The queen of England has declared that she will not treat with the
duke of Alba on this matter nor with your Majesty's ambassador,
for certain reasons which, although insufficient, influence her, and
which will cause the business to go from bad to worse daily to the
great loss and injury of your Majesty and your subjects unless
redress be promptly provided. We therefore briefly set forth
certain things that we consider might be done to remedy matters,
for your Majesty's consideration and decision, in the hope that your
Majesty will be pleased to approve of them. First, we would
suggest that your Majesty should be pleased at once to send a
member of your council of the treasury, of experience in affairs,
to make some agreement with regard to the goods that have been
sold and dispersed in England, and also with regard to the money,
in case the Queen should not consent at once to restore it all.
Inasmuch as the sum taken is a very large one, every month of
delay means a heavy loss for your Majesty's subjects and your
royal treasury also. This is particularly so as regards the marine
duties and customs dues on wool, which have all ceased in consequence of the stoppage of maritime trade, caused by the obstacles
to navigation.  It is certain that if your Majesty's subjects in
Spain and the States, and others that have served you, lose this
great sum of money, commerce would be nearly suspended, and
many would be totally ruined and undone. Even though it be not
lost but subsequently returned, the fact of its having been so long
detained under embargo, will cause great loss of credit and suspension of payments; besides which it will be almost impossible to
provide money in Flanders for want of means of transit, and
inasmuch as credit will be disturbed, it will not be possible to raise
funds otherwise. The loss and damage to your Majesty's subjects
and others that will be caused thereby cannot be exaggerated;
especially to those who have undertaken obligations in Flanders to
provide money and who are not only prevented from entering into
fresh commitments, but cannot fulfil their present undertakings.
For this reason we presume humbly to beg your Majesty most
urgently to promptly order measures to be taken for our redress,
since every month of detention means a loss of over 300,000
ducats to your Majesty's subjects and other servants, except a very
small portion belonging to the Portuguese, there being no other
business at the present moment so important as this to your
Majesty's interests and those of your subjects and vassals.
9 May.   95. GCUERAU DE SPES to the KING
I wrote to your Majesty on the 23rd ultimo, and you will have
heard since from the duke of Alba that the Hamburg fleet left here




ELIZABETH.


146


1569.
and has- been forced by contrary winds into Harwich. Seven of
the Queen's ships were prepared to accompany it, but it seems that
only four of them went, as the other three were short-handed and
it is believed they will remain to guard the coast. This fleet
carries great cargoes of cloth, woollens and kerseys. An embassy
has arrived from the town of Embden complaining that this
trade was not continued with them as had been agreed, or, at least,
that four ships with cloth have not been sent every year. But the
fleet will nevertheless go to Hamburg where Cecil and the lord
keeper his brother-in-law have many connections. It is notorious
that they send much of their money thither, thinking to keep it
in safety there. The other fleet for Rochelle, it seems, will bring
back wines and salt. It sailed from the Isle of Wight on the
2nd inst., and the Queen told the French ambassador she could not
avoid its going, as an agreement had been made with certain
merchants in Rochelle. They promised the ambassador that, in
the treaty for restitution, both parties shall be represented, and
they have proclaimed that all persons claiming that the French
have robbed them are to give information to the admiral. In the
meanwhile they are watching the progress made by the army of
the duke of Deuxponts. In the new ship which took the five
sloops from Plymouth to Rochelle have returned many rebel
Frenchmen,-the Vidame de Chartres and his wife, M. de SaintSimon and others, who have brought letters from the queen of
Navarre, as they call her, for this Queen and Council asking for
help. I have written to your Majesty that the duke of Norfolk
and the earl of Arundel have sent messages to me on many
occasions through Roberto Ridolfi, a Florentine, and John Suygo, a
Milanese, who have entrance into my house, expressing their wish
to serve your Majesty. They gave me a form of proclamation
which they desired that the duke of Alba should publish, thinking
that, with this and the restriction of trade, the people would rise,
and they might change the Government and restore what had been
stolen. The duke of Alba published the proclamation in a good,
but slightly different, form from the draft, hut they say that the
convenient time has not yet arrived when they can do what they
wished, because, with this fleet going to Hamburg, Cecil and his
friends have made the public believe that the damage done by the
suspension of trade with Flanders will be made up. They (i.e.,
Cecil and his party) also exaggerate greatly the rising of the
Moriscos of Granada and other fibs and fictions which they publish
every day. They boast of the impossibility of your Majesty
making war against them, and enlarge upon the alliances
which they have in Germany, and thus the people are kept in
suspense. Oil, iron, and spices were beginning to fail them, but
in the sloops which they have captured large stocks of these were
found, and they are now supplied from  this source and with
consignments which are always secretly being exported from your
Majesty's dominions. Although they (Norfolk and Arundel) distinguished themselves by opposing the insolent answer to the
Duke's proclamation which had been drawn up by Cecil, they
have not made any move, as they declared they would, towards
y 764?,                                                    A




146


SPANISH STATE PAPiERS.


1569.
having Cecil arrested, reforming the Council and restoring the stolen
property. They say they are hindered by the fact that many of
the Council are deeply pledged in the robberies and fear restitution,
so that they dare not oppose Cecil. For my part I believe that
they have had very little courage, and, in the English way, want
things to be so far advanced that, with little trouble and danger,
they may gain your Majesty's rewards and favours. They have
hitherto done no harm whatever. It is true that for the last two
months they have been telling me through these men how much
they are spending, and must spend, in the business, and begging me
to let them have a sum of money, as the Duke and the Earl are
deeply in debt. As Lord Lumley, son-in-law of the one and
brother-in-law of the other, is also concerned in it, I do not see
any great objection to take their pledge. The duke of Alba,
however, replied that it was better not to give them anything until
they had done some service, but that I could offer them future
remuneration and reward.   Their importunity was such that
Lumley, thinking perhaps that Suygo had not pressed the matter
sufficiently, sent me a note signed with his own hand, saying as
follows:"Rogo tuum dominationem ut credas istum nostram   amicum
Juanem Suygo instalibus meis negociis quod traditi tan quam tue
ipsum.-LUMLEY."
Suygo dwelt upon the great expenditure that these gentlemen
had to keep up, and said that if I would advance them a sum of
money, the Duke, the Earl, and Lumley would jointly bind themselves by ordinance to repay it, so that I might be the more secure,
and he begged me to send him an answer in my own handwriting.
In conformity with the Duke's orders I answered as follows:" Illustris Domine, Juani Suygo nomine dominacionis tue fidem
habui habeloque etiam ut bonus talium virorum animus catholice
magestatis inotescant pro eo que in pendendis offitiis liberaliter
satisfiat nulla alia cura restat nisi debiti progressus honeste que
conclusiones."
I do not know whether this will satisfy them much, and they
now send to say that the Duke and Earl, or one of them, would
like to go to Spain, but they had not yet decided. It is true that
the Council have delegated to the earl of Arundel the duty of the
recovery and preservation of the property stolen and detained
from your Majesty's subjects, whilst the duke of Norfolk is to act
similarly for French property, and they have therefore sent a
message from the Council to me, saying that, if I like to appoint
cormmissioners, the Council will appoint others in order to agree as
to the salvage of what remains, and decide what is to be done with
that which of necessity must be sold. This is nothing but a trick,
because these commissioners, who have hitherto been in charge of
the business, returned three days since, and it seems they have
discovered both the robberies and the robbers, and say they can
now identify all the cargoes and what is missing from them. This
latter is a large proportion, and it has been sold and distributed by
order of the Council. A difference has arisen between the Council
cnd the commissioners with regard to the sale, in consequence of




ELIZABETH.


14Z


]569.
each party wanting to arrange for its own friends to buy. For
this reason, I think, the commissioners have really returned. I
replied that what I demand is the return of all the properties
stolen -and detained, at least what was stolen before the Queen's
decree and in contravention of it. I wish to see what they will
do about new commissioners, and to learn the reason why they do
not act upon the report of the others showing what was stolen and
who were the robbers. Anything that may be in favour of the
merchandise I will accept readily, but there must be no trickery.
I believe that it is all contrived in order that the members of the
Council who have had part in the robbery may not suffer and may
yet look well in the eyes of the people. I will try to learn the
objects, but I cannot believe them to be good. The duke of
Norfolk told Ridolfi that it was certain the Queen had alliances
in Germany against Flanders, and that it was true that Killigrew
had ten thousand men ready there. Perhaps he says it to enhance
the value of his own services when he renders them. It is true that
they have troops ready in Germany, and it is thought that these
ships from Hamburg will bring some back with them. It will not
be very difficult to punish these people. Itwill suffice for privateers
to be armed for the purpose of stopping trade with Hamburg,
Denmark, and Rochelle, and at the same time, keeping watch that
no provisions or supplies shall come hither from the continent, for
the people themselves to rise, and no acts of the government can
prevent them. If your Majesty were to arrange this with the king
of France, and chose seriously to attack this island with a good
fleet, you would find no resistance, as they have no troops, and
they are at issue among themselves, and so much alarmed that
they are already crying out that they are ruined.because the
French have taken four of their ships. The slightest warlike
demonstration in Spain would prevent this Hamburg fleet from
sailing, and even if it arrived at Hamburg, I do not think it would
bring them much profit. In their voyages backwards and forwards
much damage might be done to them, and I am told that even in
the river itself they might be assailed, of which I have r.dvised the
duke of Alba. As Hamburg and Bremen have, against the decision
of former diets, left the Augsburg confession and have gone over
to Calvinism, the Emperor might surely punish them. I advised
your Majesty that it was believed that Duke August* was to make
a great movement in Germany, and I also advised the duke of Alba
and Chantonnay. The duke of Norfolk and the earl of Arundel
will, I believe, openly declare themselves when your Majesty pleases
to signify your approval. The earl of Northumberland also has
verbally promised the same. He is a very worthy gentleman, and
there are numberless others with the same desires. All the north and
Wales are, for the great part, Catholic, and many of the people are
attached to the queen of Scotland, although the heretic portion fear
her because she is a Catholic. The members of the Council here are
well satisfied because there is not one to contradict them. I advised
your Majesty also that the Regent James in Scotland had arrested
*Of Saxony.




148                        SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1569.
the duke of Chatelherault, and it now seems that it was an
arranged thing, as you will see by copies of the queen of Scotland's
letter sent herewith and copy of the earl of Huntly's letter to her.
It appears to be very desirable that she should be helped to retain
what little power she has left, so that the heretics may not be
entire masters of Scotland, which would be a great evil. No doubt
James wants to make himself King, and the child will be in danger
if God in His mercy do not protect him. On other occasions I
have sent your Majesty copies of the Queen's letter begging you
to receive her son, as in case of your Majesty thus favouring her,
she would find means to get possession of him. As I have not a
reply from your Majesty about it, I have not been able to send her
news. I sent her your Majesty's letter by one of her servants and
hourly expect a reply. The servant dared not trust it to anyone
else, and it was therefore delayed a fortnight. The bishop of Ross
is here trying to get his Queen liberated. He says that he will
come here at night to let me know the answer. All your Majesty's
subjects here are being maltreated and Don Lope de Ugarte has
died in the west of sheer ill-usage. I have tried to manage the
escape of 150 of them or more in French and other ships, and I am
still endeavouring to do so although they are being kept very
strictly. They are treating all Catholics with great rigour, and the
prisons are full of them. At midnight last night many armed
royal officers entered the house of Antonio de Guaras in search of
him. They have sealed and sequestrated in the Queen's name all
his property, and have closed the house, after having taken therefrom a great number of religious images and crucifixes, as well as
figures of our Lady and the Saints beautifully carved in bulk and
gilded. They carried them through most of the streets in the
morning, as if in procession, with great mockery and laughter,
saying that these were the gods of the Spaniards. There were
great crowds of people, as they waited until it was market-day
before they did it. Cries were raised that all the foreigners and
those who owned the images should be burnt. They burnt half of
these images piled on a cart-wheel before Guaras' house, and the
other half they burnt in the market-place. Many good people sent
fuel to prove their devotion. If any foreigner breathed a word of
disapproval they took him prisoner, and they arrested a servant of
mine, the only one who is allowed to leave the house, who had not
said a word, although these gentleman who guard me afterwards
got him out of prison as he was not to blame. All this could not
have been done without the Council's orders, as the bad members
of it dislike Guaras and his house was sequestrated before, on the
3rd of January. This is against the Queen's decree ordering that
foreign property should not be touched. From the beginning of
these disturbances Antonio de Guaras has been in my house with
others, for if they found him abroad they would play him some
trick. I have just received a letter from the queen of Scotland
advising receipt of your Majesty's letter. I had written to her
saying that I had received no reply from your Majesty about the
Prince and other matters. Suygo, also, from Lord Lumley, has
returned me the note I gave him, and has received back his own




ELIZABETH.


149


1569.
from me. These gentlemen are much grieved not to have received
a sum of money at once, and it seems to have cooled them somewhat, although I keep them in hand with promises as best I can.
This does not satisfy them, however. Your Majesty will please
decide what is best to be done, and instruct me. The commissioners, who have returned from the task of identifying the goods
detained and stolen, have also been here to-day, and promised to
give me a written report in three days, in order that I may decide
if it will be advisable to appoint other commissioners, and what
arrangements are to be made as to the sale of perishable goods.
The Queen went on the 6th to Greenwich, and I have already
written to your Majesty that the two Venetian ships had been
detained here by orders of the Council, which has given rise to a
great quarrel between Ridolfi and Benedict Spinola, the latter having
written to Venice saying that Ridolfi had incited the Council to
take them for its own service, of which the Signiory complained.
The quarrel between these two men and the fears of a rupture with
Venice have made them restore these two ships, one of which is
of a thousand tons and the others a little less. This will be injurious, because large quantities of cloth will be shipped on board
of them in the names of Venetians. I do not think they will leave
until some time in June, and if they touch in a Spanish port they
may easily be detained. It would be very advantageous that the
Venetians should abandon trade with this country at present, and
that the Duke's proclamation should be respected in all your
Majesty's dominions. Your Majesty in your wisdom will decide
for the best. If the government is not changed in this country
your Majesty can only hope for treachery and wickedness, but they
will give way on the slightest pressure, as they themselves well
know. I have given full information of the true state of things
in Granada, but they will not believe me, and cry out that other
provinces of Spain have risen against your Majesty, little knowing
the fidelity of the Spaniards. —London, 9th May 1569.
10 May. 96. The DUKE OF ALBA to the KINa.
[EXTRACT.]
I have written to your Majesty the opinion of the Council here
and myself on English affairs, and the answer that should be given
to the Queen pending the recovery of the property she holds; as
afterwards, if your Majesty wishes to obtain satisfaction, there will
be means of doing so. Until we get restitution and certain other
matters of greater difficulty are settled (of which I will give your
Majesty anf account in answer to your letters now received), on no
account should we break with her (the queen of England). Two
men from the queen of Scotland have arrived here, with whom I am
negotiating with much caution. After having heard them, I will
give your Majesty an account of their mission and my reply thereto,
in conformity with your Majesty's orders that I should manage this
business from here. I will advise Don Guerau as to what I think
would be best. I send your Majesty some letters of his, although
I fear you will not gather much light from   them.-Brussels,
10th Myy 15C9.




150. SPANISH STATE PAPERS,


1569.
15 May. 97, The KING to the DUKE of ALBA,
[EXTRACT.]
Commencing with England, which is the most pressing matter and
demands the most speedy remedy, I ordered the letter you sent me
in French and D'Assonleville's report to be translated into Spanish,
and, after the Council of State had privately read them, I ordered the
Council to be summoned next day, and presidents Hopperus and
Tiznach to attend. The course to be adopted was then carefully considered and after much deliberation it was decided that it was undesirable to embark upon a war with the Queen, as, however great the
damage we may do her, she will not by this means restore what she has
taken. We think that she should be treated with a certain show of
gentleness, united with an attempt to arouse her fears and suspicions
that, if she does not make the restitution, we may declare war.
This is in accordance with the recommendations you sent from there,
and in pursuance of this end it seems well that I should reply to the
letter the Queen sent me (and of which I enclose copy) explaining
away all the excuses she makes, and remonstrating with her to the
effect that none of these pretexts justify her in making the seizures.
I have therefore had the letter drawn up which is enclosed in the
despatch sent to you in French. Both of them were first drafted in
Spanish, every word being weighed carefully in that intended for the
Queen. There is nothing to add to it but to say that we think here
that D'Assonleville should not be sent again on the business, but a
person of more ability and standing, as I understand he is not
thought much of there. The choice of the person is left entirely to
you and you will instruct him as the state of affairs may demand.
You ask for a letter of credence for yourself, and although the
letter for the Queen, as you will see, is very full in that respect, I
send you besides three credential letters to make quite sure, one
for yourself personally, another for the minister you may send, in
which it is stated that I have appointed him here in order that they
may not have the excuse of saying they will not deal with you, and
a third letter, also in blank, in case you should 'send more than one
envoy. I beg you will use all diligence and dexterity in order to
recover this money as soon as possible, as otherwise the damage will
be so wide-spread and will affect so many people that there will be a
general collapse of credit and property, and we shall not be able to
get a real to meet necessary payments. Pray also send me frequent
and full reports of the progress of events. In order to anticipate any
possible demand the Queen may make, for the purpose of settling
the matter promptly, I am having sent to you the general power in
the form you request; so that we shall certainly not fail for want of
care.-Aranjuez, 15th May 1569.
98. The KING to the QUEEN of England. DRAFT without date.
I have received your Serenity's letter, together with the document
in Spanish referred to therein, containing the discourse respecting
the detention of the money and the events resulting therefrom. The
duke of Alba, my governor of the Netherlands, has also sent me a
full report of the matter, and I have been deeply grieved that, in
the face of the true friendship and kinship between us, derived from
our ancestors, confirmed by so many treaties and mutually renewed




ELIZABETH.                        151
1 69.
by so many acts of kindness, anything should have happened to
produce just cause of quarrel or raise any impediment to the continuance of this friendship, which is so necessary to the advantage
of ourselves and our dominions. As the detention of this money
has been the origin of what subsequently occurred (which money
was in truth destined for our service, having been borrowed from
merchants here and sent for the service of my army in the States),
I note your Serenity's assurance that the first intention was the safe
forwarding of the money, but the delay in the subsequent delivery
of it to the custody of your officers shows a change of such
intention. From this it might be inferred that a different motive
was beneath it, and the duke of Alba was fully justified in the
course he took thereupon in the States; which course has also been
followed in the rest of my dominions. Thereupon your Serenity's
treatment of our subjects, friends and servants, and their property
followed; and, subsequently, the behaviour adopted towards Don
Guerau de Spes, my ambassador, and towards D'Assonleville of my
Council, the envoy sent by the duke of Alba, this behaviour having
been extraordinary and conspicuous. The foundation of our friendship being sincere, sound and firm, it is not necessary to discuss as
to the justification or cause of dispute, nor as to the relative share
of blame, since the remedy and redress of all difficulties depend
entirely upon our own will on both sides to abolish the cause by
raising mutually the embargoes of persons, money, goods, and
merchandise, and restoring everything to its original position, as
D'Assonleville recently proposed to you. This would bring about
a complete cessation of the cause of quarrel and all impediment to
our friendship, which would thereby be assured and confirmed. If,
on the other hand, this should not be done, or any delay should
occur in doing it, it would clearly demonstrate that another object
had been in view, which cannot be believed of your Serenity, whose
friendship I hold so dearly. I cannot believe, either, that your
Serenity will listen to the advice of persons who, for their own ends
and passions, may try to perturb public peace, and introduce division
and difference between old friends to the prejudice of all, and only
to the advantage of certain neighbours who desire such opportunities.
By virtue of the powers and authorities given by us to the duke of
Alba, our Lieutenant-General and Governor of the Netherlands, he
is empowered to negotiate in this matter fully, as well as we ourselves could do, without further instructions; but, in orderto avoid
all occasion for objection or delay, we send him a new commission
authorising him to proceed without scruple or difficulty to the
prompt, favourable, and final settlement of the dispute, and I am
confident that your Serenity will negotiate with him, animated by
the same friendship, affection, and brotherhood in the matter as I feel
towards you, and in full consideration at the same time of the evils
which otherwise would result to both parties.
23 May.   99. GUERAU DE SPES to the KING.
The Queen went to Greenwich without deciding as to the restitution of the stolen property, and the duke of Norfolk and earl of
Arundel, who told me they expected to bring the Queen to do as




152


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1569,
she ought, excused themselves by saying that they thought the
people would rise; but that as no check has been put upon either
the Hamburg voyage or the Rochelle expedition, and they are
allowed to rob freely every ship that passes through the Channel, the
people are waiting in surprise to see what will come of it all. For
this reason, the Duke and the Earl say they have had no opportunity
of serving your Majesty as they wish. They have constantly importuned me also for money, promising that they would have everything that has been stolen restored, however distracted and ruined
the country might be. The duke of Alba, however, understands it
much better than I, and is of opinion that nothing should be given
to them until they have done something more than make professions,
although they assert that they are in much need. They have taken
full advantage of the fact that the Queen has not declared herself
plainly, and they have somewhat curbed Cecil's power. I believe
that when they see an opportunity they will not fail to act in your
Majesty's service. I think that the intentions of the earl of Arundel
are good, both as to changing the Government and restoring the
Catholic religion, whilst benefiting himself somewhat, as he is very
needy. Norfolk is the same, as he spends all he has, but it is
certain that in the matter of these robberies their hands are not
soiled like those of the rest of the Council. The duke of Norfolk
has not hitherto shown himself a Catholic, and seems to belong to
the Augustinian creed, but both Arundel and Lumley, the brotherin-law of the Duke, believe that they will convert him. They have
got the French ambassador to write to his King saying how important it would be if he would issue a proclamation like that of
the Duke of Alba, the draft of which was sent from here at their
request. The ambassador says that it will be published in France,
which will greatly forward the affair, as these Englishmen want to
be very sure of their ground before moving.
The commissioners appointed here have been very slack in their
task. The document they have given me, which is translated from
English into Spanish, does not give me the particulars of the
masters and cargoes of the ships nor the details of the crews. I
am insisting upon this information being furnished. The Councillors have evidently recalled the commissioners because they
could not agree about the sale of the merchandise, all of them
wanting to get the profit for themselves and their friends. Cecil
is pressing me to consent to appoint three commissioners, and they
will appoint a similar number, the object of which is to restore
only that which now remains in hand. I have replied with all due
caution that they must first restore all that which they have
captured in a hostile manner, and I will then appoint commissioners to deal with the preservation of the rest, but without
relieving the Queen from the obligation to a general restitution.
I send enclosed a copy of the reply I gave them, slightly changed
from what I previously said I would write, in consequence of my
having received, in the interim, the report of the late commissioners. I believe that Cecil is only doing this to make people
think that something is being done on their side, and, indeed, the
little negotiation they have already had with me has elated all the




ELIZABETniW


1569.
country. They also keep the people in suspense by spreading news
to suit their own purpose. I have received no letter from the Duke
this month, and await his instructions. The fleet for Hamburg
has had very prosperous weather for the last three days, and I
suppose will have sailed, especially as the brigantine " Giles Grey"
has returned from Hamburg and the coast of Holland with news
that the fleet was being anxiously looked for in Germany, and
there were no signs of arming in Holland. Besides the 40,0001.
that this Queen is to receive as soon as this fleet arrives, they are
moving heaven and earth to get this city to lend the Queen another
40,0001., and are in constant council with the aldermen about it.
I believe that the documents are already drawn up asking for a
loan from the whole country. No doubt she will give good help
to Deuxponts. Besides this money she has seized 40,000 ducats
which came in the last four sloops, and she has some portion of
the money that came in the others, although most of it has been
stolen by some followers of the Admiral and by the French. It is
believed that the money in the Tower has not yet been touched.
They are making great efforts to get sworn declarations from your
Majesty's Flemish subjects revealing the property of each other, and
I am told that the oath they administer contains divers enormities,
which I have not been able to get in writing. The Venetian ships
have been released, but as they only offer them 500 ducats each
demurrage, for the time they have been detained, the masters
prefer rather to leave it than to take it. They have loaded on
board of them  the kerseys, which had been bought by the
Venetians before these detentions and robberies took place. I will
try to prevent anything else being shipped by them, and to get
them  gone soon.  The most important thing is that the six
Venetian ships which are expected, and which will touch in Spain,
should be detained there or should be made to give security that
they will not go to England or ship English goods; and if these
two should put into a Spanish port, they also should be detained
and discharged. I have no letter from your Majesty since the
12th March, in which you order me to advise how the Crown can
be taken away from its present wearer. I wrote your Majesty,
that, first English ships should be attacked, and that care should
be taken to prevent the coming hither of the things necessary for
this country, a list of which I sent to your Majesty with a copy of
the proclamation. This would certainly cause a rising of the
people in spite of any attempts of the Government to deceive
them. Privateers might also be armed in Spain and Holland, as
numerously as possible, to attack their ships, and any others that
trade with them. If, in addition to this, the French would only
stop trading with them, it would bring the country to anything
your Majesty wished. If these gentlemen did their duty, the
successful issue would be the more prompt, although it could be
done without them, if necessary; and, if your Majesty thought fit
to assail the island with a strong fleet, it is certain that all the
Catholics would rise for your service on the spot. In the meanwhile, it is important that efforts should be made to prevent the
Regent James from entirely mastering Scotland, as it appears that




~15b


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1569.
many people are still attached to the Queen. I have sent oopies
of her letters and those of the earl of Huntly to the Duke, and
copies are enclosed herewith, together with one written by the
bishop of Ross, who is in London, to me. They are dangling vain
hopes of liberty before this lady, although I am sure they will not
release her, except by force. She has been ill lately, and if she
were free it would be important for us, if only that her life, which
is now in danger, might be safe in case of a rising. As regards
the help she begs for, your Majesty will decide for the best and
give me orders. If this country does not change its religion, or
at least its government, your Majesty may in future count with
certainty upon receiving from it nothing but evil and trouble,
insolence, and robbery. A French ship came recently from Biscay
with iron, of which they have much need here. Iron, oil, and
soap are the things which it is important should be stopped from
coming from your States, and if they are shipped for other
countries, security should be given that they will not be brought
hither. The six Venetian ships should be prevented from coming
in any case. Captain Jones, who sailed for the Azores, has returned with a Norman ship loaded with sugar coming from
Barbary. I do not know whether he will now continue his voyage.
The Vidame de Chartres is being entertained in the country; he
will shortly arrive in London, where a house has been prepared for
him.  Brissac's death has caused great rejoicing here, and the
fictions and lies invented daily against Spain are most notable. I
am  advised that the Hamburg fleet left Harwich on the 19tl
with fair weather. In Ireland the Viceroy, with four thousand
men, is pursuing the baron or earl of Hereferte (Fitzmaurice?),
who is a Catholic, and has risen against the Queen. Francisco
Diaz, who came in the cutters that brought the money, takes this
letter, and can give your Majesty an account of the ill-treatment
and robberies committed here, as he has been through it all. He
will also say how much alarmed the heretics are, and how full of
hope are the godly ones, although nothing stops the incessant
robberies, and not a ship, great or small, can pass without its being
captured. I wrote to your Majesty lately how a servant of the
earl of Leicester and another of the earl of Pembroke had recently
captured a valuable sloop belonging to your Majesty's subjects on
its way from Barbary, and another pirate on its voyage from
Canaries. There were two friars of the order of Trinity in one of
the eight sloops they captured in the Channel. They were on their
way to Paris to the general chapter, and went on board at St. Ubes.
When attacked they promptly threw overboard their habits and
papers, and although the English suspected they were clergymen
they have not been able to prove it.  Their names are Garcia
Mendez de Prado and Alonso de Leiva.    They have been imprisoned at Harwich, and, since their arrival here, have been in
jail. When I learned who they were I got them out on bail as
mariners, and hid them in my house. I will try to send them to
Flanders. The Catholics are being persecuted here more fiercely
than ever, and the preachers are terribly anxious that this Queen
should take up arms in favour of their religion, assuring her that




ELIZABETH,


155


1569.
otherwise the Papists will take the country.-London, 23rd May
1569.
23 May.   100. GUERAU DE SPES to the KING.
Since writing to your Majesty on the 9th instant I have no fresh
news, excepting that the gentlemen who is here from the queen of
Scotland informs me that he and the bishop of Ross went to
Greenwich to learn the decision of this Queen in regard to the
liberation of his Queen. She referred them to the Council for an
answer, and when they met, a long discussion took place on the
reasons alleged why the Queen should be released. When they
thought the matter was taking a favourable turn, Cecil said that
the Queen had received news that the bishop of Glasgow, acting
under a power granted by the queen of Scotland, had renounced
all her claims to the crown of England in favour of the duke of
Anjou, and that'the queen of Scotland must clear herself of this
first. This gentleman has therefore gone to obtain letters from
her upon this matter.  I believe it is only for the purpose of
delaying the business. I wrote to your Majesty that the Council
is pressing me greatly on the appointment of new commissioners
respecting the property stolen and detained. Seeing that a great
part of the property is already lost, and that the commissioners
they send are not over zealous in the business and do not execute
their orders to view the property, I think it is nothing but a trick
to deceive the people, of whom the Council are much afraid. It
has not therefore appeared to me advisable to consent, excepting in
such a way as is set forth in the memorial which I send to your
Majesty, providing that the property stolen in a hostile manner
shall be restored at once, as well as that which has been detained
in contravention of the Queen's decree, and if they send to me tomorrow, this is the reply I shall give them. The Council seems
somewhat mollified and are in great anxiety in consequence of the
silence or dissembling of your Majesty, so much so, that the gentlemen who guard me go to great lengths to discover whether your
Majesty intends to make war on them.    As they are at issue
amongst themselves, they fear that their own discord will bring
about their ruin, and though it is true the duke of Norfolk and
the earl of Arundel have not done so much as they said, yet Cecil
and his friends have seen their object, which is, that there should
be no war on any account, and that the stolen and detained
property should be entirely restored, all deficiencies therein being
made good by the parties inculpated, and in default of their
property, by the Queen. I think they will soon try to make some
arrangement, and these gentlemen (Norfolk and Arundel) have
sent to tell me so, and that they have not been able to carry out
their original intentions for want of opportunity, and because the
duke of Alba had made no demonstration. They say, however,
that they would still try to get restitution by other means, and
will not fail to fulfil their first promises as soon as an opportunity
occurs. Being Englishmen, as they are, we must take what they
will give us. The fleet for Hamburg is still kept in Harwich by
contrary winds. The weather is better to-day, but, if either going




1i6


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1669.
or coming, any misfortune of another sort should happen to this
fleet, the people will grumble in good earnest, and may even be
driven to make some movement. Captain Jones with one good
vessel and another fair one, has started again for the Azores.
Captain Franchot, a Lucchese heretic, and four or five other Italian
merchants, are about to fit out ten ships with the support of the
earl of Leicester. I do not think, however, that they will be able
to do it, there being a great lack of sailors. It was said that they
were going to Madeira, but they can hardly start under three
months. A gentleman has just arrived from the fleet in Harwich.
-London, 23rd May 1569.
1 June.  101. GUERAU DE SPES to the DUKE OF ALBA.
I received your Excellency's letter of the 14th on the 27th
ultimo, although after some mishaps, as the bishop of Rochester
seized the packet and it remained in Cecil's hands for two days.
It was only returned on the importunity of the French ambassador,
although the letters appeared to have been opened. The letter of
the 7th, enclosing another from his Majesty, addressed to Ridolfi,
has not yet arrived, nor has any ordinary post come for a month.
I am in great need of remittances of money for special expenses, as
the cost here is tremendous. I shall now have to move my house
as the earl of Leicester has bought this one from Paget's heirs, and
they do badly here in not giving lodgings to ambassadors 'unless
they pay very well for them.-London, 1st June.
Postscript: As the passport for this courier was delayed, I have
time to add that I have signified to many members of the Council
that the letter written by this Queen to our King was not given to
Don Frances de Alava, and has not reached his Majesty by any
other means. They have not taken much notice of this, perhaps
because all the members of the Council are to blame for the letter
not having been delivered.
31 May   102. SUMMARY of LETTERS from DON GUERAU DE SPES to the
and             KING and the DUKE OF ALBA, dated 31st May and 1st
1 June.          June 1569.
There had been a disturbance in the Council because Cavalcanti,
the brother of Suygo (?), had been there to speak with Cecil, and he
and Baptista Fortini, had taken with them   a certain paper
which they had drawn up there. The duke of Norfolk and the
earl of Arundel had therefore had high words with Cecil who was
much confused.
Don Guerau had assured them that the duke of Alba knew
nothing whatever about the matter, and would not give ear to such
persons, even through Chapin Viteli, whereupon they were much
tranquillized and anxious to carry through their enterprise and
overthrow Cecil. They (Norfolk and Arundel) had requested a
copy of the document brought by Cavalcanti and Fortini in order
to have Cecil punished.
Suygo had given him (Don Guerau) a paper stating what the
duke and the ear] hope to do respecting a general restitution; Don
Guerau being urged on his part to comply with the terms requested




VthTZAIETIT.


157


1s69.
of him, namely, 6,000 crowns for the Duke, the Earl, and Lumley,
as a statutory loan, to which Don Guerau thought it would be well
to accede.
Cardinal Chatillon and his wife had gone to the county of
Leicester, and, it was thought, would go on to Bristol to call to
account a French pirate who had failed to pay him (Chatillon) his
share of the booty. He, Don Guerau, sends a copy of a license to
rob, ranted by him (Chatillon). The Cardinal it was stated wished
to return to France.
Don Guerau sends a memorandum respecting the manner in
which England may be assailed, and of the state of the country,
the substance of which is as follows:
That the ports are badly fortified, and they hope to defend them
with troops.
That they expect to be able to repel any attack by means of their
fleet.
The Queen has 22 great ships, but with difficulty has been able
to equip 11, it being impossible for her to fit out more.
Subjects own about 70 ships, great and small, the vessels good,
and the men experienced, as they are all pirates.
The men on the fleet, although they appear bellicose, are
really pampered and effeminate, different from what they used
to be.
People generally, and especially the Councillors, are satisfied with
the government of the Queen, which is mild, and they are at
liberty to share plunder with the Corsairs, and make use of the
royal treasury.
The Catholics desire a change as they are deprived of the exercise
of their religion.
The English hate the very name of foreigner, and they (the
Catholics) wish the change to be made in a way that shall not
*hand them over to any other nation.
The Council alone rules, and. the Queen is occupied entirely in
pleasure, being governed by Cecil.
By his advice she is countenancing the rebels in France and
Flanders, having her eye on the fact that neighbouring princes are
engaged in war and cannot now undertake the reduction of her
country nor force restitution of the stolen property, which is so
great that it has enriched all the country.
The Queen's Council fears the people more than anything else,
and therefore deceives them with innumerable tricks and false
victories.
If the duke of Alba will continue to enforce the proclamation
published in April, and a similar proclamation is enacted in France,
whilst at the same time care be taken that no merchandise shall be
exported from Spain or Portugal to England, the people will themselves overthrow the Government, and will submit to any terms,
perhaps even returning to the Catholic faith.
In order the more speedily to carry this out, it would be well
also that the duke of Florence and the seignories of Genoa, Venice
and Lucca, should order their respective subjects to have no




/58


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1569.
dealings with Englishmen. This should be done by the authority
of the Pope.
Hamburg trade should be taken away from them, either by
moving some friendly sovereign to commence war against that city,
or by the Empire itself doing so, on the ground that Hamburg
has departed from the Augustinian creed and embraced Calvinism;
or else by seizing the mouth of the Elbe or capturing the ships that
go thither.
It would not be bad if they (the English) could be deprived of
trade with Muscovy and Poland and the Easterling country, through
which they expect to find a way for the spices.
Norfolk, Arundel, and Lumley desire a change of religion. The
two latter may be considered Catholics, and they say they will make
Norfolk become one.
This will be aided by the earls of Northumberland, Derby,
Cumberland, Montague, Dacre, Morley, and many other Catholics, as
well as by the north-country, Wales, and Cornwall.
If his Majesty would resolutely take the country in hand, with
the intention of proclaiming the queen of Scotland as Queen, he
would meet with help rather than hindrance from the French. It
will be best, however, first to get the Queen released, as it is out of
the question that the queen of England will liberate her.
If his Majesty thinks well to avenge the injuries done to his
subjects by subjecting the country to the service of God and to
his own dominion, he being the legitimate descendant of King
Edward, and will undertake the matter powerfully, he (Don
Guerau) is certain of success on account of the people being divided
in religion, and also by means of the Catholic nobles who are now
treated narrowly and look for favour from his Majesty. The said
earls would help.
Seeing the affection borne by the Scotch people to the queen of
Scotland, he (Don Guerau) is certain that if she were provided
with money they would overthrow the Regent James. The man
who has the prince in his keeping is a great friend of the Regent's,
so that the prince is in danger of being murdered.
The bishop of Ross had told him that if it had not been for
Cecil he would have already got the rest of them to agree to the
release of his mistress. He (Cecil?) wishes now, that it is proved
that the queen of Scotland has not renounced her rights to the
English crown in favour of the duke of Anjou, that she shall make
the renunciation in favour of the Queen (of England) and her
heirs, a certificate being given by the Christian King and his
brother that no renunciation has been made in their favour. The
Bishop had replied to this, that, according to the treaty of Little
Leith, this could only be done by the consent of his Majesty (Philip),
whereupon they (the English) said that they did not wish to
introduce him into the matter.
They also demand of the Scots a rectification of the frontier
between England and Scotland, promising to favour the Regent
James if this is obtained. Don Guerau is sure that, if the
Queen (of Scotland) were put into possession of her kingdom
again, she would do whatever she were asked.




- iLIZABETHi.                     19
1569.
The Bishop asked him (Don Guerau). whether he had any instructions respecting the marriage of his mistress in Spain, where a
fitting match might be found for her, according to the duke of
Alba's conversation with her gentlemen. Don Guerau replied
that his only orders were to endeavour to prevail upon the queen of
England to liberate the queen of Scotland.
There is in Ireland an English Catholic named Thomas Stukeley
who was a pensioner of his Majesty's and served him as captain at
the battle of St. Quintin. He has been deprived of his office of
commander of the horse in Ireland on account of his religion, the
office having been given to a great heretic. A Venetian has spoken
to Don Guerau on his behalf, and proposed that if his Majesty
wished to take possession of that island he (Stukely) would undertake that it should be done if he were provided with 20 armed
ships and some weapons for the natives, who have none now.
Stukely would provide a safe port; and, if Don Guerau thought
well of it, the said Venetian would go and submit it to the King,
taking with him the signature in blank of Stukely. That Baron
Herefert (Fitzmaurice?) has risen in Ireland with 4,000 men and is
going against the Viceroy; and many others will follow his example
if help is given to them by ships from Spain.
The English say they have a league with the house of the Count
Palatine and declare they have ready in Germany 10,000 foot and
6,000 horse.
1 June.   103. The DUKE OF ALBA to the KING.
[EXTRACT.]
I cannot gather much light about English affairs from what Don
Guerau writes, as your Majesty will see by his letters. I hope
your Majesty will send me what I request in my letter of 5th April,
because, until we have recovered the property the Queen is detaining, we should on no account break with them. No arrangement should be made with them, however, without the restitution of
what they have seized. As I say in the enclosed letter, if your
Majesty wishes to break with the Queen or change the government,
there will be ample opportunities for doing it after we have got
our property back. It is true that the minute the French learn
your Majesty's intentions, they will settle matters with their rebels
to the great prejudice of Christendom, or will marry the queen of
Scotland to Anjou, the undesirability of which your Majesty will
see. I think therefore it would be better to wait a little until we
see how things go in France, and if they turn out badly (which
God forbid), your Majesty should allow me to enter the field with
all the forces I have, and as many more as I can get, and go to the
help of the King. We can then stipulate that your Majesty
should be allowed a free hand in England and to marry the queen
of Scotland to whomsoever you please.* If this be not done the
Emperor may step in and ask for her hand for his brother, the Archduke Charles, and, from what I understand, the King of France
would agree to this to oblige his father-in-law. If your Majesty
t fl the King's handwriting: " I think we might ask him for more than this."




160


SPANISH1 STATE PAPERlS.


1569.
countenances this, it may be brought about and not be merely
imagination on my part.* The queen of Scotland has not sufficient power over her son to be able to send him to Spain to be
brought up. The men from her who came to see me, brought
letters of credence in virtue of which they begged your Majesty's
help, pointing out where such help might be given and stating the
persons in England and Scotland who are devoted to her. She
places herself absolutely in your Majesty's hands in all things. I
heard them kindly, and told them that to help the Queen with men
and munitions would neither suit your Majesty nor her, as it
would mean immediately a war with England. I said the aid that
would be most useful to her would be money and advice, and I
had no doubt your Majesty would send her both when her affairs
were in such a position as to need such help for their successful
issue. I told them to return to their mistress with this and learn
what course she intended to adopt. When they had discussed the
matter thoroughly with her, I told them to return to me and I
would tell them what your Majesty would do. They went away
satisfied. I beg your Majesty to send me instructions.-Antwerp,
1 June 1569.
12 June. 104. The DUKE OF ALBA to the KING.
I have received your Majesty's letters on English affairs enclosing
me four others in Latin, one for the queen of England containing
your Majesty's proposals for a speedy solution of the differences
arising out of the seizures, and the others, letters of credence for
me or the persons I may send thither with the principal letter to
the Queen. The proposals embodied in the letters for a mutual
release of the arrested property are in conformity with my recommendations, but the opinion adopted by us here, that a letter of
credence might be sent for me or the person who is to go, enabling
the terms to be raised or abated as circumstances might demand,
has since caused me some scruple, not on account of the suggestion
itself or because I have any doubt that your Majesty has adopted
the best course, and less still because I have the slightest intention
of doing anything not in accordance with your Majesty's interests,
but as a matter of expediency. Although, primd facie, it might
appear that your Majesty's intention was that the letter should be
sent off at once by some special person, yet I am so sure of your
Majesty's confidence in my life-long desire to serve you efficiently,
that I venture to think that your Majesty will not disapprove of
my delaying the despatch of the letter until I have considered,
maturely, the circumstances as they at present exist. I am the
more anxious to do this as your Majesty leaves to me the selection
and instruction of the person who is to go. The letter itself is so
extremely studiously worded and full, that a copy of it would be
almost a sufficient instruction; but as your Majesty orders me to
manage the business so as to attain the end desired, which, I take
it, is the principal object of your Majesty's instructions, I under*      * In the King's handwriting: " But she has a son who is her heir,"




ELIZABETH.


161


1569.
stand that I may be allowed discretion as to the means or
procedure to be employed. In this confidence I have deeply considered what can be done to bring the Queen round, dexterously
and secretly, to the end aimed at, and three courses have presented
themselves to me. First, to send your Majesty's letters by a special
envoy; secondly, to let the Queen know that if she wishes to
negotiate for the settlement of the differences arising out of the
seizures I have sufficient powers for the purpose; and, thirdly,
whether it would not be better, before doing either of these two
things, to endeavour by some means to feel our way rather than to
give the idea that you are forced to take the first step towards a
mutual restitution.
As regards tile first point, if the Queen could be depended upon
to interpret the letter with the same sincerity with which it is
written, I am convinced that this would be the best course to
pursue in every way, and that most in accordance with your
Majesty's usual desire to live in peace and harmony with your
neighbours; but apart from the Queen's natural character, which is so
different from this, she allows herself to be influenced by such perverse people in her Council, and by foreigners like Cardinal Chatillon,
that it is very much to be feared that they will twist the meaning
of the letter to their own advantage, and so influence, to an even
greater extent, the Queen's mind, which is already so proud and
presumptuous.  They may persuade her that this step of your
Majesty's is a sign that you are forced to make the first approach
to her, and that she may therefore, by standing firm, negotiate on
a better footing. Besides this, she might produce a bad effect upon
other princes by sending copies of the letter out broadcast, with
her own gloss upon it that only pure necessity had caused your
Majesty to write it. If this were done, I do not see how you could
possibly put up with such an indignity without resenting it, and I
see, nevertheless, that it is not the intention of your Majesty to go
to war; nor are things. in such a state at present as to enable us to
do so. Even if war were commenced the Queen would, at least,
keep everything she has seized, of which the value is immensely
greater than what we have arrested, and this is a point which
makes our terms the more difficult to obtain from the Queen.
If she refuses to come to terms I do not know what your Majesty
can do. I am thus brought to the conclusion that, in order to
obtain a mutual restitution, we should avoid declaring the contents
of the letter at first, and should only do so after we have elucidated
the matter.
As regards the second point, of letting the Queen know that I have
power to treat of the seizures, I find the power your Majesty sends
me is drawn up generally and in conformity with that formerly
held by the duchess of Parma, without any special mention being
made of the particular point now in dispute. If I had to produce it
they might object that it is not a power which is apt for purpose;
although, by virtue of it, I could deal with all old points of difference
which they wish to discuss at the same time as the question of the
seizures, particularly as I can show nothing but the power; the
letters of credence all speaking of her relaxing her seiulre and


y 76467.


L




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SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1569,
offering reciprocally to do the same, which is open to the objection to
which I have referred. The second course therefore will not do.
I will now pass the third alternative, which seems to be the least
dangerous, namely, to employ some trustworthy merchant such as
I have at hand, and send him there on the pretext of looking after
his own arrested merchandise.  He could approach some of the
members of the Council who he thinks most likely to help him for
a good reward, and so sound the current of opinion and discover
what the feeling is with regard to restoring the property, if your
Majesty will do similarly, and what they think your Majesty might
do otherwise. He could learn whether they are tired of things being
as they are, whether some means could be found by which they
should take the first step towards a restitution, of which, although
I am not depending much upon it, I am not quite without hope,
as I write to your Majesty in the Spanish letter. I am the more
inclined to adopt this course as your Majesty writes that someone to represent the merchants should accompany the envoy to be
sent. The means by which it could be carried out are suggested
by what Don Guerau writes about winning people over. Another
reason why I think well of the proposal is, that it can be done in
a few days, at the end of which, even though I may not have
gained all I want, at least more light will have been thrown upon
the situation and I shall be able to act with greater confidence.
I have also borne in mind the urgency with which your Majesty
presses upon me the speedy conclusion of the business, and I think
that this third course is the lesser of the evils. The date on
your Majesty's letter (9th May) will, it is true, get daily older, but
the road is long, and by France unsafe, so that this drawback can
be explained away.
It may be said that the Queen and her ministers could not make
capital out of the assertion that we had taken the first step, as
your Majesty's letter is in answer to one of hers; but I cannot
ignore the fact that not so much can be made of her letter as of
yours, because hers contains no such request, and was not sent direct
to your Majesty or by a special envoy, but was forwarded in an
unusual way to Don Frances, in doubt if he would send it on or
not, and even now they think he did not send it.
It might also be said that the declaratory clause in the letter,
offering to restore the arrested goods if England will do the same,
is in substance identical with my instructions to D'Assonleville,
and that, therefore, I am inconsistent in objecting to it in your
letter. But there is a distinction, because II did not put it in a
letter for the Queen but only in a private memorandum for
D'Assonleville, and left to his discretion the declaration of it in
harmony with other points. I might have proceeded in this way
with the letters now sent, if I had some in blank with which I could
have proceeded, step by step, but the letter sent lays bare the
whole matter.
I have thought well to lay all this before your Majesty by special
courier for your Majesty's decision, as to whether you will send me
fresh letters in various forms that I may use them according to
circuilntances. If your Majesty thinks well also, you might write




ELIZABETH.


163


1569.
a letter to the Queen in the sense indicated in mine of 2nd April,
saying that you have received her letters, summarizing their contents,
and since she had adopted this course, your Majesty has ordered
me to convey your intentions to her and has granted me authority
to settle with her, or her agents, the matter of the seizures, both as
regards Spain and here. Some more letters of credence might be
sent to me for any persons we might send in your Majesty's name,
besides these I send, but none of the letters should say about your
Majesty's offer to raise the arrests, on England doing the same, but
should merely speak generally of the property seized on both sides.
I will deal with the matter as promptly as I can, using the letters
I have, if I see a chance of doing so favourably, although those I
ask for now will still be desirable, even though they may arrive
late, as your Majesty well knows that matters of such weight as
this cannot be settled in a few days. Your Majesty might also
consider whether you should send me a general power to treat of
all differences with England both in Spain and here, in which case
I will not conclude anything touching Spain without first consulting
you.-Brussels, 12th June 1569.
13 June. 105. The DUKE OF ALBA to the KING.
Refers to the aforegoing letter (written in French) as containing
the opinion of the Council as well as his own.
I was advised recently that two Florentines named Estriota
Cavalcanti and Rodolfo Ridolfi had some influence with the Queen,
they having been the men who negotiated the agreement between
her and the French. They are pensioners of both Kings. I am
told by Chapin Viteli, who mentioned them to me, that they would
be glad to sound the Queen and her Council, and I consequently
ordered him to write to them, saying that. he had not ventured to
propose the matter to me, as he knew I did not like to be spoken
to about it and had no intention of taking up any negotiations, but
urging them to proceed in their own way and let him know everything they heard. They did so, and Estriota sent to a brother of
his the enclosed memorandum.
When I was at Antwerp I was told by Thomas Fiesco, a Genoese,
merchant there, that he was very friendly with Benedict Spinola
(who, I have an idea was the first cause of the money being seized),
and he thought that if he went to London to see him, he could lead
matters in such a way that the Queen would ask you to raise the
arrests. I was much pleased with his sensible manner and entered
into particulars with him. He told me that he expected to employ
some 15,000 or 20,000 ducats, part of the value of the merchandise,
in buying over Cecil and the other councillors who are opposed to
the property being restored, and, as I thought well of the proposal,
in which nothing was risked but a delay of 15 or 20 days, I have
entrusted the business to him. He is to do it as if on his own
account and with great, secrecy and speed, not going beyond the
line I lay down for him. I hope from his manner that he will
make no mistake, but his task will be greatly aided by the
inclination of the Queen's councillors, who are always on the lookout for their own interests. I beg your Majesty to order that the
despatches on this matter may pass through very few hands,
L2




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SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1569,
because, even before the courier arrived, all Antwerp knew that
you had written to the Queen, and it might prejudice matters if
she knew that I was keeping the letters back.-Brussels, 13th June
1569.
14 June, 106. GUERAU DE SPES to the KING.
In accordance with your Majesty's orders of 4th April, I will
follow the instructions of the duke of Alba in all these affairs here,
and give him daily information of what is going on, as well as
writing to your Majesty as often as I can. I had learnt here of the
letter the Queen had written to your Majesty and the excuses
contained in it. Truly her heart and that of her people must have
been, indeed, corrupted to have wished to disturb the tranquillity
of the States of Flanders and to prevent the religious question
being peacefully settled there and in France. They have now taken
to rob so openly under the Queen's standard, attacking and
capturing ships of your Majesty's subjects whilst peacefully proceeding on their voyages, that it is surprising to see.  As they
have already stolen a great proportion of the merchandise detained,
and the Council itself is largely interested therein, this is a point
which makes all agreements difficult. I cannot negotiate with the
duke of Norfolk and earl of Arundel except through other persons,
namely, Roberto Ridolfi, a Florentine, and John Suygo, a Milanese,
persons attached to the said noblemen. I do not know them
(i.e., Norfolk and Arundel), and never saw them at Court before my
detention, but I have some confidence that they will serve your
Majesty well at this juncture, although the fact that they are
English and not entirely Catholic, makes one always suspicious of
them. In any case, they have already prevented, so far as they
could, more evil being done, and have somewhat tempered the fury
of Cecil. They promise, according to their intermediaries, that they
will cause a general restitution of all goods detained, and they even
thought of going further still. It would be greatly advantageous
to settle this by their means, and after your Majesty's subjects have
been satisfied and their property restored, in due time, when your
Majesty wishes, punishment can be dealt out to these bad neighbours
and their accomplices, and at the same time such measures be
taken as shall prevent for the future any fear of your Majesty's
subjects being ruined and your dominions disturbed by these people.
In any other case such neighbours as these will keep us in constant
turmoil, since their change of religion has freed them from the
obligation to fulfil their engagements and alliances. On Sunday last
the usual councillors met together and they are still at it yesterday
and to-day; the gentlemen of whom I speak, have just sent to say
that, although some difference still exists, they hope to arrange a
general restitution and my entire liberation, but that, as it is a
business which will cause some jealousy, they cannot conclude the
business in the Council so quickly as they would wish, but they are
sure of being able to manage it, as they have promised me in a note
from Suygo which I have sent to the duke of Alba. Although the
hopes of the prince of Cond6 have failed, the arrival and progress
of the duke of Deux-Ponts in France have again raised the spirits




ELIZABETH.


165


1569.
of the heretics. They exaggerate affairs in Granada and the loss of
your Majesty's galleys in Marseilles to such an extent as to make
people wonder. On both points I give fitting information to these
gentlemen who guard me, in prder that it may be spread abroad.
They have been much disturbed by the news from Portugal, that
all persons and property of Englishmen in that king's dominions
have been detained. Some ships in ballast have escaped from there
and arrived here. I do not believe that the English will get much
profit from their goods in Hamburg. The two smallest of the
Queen's ships have remained there and the other five are at Margate,
having dismissed the greater part of their crews, although this news
from Portugal makes them think of again putting the ships into
commission. The two Venetian ships, which are also at Margate,
have decided to sail without waiting to take any more cargo,
beyond the kerseys they have loaded, and they have received their
clearances to-day. They probably will refrain from putting into
Spanish ports, to avoid the question as to the ownership of the
cloths they carry. It is asserted that many English goods enter
Spain by St. Jean de Luz. They are entertaining the queen of
Scotland with discussions about her release, and in the meanwhile
are aiding the Regent. A ship they were sending to him with
stores and 10,000 crowns in money has been lost. I will write to
the queen of Scotland as your Majesty orders. Irish affairs are in a
greater state of confusion than ever they have been, and this Queen
has given many baronies belonging to the rebels to English
gentlemen, on condition of their being recovered at their own cost.
A company of 30 of the richest of the London merchants has also
made an agreement with the Queen that they will conquer a certain
part of the country, the lordship of which shall belong to them on
payment of a tribute, and they are already preparing an expedition.
The whole island (Ireland) is therefore in a turmoil, and the greater
part of it in rebellion against the Queen.  Thomas Stukeley, an
English captain, settled there, who has been dismissed from his lost,
in which he had charge of all the Queen's horses in Ireland, because
he was a Catholic, claims to be in favour of handing over the
country to your Majesty or some other Catholic Prince. He and
some of the barons intend to send to Spain to ask your Majesty to
approve of this design. There is a Venetian there, also, who is in
the confidence of Stukeley and the other Catholics; he has a nephew
here, an honest man, who is a fitting person to send whenever it
may be needful to negotiate with these Irish gentlemen. His
uncle gave him the enclosed document that he might hand it to me.
It is translated fiom the Italian. "Waterford is a large port in the
east of the island, capable of receiving the largest ships at any
' state of the tide, and is therefore suitable for this business. It is
"] 2 English miles distant from the friend's house*, and there is an
'old ruined castle there inhabited by a fisherman, which castle can
"be taken possession of at once, and when desirable, the other friend
"could rent it. By cutting a breadth of four paces of land the port
* A slight slip of the original transcriber or decipherer makes it appear that Waterford
is only 12 miles from London, which gives rise to a marginal note of surprise lld
enquiry in the King's handwriting.




166


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1569.
"may be made into an island with the castle on it. This island
"will be almost a mile in circumference, and the garrison might be
" kept there in spite of the English, with facility for leaving when
"they liked. The friend could immediately bring thither 10,000
"men, but it would be needful to supply a large quantity of grain,
"viz., three or four Flemish sloops such as usually come there in
"time of peace. This enterprise would be easier in the winter than
"the summer, because these people (the English) cannot stand the
"cold so well as ours. The island is full of mines of gold, silver,
"iron, tin, lead, alum, and glass. It is as fertile as any country;
"its inhabitants most warlike, and great enemies of the English.
"They only await such an opportunity as this as the savages will
"no doubt be molested; the 29 merchants and Wareham Selliger
"having taken the lordship of the savages' country on condition of
"their conquering it and having promised to pay the Queen 4d. for
"each fanega of land they till, and 2d. for pasture. In the west,
"500 of the Queen's men and another force beyond the mountains,
"will also molest them  and this will greatly enrage the Irish."
14th June 1569.
15 June. 107. GUERAU DE SPES to the KING.
After sealing the enclosed, on the same night, the bishop of Ross
came to me with a letter from his mistress, copy of which I enclose.
The Bishop told me that the duke of Norfolk and earl of Arundel
hlad always informed him of their desire to serve your Majesty,
and that I might be sure that the intention of these noblemen was,
in April last, to arrest Cecil and give me complete liberty, restoring
all the property stolen and detained belonging to your Majesty's
subjects. He said that, on three occasions, when the project was
about to be carried out, the earl of Leicester softened and said that
lie would tell the Queen. This prevented the execution of the
intention thFree distinct times. The days mentioned by the Bishop to
me as being those when the arrest was to have been effected were the
same as those on which the noblemen told me they would be ready.
These delays gave Cecil an opportunity of discovering the plot
against him, and lie told the duke of Norfolk so, begging him and
his friends not to do anything scandalous of this sort, offering to
come over to his wishes and those of the rest of the Council. He
urged the Duke very strongly that they should all unite to prevent
the Spaniards from scoffing at the English, and that religion should
not be changed here. He gave him to understand that he had
means to settle this business of the detentions, and that he,
(Norfolk) and the earl of Arundel could go to Spain on the Queen's
behalf to arrange everything with your Majesty, which would be
better than treating with the (luke of Alba or myself. He said
that, if the Duke thought otherwise, he (Cecil) would entirely
follow his opinion, and, with all these compliments and fine words,
he softened them for the time. The idea of going to Spain also
turned out illusory as these noblemen told me with some confusion
and reserve; Cecil himself having subsequently raised difficulties
about it, saying that if they went t'hey might be detained in Spain,
and so the project fell through. I warned these gentlemen, through
Ridolfi and Suygo, not to let Cecil deceive them, and they then again




ELIZABETH.                         167
1569.
insisted that the time had arrived to return to the grace and friendship
of your Majesty. When they intimated to Cecil, on behalf of all the
Council, that they desired to enter into some proper arrangement,
through Ridolfi, to settle pending questions and release me, he told
them that he was trying to discover the intentions of the duke of
Alba by means of Cavalcanti, in order to see whether he would
give way on certain points which he, Cecil, had in his mind, and he
begged them to wait eight or nine days, until he had a reply on
this point. He professed to be planning a treaty which should
redress all troubles in France, Scotland, and Flanders, and by
which religion should remain safe with freedom of conscience for
all. He said he thought that to have a private arrangement with
your Majesty would not be safe at present, as you could, without
appearing in it, by many means and ways, destroy and isolate them.
Through his importunity they waited the eight days, Ridolfi and
Suygo telling me that the delay arose in consequence of Leicester's
hunting parties.  By the ordinary courier now  arrived, Cecil
received no reply from Cavalcanti, and they are all much disturbed.
I await the decision. I have given, thus fully, an account of these
plans, that your Majesty may be thoroughly inforned of the business
from the first, and understand that these noblemen communicated
their intentions to the queen of Scotland. They brought the bishop
of Ross here before the day of the intended arrest (of Cecil) in order
that he might be a witness of it. Lord Montague and the earl of
Northumberland, as well as other Catholic gentlemen, knew of the
matter and came hither in consequence. Since then the duke of
Norfolk has lost his stepson, Lord Dacre, a boy of nine years old,
son of his late wife, who had as fine an estate on the borders of
Scotland as the Duke has in England. The Duke received 1,500
ducats a year for his maintenance, and something else for that of
the three little sisters, whom he keeps in his house, and administers
the whole estate. By the laws of the country these girls are
excluded from the succession, and only receive a certain sum as
dowry, the estates passing to the first cousin of the dead child. He
is already called Lord Dacre, and is a gentleman of not very good
disposition, but clever and brave, and a good Catholic, a brotherin-law of Montague and Northumberland. The duke of Norfolk,
on certain grounds, tried to question his rights to the estate, but
Cecil and the Council openly favoured him (Dacre), and all this has
been an obstacle to the conclusion of the plots afore-mentioned.
This Lord Dacre is the man of whom I wrote to your Majesty as
having sent a message to me about the marriage of the queen of
Scotland with the duke of Norfolk, and the conversion of this
country to the Catholic Church. He now says that, whenever
your Majesty pleases to send an army to this country, he and his
friends will undertake to provide 15,000 selected troops for your
service. I have been informed that Cecil has spoken to the Duke
about marrying a sister-in-law of his, a widow with 3,000 ducats
income, offering him to increase her dowry if the Duke marries her.
The Duke would not listen to it, for he has his thoughts very high,
having fixed his eyes upon the queen of Scotland. This has not
injured her in the negotiations, for the Council now offer to recover




168


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1569.
her kingdom for her on certain conditions, and the renunciation by
her of her claim to the English crown. With this object this Queen
has sent to Scotland to request the Regent to send new commissioners to discuss it. The bishop of Ross and myself agree in our
opinion that this was another of Cecil's inventions to delay the
business. I am always of opinion, as I have said before, that it
would be very beneficial to your Majesty's interests and the prompt
despatch of these affairs, to reward these gentlemen with a sum
of money for their services, and to encourage them to greater
things. This can be done little by little. I may remind your
Majesty that these people are very fond of money.-London, 15th
June 1569.
9-16 June. 108. EXTRACTS from    four LETTERS from GUERAU DE SPES to
the DUKE OF ALBA of 9th, 14th, and 16th of June
1569.
Yesterday and the day before I wrote to his Majesty and your
Excellency by way of Calais. Since then Ridolfi came to my
house, with a letter of credence from Lord Lumley, and told ine
that tiey would take the opportunity of my changing my residence
to set me at liberty, and that, on my leaving here, my guards would
be removed. He also informed me of the points which Cecil had
drawn up to be communicated to me when I am at liberty. They
deal with the question of a general restitution, the selection of
comlnissioners for carrying it out, and request that other commissioners should be appointed to conclude the treaty of Bruges.
They alo request that the King should confirm the treaties anew,
give facility for the English to trade with the Indies, and assure
the English ambassadors and their households in his dominion of
freedolll in their religion, with other impertinent trifles, which can
be disposed of in a very few words. A good answer can be given
to all this in due time. I told Ridolfi that, when I had the entire
liberty usually given to his Majesty's ambassadors, I would listen
to them, but that now I had nothing to say. If they come to
broach the subject again I will at, once inform your Excellency of
what they say and my opinion thereon. The gentleman who
guards me has gone to Court to-day to learn the decision as to the
house to which I am to move. They say they will take this
opportunity of releasing me.
20 June. 109. The DUKE OF ALBA to the KIN(G.
[EXTRACT.]
By the enclosed letters from Don Guerau, your Majesty will see
what is passing in England. I have not yet allowed the merchant
I mentioned to go, and I have no news from the other one I sent,
except that lhe had crossed over. I have thought well to send to
Don Guerau the 6,000 crownus he requests, to give to those
gentlemen with the conditions he mentions.*-Brussels, 20th June
1569.


* To Norfolk, Arundel, and Lumley.




ELIZABETH.


169


1569.
22 June. 110. GUERAU DE SPES to the KING.
They are going to give me the bishop of Winchester's house in
exchange for the one I now occupy. I am to pay for it, but the
Bishop raised some difficulties, although the earl of Leicester
wrote to him about it. The Council now order it, and I am told
that I shall be liberated when I go thither. When I have been
able to discuss with the Queen and Council the restitution of the
property detained and stolen, I will duly advise your Majesty and
the Duke. Ridolfi wrote to me last night that Cecil had sent him
an invitation to dine with him and asked him to come and see me.
Cecil is anxious to arrange matters with me at all events. I
therefore expect him (Ridolfi), and shall entertain them with
smooth words to see whether this property cannot be recovered,
postponing the redress of other insults and injuries for your
Majesty's decision. In the meanwhile, those who have taken
property are in a great hurry to get it valued before the lord
mayor, who insists on your Majesty's subjects carrying out the
valuation jointly with Englishmen. But it is all roguery, for they
have put aside everything that was good, and only made a
valuation of what is spoilt. I have ordered Spaniards to have
nothing to do with it, but to let them refer to the owners of the
merchandize.-London, 22nd June 1569.
27 June. 111. GUERAU DE SPES to the DUKE OF ALBA.
[EXTRACT.]
They have not yet given me my liberty, as they say that they
have not yet received any decision from the bishop of Winchester
about his house, and these people are so vain that 1 believe they
will not like to release me without finding some plausible excuse
for doing so. I let the earl of Leicester know I was ready to vacate
this house* whenever he wished, so as not to inconvenience him, and
he has just sent a letter to the gentleman who always guards me,
whose name is George Speke, to tell me that he will have a house
found for me, and that, in the meanwhile, anyone who wishes to
see me can do so without any hindrance. He has also told the
gentleman to go home, leaving me without any other guard.London, 27th June 1569.
1 July.  112. GUERAU DE SPES to the KING.
I expect to-day that the arrangement will be concluded with the
agents of the bishop of Winchester about the house, and that I
shall at once move thither. We shall then see whether I shall be
set entirely at liberty as the councillors say. I think they have
delayed hitherto in order to see whether any favourable news for
them came from France. In the meanwhile, I have declined to listen
openly to proposals regarding the restitution of the merchandise,
although Ridolfi has spoken to me about it, and Cavalcanti the
Florentine has tried to learn whether I wish him to continue the
negotiation that he had commenced, through some of his friends,
* This was Paget House, on the site of Essex street, in the Strand, which had been in
the occupation of the Spanish ambassadors since the expulsion of the bishop of Aquila
from the Queen's house, Durham place, in 1563, particulars of which will be found in
the Calendar of State Papers (Spanish), 1558-1567.




170


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1569.
by which they thought they might find means dealing with the
duke of Alba. I have endeavoured to discover the intentions of
all parties, so that when I am free, I can, on receiving the Duke's
instructions, take what steps may be fitting. Benedict Spinola,
also, wanted to have a hand in it, and I hear from all of them that
the Council desires to make restitution, although not so completely
as they ought, and even then they expect to receive great concessions
for doing so. I will try, when the time arrives, to get full
restitution, and, at all events, I shall not fail for want of effort. I
understand that the Queen has appointed new commissioners, three
Englishmen and three subjects of your Majesty, with the
instructions of which I send a copy. I told your Majesty's subjects
to have nothing to do with it without my express order, as I am
informed that theintention of those who appointed the commissioners
was to value the merchandise very shortly, and sell it to the owners
themselves if they wished to buy, the Queen enjoying the money,
which they say she will restore when she comes to an agreement
with your Majesty. This seems to me extremely undesirable, and
the worst course that could be taken. I have, therefore, again most
urgently told your Majesty's subjects to take no part in the matter,
especially as they have acted so far in accord with me, and this would
be setting a very bad example; and, although some members of the
Council, who thought to make a great profit out of the business,
have put great pressure upon them, they have respected my orders
in your Majesty's name, and your Majesty's decision on this point
and others is anxiously awaited. I am sure that, in the end, the
Council will do what is right, although they try by many ways to
profit.  I have advised your Majesty of the disturbances in
Ireland, and the wishes of Thomas Stukeley. The son of John
O'Neill is in arms on one side of the island and John O'More in
another part. They are both Catholics. The Queen received a
post yesterday which had come in five days from  a town called
Cork on the coast, bringing news that a fortress near that town
had been taken from the troops of Selliger and Greynvill, two
English gentlemen who have undertaken to subdue a part of the
island. It was captured by a Catholic gentleman named FitzGarret
who beheaded all those who were in it, including a son of Selliger.
The victors, to the number of some three thousand, went then to
besiege Cork, and were already negotiating for the delivery to
them of the wives of these two English gentlemen, who were in
the town, so that with these pledges in their hands their own
children and the property in the town should be safe. The said
Selliger is here and is sure that by this time his wife is in the
hands of these savages, to whom he and his comrades had done much
damage, and some of whom he had hanged. The rising has troubled
the Queen very much. The Council have agreed that the ships
that went to Rochelle should be retained by the so-called Queen of
Navarre, in order that the men in them  may be used for the
defence of Rochelle and against neighlouring places held by her
opponents. The two Venetian vessels are in the Downs, ndl will
sail with the first fair wind. The Hamburg business is turning
out very badly for these people, for they have only sold 4,000 out




ELIZABETH.                         171
1569.
of the 25,000 pieces of cloth, and these were exchanged for wax
hemp, and hops, so that I do not think they will go there again.
The lack of Spanish goods is being greatly felt here. Oil has
doubled in price, and if it were not for these sloops, it would be
at an intolerable rate. Everything else is the same. They have
taken large sums of money belonging to private persons from all
the ships coming from Spain, this money having been shipped
from Spain without your Majesty's license. Some people think
that the sum will reach 130,000 ducats, but the owners, having
fallen into this fault, do not dare to publish it, so that the English
will keep the money, unless your Majesty orders that it shall be
claimed for yourself, agreeing with the owners that they shall
have some portion of it returned to them, and shall not be
punished  for their offence.  Without their concurrence the
necessary proofs could not be obtained, and I shall be glad to
know your Majesty's wishes upon the subject, in order that this
money may not remain in the hands of these infidels. The four
English vessels that are taking ammunition and other stores and
goods to Cape Agur (?), in the kingdom of Fez, are already at the
mouth of this river ready to sail. I will advise your Majesty of
what happens to them. As I am closing this, I have received
from the French ambassador your Majesty's letter of the 15th
of May.-London, 1st July 1569.
1 July   113. GUERAU DE SPES to the DUKE OF ALBA.
[EXTRACT.]
The servant of the bishop of Winchester is here, and, although
he asked 400 crowns for the house, we have agreed that the earl
of Leicester's valuation of it shall be accepted, and I will move
into it. I will advise your Excellency of their action with regard
to the taking away of my guards. I, for my part, shall ask no
favours. In the first audience I have, if the Queen grants me one,
I only intend to speak of complaints in general, as I am told that
that is her wish; but, if we come to particulars, I will give
her details.  I think it will be better to leave until a second
audience, the subject of the queen of Scotland and the delivery to
this Queen of the letter I have for her. Your Excellency will
instruct me as to your opinion on this matter, and as to the
commissioners.-London, 1st July 1569.
2 July.  114. The DUKE OF ALBA to GUERAU DE SPES.
[EXTRACT.]
I am glad to see by your letter that affairs are going well, and
much wish you had received the duplicates of his Majesty's
letters, which I sent with the warrants for the 6,0W0 crowns you
requested. I must again repeat to you most emphatically that
you are not, on any account, to entertain approaches to you
against the Queen or her councillors, or anything touching them.
On the contrary, if people come to you with such talk, you
must be so reticent that they shall never be able to say that any
minister of the King has given ear to it.  For your private
information I wish to say that, knowing that Benedict Spinola
was the principal cause of the money being seized, and that




172


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1569.
Thomas Fiesco has influence with him, I have sent the latter, who
is a Genoese merchant residing in Antwerp, to negotiate with
Spinola, on his own account, without its being known that he
comes from me, with the object, if possible, of gaining over Cecil
and Leicester in return for something to be given to them to
favour the restitution. He writes telling me that he finds on his
arrival many people have started negotiations without my wish or
authority, and besides this, that the owners of the detained monies
and goods have been offering very bad terms for its recovery.
If I knew who they were I would have them punished.
I have also learnt that others, and even Spaniards, have tried
to interfere in this business more then is fitting, and no doubt, as
you will see, they, thinking that the property will after all remain
there and be sacrificed for a low price, they will try to come to
such terms as I have mentioned if the affair is not otherwise settled. I think, therefore, that you should extend no
countenance to those who adopt this course, and thus interfere
with my wish.
Fiesco is a sensible man with great interests in these States, so
that, even if he were inclined to act wrongly, I do not think lie
would venture to jeopardise his stake here by going astray. I
think, therefore, that you should receive him and give credit to
what he says, holding your hand in the meanwhile with regard
to that other business.*  To tell you the truth, I suspect that
the reason why Cecil has turned so smooth is that he has been
already influenced by the promises made by Thomas (Fiesco) through
Spinola. You gave Ridolfi a very prudent reply. In case you
should see the Queen or Cecil you will be very gentle, as, only by
this means, can affairs be guided as we want them to be.
I have told the Friars to go to Paris. I again press upon you
that, on no account in the world are you to listen to any proposals
about Ireland, or other parts, as I can assure you that such a
course might ruin everything, and you also would run a personal
risk, for which I should feel truly sorry. You may, however, with
great caution and at unsuspicious hours, listen to tie servants of
the queen of Scotland.-Brussels, 2nd July 1569.
5 July.  115. GUERAU DE SPES to the KING.
I have moved to-day into Winchester House, and by special
order of the Council George Speke has accompanied me hither.
He is one of the gentlemen who have guarded me, and told me on
the Queen's behalf that I was not to be surprised at what she had
done, because, thinking that the duke of Alba was going further,
she thought it advisable to make sure of my person in that way;
but since the Duke had desisted, she also had changed her
mind, and restored me to liberty, begging me to forget all past
offences and use my good offices in favour of peace and quietness.
I thanked her Majesty for the favour she had done me, and
said that although the past excesses had been unusual, I would
nevertheless not fail in my endeavours to preserve peace and amity


* i.e., The project he had for bribing the Councillors, Cecil and Leicester, directly.




FLIZAETH.                   13


173


1569.
between the house of Burgundy and that of England.      The
gentleman told me that, whenever I wished, he would go to the
Queen and Council for me, as they had given him instructions
to do. After he had dined with me, he, with his wife and family
and others, went home and left me at liberty.-London, 5th July
1569,
7 July.  116. GUERAU DE SPES to the KING.
I send enclosed a rough draft of the statement drawn up with
regard to the property detained. Lord Lumley has been to speak
to me and has confirmed everything that Ridolfi and Suygo had
arranged with me hitherto, and, after much discourse, we agreed
that Ridolfi was to be given this draft, so that it might be communicated with the members of the Council. who are his friends,
and, in the meanwhile, that I should ingratiate myself with some
of them without mentioning the late annoying events.  I am
doing this, and am taking other means to let Cecil understand that
this statement about the merchandise is a true one. The people
who have the matter in hand are warned not to let it be known
that they are in communication with me about it. I will send a
special courier to your Majesty when any resolution is adopted.
In one of the ships from Rochelle there has arrived a servant of
the duchess of Vendome, who brings many jewels for the Queen.
I suppose they are a recompense for the aid she has sent them. It
is a sign that they (at Rochelle) are short of provisions, that 10 or
12 ships are being prepared to send thither.  Winter's brother
goes to Bristol to prepare the expedition of 4,000 men they are to
send to Ireland. News has arrived that the Catholics there have
been reinforced by 1,500 men from Scotland and the adjacent
islands. A packet of letters has appeared here in the possession of
one of the commissioners. They were directed to some merchants of
Medina-del-Campo, and it is said in them that they were carried
by the Portuguese ambassador, who left Antwerp at the end of
May. I suspect that they have not captured the ship in which
the ambassador sailed, as the letters are said to have come here in
a Biscay ship which tried to go round Scotland and Ireland to
avoid the Straits of Dover. The Regent James had arrested the
earl of Huntly, although he keeps him by his side as if free.
James was going to the north of Scotland gathering money from
the towns, and had soldiers around Dumbarton to prevent the
entrance of provisions.  The captain of the castle has sent his
brother to this country to report to the queen of Scotland the
position. Now that this Council is somewhat more favourable
to the queen of Scotland, they have sent a gentleman to tell James
to treat his Queen's affairs with more moderation, and to ask him
to send commissioners here, as promised, to come to an agreement.
The king of France has written to this Queen, assuring her that
the queen of Scotland has not mapde any renunciation of her
rights to this kingdom in favour of the duke of Anjou.-London,
7th July 1569,




174


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1569.
10 July. 117. GUERAU DE SPES to the KING.
[EXTRACT.]
The French ambassador has been to see the Queen, and, as on
other occasions, she had refused him permission to visit me, he
wished to learn from the Queen herself whether she would now
allow him to do so. She answered that he was not yet to visit me
himself, but that he might send some one on his behalf. I have
not yet requested audience, nor will I do so until I am assured by
our friends on the Council that it will be granted. They say they
will advise me, and they also tell me that the four sloops originally
belonging to your Majesty's subjects which were being fitted out
at the instigation of Cardinal Chatillon shall not be allowed to go
to sea.-London, 10th July 1569.
13 July. 118. 'GUERAU DE SPES to the KING.
I have in former letters advised your Majesty that I am now
free and living in Winchester House, but, hitherto, in consequence
of the hopes these people still entertain of affairs in France, and
also because each member of the Council is looking for his own
profit in consenting to a general restitution, no more has been done
in the matter of the detained property. It is desirable not to hurry
them much, or appear very anxious, as this is the course which
alarms them most. I have not yet requested audience, as I have
been desirous of learning first whether it would be granted, and I
am expecting the decision to-day. Some of the councillors think
this is the best course, in order that the Council may appoint a
committee to discuss the matter with me, and thus certain of them
who have been mixed up in the business may be left out. News
has arrived here of the engagement in France where Philip Strozzi
was taken which has made them cool somewhat in the discussion
of our business.  They say the first question to be decided is
whether I am to have audience, so the best way will be to let them
alone for a few days. —London, 13th July 1569.
14 July. 119. GUERAU DE SPES to the KING.
The courier having been detained I have had time to obtain a
copy of the petition presented yesterday to the Council by five
merchants, which petition was drawn up by them and secretary
Cecil with Francisco Calvos, in accordance with Cecil's instructions
that it should only be presented in the name of the merchants.
Your Majesty will see by it the spirit of these people.
I have only to add to-day that Cecil has raised a question
amongst them as to whether it will be advisable that I should
present some fresh letter from  your Majesty, however short,
about these affairs.  Another invention, no doubt, to delay the
matter.  I will try to make this understood by means of the
others, and will report the decision duly to your Majesty. A
rising in the north is feared as some of the heretic ministers are
ariving here, having been driven out by the people. God dispose
all things for your Majesty's service!-London, 14th July 1569.




ELIZABETH.


175


1569.
14 July. 120. The DUKE OF ALBA to GUERAU DE SPES.
By your letters of 27th ultimo and 1st and 2nd instant things
appear to be taking a favourable course. I have now to reply as
to what you are to do if they release you; whether you shall go
to the Queen, and what you have to do, or say, to any councillors
who may visit you. Having regard to the bad and insulting
treatment extended to you, it would be very just that you should
refuse to receive anyone or to see the Queen until entire satisfaction
has been given to you; but, things being in their present condition,
I think you might remain at home without going to Court, and, if
the Queen sends for you, you might go graciously to her and tell
her, after having heard her, that you cannot answer anything
without instructions from the King or letting me know, as I am
charged with these affairs. If they show any desire to deal with
you on any point beyond the restitution, you may say that, if the
restitution is agreed upon, it must be effected before any other
business. You will deal with the councillors in the same way,
kindly and gently, without mentioning past events. By this I do
not mean that Fiesco's negotiation with Cecil is to be limited to
this point.
You did well in ordering all merchants, subjects of his Majesty,
to have nothing to do with the valuation of the goods, under pain
of heavy punishment. If the English choose to do it without the
intervention of any of our men it cannot be helped. Although
you will have seen by my other despatches that you are not to
entertain proposals from anybody, I must again press this upon
you and tell you that I am informed from France to-day that the
queen of Scotland is being utterly ruined by the plotting of her
servants with you, as they never enter your house without being
watched. This might cost the Queen her life, and I am not sure
that yours would be safe. You may consider, also, what would be
the effect on affairs in such case, and I beg of you most earnestly
to avoid all such dealings as they are prompted by bribery in
order to betray you. Any message from the queen of Scots you
will endeavour to hear by means of one trustworthy person, and no
more, and even then, not directly. As regards the money that has
come thither concealed, I quite believe that the amount will be
what you say. When we negotiate for the restitution we will
consider by what means the sum can be ascertained. Your plan
does not seem a bad one, and you may give an account of what
they tell you to Thomas Fiesco, who is a sensible man.-Brussels,
14th July 1569.
7 July.  121. GUERAU DE SPES to the KING.
I wrote to your Majesty on the 5th, 7th, 10th, 13th, and 14th
instant, giving an account of what had happened up to that time;
but as people here are so changeable and venal something new
turns up every day and much patience is necessary in dealing with
them. They are much disturbed about French affairs. They have
fitted out ready for sailing the four sloops, three large and one small,
belonging to your Majesty's subjects, and they only await the




176


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1569.
return of John Brug, a native of Amsterdam, who has gone in his
ship to reconnoitre the coast of Holland. The Council has given
me but slack replies when I have pointed out the evil which may
arise from the sailing of these ships. The judge of the Admiralty,
moreover, has not done his duty in refraining from forbidding it.
They have now seized all the boats belonging to your Majesty's
subjects which were detained in the river, taking them from their
owners, whom they have turned out fiom their lodgings on board,
which have been occupied by certain Englishmen armed with a
patent from the Council. They have been valued at a quarter of
their value, and even this price has not been given to the owners,
but has been deposited with the Queen. The mariners appealed to
me at the time when I was treating with Cecil and the Council
through a third person, to bribe five of the members with good
presents to get them to adopt a general restitution at once. Cecil
signified that he would be satisfied with 10,000 ducats for his
share, and this sum was promised him, but the affair was hindered
by the commission they have given to six good-for-nothing men to
appraise and sell, on certain pretexts, all the merchandise detained
which is still in stock. This is a road to a host of robberies and
rogueries, and has been devised by some of the Council in order to
gain great riches for themselves. They have induced some poor
and insignificant subjects of your Majesty here to join the
commission, in the hope that they may be allowed to share in the
plunder. I have ordered them all in your Majesty's name to have
nothing to do with it, and many have obeyed me. I will try to
stop this infamous course, if possible. If they persist, I will inform
the duke of Alba, and when I told Cecil this I said that the real
way to remedy the affair was for me to give an account of it to the
Queen, who would not deny me audience for the purpose. The
answer was given by the earl of Leicester who said that the Queen
thought it desirable that I should bring a fresh letter authorising
me to negotiate with her, seeing what had passed between the
Duke and her. Cecil and the other members say that this reply
was given without their consent, and they will have it altered, but
I believe that it is only another pretext for delay to see how affairs
will go in France. Your Majesty will see what is best to be done
and order me accordingly. I requested a passport to send a courier
to Flanders, and a servant still awaits it at the Court. It the
detention is with the object of sending me a better reply I will duly
advise your Majesty. The present letter is taken by a servant of
the queen of Scotland, who is being sent to the duke of Alba.
They are preparing to send another flotilla to Hamburg. The
brigantine has brought news from there that all the goods have been
sold, although with little or no profit. To get some of their goods off
their hands they will again send an expedition now, and another in
September. This does not look as if they were so anxious to come
to terms with your Majesty. When George Speke brought me the
answer about the audience, he told me that, although he had no
instructions to tell me so, yet he could say that no treaty would be
arranged with your Majesty without first an understanding having
been come to as to the security of English subjects in your




ELIZABETH.                        177
1569.
dominions with regard to religion, and that as to the restitution, if
it be carried out, they want to bring into account certain confiscations of English property decreed by the holy office. I think,
however, that if good news for us comes from France, they will
deal more gently in the matter. We must also have patience,
although the business is greatly hindered through Cecil's having
got the upper hand in the Government, and without fear now that
the other members may overturn him, knowing, as he does, that
they could not agree together to oppose him.
Postscript: The servant who is being sent by the queen of
Scotland to the duke of Alba is going to treat for aid to be sent
to her castle of Dumbarton, which is in extreme need. As it is so
important, it appears desirable, by this means and others, that
we should help this poor Queen now she is so hard pressed,
especially as these folks here are acting falsely with everybody
as I write to the Duke.-London, 17th July 1569.
19 July. 122. The KING to the DUKE OF ALBA.
[EXTRACT.]
Yours in French and Spanish of 1st, 3rd, 4th, and 14th have
been considered by the Council of State with presidents Tisnach
and Hopperus, respecting the seizures in England, and I have
ordered the letters and powers you request to be sent, literally as
you desire, as I am convinced that you, being on the spot, have
thoroughly considered the matter. I do not, however, wish to omit
to write you why the documents were sent before in the way that
they were. The reasons were mainly three:-First, it was most
important that the money and merchandise detained should be
promptly recovered and trade re-established, in the interests of the
royal revenues and of the people at large who had dealings with
the States, many of whom now have been utterly ruined.
Secondly, we thought that if I wrote setting forth the whole
matter fully, as I did in the long letter to the Queen, she would
have no excuse for delay. If her letter to me was written in good
faith I gave her a good opportunity of proving it, whilst, if the
contrary was the case, I justified my cause by my letter. The third
reason was to come to the point, to avoid circumlocution and take
away all excuses from her. As she said she would not treat with
you, but only with me, she had there with my own signature clearly
set forth everything which had to be asked for or proposed, and thus
she would have had no pretext to fall back upon, as she would have
had with a simple credence which she might always think calme
from you and not from me. This would enable her to temporise
and delay the restitution which is the end they are aiming at.
It was also considered that, as I was asking her to restore so great
a sum, I could not avoid offering to return the small amount I have
sequestered. The advantage being so enormously on her side, it
could not be said that it was out of fear that I had acted moderately.
Rather might it be said of them for returning so large a sum for so
small an equivalent.
The other arguments you use were rather belated, as my
ambassador, Don Guerau de Spes, was a prisoner, and she had sent
y 76467.                                                     a




178


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1569.
D'Assonleville back without receiving him. Even if she had sent
my letter to other princes, we think it, would only have redounded
to her own confusion. But still, )you can do as you like with the
despatcl now sent, although I must urge you again most forcibly to
use every effort to recover promptly the money and property
detained, as the evil is growing hourly. I have little hope of any good
being done by the Florentines you mention, considering the sort of
men they are, interested in France and the Queen. Fiesco perhaps,
by means of money, may do better, as people there are so much
influenced by it. Although you have the matter fully in view I
wish to urge you again, on no account, to enter into any other
question with the English beyond the seizures, as it is quite clear
that they will want to bring up any, and everything to hinder the
settlement of the really pressing point. Besides, the questions they
raise about Spain are simply nonsense. First about my having
expelled that dogmatizing scamp of an ambassador; the Queen has
expressed herself satisfied with my explanations both to Guzman
de Silva and to Guerau de Spes. The second point was about the
" Pontifical History," which spoke of the Queen disrespectfully, and
this was remedied long ago by the books being called in and
reprinted without the objectionable paragraphs. The third claim
is that English heretics should not be punished here by the
inquisition. You will judge what sort of attention we should give
to such claims as these, which, after all, are nothing but tricks and
subterfuge-, and as such you must brush them aside and come to
the main point, which is restitution.-Madrid, 20th July 1569.
22 July. 123. GUERAU DE SPES to the KING.
I wrote to your Majesty on the 17th that they wanted to set
about selling the detained merchandise, for which purpose they
had appointed as commissioners some very low people, a silversmith, a brewer, and a draper, all Englishmen, besides two
Milanese, subjects of your Majesty, one of whom, in consequence of
my orders, has retired, but the other persists.  The sixth comnissioner is a Lucchese go between.  My expressions of regret
about it and about the sloops they have taken at a low price from
their owncrs, four of which are being fitted out, have resulted in
their unbending somewhat; inasmuch as at first they required a
new commission from your Majesty to authorise me to treat of this
an( other affairs, which I told them I did not think necessary; but
George Spekle camne yesterday from the Council to tell me that if I
would assure them that I ilad letters from your Majesty, even
though I did not produce them, as they might be in cipher, they
would negotiate with me if your Majesty ordered it, and that the
Queen would give me audience as usual. I assured them that I
}lad many letters from your Majesty written since my detention,
and that I would listen to whatever they said, and after consulting
with your Majesty would send them   a decided answer.  The
Queen went to Richmond yesterday, and the Council will meet
there with her to-morrow, when George Speke will go with my
answer. I gave him a memorial for the Queen setting forth the
injury which might result from  the said Commission if they




ELIZABE'1P.


179


1 569.
proceeded to sell the merchandise, and that I should hold her
responsible for the losses incurred. What with this, and with my
pressure on the earl of Arundel to get the commission revoked or
altered, they have held their hands, and nothing is now being
done. I will try to put it on a firmer basis if possible. The Queen
is to make a short progress this year as far as Southampton. I am
told, according to Arundel's statement, that the effect of what the
Council will communicate to me is, that if your Majesty will
appoint me, either alone or with others, to decide all pending
questions between this Crown and your Majesty, including
restitution of the goods now detained, the Queen will appoint
similar plenipotentiaries, and all points may be settled. I have
sent to say that I do not think this will be a good course, but that
we should first inquire as to the restitution, and thereafter the
other questions can be dealt with, as between two friendly princes.
He says that the decision they have arrived at is the aforementioned, but that, perhaps, after discussion with me, they may
gradually come round to my view. George Speke has told me
nothing more than this, and I will punctually consult the duke of
Alba. —London, 22nd July 1569.
Postscript: Arundel tells me that they are sending shortly, for
the succour of Rochelle, a large quantity of victuals, and will bring
back salt and other things in exchange. In addition to this, the
Queen would send 1,0001., part of which she has already in cash,
and is pawning the Vendome jewels with various merchants to
raise the rest. They are sending a credit of two thousand (?) crowns
to the Queen's agent in Germany in order to help Duke Casimir to
enter France. The Queen dined yesterday at Lambeth, Cardinal
Chatillon being present. It was declared in letters that were then
made known, that the French king's army was becoming weaker
every day, and that the Protestants had taken Chatelherault, as
well as raising the siege of Sanserre and Xainte:, and had gone
against Poitiers. They said that Casimir would enter France and
go to Normandy or Picardy.   In the county of Suffolk, at the
instance of certain ministers, the heretics had planned to kill all the
Catholics. Many of the conspirators have been arrested, and strict
orders were sent from here yesterday for their punishment. It is
strange that the heretics should begin these disturbances in a part
of the country where they have it all their own way. This may
give rise to other movements.
Since writing the above, I learn that the Suffolk business, although
they profess here that it is a religious rising, is really a revolt of the
people against the royal officers, in consequence of the want of
outlet for their cloths, which are made in great quantities there.
In addition to this, they have not enough land for agriculture, as
the royal and private parks there are very spacious.   They
attempted to kill the keepers of the Queen's parks and the owners
of the private ones. It would appear that they must have some
agreement with their neighbours in Norfolk, because some of the
latter have come hither to learn whether the Duke has been
arrested; he having promised them frequently to go thither this
a 2




SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1569.
sunmmer to witness the evils under which the country is suffering
in consequence of the want of outlet for the cloths. His people,
thinking the Duke might be detained, sent these men as a deputation to see him.  I do not know   whether the Duke himself
arranged this. The French ambassador received an affront from
the Queen at Lambeth yesterday. He had been given an appointment with her, and was awaiting her in the presence chamber;
Cardinal Chatillon and the Vidame in the meanwhile going in and
out of the Queen's private room, when she sent out to tell the
ambassador that she was busy and that the audience would be
postponed to another day. He says he was going to speak to her
about the fitting out of these sloops. On the same day I gave a
servant of mine a great number of petitions from the owners of the
detained boats, and sent him, in company with the petitioners, to
Cecil. The latter returned the petitions to my man, and told him
to take them to the four commissioners who manage maritime
affairs. As the number of documents was very large, and Cecil
had them mixed up with other papers, the enclosed writing was
found amongst them, which reveals the negotiations which this
Queen has with the Count Palatine.  I suppose they will not
understand how they have lost it. I know Cecil's signature very
well. The earl of Ormond was leaving Ireland, but the Queen has
ordered him to be stopped.-London, 22nd July 1569.
25 July. 124. GUERATT DE SPES to the KING.
As something fresh occurs every day, I have to write constantly.
The Queen is at Richmond, and they have kept George Speke there
two clays without letting me know if they are going to give him an
answer to the message I sent by him to the Queen, setting forth
the injury which these pirates may cause if they proceed to sell the
detained merchandise. Everything at Court is in such confusion
that I cannot hope they will come to a good decision in this or
anything else.
This Queen sees that all the people in the country are turning
their eyes to the queen of Scotland, and there is now no concealment about it. She is looked upon generally as the successor, and
much is publicly said about her, such as, "that they want to raise
Absalom against David," and other things cf that sort. She has
sent Captain Drury to Scotland in all haste to urge James (the
earl of Murray) to send his commissioners here as promised, and to
say that, if their coming is delayed, she will send the queen of
Scotland thither with armed force; swearing that she will not have
her here any longer or she will raise the country against her. She
said yesterday publicly that she would marry at once, either to
Leicester or the Archduke Charles, although I feel quite sure she
will do neither.
Cardinal Chatillon was in conference with her and Leicester for
over three hours, and the duke of Norfolk sends me word that they
are remitting 50,000 crowns to the Duke Hans Casimir to enable
him to enter France with 4,000 horse and some foot. The help for
Rochelle is also being pushed forward.




ELIZABETH.                            181
1569.
The Admiral and Vice-Chamberlain Knollys, who are the men
that have stolen most, went yesterday to entreat the duke of
Norfolk not to advocate a reconciliation with your Majesty.
Knollys said that otherwise their religion would be ruined.     A
minister named Sampson,* the most pernicious heretic in existence,
also went yesterday to exhort the Duke on the same'subject,
admonishing him as an apostle of God, as he calls himself, not to
support the queen of Scotland. The general opinion is that these
risings in Norfolk and Suffolk have not been undertaken without
the Duke's knowledge. The latter is now somewhat suspicious,
and goes about surrounded by friends, in order that he may not be
easily arrested, although the Queen has no officer who would dare
to do it.  I believe that there will be another change soon. Both
sides, each for its own interests, thus delay an agreement with your
Majesty, and the Queen goes to-morrow from Richmond to Oatlands
in order to avoid giving me a reply, but I expect that by waiting
a few days some great event will be seen.
The bishop of Ross camne to me at three o'clock this morning to
assure me of the wish of the duke of Norfolk to serve your Majesty.
He said he was a Catholic, and has the support, even in London, of
many of the aldermen and rich merchants.      I will report everything to the duke of Alba and follow his instructions.
As it is acknowledged here that the disturbances in Suffolk have
arisen in consequence of the lack of outlet for the cloths and the
want of materials for the industry, the Council has agreed with
the Easterlings who comle hither, for them   to go to Spain with
their ships, and bring back cargoes of oil, alum, and soap. These ships
will therefore sail soon, and it is desirable that they should obtain
none of these things in your Majesty's dominions, even though they
profess that they are for France, unless they give full security that
they shall not be brought hither.-London, 25th July 1569.
30 July.  125.   GUERAU DE SPES to the KING.
Since my letter of 25th George Speke came to me from Richmond with a new device, namely that the Council wished me to
send my secretary with the letters I might have from your Majesty,
even though they were in cipher, that he might point out in what
portion of them the matter of these negotiations was referred to.
I told him that such a demand would better not have been made,
and that I had orders from your Majesty to listen to what they
said, which was sufficient. He repeated that, if I liked to go to
the Council to say anything in your Majesty's name, he begged
that I would let them know, to which I replied that I had no such
* This was Thomas Sampson, who had refused the bishopric of Norwich in 1560, and
had officiated at the burial of the duchess of Norfolk in 1564, being then dean of
Christchurch. He was deprived of his deanery for refusing to conform to the orders
with regard to clerical vestments in 1566, and Grindal (in a letter to Bullinger, Zurich
Archives, Parker Society) pays a high tribute to him at this time. He says that of
"those who have been deprived Sampson alone can be regarded as a man whose learning
"is equal to his piety."  By the intercession of Archbishop Parker, Sampson was
afterw ards appointed a prebend of St. Paul's, Master of the hospital at Leicester, and
theological lecturer at Whittington College, London. IIe was either chaplain or an
intimate friend of the duke of Norfolk.




182


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1569,
order, but that, if they wanted to speak to me, I would reply with
all courtesy. I then begged him to speak to the Queen respecting
the four sloops which are being fitted out, and to hand to her, in
person, the statement that I gave him, which he did. At this
moment he has brought me the reply saying that the Queen left
Richmond for Oatlands yesterday, and on her departure, he
handed her my reply and statement, which she read several times
and said that she would have orders sent in writing to the captains
of the sloops, telling them to desist from their voyage. She also
said with regard to the commission, that no injury would be
done to the merchandise thereby, although, he says, she was not
very positive about this. The protest which I made upon this
subject I now enclose. George Speke asked leave to go into the
country, and the Queen again entered into discourse with him as
to whether I had fresh letters from your Majesty telling me to act
in these negotiations. Speke assured her again that I had, and she
then called the secretary to her. It would seem that she only
mentions these matters in conformity with the secretary's intentions, as she said to him, "Look, ye! the ambassador has fresh
letters from the King," and thereupon they decided that Speke
should return to Oatlands. The Queen questioned him as to
whether I would again ask for audience, to which he said, as I
had ordered him to do, that it was (not?) necessary to do so, but
that when she summoned me I would go and kiss her hand.
I tell your Majesty this that you may decide if it is advisable to
write anything to the Queen, a credence or otherwise, for me to
use it only as occasion may appear to demand when it arrives, or
whether it will be better to let things go their own course. Frencl
affairs make them rather hopeful, but the people are murmuring
greatly for want of trade, and this may alarm them.
I have written to your Majesty about the risings in Norfolk and
Suffolk, and there must have been some controversy in the Council
about it yesterday, as, in presence of the whole Council, the duke of
Norfolk told Speke that it had been asserted that he, the Duke, had
urged me to stand firm. He told him to ascertain from me if he,
the Duke, had ever sent such a message. I assured Speke emphatically that neither the Duke, nor any other member, had done
so, and if he had, I should not be guided by the opinions of others,
but by what I myself thought was just and right.
This is the position at the moment. The voyage they had
planned to Hamburg seems to be dragging, in consequence of the
merchants declining to ship goods unless the Queen's men-of-war
go to convoy the cargo ships, as they did before. It would be very
desirable for this voyage not to take place, and also that the
ships the Easterlings are sending to Spain for oil, alum, and soap
should not get their cargoes there, or, at all events that they should
give security that they will not bring the goods to England. This
letter is taken by Juan Perez de Torreblanca, a Biscayner, who
promises to carry it in his boat to Spain, although I am anxious
about another letter I sent on the 28th ultimo, by Lope de la
Sierra's sailors, as the ship was detained very long on the coast and
was overhlau'ed several times. I. am sending to the Court to ask




ELIZABETH,


183


1569.
for a passport for whenever I wish to send a courier.-London, 30;h
July 1569.
1 Aug.   126. GUERAU DE SPES to the DUKE OF ALBA.
By my letters to his Majesty you will see that, in preventing the
sailing of the sloops and deciding to restore the badly sold boats,
the Government have taken favourable action. I am sending tomorrow to Court to know on what day I can go and salute the
Queen. I will speak gently to her, as your Excellency orders, and
will report the result. They say that orders will be given that my
letters may come in safety, I believe that they will do as I ask in
my memorial, namely, to bring tlhem under cover marked 0, with
a certificate from Antonio or Leonardo Tasis that they are for me.
All these matters are referred to Mr. March, formerly the governor
of the English in Antwerp. He was at Court when my servant
was there and was consulted about my request, but has not yet
returned to approve of it. In the meantime please send letters by
Calais or by the ordinary post.
I have disposed of the six thousand crowns in the way I wrote
to your Excellency, and I see they will produce great fruit, and this
much and more, which we can promise and pay, will be gained on
the merchandise. Norfolk and the other adherents of the queen of
Scotland are very busy trying to get her declared the Queen's
successor, and this Queen is already somewhat suspicious of the
Duke. There certainly will be some turmoil about it. The Duke,
the earl of Arundel, and Pembroke, are pushing the business
forward, with the support of Ncrthumberland, Cumberland,
Westmoreland, Derby, Exeter, Montague, Morley, and others, and
they all assert that if they succeed, religion shall be restored.
Leicester says that he will be with them in the matter of the
succession, and Cecil says he will not prevent it, but these two are
not trusted by the others. The earl of Huntingdon, if he were a
bold man, would greatly profit by the support of the heretics in the
Suffolk risings.
The Hamburg people have arrested John Brug of Amsterdam
for piracy, as he had even robbed the English themselves.
The prior, Don Hernando, writes to me in favour of Hernando de
Frias, asking me to try to get his merchandise away from here, in
exchange for a similar service that he will do to an Englishman
named Smitl in Antwerp. It is not a bad idea if the matters
cannot be otherwise arranged; and if a general power could be
given for all merchandise to be exported under security, in case of
war breaking out, it would be convenient. The Queen, however,
will not trust to security at all, but insists upon ready money
which is a very bad way.-London, 1st August 1569.
127. FRAGMENT of SUMMARY of LETTERS from        GUERAU DE
SPES to the KING and the DUKE OF ALBA of 10th,
17th, 22nd, 23rd, 25th, and 30th July, and 1st and 2nd
August 1569.
Although he had ordered his servant not to discuss the question
of giving hi'n auJioace, but to answer, it they men iuned it to hinl




184


SPANISH STATE PAPERS,


1569.
that, if the Queen ordered him to go he would go, Cecil asked him
if his master had received letters from the King since his detention,
and, upon his answering that he had, Cecil said that whenever he
wished to see the Queen he could do so. On the following day
Don Guerau decided to send and ask for an appointment. Don
Guerau understands that the reason of so much gentleness is that
they know that the duke of Norfolk, and the greater part of the
nobles are united for the purpose of getting the queen of Scotland
declared successor to the Crown, and it was said that when the
reply came from the Regent they would openly tell the queen of
England so. She and the duke of Norfolk have already had words
about it, when he replied fittingly to her and is now suspicious and
surrounded by friends.
2 Aug.   128. GUERAU DE SPES to the KING.
Since my last letter of the 30th ultimo, I sent to Oatlands, where
the Court is, a servant of mine with George Speke, to make sure
that the four sloops which have been fitted out should not be
allowed to sail, and that the boats whicl they had taken here at so
low a valuation should be returned to their owners, and also
that the commissioners should not be allowed to proceed to sell
anything. I also desired that passports might be given whenever
I wished to send despatches, and letters to me should be properly
secured against being opened. All this, with the aid of adherents
of your Majesty there, with whom I had arranged, was fortunately
granted as I desired. I gave orders to my servant to say nothing
about asking for audience, and if they mentioned it to him he was
to say that, if the Queen sent for me to kiss her hand, I was ready
to go. Cecil asked him whether he was sure that I had letters
from your Majesty since my detention, and when he said that I
had, Cecil said in the Queen's name that it was at my own option
when I came to see the Queen, and that I should be very well
received. I shall ask my friends to-morrow to arrange an appointment for me. I think the hurly-burly here about the duke of
Norfolk and the nobles wanting to declare the queen of Scotland
heiress to the throne is at the bottom of all this gentleness. With
this object the nobles have united, and have mutually given each
other their signatures. When the reply comes from the Regent, they
have decided to tell the Queen firmly, and to request her to summon
Parliament for the purpose stated.-London, 2nd August 1569.
2 Aug.   129. GUERAU DE SPES to the DUKE OF ALBA.
[EXTRACT.]
I will go to see the Queen, as she has sent me orders to do, but
I will not enter into any details with her, and, if the Councillors say
anything to me afterwards, I will at once advise your Excellency.
Thomas Fiesco thought that I ought to speak to the Queen, so that
her Ministers should be obliged to answer me, but I will follow
your Excellency's orders. Cecil and the others seem more agreeable.
I believe this arises from the fear they are in that this country will
revolt on the question of the queen of Scotland.-London, 2nd August
1569.




ELIZABETH.

185


1569.
5 Aug.  130I. GUERAU DE SPES to the KING.
I wrote to your Majesty on the 2nd instant by the duke of Alba,
and soon after the courier had left I had a letter from Spinola, who
had come from the Court with secret orders to the commission
here to sell merchandise belonging to your Majesty's subjects, to the
value of 3,0001., which I was very sorry to learn, seeing that few
hours before, the Council had assured me they would act quite
differently. These commissioners were so willing that they began
to sell and deliver the goods to the buyers on the spot. I sent the
same servant of mine to Court in all haste, where they detained
him a whole day. The end of it was that the Queen sent for him
to the park, and put aside the question of merchandise by saying
that they would not proceed further with the sales, and that they
had sold what they had merely because they were informed that
the goods were being spoilt. Cecil said,-by the Queen's order, that,
if I liked to come to Guildford on Wednesday, I could, but
that, before I spoke with her, I must confer with the Council, and
prove to them that your Majesty had ordered me to treat on these
affairs. My servant said that he had no instructions to reply to
the proposal, whereupon Cecil detained him and came hither with
him. I informed him that I had power from your Majesty to
listen to whatever they liked to say, and what was necessary to be
considered I would communicate with the duke of Alba, to whom
your Majesty had referred all this business. As for the rest, I said,
as the Secretary himself and the Lord Chamberlain had told my
servant that I could go and kiss her Majesty's hand whenever I
wished, I would go when her Majesty ordered me to do so, and that
nothing else was necessary. Cecil returned this morning. I have
not heard that he did anything else whilst here, except speak with
certain aldermen; but on his way he called to see the earl of
Pembroke, who is suspected of belonging to the duke of Norfolk's
party. They are full of meetings and conferences. The Duke's
party and those who favour the success of the queen of Scotland are
incomparably the greater number. The Duke and the earl of Arundel
intended, after I had seen the Queen, to take me to Nonsuch, but
now that my visit has fallen through, they will take some other
course; but in any case I believe there will be some great event
soon, as the people are much dissatisfied and distressed by want of
trade, and these gentlemen of Nonsuch have some new imaginations
in their heads.
I have given leave to those who hold powers of attorney from
merchants to petition the Council, and endeavour to persuade them
to desist from disposing of merchandise, on condition of security
being given, and to prevent, as much as possible, the injury which
may be done them    if these commissioners continue their proceedings. As your Majesty knows full well, affairs here are like
the rising and the falling tide, fluctuating from one moment to
another. This is the reason why I write so differently in my
various lettters.
The Council is pressing forward the Hamburg voyage, although
they have not yet begun to load the ships, which, however, they
say, will be loaded on the 18th. Cardinal Chatillon is asking that




186


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1569.
the four sloops and three other ships which are fully armed on the
coast, mostly commanded by rebels from France and Flanders,
should be allowed to sail, and says that they will not do any
damage to your Majesty's subjects. As he rules Leicester and
Cecil, he will settle it all with them. Winter has taken the sails
away, and promises to do all he can to prevent the vessels from
leaving. If they sail they can only make any profit by plundering
your Majesty's subjects. Three ships from St. Jean de Luz have
put into Bristol loaded with Biscay iron, and are now leaving for
their own country with a cargo of cloths, pewter, and other things,
all of which are destined to be taken into Spain. The want of oil
here is so pressing that they are getting oil from rape seed to dress
their wool, and they say they can manage with it. There is little
of the seed, however, yet, and nlo matter how active they may be
in sowing it, the out-turn of cloth by means of it will be small and
poor. They are trying also to utilize the oil which they obtain
from boiling sheep's feet. Their great hope is to get soap and oil
from Spain through France, and from the Easterlings, who, I am
told, have already left for the purpose.
The Catholics in Ireland have reached the neighbourhood of
Dublin, spoiling the country on their way. The heretics have
caught an Irish bishop coming from Italy, and have put him in
prison. They say they will put him to torture, to learn whether
he has spoken to the Pope.
They have ordered Winter to cease the sales of Portuguese goods,
and they want by this means to arrange their differences with the
king of Portugal, in order to try to import spices into this country.London, 5th August 1569.
8 Aug.   131. The DUKE OF ALBA to the KING.
[EXTRACT.]
Your Majesty will understand, by the enclosed letters from Don
Guerau and Thomas Fiesco, the state of English affairs; which, in
my judgment, is very unfavourable, and I have no doubt whilst
they (the English) hold the booty in their hands, as they now do,
they will delay matters as much as they can to avoid restitution.
I have written several times to Don Guerau to suspend negotiations,
as I plainly see that they are tricking him, so as to get all they cal
out of him, and then to say they have negotiated without authority.
When I receive the letter your Mlajesty is to send me, I will try to
settle the business in the best way in my power. Don Guerau is
zealous in your Majesty's service, and wishes to end the questions
at issue, but, as lie is inexperienced, he allows himself to be led
away, and is ruining the negotiation. I earnestly wish he had not
said that there was a letter from your Majesty, or gone beyond my
instructions, but he will not do as I tell him.
In the meanwhile, I beg your Majesty to order that no English
goods are to be received in any port of Galicia, as I am informed
that there was a ship in Vigo selling cloths and buying things
which are beginning to fail in Eng'laid. I wish al:o your Majesty
would o'rder the arre t of all ships in Spanish ports bringing
English goods, as they have recently taken to shipping their cloths




ELIZABETH.


187


1569.
in Venetian and Ragusan bottoms, and I am told that some of the
Portuguese in Antwerp are in secret league with those of their race
in England, to whom they will transfer the spice trade thither, and
so encourage the English in their evil intentions.
I' your Majesty thinks well you might speak a word to the
Portuguese ambassador, so that the King may order his subjects to
desist from such negotiations. I have no doubt many of them
would like to go thither (England) to live in the law of Moses.Brussels, 8th August 1569.
8 Aug.   132. The DUKE OF ALBA to the KING.
[EXTRACT.]
I advised your Majesty some time ago of the coming of a
gentleman sent by the queen of Scotland to discuss matters with
me. He and another secretary of the Queen have returned hither,
and they both beg your Majesty to help her with 30,000 or 40,000
ducats, and although I have no commission to do so from your
Majesty, I have ventured to send her 10,000 ducats, seeing the
great need in which her affairs are, in order that some at least
of them may be attended to. I beg your Majesty to send me
instructions.-Brusseis, 8th August 1569.
10 Aug.  133. GUERAU DE SPES to the KING.
I wrote to your Majesty on the 5th, and the only thing now to
add is that the duke of Norfolk and the earl of Arundel have sent
a gentlemen to inform me that the decision of the Queen with regard
to the audience was different from what I had been told, and that
she was desirous of seeing me. I have sent Luiz de Paz to them to
let them know that I am still, as I have said, willing to go and kiss
her Majesty's hand, whenever she commands me to do so, but that
it was quite unnecessary for me to speak to the Council first or
anything of the sort.-London, 10th August 1569.
3 Aug.  134. GUERAU DE SPES to the KING.
The day before yesterday a gentleman arrived at Court from the
Regent of Scotland bringing his master's answer, saying that on no
account will he or the nobles enter into any discussion for reconciliation with the queen of Scotland, and he was sure that what had
been written to him had not originated with the queen of England,
but had come from certain friends of the Papists in her Council.
He said that the Queen and the majority of her Council had told
him, when he was here, what was best to be done in the matter, and
that he would follow it.  He also refused to raise the siege of
Dumbarton and to return the property of the bishop of Ross and
other subjects who have been deprived of it in consequence of their
attachment to the Queen. He has, on the contrary, sent certain
important gentlemen to more strongly enforce the blockade of
Dumbarton. The bishop of Ross went to Court to-day to learn the
resolution that this Queen will take in the matter, and what are the
intentions of his mistress's friends.
The greater part of the ships which were expected from Hamburg,
together with some others belonging to the Easterlings, have arrived




188


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1569.
loaded with goods, on the north coast, and no sooner had they done
so, than they began to ship cargo for a new voyage. All this sea is
crowded with pirates. Luiz de Paz has returned with the Duke of
Norfolk's gentlemen, and bringing word from Cecil, in the Queen's
name, that she will be pleased for me to go and see her, but she
would like me to show some of your Majesty's letters, written since
my detention, to certain members of the Council whom she will
appoint. I refer this question to the duke of Alba to learn his
opinion upon it.-London, 13th August 1569.
13 Aug.   135. GUERAU DE SPES to the DUKE OF ALBA.
[EXTRACT.]
Just as Fiesco was leaving, Luiz de Paz and the duke of Norfolk's
gentlemen arrived, and it seems that Cecil interposed in the con.
versation with them. It was resolved that the Queen should say
that I could go to Basing, a pleasure house of the lord treasurer,
but that some of the Council thought I should show letters from the
King in order that they might satisfy themselves that they were sent
after my detention, but they would do this simply as a point of honour
and nothing else. Luis de Paz told them that he had not come with
that errand, and your Excellency will therefore do me a great favour
if, as soon as you receive this and have heard a personal account
from Fiesco, you will send me a courier with your opinion upon this
point. If the letter, come addressed to me they will let them pass.
In the meanwhile, I intend to answer the Queen thanking her for
the favour done me in offering an audience, and excusing myself
from going so soon on account of indisposition, and also in order
that she may, if she wishes, learn anything from me in the interim,
as I do not intend to discuss business with her on that occasion. In
the meanwhile, your Excellency's orders may arrive. On the one
hand the audience may be useful in stopping the injury they are
doing, and on the other, it would be perhaps more dignified and
likely to alarm them if no notice were taken of the offer. Your
Excellency will decide what is best for his Majesty's service. News
from Ireland is that affairs are in a very bad state, and they are
raising 800 men here to go thither.-London, 13th August 1569.
27 Aug.  136. G UERAU DE SPES to the KING.
In my last letter of the 20th, I reported that the sloops were going
down the river to join three other vessels on a piratical voyage. I
have since heard that the bastard of Brederode was to join them
with three other ships. By a spy I have amongst them, I learn that
they were talking of doing some damage in the islands of Zealand,
but I expect they will find them prepared, and that their designs
will fail. The Easterlings resident here have drawn up a statement
of complaint, because the people on these sloops are denouncing them
and the Hamburgers for having beheaded John Brug of Amsterdam
there (at Hamburg). They have petitioned the Queen to detain
these sloops, but still, I expect, they will sail, because the earl of
Leicester is much in favour of the expedition.
The rest of the ships firom H;alburg have arrived, with others
from Muscovy, bringing a quantity of whale-oil, wax, and skins.
From Hamburg they bring a great stock of merchandise which was




i LIZAB3ETH.


189


1569.
much needed here. Randolpl, this Queen's ambassador in Muscovy,
has returned, and with him comes a Muscovite ambassador. They
entered London to-day and were received with great discharges of
artillery. I understand their business relates to merchandise and
the duties thereon. The Queen is at Basing, intending to go to the
Isle of Wight, although it is believed for certain here that she will
go direct to Windsor in consequence of the affairs of the queen of
Scotland. She took a fortnight to consider her definite reply, and
hopes in the meanwhile to receive that of the Regent.
The Council has decided, at the instance of the duke of Norfolk
and his friends, that the queen of Scotland shall be set at liberty,
on condition that she marries an Englishman, and the signatures of
all the principal people in this country have been obtained to this
effect. The matter of her marriage, also, is so far advanced that the
French ambassador has been reconciled to it, and, within a day or
two, I understand that the Duke himself, or some other leading
personage, will come and request me to write to your Majesty to
learn your wishes on the subject. The bishop of Ross, on behalf of
his mistress, is to come and see me about it, and has already communicated to me by John Hamilton. The business is so forward
that it will be difficult now to prevent it, but I think it will be
better that it should be done with your Majesty's consent, which
cannot fail to be of great advantage, as it will bind them more
closely than ever to your Majesty's service.
The queen of Scotland says that, if she were at, liberty or could
get such help as would enable her to bring her country to submission,
she would deliver herself and her son entirely into your Majesty's
hands, but that now she will be obliged to sail with the wind,
although she will never depait from your Majesty's wishes, either
in religion or other things.. I believe this, and that the affair will
be conducive to the continued respect of your Majesty here, and also
to the recovery of the stolen and detained property. I will advise the
duke of Alba of all that happens, and will follow his instructions.
They are constantly springing upon me some new plan to sell the
goods belonging to your Majesty's subjects here. I put them all off as
well as I can by artifice, but, as Leicester and Cecil are the only
councillors now at Court, they had ordered all to be sold by the
commissioners themselves, although I have been able to stop it until
the Queen's return to Windsor; where the question is at issue
between the two queens of England and Scotland will be considered.
They have loaded 30 ships for Hamburg. They carry 30,000 or
40,000 pieces of cloth and other goods, and so much haste has been
made that I believe they will sail from here to-morrow, two of the
Queen's ships accompanying them. To extend their trade the more,
they have arranged with the French ambassador that certain commissioners should value the (French) goods that have been stolen,
and that in the meanwhile commerce should not be stopped. They
are therefore loading five or six ships for Rouen with cloths, which,
I understand, are promptly to be introduced into Spain by way of
St. Jean de Luz, or some other route.
The 25,000 crowns received by the queen of Scotland come from
certain confiscations in France, valued at 100,000 ducats.-London,
27th August 1569.




190


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1569.
5th Sept. 137. GUERAU DE SPES to the KING.
I have advised your Majesty that four sloops had been completely equipped in this river, the captains of which are M. de
Dupin and Dembise, French rebels. The Queen promised George
Speke and a servant of mine that they should not sail, and ordered
Captain Winter to take their sails away, but, subsequently, by
great pressure from Chatillon and Leicester, they have received
license to leave, and are now outside. They cannot fail to do much
harm, especially if they join three English ships on the coast
which have been fitted out, and also with the bastard of Brederode,
as they declare they will. I have informed the duke of Alba, and
in order that the coast of Biscay may be prepared I have advised
Juan Martinez de Recalde, to whom this letter is sent. It is
carried by William Merrick, an Englishman living in London, an
honest man, well known in Biscay. He goes in a tiny vessel
of his, and I have authorised him to carry with him 80 or 100
pieces of coarse cloth, for sale, with your Majesty's permission.
He also takes the Biscayners, who were in my house; the rest of
them, who were mostly married, having gone first. He is to
consign them to Recalde and to await your Majesty's orders before
leaving; bringing back any despatches that may be given to him.
Your Majesty will see by my letters to the duke of Alba an
account of all that is passing here. I await hourly the reply of
the Duke as to the best way of dealing with these people. They
are so cautious that one must needs consider very deeply how to
approach them, particularly now that they are hopeful of French
affairs and are consequently very far from being reasonable. Their
dissensions amongst themselves may perhaps upset them, although
disturbances have not yet commenced, but they can hardly be
avoided, and the Queen must then come humbly to beg your
Majesty's protection.
The Hamburg business is turning out well for them, and although
they feel the stoppage of trade with Flanders, this outlet prevents
the people from raising a disturbance.
The lack of trade with Spain they will redress with what the
French bring from  that country hither, and, as your Majesty's
dominions are so broad, it is difficult to watch them as closely as
this country, being an island, is watched. Still it seems that a
somewhat stricter guard might be kept than hitherto, and, if this
were done and the Hamburg trade prevented or disturbed, the
English could not get on at all. If, on the contrary, it is to your
Majesty's interest to treat them softy, an arrangement can easily be
effected, especially with the humours now prevalent here. The
less anxiety, however, we manifest for an agreement, the better
terms we shall get.-London, 5th September 1569.
12 Sepl;. 138. The DUKE oF ALBA to the KING.
[EXTRACT.]
Is very ill. I will therefore only say what I have done about
English affairs, in which I see the urgent need for remedy, both for
thl reasons your Majesty mentions and many others which are
evident here, but until I receive the letters it has not been possible




EtlTZABETH.


191


1569.
to proceed further.  As soon as I received them I immediately sent
a courier to Don Guerau with a lettel he could show to the Queen,
in which I said that I had letters from your Majesty and intended
to send them   by some persons who might speak with her, and
desired him to ascertain whether she would receive them.      I have
prepared the instructions for the man who is to go and I have
resolved to send Chapin Viteli* and a man of the long-robe called
Junglo, a native at Utrecht, who has resided for a long time in
Rome. Cardinal de Granvelle thought highly of him and I find
also very good parts in him, which I think of turning to your
Majesty's service, as there is a great dearth of (such) men.     The
councillors and myself thought it best to take this step, first as no
time was lost thereby (the instructions being drafted the while), in
order that the Queen might have no opportunity of offering us any
insult. As soon as her reply is received, these two men will start,
unless any change of view occurs between this and then. The
matter has been hindered with no advantage to your Majesty's
dignity by their (the English) listening to all the busybodies who
have thought proper to interfere.-Brussels, 12th September 1569.
14 Sept.   139.   GUERAU DE SPES to the KING.
At daybreak on the 9th, a courier arrived with orders from the
duke of Alba for me to endeavour to have the original of the letter
which he wrote to me handed to the Queen herself for her answer.
I therefore sent a servant of mine in haste to Southampton, and
sl:e was pleased to give him  the passport requested, copy of which
I enclose, as also of the Duke's letter, and I am   now despatching
the same servant to the Duke with the passport.t Thinking that
Merrick's ship will not have left the mouth of the river, in consequence of contrary winds, I send this despatch out there to try to
catch him, so that your Majesty may learn this news without
delay. The sales of merchandise are being secretly stopped, at my
instance, by the Judge of the Admiralty, although the fears of
these people of dissensions amongst themselves also operate in this
direction.  The Queen has declared her will that the duke of
Norfolk should not marry the queen of Scotland, notwithstanding
that the Council had decided that the interests of the country
would be served thereby.     As the majority of the Council is on
the side of the Duke in this, I think that certainly there will be,
in a short time, great turmoils here.    I will give prompt intelligence thereof to your Majesty and the duke of Alba. They have
* This famous Florentine soldier, who had beaten Barbarossa from the coasts of
Tuscany and had secured the duchy of Sienna to Cosmo de Medici, had been made
marquis of Cetona by Cosmo, and had been requested to accompany the duke of Alba
to the Netherlands as chief of the staff. He bad been an unflinching lieutenant of the
Duke during the years of terror which succeeded his arrival, and was extremely unpopular in consequence. His tremendous obesity attracted much satirical notice in
England during this mission, and was, in 1575, indirectly the cause of his death. He
was too fat to walk, and during the long siege of Ziericsee, where he commanded, had
to be carried about in a chair. By accident or design (it is believed the latter), he was
overturned and fell down a slope, causing injuries which proved fatal to him.
t The permission and passport for Chapin Viteli and his associates to come to
England.




192


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1569.
sent in the Hamburg fleet a large sum of money to Germany, and
a part of the duchess of Vendome's jewels.  A bishop who was
here with Cardinal Chatillon, whom they call M. de Lisy and
M. de Cavannes, formerly president of Toulouse, both of them
belonging to the faction, also went with them to Germany.
The French ambassador sends me word that he had discussed
three subjects with the Queen; the marriage of the Christian king
elsewhere, of which the Queen did not approve, the third matter
being the release of the queen of Scotland to which she replied,
that the time had not arrived for it, and that she did not much
feel the want of her liberty, for she was able to find a husband even
as it was.
The ten thousand crowns which the Duke sent for the queen of
Scotland have just been handed by me to her representative.London, 14th September 1569.
17 Sept. 140. GUERAU DE SPES to the KING.
By the duke of Alba's orders I sent a letter he had written to
me on the 25th ultimo to be delivered into the Queen's own hands,
and sent a copy thereof to your Majesty on the 14th by William
Merrick's ship, bound for Laredo. On the same day I sent my
servant in haste to the Duke with the passport granted by the
Queen to insure safe conduct for the persons who were to bring
your Majesty's answer, and I am now awaiting the Duke's decision
as to their coming.
The four sloops equipped here by some French and Flemish rebels
were still, a few days ago, at Sandwich, where they were joined
by Launcelot, bastard of Brederode, with a fine well-armed ship.
It seems that he had already taken some vessels and had discharged
the wines he found in them. They have been reinforced by five
or six hundred Englishmen and they will go now in great array on
their evil voyage. It is asserted amongst them that they have
some understanding in Zealand. The Queen has already returned
to Hampton Court, whither she has summoned all the members of
her Council for this day week; she has let the duke of Norfolk
know her will that he should not marry the queen of Scotland,
but I do not believe the Duke will desist from his enterprise in
consequence. A stronger guard has been placed around the queen
of Scotland, although I have understood that she will, nevertheless,
soon find herself at liberty, and this country itself greatly disturbed. All the north is ready, and only awaits the release of the
queen of Scotland. The latter is anxious to give your Majesty a
very full account of everything, as events are now coining to a
head, but I wait until I see the affair commenced before writing
at length. Your Majesty can then decide what will be best for
your service. Perhaps God is now opening a wide door which shall
lead to the great good of Christendom.
I wrote to your Majesty that Cecil was arranging an agreement
with the Portuguese as to commerce with that country, and now
Antonio Fogaza, a Portuguese, who came from   Lisbon lately,
although he has resided here for a long time, is leaving. He says
he will only endeavour to obtain a modification of the terms, but the




ELIZABETH.


1569.
wish of Cecil and some of the merchants who are concerned in the
business is not confined to this point, but to bring the spice trade
to this country, which, it is believed, the king of Portugal will not
allow.
The Queen has detained all the   ships that were going to
Rochelle.
The plague is beginning to show itself in London. Perhaps the
cold weather will stop it.-London, 17th September 1569.
18 Sept. 141. ANTONIO DE GUARAS to the DUKE OF ALBA.
I wrote to your Excellency on the 14th instant by the person sent
by the ambassador, and since then a great flotilla of ships is being
fitted out here, it is said for Rochelle, as munitions, ordnance,
money, and other stores are going. Cardinal Chatillon and the
people here have understood that affairs at Poitiers are not going
to their liking, and they are trying to send secretly what succour
they can. News has arrived that the French bishop who, with
some Englishmen and Frenchmen, were sent by Chatillon in the
Hamburg fleet from here to Germany to raise troops, had reached
Embden where he was to disembark.
It is said also by Englishmen who have arrived on this coast
from Spain that 18 galleys, 12 French and 6 Spanish, had arrived
at Bordeaux, as your Excellency will have learnt overland.
There is much talk about the marriage of the queen of Scotland
with the Duke (of Norfolk), and those who think they understand
the matter best suspect that much evil may come of it, both to
the parties themselves and those who are concerned in it, as
neither this Queen nor those who rule are pleased with the idea,
and as they have the upper hand, they can, in time, do as they
please with those who are against them. I pray God to protect
the queen of Scotland, and that meddling ambitious busybodies
may not bring evil to her, which may be feared, as this Queen will
not tolerate the suggestion. The Portuguese I wrote about has
gone, and, as the matter is most important, I presume your
Excellency will have given orders about it.
The Court is coming to Hampton Court in 10 days froln
Southampton, where it has been lately, but will not come to
London where the plague is raging, and Hampton Court, whither
it is to go, is, as you know, isolated. Everbody here is talking of
the coming of the persons said to be sent by your Excellency, and
lodgings are being prepared for them by orders of the Court.
Opinion varies greatly about it, but the rumour runs that those
who are coming are Sehor Chapin Viteli and the Licentiate Vargas,
with a great following.
As I have said, it will be difficult to get the people here to agree,
as their every action hitherto has shown a desire for discord, and,
as your Excellency will see, it is very important that the gentlemen
who are coming should be warned that these people are fully armed
witl tricks, with the object of preventing an agreement which,
although they may pretend they earnestly desire, they abominate
more than anything.
7 7C46?.,




194


slPA14i1SH 9TATt PAPtfl'S.


1569.
The first thing they will maintain, although falsely, is that
your Excellency ordered the arrests first without reason; their
contention being that they were entitled to detain the money
on Lope de la Sierra's ship because they falsely allege it to
have belonged to private persons and was not for his Majesty's
service.  They say their intention never was to give rise to
discord.
The second contention, rore unfounded still, is that they deny
having, by order of the Queen, taken away the rudders and
sails from the four cutters carrying money, lying in Dartmouth
and Falmouth, which they did in pursuance of their evil designs
on the 15th December last. On the 19th of the same month they
discharged all the money from Lope de la Sierra's ship and deprived
him of the keeping of it.
In conformity with these sinister purposes of theirs they afterwards gave orders, without any provocation on our part, that all
of our ships on the west coast should be deprived of their sails,
and placed under the guard of Englishmen. This was done on
the 29th December, which was the diy they gave the ambassador
the passport for the delivery of the money, and our goods, although
they had previously, in pursuance of their malicious designs,
ordered the seizures I have mentioned. This was done without
the slightest provocation, as they could not have heard of the
arrests made in FJanders on that day by your Excellency's orders,
in consequence of their bad action here, which you will have
learnt no doubt from the owners of thel merchandise, whom I had
promptly advised, as 1 was in charge of the interests of most of
themn  as well as from   the ambassador.   They will profess
great willingness to restore what they have seized, but nothing
is further from their thoughts, as they cannot do it at present,
and never mean to do it, and yet your Excellency will see they
will be impudent enough to say they are willing to come to a
mutual agreement.
r  It will be found that they will afterwards claim all manner of
ridiculous sets-off, such as that John Hawkins, who has been three
or four times to the Indies with a great fleet, has been plundered
of at least 500,000 ducats there.
They also allege that the property confiscated from Englishmen
by the Holy Inquisition reaches a large amount, and they will
claim that this shall be restored.
J — They also demand a great sum    for the ships and property
detained at Seville by Don Alvaro de Bazan, and very justly
detained, because they resisted the officers of justice and endeavoured to cut out a French ship fiom one of his Majesty's
ports.
All these claims will amount to more, as they themselves say,
than the value of the property they have seized from me and the
money of ours they have taken. The least they demand is that
Englishmen abroad shall enjoy tleir liberties, and that we here
must put up with all the insults and injustice we have suffered
for years. They also demand that they shall be free to go with
ielc!alln!id- to tlhe Indies, and that, neither in flanders nor




jEtlZABETIH.


195


1569.
Spain, shall they be molested in person or property for their
heresies.
When the negotiations are undertaken, it will be found that
these and other absurd pretensions will be advanced, and they
will insist that his Majesty shall swear to leave them in the repose
they desire, and forget all about the robberies committed by their
pirates, supported by the favour of those in high places.
It must first be noted that they will never discuss the restitution nor settle the questions that have arisen since January
last, without first assuring themselves of being able to end all
pending questions, with the intention of thus avoiding restitution
and all peace and quietude unless on their own terms.  Your
Excellency will find that I am right, for such is the feeling here,
unless, indeed, French or other affairs force them to come to reason
God grant that I may be mistaken, being, as I am, an imprudent
and ignorant man, and that all things may turn out well.-London,
18th September 1569.
22 Sept. 142. GuTERAU 1E SPES to the KING.
William Merrick's ship for Laredo left the river yesterday with
two packets of mine for your Majesty. Afterwards, a servant of
the duke of Northumberland, whom I know, came to me, and made
me the sign which his master and I had agreed upon. He said
that his lord and his friends in the North had;agreed to liberate
the queen of Scotland, as, thereby, they would assure the Catholic
religion, and return to amity and alliance with your Majesty,
which they so much desire. His master wished to know if your
Majesty would approve of this, as he would undertake nothing that
was not to your interest. I told him that these matters were so
weighty that I could not reply to them. I would send an account
of them to the duke of Alba, but that it was generally known that
your Majesty's desire was to help religious matters.
He told me also that the Queen had sent the earl of Huntingdon
with other gentlemen to guard the queen of Scotland together witll
the earl of Shrewsbury. She had strongly resented this, as the
earl claims a right to the Crown, and the bishop of Ross is coming
to this Court in -her name to protest. He is expected to-night to
Windsor.
The duke of Norfolk is here preparing all his friends. I will
advise the duke of Alba hourly. I await a reply to tie letter taken
by my servant on the 16th instant, with the passport I have
written about.
The armed sloops appear to have gone in the direction of
Friedland. Other English pirates  have  brought some   more
captures from your Majesty's subjects to the Isle of Wight where, I
amn informed that the three Venetian vessels which were so
anxiously looked for and desired have arrived. John Killigrew
came from Germany lately; it is said that he wants more money
and credits for negotiations there.  When  the Queen is at
Windsor I will try to find out more details about it,-London, 22nd
September 1569.




196                         SPANtSHl STATE PAPEikRS.
1569.
25 Sept. 143. The DUKE OF ALBA to the KING.
[EXTRACT.]
I learn from Don Guerau that he at once showed my original
letter to the Queen and he has sent a servant of his to me with
the passport for the persons who are to go. Chapin and Junglo
are now getting ready. I am anxious about the business, because,
although there are certain means which might be used, placing
dignity aside, those who surround the Queen are so greedy, and
they have been promised so much by those who, without authority,
have meddled in the affair, that I am sure they will be very unwilling
to agree to a restitution, and, if they refuse it, I do not know how we
shall be able to avoid a rupture, which would be most prejudicial
to your Majesty's interests at present. I am resolved to send
Fiesco again, without letting anyone know his errand, to try
to gain over the earl of Leicester and Cecil, who entirely govern
the Queen and do and undo as they please. He is, at the cost
of the interested parties, to try to dispose them towards
the negotiations, urging upon them, at the same time, that,
on no account in the world, should any of your Majesty's agents
there know that they (the parties interested) are offering them
anytling, as it would ruin them (i.e., the parties interested). I
have no doubt that if this thing is to go on, it will be necessary
to arm a fleet to protect commerce between these States and Spain;
but there are so many things to be considered (besides the great
danger it would run of being caught in a tempest and driven to
England) that until I have consulted experienced people I cannot
send your Majesty an opinion as desired.-Brussels, 25th September
1569.? Sept.  144. The DUKE OF ALBA to QUEEN ELIZABETH.
B. M.     Letter of credence for the marquis of Cetona (Chapin Viteli) who
Galbll,. is sent to negotiate about pending questions. He is accompanied
Galba, C. iii.
Original,  by M. de St. Severin and Secretary Jacques de la Tour.-Brussels,
French.  September 1569.
27 Sept. 145. GUERAU DE SPES to the KING.
Since my letter of the 22nd, through Don Frances de Alava,
the duke of Norfolk, who was in London, having learnt that the
Queen desired to have him arrested, suddenly departed for his
country, and on the road sent a letter to the Queen, a copy of
which, translated from the English, I now enclose. As soon as
he arrived in his country, men flocked to him, both horse and foot.
The Queen is greatly alarmed about it, and has summoned to
Windsor, where she is, all the members of the Council, sending
Master Garret, captain of the pensioners, with her reply to the
duke. I am told that she writes gently in order to tranquillise
him. The greater part of the Council favours the duke. They are
meeting to-day to consider the situation, and I will try to discover
the result of their meeting for the information of your Majesty and
the duke of Alla. I did not like to raise any doubt as to your
Majesty's favour in my conversation with the earl of Nortllunberland's servant, or to discourage the duke of Norfolk's party, but




ELIZABETH.


197


1569.
have referred the question to the duke of Alba. They were about
to despatch some one to inform the duke fully, and the queen of
Scotland intends to do the same, although there will be a difficulty
now in getting passports. In the meanwhile, the queen of Scotland
has sent me the enclosed letter for your Majesty, and another for the
duke of Alba. She dwells strongly to me upon her alarm  and
suspicion at the earl of Huntingdon, her rival in the claim to succession, having been sent to guard her, although the earl of Shrewsbury
was there. The bishop of Ross is at Windsor praying for audience,
which has not been granted. He wrote to the Queen complaining
that Huntingdon should have been entrusted with the care of his
mistress, and Cecil replied that Her Majesty would be in no danger.
They have put a double guard in the 'rower here. Perhaps these
things portend something favourable. I cannot think otherwise,
although, on the other hand, I observe that Cecil and his fellow
Protestants on the Council are still very much deceived, for, even
now, with their peril before them, they will not come to reason,
so firmly have they got it into their minds that their religion will
prevail.
John Killigrew, the queen's agent in Germany, returned recently.
With him came a gentleman from the duke, Hans Casimir, pressing
for a larger sum of money than has yet been paid to him, to
provide for his entry into France. But with these signs of revolt
I expect that neither this nor the fleet for Rochelle will be so
readily pushed forward. I desired to send a special courier to the
duke of Alba to advise him of all this. I await the return of the
servant I sent to him with the passport for the persons who are to
bring your Majesty's reply hither. There is norgreat change in the
health of London since I wrote.
Two out of the six Venetian ships have arrived, and the others
cannot be much longer delayed. On the coast of Granada they
met a band of your Majesty's galleys, which saluted them in a
friendly way. They entered the Tagus, but touched in no other
part of Spain. They found there the other Venetian ships which
had sailed from here. The arrival of these vessels will be of great
benefit here.-London, 27th September 1569.
30 Sept. 146. GUERAU DE SPES to the KING.
I despatched a courier on the 27th with the enclosed letter, and
with a passport granted by the Committee who always gives them.
The courier was sent back from Dover, notwithstanding the passport,
but, even thus, they paid him more respect than they did to another
courier sent on the same day by the French ambassador who was
assailed as he passed Rochester by masked men, and robbed of his
papers. My courier returned, and I have sent to Windsor to ask
for a passport signed by the Queen herself; but as they are delaying
sending it, and things are of such importance, I despatch the bearer
of this in a boat to inform the duke of Alba of what is going on,
although I am afraid that they will discover it.
When the earls of Pembroke and Arundel and Lord Lumley
arrived at Windsor, they were very warmly welcomed by the
Queen, but when they got to their lodgings they were ordered not to




198


-PANISiu SPATE PAPEWA,


1569,
leave them without the Queen's permission. This has caused great
consternation in the country, and everyone casts the blame on to
Secretary Cecil, who conducts these affairs with great astuteness.
The duke of Norfolk would not receive the captain of the
pensioners, who had been sent to him; but despatched a servant
of his to excuse himself to the Queen, saying that he was indisposed,
butthat if some members of tile Council would come and confer
with him, lie would meet them at a place to be mutually agreed
upon. It appears the Queen, in order not to alarm him the more,
has again sent the same captain and another gentleman, with 25 or
30 horse, with orders not to lose sight of the )uke. I do not
know what will happen; but I understand, considering the number
of the Duke's friends in England, he cannot be ruined, except by
pusilanimity, and the queen of Scotland has sent to urge him to
behave valiantly, and not to fear for his life which God would
protect. She and the Duke wished to send a person to the duke of
Alba, but it has not been possible as the psrts were closed. I, in
any case, refer them to the duke of Alba, as your Majesty commands.
They are equipping here four-and-twenty vessels and are shipping
cannon on board of them, as well as sending artillery to Windsor
and Nottingham, whither they have taken the queen of Scotland,
having transferred her from Wingfield to Tutbury, and thence to
Nottingham. They have relieved the earl of Shrewsbury from
guarding her, to her great sorrow, and she is now in the power of
of thle earl of Huntingdon and Viscount Hereford with 500
Englishmen. The bishop of Ross had audience without the presence
of a secretary, and he was told that the Council would give him an
answer. The Queen lhas removed the captain of Berwick because
he is a friend of the duke of Norfolk, and has summoned most of
the nobles to Court.
I have no news from Flanders, other than the arrival there of my
servant with the passport. I will advise your Majesty of everything; but if any delay should occur, it will prove that the coast of
this country is so closely guarded as to prevent intelligence leaving it.
God open a road for the recovery of what has been plundered from
your Majesty's servants, and punish some of these bad councillors,
as otherwise they will continue their evil deeds.-London, 30th
September 1569.
8 Oct.  147. GUERAU DE SPES to the KING.
On the 30th ultimo I sent Medina, a Spaniard, to the duke of
Alba with letters for your Majesty, advising fully that Arundel,
Pembroke, and Lumley were detained by the Queen at Windsor.
They were judicially interrogated by Cecil and four other commissioners as to who had initiated the plan of marrying the queen of
Scotland to the duke o f Norfolk, and they replied jointly that it
was the unanimous wish of all the Council. The interrogation
was mostly directed to inculpate the queen of Scotland, but they
all rightly exonerated her, although the commissioners showed
great desire to blame her, and passionate words passed between the
prisoners and them. In the meanwhile couriers and protests were
bving col stantly despatched by the Queen to the duke of Norfolk




EtZ ABTfl.


199


1569.
urging him unceasingly to come into her presence. The Duke,
either to avoid the first fury falling upon his own head, or with the
idea that his friends were not yet ready, or else, as he himself says,
to avert the evident peril of the queen of Scotland, who is in the
hands of her enemies, or possibly confiding in the great promises
made by Leicester, to the effect that if he would pacify the Queen
by a show of obedience all his adversaries would promptly be
overcome and perhaps the road to his own marriage thrown open,
las abandoned, for the present, his attempts at revolt, and returned
with a few horse, and the gentlemen who accompanied him, to the
house of Thomas Selliger three miles from the Court, where nearly
all his servants took leave of him and where he is now detained.
He has been interrogated like the others. The prisoners expect to
be free shortly, and to take possession of the Court, although Cecil
and the Lord Keeper, his brother-in-law, do not agree with the rest
and want to send them to the Tower.
The friends of the prisoners, who are the earls of Northumberland, Westmoreland, Cumberland, Derby, and many others, all
Catholics, are much grieved at this cowardice, if such it can be
called, of the duke of Norfolk, and they have sent Northumberland's servant, who spoke to me before on the matter, to say that
they will by armed force release the Queen and take possession of
all the north country, restoring the Catholic religion in this country
and effecting a general restitution of the goods of your Majesty's
subjects within a year. They only ask that, after they have
released the Queen, they should be aided by your Majesty with a
small number of harquebussiers. To all this I have answered as
I did at first, without taking hope away from them, but referring
them to the duke of Alba. I feel sure that they will attempt the
task, and it will be better carried through by them than by the
duke of Norfolk as they are more fit for it, and the queen of
Scotland will have more freedom afterwards in the choice of her
husband. I advised them to send a person to the duke of Alba,
but I do not know whether they will soon have a chance of doing
so, or if they will resolve to attempt what they say first, the only
danger of which would be that those who have charge of the
queen of Scotland might make an attempt against her person.
I am advising the d(uke of Alba of this that he may instruct me
about it, as it really seems that great good may come to the cause
of God and your Majesty thereby. They have allowed the earl of
Shrewsbury to take pa'rt in the care of the Queen, whom they have
brought back to Tutbury, but by the copy of the letter fiom the
bishop of Ross enclosed, your Majesty will see the calamity and
misery in which she now is. They have granted me a passport for
this courier; please God that it may not be to deceive me! I
have no news about the bugler they sent to Gravelines to request
the captain there to inform the duke of Alba that the persons
who were to be sent hither should not come for the present, nor
have my servants heard of him from the Council.
* Whilst Cecil governs here no good course can be expected, and
the duke of Norfolk says that he wished to get him out of the




200


bPXN1~II STATE PAPERS.


1569.
government and change the guard of the queen of Scotland before
taking up arms. It is thought that they will not dare to take the
Duke to the Tower, although in this they may be deceived, because
they who now rule are all Protestants, and most of them creatures
of Cecil. Notwithstanding all this, the fleet for Rochelle is still on
the west coast.
Certain German gentlemen have landed in Dover coming from
the castle of Chatillon, and have gone to-day to the Court.
I heard yesterday that they have ordered the commissioners to
go and sell all the merchandise in the west country, which will be
a great evil, and I at once sent a letter about it to Cecil by a
servant of mine. I have no answer yet, but I have sent to the
duke of Alba asking for instruction, and whether your Majesty's
subjects are to be allowed to buy.
In a port in the north called Lynn one of the ships from the
flotilla of sloops has arrived, and is selling the plunder taken by
all of them. I amn informed that amongst it are some silver
custodes taken they say from the isle of Texel and another island
near.-London, 8th October 1569.
14 Oct.  148. GUERAU DE SPES to the KING.
Having an opportunity by this ship to St. Jean de Luz I have
despatched the present letter. They brought the duke of Norfolk
to the Tower on the 11th inst. He was very foolish, they think
here, to return to Court after having left it against the Queen's
will. He never thought to come to his present pass, and upbraids
himself for having believed the letters of Leicester and Cecil.
The councillors are puzzled to know what to do with Arundel,
Pembroke, and Lumley, who did no more than the rest of the
Council in approving of the marriage of the queen of Scotland
with an Englishman, and subsequently approving of Norfolk
himself. They are afraid that if they let them go the disturbance
will be all the greater.
They are trying to give the post of Lord Stewart, which
Pembroke filled, to the earl of Bedford, as he is such a great
heretic.
I heard yesterday that they had arrested Nicholas Throgmorton,
late English ambassador in France, a heretic, but such an enemy of
Cecil's that on this account he belonged to the queen of Scotland's
party.
I do not know what is being done by those in the north. I
have avoided encouraging them until I receive the duke of Alba's
orders.  I also await the arrival of the marquis Chapin Viteli,
who is already at Gravelines, but I believe that in consequence of
the bugler having been sent from here to the governor of that
town to request that the Marquis should not come, and also of
events here, the duke of Alba may wish to hear further of the state
of feeling before sending him.
Antonio Fogaza, the Portuguese of whom  I wrote, goes with
certain treaties to Portugal, and they have let him load a ship witl.
cloth under passport from the Queen and Cardinal Cl!atillon.




NA
N,


EIIZABETIT.                      201
5..
1569.
These rebel sloops have captured over thirty ships belonging to
your Majesty's subjects, mostly loaded with grain.-London, 14th
October 1569.
23 Oct. 149. GUERAU DE SPES to the KING.
The marquis Chapin Viteli arrived in this island on the 15th,
although captain Leighton who had been sent by the Queen made him
leave all his company at Dover. He proceeded to Greenwich and I sent
some people to Canterbury to conduct him, and had a servant of
mine sent to Court to know what was the order to le observed with
regard to him. We were told that we could come to Kingston, and
there confer as to what was best to be done. The Queen would not
allow me to be present at the first audience of the Marquis with
her, saying that she first wished to know what your Majesty had
written to her about the detention of the merchandise, and as the
Marquis and I agreed that it would be best for your service, we
thought we would let her have her way in this, so that we might
proceed to the more important question of restitution. We also
agreed that it would be best to speak to her mildly, smoothing
over what she might say against the duke of Alba. Yesterday was the
day of the audience, and the Marquis addressed her very prudently,
diverting her as much as possible from her complaints against the
Duke, and assuring her of the good wishes of your Majesty, and th3
confidence you had in her, that she would not' allow herself to be
withdrawn from your old friendship and alliance; all of which may
be seen by your Majesty by the letter in French, which the
Marquis sends to the Duke. The decision of the Queen is thll:t she
will appoint persons to examine the Marquis' powers, and in the
meanwhile, we are not to move from this place, both in order to
await her reply, and in consequence of the present unhealthiness of
London. We shall soon know whether these people will come to
reason. It may well be that the bad news they have from France
and the fear of further revolt here may make them do better now
than they have hitherto done.
The duke of Norfolk is still in the Tower. The Earls of Arundel and
Pembroke, Lord Lumley,and Nicholas Throgmorton, are prisoners
at the Court, or near to it, and the queen of Scotland is in the castle
of Tutbury, guarded by the earls of Huntingdon and Shrewsbury.
The earl of Northumberland's servant returned last night to
assure me that, whenever your Majesty wished, they would release
the queen of Scotland, would marry her to your Majesty's liking,
and try to restore the Catholic religion in this country. They only
want to be favoured by your Majesty. Your Majesty's orders now
received shall at once be carried out.-London,* 23rd October 1569.
23 Oct.  150. CHAPIN VITELI to the DUKE OF ALBA.
By my last letters, your Excellency will have learnt of my arrival
at and departure from Dover,and wh.it happened between me and
captain Leighton, a relative of lord Coblian, who was sent by the
Queen to conduct, me to Kingston fifteen miles from the Court. Last
* Note in the King's handwriting: "This cannot be from London, hut from the
place whence Chapin writes to the Duke" (i.e., Colebrook).




202


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1569.
Monday I arrived at Rochester and at once wrote to Don Guerlu de
Spes saying that, as in consequence of the plague, I could not go to
London to see him, I begged hini to kindly meet me at Greenwich
the next dly, in order to discdss my mission. I found him there
next morning and, after we h id discussed together my instructions
and documents, we decided to meet again at Kingston, and, in the
meanwhile, to consider maturely the best course to take, whether
to proceed gently or otherwise.
Captain Leighton received letters from the Queen at Greenwich
conceding me six of my people, who had stayed behind at Dover,
and to Junglo and Secretary Latorre one servant each, the rest of
my people being allowed to come to Canterbury with the expectation
that, when I had seen the Queen, they might all be allowed to join
nie.
On the following Wednesday the ambassador met us at Kingston
and we came to the conclusion, unanimously, that it would le best
to proceed gently. When this had been agree to, the ambassador
wrote to Cecil advising him of our arrival and begged him to say
when the Queen would grant us audience. On Thursday the m:ln
came back with an answer welcoming us warmly from the Queen
and saying that she would willingly give us audience on the following
Saturday. In the meanwhile, so as to be nearer to her and
more comfortable, we could come and lodge at Colebrook, a leatgue
from the Couit at Windsor, she being very sorry that owing to the
smallness of hler palace, she could not offer us a lodging at Windsor
itself; but that, on my arrival at Colebrook, she would send me some
of her gentlemen to accompany me and conduct me to her, although
she did not wish the ambassador to be present at the first interview with her, as she had complained of him to his Majesty for his
bad proceedings about the arrests, for which she was sure his
Majesty had given her satisfaction in the letters I brought, and
when she had seen them, she would decide what should be done in
subsequent audiences.
I asked the ambassador's opinion on this and in order not to
delay our audience, he agreed that it would be well to do as tile
Queen wished, and for us to go without him. He accompanie:1 us
however to this place, in order to be nearer to us and to be able to
consult with us afterwards as to the best way to forward our object.
We therefore arrived all together the day before yesterday here at
Colebiook and the ambassador has made every effort to facilitate
our audience. He has also allowed me to be accompanied by nearrly
all his household.
At two o'clock yesterday afternoon, captain Leighton, accompanied
by some of the principal gentlemen of the household, was sent to
conduct me to the Court, where we arrived at about 4 o'clock and
were received at the entrance by Lord Hunsdon, governor of
Berwick, a cousin of the Queen. He led us to the council chamber
to unboot and refresh ourselves a little, and he and many other
gentlemen then conducted us to the presence chamber, s here we
found the Queen accompanied by the earls of Leicester, Bedford, the
Lord Chamberlain, Clinton, Admiral, the Lord Keeper, the Lord
Privy Seal, Lord Strange, Secretary Cecil, and many others. After




. /


rI.lAiETI.                       2
1569.
we had made due salutation to the Queen, I handed her in order his
Majesty's letters and that of his Excellency, which she read and
expressed her pleasure at receiving them, at least those from the Kinil,
although they had arrived later than she could have wished. I
excused the delay and stated my errand to her in the best way I was
able, in accordance with the course we had agreed upon. When she
had heard me, she showed some disappointment that his Majesty
had referred the negotiation to your Excellency, and had not signified
his wishes in his own letters to her. She then went on to complain
of your Excellency, saying that although you were a valiant captain
and had prudently governed the Netherlands, as well as your own
household, you had, nevertheless, failed in the respect due to her
position and dignity, as you had, without provocation, arrested the
persons and property of her subjects, and had thus almost brought
about a quarrel between princes so friendly and closely united.
She added that she cast no blame upon the King, as she was
certain it had all been done without his knowledge, and that he was
innocent and she trusted him as she would herself: After much of
this talk, in which she showed that she took this injury much to
heart, she said she was determined not to do as we asked until all
the world was informed who had been the origin of these arrests
and where the blame really lay. She said, for her part, she had
never dreamt of touching his Majesty's money and she had not done
so. On the contrary, she had promised to give all help and favour
in conveying it to its destination, which she would have done with
her own ships, only that the ambassador had requested her to
retain it in order to prevent it from falling into the hands of the
French pirates. She, however, had been informed that the money
did not belong to the King but to certain Genoese merchants which
statement she wished to verify, and for this reason alone had she
deferred its departure for three or four days, and for no other reason,
as she did not want the money.
To this and all her other objections we replied modestly, as
instructed, especially as regards the complaints of your Excellency.
I tried lny best, by many arguments and persuasions, t, banish
from her mind all sinister impressions on this head.
Finally, after some little irritation on both sides; seeing that the
Queen was somewhat getting over her anger, we ceased to retort, in
order not to incense her again, and she then brought the audience
to a close by saying that she would send some commissioners to us
to leain what powers we had from his Majesty to negotiate for the
restitution which we requested. We then took our leave. I have
thought well to send this account at once, in order that your
Excellency may see the exact state of our negotiations to date. I
will duly send accounts of all that may happen.-Colebrook,
23rd October 1569.
24 Oct.  151. ANTONIO DE GUARAS to.*
As you will learn, the letters were detained and afterwards
recovered. I received mine dated the 1st, and I will endeavour to
* This letter was probably written to Albornoz, Secretary of the duke of Alba.




204


SPANISH STATE PAPERS,


1569.
deserve by my zeal the favour done to me in ordering me to write.
It is said the duke (of Norfolk) is so closely guarded that he is not
allowed to leave the one room in which he is, and that he is only
served by a single page in the Tower. His relatives and friends
are greatly scandalised. It is believed for certain that they will
take Lord Lumley to the Tower, and they have moved the earl of
Arundel to another house, where he is guarded by a gentleman.
Pembroke is in no more liberty than before. They have examined
the queen of Scotland's ambassador, the bishop of Ross, on several
points of this business, and particularly as regards certain sums of
money, but he is free. They have also examined Ridolfi, although
I have not been able to discover upon what points. He is still a
prisoner, but I hope will soon be released.  Luis de Paz and
Cristobal de Amonte were at once released on bail. They have not
yet been examined. There are ten or twelve rooms in the Tower
prepared for prisoners, althouglh who the prisoners are to be is not
yet known. It was said lately that they would be persons of great
position, but it has since been rumoured that for the present they
will not be arrested. Some of the Duke's friends and his secretary
are detained in the Court, and another of his secretaries has fled.
Throgmorton, who was ambassador in France, is also detained. IHe
is a great friend of the earl of Leicester, and although for several
reasons Leicester is no friend of the Duke's, lie has been in his
favour in the matter of the marriage with the queen of Scots, and
he is suspected on this account by the rest of those who govern.
The total number of councillors who govern is sixteen. The Duke,
the Lord Treasurer, the earl of Pembroke, the earl of Arundel, and
the Lord Chamberlain, uncle of the Duke, five of them, do not
agree in religion or other things with the remaining eleven, who
are the archbishop of Canterbury, the Lord Chancellor, the marquis
of Northampton, the earl of Leicester, the earl of Bedford, the earl
of Sussex, the Admiral, Secretary Cecil, sir Walter Mildmay, sir
Ralph Sadler, and Vice-Chamberlain Knollys, who all oppose the
others, especially on sectarian points. Some months ago the Duke
transferred all his estates to his son the earl of Surrey, which has
made him all the more suspected, particularly as the Master of the
Rolls, who is a person of great account here, advised him how he
might do it in accordance with the law. The Master of the Rolls
himself may be said to be under arrest, and he is being examined
on the subject. It is certain that they are coining money from our
treasure in the Tower lately. Four commissioners left here this
week, it is said, to sell what is left of our merchandise detained
here, for all the rest is stolen and sold before now. Fifty ships aie
being prepared to go to Rochelle for wine and salt, and will take,
it, is believed, artillery and stores thither and some money with
three of the Queen's armed ships. The jewels sent the other day by
the mother of Vendome, whom they call the queen of Navarre, were
pledged for some 60,000 crowns although they say they are worth
120,000. It is said that the queen of Scotland is in good health
God be thanked, and that all the armed men who were recently
put to guard her have been taken away, although she is not
allowed to leave her one room, and is still in the hands of the earls




\


ELIZABE3TH.                      205
1529.
of Shrewsbury and Huntingdon. A. person has come from Hamburg
with letters for the English, and relates that since the flotilla
arrived they have not been able to sell anything and had no hopes
of doing so all the winter. They are all much dissatisfied with
trading there, recollecting their former business in Flanders.
Twenty German gentlemen have arrived here from the army in
France, and went to Court to offer their services. They went away
without arranging anything, and people at Court are now downcast.
They say the news from France is disappointing to them. The
Queen is tired of these changes, and the people so wonderstruck at
them that no tranquillity can be expected, although it is presumed
that matters will be dissembled during the winter. The summer
is usually the time when these people are disturbed. Lately they
have begun to equip 14 of the Queen's great ships, and it is said
they will complete the armament of them unless circumstances
should render it unnecessary.  In the audience granted to the
Marquis, the Queen expressed her dissatisfaction at the action of
her ministers, to cover over her own share of faults in the business.
It is quite probable that the good news from France will make them
change their proceedings. The Queen said that the merchandise
should not be sold. She would not allow the ambassador to be
present, although since then the gentlemen who came over with the
Marquis have been allowed to come to Court.
This letter is very badly arranged, but I trust it will be excused
and taken in good part.
Postscript.-The letter that accompanied your worship's 'letter is
dated the 1st. My desire is to serve well, but the danger causes me to
write in this confused manner. Pray excuse it as the object is only
to acknowledge receipt of the letters and cover the memorial for his
Excellency.-London, 24th Octob:r 1.569.
31 Oct.  152. GUERAU DE SPES to the KING.
Since my last letter the Marquis was given to understand that,
before anyvthing was done, Cecil wished to see the power he broug lt,
in order to try to find somre flaw in it or to allege its insufficiency,
his intention being to de'ay matters in order that they might carry
out their designs. On the 26th the Marquis went to see the
Queen, when she gave him the reply wlich your Majesty will see
by the enclosed letter in French. The Marquis met the Queen's
representatives yesterday at a house near I.ere, but they could come
to no agreement and refused to allow me to be present, saying that
the Queen was not yet reconciled with me, and moreover that the
substitution of the duke of Alba's power was only in favour of the
Marquis. They would not allow either Dr. Junylo nor Secretary
Torre to take any part in the business, but made them sit apart
from the Marquis. The decision arrived at was not to proceed to the
question of the restitution until they brought under consideration
all questions left open at Bruges and others of subsequent date. The
Marquis insisted that a reply should be given to the point he had
submitted to the Queen, but, as they refused him, he will take
steps to get another audience. In the meanwhile I send this
report to your Majesty and the Duke, in order that instructions




J


206                         SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1569.
may be sent. I am not sure that the councillors of this Queen
are coming to reason even yet, although the king of France has
gained so great a victory.* Those who usually oppose Cecil in the
Council are prisoners, whilst he is free, and can, with the help of
his brother in-law, the Lord Keeper, do absolutely as he pleases.
They have reason to fear, but they do not understand it, or else
they desire to delay this settlement with the idea that they can
always come to terms by making some sort of restitution. All else
is without change.-Colebrook, 31st October 1569.
31 Oct.  153. The DUKE OF ALBA to the KING.
[EXTRACT.]
When Chapin arrived at Calais they received information that
Cobham, who is in charge at Dover, had written to the Governors
of Gravelines and Dunkirk saying, that if any gentleman of these
States was embarking there he was to be told that he (Cobham)
had orders from his Queen that no one was to pass. I at once sent
word to Chapin to stay his departure, and send over to Cobham
to ask whether the Queen had revoked her safe conduct, and if the
answer was yes, that he was to remain quiet and ascertain from
Don Guerau the cause of the revocation. Whilst this was going
on, Cobham sent over to Chapin saying that he could come and he
would be welcome. He at once advised me and I told him to go.
I have now just received news of his arrival at Court and of his
audience with the Queen, as your Majesty will see by his letter
anal those of Antonio de Guaras enclosed. By one of these your
Majesty will learn in detail what took place at the beginning of
the arrests. Thomas Fiesco was informed by the Genoese, Benedict
Spinoll, by means of whom, by my orders, he was trying to gain
Leicester and Cecil, that they had promoted Chapin's coming, and
that he fuund them ready to forward the negotiation in consideration of a present. I have re-olved to order Thomas to gratify
them and give them a handsome present, on account of the interested parties, in order to get them  (Leicester and Cecil) to
consent to the restoration of what is left of the property seized,
and tlat some earrest may be given on account of the rest. He
will also try to get the English whose goods are seized here to pay
some of these expenlses, without their knowing that it is done with
my cognizance. Thus the matters remain and every effort will be
made to settle the differences.-Brussels, 31st October 1569.
4 Nov.   154. The BISHOP OF Ross to the KING.
French.    I doubt not your Majesty will have received from Don Guerau
de Spes the letters dated 13th September written by the queen of
Scotland, my mlistress, in humble gratitude for your sympathy for
her affairs. The jealousy against my mistress conceived by the
queen of England, in consequence of the attachment to her of
many English nobles and a great part of the people, has caused her
to be transported from the castle of Wingfield, where she passed
all last summer, to a strong castle called Tutbury, where she is not
treated as a free princess, but simply as a prisoner, and kept so
* Te battle of Moncontour, 3rd October 1569,




E~lZA13VTlt.


207


1569.
straitly and with so strong a guard ihat she can neither write nor
send any of her gentlemen to your Majesty, as she wished to do.
Since my mistress has been at Tutbury she wrote me an open
letter enclosed in one for the queen of England, in which I am
ordered to ask in all humility her good sister the Queen for aid
and support in her release and restoration to her Crown and
authority in Scoltand; which the accursed rebels in their godless
ambition have usurped, or else that she shall be allowed to go over
to her good brother, the king of France, or to your Majesty's Flemish
dominions with the Queen's permission, there to remain until God
shall dispose of her. If this were not granted I was to appeal to
all the Catholic princes, her friends and allies, for help and succour,
and especially to your Majesty and the christian King, who she
doubts not will come to her aid. Notwithstanding all my prayers
and entreaties to the queen of England for help, I have not been
able to obtain even a reply, but have been put off from day to
day, so that it is evident no help may be hoped for from her,
and I therefore humbly beg your Majesty to cast your eyes
mercifully on this noble princess, sovereign of Scotland and ihy
mistress, who for so many years has suffered such constant
persecutions for the sake of the Catholic fiith, in which she was
born and bred, and which she will hold through life in spite of all
tribulation and persecution which may befall her, from  which
resolve no mundane honours shall move her. She hopes for your
aid, countenance, and support, which I supplicate that you will not
refuse her, and with the help of God she evill soon be free and out
of this trouble.-London, 4th November 1569.
8 Nov.   155. GUERAU DE SPES to the KING.
The courier that the Marquis Chapin Vitcli and I despatched on
the 31st ultimo was stopped at Dover, and three of the packets of
letters he carried were taken away from him. He was allowed to
embark with one packet only, and the other ones therefore go by
the present bearer. I came from Colebrook to my house in order
to send off, secretly, a gentleman who had to go to the duke of
of Alba, taking ship from a Northern port, and also in secret to
see the bishop of Ross. I left the Marquis at Colebrook troubled
with the gout, after which, he being somewhat better, he went to
learn the Queen's answer, intending to come thence to London.
The answer was, as the Marquis writes to me, different from what
he expected. It was to the effect that the substitution of power
in the Marquis's favour was insufficient for the general negotiation
which these English desire, but that it covered the point of the
restitution of what had been stolen and detained. They have
therefore taken another day to consider, and I will go at once to
Colebrook the better to learn what is passing. I see that these
Englishmen have no good intention, and that they have not been
so alarmed as they ought to have- been, at the result of French
affairs. Such is the ignorance caused by this heresy which they
have so deeply implanted in their hearts. They have just sent
John Killigrew to Germany again, and three vessels left the river
two days ago, equipped by Flemish and French Protestants against




208


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1569.
the Catholics. It appears that they wish to detain the Venetian
ships and are making plans to fortify Margate and the banks of the
river. As those who are now in the Council are all of one way of
thinking there is no one to oppose them in anything.
The duke of Norfolk is in the Tower but the earl of Pembroke
is allowed to remain in his house, near here, but only permitted to
communicate with his servants. Arundel is in the College near
Windsor under guard, and the rest of them are similarly disposed
of.
The Queen has ordered the earl of Northumberland and others
from the north country to come to Court, they however, have no
intention of doing so, as they are suspicious that they might be
detained like the rest. They say they will release the queen of
Scotland and take possession of this country if your Majesty only
will favour them. They are sending a person to the duke of Alba
about it, and I have given him a short letter in cipher. I think
this will be the safest way, but your Majesty will decide for the
best.
The discourse of what has passed in the queen of Scotland's
affiirs, which has been given to me by the bishop of Ross, is
enclosed.* The Queen is now very closely kept, and desires to send
a servant of hers to the Duke in order that he may be present
when the gentlemen sent by the Catholic Lords, arrives there, but
she has no means of writing, excepting with great delay and in
cipher. She will do all she can to assure your Majesty that, both
with regard to her marriage and all else, sle will follow your
wishes.- London, 8th November 1569.
13 Nov. 156. SECRETARY ALBORNOZ to GUERAU DE SPES.
Very illustrious sir. I have received to-day two letters from
you for which I thank you. You are right in having the confidence you express in my great desire to serve you, and I can
assure you of the esteem and goodwill of the Duke towards you.
I will at once endeavour to do as you request. What I now have
to urge upon you is that you should dissemble on all those points
which seem to touch your dignity, for, even though it should be
touched, it will certainly not be with any desire to offend you, but
in the interests of the business itself. The most important point
is that you should be convinced that there is no desire to do anything to your prejudice, which really would be an attack upon
your dignity. Matters being as they are, you must firmly insist
upon smoothing them over. I beg you will take what I say in
good part, as I am only moved by my desire to serve you.
If anything untoward were to happen at this juncture it would
be attributed to you, and as your servant I again supplicate you
to put up with things, according to the times.-Brussels, 13th
November 1569.
18 Nov. 157. The KING to GUERAU DE SPES.
I have received many letters from you by land and sea, the last,
being dated 25th September, arriving here on the 5th instant. I
* Original note, "It is very long, in French and badly written. It is being translated,"




ELIZABETlH.


209


1569.
thank you for the diligence you show in reporting to me all that
happens there, but I have nothing particular to say until I know
what arrangements have been effected by Chapin Viteli and Junglo
with the Queen respecting the restitution of money and property
detained. As she gave the passport for them so willingly, it seems
that there may be some hope that she will have been brought to
do what is right, that being the course which at present will suit
us; but if she still desires to stray from it as she has hitherto done,
I shall have to consider for my part what steps should be taken.
You will in any case follow the orders that the duke of Alba will
send you in my name from time to time.
If the marriage of the duke of Norfolk with the queen of
Scotland is effected in the way, and with the objects of which you
are informed there is no doubt that it would be of great moment
and importance for the restoration of our true and ancient religion
in England, and would console the good Catholics who are at
present so oppressed. I desire these objects very warmly as you
know, but they must be very careful how they undertake the
business, for if they make a mistake they will all be ruined. You
did very well in referring them to the duke of Alba, who will
know how to advise them for the best. You will also confine
yourself to this, according to your orders, which you will not exceed.
If the matter which John Killigrew is planning in Germany
for the Queen is a question of alliances, I feel sure you will have
taken measures to find out the whole particulars, and will advise
me. I hope so, because it is a matter which may very deeply
concern my interests and those of my dominions, both spiritually
and temporally.
I also desire to have full information with regard to the state
of things in Ireland, and what forces the Catholics of the country'
have against the heretic English. I also wish to know if they
would be parties to expelling them, and what leaders the Catholics
have who could be made much of. Make every effort to investigate
this thoroughly, and report to me by first opportunity.-M-adrid,
18th November 1569.
18 Nov. 158. The KING to the DUKE OF ArLBA.
[EXTRACT.]
Your choice of Chapin Viteli and Junglo to go and treat with
the queen of England about the restitution is a good one, and it
was well to send also Thomas Fiesco to gain over the earl of
Leicester and Cecil, as these two are doubtless the principal leaders
of the dance. I have only to say that I am most anxious for the
success of the negotiation, as the matter is holding in suspense all
the trade between Spain and the Netherlands, to the great loss of
my revenue and grave damage to my subjects. It is most important that the matter should be speedily settled. If it be not
done in that way it is mnost necessary that measures should be
taken that flotillas should come and go in safety, in accordance
with the note I sent you before. Until this is done the 30 or 40
ships that the merchants of Antwerp told you they would send
will be very useful, and it was well to give them the license they


y 76467,


0




210


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1569.
requested when you were there, although, of course, the proper and
best way will be to settle with England both for the present and
the future.
Don Guerau has written me some letters via France and by sea,
but I cannot give him precise orders from here, and as you have
the whole matter in hand, you will give him instructions from
time to time as to what he is to do. As you will see by my letter
to him, I merely tell him to carry out your orders as if they were
mine.
He has given me a very long account of the plots there to
marry the duke of Norfolk with the queen of Scotland, and, if
what he says be true, that it would have the effect of raising the
Catholics and restoring our ancient and true religion, it will be of
great moment. In any case the 10,000 crowns you sent to the
queen of Scotland were well spent, and any other favour you can
fittingly send her from there also will be very appropriate in
comforting and consoling that poor princess, who so firmly and
sincerely expresses her wish to live and die in the Catholic faith.*
The other day the archbishop of Cashel in Ireland came here
with a letter from the earl of Desmond, written to me in his own
name and that of other principal Catholics there.       Two other
messengers came afterwards to him, and the substance of their
demand is that I shall help them to expel the heretic English who
wish to force their new religion upon them, and they offer to
accept as leader any person 1 may name; in short, that they will
recognize me as sovereign.     Although, on religious grounds, I
should like openly to embrace the business and help these good
men effectually, the noise the tiing would create, and the jealousy
it would arouse in France, as well as the obstacle it would present
to the carrying through of the present negotiations with the Queen,
has made me decide to entertain this Archbishop here with fair
words and money for his expenses, until I see the outcome of the
negotiations. If she (the Queen) acts as she should do about the
restitution, and will return to our old friendship and alliance, it is
evident that it will not be desirable for me to help the Irish against
her, but I might intercede for them  to prevail upon her to treat
them  well and let them    live in the liberty they have hitherto
enjoyed to practice the tenets of the holy Catholic faith. I will
try by these means to send the Archbishop back as well satisfied
as possible.  If, however, the Queen should be shameless enough
to force us to break with her, I think it would be well to seize
Ireland, as they are constantly begging me to do, and it could be
done easily with troops sent from Spain. If once she saw me in
* The King was apparently dissatisfied with this paragraph in the draft and wrote the
following in the margin against it:-" If what Don Guerau writes about the marriage of
"the duke of Norfolk and the queen of Scotland has any serious foundation, it would
"be very appropriate and for them to have the kingdom, as I believe this would mean
"the re-establishment of religion and the overthrow of the Queen. It will also prevent
a marriage in France, as they would not then be able to make the offer. It would be
necessary, however, to make sure about religion with Norfolk. You will do your
best to promote it with this object." At the bottom of this paragraph there is a note
from the King to Secretary Zayas, telling him that the above is, in substance, wbat he
wishes to say, but that it is to be put into better form.




tLIZABEITI-1.l-f~


211


1569.
possession of that island it would give her something to think
about. I wish you to consider this well, and if a settlement with
the Queen is not arrived at you will send me your opinion to help
me in my decision.-M-adrid, 18th November 1569.
20 Nov. 159. GUERAU DE SPES to the KING.
The Queen has given her decision to the Marquis Chapin Viteli,
as your Majesty will see at length by the letter in French written by
him to the Duke. Although she says that she will send her
ambassador to your Majesty in two days, it is not believed that she
will do so, so soon. It is understood that her object is to complain
of the Duke and of myself, and to await the answers from Spain, in
which much time will be consumed, and, in the meanwhile, she can
declare her will with regard to the money, which she insists upon
treating as the property of merchants. The money is now being
coined, and more than half of it, as the people in the Tower themselves say, has been spent. The Queen herself told the Marquis
that she wished the merchandise to be sold, and dismissed him after
the audience of the 17th, although he asked for time to advise the
duke of Alba, as he does by this post.
These heretics in the Council are corrupting the Queen's mind;
and as all of them, without exception, have stolen vast sums and
will rather risk any uncertain danger than restore their booty,
which they have already converted into flesh and blood, I am
sure that softness and mildness are thrown away upon them, and
will result in nothing. It makes them, on the contrary, more
boastful than ever. They think that the affair of the Moriscos is
a much greater matter than it is, and no doubt they have some
hopes from the Germans, although nothing will be done in that
quarter without plenty of money. I have advised your Majesty
that John Killigrew had been sent back, but he has stayed here for
some days seeking credits from Easterlings and others. lie will
now leave in three or four days unless they detain him in consequence of this new rising in the north. The earls of Northumberland, Westmoreland, and Cumberland, with 5,000 men and
400 horses entered the city of Durham, where, after having pulled
down the wooden table used by the heretics in the cathedra', they
had mass performed with great ceremony, and now intend to go to
York with a similar object. The earl of Sussex, the Queen's
governor in that province, has been a friend and follower of the
duke of Norfolk, but, as he is a Protestant, they had their doubts
of him. I will advise your Majesty of what may happen, but I
am afraid the ports will soon be closed.
I have on several occasions written to your Majesty as to the
goodwill of these noblemen, and I gave a letter in cipher to a
gentleman whom they were sending to the duke of Alba to ask for
aid. They would be very glad to have a reply to their requests, as
communication will soon be stopped, but I am sure the Duke will
consider the matter with his accustomed prudence, and will decide
for the best. It is certain that there never has been so good an
opportunity, either of punishing those who have so gravely and
unreasonably opposed your Majesty's interests, or of restoring the




212


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1569.
Catholic religion, in which consists the maintenance of our old
alliance and friendship with this country. Your Majesty will
please instruct me what 1 should do if the kingdom should be
plunged into civil war, and, as it is in your service, I will not
flinch from incurring dangers as great, or greater, than the past.
In the meanwhile, I will follow the orders of the duke of Alba as
your Majesty commands.
They have relieved the earl of Huntingdon from guarding the
queen of Scotland, which is a great thing gained. The letter
enclosed for your Majesty was given to me by the bishop of Ross,
but I dared not finish the superscripture. There is a gentleman
here from the queen of Scotland making ready to go to the duke
of Alba as soon as he hears that the other man, who is being sent
from those in the north, has left. Now that Huntingdon has been
relieved from his guard, the earl of Shrewsbury is not so rigorous,
and there is a better chance of releasing the Queen, and even of
much greater things being done. It is advisable that whatever is
undertaken should be with your Majesty's consent and favour,
especially the raising of the queen of Scotland, upon which the
tranquillity of these parts entirely depends. All the Catholics
seem determined to serve your Majesty, and the earl of Northumnberland says that the queen will not fail to follow your Majesty's
wishes with regard to her marriage, the Queen herself, by her
letters and the statements of the bishop of Ross, says the same.
Your Majesty will see what is most desirable for your service, zeal
for which alone moves me to write this whilst I see such marvellous
facility. I will go through any danger to serve your Majesty in
this without thinking of myself, so long as I live.
Sores, a French pirate, captured a week ago four valuable sloops
belonging to your Majesty's subjects on their way to Spain. He
hails from and resides usually at Portsmouth, and took his booty
into that port for sale.
Winter and Cook (?) are equipping five very fine ships in this
river. It is said they are to go to the Indies. They will join
three more which are being fitted out in the north, and will all sail
next month.
The Easterlings have letters saying that the new king of Sweden
has restored the Catholic religion in his country, which will be very
good news if true.
The cause of the hurried rising in the north was the enclosed
proclamation of the Queen, and also because all the Catholics were
forced to go to their (Protestant) services.
Most of the pensioners left the palace to-night, and it is believed
that they are going to join the revolted Catholics. The duke of
Norfolk is guarded closely. The earl of Pembroke has given a
thousand pounds to a favourite of the Queen, and left his two sons
as hostages, and has therefore been set at liberty. He is now at
his house, on the road to Wales, but Arundel and Lumley are
guarded as before.
We have agreed that the Marquis Chapin Viteli shall come here,
and lie writes to say that we shall be safer together.
The sloops captured by captain Sores and other French and




ELIZABETIT.


213


1569,
English pirates are four, loaded with grain. The pirates carry
thirteen sail, and when they unite with M. de Dupin, they will
have a fleet strong enough for greater things.-London, 20th
November 1569.
1 Dec.  160. GUERAU DE SPES to the DUKE OF ALBA.
I have not been able yet to get a passport for a courier to your
Excellency, so that the Marquis and I have thought well to send
Rafael Barberino, in whom he has confidence. He will only take a
line of credence and can give a verbal report to your Excellency of
all that has happened since the 20th ultimo, when the last courier
left.
The people in the north are strong and have 12,000 infantry and
3,000 horse together. They intended to go towards Tutbury to
release the queen of Scotland, but as they hear she has been conveyed to Coventry they have stopped with the intention of giving
battle to the Queen's forces, for which purpose the northern people
will gather 30,(00 men.
No movement has been made by any of their confederates, as they
are scattered, but they are consulting as to means for a rising.
The Queen has appointed as her general the earl of Warwick,
brother of Leicester, and they say they intend to raise 15,000 men
and 5,000 horse, although few horses can be got.
This city contributes, by its wards, a thousand men of a mean
sort, who will leave in two days to join the general muster in the
county of Leicester. Great efforts are being made on behalf of
the Queen to borrow money from all the merchants, particularly
foreigners. They ask Spinola for 5,0001., Velutelli for 3,0001., and
Donato for the same. All of them will have to lend something, on
the security of the city and of Thomas Gresham, who says that he
can raise five and twenty thousand pounds in this way.
The French ambassador has been here to say that if I could
help these people (i.e., the Catholics) in their just cause he would
be a faithful comrade to me on his King's behalf without jealousy
or suspicion. I excused myself by saying that I had no orders
from his Majesty on the subject.
The Marquis thinks that, if these people in the north were to
march straight here there would be nothing to withstand them,
seeing the confusion of the Court, whilst their other friends would
have greater chance than at present of moving. I will do nothing
without orders from your Excellency.
The earl of Leicester sent Velutelli to tell the Marquis that the
Queen and Council considered his stay here very suspicious, and
that he ought to leave without further delay.   The Marquis
sent a reply by his nephew, Juan Bautista de Monte, giving as his
reason for staying that he had to await a reply from your Excellency. She seemed to be tranquillised by this, but when we asked
for a passport for Barberino, the Council sent Henry Cobhamn to
tell the Marquis to leave the island immediately, to which the
Marquis gave the same reply. At last with a bad grace they have
consented to await the arrival of the courier. They have said
nothing to me yet.




214


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1569,
Not a word is said now about sending anyone to Spain. It was
nothing but a fiction from the first, and the Council only wishes to
see the Marquis gone in order that no one shall stand in the way of
the Queen's purpose. She is now so completely in accord with
them for the defence of their sect that she seems to have lost sight
of the danger of ruin, both for her and them. I expect, as soon as
the Marquis has gone, they will give me but little chance of taking
part in any affairs.
Lord Montague and the earl of Southampton have sent to ask
me for advice as to whether they should take up arms or go over to
your Excellency.
I told them  I could not advise them     until I had due
instructions to do so. I said my letters had been seized because
there were rumours about them lately, and I therefore did not
know what they ought to do.-London, 1st December 1569.
3 Dec.  161. GUERAU DE SPES to the KING.
By the duplicates enclosed, your Majesty will see all that is
happening, both in the unfavourable way in which they have dismissed the Marquis Chapin Viteli as also in the matter of the
Catholic rising in the north. I enclose a copy of their (i.e., the
Catholic) proclamation, and of that of the Queen. The Catholics
in Wales and the west have not yet followed the example of those
of the north, although it is said they are about to do so. I
received letters to-day from the duke of Alba dated the 23rd ulto.,
and although he did not know at the time what had happened
here, he must have learned a few hours afterwards, and in view of
the present opportunity and the small hopes of restitution he will
provide what he thinks most desirable in your Majesty's interests,
and will decide whether the Marquis should stay here or leave.
The thousand men from this city are beginning to leave, and the
muster in the county of Leicester will gradually be got together.
The Catholics appear to be waiting in their own country, where
they have fortified themselves on the banks of the Trent, to be
attacked by the troops from here. In the meanwhile they will see
what their friends do and what aid can be sent them.
The Queen is making some preparations in Windsor, and has
ordered some infantry to go there. They say that they are going
to convey the queen of Scotland to Kenilworth, a fortress belonging
to the earl of Leicester.  They have again sent the earl of
Huntingdon and Viscount Hereford to guard her with the earl of
Shrewsbury.
The ambassador who was said to be sent to your Majesty in
two days is quite forgotten at Court, and there are no signs of
softening in regard to the restitution.
These French and English pirates who infest the ports, since
they plundered the four sloops full of grain belonging to your
Majesty's Flemish subjects, have captured another ship, which, I
believe, came from Spain loaded with alum and spices. They have
her now in the Downs, but will not allow a man on board of her
to go ashore. They are selling the booty in the river. M. de
Dupin is ravaging the coast of Friesland. Six or seven private




ELIA BETH.


1569.
ships have left for the coast of Guinea, and thence will go to the
islands as Hawkins did. They are neither large nor well armed.
I have sent this letter by St. Jean de Luz in hopes that your
Majesty may receive it, as they would not allow another courier
to go by way of France. Henceforward I shall only be able to
send with great difficulty. Our Lord send redress for all this. It
seems now there will be the best chance of it since the apostacy
of Henry VIII. -London, 3rd December 1569.
6 Dec.  162. GUERAU DE SPES to the DUKE OF ALBA.
[EXTRACT.]
I have had great difficulty in sending information to your Excellency of occurrences here. They have sent back the courier who
was going to Calais for me and the French ambassador, although
he bore a passport. A copy of the despatch sent by him is
enclosed, which, with this letter, your Excellency may be pleased
to send to his Majesty in order that the bearer Rafael Barberino
should have fewer papers to carry, according to his passport. The
Marquis, who has every confidence in him, has had him informed
of the contents of the letters in case his packets should be taken
away from him. He can therefore inform your Excellency of the
people in the north, and assure you of the goodwill of the rest of
the Catholics and the opportunity which now presents itself to
serve God and his Majesty. Hle will say how desirable it is that
they should be helped, and, if the people in the north have not
already sent to your Excellency, how beneficial it will be if you
would send them some person experienced in warfare. The port of
Hartlepool is in their favour, and others nearer Scotland.-London,
6th December 1569.
11 Dec. 163. The DUKE OF ALBA to the KING.
On the 1st and 23rd ultimo I gave your Majesty an account of
the state of affairs in England, and send enclosed a duplicate of my
letter of 18th. Since then I have received the letters from Chapin,
in Italian and French, of which I now send copies with my
despatches in French. From the first hour that the Queen made
these seizures the unwillingness of herself and her councillors to
consent to a restitution has been evident. The tendency to oppose
your Majesty's interests had been clearly shown, even before then,
by her reception into her country of the bandits from these States,
allowing the French and English pirates to enter her ports and sell
the plunder taken from your Majesty's subjects, and by the extraordinary prctensions and claims put forward to D'Assonleville and
now to Chapin, she having gone so far as to throw doubt upon
your Majesty's own signature. Having in view the result of
Chapin's last interview with her, I have decided, after consultation
with the councillors here, to instruct him to take leave, in the
form your Majesty will see by the enclosed copy of my letter to
him. I will then have your Majesty fully informed by him of
what has passed and of such intelligence as I can gain of the
Queen's intentions, together with my opinion and that of the
Council on the whole matter, in order that your Majesty may




216


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1569.
the better decide whether to break or dissemble. The Queen,
being a greedy woman, thinks that the property and money she
holds will place her in a strong position and enable her to extort
her own terms, demanding conditions so extravagant that your
Majesty's dignity (or even that of an inferior sovereign to the
Queen) would not admit of their being accepted. This shows a
design to drag the matter out, as she says she is going to send
a person to treat with your Majesty, and that the discussion must
be commenced from the old questions pending from the conference
of Bruges which, as your Majesty will see by the enclosed despatch
in French, are nearly all in favour of the States, unless they (the
English) intend to bring forward the capitulation forced by King
Henry on to Don Philip in the year 1506, when the latter put
into an English port by reason of stress of weather.*  I send
enclosed a copy of this treaty which is called here the "bad
treaty," as its observance would mean the total ruin of these
States.
If the Queen sends a man, I think your Majesty should on no
account allow old differences to be opened up; as you will see
more fully by the French despatch, I having rejected all attempts
to re-open them in accordance with your Majesty's instructions.
Whilst the question is pending it would be well for the ports and
navigation to be open to your Majesty's subjects, and I have
written to Chapin directing him to use his efforts to attain this by
any means he thinks best, without its appearing to be done by my
orders. Your Majesty's present urgent need is better known to
you than to anyone, and here the pressure is very great. The past
wars, the moving about of the people, the cessation of trade for
the last year, the suspense of affairs in anticipation of the general
amnesty, the absence of many men and the retirement from
business of others, owing to the general want of confidence; all
these facts convince me that a rupture with England would be
very inappropriate at present, but, if the English force it upon
us, we cannot avoid it. In view of the evil intentions of the
Queen and the demonstration they have made on several occasions
of their intention to sell the property still in existence (which, in
fact, consists of wools and other things for which there is no
demarAd there, all the rest having been sold and consumed), I have
given permission, accompanied by an instruction as to their method
of proceeding, to the merchants to go and make the best arrangements they can to obtain their goods, without its being known
that they do so by my leave. This particularly refers to the
wools, which are much wanted in these States for manufacturing.
I have also told the persons interested in the money that they are
to make arrangements for the shortest periods they can for its
repayment. When this is done and navigation is reopened, your
Majesty will be in a better position to await a favourable oppor

* This refers to Philip the Handsome, who in January 1506 was on his way from
Flanders to Spain with his wife Dona Juana (Crazy Jane), and was driven by tempest
into an English port. He had an interview with Henry VII., who extorted from him
the treaty in question.




ELIZABETH.


21,7


1569.
tunity to avenge the slights put upon you by the Queen. If,
however, she will not even agree to this, her hostility will be
openly shown and your Majesty will by no means be able to
avoid seeking redress, because if she refuses to open her ports even
for refuge, it will be quite impossible for things to remain as they
are. The idea of a fleet coining and going between the States and
Spain with merchandise would be feasible enough for two or three
voyages, especially going from here, as they would start with a
favourable wind that would allow them  to stand off from the
island and, if it failed, they could return hither; but it would be
different on the return voyage from Spain, the voyage being a long
one they might be driven into an English port as an alternative to
being wrecked.-Brussels, 11th December 1569.
11 Dec. 164. The DUKE OF ALBA to the KING.
[EXTRACT.]
Since writing the enclosed I have had letters from Don Guerau
of 1st and 6th, together with a letter from Chapin in French, all of
which I send to your Majesty. The letters were brought by a
gentleman of Chapin's, who verbally confirms the contents of the
letters, that the rising in the north.of England is increasing. I
have answered the queen of Scotland's servant as your Majesty
will see by the despatch in French enclosed, and although I expect
the business will all end in smoke, I have thought best to send the
present courier in great haste, going and returning, so that your
Majesty may know what is going on and send me instructions, as,
without knowing your wishes, I will not act, even though your
Majesty refers the decision to me. I therefore beg your Majesty
to let me know speedily what I am to do.-Brussels, llth December
1569.
16 Dec. 165. The KING to the DUKE OF ALBA.
[EXTRACT.]
English affairs are going in a way that will make it necessary,
after all, to bring that Queen to do by force what she refuses to
reason. Her duty is so clear that no doubt God causes her to
ignore it in order that, by these means, His holy religion may be
restored in that country, and the Catholics arid good Christians
thus be rescued from the oppression in which they live. In case her
obstinacy and hardness of heart may continue, therefore, you will
take into your consideration the best direction to be given to this.
We think here that the best course will be to encourage with
money and secret favour the Catholics of the north, and to help
those in Ireland to take up arms against the heretics and deliver
the crown to the Queen of Scotland, to whom it belongs by succession. This course, it is presumed, would be very agreeable to the
Pope and all Christendom, and would encounter no opposition from
anyone. This is only mentioned now in or-der that you may know
what is passing in our minds here, and that, with your great
prudence and a full consideration of the state of affairs in general,
you may ponder what is best to be done. What you say is very




218


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1569.
true, that we are beginning to lose reputation by deferring so
long to provide a remedy for the great grievance done by this
woman to my subjects, friends, and allies.-Madrid, 16th December
1569.
18 Dec. 166. GUERAU DE SPES to the KING.
Although despatches sent by sea usually arrive late, yet sometimes they meet with fair weather. I therefore wiite on every
occasion.
The earls of Northumberland and Westmoreland tarry in their
own country in the north, preferring to await there the arrival of
the Queen's troops under the earl of Warwick and the Admiral.
They keep the port of Hartlepool. Their Catholic friends, from all
of whom they hold signed pledges, have made no movement yet. It
is true that they are much disturbed, and it seems that, if they can
count upon some foreign aid, they, too, will rise.
Lord Montague, and his son-in-law, the earl of Southampton,
had embarked for Flanders, but contrary winds drove them back
and they had to land. An order thereupon arrived from the Queen
and they did not refuse to go to Court in order to clear themselves,
which Montague having done, he received the governorship of the
county of Sussex, but he was able to send George Hamberton, a
kinsman of the duchess of Feria, to the duke of Alba to assure him
of his good intentions and of the sympathy of many nobles and
others here.
The troops collected by this Queen amount to some 7,000 men
and 2,000 horses, miserable fellows, and the contingent from this
city, 2,000 men, has nearly all returned, slashing and cudgelling
Captain Leighton, one of the leaders, who has come back to Court
badly wounded to complain of his own soldiers. He was the man
that was sent to receive the Marquis Chapin Viteli at Dover.
On the 9th instant, the duke of Alba's despatch of the 3rd was
received, and in accordance with his orders, measures will be taken
for the interested parties themselves to arrange with the Queen as
best they can about the money and goods detained. She has been
approached also by the Marquis to know what course will be
pursued towards your Majesty's ships, and those of your subjects,
with regard to trade in her ports. She promised a reply on the
point, and the Marquis is staying for it, although, seeing the
composition of the Council, it is not expected to be a good one.
Nothing is said about the ambassador who was to be sent
to your Majesty. The Councillors think only of afflicting the
Catholics, who are being taken to prison in great troops, where
they are made to take part in the heretical suppers, to the great
sorrow of beholders. The French and English pirates have taken
the Venetian ship " Justiniana" on her way from Spain, which,
with her cargo, is valued at 130,000 crowns.  The pirates hoisted
the Queen's standard and pretended to be her officers. The Italian
merchants here have begged for the restoration of the vessel, but,
up to the present, they get nothing but fair words.
The count of Mansfeldt has arrived here, brother of Count
Volrad, who is in France. He comes from there on his way to




ELIZABETH.


219


1569.
Germany, and has been well received. He is accompanied by
M. de Lumbres, a native of Artois, one of the Flemish exiles, who
comes nominally as an ambassador from the duchess of Vendome.
They requet more money to bring further German aid into
France.
The Marquis and I sent a man to the duke of Alba lately to
represent to him the opportunity now presented here for serving
God 'and your Majesty, and we await his reply. They are very
anxious here for the success of the Moriscos, and of any other sect,
so that it be not.Catholic.-London, 18th December 1569.
19 Dec.  167. CHAPIN VITELI to the DUKE OF ALBA.
I had decided to despatch the present courier with an account
of what passed at the audience granted to me by the Queen on
Thursday last, but as on the following day Her Majesty requested
that I should again see her on the 18th, yesterday, I thought best
to detain the bearer until to-day, in order to give your Excellency
a full and later report. When I arrived at the Court I was
received by the Lord Keeper, Chancellor, the marquis of Northampton, the earl of Leicester, and Secretary Cecil on behalf of the
Queen. They, having seated themselves on one side, and we on
the other, the Secretary began briefly to sum up in artfully chosen
words what had passed in my last discussion with the Queen, and
concluded by signifying that he had her orders to ascertain more
clearly what my intentions were before I again had audience of Her
Majesty. When I understood the course he wished to take I
decided to state in detail what my intentions were, and told him
that, when I was taking leave of the Queen, in my last audience, I
spoke, amongst other things, of the Corsairs and their robberies, as
I thought on my return home, I might be asked what was going
to be done in the matter for the future. I had, therefore, out of
curiosity and of my own motion, broached the subject, and the Queen
had listened to me and admitted that it was a reasonable thing
that navigation, which had so long been interrupted, should be
reinstated into its former condition, signifying her intention to
reinstate it, if the King would do the same for her subjects. The
Queen having entered upon the subject of the security to be given
to her subjects I almost casually, and in the way of conversation
suggested means by which this might be done, and Her Majesty
decided to take a few days to consider the matter, after which she
promised to let me know her decision.  As she had yesterday
requested me to come there, I had nothing to say or do but to
present myself before the Queen, and hear what her decision was,
in order that, on my return home, I might know what to say if I
were asked about the matter.
After the Secretary had communicated my answer in English to
the other councillors, he said that the Queen was determined to
accept no assurance but that which came direct from the King,
and that the welfare of her subjects absolutely forbade her to be
content with any other. He said that a power necessary for the
purpose and for the settlement of old pending questions as well,
might be obtained by way of France in a month, and repeated that




220


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1569.
the Queen desired nothing more than that some such arrangement
might be come to, and her friendship with the King perpetuated.
I replied emphatically setting forth the fulness of the powers
granted to me by your Excellency, and pointed out how great had
been the injury to subjects caused by the cessation of commerce for
so many months and assured him (Cecil) that a new general power
could not arrive from Spain in less than two months, and even
after that, some months must necessarily pass before all the old
pending questions could be settled.  Notwithstanding this and
many other reasons which I adduced, the Councillors remained firm
in their decision that no arrangement could be made until a new
general power arrived from Spain when, they said, the Queen
would be glad to give all possible satisfaction. They said, moreover, that if the goods and merchandise detained were deteriorated,
or any were missing, it was entirely the fault of the resident
ambassador, who had always refused to allow anything to be done,
and they protested that, in case any further deterioration should
occur, the Queen and Council would be free from blame, by which
I conclude that Thomas Fiesco's business is ended.
The councillors thereupon went to give an account of the
conference to the Queen, who shortly afterwards summoned me to
her presence and repeated briefly the substance of the previous
conversation. I tlen asked for her decision, which she prefaced
by a declaration of the reasons that had moved her to send her
Councillors to me before she gave me audience; saying that, as
her answer was to be a negative one, she thought it had better
come from the mouths of others than from her own. She expressed
great sorrow that I should have such insufficient powers, as it would
have been a great consolation bor her to have settled the matter
with me, but the only thing to be done was to await the arrival of
more ample powers from    Spain.  I took the opportunity of
replying on various points, and, amongst others, on the sufficiency
of my powers, which I said were founded on letters written by her
to the King, as I said she would see by the copies of the letters
themselves which I thus forced her to read in open audience. I
saw, however, that she was only dwelling on subsiduary points,
and it was a waste of time to proceed any further, and therefore,
to avoid any loss of dignity, dexterously brought her back again
to the nerve of the business, getting her to promise publicly that
when the general power arrived from Spain, she would re-instate
navigation before she began the discussion of other matters.
When I took leave, she again repeated the answer clearly, and,
in accordance with your Excellency's instruction, I, as if of my
own accord, gave her some hints which I do not think she will
forget very easily. I said that as, on my departure, no one else
would be here to represent the King she should be good enough to
receive the ordinary ambassador, and that, even if she thought she
liad reason to be offended with him, she ought not to be so ready to
listen t his detractors, but should at least hear him in his own
justification. She replied that she was determined not to receive
him on his own account or on the matter of the merchants, but if
he brought letters from the King, she would not fail to listen to




ELIZABETH.


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1569.
him. This brought the audience to a close, and I have tried to
strictly follow your Excellency's instructions in my proceedings.
M. Junglo will also give an account.
I am now leaving this Colebrook Tower and shall arrive in
London to-morrow morning. I shall then start on my return, in
order to give your Excellency a verbal account of my mission. A
Queen's ship will escort me across.-Colebrook, 19th December
1569.
20 Dec. 168. QUEEN ELIZABETH to PHILIP II.
Latin.    Your Serenity's letter of 20th July by the Marquis de Cetona
(Chapin Viteli) came to hand in October, and we learn by it
that our letter of January last, with the statement of what had
passed between us and the duke of Alba, had been received by you.
Your Serenity writes that you are much surprised that, notwithstaniding your always having shown yourself so good a brother to
us, I should have allowed myself to be persuaded by my ministers
to take a course so much opposed to our reciprocal friendship.
You say you are even more astonished that, against the custom of
friendly princes which we have alwa3 s scrupulously observed, we
should have refused to receive the person sent to us by the duke
of Alba, under the pretext that we would only treat with one who
brought a letter from your Serenity, and that, moreover, we had
excluded from our presence the ordinary ambassador from your
Serenity. To this letter I wish to reply that there is nothing in
the world we have desired more than to preserve our fiiendship in
every way, both personally with you and with your subjects. This
having been always my firm desire and intention, such was the
inconsiderate inhumanity, or rather temerity, of your ambassador
here and the cruel vexation that the duke of Alba, without any
just cause, inflicted on our subjects in the Netherlands, and so great
the injuries done to them in the other dominions of your Serenity,
that we feel sure, knowing your natural goodness and justice, if
you had well understood the whole business, as you might have
done by our statement of January last, and by the account of the
discussion between our councillors and the duke of Alba, that you
would not only have absolved us from doing anything against our
friendship, but would have praised our constancy in maintaining
it, after having been provoked by so many injuries, although we
refrained from exercising any cruelty towards your subjects. We
should certainly have been much pleased if you had sent a man
more fitting for the maintenance of peace and amity than the
ambassador who has succeeded Diego Guzman de Silva, who was
always a good minister desirous of preserving harmony between us,
which was proved by the calm and quiet which reigned whilst he
was here. When the illustrious Marquis de Cetona arrived, sent
by the duke of Alba in virtue of powers conceded by your
Serenity, we were in hope that you would have recognised our
causes of complaint and that the Marquis would have brought full
and ample powers to settle all questions and put an end to our
differences, which would have been the means of restoring our old
friendship and the reciprocal commerce carried on by our subjects,




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SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1669.
With this hope, strengthened by the good accounts we had received
of the Marquis' prudence and high standing, we admitted him willingly to our presence, but the result was a disappointment to us,
as we believe it was to him. We instructed certain of our principal
councillors to verify his powers and discuss the business, and they
found that the only power he brought from your Serenity was to
demand a certain sum of money and certain merchandise which
were being detained in our realm; the reason of the detention
being first to protect the property from being plundered by certain
foreigners, and secondly for other gool and sufficient reasons. Our
councillors represented this fact to the Marquis and pointed out to
him how limited his powers were, asking him whether he understood that they went beyond the demand for such monies and
merchandise, seeing that I had made so many grave complaints
and claims, and demanded redress on behalf of my subjects, whereupon he replied frequently (in accord with the two persons who
were associated with him by the duke of Alba) that he had no
other power and did not understand that his mission extended
beyond treating of the detention of the money and goods. Seeing,
therefore, that the hope we had entertained from his coming was
frustrated, and being grieved that more care and foresight had not
been employed in drawing up the power sent to the duke of Alba
and transferred by him to the Marquis, contrary to custom, we
have been forced to defer the agreement upon the paint, as there
are many complaints outstanding on the part of ourselves and our
subjects which could not be resolved, owing to the insufficiency of
the Marquis' powers. We requested the Marquis to advise the
luke of Alba of this as soon as possible in the hope that he would
endeavour to obtain fresh powers in more ample form. We gave
this reply in the middle of last November, less than a week after
we first saw the Marquis, and it appears that he sent a messenger
to the duke of Alba, as, in the middle of December, he told us that
the Duke had replied that, at the present time, a more ample power
could not be sent; whereupon the Marquis requested leave to
return home, which we gave him. When he was leaving, he spoke
to us privately as to whether we would give licerce for all ships
belonging to your Serenity to enter and leave our ports without
hindrance. We would very willingly give this licence if we could
be convinced by your Serenity's powers that the same course
would be pursued towards us in your dominions. But, as we
learnt that the Marquis had no power to assure us on this point we
told him to despatch a courier to your Serenity (which courier could
be back again here in about thirty days, by way of France) in order
that he might bring him full powers from you, not only to settle
the arrangement about the ships, but all other questions and
grievances between us. We think well also to say in writing what
we have said to him verbally, namely, that he appears to be a person
of so much talent, nobleness, and prudence, to judge by the manner
in which he commenced the discussion of the affair, that we have
every hope that, if sufficient powers are granted him, lie will soon
settle the differences now existing between us and our subjects on
both sides; which I greatly desire, as I see how advantageous it




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1569.
will be to us and to our subjects' welfare. Although you have
been told differently, we can assure you that none of our ministers
have endeavoured to dissuade us from this course, but that they,
on the contrary, are as anxious to do right as any minister of your
own can be, however intimate he may be with you personally. But
we are extending this letter to an unusual length and beg you to
excuse us f;r this, as we, having no ambassador near you, are
desirous of declaring the matter clearly to you which can only be
done in detail.-Windsor Castle, 20th December 1569.
20 Dec.  169. GUERAU DE SPES to the KING.
The day before yesterday the Marquis Chapin Viteli had his last
audience without any successful result, either as regards the former
proposals or as to the security of the ships, which he dealt with on
present occasion. All points were left open until your Majesty
should send another fuller power, or the Queen should write to
your Majesty as she lad promised to do in previous audiences.
She said that, when the full power came from your Majesty, the
first point she would deal with would be regarding this security of
the ships, and it appears that Cecil indicated, as the Marquis
understood, that the Queen would send to the Marquis the letter for
your Majesty, in answer to the one brought by him fromn you. The
Marquis comes to-day to my liouse, and will leave at once, as it is
important that he should inform the Duke of the hopes of these
people, of the malignity of the councillors, of the particulars of the
present movements, and of what may be looked forward to for the
future. The Queen said that before I could negotiate with her she
would await a letter from your Majesty to that efftct, as she had
said before.-London, 20th December 1.569.
24 Dec.  170. GUERAU DE SPES to the KING.
Since writing on the 20th instant, through the duke of Alba, I have
received to-day letters from him of the 13th, setting forth certain
reasons to induce the Queen to restore what has been taken, and to
prove to her how unreasonable it is to request a general treaty;
but as she has given already a definite reply upon this point, the
Marquis and I await the Duke's reply to our last letters.
The rising in the north is growing, and Lord Hunsdon, who went
to York, has returned, as the whole country is up as far south as
Doncaster. This Queen has sent the Admiral to Lincoln, and Ralph
Sadler of the Council goes with him to offler pardon to the people
who have risen.
The Queen is making ready some infantry, and is equipping
three ships, as well as having given orders for the fitting out of
seven more. It is feared that Wales will also rise, but the roads
are so strictly guarded that trustworthy news of what is happening
is difficult to get.
The gentlemnan that the queen of Scotland is sending to the
duke of Alba has left in the disguise of a servant to an
Englishman.
Killigrew, who was prepared to leave for Germany, and had already
many letters of credit, has been ordered to stay. I send this by




224                         SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1569.
way of France so that your Majesty may receive news by various
roads.-London, 24th December 1569.
26 Dec.   171. The KING to GUERAU DE SPES.
On the 21st ultimo, your letters of 27th and 30th September,
8th, 14th, and 24th October. and 11th instant were received together.
By them I see, and also by Chapin Viteli's letter to the Duke, what
had passed with the Queen and her ministers, and as it is clear
that their object has only been to gain time by vain generalities,
and to avoid coming to the point, I have no more at present to
say on the subject, excepting that I an sure that you will have
done what you could towards the settlement of these questions.
You will in all things, and at all times, follow the instructions of
the duke of Alba, as you have been told before.
I am much annoyed at the imprisonment of the duke of Norfolk,
the earls of Arundel and Pembroke, and Lord Lumley, because as
there are several of them and they will certainly be closely pressed,
they will be sure to reveal the object which they had in view as to
the marriage of the Queen of Scotland, and the whole business will
fail, and even probably, their own safety be endangered. As to the
offer made to you by the other earls, their friends, to set them at
liberty, and release the queen of Scotland, restoring what has been
stolen and re-establishing the Catholic religion in the country;
however good their intention may be, we doubt their daring to
undertake the enterprise, or that they can succeed in it if they do.
It was, therefore, well for you not to open out with them or make
them any promises, but to refer them to the Duke, who will have
thoroughly examined the matter and sent a fit reply. You will
proceed in future in the same way, as this is a matter that requires
great consideration and foresight, particularly as you have to deal
with Englishmen, who are naturally suspicious, and especially at
such a time as this.
Antonio Fogaza has arrived in Portugal, and has commenced
negotiations with Don Fernando Carrilo, my ambassador, on the
matter entrusted to him by the Catholics of the north, but he has
not yet openly declared himself yet as to their objects. If these turn
out to be well founded and with any hopes of success, I will not
fail to help them as much as I can, and in due time information
will be given to you as to my decision.
I have decided to go to Cordoba, to hold a Cortes of Castile, and
also to push on matters in the kingdom of Granada, so as to end,
as promptly as possible, the rising of the Moriscos. I have never
yet been in that province, which is another reason for my going.
You will watch closely the doings of John Killigrew, as it is
important to know the result of his journeys to Germany. You
will advise me and the Duke of the same with your wonted care.and diligence.
News has arrived in Seville of Hawkins having passed Cape St.
Vincent with twenty-two vessels, although there is no certainty
about it. It will be well for you to discover what truth there is il
this, and in all similar cases to advise me so that redress may be
provided.-Madrid, 26th December 1569.




ELIZABETH.


225


1i570.
9 Jan.  172. GUERAU DE SPES to the KING.
On the 4th instant I received your Majesty's letter of the 18th
November, written in answer to mine up to the 21st of September.
Shortly afterwards your Majesty will have received many of my
letters reporting the imprisonment of the duke of Norfolk, and the
unfavourable issue of affairs, resulting in much injury to many
persons. His great friends, the Catholic earls of Northumberland
and Westmoreland, had been conspicuous in encouraging him not
to return to Court, but to take up arms, and, as the Queen 'already
bore them no great good will, they were summoned on many occasions
to appear before her. They excused themselves and delayed in
various ways, and, in the meanwhile, raised the Catholics with the
help of their friends, intending to restore the Catholic religion and
reform the Government. The Queen lost no time in ordering their
arrest, and Westmoreland, being surrounded in a castle by the
royal officers, Northumberland went with a larger force to relieve
him. Thereupon all the people of the northern province began to
rise, and they published their intention by the proclamation which
I sent your Majesty, thinking by this means to raise the other
Catholics, many of whom had already pledged their words. No
movement, however, was made to aid them, and less still when
their second proclamation was published announcing their intention
to free the duke of Norfolk and the other imprisoned lords. The
Queen mustered her army promptly, and, on their approach,
although Westmoreland wished to fight, the other earl and many
gentlemen, seeing their troops were few and badly armed, and that
they were without artillery, decided to take refuge in Scotland.
Northumberland went to the house of Lord Hume, and the other to
that of the earl of Argyle. It is thought that, as these noblemen
are powerful and friendly to the earls, they will not deliver them up
to the Queen, who is pressing the Regent with great urgency to
capture them, and hand them over, offering him, it is said, in return,
his sister the Queen. The Regent, by order of this Queen, came to
the border of Scotland with three thousand men and six hundred
horse, to forward matters, but as he is a Scotsman, they are not
without fear of him, and have reinforced the castle of Berwick and
other border fortresses. The Catholics are somewhat ashamed that
their enterprises should have turned out so vain. The earl of
Warwick is ordered to return, and Sussex remains there in
command.
If the duke of Norfolk had been kept informed, or these earls
could have stood firmly, it would have gone badly with the Queen,
as the people of Norfolk and Suffolk were preparing to rise and
come in force to London to liberate the Duke, having made an
uncle of his their captain, though against his will. But the conspiracy was revealed by two of them, and many there are now being
arrested. If they had been able to join with the northern people
they might have succeeded. All these enterprises are lost by bad
guidance, and although they are undertaken with impetus, they
are not carried through with constancy.
Irish affairs have been going badly for the Queen this summer,
y 76467.                                                   P




226


SPANISii SPAtE PAPEiS.


1570.
The brothers of the earl of Ormond, a son of John O'Neil, and
many others, had disturbed the greater part of the island and
taken many places which were under the Queen's rule. The pretended cause of the rising was the bad government of the country,
in which they include the question of religion. On the arrival of
the earl of Ormond there, who had been sent by this Queen, his
brothers decided to submit to the Viceroy on certain conditions,
and one of them remained a prisoner, with the expectation of a
prompt release. As soon as he obtained more freedom the other
Catholic brother went forth again with his followers and is now
rai-ing his friends in revolt. Thomas Stukeley, of whom I have
written to your Majesty, had sent word to me that he wished to
serve your Majesty, and would be a party to delivering the island
to you, but he was arrested witlh many others by the Viceroy on
suspicion, and was subsequently liberated.  He served in the
German wars under the Emperor, and, 1 believe, under your Majesty
afterwards. He is a Catholic of high position in the island, and
sent a Venetian merchant resident there to me in order to arrange,
through a nephew of his, to whom   he gave a cipher, to lealrr
whether your Majesty would accept his services in such an enterprise. This is also pressed upon me by lette s from the archbishop
of Armagh in prison, who knows nothing of Stukeley. He considers it a very easy thing, but as the duke of Alba prudently gave
me orders to leave all such negotiations for the present, I have
not proceeded further in it, and as the arrival of the earl of
Orniend caused a suspension of the disturbances, there has been
nothing fiesl to report upon the subject. The said Earl is expected
here, it is said, to complain of the Viceroy. The Catholics are very
numerou-; there, and heresy is weak except in Dublin and the
fortified places.
They have returned the queen of Scotland to Tutbury uniler the
guard of the earl of Shrewsbury, and some Englishmen say that
the duke of Anjou wanted to marry her, which your Majtsly
knows letter than anyone might be inconvenient.
The French ambassador has promised to favour the earls of the
north, and tells me that the King will shortly send a special ambassador to cd(mand the release of the queen of Scotland, and who
will then proceed to Scotland to try to arrange favourable terms
for her w ith the Regent.
A French slip recently arrived at Colchester, and her crew have
been arrested on the charge that they were sounding the port and
reconnoitring the coast by order of the king of France and the
duke of Alba. It was said by a sailor in joke, but the greater part
of the crew have been brought to London for it.
The queen of Scotland has written me a letter asking me to try
to carry into effect your Majesty's instructions to me of the 12th
of January last year, and deliver to the queen of England the letter
which your Majesty wrote regarding her release. I replied that I
would willingly do it when I could.
John Killigrew has been twice to Germany since I have been
here.  His principal negotiations are with the elector Count?palatine, although he has seen all of the other electors. 1;e i




kELIZA'IRETHlt.


227


1570.
accompanied by Dr. Christopher Mundt, an EllglislimLn r. sildnt in
Germany, of whom I wrote to your Majesty on the 24th August.
He is a medical man, and lives in Strasburg. Out of the money
obtained for the goods in Hamburg, the portion which the Queen
desired for the purpose of aiding the Duke de Deuxponts to enter
France was paid there.   It is understood that Killigrew's last
return was in consequence of an offer made by the Duke Hans
Casimir that, if this Queen would give him    a large sum  of
money paid in cash down, he would enter France, which offer
they decided here to accept; but when Killigrew was ready to
go, he was ordered to remain, in consequence of the rising of the
north.
A Secretary of the Council informs me that they have engaged in
Germany 6,000 foot and 10,000 (?) horse in case they should l e
required here. The Secretary says that this league of Princes is, up
to the present, only defensive, and there is no talk in the Council
of openly offending the Netherlands States, but only to harass them
with the pirates.  It was certainly very extraordinary for the
Queen, after she had promised so decidedly not to allow M. De
Dupin to leave, to subsequently give him liberty to do so with
full warlike equipment for land and sea, with the apparent intention of fortifying himself in the isle of Texel, or in the gulf of
Embden, as he attempted to do. The said Secretary also assures
me that there is no agreement with their friends in Germany t9
invade your Majesty's dominions.
They have given the post of Controller to James Crofts, a very
honourable Welsh gentlemen, who received a pension from your
Majesty, and is believed to be a Catholic. He will be a member of
the Council in virtue of his office. He sends to say that in whatever thing he can honestly serve your Majesty he will do so.
They have chosen him for the office because he understands mo e
than the others of warlike affairs, and because the earl of Pembroke
urged it greatly, not much to Cecil's satisfaction.
The bishop of Ross has just sent me copy of a letter from  the
queen (of Scotland) advising him that the earl of Westmor-land had
arrived at her castle of Dumbarton, in Scot'and, where he will
be safe, and that the earl of Northumberland is a prisoner of the
Regent on parole, but will not be given up to this Queen.
She also says that the earl of Huntingdon hlas informed her
that, if she will marry the earl of Leicester, arrangements shail
be made for her release, to which she has replied that she will
not have anything to say about her marriage with anyone until
she is free.
She affirms that Huntingdon assures her that this Queen has
offers from many people in the Netherlands to the effect that, if she
will send 10,000 men, they will all rise and murder the Spaniards.
It may be brag and yet be true.
The Corsairs have left this coast, taking with them the Venetian
ship. They have also captured three Easterling sloops on their
voyage from Flanders to Spain.
The negotiations being carried on by Thomas Fiesco and the
parties interested, as regards the rescue of the merchandize here
P 2




228


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1570.
that remains, which is a very small portion, have not yet resulted
in any decision, and the same may be said with regard to the
money and the attempt to settle some form of carrying on trade;
but as it is a matter of great profit to the English, I think they
will come to some agreement, at all events partially.-London,
9th January 1570.
14 Jan.  173. GUERAU DE SPES to the KING.
Since my long letter of the 9th, iews has arrived that the pirates
have captured another Venetian ship called the "Vergi," of a
thousand tons burden, which left here with a cargo of kerseys
worth a hundred thousand crowns, as well as much lead, tin, or
pewter, and I have taken this opportunity of reporting it to your
Majesty by a ship leaving for St. Jean de Luz. It is feared that
they will capture the other two Venetian vessels, which are valuable
and ready to sail, although they are trying to get an escort of two
of the Queen's ships for them.
Nothing more is known of the Earls and gentlemen who escaped
to Scotland. Leicester has received 15 days leave to go to his
estates, and it is suspected that he wishes to make some arrangement with the queen of Scotland, who is there. I believe I shall
know what is done and will immediately report to your Majesty.
A secretary of the Count Palatine has arrived here, and l)as had
secret audience of the Queen, it is believed for the purpose of
seeking aid for the Duke Hans Casimir to enter France, but they
lave not yet decided to give it him. Count Charles Mansfeldt,
brother of Volrad is here, and presumes to say that as soon as the
western sea is navigable he will go home that way, and will, with
the prince of Orange, again enter France to aid Admiral Chatillon.
It seems, however, that they are not vapouting against the States
of Flanders, but only against the Christian King.
According to the duke of Alba's orders I am dissembling about
the rescue of the merchandise, and Cecil and Leicester are both
favourably inclined by reason of the presents they hope to get for
it, although the English merchants somewhat hinder the matter by
their complaints that the cloths siezed in Antwerp have been sold
and delivered by order of the duke of Alba.-London, 14th January
1570.
18 Jan.  174. GUERAU DE SPES to the KING.
I wrote at length in previous letters, and am now hourly awaiting
the return of the courier sent on the 9th, bringing me the duke ot
Alba's instructions. Diego Pardo, one of the merchants here who
are dealing for the ransom of the merchandise, leaves with this
letter to consult with the Duke on certain difficulties that have
arisen in the exchange or ransom, in consequence of their having
heard here that the cloths belonging to the English have been sold
or consigned to certain merchants in Antwerp. Pardo will return
when he learns what truth there is in this, and obtains the Duke's
instructions.
As the Queen is about to leave for Hampton Court? and Leicester




ELIZA BETtt.


229


1670.
has not returned from his journey, there is little to add in this
letter.
The Queen has sent urging the Regent to make great efforts
to capture the earl of Westmoreland and the other gentlemen who
escaped with him, offering very good rewards for them. It is
understood that all the Scotch nobles are determined that Northumberland shall not be delivered, and that the rest of the fugitives
shall not be pursued.
Henry, the brother of the earl of Northumberland, who, with
the son of Secretary Cecil, married two sisters, daughters of Lord
Latimer, has been strongly opposed to his brother in this business.
He has come to Court and has been very well received. He begs
the favour of being allowed to take charge of the two sons of his
brother, which has been granted, and it is believed that he will be
well rewarded.
The bishop of Ross informs me that most of the principal
Catholics in this country have sent him word not to desist from
his first intention, for that as soon as they learn that they will
have the help of foreign princes, and a good arrangement is made
for help to reach them, they will all rise in a day and persevere
until this country is again Catholic, and the succession is assured
to the queen of Scotland.
The Bishop also tells me that the Catholics here wish that his
Holiness would publish a Bull in some place whence its purport
would reach here, absolving them from the oath of allegiance they
have taken to this Queen, as she is not a Catlolic and calls herself
head of this Church. This, they think, would be desirable, and
would add prestige to their claims.
It would have the same effect in Ireland, where, I am informed
by the archbishop of Armagh, the English entered by virtue of a
grant given by a Pope to Henry II. of England, and that the
conditions of this grant instead of being fulfilled are entirely
violated.
The queen of England, although she will not declare a successor,
is bringing up with much more state than formerly the two
children of Hertford and Catharine. Cecil even proposed lately to
call the eldest the duke of Somerset, which has not yet been
decided upon.
The earl of Huntingdon is greatly damaged by having no
children, and but little following, whilst Lady Margaret, who
deserves every good thing, has less still. Lord Strange is another
claimant for the succession. He is the heir to the earl of Derby, and
his claim is founded on that of his wife, from whom he is separated,
although he has children. He is therefore a Protestant against the
wish of his father and brothers, and is a man of small personal
worth.
The nephews of Cardinal Pole are thought very little of, and the
rest of the people turn their eyes to the queen of Scotland,
although the heretics fear from her a change of religion, which
makes many of them her opponents, or at least very lukewarm
friends.
A captain has arrived from Ireland, bringing news that the




230


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1570,
Viceroy had subjugated all that part of the island towards the
south, and had sentenced to death three or four gentlemen, many
more being kept prisoners, although they were persons of small
account. He requests more troops and money to go against the
west and south, which are both in revolt. The brother of the
earl of Ormond is still in prison, and the other brother is with
the enemy.
I advised your Majesty of the arrival here of a secretary of the
Palatine in search of money. The Queen would only give him
30,000 crowns, which he thinks very little, although many of the
Council advocate his having more, and even the Vidame de
Chartres, who is here, produced recent letters from the Palatine,
asking him to solicit a large sum of money, as he could not hope to
enter France with a small amount.
A servant of the duchess of Vendome arrived here two days ago,
it is thought on the same errand.
It is true that the capture of the two Venetian ships may be of
great advantage to the Protestants, the vessels having already
arrived in Rochelle. The Venetian consul here has a letter from
this Queen to the duchess of Vendo6me, pressing her very urgently
to get these ships returned, but I expect it is all double dealing.
Great fear is entertained for the other three ships. The pirates
carried into Rochelle with the two Venetians four Easterling sloops.
The Council have not yet given any reply to Thomas Fiesco
about the re-opening of trade, nor is there much hope that they
will give a favourable one.
Two ship:s have arrived from Cape Arguim in the kingdom of
Fez, loaded with sugar, and the King of the country writes to the
Queen tht he had arranged the dispute that he had with some
English merchants, and had assured them  of safety for their
dealings. English ships will, therefore, shortly sail thither. They
usually carry large quantities of arms in exchange for merchandise.London, 18th January 1570.
22 Jan.  175. The KING to GUERAU DE SPES.
Your various letters have been received by which, and by Chapin
Viteli's letter to the Duke, I have been informed of the progress of
events and negotiations up to the Gth of December last. As I am
sending my will and determination on all points to the Duke, it will
not be necessary for me to give you any particulars here, excepting
to enjoin you to scrupulously follow the Duke's instructions. It
will hardly be necessary to urge upon you to give us the most
detailed account of what happens as often as possible, as you already
do so to our satisfaction.
A letter from the bishop of Ross accompanies yours of 4th
November. I was glad to learn that the queen of Scotland was
firm and in good heart. The answer to the letter is not sent as it
could not go in cipher, but you may tell him, if he be still there, to
assure the Queen that I desire, and will try, to secure her release
and happiness as much as if she were my own sister, as she will
already have been assured from the duke of Alba and yourself.Talavera, 22nd January 1570.




ELIZABETII.


231


1570.
23 Jan.  176. GUERAU DE SPES to the KING.
M. de Monluc sent by the King of France, as the ambassador had
already told me, arrived here to-day. He comes to beg the Queen
not to favour the French rebels as he did not help the English ones;
and also to request the release of the queen of Scotland. I am to
see the two ambassadors to-morrow, and I will report to your
Majesty what I hear. With the same object the bishop of Ross
has seen me with a letter of credence from his mistress to ask me
to write to your Majesty begging you to send a gentleman to this
Queen to intercede for the queen of Scotland, since I had no
authority to explain yet your Majesty's wishes nor to give a letter
on the subject. He also requested troops from your Majesty to
deprive the Regent of the Government, in which the king of France
would help. In answer to both of these requests I told him that there
would be difficulties in the way, seeing the present state of affairs,
but that I would write. It certainly appears a most desirable thing
to depose the Regent, but it would be better that it should be done
by native enemies, and the Bishop thinks there are good means of
effecting it.  Your Majesty will order what is best for your
service.
The Council is determined not to let the queen of Scotland go for
any exchange, and I do not believe they will do so at the intercession
of anybody.   They offer money to the Regent for the earl of
Northumberland, and the former, finding the nobles of the province
opposed to the delivery of hiln, is taking measures to capture him
by force, by means of some armed ships which will approach the
castle. Westmoreland and the others are free.
Cardinal Chatillon went to Hampton Court two days ago. He is
very pressing that the Queen should give a sum of money to Hans
Casimir and the prince of Orange to enter France, but she, on the
plea that she is short of money, does not yet offer more than fifty
thousand crowns.
It is said here that Orange went to Heidelburg to forward this
project, and thence went post to negotiate on the subject with duke
August. On the other hand, there are hopes that an agreement may
be come to in France, of which their ambassador is very
sanguine.
They have commenced the sale in Rochelle of the Venetian
property, so I suppose the letter fiom this Queen to the duchess of
Vendome asking for the return of the ships, arrived there too late.
The third ship escaped the Corsairs, thanks to its cannon.-London,
23rd January 1570.
30 Jan.  177. GUERAU DE SPES to the KING.
On the 23rd instant, Hamilton, a kinsman of the duke of Chatelherault, who is a prisoner in Scotland, knowing that the Regent was
leaving Edinburgh with one hundred and fifty h,!rse and that he
had to go through a narrow pass, stationed himself in a house
convenient for the purpose and fired upon him with a harquebuss,
loaded with several balls, and wounded him in the stomach. It
was at first thought that the.wound might not be mortal, but




232


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1570.
according to the news this Queen has received, the Regent has since
died. Hamilton escaped by a back door of the house, where he had
horses in waiting. This Queen was much grieved, and yesterday
broke forth in great exclamations, saying that this would be the
beginning of her ruin.  She has sent a gentleman thither to
endeavour to get the Protestants and other enemies of the queen of
Sco land to select persons of their own faction as governors, and
offers to provide a sum of money, if it be necessary, for them to
defend themselves. Westmoreland, Markinfield and other Englishmen to the number of 600 horse are free in Scotland, only Northumberland having been taken, in consequence of his having returned
to fetch his wife who had entered Scotland after him. He is now
in the castle of Lochleven, as I have already written.
As this news is of the greatest importance, and may turn out for the
good of Christendom, knowing that I should not be able to obtain
a passport as soon as I wished, I send this despatch by a boat to the
duke of Alba, that he may give me instructions.
They have sentenced a hundred and fifty persons to death in the
north, but none of them persons of any account; they are pursuing
Leonard Dacre who is a powerful person there, although he did not
take up arms against the Queen. He is guarded by a troop of
horse, and it is believed will pass over the border. There are
means by which the queen of Scotland may be released, and her
wish has always been to take refuge in your Majesty's dominions.
If Scotland is not pacified with this last event, I expect she will
persevere in that intention which it appears might be fertile of
good results for your Majesty's interests.
This Queen has offered Hans Casimir and the prince of Orange
fifty thousand crowns for troops with which to enter France, and
the Council is trying to devise means to get her to give more without
prejudicing herself. Cardinal Chatillon himself has been round the
French Protestant churches lately to ask for aid, and has received
promises of so much from each. I also understand that certain
Flernings allege that large sums for the purpose will be secretly
sent from Flanders. The Cardinal took with him when he went on
his errand, a letter, which he said was from the prince of Orange
himself, assuring the return of what they now gave, as well as their
former contributions as soon as he had received two payments in
the Netherlands. I am trying to discover who are those in Flanders
that will give such help as they say.
The Cardinal is well guarded here, the Corsairs being sixteen sail
strong and well equipped, divided into two equal squadrons, one
on one side and one on the other. Orders have been given here
that no goods, excepting those which were usually shipped thither
before these detentions should be despatched now through any of the
custom houses.
They have also ordered by letter to the Flemish and other foreign
churches that no bills of exchange shall be given for your Majesty's
dominions. The merchants are told to have the cargo ready for
Hamburg during next month, so that they are in full preparation,
and seeing the lack of zeal to prevent them, they will doubtless sail
this year as they say.




ELIZABETH.


233


1570.
''he going of Leicester to his country was with the object of
fortifying a place of his called Kenilworth, for which purpose he has
taken with him a certain Julio Spinelli an Italian who was recently
in the castle of Antwerp. Leicester told him that he greatly feared
civil wars in this country.
A week ago there entered into this river six Breton ships loaded
with oil, coming from Andalucia. They arrived very opportunely,
and, by interesting the commissioners, they have obtained license to
sell. I am told that similar cargoes have arrived at Bristol.London, 30th January 1570.
9 Feb.  178. GUERAU DE SPES to the KING.
I send your Majesty enclosed a copy of the Queen's answer to
M. de Monluc and the French ambassador. The former returns
with the answer.
Cardinal Chatillon continues his great efforts to obtain the subscriptions for the expense of the Germans who are to be raised,
and the Flemish rebels living here promise him that if the army is
to be against their country they will at once give thirty thousand
crowns, and eight thousand crowns a month for eight months. If
it is against France they offer twenty thousand crowns, and the
Frenchmen here a similar amount. All this is being discussed with
great warmth and impudence, and I believe it has been settled. In
the meanwhile the Queen has arrested the bishop of Ross, and he
is well guarded in the bishop of London's house.
They talk of a Parliament here with the object of legally confiscating the possessions of the northern people, and in order to
get the usual grants voted, although the Queen is much afraid of
having members sent from all parts of the country. In the meanwhile the people are being hanged in the north daily, and the
number will certainly exceed seven hundred. Four brothers,
gentlemen named Norton, who are strong Catholics, are believed
to be in danger.
As they have captured the man that the bishop of Ross despatched,
I have not been able to learn what has happened in Scotland
since the death of the Regent, although I understand from the
Court here that they have released Lord Herries and Lethington,
but that the duke of Chatelherault is not yet free because of his
relationship to Robert Hamilton who killed the Regent.
This Queen would like the earl of Morton to be Governor, as
he is a great heretic and an enemy of the queen of Scotland.
Neither side trusts the other bastard brother of the dead man.
I am without letters from Flanders for the last six weeks, although
I send hourly reports of what happens here.-London, 9th February
1570.
13 Feb. 179. GUERAU DE SPES to the KING.
I have given your Majesty in previous letters full information
of events here, but as I have received no letters from Flanders for
some time and the couriers have not returned, I have been
uncertain as to whether my letters had been received there. I




234


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1570.
have, with your Majesty's permission, given license for some merchandise belonging to Dr. Nuiiez, a Portuguese resident here, to
be conveyed to Biscay, so that this despatch with duplicates of
former letters may be freely left in one of the ports there, and your
Majesty may thus have news.
The principal point is that the Regent of Scotland has been killed
by a musket shot, fired by Robert Hamilton two days previously,
the murderer escaping.
This Queen has many envoys there trying to retain the government in the hands of the Protestants, and in those of the
greatest enemies to the restoration of the Queen. I have given
full information to the duke of Alba, knowing how important it is
that the government should be il your Majesty's interests. The
bishop of Ross has sent to exhort the friends of his mistress with
this end, and although the bishop is now detained closely in the
house of the bishop of London, which hinders affairs greatly,
they may, perhaps, after this affiir blows over, relax his guard
somewhat.
I am informed to-day that the Queen has ordered the earl of
Sussex to return to the north with three hundred horse and five
hundred foot, with twelve captains, to raise the troops necessary to
encourage the Scotch Protestants.
These Englishmen think that the Duke Hans Casimir and the
prince of Orange will be able to enter Flanders by aid of the
money which M. de Dupin took from the ships stolen fiom your
Majesty's Flemish subjects, from the proceeds of the goods sold
from the Venetian ships at Rochelle, the fifty thousand crowns
which the Queen contributes, and the sums subscribed by the
Flemish rebels, the churches, the English and other aids from
England and Germany. The Cardinal is energetically at work
about it. When the forces are ready, and they find there is little
chance of doing harm in Flanders, they may fall upon France,
especially if the Queen helps them with the money detained here, for
which they are pressing much and perhaps will succeed in obtaining.
They are putting off Thomas Fiesco with empty words about
the safety of this money as they are doing with the merchants
about their goods, so that those who were here with the Duke's
leave to deal in the matter have gone back to give an account; to
him. English goods in Flanders and Spain at present are of more
value than what is left of the goods here, apart from the cash.
The plague looks as if it were breaking out again here, but nothing
will persuade them to restore what they have stolen. —London,
]3th February 1570.
25 Feb.  180. GUERAU DE SPES to the KING.
On the 21st instant I received your Majesty's letter of the
26th December, to which this is a reply. The earl of Morton, the
earl of Mar, the earl Marshal, and others are in Edinburgh contriving to settle the Government to their liking. They are on
the side of this Queen, and are working in accord with Mr. Randolph
and other envoys who have gone from   here to Scotland. The




ELIZABETH.


238


1570.
duke of Chatelherault and the earl of Northumberland a;re still
prisoners.
The earl of Huntly and others are at Dumbarton opposite
Ireland with many troops, and the earl of Westmoreland and other
English exiles are with them. These men wish the Government
to be in the name of the queen of Scotland. It had been suggested
that all should agree to the appointment of the earl of Lennox who
is now here, father of the late King, for Governor, but the queen of
England does not like him.
The earl of Sussex, who has to go to the north with troops, has
not left yet, as the Queen is always slow in giving money; but he
will go soon. In the meanwhile Leonard Dacre has occupied a
castle almost on the border line inland, and although Lord
H-unsdon from Berwick, and Lord Scrope from the other side came
to besiege him, they found him so well placed that they returned.
Sussex has orders to try to drive him out, and afterwards to enter
Scotland to favour the friends of this Queen.
Some troops are being raised for this purpose here, and I am
advised by my friends in the Council that the Queen has news
from her ambassador in France that a fleet is being equipped there
to aid the Scots, as she also has been advised by the men she has
sent thither. They therefore wish to prepare here all their sea
forces, particularly now they have learnt that the duke (of Alba) is
equipping fifteen vessels in Holland.
They sent a courier yesterday telling Count Charles Mansfeldt
to make ready six thousand foot and five hundred horse, and
decided with Cardinal Chatillon that the Queen would give a
hundred thousand crowns within three months, and security in
Germany to pay another hundred thousand in two years, on condition that Admiral Chatillon should not accept the treaty of peace
and should persevere in his enterprise. The Cardinal is therefore
sending to his brother about it, and is writing to him the list of
contributions promised here.  He exaggerates it a great deal,
because he adds the money obtained from the sale of the stolen
goods.
My friend on the Council tells me that if the Queen's fleet
could take some places in Scotland they would do so, and that
negotiations were being carried on with the Regent James before
his death for him to give up the province, on payment to him of an
income of fifty thousand crowns from England. Although his death
stopped the matter Cecil is still much set upon it.
They are greatly in want of money, and will not restore what
they have detained except by force. They hold up their hands to
heaven at the offers made by the Genoese through Thomas Fiesco,
and with regard to the merchandise no good will be done.
The Cardinal is very proud of the plan he proposed to the
Council, by which, without cost to themselves but to their profit,
they might become masters of the Channel. The privateers land
unmolested every day, and have recently captured a Flemish sloop
with a cargo of fruit from Portugal.
The sentences against persons and property in the North are
being carried out with great rigour, which will again force them




236


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1570.
into revolt. All the other Catholics are on the watch for help
from abroad, but so much alarmed that they dare not trust one
another.
What would probably be a very successful enterprise is to
capture the queen of Scotland, and take her to your Majesty's
dominions, as she herself suggests. I am sending the man who
wishes to undertake it to the duke of Alba shortly, in order that
the Duke may, if he thinks well of it, take su,-h measures as may
be desirable.
The depositions and interrogatories administered to the duke of
Norfolk, the earls of Arundel and Pembroke and Lumley will, I
am informed by their agents, give but little proof of their intentions
to the Council, as they were extremely cautious in the answers
they gave. Hitherto the bishop of Ross alone has inculpated one
of those in the north, and on this'ground, or rather because of his
cleverness and diligence, they keep him prisoner.
Five days ago a servant of the prince of Orange arrived, and is
lodged in Cecil's house. I should not have known who he was but
for my friend, who tells me that he is pressing urgently for large
help to be given to his master against Flanders. The forces here
are not sufficient for this purpose, particularly with these Scotch
troubles, and they are therefore keeping him while they discuss
ways and means, announcing that he is a servant of the Count
Palatine.
i John Hawkins is here, and came to see me the other day, to seek
my intercession for the liberation of his hostages and the rest of his
company left in Florida.
No fleet has left this country for the Indies, except three medium
sized ships which sailed for the Guinea coast, where they always
go on their way to the Indies. Two others have gone to Cape
Arguim so that the 22 sail which were sighted at Cape St. Vincent
were not from here. I will always advise your Majesty as fully as
I can on this point.
Antonio Fogaza has returned from Portugal with the three ships
he took with him, bringing spices and other goods. Although he
concealed from the ambassador Don Fernando Carillo the object of
his voyage, I knew it well, and for that reason, refused to give him
letters in favour of the treaty of commerce between England and
Portugal. He brings with him certain clauses, and the members
of the Council await him with impatience. They have sent him
instructions that he is not to speak to me whilst his illness confines
him to his bed, and prevents him from seeing them. I will report
all I can learn. He had but little acquaintance with those in the
north and only knew some private Catholics.
The brother of the earl of Ormond has been set free in Ireland,
and, with the other two, is now routing and robbing on the roads
without being able to get a body of troops together. The Queen
has imposed a heavy fine or tribute on the place, but this may turn
out to be an advantage as the road to greater things. The island
lacks husbandmen, and is short of food.-London, 25th February
1570.




ItLIZAhETRi.


237


1570.
27 Feb. 181. GUIERAU DE SPES to the KING.
By an English ship bound for St. Jean de Luz,I write this letter
to your Majesty, consigned to Juan Martinez de Recalde. Leonard
Dacre has fought with Lord Hunsdon; the killed on both sides
being 400 men, most of them, say this Queen's friends, being their
opponents.  After the encounter, Dacre passed over the border
to Scotland with 300 horse, and there are now there 2,000 English
horsemen and many footmen against the queen of England. Orders
to equip have been given here and sailors are being got together,
but I am informed from Rochester that nothing fresh is being
done with the ships. They are, however, makiig ready at their
own homes large numbers, both of cavalry and infantry.
They cannot persuade the Queen to call Parliament together, as
she fears they will compel her to appoint her successor. They are
seeking money.
I reported in previous letters the arrival here of seven French
ships loaded in Cadiz and its neighbourhood with oil and soap
which were very welcome. As I understand that the English have
arranged with the masters to make another similar voyage, I send
the names of ships and masters in order that your Majesty may
take such measures as you think desirable.
The "Phoenix," of Havre de Grace, Master Andreu Henchare.
The "Ventura," of Havre de Grace, Master Jaques Lucas.
The "Charite," of Havre de Grace, Master Jean Lie.
The "Esperance," of Quilvit, Master Roger Pautoe.
The " Robert," of Havre de Grace, Master Pierre Godin.
The " Geneta," of Havre de Grace, Master Nulet Martelet.
Orders have been given to the merchants who are to ship goods
for Hamburg to have all their cargo loaded before Easter. The
corsairs have captured and plundered a great Dant7ig ship of
1,300 or 1,400 tons on her voyage from here to Portugal.-London,
27th February 1570.
11 March. 182. GUERAU DE SPES to the KING.
By my previous letters I have given information of events here,
and the present is being taken by Pedro Spinelli, with the letters
from the queen of Scotland and the bishop of Ross, respecting the
means which have been devised here for her release, so that the
Duke may, at his discretion, choose that which will be best for
your Majesty's service. The Queen wants the earl of Sussex to
enter Scotland with the troops which are now being raised, but he
finds good excuses for not doing so, and the gathering of his forccs
and the equipment of the fleet go on but slowly. I think they are
probably waiting to see whether the French go to Scotland, as
report says they will. The ships which Vandenberg saved from
the wreck are seven, five large and two small, and they are now in
the Downs and at Sandwich in very bad case. The other ships
belonging to Sores have plundered a very valuable Dutch sloop.
loaded with woad, and a small fruit ship. A few days before, they
took a sloop with a cargo belonging to Germans. They would not
let the crew go ashore, and it is believed they were thrown over.




28                          SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1570.
board in the hope that the robbery would thus not be heard of.
An English ship has come from Cadiz which was ransoamed by
Frenchmen for her owners. She is loaded with fruit, and left the re
on the 5th ultimo. The contributions for the prince of Orange are
now being collected here, although most of the exiles either absent
themselves or appeal to the Court, saying that there is no news yet
that the Prince is raising troops, and that their subscriptions will
be useless. But, at all events, Cardinal Chatillon will get as much
as he can out of them.
I send enclosed two little books which are being scattered here,
one being against the Catholic faith, and the other against the queen
of Scotland, which I understand has been answered in another
book by the French. I believe it all comes from Cecil. Lord
Lumley sends to say that if the English in Scotland can re-form
the army they had and push on, friends will not be lacking here.London, 11th March 1570.
20 March. 183. GUERAU DE SPES to the KING.
In my previous letters I have informed your Majesty of what
had happened here since the death of the regent of Scotland, and
this Queen is now persevering in her attempts to keep the government of that country in her hands. Besides the money she has
provided, she is mustering 4,000 foot and 1,200 horse, which
are to be in York on the 1st proxilto. The earl of Sussex left
Court for that place on the 16th by post, on the understanding
that they will send him a thousand foot within a week. They
gave him 20,0001., and promised him as much more for the entry
into Scotland, for which purpose he will require to raise there
5,000 more infantry, so that, altogether, he will have 10,000 foot
and 3,000 horse.
The earl of Westmoreland and others recently crossed the border
and came 30 miles into England, burning nearly 40 villages,
and after stealing great quantities of cattle, returned to Scotland.
The government of Scotland is still in the same discord; the
party opposed to the Queen having selected eight persons with the
title of councillors, in order to govern through them the part of the
country obedient to them, and thus to keep them more securely in
hand. This Queen promises to divide 1,5001. a year amongst them.
She has also made a lpresent to the Earl,* who has possession of
the prince of Scotland, as it was thought that he was likely to go
over to the other side, that party being powerful round Dumbarton
and the western provinces.
My acquaintance, the secretary, has been to the Tower to witness
the taking out of the money which had to be given to the Earl of
Sussex. He assures me that the whole of the treasure which still
remains in the Queen's hands does not exceed 16,0001. He says
tha.t they have already taken more than a third of the money they
have seized, and their only resource now will be to borrow.
In consequence of this shortness of money and the news that
there are no facilities in France for the succour of Scotland, they


* The earl of Mar.




Lt[ZABETHt.


239


1570.
are delaying the equipment of the fleet, especially now that they
think the corsairs could provide them with a considerable number
of vessels.
Vandenberg returned to his ships in order to continue his
business, which he does by robbing everybody, and afterwards,
investigations are made before the Cardinal as to who are Catholics
and who are not.
It is said that the other captain, Sores, went in pursuit of the
Venetian vessel and a sloop, and it is not known whether he
captured them, although heavy firing was heard in Portsmouth,
and it is feared that he will have done so.
The negotiations here about the earl of Lennox have been quite
forgotten.
The queen of Scotland received the letter from his Holiness,
copy of which I enclose, as also copy of the letter she writes
to  me.*   She remains always with the same intentions'as
before.
The bishop of Ross was summoned to Court, and the burden of
all the interrogations was whether his mistress had a cipher and
any dealings with your Majesty or the duke of -Alba, and to
impress upon him that little advantage could be gained by foreign
aid, as they could act with such rapidity here. In this way, more
by threats than questions, they sent him back to London, promising
that they would consider shortly the question of his release.
They have conferences every day with the Cardinal, and the
Queen went yesterday to visit his wife at Han. It is thought
here that no agreement will be effected in France. The ambassador
went yesterday to Court to give explanations and excuses to this
Queen from his master about the little book published in France
about the risings here and their objects, and at the same time he
complained of the books published here, copies of which I have
sent to your Majesty.
They are negotiating, by means of commissioners appointed by
the Council, with Antonio Fogaza respecting the abolition of the
marques, so far as Portugal is concerned, and the restorationl of
trade with that country.
A Portuguese vessel loaded with salt and sugar has arrived here
from Vigo under a safe conduct. In her comes Bartolome Bayon7'
a Portuguese pilot, who was arrested in Porto Rico, and taken to
Seville, where he escaped from prison two months ago. He hasj
been received by the English merchants with great rejoicing, and I
believe that, trusting in him, they will again fit out ships for the
Indies, although he says he wishes to serve your Majesty. I wiil
keep an eye on what he does.
The earl of Pembroke is dead, and leaves the property, of which
I enclose a note,t and two sons, of whom I hear the younger is a
Catholic, and the elder doubtful.
It is thought here that if the Queen do not assure the post of
Lord Steward to The earl of Sussex, which it is not expected she
* The original note says: "These did not come."
t An original note in the margin says; " This did not come."




240


SPIANISH STATE PAPjltRS.


1570.
will do, he will be lukewarm  about the war and will return to
his old friends, the outlaws, which would end the war on the
spot.
The countess of Westmoreland is here for the purpose of begging
for a maintenance. She is the sister of the duke of Norfolk.London, 20th March 1570.
25 March. 184. The KING to GUERAU DE SPES.
Your various letters, sent direct to me and through the duke of
Alba, have informed me of the state of things in England and
Scotland. It was well to give me detailed reports, although I am
deeply grieved to learn that the Catholics in the north have failed
in their honourable enterprise, which I have no doubt, if it had been
carried forward, would have had most important results in redressing religious evils. As regards what you should do in these
matters, I cannot give you more precise instructions than those
which I have already given, namely, to refer you in all things to
the duke of Alba, and order you to proceed entirely by his advice
and instruction. You will also act in the same way with regard
to the negotiations with the Queen about the restitution of the
property detained, and the release of the persons and vessels of
my subjects, as also respecting the freedom of navigation and
restoration of trade on both sides. New powers and letters are
sent to the Duke on these subjects, and he will inform you as to
what you should do. You will continue to report to me by every
possible opportunity what results are atttined, and all that happens
both in England and in Ireland, as I wish to be thoroughly well
posted in it.-San Geronimo, near Cordoba, 25th March 1570.
27 March. 185. GUERAU DE SPES to the KING.
I write the present letter through Don Frances de Alava, to be
taken by Pesaro, who goes to Rochelle with letters from the Queen
to investigate about the two Venetian vessels which have gone
thither.
On Holy Thursday they brought out from tle Tower 12 fieldpieces and 19 wagons of stores, which went towards the North,
whither also is going the cavalry, which has been got together
with great trouble, accompanied by a captain of pioneers. The
Admiral has gone to Lincoln in order to be near, if anything should
befall the earl of Sussex.
The letters from Lord Privy Seal are being delivered through
the country requesting loans of money. This is a great annoyance
to the people, and truly, if this heavy expense continues, the Queen
will become very poor, and her subjects also.
The fear of some trouble here has caused the Queen to send for
the earl of Arundel to Hampton Court, when, with many excuses
and bland words, she told him that she would restore to him his
liberty, and hoped to make use of his services, leaving subsequent
discussion for this week. The Earl has sent me word that he will
not be tricked, and he believes that, as they are growing more
alarmed, they wish to find some means of making sure of the duke




ELIZABETH.


241


1570.
of Norfolk, and release him, because both in Norfolk and in
Suffolk the people are much incensed and disturbed, and if the
Northern people could join them in force, they would all rise
together.
Letters have been received from the commissioners in Antwerp,,
saying with what kindness they have been treated in those parts,
and how ruined they consider the country to be, and how great is
the need in it of trade with England. People here are anxious to
know what they have been able to arrange with the Duke.
In the meanwhile, they are very busy with Antonio Fogaza and
other Portuguese, trying to mutually balance the seizures of
property, and the Controller and Knollys have been appointed
commissioners to settle the business. They are very anxious, at
all events, to re-open trade with Portugal, if they cannot settle with
your Majesty's dominions. I will do what I can to hinder a settlement by the means of the Controller,* who is my friend, or in any
case, to delay it until I have the Duke's instructions or your
Majesty's orders.  They would be able if it were settled to get
what Spanish goods they wanted and send through Portugal thither
what was profitable to them.
Although the coming of Bartolorn  Bayon made them think of
fitting out ships for India, there have been no signs of their doing
so, excepting that Hawkins has been buying much rice and other
things, which might be stores for such a voyage.
Great suspicions are entertained here of the peace in France,
especially now that the Queen has received a letter from there
saying that the duke of Anjou privately told the envoys of
Admiral Chatillon to have no misgivings about the securities
promised to them, which would be faithfully fulfilled, and tlat
they would all join together to go to England and release this
captive princess. The French ambassador here is now smoothing
this over.
The French Court awaits Chatillon's reply by Biron, La Chapelle,
and another man who was sent subsequently; and this Queen, who
would not promise the French ambassador here to be neutral in
case Chatillon refused to accept the terms granted by the King,
wanted to intervene in the agreement, either the better to hinder
it, or else to watch her own interests, but the ambassador would
not admit her intervention.
They have delayed the release of the bishop of Ross for this
week, and, in order to have some persons in York who will urge
the Catholics to heresy, the Queen has appointed the bishop of
London to be the Archbishop there.t
The archbishop of Armagh has been released on bail, and has
gone to Ireland.
Eight ships have arrived from  Hamburg, with large quantities
of merchandise, mostly Flemish, and the cargo is now being
prepared to send back thither.._,... _ -—.....
* Sir James Crofts.         t Archbishop Grindal.
y 7646?7.




242


SPANISH StATE PAPEtiS.


1570.
The warrants for the 50,000 crowns to induce the Admiral* not
to accept the King's terms have been handed to the Cardinal.t
At this moment I have received news from Rochester that orders
have been received for two of the Queen's ships which were ready
to sail, as they will do to-morrow, and 12 more are to be made
ready.-London, 27th March 1570.
19 April. 186. GUERAU DE SPES to the KING.
As I have informed your Majesty, the army of this Queen now
amounts to 5,000 infantry and 1,500 horse, without counting the
garrisons in the castles. The army is now at Newcastle, and all
the stores have been sent thither by sea. The earl of Sussex has
dismissed some cavalry in which he had no confidence, and he has
consulted the Queen with regard to certain difficulties concerning
his proposed entry into Scotland. One of these is that the arrival
of the French envoy here had excited somewhat the friends of the
Queen (of Scotland), and he therefore thought it would be dangerous
to enter with so small a force, and to take a very much larger one
lie would need great stores of provision. He also says that he had
received news, although not through the Englisl ambassador, that
four French vessels with infantry and stores had arrived at
Dumbarton.
Orders have been sent to him from here to raise the troops he
tlought necessary, and to ascertain the truth of the news about
the French troops, as, in case of its being true, it would have great
influence on the decision to enter Scotland. It appears that the
earl of Sussex has some hope that they will deliver the earl of
Northumlberland to him.   He writes that Westmoreland had
wounded himself in the hand carelessly with a pistol.
The excitement and annoyance caused to the gentlemen of the
country by Privy Seal's letters of demand are remarkable, but still,
most of them find the money, and it is thought that more than
four hundred thousand crowns will be collected, notwithstanding
that less than a year ago sixty thousand pounds were obtained.
The nobles are also dissatisfied, and the people, for other reasons,
are the same. as they will prove on the first opportunity. But
Cecil goes his way, and it is even feared that he will have Lord
Montague arrested. The latter has been advised of this by some
of the members of the Council.
The departure of the Hamburg fleet is being pushed forward.
Cardinal Chatillon complained that the 50,000 crowns had not
yet been paid in Germany, and the Queen said, "If there be no
peace in France I will give that and much more, so that want of
' money shall not stand in the way of the cause; but if an agreement
"'is come to, I shall have need of my money."
I have Leen informed that the Council was discussing the
selection from amongst the corsairs' ships of some to go out arid




* Coligny, leader of the Huguenot palty in France.


t Chatillon, his brother,




ELIZABETH.


243


1570.
meet the fleet from the Indies,* and although no decision has been
come to, it is possible that Captain Sores may do this on his own
account, as he is not now in the Channel, although some of his
followers are, and bring prizes every day into the Isle of Wight.
They took another cargo of salt from the sloops which came into
Falmouth.*
I have reported the arrival here of Bartolomd Bayon, a Portugueset who has been made much of by the merchants and some
of the Councillors, as no one could have come more apt for their
designs. They invite him to return with a good number of ships
to Guinea, and some of the Council have communicated with him
about the project which was discussed here before, to occupy and
colonize one or two ports in the kingdom of Magallanes, in order to
have in their hands the commerce of the southern sea, and that of
Guinea and the coast of Africa, as well as getting as near as they
wish to Peru. It is a matter of much importance, and as this
Portuguese is friendly with a doctor who comes to my house, I
have consented to see him, and now recognize that he is a good
cosmographer with regard to those parts. He is a man of good
judgment, who might either do good or evil, and I do not think it
would be bad to attach him to your Majesty's service, unless there
be some reason to the contrary of which I am ignorant. If nothing
else was done by this it would take him away from here, which
would be something gained. He is in debt and asks for aid to carry
negroes to the Indies, as your Majesty may see by the copy of his
letter to me enclosed, some portions of which letter, however, might
have been expressed more moderately. Your Majesty will order
me what is fitting to do. I also send copy of a proclamation of
this Queen respecting the present war against Scotland, in English
and French.-London, 19th April 1570.
25 April. 187. GUERAU DE SPES to the KING.
In my previous letters I have reported the arrival of a French
ambassador in Scotland who is called M. de Seurres, a knight of
the order of St. John, who was formerly ambassador here. By
means of promises of companies-of-horse, pensions, and the order of
St. Michael, he has won over many of those who were opposed to
the queen of Scotland, so that, by common consent, the earl of
Westmoreland and other English of the same party were welcomed
in Edinburgh, and the English ambassador was obliged to return
at once, he having been placed in safety at Berwick by the earl of
Morton, or otherwise they would have captured or killed him.
Discussions are now going on in Edinburgh with regard to the
Government, and it is believed that in future it will be carried on
in the name of the Queen. In the meanwhile the earl of Sussex
penetrated a few miles into Scotland to see whether adherents
would join him, but as he saw no one, he retired to Berwick, and


* In the King's handwriting, "Let Vasquez have a copy of this and all similar
references."
t In the King's handwriting, "And of this also, and the Portuguese ambassador may
be given a copy of what conceins him,"




241


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1570.
awaits instructions from here. The members of the Council here
are much confused to see how badly their undertaking has
commenced.
The considerations which occur in connection with this is that
the queen of Scotland might be liberated by the French, and upon
her marriage subsequently would very greatly depend the evil or
good of the Catholic faith, the security of the Netherlands, and the
trade of the Indies. Your Majesty will consider and give such
orders as may be best for your service.
The duke of Norfolk has all the Tower for a prison, and four of
his servants have access to him, so that, with little difficulty, he
could be liberated. If he wishes to raise the country it would be
in his power to do it, seeing the discontent alike of nobles and
people, both on account of the forced loans and for other reasons.
I have pointed out to Cecil, Leicester, and the Controller, in
accordance with the Duke's orders, how bad it appeared for them.
persistently to welcome here the piratical rebels against your
Majesty, and allow them to sally forth from these ports and return
hither with their plunder. I will report their reply duly to your
Majesty. They have letters from   the English ambassador in
France saying that the hopes of peace have now disappeared,
whereat these people are very glad.
Postscript.-I have received a letter from the queen of Scotland,
copy of which I enclose. I will reply in general terms as your
Majesty orders.  All the printed copies of the proclamation
respecting the troops for Scotland have been taken from the
bookseller by Cecil's orders. The Hamburg fleet is going down
the rlver.-London, 25th April 1570.
13 May. 188. GUERAU DE SPES to the KING.
I learn by a letter from the duke of Alba, dated 3rd instant,
that he had just received a packet from your Majesty for me,
which he could not trust to the courier who brought his owil
letters. I have therefore nothing to answer, and limit myself to
giving an account of what is happening here. The Counlcil is
puzzled by the duke of Alba's answer to the English commissioners, to the effect that when the demands of your Majesty's
subjects here were entirely satisfied, the English there should be
met in the same way, and that if they would not do this they
should declare what property is detained here in order to see
whether it is an equivalent exchange for what is detained on the
other side. The Council thought that, by making this small
restitution and receiving in exchange property of larger amount,
they would not be called upon to restore any more. I will advise
your Majesty what is decided.
Cardinal Chatillon is still keeping this Queen in play. He
assures her that no agreement will be made in France, in which
ca;:e they will have to hand hiil 250,000 ducats in Hamburg from
the proceeds of the goods now being sent. Seventy-two sail have
gone, although with hopes of but small profit, so that, even
without this drain of money, the English would not have been toQ
well off.




ELIZABETII.


245


1570.
The Portuguese trade will be very welcome to them, and I am
hindering the business in accordance with the Duke's instructions.
This Queen's party is still the stronger in Scotland, thanks to
her army which is in Berwick. They have taken some castles,
and it is believed will enter Edinburgh to join their friends there,
although the duke of Chatelherault, who is now at liberty, will be
able to help the queen of Scotland greatly.
His Holiness truly seems to offer succour like a good slepherd.
Roberto Ridolti tells me he has already a commission to pay
twelve thousand crowns, and, if these English Earls behave properly,
his Holiness will give a hundred thousand crowns. Although not
a breath of either this or the Bull is whispered here yet, they are
speaking more mildly of the duke of Norfolk's release. They do
not, however, seem to hit upon a plan for making sure of him, and
yet they fear some great disturbance if they keep him as he is.
It is known that there are two thousand soldiers ready in France
to go to Scotland, if the troubles in Scotland give them  a chance
of doing so.
Ireland is quiet, although I am told that a bishop from there and
an abbot were recently in Calais on their way from Rome, and,
according to what they told a Catholic of my acquaintance, they
were the bearers of the Bull from his Holiness against the Queen,
although they did not speak very clearly about it. If this be
published, it will cause great excitement both here and in Ireland.
In the meanwhile the Catholics are much oppressed, and the
heretics here cannot hide their disappointment at the good news
from Granada.-London, 13th May 1570.
12 June   189. GUERAU DE SPES to the KING.
I wrote previously that they were preparing to send ships to)
meet the fleet from Spain, and I thought well to send Bautista de
San Vitores to the Isle of Wight to see what was going on there.
There are sixteen ships at the island, not very good but well manned
with English and Frenchmen, who, however, are for the most part
low scamps. In a town on the island called Medol(?)* there is a
great fair of spices, wines, wool, saffron, oil, soap, woad, and a great
number of other goods stolen from your Majesty's subjects and some
from French and Portuguese. The other pirates were absent, except
Sores who is going on this enterprise with four vessels which were
still there. It was said that Hawkins was preparing the bread for
the voyage at Plymouth, and that many English seafarers were
arriving at that place. The total number of pirate ships is
understood to be about forty-five, ten of which are of importance. ^
The Protestants here are providing arms against their enemies
and books against the Pope's Bull, whilst the Catholics are biding
their time to do their duty, and, in the meantime, suffering bitter
servitude. As things are going here and in Ireland, it looks as if the
enterprise might be effected in both islands at the same time, as in
Ireland most of the nation will rise as soon as they see your


* The town may probably be Yarmouth and the name given to it a perversion of the
" Needles " which are near that town.




246


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1570,
Majesty's standard borne by ships on their coast, and no resistance
would be made excepting in Dublin and some other fortresses. With
the advice of Stukeley and others, who are now with your Majesty,
and of Selliger if your Majesty will accept his services, a commencement might be made where success would be easiest, and at the
same time fifteen or twenty thousand infantry, and the necessary
cavalry, might enter this country with the English outlaws, and
raise all the Catholics. If the person of the Queen were assured the
business would be practically ended, and even the immediate capture
of Cecil, Leicester, and Bedford, would be very advisable, as also
would it be to take the fleet at Rochester, all of which would be
very easy to do. The only thing wanted is some leading person to
direct the enterprise, although there will be Catholic gentlemen
ready, better than any of the lords, as time will prove, it being
difficult to speak clearly to them as to what can be done before the
hour strikes. It is most important that the name of the Queen of
Scotland should be kept in the forefront, as being that which
commands least opposition in the country, and arouses least suspicion
in the neighbouring countries. I am sure that unless by this means,
the Protestant Queen of England will never cease to trouble Flanders.
The passage of the Queen, our Lady,* comes at a happy moment for
this business.
Postscript.-Bartolomd Bayon, the Portuguese of whom I have
written, has been talking to nme about the continued trade carried on
by the French and others with the island of Hispanola and other
neighbouring islands, to the injury of your Majesty's subjects, and
assures me that he would take measures to stop it, binding himself
thereto by security, with eight armed ships, four of them to cruise on
that coast whilst the other four return with their cargoes. For this
purpose lie begs authority to bring some negroes, all of which lihe
would do at his own cost, even to supplying the ships themselves.
Your Majesty will order what is best for your interests.-London,
12th June 1570.
18 June   190. GUERAU DE SPES to the KING.
I send your Majesty herewith copy of the proclamation made on
the 13th instant against the pirates.  The Queen afterwards wrote
four letters to her officers, ordering, in conformity with her previous
decree, that all property that had been stolen from your Majesty's
subjects should. be detained; but as the pirates are forbidden entrance
into the ports and all connection with the shore, it is nothing but a
trick, especially as they will not acknowledge as pirates the English
and French who are authorised by the Duke of Vendome and
Admiral Chatillon, nor those who take the name of the Prince of
Orange. They only regard these as people engaged in a just war,
and yet they have all been armed here. I expect this has only
been published to throw dust in the eyes of the people, who were
murmuring greatly at such practices being allowed.


* This was the fourth wife of Philip, his niece the Archduchess Anne of Austria, who,
in the autumn of this year 1570, was to sail from Flanders to Spain.




ELIZABETH.


247


1570.
On the 15th ultimo, the last day of term, the Lord Keeper made
an artful speech to the judges and people in Westminster Hall,
enlarging upon the sorrow caused to the Queen at the unrest of the
people he called Papists, as her wish was only to maintain the law
with regard to them. He said that they (the Judges) were to publish
this in their several circuits and, for the present, not to force the oath
on anybody pending further orders from the Queen. He exhorted
them all to unity of opinion, and dismissed the congregation without
giving them any further assurance. This speech was delivered by
the wish of the Queen, and the Council had resolved upon it at the
instance of the Lord Keeper himself.
News has arrived here of the going over (to Flanders) of Lord
Morley and of the earl of Westmoreland; and that many others
are on the point of going. The Queen has also received a letter
from Stukeley who was sailing for Spain. All these events, together
with the passage of our Queen and the Pope's Bull have greatly
alarmed this Queen, which alarm is much increased by what is
written to her by Robert Huggins,t an English gentlemen living in
your Majesty's Court as her spy. Huggins sent a servant of his,
an Englishman named Matthew, who was captured in St. Sebastian
but was released, as they did not understand the messages he
brought, which were falsely interpreted by John Burton, an Englishman living in Bilbca.*  This man, Matthew, brought news that
the affairs in Granada were going very badly for the Christians at
the end of March last, and that your Majesty was in want of money,
of which you had borrowed much at heavy interest. He said that
on the advice of the achbishop of Cashel and other Irishmen you
were about to arrange to seize the island of Ireland and had sent
certain persons thither to reconnoitre the land, guided by a Irish
page of the marquis of Cerralvo. He also asserted that the ships
which came from the Indies were old, ill-found and rotten, and could
easily be taken, whilst the English might do damage on the coasts
of Galicia where there was not a single strong place. All this and
other things, I am assured by Matthew himself, were contained in the
statement that he brought, and as they have not, as he thinks,
fittingly rewarded him, he came to make a clean breast of it to me,
saying that, if it were necessary for the punishment of Robert
Huggins, that he should return to Spain he would do so, and if he
was sent back by the people at Court here he would give me an
account of everything and follow your Majesty's orders when he gets
there, although he thinks that Huggins writes by other ways as
well. He is a short young fellow, who was in the butlery of his
late Royal Highness, and afterwards in the pantry of the Prince of
Eboli, where he picked up what news he could. He thinks that
Huggins is most probably already a prisoner, as he heard in St. Jean
de Luz that a courier had come after him (Matthew) to capture his
despatches.
In order that your Majesty may know the aims of these people, and
so the better deal with them, I will write what I have heard from my
* In the King's handwriting: " See whether it will be well to catch and punish there."
t This man appears to have been called indifferently Hogan and Huggins.




248


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1570,
friend,* whom I have always found true, and who has undertaken
to make a note of all that passed in the Council for me, keeping
himself as free as possible frolm other things in order the better to
remember. He said that they had intended to send help to the
5Moriscos by means of the king of Fez, whom they would supply
with arms, ships, and stores, carrying his Moors over to Spain,
and paying them.   If they had not had some hope that the
commissioners would have arranged for the Turkish fleet to
do this they would certainly have carried out the intention,
and they are very sorry now they did not do it, as they
have decided that it will be necessary to give your Majesty
something to do, as they are in great fear of you when you are
unoccupied.
They are carrying on some negotiations with M. de Serran,t the
equerry of the prince of Orange, who has come here and with the
resident agent, but they have no great opinion of the Prince seeing
how vilely he has behaved. These agents are asking for money
from the exiles here, for the new enterprise, and to enable their
master to go to the Diet, where they say he can do much through
his friends in the Empire. They have had no favourable answer
hitherto.
They have brought Hawkins from   Plymouth to consult him
about the voyage to the Indies, and there is news of the illness
or Sores in Rochelle. Many of the members of the Council are
opposed to the ships leaving the Channel. They have approached
Antonio Santa Cilia, a Majorcan, to ask whether he would accept
the captaincy of some unpaid troops who would go to damage
your Majesty's dominions. This has been done through Baptista
de la Camara, an Italian' ex-friar, who is now in the service of
this Queen, and has done many knavish things.    Santa Cilia
refused, and consequently they did not open out more to him, but
I have told him to endeavour to discover in what parts they mean
to do the damage.
The Queen's only thought for the present is to raise money,
anid it is said that, what with her loans and other sources, she
will have, in the month of September, 300,0001., which sum is being
now gradually taken to the Tower, and this is the most she can
hope to do. In order to economise she has ordered all the ships to
be dismantled, and will content herself with the protection given by
the pirates.
In the meanwhile, I await the intelligence of what the bishop of
Ross has arranged with his mistress, of whom nothing here has
been heard, except that the earl of Shrewsbury writes to this Queen
that the queen of Scotland has sent to her country, and that passports will be requested here shortly for certain Scotsmen who will
come to treat about hostages.
The French ambassador went to Court lately to beg the resti

* This was probably Sir James Crofts, although the Secretary, Bernard Hampton,
also gave information.
t This was Jerome Tseraets, who was a member of the Prince's household, and was
in England at the time on such a mission as that indicated.




ELTZABETII.


249


1570.
tution of the castle of Hume, and the other one taken by the earl
of Sussex, but the Queen deferred the consideration of this until the
other matters were discussed.
The earl of Arundel thinks he has won over the earl of Worcester,
who is now a knight of the Garter.
They have given the duke of Norfolk the run of the Tower,
and the earl of Southampton is a prisoner at Kingston, only
because he was seen speaking in the country to the bishop
of Ross.
They have willingly concluded the agreement with Portugal,
and have ordered Winter to be satisfied with 8,000 crowns for his
marque, one half in merchandise, and the other half to be paid in
money by the English merchants who are anxious for the trade,
but the capture of this sloop containing much Portuguese property,
of which I give an account on the enclosed statement, will prove
some obstacle.* If it be insured by subjects of your Majesty the
matter will be more easily arranged.                        -
The plunder lately taken from ships belonging to your Majesty's /
subjects has been carried to the island, and some taken to
Hamburg. The cochineal and other merchandise forming part of
the goods that have been detained were found in Hawkins' own
flagship when he went to Hamburg, and the English commissioners were bold enough to take an account of it. The rest was
taken by his brother, James Hawkins, to Rochelle.         __
Baptista San Vitores was badly wounded with a dagger yesterday at the Admiralty Court, because he was proceeding in the
cause against M. de Schonvall. I have sent to let Cecil know about
it. This will make it a bad business for those who have to claim
the goods that the pirates have stolen.-London, 18th June 1570.
June.   191. MEMORANDUM of CONTENTS of LETTERS from ANTONIO DE
GUARAS, dated respectively, 11th, 17th, and 22nd of June.
The English demand of the queen of Scotland that she should
deliver her son and four Scotch noblemen, to be chosen by the
Queen of England, to her.
That no French troops be received in Scotland. That the earls
of Northumberland and Westmoreland shall be expelled, with the
rest of the English outlaws. That the position of religion shall
remain as at present. On these conditions the Queen of England
will restore the Queen of Scotland to liberty, and withdraw her
troops from the country. The queen of Scotland and her people
will not agree to these terms, which would be their ruin, as the
object of the queen of England, it is suspected, is to at once kill the
Prince, and place on the throne the eldest son of Catherine, sister
of Jane, who was beheaded, he being a heretic. She would at once
do this if the queen of Scotland were to die.
They much fear an agreement in France, and Councils are
held every day in order to provide funds for the Admiral, whom
they urge not to come to terms.    M. de Lumay, a Flemish
* In the original: " This did not come."




250


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1570.
outlaw, and an equerry of Orange, had arrived there (in England),
and since his arrival the English were threatening the States, and
it is believed that there is a close understanding between them and
the Flemish rebels.
The object of the queen of England in sending the fleet with
merchandise to the value of a million to Hamburg, is mainly
to place funds there, in order to raise troops whenever they may
be wanted by her, or whenever she may decide to help Orange,
under the conviction that in due time through him something may
be attempted in the States.
If the Hamburg voyage had been prevented, as it might have
been by his (Guaras') timely advice, England would have been in
great confusion and begging mercy of his Majesty, whilst they would
have been more moderate respecting religion, and the Catholics
would have been less oppressed.
That two gentlemen named Norton had been drawn and quartered
in consequence of their steadfastness in the Catholic faith. This
has greatly scandalised and alarmed the people.
That the treaty which Antonio Fogaza is arranging between the
king of Portugal and England would be very undesirable for us as
the English intend through Portugal to provide themselves with
what they need from Spain, and would therefore be indifferent as
to whether they were at peace with us or not. They would
consequently continue to rob Spanish subjects and ill-treat
Catholics.
The proclamation made by the queen of England is simply a
trick with the object of satisfying her people and entertaining his
Majesty and the Duke, since under the flags of the Admiral,
Vendome, and the prince of Orange, the whole channel, from
Falmouth to the Downs, is infested by ships to the number of
forty, and twelve frigates, each one of which contains a dozen or
fifteen Englishmen. They assail every ship that passes, of whatever nation, and after capturing them equip them for their own
purposes, by this means continually increasing their fleet, with
the intention, on the part of the Queen, thus to make war on his
Majesty through these pirates, without its costing her anything,
and under the specious pretence that she is not responsible, since the
pirates carry authority from Chatillon, Vendome, and Orange. He
(Guaras) asserts that the damage they do is very great, and if these
robberies are not stopped the fleet will grow to such an extent that
it will be impossible to deal with it.
Those who are anxious for his Majesty's advantage can think of
no better remedy than that his Majesty should order ships to be
fitted out in Flanders, Biscay, and Galicia, and that they should
join in a large fleet with the sole purpose of destroying these
pirates and stopping the robberies, or at all events making them
difficult.  This fleet might also prevent trade with Hamburg,
Portugal, or other places, so that, if both robbery and trade were
prevented, the English would soon be killing each other, or coming
to beg mercy of his Majesty.
The English commissioners have returned from Flanders.
Although they pretended to wish for a settlement, such was never




E LIZABET I.


251


1570.
their real intention, as he (Guaras) has always informed the Duke.
They did not steal the property for the purpose of returning it,
but for their own bad ends, thinking that the Moors in Granada
and the Grand Turk would place Spain in such a position that
they (the English) might do the same in Flanders.   The few
remaining goods are diminished every day, and the commissioners
have therefore rejected the Duke's terms, to the effect that all that
had been detained on both sides should be restored. They claim
that, whilst they should receive back all that belongs to them,
they should restore only what they have still on hand, which is
much less than half of what has been stolen. He is certain that
the value of the English goods arrested in Spain and Flanders is
much greater than what remains in stock in England belonging to
subjects of his Majesty.
It is useless, therefore, to treat for a settlement with the English7
since, however just may be our demands, they will claim absurd
terms. They demand that his Majesty should again assure them
the following conditions, namely:-That they may have freedom to
trade in the Indies; that the English property confiscated for
years past by the Holy Office should be restored; that the English
pirate Hawkins should have returned to him the property taken
from him by the Viceroy a year and a half since, and that which
was captured from him in the Indies, valued at a great sum,
which they wish to put against the account of what they have to
restore; that the English should have security for person and property on account of their religion whilst trading or living in his
Majesty's dominions.  They  demand that his iMajesty should
guarantee them all these absurdities, because they know very well
that such terms will not be even listened to. The councillors,
indeed, do not wish that they should be conceded, and only profess
to desire peace in order to appear well before the people, their real
object being war and disturbance for their own personal profit.
That which has most encouraged the Queen and the Council in
their insolence has been their firm conviction that his Majesty will
pass over all the offences committed without seeking vengeance
in the fear that the king of France might intervene to prevent
him: whereas the latter is so exhausted and short of money that
lie could hardly do so, and an opportunity is thus given to his
Majesty, especially now that the Christian King is offended with
the queen of England.
The declaration of the Pope against the Queen has been posted
on the bishop of London's gate,* which has caused great sorrow to
the bad people and much delight to the godly, who are convinced
that, as a consequence of it, a redress for their evils will follow by
the arms of Christian Princes, since this declaration can only have
been made by the consent of such Princes, and especially of his
Majesty. The first result of the declaration had been the per* This daring deed had been done by John Felton, who was subsequently executed
for it, and canonised by the Romish Church, A copy of the Bull is given at length in
Camden' Elizabeth.




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SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1570.
secution and imprisonment of Catholics; but the Council finding
them constant, and that some people of position were passing over
to Spain and Flanders to escape the ban of his Holiness, the Queen
had ordered that the Catholics should not be persecuted for their
religion. This, however, was only the result of fear, as her heart
is much corrupted, and she herself had answered the Pope's
declaration in Latin verse, scoffing at the apostolic authority,
saying that the boat of St. Peter should never enter a port of hers,
and other heresies of a like nature.
The Queen, finding herself surrounded by so many enemies, all
her thoughts are directed to the raising of funds.  She had
demanded loans fron the country to the amount of six hundred
thousand crowns, besides two hundred thousand crowns from
private persons, who are obliged to give it, so as not to appear
disloyal. These loans had greatly diminished the Queen's popularity amongst all classes, who are indignant against her and her
government. He (Guaras) then gives his opinion, supported by
that of other experienced persons, that if his Majesty would now
attack England he could conquer it without drawing the sword if
the force sent were or sufficient extent, because in such case all
the Catholics would at once join lim, whereas if the forces were not
equal to that of the English it is feared they (the Catholics) would
join their fellow-countrymen on the defensive.
The Queen is also in trouble in Ireland, as few people there obey
her. Two brothers of the earl of Ormond, both valiant gentlemen, have recently risen against her, and are determined to resist
her power.
The Queen and Council have been thrown into alarm by
hearing that an English gentleman named Thomas Stukeley had
gone to Spain, carrying. with him much information about Ireland.
Guaras says he knows him for an excellent Christian, much
attached to his Majesty's service, and as the Irish are nearly all
Catholics, and attached to the King, being the natural enemies of
the English, his Majesty might more easily begin war there than
elsewhere.
The passage of our Queen through Flanders so well equipped,
also arouses fear and suspicion, as does the knowledge that the
French were sending 2,000 harquebussiers to Scotland. They have
therefore sent the earl of Sussex to Berwick, but this trouble is
nothing in comparison to what they expect may come at the hands
of our King. This greatly disturbs them, and it is said that the
Queen will at once order the equipment of twenty of her own
ships and as many private ones, to be prepared to resist his
Majesty's fleet.
Experience shows that the Queen becomes more proud, cruel,
and insolent when she is treated mildly, whilst strength and boldness bring her to her knees, as she is naturally extremely timid.
She has thus issued the proclamation against the pirates, and has
softened towards the Catholics, as well as done other things against
the opinion of the Council since the Pope's declaration was




LIZABETAH.


253


1570.
published and she heard of his Majesty's fleet* being prepared in
Flanders.
22 June. 192. GUERAU DE SPES to the KING.
The bishop of Ross arrived here on the 18th at night, and has
sent me a letter from  his mistress, copy of which I enclose,
together with copy of the instructions which he bears, by which
the Scotch Queen's demands may be seen.t The Bishop went to
Court at once, and they told him that the Queen was rather unwell.
The Council questioned him about his conversation with the earl of
Southampton, and they seem to have been satisfied. They deferred
their reply to his last errand by saying that the Queen would give
it to him  personally.  He is therefore at Kingston, awaiting
audience, which he will soon get.
In my recent letters I wrote that the French ambassador insisted
upon the surrender of the castles the English had taken in Scotland,
but as he could not obtain this, he claimed that her troops should
not enter Scotland, on condition that the king of France should
not send soldiers thither. They agreed to this; but two days
since, the Queen sent word to him, withdrawing from the arrangement, assuring him that she was informed of the embarkation of
two thousand harquebussiers in Brittany, for Scotland.   The
ambassador thereupon requested audience, but it has not been
granted, on the pretence that the Queen is ill.
Perhaps this negotiation has been upset by a letter written by the
Admiral Chatillon, to the Queen, saying that he had arrived at
Rouenville on the Loire, where the river becomes navigable, which
place he intends to fortify and victual for a year. He has received
from Xaintes and Sanserre, twelve hundred horse, and the Prince
de la Rochefoucauld, with eight hundred more was coming from
Rochelle to join him. He was gathering the flower of the soldiery in Languedoc, and all those from l)auphine had flocked to
him. He had with him the Gascon Viscounts,t and all the Reiters,
so that he had now a finer force of cavalry and infantry than ever,
and Marshal de Cossd would not dare to attack him, even though
M. d'Aumale were to join him. The Admiral said that, if the promised aid from Germany came, he would guarantee that throughout
France there should be no other religion than theirs  This letter
on the one hand encourages them, and on the other annoys them,
as they know that it means a payment of money from them.
Hawkins has been sent post haste to Plymouth to finish thel.
equipment of his three ships, with a like number of others, which,
it is believed, will go to towards the Indies.,
The servant of the prince of Orange, who came lately, has gone
to Rye to hasten the despatch of two fine -ships, which are being
fitted as corsairs, and supplied with guns and stores from here.
Some parcels of woad, taken from Frenchmen, and other goods
* i.e., The fleet to escort the new Queen consort to Spain.
t Original note "None of this came enclosed,"
$ This was a Huguenot force so called because it had been commanded by the four
iiscounts of Montclair, Bruniquel, Caumont, and Rapin.




254


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1570.
belonging to your Majesty's subjects, have been sold for cash very
cheaply, Cobham's brother having a hand in it, to his great profit.
They have released M. de Schonvall on the bail of a poor Flemish
exile, and Schonvall is now in his ship again.
One of Winter's ships which went to Guinea has returned, and
the other two, if they can escape from the Portuguese fleet, will go
to the isle of Hispaniola.
This friend of mine tells me of two letters written by this Queen
to your Majesty, one in April and one this month, without the
Council's knowledge, complaining greatly of me. He says that
Cecil and the Chancellor say frequently that I am a greater papist
than the bishop of Aquila. The said letters were to be delivered
to Don Frances de Alava, if he would receive them, in order to
serve as a feeler as to your Majesty's intentions.  The Queen
thinks that, by expressing her approval of the agreement discussed
by her commissioners in Flanders, without declaring herself as
regards the restitution of the remainder of the stolen property, she
will fulfil her duty, and will see by your Majesty's answer whether
there is any artifice in those who are negotiating on the other side.
-London, 22nd June 1570.
30 June. 193. The KING to GUERAU DE SPES.
I have not written to you for some time, because I have been
continually on the road, and answers are due to many letters from
you. Although the latter contain much information which it was
well to send me, there is little to answer in them, because, as I have
said previously, English affairs depend so entirely on those of
Flanders, and the duke of Alba is managing them with so much
prudence and consideration, to the benefit of my interests, that you
will continue to follow the instructions he may give you. What
I have to say now is, that the copies I received from you of the
two briefs (bulls) despatched by his Holiness, one declaring the
Queen schismatic, and depriving her of the throne, and the other
written to the earls of Westmoreland and Northumberland, were
the first information I had received upon the subject. His Holiness
has taken this step without communicating with me in any way,
which certainly has greatly surprised me, because my knowledge of
English affairs is such that I believe I could give a better opinion
upon them and the course that ought to have been adopted under
the circumstances than any one else. Since, however, his Holiness
allowed himself to be carried away by his zeal, he no doubt thought
that what he did was the only thing requisite for all to turn out as
he wished, and if such were the case, 1, of all the faithful sons of
the Holy See, would rejoice the most. But I fear that, not only
will this not be the case, but that this sudden and unexpected step
will exacerbate feeling there, and drive the Queen and her friends the
more to oppress and persecute the few good Catholicsstill remaining
in England. You will advise me, with your usual diligence, of everything that passes in this matter, as I am very anxious about it.
You will, for this purpose, keep in communication with Ridolfi, in
order to discover from him what his Holiness's instructions are,




tLtZABET'r.                      255
1570.
since he has been the channel through which the money was sent
to the Earls.
I have seen the copies of the two letters from the Queen of
Scotland to you, and am glad to see her firm resolve to live and die
in the Catholic faith. This obliges me to desire her freedom and
happiness as if she were my own sister, and I thus write anew to
the duke of Alba to bear this in mind, and help her by word and
deed when possible, and forward her marriage with the duke of
Norfolk, or some other English Catholic, which, in my opinion,
will be the best way by which redress may be found for England
and Scotland. You will proceed in this as the Duke may instruct
you, and assure the queen of Scotland that I will never fail to do
all I can for her as a good brother should.
As regards the negotiation for the restitution of property
belonging to my subjects, I have nothing more to say until I see
how the discussions in Antwerp will end. The Duke advises me
fully with regard to it and you will follow his instructions.
The king of Portugal has been informed of the treaty under
discussion there touching English trade with his country, and in
view of his answer orders shall be sent to you what to do in the
matter. Respecting what you say of Bartolome Bayon's offer to
enter my service, contained in a letter which he wrote to you
(which, however, you did not send to me), you will on the first
opportunity report the contents of the letter for my consideration
anrd reply.
You will use every effort to discover the names of the Englishlmen
living here, who you say are spies, because, although we suspect
some persons, we have not enough proof to make an example of
them until we get further information.
When Guzman de Silva was there, he told me that Luis de Paz
was so forward in my service as to merit some reward being granted
to him. Although I have long had intelligence of his services, I
should like you to report to me again how he is behaving, and what
sort of reward could be given to him. You can inform the duke of
Alba of this that I may the better decide, but you need not say
anything to Luis de Paz about it.-The Escorial, 30th June 1570.
30 June. 194. ANTONIO DE GUARAS to ZAYAS.
On the 22nd I wrote to your worship last. Since then we learn
that Northumberland is a prisoner in Scotland, and that Westmoreland, Dacre, and the other Englishmen who were on the point
of leaving for Flanders as I wrote, have been detained in consequence
of the want of certain things which were not ready. It is thought
that Dacre left subsequently, and that the rest will contrive to go.
They are not at present in arms, but both sides have taken refuge
in their respective countries, although at open enmity.
It was arranged that two thousand men should be sent from
France, but it has since been agreed between the Christian King
and this Queen that she would withdraw her forces if he would
refrain fiom sending his troops. The Queen has fulfilled her
promise, and the ambassador here promises that the French shall
therefore not go. The Queen has dismissed the troops she had




256


SPANISH STATE PAPERSS.


1570.
raised on the border, except 3,000 men who are in garrison at
Berwick and elsewhere. She had also ordered the preparation of
six ships to resist the coming of the French, but on the strength
of the   French  ambassador's promise  this  order has been
countermanded.
Since the bishop of Ross came back from his mistress, this Queen
has refused him audience, in consequence of his affair with the earl
of Southampton, who is still detained.
Norfolk is still a prisoner, and his guard has been closer since the
attempt of the people of his county to rise again. The Queen was
angry at this, and has had four or five people of high position
arrested, which has greatly disturbed the public mind.
I have reported that the Queen and Council are in great alarm
for fear of some trouble in the State, and the Queen has been three
days without leaving her room, exclaiming publicly against
secretary Cecil and others, who, she declared, were bringing her into
great trouble which would end in the ruin both of her and thetn,
since it was proved now that nothing turned out as they anticipated
either in France, Scotland, Grana(la, the coming of the Turk to
Spain, or anything else. They cannot persuade themselves that
the great fleet being fitted out in Flanders is only for the passage of
our Queen, and publicly say in the Court and in London and all over
the country that the transports of the fleet were being fitted with
mangers for over 2,000 horses, and that 6,000 Walloons, and a body
of Spaniards were ready, which facts were not a proof of good
neighbourship. They are so much alarmed here that they fear the
very shadows, and as they have learnt of the success which God
sent to us in Granada, and that the Turk is not coming to Spain, as
they hoped, they are quite beside themselves, seeing the many
enemies they have of their own nation here and abroad. They
clearly understand that, if we were to declare ourselves openly, the
majority of the English themselves would come over to us. Although
they find themselves in this danger, they are not arming the Queen's
ships or others, in the hope that perhaps the preparations in Flanders
are really only for the passage of our Queen, and it is understood
that they will not t;ke to arms except under extreme necessity, inl
order not to spend money, and because they are satisfied for the
moment by having in the channel a. fleet of over forty sail under
the flags of Orange, the duchess of Vendome, and Chatillon, which
are going in and out all the ports and carry many Englishmnen.
They are therefore the declared friends of our enemies the pirates,
whom they help, welcome, and regale; robbing our ships daily on
their way through the channel which ships, to make matters worse,
they then proceed to arm and add to their own fleet.
They are in great fear also that some trolble will come to them
through Ireland, for it is certain that the whole of that island is
deeply attached to our King, all the people being Catholics excepting
the English whom the Queen has there, who do not amount to 1,500
men, scattered in various places, few of whom have any experience
in defence. In all Ireland there is no force of importance. It is the
best soil in the world, with excellent ports, and if the people were
only in subjection, it would be a very rich and flourishing country.




ELIZABETIt.                       257
1570.
The whole of it could be overrun and subdued, especially by the
great help that our people would receive, as your worship will be
better informed by Thomas Stukeley, an English gentleman who
is going to Spain from Ireland, and by many well-informed
Englishmen.
The man who is acting here for the king of Portugal has tried
several times to come to terms with the English for mutual freedom
to trade for both countries, and as the people here fear they will
not be friendly with us, they have made up their differences
respecting the (Portuguese) merchandise, and they are expecting the
authority from Portugal, in accordance with the agreement, by
which they may come and go to trade as formerly. As this would
be so prejudicial to his Majesty, it is to be supposed that the
arrangement will be hindered or nullified. Trustworthy news has
come from Rochelle that ten very powerful ships well armed and
found have sailed from that and other ports. The commander of this
fleet for M. de Vendome, to whom it belongs, is M. d'Ipres, and on
its departure the object of the voyage was announced to be the
meeting of our fleet coming from the Indies, but if they did not
meet it they would land in Florida or some other place near. This
news may be depended upon, as a person who was an eye-witness
says he saw 2,000 well armed men embarked on the ships. These
heretic traitors are ready for anything, but it is to be ho d that
Melendez will keep his eyes open and give them no rest. Captain
John Hawkins is also fitting out in Plymouth. This is the man /
who has so often been to the Indies, and he has now four or five l
ships which are certainly bound on a similar voyage. As he has \
so much experience of this navigation he might cause us some l
extraordinary injury if he joined the Frenchmen, although it is to
be hoped that measures will be taken to prevent his succeeding.
The commissioners appointed by the duke of Alba to inspect tile
(detained) merchandise are expected here. Those who judge simply
by what they hear, think that something is being done, but those
who understand the drift of affairs feel that it is all deception.
In consequence of the fears entertained by the Queen and her
Council, they are beginning to show some outward favour to the
Catholics, some of whom have been released from prison, where they
were for conscience sake, whilst others in the Tower have been given
more freedom. The Queen even went so far as to say publicly that
she thinks, if need should arise, she will adhere to the Catholics and
abandon the heretics. They are in so much confusion that there is a
constant appearance of great fickleness in these rulers.
Many persons are being prosecuted on account of the excommunication (i.e., the Pope's bull), and, as passion is principally
directed against his Majesty, it is openly declared that the brief
came to this country by our hands, which people have the impudence
to say they can prove. They are treating with great severity those
who have been apprehended on suspicion of being concerned in this.
Postscript: 1st July. I have just heard that Iawkins is to be?
accompanied by the Portuguese pilot, who I think was arrested in
Porto Rico and brought to Seville, whence he escaped and came
hither. They leave in August.-London, 30th June.            (
'  E (,rl                                                 '\


y  0*0 I


&A




258


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1570.
1 July.  195. GUERAU DE SPES to the KING.
I have reported in former letters respecting the ships that were
leaving Rochelle to meet the'Indian fleet and do other damage.
This Queen has received news of the expedition, although they
speak of only ten ships from England.  Persons who saw them,
however, affirm  that there were fifteen, and Hawkins is being
hurried in his preparations for a similar voyage. He will have six
fine ships ready in a fortnight, and asserts that he will be revenged
for the injury the Spaniards have done him. The other pirates, to
the number of forty sail, are round about the Isle of Wight, and
mostly before Dover. They stop in port for days together, sallying
forth whenever they see a sail. Their fleet is largely reinforced by
English harquebussiers, so that the Queen depends upon them to
defend her coasts, and told the Council that she had no need of other
defence.
The illness of the Queen is caused by an open wound above the
ankle, which prevents her from walking. She has received the
present sent to her by the queen of Scotland, of two little caskets,
and told the Scotch and French ambassadors that when she was
assured of the wishes of the Scotch people she would arrange about
the Queen's release. To persuade her to this M. de Rambouillet
is coming from the Christian king, and will go on to Scotland. I
expect this Queen wants an excuse, in case the settlement should
fail through, to throw the blame on the Scots themselves. She
has withdrawn her troops, and dismissed the northern men, putting
the rest in garrison. This has been done on the promise of the
French ambassador that his King will not send soldiers. There
seelms now a better chance of the peace in France being effected, as
Cardinal Chatillon complains that, in consequence of the necessary
money not lhaving been provided in Germany for the Reiters to go,
his brother will be obliged to make peace, though Cecil says it will
only be for six months. They are pressing on the settlement with
Portugal, and seem to be agreed about the marques.   Forgaza
claimed that they should abandon the Guinea trade, which they
refused, and I understand that, he is sending to Portugal to consult
on the matter. It is most important that this settlement should be
impeded.
It seems that it had been arranged in Norfolk that at a certain
fair on St. John's day, the people should meet in great numbers and
take up arlms. rlThrce gentlemen, servants of the duke, have been
arrested. They say their rising was to have been against the
Flemings, who live there, and who deprive them of all their gains.
It is thought they will bring them here. John Wyatt, an English
pirate, has arrived here, who, having had some of his people killed
on the coast of Ifispaniola, and seeing that lie could not trade there,
camle litherwa:rd, and on his way back captured a ship which had
belonged to H:awkins, with a cargo of wine from Jerez. He says
that three other English ships were trying to trade in those
parts.
I have craftily obtained a copy of the treaty made by Antonio
Fcgaza, and will send it in Spanish if possible by this courier.
My' friend waris me to 1), very circumspect, as Cecil and the
I




ELIZAB3ETIt.


259


1670.
Chancellor are dealing very treacherously with me. I shall not be
able to find out very well to what he refers, as they are very close
there (i.e., at Court), and vigilant.-London, 1st July 1570.
3 July.  196. GUERAU DE SPES to the DUKE OF ALBA.
The queen of England told the French ambassador that she had
a letter from the Emperor informing her of the marriage of our
Queen, and saying that he was still in hopes of seeing her
(Elizabeth) married to the Archduke Charles. He said also that
13,000 horse were in Casimir's country, which he would try to
prevent entering France. I have endeavoured to discover whether
there is any truth in this letter, but can find no signs of it. I believe
the Queen invented it all to frighten the French. Your Excellency
will learn of it through other channels.
People here will not believe in events at Granada, nor anything
else that is favourable to us, because they think that everything
mukt necessarily go according to their wishes. They are saying
now that the foundations of the fortress at Antwerp are wrong
(mined?), and are talking of the murder of one of the gentlemen of
your Excellency's chamber. It is necessary to observe the greatest
caution in living here, and I have ordered all my servants to
refrain from walking in the streets. My house is surrounded with
spies, and they are even turning me out of it because it has too
many doors.-London, 3rd July 1570.
26 July. 197. The KING to GIERAU DE SPES.
I have been informed of events in England by your letters to
me, ajd others sent through Don Francds de Alava and Zayas. I
thank you and am satisfied with your diligence in this respect,
particularly as to the pirate ships which were to go to the Indies,
this being one of the things of which you must be most careful.
If Bartolome Bayon fulfils his promise, he shall be willingly
supplied with what he asks; but as matters of this sort are generally
very easy to say and more difficult to do, they usually turn out
vain, and it will be well for you to come to closer quarters with
him, and find out the exact way in which be thinks to do what
he promises.  You will send full particulars of this for my
decision.
Although you do well in trying to discover the state of things
in Ireland, and in sending your views with regard to what might
be undertaken in that place, which is important, yet nothing must
be said about it until we see what will be the result of the
negotiations for the restitution of the property seized. If they do
not act properly in this, other steps must be taken, and it is
consequently very desirable that you should continue to advise me
minutely of events in England, Ireland, and Scotland. You will
' urge the queen of Scotland, on no account, to allow herself to be
deceived by the queen of England, or to agree to the terms which
you say they'propose, which are of such a nature that, if she accepts
them  she will lose much of the esteem  with which, hitherto,
Christian princes have regarded her, whilst, if she perseveres in her
R 2




260


SPANISHi STATE PAPERS.


1570.
noble and holy determination, God will extricate her from all
trouble, and turn it into great happiness.
When you speak of Ireland, you say that Thomas Stukeley had
written a letter to the Queen, but you do not tell me what it
contains. It will be well to find out and let me know, and also
whether they have taken his property or made any declaration
against him.  Also, what they think there of his coming to
Galicia, where he is now. You will also advise the duke of Alba
of all this.
What your friend tells you of the two letters written recently
by the Queen to me is probably a fiction, as I have received no
such letters, and you can say as much to your friend, if you think
it necessary, to get more out of him.
You did well in reporting what the man Matthew told you about
his master Robert Huggins, as we have had a very poor opinion of
the latter for some time. Steps slall be taken in the matter, but do
not trust Matthew with this or anything else of importance, but
humour him with generalities in order to get from him what he
may know.
I cannot well understand from your letters what negotiation it
is that is being arranged by the English with the Portuguese
regarding trade. The statement which you mention did not come
with your letter, and it would be well to find out the whole
particulars, with terms and conditions, as it is important that I
should have full information.-Madrid, 26th July 1570.
28 July. 198. ANTONIO DE GUARAS to ZAYAS.
The ambassador who has come hither from France is called
M1. de Poigny, and comes to beg this Queen to release the queen of
Scotland, in which it is understood he will be unsuccessful. He
has been at Court, but they have delayed his reply, and it is
considered certain that he will shortly leave without having effected
anything. This arises from the fact that the Queen has been able
so to influence the Scots, that those of her way of thinking will
shortly meet in Parliament and appoint the earl of Lennox, grandfather of the Prince, as Governor. Lennox is now in Scotland, and
the meeting will take place at once.
The Earl is, as you know, a Catholic, and if at any future time
we have any claims, we could not wish for a governor more suitable
for us, because, although this Queen wishes to make him and his
wife, Lady Margaret, her creatures by the appointment, she has
kept them alwvays imprisoned and in disgrace for the cause of
religion and other reasons. She can do no more against them, and
is forwarding his appointment as governor to disarm any future
ennity from him. She thinks that because he has his wife, son,
and estate in this country, she can be assured that he will govern
as her instrument.
The queen of Scotland is well, but with only liberty to go
beyond one doorway, and even then must be well accompanied.
These French, Flemish, and Englisl pirates unite to capture
their prizes, and have recently taken three very valuable sloops
going from  Spain to Fllnders, which, having stood upon the




E LIZABETH.


261


1570.
defensive, have in consequence lost all their crews, and their
cargoes are now being sold in these ports. They have armed these
sloops, together with two other prizes, captured since, so that if
they be not hindered they will soon have a powerful fleet, which
will not only make them  masters of the Channel, but will enable
them to molest us elsewhere.
At least 50 sail are now anchored in these ports as friends and!
helpers of the English, and to give a further confirmation of the
bad intentions of these people, I may say that Hawkins is pushing
forward the arming of more ships in which he will embark over
800 men. His object is to join the French fleet which has gone to
Florida. He takes with him the Portuguese pilot Bayon, and will
leave next month. He carries no cargo, but victuals, guns, and
stores.
The man who represents the king of Portugal here has agreed
about the conditions for trade with his country, subject to the
King's approval. The English demand liberty to go to the king of
Portugal's Indies to trade, but he told them that it was simply
waste of time to discuss it.
As they have been greatly disturbed here by the excommunication they continue to cast into prison with great severity all
persons who they think were concerned in it, and have even put
some to the torture who have declared certain things which are not
easily understandable. The Catholics are being greatly persecuted.
God comfort them.
Persons of weight and authority here were formerly much
concerned at the possibility of the country being troubled by
foreign powers, but lately all classes of people, and in every part of
the country, are expressing the same fear, and publicly at the
Court itself, nothing else is spoken of. They say that his Majesty
is going to revenge himself upon them in such a way that they will
be.utterly undone, and they speak as confidently about it as if
they already saw a great fleet of armed slips on their coast and
foreign squadrons on land. Their fear is such that they do not
even discuss their means of defence, although in order to do what
they can, six of the Queen's ships are being fitted out, and 500
men-at-arms are being raised in this town to put on board of
them. A great muster of 2,000 mariners is being made here for
these and other ships, and fearing trouble, as people should who
know how they have offended his Majesty, they have sent to
Ireland 2,000 harquebusses, and much ammunition, all of which
have gone to Chester and Beaumaris for shipment to Ireland.
Such is their alarm that the first defence they think of is to wreak
their vengeance on the ambassador and us few subjects of His
Majesty here, but God will be pleased in due time to give us
the satisfaction of avenging ourselves on these wicked enemies
of ours.
These people thought to receive the help of the king of
Denmark, but despatches have come from him saying that lie
would never take up arms against the King, or break his alliance
with him. We since learn that this Queen who thought to collect




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300,0001. by loan and revenue before Michaelmas has not received
200,0001.
The fleet being prepared in Flanders for the passage of our Queen
greatly alarms them, as they fear the fate which, please God, will
come to them.
The duke of Norfolk is still imprisoned- and, since the attempted
rising in his county, they keep him more closely guarded. They
have arrested about 20 of the principal people of the county, whom
they are examining. They are still in Norfolk.
The Cardinal is still at Court, persuading them that his brother
will prevail, and urging them to find money for him, whilst he, the
Cardinal, encourages the soldiers to rob with the same object.
They gave a reply to Poigny, saying that there was no reason
either for them to release the Queen or for him to go to Scotland,
but that they would give him a safe conduct to visit the Queen and
return to France by way of London.*
They have arrested the Scotch ships, which they found here,
although the cause is not known.
In future we shall know little in London of what goes on at
Court, because, in consequence of the plague, they have given an
order forbidding, under pain of death, any one going from London
thither.-London, 28th July 1570.
Aug. 1.  199. ANTONIO DE GUARAS to ZAYAS.
Since my letter of the 28th, great haste has been made in
completing the equipment of the Queen's ships, and many sailors
are passing through here from the south coast to man them. Some
of the ships are already going down the river. There are seventeen
in all, and, although the Queen has five others armed in various
ports, there is a great lack of seamen, and they will consequently
be badly manned with extra hands instead of seamen.
The Admiral is in Kent, raising men for the ships, and it is said
that he himself will go on board of them.
They have placed two hundred soldiers in Dover Castle in
addition to the ordinary garrison.
They have brought twelve gentlemen here prisoners from Norfolk,
who are again being examined.
There is a rumour here to-day that the duke of Alba was
embarking soldiers on his fleet. They are spreading this news in
order to incense the people against us as much as they can.
M. de Poigny who went to the queen of Scotland has returned
here and we shall soon learn something about her affairs.
The adoption of the earl of Lennox as governor of Scotiand is
now fully confirmed.
The plague is increasing here, and last week 96 deaths occurred
from it besides two in the Tower. The duke of Norfolk has,


-* Mary wrote a letter in October to the Duke de Nemours saying that the letter she
hadlwritten to him with the intention of sending it by Poigny had not been sent as she
could get no means of conveying it to him whilst be, Poigny, was in London.-See
Lettres inedites de Marie Stuart, Labanoff,




ELIZABETH.


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1570.
therefore, petitioned that they will either release hilr or change his
prison, but it is understood that the afore-mentioned arrests will
prevent his being released at present.
The alarm publicly expressed by the people here, and their fears
of being ruined, are perfectly incredible, and the whole tilk at
Court consists in discussions as to how they will defend themselves
or how they will perish.
It is certain that Secretaiy Cecil, on returning from the Queen's
rooms to his own a fortnight since, said, in great distress, to his
wife,." Oh, wife, if God do not help us we shall all be lost and
"undone. Get together all the jewels and the money you can, so
"that you may follow me wlhen the time comes, for surely trouble is
"in store for us."  Although this seems improbable, yet it is certain
that it took place. It is thought that at the last extremity they
will abandon the whole business and escape to Italy, Vienna, or
some other place, as both they and the bishops have placed for years
p)ast great sums of money in Germany, as they did when the late
Queen Mary came to the throne. Tllis suspicion also has caused
most of them  to sign deeds of gift of all their property to their
heirs.
A gentleman from the duke of Saxony and another from duke of
Olff(Holstein?) have arrived here, it is believed to offer their services
to the Queen.
It is reported that John Hawkins has increased his fleet to
twelve ships for a voyage to our Indies, taking no cargo but stores,
lime, stone, and wood, and it is to be presumed that the intention is
to land at some place where they may cause us trouble, building
fbrts for the purpose. He will unite with Captain Sores, a
Frenchman, who has 800 men with him, Hawkins having 1,600. It
is to be hoped that some measures will be taken to prevent this.
The pirates are gathering at the Isle of Wight, and it appears
that the pirate who was arrested will be released.
The earl of Lennox, the new governor of Scotland, has sent a
gentleman to this Queen, asking for help in money and men.
It appears he is going against Westmoreland and the Scotch friends
of that Queen.
Postscript: The Portuguese pilot Bayon has left for Plymouth to
go with Hawkins, who will sail some time this month. They have
been entrusted with large sums of money by people here. This bad
pilot, who knows much and has great experience, will certainly
do us some grave injury if means are not quickly devised to
prevent it.. —
The gentleman I said had come from the Duke of Olff (Holstein?)
really comes from the Count Palatine, but the other man comes as
I said, from the duke of Saxony.-London, 1st August.
Aug. 5.  200. GgTERAU DE SPES to the KING.
I have reported in previous letters the preparations being made
here, and, although I have a person of my own on the watch at
Plymouth to inspect their ships, I have learned from my friend at
Court that the earl of Bedford was recently in that port for the




261


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1570,
purpose of arranging for the despatch of this expedition, in which
will sail 1,500 Englishmen with all requisites for colonisation. They
will first try to meet our Indian fleet, and Bartolom6 Bayon, the
Portuguese pilot, will go with them. They have provided him
with money for an outfit, and he has left here taking with him two
Spanish rogues, who were astray in London. The first idea was to
colonise some place near the Straits of Magellan, but they now tell
me that the intention is to go to the Rio del Oro, near New Spain.
They take with them pinnaces to enter the river, at the mouth of
which there is a good port which they intend to colonise, after
having stolen all the gold they can lay their hands on in the interior,
which they think will be a large amount. The second ship that
Winter sent to this place has returned hither, and they have
bartered their goods there, at Cape de la Vela and Jamaica, for hides
and silver of which they bring large quantities. Since the arrival
of Fitzwilliams, the English commissioner, the Queen expresses
dissatisfaction at the result of his negotiation with the duke of
Alba, and is now hastening the equipment of all her ships, 23 of
which are large. They are being provisioned for three months,
and will be ready in a fortnight with five thousand five hundred
mariners and soldiers, with instructions to sail for Scotland, even
though the duke of Alba should disarm. The principal object will
be to take possession of the castle of Dumbarton, and Sussex has
been ordered to re-assemble his army to the number of 4,500 men
and the cavalry which he now las, for the purpose of crossing over
the border to help the earl of Lennox. In these two enterprises, I
am assured that the Queen is spending all the cash she possesses,
and, in order to calm the minds of people, she has orderedithe duke
of Norfolk to be sent to his own house under arrest, on the
pretext that people are dying of the plague in the Tower. The
Queen has promised the gentlemen from the king of France who
came about the queen of Scotland's affairs that she will send in all
haste a messenger to ascertain the reason why Livingstone had been
detained on the frontier. This man had been sent by the queen
of Scotland to endeavour to reconcile the Scotch nobles to receive
her as Queen when she was set at liberty, so that when this was
arranged in Scotland, the negotiations for her release here might
have been undertaken.
All these things are simply tricks of Cecil's, who thinks thereby
to cheat everybody, in which, to a certain extent, he succeeds. I
have news from the Isle of Wight that the pirates are there in great
numbers.
The servant of the Count Palatine, who is here trying to arrange
an alliance with his master and other princes of the Empire, is
being put off, because the Queen is afraid of incurring further
expense. — London, 5th August 1570.
5 Aug.   201. GUERAU DE SPES to ZAYAS.
As I know that Cecil instructed Fitzwilliams to complain of me
to the duke of Alba, saying that the (northern) rebels had escaped by
means of a passport from me, and that I was a party to their rising,
it is well that his Majesty should know with what intention this




ELIZABETH.


265


1570.
complaint is made. The object is to expel me, now that they
think I understand better than before the affairs of this country,
and Cecil thinks that I, in unison with others, might make such
representations to the Queen as would diminish his great authority.
There is no need for me to specially write to his Majesty to this
effect, but I wish to point out to your worship that Cecil is a
crafty fox, a mortal enemy to the Catholics and to our lord the
King, and that it is necessary to watch his designs very closely,
because he proceeds with the greatest caution and dissimulation.
There is nothing in his power that he does not attempt in order to
injure us. The Queen's own opinion is of little importance, and
that of Leicester still less, so that Cecil unrestrainedly and
arrogantly governs all. So far as expelling me from this country
goes, that, indeed, would not distress me, because it is necessary
one way or another that these affairs should be settled, and my
wish is that they should be settled in a way which will increase
the power of our King, so that the English in future may pay him
more respect. Your worship may be certain that, if Cecil is allowed
to have his own way, he will disturb the Netherlands.-London,
5th August 1570.
7 Aug.   202. ANTONIO DE GUARAS to ZAYAS.
Since my letter to your worship of the Ist instant, the news is
that the new governor of Scotland, the earl of Lennox, has taken
up arms against the good Scotsmen who are faithful subjects of
their Queen, and against the Englishmen who are with them.
Lennox has sent here for help in money, but there is no news yet
of its having been granted, although posts are despatched to him
every day. It is said that the earl of Northumberland is still a
prisoner, and that the queen of Scotland, although well in health,
is being guarded more closely than hitherto.
As I wrote in my last, the earl of Bedford went to the west
country, Plymouth and Falmouth, and six thousand crowns have
recently been sent him for the despatch with all speed of Captain
Hawkins and his fleet of 12 ships for the purpose of meeting
our Indian flotilla. The wicked Portuguese pilot, Bayon, is in
Plymouth, and he has contrived to seduce and take with him some
of your Majesty's Spanish subjects.  We suspect that he has
tricked Damian Dela, who was a servant of mine, and one
Barrientos, and others. I was shocked to hear about Damian,*
and, if it be true, I hope he will be the first to suffer. Their object
is to unite with Captain Sores, and land in some part of our
Indies.
They will together form a great fleet, and it really is to be hoped
that some measures will be promptly taken that the Indian fleet
may come safely, and that these knaves may not succeed in their
evil designs.
All the Queen's ships, to the number of 22, are being equipped
here, and the pirates are collecting at the Isle of Wight by orders
of the Council; but, although the Queen's ships have gone to the


* Damian de Dela was a Valencian taiior, who had lived in London for many years,




266


SPANISH STATE PAPERS,


1570.
mouth of the river to make an appearance of being ready, it is
certain that they will not be so for some time. It is understood
that they will be sent off, as they are equipped, to Scotland, and
the Admiral will go in the last detachment. Their object is to
seize the port of IDumbarton, which they think will ensure them
against the possibility of either the French or Spanish setting foot
in England or Scotland. From the Thames to Berwick the coast
is guarded on land as if an enemy were in sight, and for defence
on the Scotch side they have three thousand soldiers in Berwick.
It is reported that six thousand men, soldiers and sailors, will go in
the Queen's fleet, which is provisioned for three months. They
have sent twenty thousand crowns to the governor of Berwick in
order that he may be ready with his three thousand men.
The duke of Norfolk has been brought out of the Tower and
confined in his own house under guard. There is much discourse
on the matter, and it is believed that they have done this for fear
of the people of his county. If lie were at liberty, much harm
might come to them thereby. The prisoners from Norfolk have
been lodged in the Tower, and seven or eight of them were
summarily condemned to death.
The man who fixed the Pope's ban upon the bishop of London's
door was condemned to death two days ago. He has made many
statements, which are related diversely, but with great firmness
lie publicly repeated all the contents of the brief, to the effect
that his Holiness was by divine law the Supreme Pontiff, the
Queen illegitimate, the excommunication sacred, and those who
disregarded it members of the devil.
M. de Poigny, who came from the queen of Scotland, is leaving
for France. The English commissioner who recently came back
from Flanders is again shortly returning thither.
It is said that a new fort is to be erected on this river.
Two boats, one of forty tons and the other twenty-five, have
been sent from here to the coast of France to watch if the fleet
there makes any movement and report to this Queen.
All over this country great unrest exists in consequence of the
arming of these fleets, and nothing else is spoken of. They are
doing what they can to provide for defence, but they are as much
alarmed as if they knew they were going to be conquered. As I
reported in my first letters, I have, since the beginning of these
troubles, continued to report to the duke of Alba both what I
write to your worship as well as other things which it is fitting
that he should know in Iis Majesty's interests.-London, 7th
August 1570.
9 Aug.   203. ANTONIO DE GUARAS to ZAYAS.
Since my letter to your worship of the 7th, these people have
changed their plans, and Hawkins will not leave with his fleet
until they see what is going to be done in Ftanders, so that they may
not find themselves without that force on the west coast. Under
the pretence that he had no intention of accompanying the fleet,
the Portuguese pilot, Bayon, has returned to London. The preparations for defence are being very busily carried on, and the




ELIZABETH.


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general fear is that the country is to be attacked, although they
see that no preparations are being made excepting those for the
passage of our lady, the Queen.   They executed to-day the
gentleman who nailed the Pope's ban on the Bishop's door.* He
remained firm, saying that all that the declaration contained was
sacred.  They quartered him with great cruelty whilst he was
still alive. The day and the hour of the execution were unusual
ones, for fear of the people. It took place before the Bishop's house.
They have just sent two aldermen of the city to the ambassador
in the name of the Queen's Council, ordering him to meet certain
representatives of the Queen on Friday next at a place 20 miles
from here.t We presume that this extraordinary step means no
good, and that the intention may be to order him to quit the
kingdom, although it may be with some other object. God rescue
us from these terrible folks!-London, 9th August 1570.
12 Aug. 204. GUERAU DE SPES to the KING.
By various channels I have reported to your Majesty that this
Queen was equipping her 23 ships, which are now at Queenborough
on the Thames, and will be ready to sail in 10 days. The governor
of the Isle of Wight recently asked the captains of the pirates
whether they would be willing to serve against your Majesty's
fleet if necessary. They were united in saying that they would do
so, and would serve better than En lishmen. They have 35 'ships
there, well armed and manned. /Hawkins has been ordered not
to sail; it is understood because they wish to wait until the fleet
carrying our Queen shall have passed, although Hawkins is
pressing greatly to be allowed to leave.  In the meanwhile
Bartolomd Bayon, the Portuguese, tells me that he will not go in
that fleet, but wants to take other ships and another route, unless
your Majesty will acccept his services. He says that Hawkins will
not colonise the Indies, although most of the pirates may stay
there, but that Hawkins will go direct to take possession of the
island of San Juan de Ulloa, in order to be master of the fleets which
may come and go. He threatens to revenge himself well for the
past injuries done him, and if he should fail in consequence of
finding the island fortified, he will do the worst damage he can. I
learn that he has 12 ships ready, although the man I sent there to
inspect them has not returned.
The commissioners are at Southampton inspecting the merchandise.
The answer that commissioner Fitzwilliams brought from the
duke of Alba has not given much satisfaction here, as they thought,
with all this show of armament, that things would have been dealt
with more gently. They are therefore in a bad temper, and say
that I am not a suitable person to stay here, the intention being
to get rid of me, on the grounds that I am not confining myself to
my own duties, and that I tried to hinder the appropriation of the
money which the Queen asserts belonged to merchants. With
this object, two aldermen came to tell me that if I would go to


* John Felton.       t St. Albans.




268                       SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1570.
St. Alban's, eight miles from the Court, certain members of-the
Council would meet me there to discuss matters.   As I was
warned of their intention, I replied that I could not treat privately
with any of them until the Queen would receive me, at least
without the express order of the duke of Alba. It appears that
the earl of Leicester railed a good deal about it at the Court when
my servant took the reply, saying that it was a very great annoyance that I should remain so long in England, considering the way
in which I was behaving, as I was only here to spy out what was
going on. The letter which they wrote to me afterwards, and my
reply thereto, are enclosed herewith. I do not believe that they
will stop here, as the determination of Cecil and Leicester is, as
the former's own secretary tells me, to turn me out of here, as
they say that at such a time as this it is not fitting that your
Majesty should have an ambassador in England.  The duke of
Norfolk is under guard in his own house, and it is believed will soon
be released, as the Queen wishes to make use of him.-London,
12th August 1570.
12 Aug. 205. ANTONIO DE GUARAS to ZAYAS.
Since my last letter of the 9th instant, the only trustworthy
news of importance is that the new governor of Scotland is in
arms against the faithful subjects of the Queen, and the English
have provided the governor of Berwick with money to keep 3,000
men on the frontier.
The earl of Northumberland is still a prisoner, and Westmoreland and Dacre, with their Englishmen, are with the queen of
Scotland's friends.
The pirates have collected at the Isle of Wight 31 sail besides a
few others in the ports and at sea.
At the mouth of this river all the Queen's ships are being
armed and provisioned. Nine of the best of them are fully prepared, and anchored in the Downs, bound for Scotland, for the
purpose of capturing Dumbarton. The other 14 cannot be ready
under a month for lack of mariners, and because neither the biscuit
nor the meat is ready. They have only taken the ships there to
make an appearance of preparedness. Hawkins is ordered not to
leave, and is lying off Plymouth until our fleet shall have passed.
The pilot, Bayon, has returned here, and is passing his time until
Hawkins has orders to sail.
The news of peace in France is confirmed to-day, which makes
these people all the more anxious.
The president of Brittany has come here to try to get some
money from this Queen on behalf of the woman who calls herself
queen of Navarre, to help the Admiral and the Huguenots. He is
being forwarded in his efforts by the Cardinal.
The members of this Council are determined to annoy the ambassador. They have recently written him a very discourteous
letter, confirming their request that he would appear before certain
representatives of the Queen within two days at a place 20 miles
from here. It is expected that the object is to declare to him the
Queen's request that he will leave the country. For good reasons




ELIZABETIH.


269


1570.
his lordship has replied that hle would not attend, as he had no
instructions to negotiate, but it is to be presumed that in order to
carry out their intention they will not scruple to come to his own
house shortly.
The agent of Portugal continues to negotiate about the treaty,
and both he and the English are persuaded that they will come to
terms, so that the trade between the two countries may be peacefully carried on as in ordinary times.
The rancour they show against those who knew anything of the
Pope's excommunication is astonishing.  Many persons are in
prison in connection with this, and some are in danger of suffering
the fearful cruelty which was perpetrated on the man who fixed
the paper to the Bishop's door. The Admiral has taken leave of
the Queen to go with the fleet. He passed through London yesterday, accompanied by five Englishmen of high station, who are to
serve as his lieutenants and councillors.
Postscript: It is now said that they have summoned the ambassador in order to arrest him, and keep him under guard in his house
until further orders.  We shall know all in a few days, and
I, myself, am  expecting ill-treatment from them.-12th August
1570.
14 Aug. 206. ANTONIO DE GUARAS to ZAYAS.
I wrote to your worship on the 12th, and I now have to report
that the Council has just sent a reply to the amlbassador's letter.
They say that as he has not attended they should not consider him
henceforward as an ambassador, or treat him as such. The answer
was given verbally to the man who took the ambassador's letter,
and we are expecting every moment that the Queen and Council
will send an armed force to take the ambassador to the Tower, or
give him into the custody of some gentleman who will guard him
closely. If they take me too, it will not be so bad, but we fear
they will separate us, and molest each of us according to our degree,
showing to us in our own persons the feelings they entertain
towards his Majesty's subjects. I leave this letter written in order
that it may be sent through a fiiend for your information, as it is
believed that neither the ambassador nor myself in future will have
a chance of writing. It is not to be supposed that they would treat
us in this extraordinary manner, and yet leave us free to write,
but I have verbally begged a friend to let your worship know what
may happen to us.-London, 14th August 1570.
1 Aug. 207. ANTONIO DE GUARAS to ZAYAS.
The letter which goes herewith was already sealed, but as the
messenger was detained I may continue by saying that we have
been awaiting hourly some news from the Court respecting the
amnbassador, but nothing has yet arrived, although I have learned
from a trustworthy source that they are determined to arrest him,
and it is presumed that the English Commissioner who recently
returned from Flanders is going back thither to-day to inform the
Duke of the matter; although this will not be his only object, but
also to spy out what is being done about our fleet.




270


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1570.
Scotland is all up in arms, and the Queen's friends are determined to give battle to the new governor and others. He is
begging for men and money here. This news is certain. Although
it is quite incredible, it is generally affirmed that when our fleet
passes, the English fleet will force it to salute. This absurdity
sounds like a joke, but it is asserted by persons of weight,
who assure us that the Admiral bears orders to do all manner of
wonderful things if our fleet does not salute.
The French ambassador has gone to Court to announce to the
Queen the terms of peace, and M. de Poigny is going back to
France.
The plague, thank God, is not increasing, but there is great
sickness of fever all over the country. The Queen is in poor health
with her malady in the leg.
The Admiral has returned to Court to discuss their intentions,
and afterwards left in all haste to push forward the preparations
on the fleet. Reviews are being held all over the island, and they
are on the watch day and night. These people are saying that the
Moors of Granada are resisting more than ever, at which they say
they rejoice. -London, 16th.
Postscript: Whilst I was writing this, the Queen sent a gentleman
to tell the ambassador that they are dissatisfied at his not having
attended the appointment with the Queen's representatives as
requested, but the ambassador excused himself, and he was then
asked for a passport for Harry Cobham, whom this Queen is
sending to welcome our Queen. There are reports of some disturbance in the province of the earl of Derby. This Queen would
not believe the settlement of peace in France until the ambassador
showed her a letter fromi his King on the subject. This news of
peace has caused them to send to-day  to the Isle of Wight ordering
the Englishmen who are on board the Walloon and French ships to
come ashore, and to no longer accompany those pirates.
These people are in great fear of the return of our fleet from
Spain to Flanders, and dread lest the king of France should have
made peace with his rebels on such bad terms only to turn upon the
English.-Closed 18th August 1570.
16 Aug. 208. GUERAU DE SPES to the DUKE OF ALBA.
By the ordinary post I wrote to your Excellency what had passed
with the Council, sending you copies of their letter and my reply.
After that, Cecil said to my secretary, Cipres, in the presence of
another servant of mine, that he gathered from my letter that I
wished to consult your Excellency, and this being so, the Queen did
not consider me any longer an ambassador. My secretary, not
wishing to take such a reply, Cecil said with great arrogance that
he himself would send it to me either before the secretary got back
or afterwards. I have therefore been expecting some piece of
impertinence from him, but no one has come yet. I am    told,
however, that Fitzwilliams is being despatched to your Excellency,
perhlaps with the object of giving an account of this. They have
refused to grant a passport for a servant of mine to go to your




VJLIZABETH.


27i


1570.
Excellency about it. I send this advice as best I can, and if your
Excellency thinks fit, Fitzwilliams may be spoken to about the illtreatment meted out to an ambassador of such a sovereign as ours,
at the sole instigation of Cecil, who has done so much to offend
the King, and is trying to ],reak the old friendship between the
countries. lie fears that, if the Queen hears it from my mouth,
(and I can affirm it because I know) it may cause him to lose his
place, and he misses no opportunity therefore of preventing it,
fe.igning anything he thinks best; just as he did in the case of the
bishop of Aquila, to whom it is notorious that he ordered poison
to be administered.
I have been informed that his brother-in-law, the Lord Chancellor, was going to interrogate me at St. Alban's, his house being
near that town, and what with the gout and his fear of the plague,
he dares not come nearer London.   I am   told that the interrogation was to take the form of a general inquiry, they thinking
that I should be sure to fall into some expression which they could
seize hold of, and make an excuse for my detention as I should
have been taken unawares. Cecil drew up the memorandum for
it with his own hand, although the Queen was not very urgent
about it, as she entertains some suspicions in consequence of the
duke of Chatellierault having gathered a much greater force in
Scotland than the earl of Lennox, whom he is going to meet. If
the Ennglish cross the border to help Lennox they will break the
treaty with France, and Cecil therefore wants the Queen to send
two councillors to the queen of Scotland to see whether some
reconciliation cannot be made with her, without intervention of the
French or Spaniards. The bishop of Ross will try to accompany
them if they go.
I also have to report that the letter that these four councillors
wrote me was not written with proper courtesy, but I replied in
the customrary formn in order to deprive thim of any opportunity
which might give Cecil a better chance of succeeding.-London,
16th August 1570.
17 Aug. 209. GUERAU DE SPES to the KING.
As affairs here are changeable, so also will be the reports I send
to your Majesty. On the 13th instant Cecil sent his reply, as I
stated in my last, to the effect that this Queen did not consider
me as an ambassador because I had to consult the duke of Alba.
Cipres, my secretary, would not receive this answer. Since then
matters have changed. The certainty of the peace in France, the
news that Lennox is not obeyed in Scotland, doubts of the earl of
Derby and his part of the country, as well as other fears, have
cauised them  to alter their intention, and yesterday Walsingham,
the man they have appointed to go to France, came to me from the
Queen to cmplain mildly that I have not been to meet her representatives, pretending that my intentions were not good; to which
I replied that the duty of ambassadors was to treat with- the
sovereign to whom they are accredited, although points are often
referred by them for discussion with councillors or representatives,
but tha.t tho lpoint was easily settled by my offering to go and




272


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1570.
kiss the Queen's hand whenever she might order me to do so.
Walsingham asked me from the Queen to give a [passport and
letter of recommendation to Henry Cobham, a pensioner of this
Queen, whom she is sending to visit our Queen. I have done this
amply, and they have given me a passport for a servant of mine to
go to Flanders.-London, 17th August 1570.
20 Aug. 210. ANTONIO DE GUARAS to ZAYAS.
I wrote to your worship on the 16th, and the news since then is
that they have enticed Dr. Storey, whom you will know, on board
a ship in Flanders, and have brought him hither. He was betrayed
by a false companion of his, a treacherous Englishman, and an
acquaintance of mine met the traitor on the 16th instant coming from
Harwich (?) whither Storey had been taken. My acquaintance
seeing the traitor alone, was surprised that he should be here; the
latter said, " I have come hither to do the Queen a great service,
" for I have managed to bring into England a bitter enemy of the
" Queen and this country." It is now understood that Storey will
arrive here a prisoner to-night or to-morrow.
l Hawkins has been ordered to stay with his fleet at Plymouth,
and it is believed that he will not sail on his voyage until after our
fleet has passed. It is even probable that he will not now undertake his voyage to our Indies, and to waylay our fleet as was
intended. I have since discovered that the Portuguese pilot was
really to go with the fleet although he denied it.
A man arriving yesterday from Berwick asserts that all Scotland
is in arms, and that the queen of Scotland's friends are much more
powerful than those of the governor.
The English sailors have been withdrawn from the pirate shil)s
and have been ordered to embark on the Queen's vessels, which are
being armed and victualled with all speed.-London, 20th August
1570.
Postscript: Hawkins has now ready, although short handed, one
ship of 230 tons for a flag-ship, some sloops, one of 350 tons,
another of 150, another of 120, six barques, four of 50 tons and two
of 25 tons.  The Queen's ships; are about 13, now being equipped,
and the pirate have 36, some large and the rest boats.
22 Aug. 211. ANTONIO DE GUARAS to ZAYAS.
I wrote on the 20th, and the present letter is to report that the
English, having heard that our lady, the Queen, arrived on the
21st instant at Bergen, to stay a short time with the intention of
leaving with the first fine weather, our fleet being already there,
had decided that nine of the Queen's ships, well armed and found,
shall go out to watch our fleet. The rest of the Queen's ships are
at the mouth of this river, making a pretence of being ready, and
that they will leave with the others. But this is not so, as they
cannot sail for some time, being short of seamen, without victuals
and with insufficient powder. The pirates are also together between




ELIZABETH.                        273
1570.
the Isle of Wight and Dover waiting for the passage of cur
fleet.
Captain Hawkins has been sent for from Plymouth, and, it is said,
will return thither in two days to join his fleet and also watch our
fleet on that side. It is thought now that he will not attempt his
voyage before next March.                                  ---
There is a rumour here that the Admiral is detained at Court, and
this is spoken about publicly without any cause being assigned for it.
The good Dr. Storey was taken to the Tower yesterday, having
been brought by treachery from Flanders. These people in London
are only talking of the martyrs they are going to make.
There is nothing new fiom Scotland except that the Queen is
well. Her ambassador, the bishop of Ross, is here at liberty, but
the duke of Norfolk still under arrest in his own house. Harry
Cobham   has left for Flanders in company with the English
ambassador. The plague has increased in London, and there is a
great sickness of fever all over the country.-London, 22nd August
1570.
2 Sept.  212. GUERAU DE SPES to the KING,
[EXTRACT.]
In  my   last I reported to your Majesty that this Queen
was sending Henry Cobham     to welcome our Queen, although
it would have been more appropriate if she had sent some lord or
person of higher position. He is to try to arrange for his going to
Spain, and to throw out a feeler with regard to re-opening the
negotiations for marriage with the Archduke Charles; not that it
will be carried through, for nothing is further from this Queen's
thoughts than marriage, but only to keep the matter on hand. In
the mleanwhile, they talk of calling Parliament together in October
in order to raise money. Cecil wants to adopt a new rule forbidding
the towns to elect members excepting fiom residents in the towns
themselves, and he is making lists of those he wishes elected, all of
whom are strong Protestants.
The English gentleman who sent hither the man Mathew, who
was detained in San Sebastian, is called Robert Hggins.  Ie
reported to tlhis Queen that your Majesty was certainly in conmmunication about Irish affairs, and had sent certain persons to reconnoitre
the country with a page of the marquis of Cerralbo, an Irishman by
birth. The lad (Mathew) has been about London, but with this
confusion of the plague I have not seen hima lately. I think this
Maathew told me that the man who sent him was tall and not
stout, of ruddy complexion.
There is another man here called Swinfield who has some sort of
provision fiom your Majesty in Naples, and goes backwards and
foiwards to different places for this Queen.  He was sent to
Cologne to try to bring round the elector there to the side of the
Palatine, and it was said that he wished to go to Spain, as he makes
himself out to be a Catholic, although my fiiends on the Council
tell me he is a spy. He is a tall man with little beard, and when lie
is here he carries his sword belt hung fiomr his shoulder.-London,
22nd September 1570.
y 76467.                                                    B




274


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1570.
2 Sept.  213. The aforegoing letter has the following additional passages in
Ad.   b.          this transcript.
Add. 26,o56b.
I am entertaining the queen of Scots, as your Majesty instructs
me, with letters praising her religious constancy and declaring your
Majesty's desires for her liberation, as upon it and her marriage
depend the restoration of the Catholic religion in this country. It
is well your Majesty should know that since the publication of the
bull of his Holiness, the Catholic gentlemen here, feeling themselves
absolved from their oath of allegiance, are trying with more earnestness to shake off the yoke of the heretics, and the bishop of Ross
has come to me twice, with letters of credence from his mistress, to
say that the sons of the earl of Derby, and particularly Thomas
Stanley the second son, with the gentry of Lancashire, who are
Catholics, have determined to rise and seize the person of the queen
of Scots. They tell me that this would be connived at by one of
the sons of the earl of Shrewsbury who guards her, and they can
raise 10,000 foot and 1,000 horse, the only thing wanting being a
supply of harquebusses and some money for the horses, not a large
sum. They are, however, against the marriage with the duke of
Norfolk, as he belongs to the Augsburg confession, and they only.
wish to have to do with a real Catholic. The bishop of Ross tells
me that the Duke, either out of timidity or for some other reason,
does not wish to leave the prison, where he is only guarded by a
single gentleman; but Montague, Southampton, Lumley, and
Arundei, and many others, the moment the Lancastrians take up
arms, will join them or act independently, as may be advised, against
this city. The earl of Worcester and his country will also rise, and
it is decided that the first thing will be to obtain possession of the
queen of Scots, and a fleet might approach Lancashire or the Isle of
Man and take her off whilst the matter was being settled by arms.
As the affair is so important, I have given him no answer, in conformity with the duke of Alba's orders.
The Queen was very angry when they brought for
her signature the warrants for 30,0001. spent on fitting out the
fleet, and she has put off signing them, so that the equipment is
now entirely stopped, except the ten ships which I have already
mentioned as being ready. As they are short of men the pirate
ships are fewer in number but better armed than before, and
manned wholly by Englishmen.
It is said they had great understandings in Calais with the
soldiers there, who are in great need.  Much merchandise was
therefore being taken thither, and the French ambassador has gone
to Court to complain of it.
I have already advised your Majesty that Captain Hawkins had
offered to abandon his voyage to the Indies, but I cannot bring
myself to believe it.
I sent your Majesty the duplicate letter of the Portuguese pilot
Bartolomd Bayon, petitioning for your Majesty's favour; but as I
have burnt all my papers again I only recollect that he begged to
be allowed to take negroes or goods to the Indies, and that your




ELIZABETH.                       276
1570.
Majesty should give him some honourable employment.-London,
2nd September 1570.
3 Sept.  214. GUERAU DE SPES to the KING.
Since closing my packet for your Majesty yesterday I have
received letters of 26th July. As regards expeditions going to the
Indies, I have already reported to your Majesty the promise given
to us here that they would desist from the voyage. Cardinal
Chatillon has been informed from Rochelle that Captain Sores
sailed for the Indies with eight well-equipped vessels, whilst seven
others of his company remained on the coast of Spain to do what
injury they could. These are now being expected at the Isle of
Wight with their prizes. The Cardinal's secretary there awaits
them, where he is also receiving his dues from the other pirates.
The man who captured the last wool ship which belonged to one
Ribera and hailed from Laredo is young Winter. I am informing
the Duke of Alba in order that he may send me instructions what
representations I have to make to the Council respecting it.
I will negotiate with Bartolom4 Bayon as if of my own accord,
and will report what I make of him.
There is no doubt that Robert Huggins is up to no good,
according to a very minute statement given to me by Mathew,
which cannot be either feigned or false. There can be no objection
to his being imprisoned nor to Swinfield being deprived of his
allowance. I hear from a kinsman of the duchess of Feria, who
brought me letters from the Duke, that this man is of ruddy complexion and has the appearance of a gentlelman. He has served as
a spy to the Council for some time past. I will find some excuse
for seeking and summoning Mathew.
Since Thomas Stukeley left Ireland the Queen has taken a very
unfavourable view of Irish affairs, and a certain Don Juan de
Mendoza who came in the ships from the Indies was imprisoned in
Dublin Castle for having conversed with him. Stukeley's property has been seized, but he has not been proclaimed here as a
rebel.  This queen publicly told the French ambassador that
Stukeley was leaving the country in order to live el-ewhere with
freedom of conscience. They are in great alarm about Ireland,
because the Queen's shortness of money causes preparations to be
tardily carried out, and I am told by Captain Lotini, a Lucchese,
that there are not twelve hundred Englishmen in all Ireland, and
those that are there are badly paid. All the people wish to be
subject to your Majesty, and it is believed that Stukeley went to
beg you to accept the island.
I sent copies to your Majesty of Antonio Fogaza's treaty with
the Colncil, limiting Winlter's marque and restoring commerce
with Portugal. I send another copy herewith.
This Queen told the French anmbassador that the earl of Sussex
would not enter Scotland, and that he was on the border because
she bad news that Lord Dacre would try to enter England. She
said she would not fail to negotiate for the release of the queer of
Scotland, although it would have to be accompanied by hostages
of high personages and castles, for the complete security of the
s 2




SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1570.
queen of England. Her intention is evidently to put off with
words those who are treating of this business.
This morning the Admiral went down the river to the ships,
and will take out the ten that are ready. With him went, as
ambassador, Charles Howard. He has his look-out on the hill close
to Margate, and when our Queen's fleet is sighted they will go out
to salute and receive her.-London, 3rd September 1570.
3 Sept.  215. ANTONIO DE GUARAS to ZAYAS.
Since my letter of the 22nd ultimo, things have been in such
suspense that I shall have little to say in this letter.  I have
reported that the faithful subjects of the queen of Scotland are in
arms against the rebels. Since then the earl of Sussex, the English
general, with three thousand foot and six hundred horse, has entered
Scotland to help the rebels. The earl of Westmoreland with the
Englishmen who follow him are on the side of the faithful, but
Northumberland remains in prison. The queen of Scotland is still
closely kept, but well.
The English have nine ships at the mouth of the river, and near
Malrgate thirteen others, which are being fitted out with the utmost
speed, and to which have been taken all the seamen they can get
together. As they are short of meat and biscuit, however, they are
not ready yet. The Admiral is at Court, and great surprise exists
that he should be absent from the fleet at this time, respecting
which absence there is much diversity of opinion. There are many
pirate ships, about eighteen, collected at tll Isle of Wight, as well as
others off )over, and thirteen in the straits. All the English sailors
have b)een withdrawn froln them, as far as possible, but there are
still two hundred English on board, some seamen and some common
rogues.
Seven or eight of the men implicated in the Norfolk rebellion
have been condemned to death, although it is said that some will be
pardoned. They are some of the principal people in the county.
The Duke is still kept under close guard.
Dr. Storey is at present very strictly imprisoned, and is being
examined. The man who betrayed him is also under arrest in order
to make the people believe that he did not betray him. Many
burlesque verses ihave been printed about the kidnapping of Storey.
Much discontent exists here at the agreement made in France,* and
it is whispered that this bad Cardinal Chatillon will leave here in
consequence. Above all are these people dismayed at the agreeernt between his Holiness, your Majesty, the Venetians, and other
powers, but what is giving them most anxiety is the return of our
fleet after the Queen's voyage. All the people are talking of it,
and they have little hope of security as they understand that there
is a great number of powerful ships and many soldiers on our coast
without counting those at Granada. They fear that some evil may
l)efall them from Ireland, and all this alarm will cause them to keep
well under arms at great cost.


* The treaty of St. Gertirain en Laye, signed 8th August 1570,




ELIZABETH,


277


1570.                                                                 -,
The fears they entertain llave caused them to order Hawkins to
stay on the coast at Plymouth with his fleet, but in the meanwhile,
the pirates are still capturing what they can, and recently took
a ship with 120 bales of wool from Santander belonging to Pedro
de Ribera. These captures occur every day, and the plunder is sold
in the Isle of Wight and other ports with the full sympathy andcountenance of the people there. It is understood that some of
the English traders in Calais had formed a plot with certain soldiers
to deliver the town to the English, but it was discovered.
Order has been given to-day from the Court that the Thames boatmen are to be pressed for service on the fleet, and that all persons
who have been appointed shall join the ships at once.  Whilst
writing this I have learnt that the reason of this order is that they
have received news of the arrival of our Queen at Antwerp, where
she would embark immediately, and await fine weather to sail.
The Admiral is still at Court, and in his place, they have sent to
the ships a son of the Lord Chamberlain, named Howard. ViceAdmiral Winter and other captains are on board.-London, 3rd
September 1570.
11 Sept.  216. GUERAU DE SPES to the KING.
In my former letters I reported to your Majesty the promise that
Hawkins had given me not to go to the Indies, and I have since
learnt that three of the sloops that he had ready for the voyage
will now go to Rochelle to carry picks, spades, and other building
tools, as they intend to make that the port of call whence the
Indies may be molested. Captain Jolis, a Frenchman, with three
very well armed ships will shortly leave there, his crew being for
the great part English, and excellent sailors. He takes no cargo to
barter, which is a sign that he wishes only to capture the ships he
may meet. Letters from Rochelle say that Sores had maltreated
the Spaniards in Florida, but I have no news from the Court of
thisj This Queen replied to the ambassadors of France and Scotland that the earl of Sussex had crossed the border without her
orders, though, as he had done it in her interests, she approved of
it, but notwithstanding this she will negotiate for the release of the
Queen.
The secret negotiations between the people in Derby and Lancashire, and those of the West, are to the effect that, if they can
count upon some help and assurance of support from your Majesty,
they will take up arms to restore the Catholic religion in this
country and will adopt the course which your Majesty may think
best. It is clear that they wish if possible not to bind themselves
to the French. I have not allowed them to negotiate with me, but
the understanding has been made with the bishop of Ross, and they
hope to bring into it the duke of Norfolk. The captain of the
smack which brought Dr. Storey is called " Cornelius Hadria,"*
* His name is given by Carte as Cornelius de Eycke, and Storey was enticed on
board of his smack at Bergen Op-Zoom by one Parker who was afterwards thrown into
prison "by the craft of Storey's friends." The matter is referred to at length in
Vol. I. of the present Calendar, page 323 n.




278


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1570,
who, I do not think is a Bergen man. He is swaggering about
here very impudently. He arranged the matter with March, the
English commissioner, and others whose names I am ascertaining.
The Queen's ten ships now await our Queen's fleet, whilst the
pirates to the number of five-and-twenty, are cruising on the coast.
The Vidame de Chartres has now permission to return to France
and Cardinal Chatillon is requesting the same. ---London, I th September 1570.
16 Sept.  217. The K1NG to GUERAU DE SPES.
There is little to reply to your letters and to those which you
have sent to Zayas, but, seeing the amount of preparation being
made there on the fleet, and the ships, and that the earl of Bedford
was in Plymouth* to sail with fifteen hundred Englishmen provided
with the requisites for colonisation, it was well for you to write me
minutely as you did about it, in order that we might take here, as
we have done, the necessary precautions. Don Francds de Alava
writes that the English ambassador in France had assured him that
no English ships would go to the Indies or attack our ships coming
home. In this, however, not much trust can be placed, and you
will continue the vigilance you have hitherto exercised in discovering everything and sending reports to me, as also with regard
to the negotiations with the Portuguese respecting trade. If the
treaty is concluded you will send me a copy of it.
In the matter of restitution of property detained, there is at
present nothing to say until we know the result of the coming and
going of the Commissioners, which, however, seeing how the
business is being delayed, I do not expect will end in anything
good.
I also wish you to learn thoroughly the exact position of affairs
in Ireland; what forces and troops the Queen has there; what
profit she gets from the island; and how much is the ordinary
revenue and in what manner it is collected. You will send me a
statement of all this drawn up as clearly as possible.-Madrid.
16th September 1570.
19 Sept. 218. GUERAU DE SPES to the KING.
I have taken care, in fulfilment of your Majesty's instructions,
to deal with Bartolomd Bayon, as if on my own account, in order to
get him to make clear how he thinks he could best serve your
Majesty. I told him, in order to get him to open out, that I would
communicate on the subject through a friend of mine who was a
secretary of the council of the Indies. The result was that I got
him to nake the statement which I enclose herewith, and it seems
to me undoubted that he is a man who could serve with advantage,
and whom it is important to separate from the English and the
pirates, who think by his help to make great progress in the Indies.
It is true that some of the clauses in his document need moderation;
but if he sails only with your Majesty's subjects, your Majesty will
* Note in the King's handwriting: "I think he said he was only there for the
preparations and not to go to the Indies."




ELIZA BETH.


279


1570.
always be able to punish him or modify the agreement at your
discretion. His request to be allowed to take victuals without
present payment and without giving security in Seville, appears
somewhat impertinent, but the rest of his demands, after abating
the export of negroes, and the taking of merchandise from here,
do not seem to be objectionable. Your Majesty will consider it and
give me your instructions.
The commissioners have ended their investigations on the coast
and will now continue them here. They will no doubt finish in
about a week. They have discovered a vast number of robberies,
since the inventory was made by the English themselves. I have
learnt by letters from a favourite lady of the Queen that the latter
has heard of the movements in Lancashire and Derby through a
pensioner of hers, the son of a Catholic gentleman, who is concerned in them. She has learnt that they were in league with the
western people and intended to have mass publicly performed. I
do not know yet what steps she will take to prevent it.
The earl of Desmond and a brother of his, Irishmen who have
been for many years in the Tower in consequence of religion
and a rising in the time of John O'Neil, have been released on
small sureties, and are now in Selliger's house. They all three
desire to serve your Majesty, and speak highly of Thomas Stukeley,
who they consider to be a man capable of great things both in
Ireland and here.
Vandenberg, who was in prison in a private house, has been
released on the pretence that he had escaped.-London, J 9th September 1570.
25 Sept. 219. GUERAU DE SPES to the KING.
I have written in former letters respecting Bartolomd Bayon's
proposals to protect our trade in the Indies, and I will now speak
more fully respecting Ireland. I send your Majesty enclosed a
memorandum drawn up by Selliger, a good Catholic gentleman, with
the advice of the earl of Desmond and his brother, who are in his
house under sureties of 1,5001. This Catholic (Desmond) is a great
gentleman in Ireland, and although he is not much of a warrior,
but they say this his brother is fit for anything. Whenever your
Majesty wished they could be set free from here without great loss.
This Queen has sent an investigator to Lancashire to unravel the
new Catholic conspiracy, from which, if it were well conducted and
aided, great advantage might be derived to the cause of God and
the security of the Netherlands. If this country were Catholic it
would be a good friend of your Majesty, but whilst it is Protestant
the fear and hatred with which you are regarded will make the
people try more and more to damage and distress you.
The queen of England has summoned the bishop of Ross to
Reading in order to push forward the arrangements she wished to
make with his Queen for the delivery to her of the Prince, the
hostages, the fortresses, &c. Some Catholics advise the acceptance
of this treaty on condition that the hostages should be mutually
given on both sides, and that the Prince should be brought up by




2O0


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1570.
persons chosen by his mother, the whole treaty to be limited in
point of time. The French desire this settlement in order to save
themselves men and money, and because they fear that the first
disturbance that occurred here would cause the queen of Scotland
to lose her head, as has been already agreed upon by the Council
of this Queen. In accordance with what the Bishop tells me I will
report to your Majesty on this subject.
The Vidame de Chartres has left for his home, and Cardinal
Chatillon will sail for Rochelle in three (lays, summoned thither by
the Admiral, with all the principal Protestants in France, for the
purpose of collecting the fifth part of their property, which they
have prolmised to the king of France, and other things. Chatillon
told the Queen that the prince of Orange's proposed enterprise
against the Netherlands could hardly be carried through without
money.
The English are not hurrying the corsairs* since they have been
here, though they, on their part, are doing their best, taking such
particulars as these people are willing to give them. They are
given to understand quietly that, when a general settlement is
effected, much stolen money in cash will be revealed to them.
Six ships are being sent to Hamburg, although the profit is
little or nothing. The flotilla has come from Muscovy, but brings
little of value. It is true that some spices have begun to arrive
from there, to the value of ten thousand crowns, brought from the
Caspian Sea through the land of the Soplhi, but they will cost more
than the spices from Portugal.
People are very sorry here that our Indian fleet of so great a
value has arrived safely at Seville, and that the king of Portugal's
vessels have come into Lisbon. They are complaining that Captain
Sores has wasted too much time in taking little ships. Cardinal
Chatillon has dined with the French ambassador, and the Vidame
came to bid him good-bye.-London, 25th September 1570.
5 Oct.  220. GUERAU DE SPES to the KING.
In my previous letters I reported that Secretary Cecil and Walter
Mildmay were to go to the queen of Scotland with certain proposals and to discover her feeling. They left on the 27th ultimo,
and the bisliop of Ross followed them. I have tried to learn what
the proposals are, and have set them forth in the enclosed memorandum. They are intolerable, and I think that the journey is
only taken to waste time.  The queen of England also gave a
passport for the coming hither in safety of some of the ten lords
who had joined together in Scotland in their Queen's favour,
promising a cessation of hostilities on the frontier for a month.
They have only license for 14 days.
I enclose a copy of the reply from his Holiness to the queen of
Scotland, although the servant who brought it from Rome stayed
in Paris.  I shall learn from him now what are his Holiness's
intentions as to helping movements here.


e      * In the handwriting of the King: "He means Commissioners.      Look at the
cipher."




ELIZABETH.


281


1570.
Two French ships have arrived at Dumbarton loaded with
powder, wine, flour, and other stores, although in no great
quantity. Walsingham  has returned from France, and says that
the Christian King insists urgently upon the release of the queen
of Scotland.  The people who accompanied Walsingham    hither
speak of the discontent of the Catholics in France with the peace,
which, it is believed, will be of short duration. It is announced
that Sores has taken a Portuguese galleon and a ship from Seville
with a large quantity of cochineal.
The commissioners are now hurrying, and Spinola and the other
man are entertaining them by saying that if the treaty is a final
one they will disclose to them other plunder of great value. They
are asking them that particulars of this should be revealed to them.
They will do their best, and will leave shortly.
There is nothing new about the Lancashire conspiracy, as the
investigator who went thither was a Catholic himself and has
greatly absolved the culprits.
A ship from Spain for Flanders ran aground on this coast, and
the sailors, thinking that she was foundering, went ashore, leaving
the ship and cargo.  I have sent to Lord Cobham, who has possession of the ship, and crew, to see what can be done about it.London, 5th October 1570.
15 Oct.  221. GUE1AU DE SPES to the KING.
On the 10th instant I received your Majesty's letter of the 16th
ultimo. I have in former letters dwelt at length on the facilities
existing for the subjection of Ireland to your Majesty, and I will
make minute inquiries as to the revenue which this Queen now
receives from that island, which I know to be very small, and insufficient for the expenditure she incurs, in consequence of the
greater part of the island refusing allegiance to her, whilst the
part she holds is but little cultivated, though there is an abundance
of cattle, which is better than the English. There is no work on
the seacoast, as it seems that the English wish to keep it as it is,
so that no other prince should enter into possession, the island
being so suitable as a point from which England could be subjected, and they have' no desire to civilize it, because they think
that it thus might become more populous and powerful than this
island. Those who have held offices there assert that there are
many mines of silver, lead, alum, and other similar things, and
that if the island were brought into civilized quiet, its great
fertility would make it very valuable to its sovereign.  I will
report to your Majesty all I learn upon this subject.
In my previous letters I related that Secretary Cecil and Walter
Mildmay had gone to the queen of Scotland to negotiate personally
with her, and to propose certain measures, of which I gave an
account in a memorandum I sent. It now appears that Cecil has
somewhat modified these conditions, and the present enclosure
contains the proposals as they were handed to the queen of
Scotland. Cecil remained there somewhat longer than his leave
stated, whilst the queen of Scotland was considering the proposals




282


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1570.
which still contain hard and dangerous conditions, and will not
be accepted by the Scots without difficulty.
The bishop of Ross sends word to me by a servant that he will
be here within a week, and will then tell me his mistress's wishes
fully.
I now know for certain that the duke of Anjou will send a servant
to see the queen of Scotland and ascertain whether she is willing
to marry him.  It may be that the Queen may consent, but it
would not please the majority of English people, and it certainly
does not please me. The Catholics are not much in favour of
the marriage with the duke of Norfolk, as they: are uncertain about
his orthodoxy, although the earl of Arundel and Lord Lumley
affirm that he will be obedient to the Catholic Church. His desire
to reign might well wean him from bad paths to good ones. The
said Duke himself has been very lukewarm about this marriage,
but he now seems to wish to renew the project, particularly as lie
expects shortly to be at liberty, in accordance with the Queen's
promise to him. If your Majesty's wishes have to be manifested
equally with those of the French, the bishop of Ross will be a good
negotiator, and I could conduct the matter with him or with
Roberto Ridolfi, who has been in communication with them, and,
if it should be necessary for the duke of Norfolk to bind himself
apart to other things, measures might be taken, even now, in the
matter. Your Majesty will send me your orders, as it is certain
that the release and marriage of the queen of Scotland carries with
it the tranquillity of Flanders and the restoration of religion in
this country. I will follow the orders that the duke of Alba may
send me, as your Majesty commands. The Catholics would prefer
a Catholic foreign prince to marry the Queen, with your Majesty's
approval, but if the matter is neglected some unfortunate event may
occur.
In the meanwhile the earl of Lennox makes every effort to get
general recognition as governor, and confirmation for the execution
of 33 persons of the queen of Scotland's party.
M. de Lumbres, who has been always the agent here of the
prince of Orange, has obtained permission from the Council to
go in the pirate ships and do what damage he can to Flemish
vessels, seeing how rich M. d'Aloin became last year in this
way. He will leave soon. Vessels from the Netherlands arrive
here every day, and are well received. The ships detained from
Flemings have in many cases been restored to them   on some
sort of surety, which they will not do for Spaniards on any
account.
The memorandum of the treaty arranged by Antonio Fogaza
was only concerned with William Winter's marque, but since the
king of Portugal has seized two ships belonging to Christmas, an
Englishman, they have established another marque, and the agreement
for trade will now be more difficult.
The commissioners, doubtless, have given an account to the duke
of Alba of the bad proceedings here, and, as it is now clear from the
English memoranda that these people are beginning to let out about




ELIZABETH.


283


157A0
money which they have taken from the ships, besides what the
Queen seized, and the amount of such money is known to be much
larger than they confess, it would not be undesirable for your
Majesty to order that all people in your Majesty's dominions who
had been robbed by Englishmen, or pirates hailing from England,
within the last two years, should declare the amounts of their losses,
on the assurance that they shall not suffer your Majesty's displeasure, or other danger, by so doing, even though they had
exported without a permit and had not paid the dues on the property
they had lost.
Since the fleet carrying our Queen passed, the pirates have
captured a Portuguese vessel which had run aground, the cargo of
which belonged to your Majesty's subjects, and another that had
gone ashore at Ipswich loaded with salt; in addition to which I
have just learnt that they have taken into the Isle of Wight a ship
with a very rich cargo of wool, and I am sending to the Court to
see whether I can arrange that they shall not sell their booty. If
ships continue to come freely in this way trade will simply be to
enrich the heretics.
Cardinal Chatillon bade farewell to this Court with great
banquets and presents given and received, all at the expense of
the seafarers. In order to flatter the earl of Leicester in return for
the obligation he is under to him, he told the Queen that she could
not marry any one who would be more acceptable to the Protestants than Leicester.  He received news whilst he was still
tarrying here that all the principal Protestants in France were to
gather at La Charity, and afterwards meet at Rochelle with Madame
Vendome, who awaits them.
Henry Cobham writes from Spires that he was coolly received
by the Emperor.    He broached the subject of the Archduke
Charles' marriage, but they have deferred a reply until after the
marriage of Princess Elizabeth.* He believes that the Emperor
would consult your Majesty, and would communicate with me to
learn whether this proposal was sincere or not, before giving a
reply.-London, 15th October 1570.
20 Oct.  222. GUERAU DE SPES to the KING.
I have thought well to report to your Majesty regarding the
negotiations between these two Queens by the opportunity of a
boat to Laredo, and when the bishop of Ross arrives I will send
final advices with the same diligence. The Queen's 10 ships have
been taken out of commission, the captains being contented, and
almost astonished, with the liberality shown to them. Our Queen's
voyage, according to all accounts, has been as short and prosperous
as could be wished.
The Biscay ship loaded with wool and iron, taken by these
pirates near Conquet, in which port four other similar ships took
refuge, has been brought into Portsmouth, and I have sent a man


* Elizabeth of Austria who was about to marry Charles IX., the young king of
France.




284


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1570.
thither with a letter from the Council ordering the ship to be
embargoed if it can be taken.
The Queen's new ship is already in the river to carry Cardinal
Chatillon to Rochelle.-London, 20th October 1570.
28 Oct. 223. GUERAU DE SPES to the KING.
[EXTRACT.]
The intention here is to molest the Netherlands,* these people
believing in this way that they will escape annoyance in their own
country. They are expecting here Count Ludovic, of Nassau, and
the quantity of ordnance which they ar3 putting on board these
Flemish and English pirate ships is marvellous. The Queen has
promised a hundred pieces, and forty are now being shipped to
be taken to the Isle of Wight, where M. de Lumbres, who calls
himself Admiral for the Prince of Orange, is with fourteen or
fifteen fine ships, and expects as many more from Rochelle.  It
would be well at this time to have some good spies at Rochelle,
as all the bad plots are hatched between there and here.-London,
28th October 1570.
2 Nov.   224. The KING to GUERAU DE SPES.
Your three last letters of 11th, 19th, and 25th September were
received together on the 28th October, enclosing the statement
given to you about Ireland by Selliger, and the memorandum
drawn up by Bayon as to his proposals. Both of these are of such
importance that I am pleased you sent them, with the information
on other subjects which you gave in your letters. As you have
no doubt written the same to the duke of Alba, in accordance with
your instructions, he will give you due orders which you will
follow on all points. After I have myself considered maturely the
question of Ireland, and Bayon's proposal, I will send you advice
as to what you are to do. In the meanwhile you will continue to
report everything that happens, and especially about the queen of
Scotland. You will let her know how much I desire her release,
and to see the Catholics tranquil in mind and body, as their noble
ends and Christian fortitude deserve.  In all your proceedings
with them, as regards action, you will closely follow the Duke's
orders, as the matter is one that must be very carefully handled,
or we may do them    more harm  than good.   Steps must be
taken in this with a leaden foot.-The Escorial, 2nd November
1570.
14 Nov. 225. Document headed "TRANSLATION of the EDICT of the QUEEN
"OF ENGLAND against those who harbour Rebellious
"Persons and Seditious Libels, dated at Hampton Court,
" 14th November 1570."
Her Majesty the Queen, considering that Almighty God has
hitherto kept her realm in general peace, and her subjects in
constant obedience to her, notwithstanding many secret solicitations of certain fugitives and rebels, now dwelling beyond the
* Note in the King's handwriting "Notice! "




ELIZABETH.


285


1570.
sea, by means of their seditious messages and false rumours sent
hither with the object of provoking others to participate in their
malicious treasons, cannot do otherwise than first dutifully give
thanks and praise to God, and at the same time express her
acknowledgment of the loyalty of her subjects, and their firmness
in the preservation of the common peace.    She gives warning
especially to the more simple sort, of her dear subjects, not on
any account to be lead astray by the false inventions of the said
fugitives and rebels, or their adherents, either hidden here or living
across the seas, who may try to seduce the good lieges to disobedience, bothi by word of mouth, and by books and wiitings,
with the object of breaking the common peace and gaining help
for their treason and rebellion. Her Majesty, therefore, earnestly
orders all her good subjects to beware of this, and to employ all
their diligence in arresting such persuaders to disobedience and
violiation of the laws, and more especially those who bring within
the realm any book or books, or similar pestiferous devices against
the laws and government of the realm, or in any manner prejudicial to the royal state.  If any person be found willingly
aiding or abetting any other person in these malicious enterprises,
or receiving, keeping, or remaining silent with regard to, any such
seditious books, writings, or printed or written bulls, and who do
not immediately discover any such persons and procure their arrest,
or at once cause such writings to be presented to the officers of
justice, as by public decree has recently been ordered, her Majesty
makes known that all persons so offending after this notice will
be arrested and punished as the abettors of the principal traitors
who are the authors of the same. This being so clear the present
decree will be carried out without any excuse being permitted on
the ground of simplicity and ignorance by those who are accused.
-Hampton Court, 14th November 1570.
28 Nov. 226. GUERAU DE SPES to the KING.
In my previous letters I have reported that commissioners were
expected from  Scotland to negotiate respecting  the queen of
Scotland's affairs.  A great heretic called Abbot Farnera* has
accordingly arrived to say that only two are coming that are
friends of that Queen, but they will not consent to the delivery of
the Prince, as neither party is in favour of it. Mlhen they arrive I
will report progress to your\Majesty.
The French ambassador continues his audiences with the object
of frightening the queen of England into the idea that his master
will not forsake the cause of the queen of Scotland, but little has
come of it hitherto.
Cardinal Chatillon has returned hither and is staying at Leicester's
house. His return must either be to intervene in these negotiations
or else because he fears fresh disturlbances in France. The pirate
Sclonvall recently seized six rich Dutch smacks bound for Rouen,
and is hurrying forward the sale of his booty in the Isle of Wight.
* Probably Pitcairn, Abbot of Dunfermline, who was one of the PRgent's Corui
missioners.




286


SPANISH STATE PAP:ERS.


1570.
I have complained to the Council, who have been here lately, and
they have ordered the captain of the island to take possession of the
vessels, and punish (as they say) the pirates. But it has all been
done so tardily that I expect the property will be dispersed, and I
have sent a servant of mine to see how the governor of the island
carries out his orders.
Under pretext of these affairs Cecil has sent several people to me,
evidently with the sole object of discovering why your Majesty had
not replied to the three letters which they say the Queen had
written to you, and also to learn whether I had power to treat for
the re-opening of trade if the Queen desired to commence negotiations
with me. I am assured of the great need that these people are in
of the trade with your Majesty's dominions, and that, if it be
interrupted much longer, most of the merchants in London will fail,
particularly now that the duke of Muscovy has punished the
English traders in his country for befriending a rebel subject of his
and detains all their merchandise; and that in Hamburg the rising
of the Elbe has greatly damaged the cloths they have there. So
far as regards the goods they need from Flanders, they are well
supplied by the multitude of boats which come from there, and by
the great quantities of merchandise which arrive from the States
through Calais. They also get a sufficient quantity of' goods from
Andalucia which the pirates steal and bring hither. If this source
of supply could be stopped it would be desirable, and orders might
be given to the effect that, if certain places there suffer very much
injury from the cessation of trade, certain Englishmen might be
authorised to carry thither what was much needed on condition
that they carried back such perishable merchandise as was ready.
This they would do' willingly as they are in such great need of
goods from there, and to dispose of their own merchandise.
The Queen has ordered the sons of the earl of Derby to appear.
on a religious accusation, without imputing any suspicion of rebellion
against them; she also has ordered the enclosed proclamation to be
published.
Jose Lotini, a ship-captain, a brave lad fit for anything, was in
the service of this queen in Ireland; but as they did not pay him,
he went over to Flanders, leaving his horses behind him, which will
give him an excuse to return thither to fetch them. He is well
known to Thomas Stukeley. He told me that in the island there
was a Fleming, a good cosmographer, although a Protestant, who had
drawn up plans of most parts of the country, and if it were necessary
he would take him over to Flanders. I have referred Lotini to the
duke of Alba, as he is very suitable to serve in those parts, although
I have not told him what my intention was.
Seven ships are ready here for the voyage to the Indies, and I
have sent an order for them to dismantle. I obtained a stop from
the Admiralty Court by order of the Council, but I am afraid some
of the ships will go.-London, 28th November.
5 Dec.   227. GUERAU DE SPES to the KING.
I have already reported to your Majesty that two commissioners




ELIZABETH.


287


1570.
are coming from Scotland; they are the bishop of Galloway* and
Lord Livingstone, and the bishop of Ross is leaving here to be
present when they reach their Queen, although the excuse he gives
for going is that she is-very ill. It is true she is not well, and is
in much greater fear for her life than formerly, in consequence of a
warning that she has received from a doctor, astrologer and sort of
conjurer, to the effect that they are going to give her poison in her
food, and who even goes so far as to indicate the day when it is to
be done.
The queen of England complains that these commissioners are
not of sufficiently high position for the purpose in view, and says
she would much have preferred that some of the Earls themselves
should have come; but as she complains of the latter for treating
with other foreigners for aid, it is suspected that if they had
been persons of higher position they would not have got a
passport.
The earl of Sussex has come from the frontier after dismissing
his forces. He insists that the present is a very favourable time
for the Scotch enterprise, but they will not listen to him in
consequence of shortness of money.
Two days ago the ambassador from the duke of Saxony arrived
with a Frenchrian, coming by way of Hamburg. They have been
referred to the Council here. I do not know yet which duke of
Saxonyhe comes from, or whether his visit is only to obtain the
money that this Queen has to give to the Reiters in exchange for
the salt brought from Rochelle, which money she has not hitherto
paid. I will advise your Majesty of this, and also as to the action
of the Governor of the Isle of Wight respecting the recovery of the
six smacks; in which I have not much confidence.
A son of the earl of Derby and other gentlemen of Lancaster,
who were summoned by the Queen, have appeared, and their statements have been taken. I do not know wh. ther they will be lodged
in the Tower, but if so, it will be a great sorrow for the rest of the
Catholics.-London, 5th December 1570.
13 Dec.  228. GUERAU DE SPES to the KING.
On the 10th instant I received your Majesty's letter of the 2nd
ultimo, brought by Henry Cobham, who also gave the Queen the
letter your Majesty wrote her. I know nothing more of Cobham's
arrival, excepting that the Emperor sends advice to the Queen that
she should remain friendly with her neighbours.
Lord Buckhurst is leaving to congratulate the Christian Kinog
on his marriage. The Scotch commissioners are expected, although
I do not think that any settlement will be comie to by their
means.
The gentleman who came from    Duke August with a present
of some little caskets and some pistols for the earl of Leicester
belongs to Augsburg, and I think he served your Majesty at the
battle of St. Quintin. He petitions to be made a pensioner of this
* The alternative name of " Candida Casaz" or White House, is given to him in the
te  t.




288


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1570.
Queen, and also requests the payment of the rest of the money for
the Reitels, with aid for Rochelle if necessary. He does not come
to renew the alliance, although it is expected that this will be done
in time.
The smacks taken by the pirates, to the number of eight, of
which I have written, were taken into the Isle of Wight. The
Governor of the island publicly proclaimed in the presence of the
man I sent that all Englishmen must leave the armed ships that
were there, three and a pinnace, which they did to the number of
three hundred and fifty, although I believe that most of them have
returned to the ships again. The property which came in the
captured vessels was all dispersed, and papers were shown proving
that part of the property belonged to the French, and, with this,
the man I sent was dismissed. The other five pirate ships are in
the Channel, and are to be joined by a pirate ship which is now
leaving this river for the purpose of going to Cape de Verd and
the island of Santiago, whence they will proceed to your Majesty's
Indies. I believe some of them will leave next month, and, notwithstanding the orders that I have given, they are shipping
coloured kerseys, cutlery, and the usual goods they carry there for
barter.
They are detaining the son of the earl of Derby without putting
him in prison, but Dr. Storey has been lodged in the Tower, and
confronted with the man who brought him.     He is accused of
having plotted with the duke of Alba; they are putting him to
the torture to-day, and I expect it will go badly with him. God
help him! All the Catholics pray for him.
I have to-day been told that the vessels arrested have been returned to the Flemings, on security being given. They will soon
return hither loaded with goods from your Majesty's dominions,
three or four having already sailed for Spain with that object. It
would  be desirable to prevent this.-London, 13th December
1570.
20 Dec.  229. GUERAU DE SPES to the KING.
The commissioners expected here on the queen of Scotland's
business have not arrived, and little confidence is placed in a settlement being arranged. This Queen is shortly sending Walsingbamn
as her new ambassador to France, as slhe thinks he is more likely
to raise dissensions than any other man. Lord Buckhurst will
follow him to congratulate the King and Queen on their marriage.
1ie will be accompanied by the earl of Rutland, who is a lad, and
goe:  to see the country. I understand that some sort of negotiatlion will be opened to get the duke of Anjou to ask for this
Queen in marriage, in order that they may make use of this for
their own ends. There are some Ileople who advocate a similar
embassy being sent to Spain in order to complain of the Emperor's
reply about the marriage of the Archduke Charles, but they are
not decided on this.
They are very seriously discussing the making of Count Ludovic
of Nassau" head of the pirates, to the number of thirty-five sail,
* The brother of the prince of Orange.




ELIZABETH.


289


1570.
as they think that by this means they may not only molest the
Netherlands and your Majesty's territory, but also send ships to
the Indies, although those who are fitting out the ships declare
that they are only going to Cape de Verd. Wherever they go it
is very desirable that they should be punished, and also that the
Flemish ships that have gone to Spain from here with English goods
should be detained, and prevented from returning with Spanish
goods. French vessels are constantly bringing Spanish goods
hither. A gentleman named James Fitzmorris has gone over to
France leaving a fort which he had in the earl of Desmond's
country in the hand of 14 French soldiers.
They have taken another smack with fish off Dover; they are
so used to robbing now that it will be very difficult to teach them
honesty again.
The ambassador from Duke August and his house say that
his master is not desirous of an alliance with this Queen, as he
does not wish to incur fresh expenses and responsibilities. This
Queen says the same, so that they are both entertaining each other
with words.-London, 20th December 1570.
1571.
9 Jan.  230. GUERAU DE SPES to the KINO.
I have advised that Count Ludovic of Nassau was arming inr
Rochelle, and a servant of his has now arrived to summon the
corsairs who are about here, and to take him the artillery and
stores which this Queen was lending him. They will have 12
fine ships together, amongst them the great Venetian ship, in which
the Count himself will go. The valuable Spanish ship loaded with
oil has already been transported from Cornwall to some other
place. The Council reply to all complaints with dissimulation,
and do not take much notice of the fact that the Englishmen who
took the two smacks actually brought them out from the Meuse.
Three vessels and a thirty-ton boat have left Plymouth for the
Indies, and another boat and a frigate are ready to leave. All the
efforts made and promised by the Judge of the Admiralty are
insufficient to prevent them from going.
This Queen has sent to say to the Scotch commissioners that she
will be'here in five days, and will receive them, together with the
commissioners of the earl of Lennox, to discuss the means they
propose for a settlement.
This Queen is very proud of the embassy sent by the Protestant
princes of Germany to the king of France, and gives out that it
was done by her orders.-London, 9th January 1571.
9 Jan.  231. GUERAt DE SPES to ZAYAS.
It is not mny fault that so mnuch delay had occur:eid in the
conclusion of the English business which is being discussed in
Flanders, as I should like to see it done differently and without
any loss of dignity on our side. It is undesirable that the matter
should be protracted because the robberies are increasing and the
insolence of the thieves getting worse. They think that all must
give way to them, whereas they are really of no account at all, and
y 7646t,                                                  T




290


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1571.
their power is based on such frail foundations that they could be
overturned with the slightest effort. Notwithstanding this, seeing,
as they say, the remissness of the foreigners, and their own artfulness day and night in the business, they succeed in the most
impudent adventures.    As a sort of boast of this, the earl of
Leicester made a new year's present to the Queen, consisting of a
jewel containing a painting in which the Queen was represented
on a great throne with the queen of Scotland in chains at her feet,
begging for mercy, whilst the neighbouring countries of Spain and
France were as if covered by the waves of the sea, and Neptune
and the rest of them  bowing to this Queen. With these vanities
they flatter the Queen to the top of her bent, who, in other ways,
lives with more freedom than Joan of Naples or the like. It is
really necessary, although we possess so much power, not to allow
it to fall from  our hands, and we should be as careful to take
advantage of opportunities and artifice as if we were as weak as
we are strong. By this means our monarchy would be durable and
feared by all for the service of God.-London, 9th       January
1571.
16 Jan,   232.   GUERAU DE SPES to the KING.
The Queen gave audience in Hampton Court on the 13th instant
to the bishop of Ross and the Scotch commissioners with the result
that they have to wait 12 days until the commissioners from the
other party arrive.  In the meanwhile a committee has been
appointed to deal with them, consisting of the earls of Leicester
and Sussex, the marquis of Northampton, the Lord Keeper, Cecil
and Knollys.
Cardinal Chatillon was summoned to all the conferences, and
the Queen is now   offering to intercede with the Christian King
that he, the Cardinal, should be restored to the enjoyment of his
revenues.   He wishes to push forward the treaty of marriage
between the Queen and the duke of Anjou, but her matrimonial
intentions are of no use any longer for deceiving people.
In the meanwhile Count Ludovic of Nassau is expected on this
coast, and to complaints of robbery, they reply very coolly,
thinking that all this will only tend to their advantage in the
question of the restitution, and that if they only restore what
they have proposed to do, all their offences will be forgotten and a
settlement effected.-London, 16th January 1571.
22 Jan.   233.   GUERAU DE SPES to the KING.
I have informed your Majesty that Cardinal Chatillon was
pushing forward with great warmth the marriage of the duke of
Anjou with the Queen, and the business is now quite advanced, the
Queen-mother having written very gently about it to the Cardinal.*
* The whole of the negotiations for this match are fully and most interestingly
related in the published correspondence of La, Mothc-F'enelon, then recently appointed
French ambassador in England. The Emperol's refusal, through young Henry
Cobham, to renew the negotiations for maTriage with his brother the Archduke
Charles, would appear to have been much more decided than is stated in the present
letters, and there is no doubt that the Queen was deeply offended at the slight. On the




ELJZAIBETIEt


291


1571.
The Queen has already proposed it to her Council; one of the
members said that the Duke would be rather young, and that it
would be well to consider deeply before they broke entirely with
the House of Burgundy. The other members were silent, surprised
to see her so set upon this marriage, which they had always thought
was merely a fiction. The earl of Leicester is greatly dismayed at
having been the instigator of this treaty, but the Cardinal promises
him grand estate and honours, and says that he shall go to France
at the conclusion of it. The fickleness of the Queen makes it
impossible to say whether the marriage will go forward or not.
She has already assured the Cardinal that she is quite free from
any pledge elsewhere, and that she is determined to marry a prince
and not a subject, whilst she has a good opinion of the character of
the duke of Anjou.
In the meanwhile they are delaying the settlement of the queen
of Scotland's business, on the excuse that they must await the
arrival of the commissioners from the opposite party, and their
only urgency is to find means of assuring the safety of the earl of
Lennox, whose life is in great danger by reason of the executions
which he has carried out. The Council here wishes to mutually
bind the parties very strictly for the present, under the threat that
if any hostility is committed the present negotiations shall be
stopped.
I have had arrested the two Flemish pirates who captured the
smacks in the Meuse, and sixteen hundred thalers were found upon
them, which I will try to have restored with the goods to their
owners. This has not been ordered yet, although the Council
promise me that it shall be. In the meanwhile the other pirates
go on robbing, and very little can be done towards punishing
them or recovering their booty. The ships from Rochelle, to the
number of about ten, are expected, and by means of the screw thus
applied the Councillors think they will be able to do as they like
in Flanders.
The revenues that the Crown of England receive from Ireland
used formerly to exceed 80,0001., but for the last 10 years they
have been only about 20,0001. a year, with the extraordinary duty
on wine.    'he diminution has come about by reason of bad
government. I write this in fulfilment of your Majesty's order,
which I could not do before, as I had not the information.
Whilst this letter was being put into cipher the French ambassador
came to see me, and in the course of conversation, complained that
Cardinal Chatillon had made so much noise about the marriage of
the prince (the duke of Anjou) with so little foundation. The
Cardinal went to his house to explain his design to him, mentioning
the Vidame de Chartres as the originator of the idea, and wished
to make the ambassador believe that the Queen would agree to it,
but he, the ambassador, thinks that she will not do so. I treated
the whole matter as a joke.
other hand, Catharine de Medici was quite willing to listen to Chatillon, Chartres, and
her own secret agent, Cavalcanti, when they proposed so brilliant a match for her
second son, as she was now convinced that Philip's sole policy in regard to France
was to render it impotent by crushing the reforming party.
T 2




292


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1571.
The French ambassador was summoned yesterday to the Queen
who complained to him of the French who have possession of the
castle* belonging to the earl of Desmond. She says they are
fortifying a little island opposite, and have refused to leave on the
request of the governor.  She desires that the king of France
should be asked to order them to retire.-London, 22nd January
1571.
31 Jan,  234. The KING to GUERAU DE SPES.
I have received your letters of 1st, 5th, and 20th of December
and Zayas has told me what you wrote to him on the 28th. I am
well informed thereby of affairs in England, and the plans and
plots which are being carried on there with the German heretics.
Continue to advise me of everything and particularly with regard
to placing Count Ludovic at the head of the pirates. Let me know
what strength of ships and men he can dispose of, and what routes
are taken both by Ludovic and the seven ships which you say are
being fitted out for India.
All this is quite incompatible with the settlement which is being
discussed with the Queen. The duke of Alba writes on the
Ist December that this settlement was quite advanced, and we are
surprised that you do not mention this in your letters, as it
is the most important subject at present pending.  So much
is this so, that until we know how this negotiation ends
no new prohibition can be made of the export from here of the
merchandise you mention, nor can I take fresh steps to prevent
the bringing hither of English goods needed by my subjects. You
will therefore in all your letters report to me what is being done
about this treaty and what hopes may be entertained of its being
carried through.
I have nothing special to say to you respecting the affairs of the
queen of Scotland and the English Catholics, as the Duke will
convey my intentions to you as may be needful. I have only to
say that you can assure the queen of Scotland and the Catholics
that I desire their amelioration more than I can say, and that I
will not fail to duly aid and support them by word and deed.
Having considered what you have written on various occasions
about Bartolom4 Bayon and the memorandum he gave you, I have
come to the conclusion that his proposals are quite out of the
question, and were no doubt only made for the purpose of getting
more credit and reputation with the people there in consequence of
the reply he hoped to get from here. Although this was the case,
you will do well not to appear to slight him, and you may tell him,
as if on your own account, that the person who was your inter.
nlediary had informed you that, if he would moderate somewhat
the demands he makes, he might be dealt with reasonably, but that
it would be much better, in order that it should be settled more
speedily and easily, that he himself should come here to treat on
the matter; for which purpose a safe conduct would be given to


* Dingle in Berry.




ELIZABETIH.


293


1571.
him. You can proceed cautiously in accordance with this as you
see fit, and let me know what passes.-Madrid, 31st January
1571.
6 Feb.  235. GUERAU DE SPES to ZAYAS.
It is no good to say anything to this Council about the pirates
for they will not refrain from welcoming them. M. de Lumbres is
now arming a Spanish ship which he captured, without any
hindrance, and the Council are thinking again of stirring up
trouble in Flanders, and either bringing the Christian King to
their will, or once more trouble his kingdom. They think with
this bait of the marriage of the duke of Anjou with the Queen that
we shall be afraid of offending them, and they therefore are
delaying the queen of Scotland's business. It is true that so far as
the Catholics are concerned matters were never more favourable than
now. I did not dare to accept their offer in the face of the duke
of Alba's instructions, but whenever his Majesty wishes, a great
service can be done to God, and, at the same time, the safety of the
Netherlands secured and the throne of Spain aggrandised. The
position of its ambassador here will not add much to its dignity
unless some prompt steps be taken. I have suffered more than can
be imagined, and, on Purification Day, the doors of my house were
surrounded by those who came to arrest the persons who had
attended Mass, of whom they captured three or four, all Spaniards.
At night they were released on bail and the payment of a fine.London, 6th February 1571.
12 Feb.  236. GUERAU DE SPES to the KING.
This Queen is entertaining the ambassador and commissioners of
the queen of Scotland with the hope of the arrival of the earl of
Morton, and says she will send a special man thither to hurry him.
In the meanwhile she wants to draw them into another negotiation
about the restitution (of prisoners?) on both sides, but they will
not deal with that matter separately.
The secretary of Cardinal Chatillon is expected from France.
He is the promoter of the marriage with the duke of Anjou. The
Cardinal for his trouble has received through Veluti (Velutelli?)
ten thousand crowns. By way of France news has arrived that his
Holiness had granted the kingdom of Ireland to your Majesty, and
that you would in consequence send Thomas Stukeley wittl fourteen
or fifteen companies of Spaniards.  These people are already
beginning to discuss the measures to counteract this. The pirates
have brought to the Isle of Wight three sloops of great value
belonging to your Majesty's subjects.  One was lost on its
arrival. I am sending there now with letters from the Council to
try to recover them. Cecil told my servants that, if the merchants
of Antwerp would-pay for two of the Queen's ships to be fitted out,
they should be sent to stop these piracies, upon which he was told
that, whilst the pirates themselves were armed here, there was
little use in such a remedy as that.




294


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1571,
A Flemish ship loaded with spices and sugar has entered Portsmouth. I think it is an arranged thing as Philip Asselier, the
master, is here, and in communication with the Council, but
Rotendal's ship has been allowed to go on his declaration that she
belonged to the fleet which accompanied our Queen.
The merchants are very pleased with the hope of a settlement as
they can hold out no longer, although they get some relief by the
goods stolen by the pirates.
Postscript: I am advised that, as soon as Buckhurst learned on
his arrival in France of the Christian Queen's illness, he sent back
to his mistress to know whether he should proceed, but on a letter
being produced by Cardinal Chatillon from  the Queen-mother,
saying that he was not to abandon his voyage in consequence of
the Queen's illness, orders have been sent to Buckhurst to proceed
on his journey.-London, 12th February, 1571.
18 Feb.  237. GUERAU DE SPES to the KING.
I have reported to your Majesty that Parliament has been called
together, and is to meet on the 2nd April. The lists of property
of those who have fled the country are now ready, as the principal
subject to be dealt with is the sale of such property, and the
infliction of punishment upon those who refuse to take the oath
acknowledging the Queen as head of the Church, the only other
thing is to ask for money  The earl of Morton and Vunderec (Sir
James MacGill?) of the Scotch Council arrived here last night, and
we shall now see the intention of the English with regard to the
Scotch Queen. The French ambassador saw this Queen yesterday,
in order to intercede for the Queen of Scotland in his master's
name. He was not so well received as before, although he promised that the Frenchmen who were in possession of the castle
in the earl of Desmond's country should be punished if the Christian
King could get them into his hands, as they had acted without his
authority.
The arrival of the commissioners to be sent by the duke of
Alba to witness the restitution is awaited here with anxiety,
although these people will not be satisfied if the restitution is
not followed by a re-opening of trade. The Council have sent
the English commissioners to me to-day with the Judge of the
Admiralty, in order to arrange for the security of eleven ships which
have recently been brought hither by fate and the pirates. Their
principal reason, however, is doubtless to hear what I should
say about commerce. I altogether avoided the subject.-London,
18th February.
2 March. 238. GUERAU DE SPES to the KING.
Three detachments of ships, in all seven or eight, are now being
equipped here for the Indies. Some of them belong to William
Winter, others to Hawkins, which will shortly leave, and two
others belong to Bartolomd Bayon, who takes but little notice of
my persuasions. To judge by the goods he is taking, there is no
doubt that he is going to ship negroes and sell them at the Indies.




ELIZABET'I.


295


1571.
The Council at first promised to prevent the expedition, but now
says that it is unjust to prevent people from     making voyages,
especially as they are informed that no damage will be done in
your Majesty's territory, and they have no intention of preventing
trade.   Although I persisted in the matter, I believe all these
ships will go on the Indian voyage, and if they are well punished
that will be the only way of preventing other people from doing
the same.
In the meanwhile the delay in. the arrival of the commissioners
who are expected from Flanders has caused the discharge of the
eight or nine ships which recently entered the ports, although the
English commissioners and the Judge of the Admiralty agreed
with me that the valuable ship carried by English pirates to the
Scilly isles (?) should not be discharged. M. de Lumbre, with other
pirates, took it away from them and brought it half sacked
to the Isle of Wight.     Some French vessels have arrived from
Andalucia with oil, which was much wanted here, but they have
now an abundance of spices and other merchandise which have
come from these prizes.
The tendency of these folks is anything but peaceful. They
have had printed the apology which I send enclosed, and some
of the Council have hinted to me that we are not alive to the
negotiations which are being carried on from here in Flanders.
I believe that they are shameful, and will some day produce
effect.
The Queen has made Cecil a lord, so that he may be able to
be more useful in Parliament, and about the queen of Scotland.
Although the commissioners on both sides are here, they have done
nothing yet excepting to prolong the truce in Scotland for this
month. The queen of England says that she will consider what
can be done in the whole business when she is at Greenwich,
whither she now goes.
They are still talking of the marriage of'the duke of Anjou, but
not so warmly as before,* although it is said that the matter will
be discussed in Parliament favourably.
The Queen has ordered the viceroy of Ireland to go and capture
the castle of Dingin,f which Captain La Roche and other Frenchmen are holding.   This is in accordance with the Christian King's
wish.
He: went in disguise through here towards Dover in order to
escape into a Catholic country, and he was captured, although
* It appears that the Queen had been told shortly before this that one of the courtiers
of the French King had stated at Court, before a numerous company, that she had an
incurable malady in the leg, and that after the marriage a " French. potion " could be
given to her whereby she might be got rid of, and the duke of Anjou could then marry
Mary Stuart, and reign over both England and Scotland. The Queen was gicatly
enraged at this, and treated the French ambassador very curtly for some time
afterwards. She told him she greatly regretted his absence from the marquis of
Northampton's ball, as he could have seen herdance there and could assure the Duke
that he was in no danger of wedding a cripple.
t Dingle, Kerry. See letter from Norris to Cecil, 8th January i571, Calendar of
State Papers (Foreign).
$ Note in original; "He does not say who this is."




296


SPANISI STATE PAPERS.


1571.
he was only known by Catholics.   He escaped from  prison at
mid-day, dressed as a porter, with some wood on his shoulders.
He has taken refuge in my house, and I will try to get him
out of the country. Your Majesty will see by the letters from
Dr. Storey to me how he is suffering in the Tower.-London,
2nd March 1571.
4 March. 239. Document headed: " CONTENTS of FIVE CLAUSES issued
"by the QUEEN OF ENGLAND touching the irregularities
'on the Sea Coast, 4th March 1571."
1st. That no pirate of whatever nation shall enter any of her
ports or the Downs, under penalty of losing the ship which he
brings, and imprisonment for himself.
2nd. That no subject of the Queen, or other inhabitant of her
realm, shall send or supply any victuals or stores of any sort to
the said pirates, and shall not receive goods from them, or deal
with them directly or indirectly.
3rd. That it is the Queen's will that these clauses shall be
obeyed, and that any infraction of them shall be punished by the
arrest of the offenders by the Governors of the ports, to be held
until further orders from the Queen and Council.
4th. That any person found culpable, after the publication of
this, shall be punished as a disturber of the Queen's peace.
5th. That any subject of the Queen who may have offended in
this way, and will make confession of the same, and declare those
whom he knows to be guilty, shall be himself pardoned.
10 March. 240. GUERAU DE SPES to the KING.
In conformity with your Majesty's orders of the 30th January,
I await here the arrival of the commissioners to be sent by the
duke of Alba with the decision on the points discussed by him with
the English Commissioners relative to the restitution of what
remains of the merchandise seized from your Majesty's subjects,
and the other points if they have been settled, although the Duke
does not write that any arrangement has been made, excepting for
the restitution. During the negotiation in Flanders the robberies
and seizures have been going on as usual, and these people are now
so obstinate in them that it will be very difficult to reform matters.
The same bad tendency is shown in their desire for liberty of
conscience in the Netherlands, and it is absolutely necessary to
watch them closely, as they proceed with this intention with great
vigilance, astuteness, and dissimulation, the object of it all being to
diminish the greatness of your Majesty. This is most certain.
The servants of the prince of Orange have manned their ships with
two or three Flemings in each, the rest being Englishmen, and they
have already taken much valuable plunder. News from Rochelle
comes that a Flemish ship-master had surrenered a valuable cargoe
to Count Ludovic, and that many ships were being armed there.
Letters that I have seen say the number exceeds thirty, the captain
of which is to be Ludovic himself. They think here that they are
coming to molest the Netherlands, and these people are dreaming




ELIZABETH.


297


157J,
at the same time of attacking Dunkirk. They are talking also oI
the Indies and Scotland, but I will persevere in my efforts to stop
the ships from going to the former place. I have not been able to
settle anything with the Council, and still less with Bayon. When
I sent to summon him hither, he was already in agreement with a
Portuguese doctor here and certain Flemish exiles to fit out two
ships, and he refused to come to me, but wrote to me that he
would not touch in your Majesty's territory. I do not believe him,
but I am not abandoning the matter and profess great affection for
him, although he presumes a great deal more than he has any right
to do. The Council are willing, however, that he should go. I will
do my best and report to your Majesty.
As regards the queen of Scotland's affair, this Council now wishes
to draw up a complete case, pro and contra, as to whether the
deposition of the Queen was legal, and if the oath to the Prince can
be revoked. It is nothing but dissimulation; these people think
they can deceive everybody.
The queen of Scotland, the duke of Norfolk, and the heads of
the Catholics have wisely resolved to send a gentleman to your
Majesty, who will also see the duke of Alba, without the knowledge
of the French, I have tried to obtain copy of his instructions,
and after great difficulty send herewith a copy of them.-London,
10th March 1571.
14 March. 241. GUERAU DE SPES to the KING.
The day on which I wrote my last letter to your Majesty, the
10th instant, Captain George, an Englishman sent by the English
ambassador in Paris, arrived with news that your Majesty had
ordered the arrest of a certain English gentleman in Spain who
was giving reports of the proceedings of Thomas Stukeley, and
that the latter, with your Majesty's support, was fitting out an
expedition for Ireland to be accompanied by Major-General Julian
Romero with a good body of Spaniards. This news, together with
certain sinister information given by an English gentleman named
Smith who was formerly in your Majesty's service in Flanders,
and the delay in the arrival here of the commissioners from Flanders,
has caused the Queen to order the seizure of all the ships on the
coast, the immediate arming of three of her own and the preparation of five more. Lord Grey is leaving for Ireland, and the
Council sent word that they wished to see me. They accordingly
met on the 12th at Durham Place, there being present the earls of
Leicester and Sussex, lord Burleigh, as Cecil is now called, and
Walter Mildmay. Burleigh set forth the information that the
Queen had received from various quarters, and said she was much
surprised at it after the letters your Majesty had written to her
and a milder one from the duke of Alba. The Queen, he said, was
forced to defend her birthright, and even to act on the offensive
towards those who wished to injure her in her dominions, with
such strength as God had given her. They therefore gave me
notice of this as a minister of your Majesty in order that I should




298


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1571.
not be surprised at her preparations, and that the reasons of them
should be conveyed to your Majesty.   I assured him  of your
-Majesty's continued good will to preserve your friendship with the
royal house of England, and I called them to witness this in view
of the great moderation your Majesty had displayed in the discussion of the differences arising from these seizures. I said I had
heard nothing about Stukeley, although my letters from  Spain
were recent, and I said I did not believe it, but that spies had
exaggerated matters. Lord Burleigh, for instance, had been told
that your Majesty had given Stukeley 500 reals a day, which was
not a usual thing. I would, however, report what they said to
your Majesty.  Burleigh said he would give it me in writing,
and after this they made many excuses to me about past affairs, to
which I replied with great courtesy. The earl of Sussex took me
aside and said he was a good Spaniard, but if he were forced
he should be driven to go on to the other side. I said that he
might well believe that it would indeed be a great force which
would make Spain take up arms against England, and they
all seemed somewhat tranquillised with this, particularly when
they heard at the same time that the commissioners had arrived.
They said that the Queen wished to send Henry Cobham to your
Majesty to give you an account of these suspicions. I said no
doubt your Majesty would receive him and listen to him willingly,
and asked whether he would go by Flanders. They said I should
have full information before he went. They are still continuing to
bring harquebusses, pikes, and corselets out of the Tower; part of
them, apparently for the Queen's ships and part of them for Sandwich
for the Flemish rebels. They await the arrival of Count Ludovic. I
told them the steps they should take to stop the piracies and the
expeditions to the Indies, and as regards the first point, they said they
could not stop them unless the merchants paid the cost. I replied
that they paid customs dues for security of the channel, but was
very moderate in my expressions, in order that it might not appear
as if I was saying what I did as an excuse for similar armaments
being fitted out in your Majesty's dominions.  As regards the
Indies they asked me whether, if assurance were given that no
injury should be done to your Majesty's dominions, there would
be any objection. I said it was impossible as your Majesty's edicts
forbade the voyage, and the matter so remained without any further
assurance being given to me.
On the 12th the Lord Keeper gave an answer to the bishop of
Ross and the queen of Scotland's commissioners, to the effect that
the queen of England would not release the queen of Scotland
without first having her son delivered to her, with six nobles and
six of the Scotch fortresses, to be chosen by the queen of England;
that Morton and his party were to govern in the Queen's name,
she renouncing all alliance with other princes; so that the business
will all come to nothing. I will advise your Majesty of what
happens. M. de Zweveghem brought me the duke of Alba's letter
which I will follow. They have appointed an audience for him on
the 16th.-London, 14th March 1571.




ELIZABETH.


299


1571.
23 March. 242. GUERAU DE SPES to the KTNG.
I have previously informed your Majesty of the fears entertained
by the Queen of the coming of Stukeley to Ireland, and that I had
tranquillized the Council about it as well as I could. Four of the
Queen's ships are ready, but the crews have not arrived. A large
quantity of arms have been brought from the Tower, some of which
have been sent up the river, on the way to Bristol. Many remain,
for the ships at Rochester and others have been given to the
Flemish rebels. The note which Lord Burleigh was to give me
saying what they wished me to convey to your Majesty on the
subject, has not yet been sent to me, nor are they decided yet as to
the going of Henry Cobham to Spain. No doubt the whole object
is to delay in order to see what decision is arrived at with M. de
Zweveghem and the commissioners from Flanders. Zweveghem
had audience on the 18th, and on handing his letter of credence to
the Queen, she said that she did not consider the matter settled as
the duke of Alba said, and used other doubtful expressions of the
same sort. She promised to send him her wishes upon the subject
which she did yesterday by Leicester and Burleigh in the presence
of the English commissioners. They pointed out six amendments
they required in the agreement, all of them of the greatest
importance, which amendments are sent to the duke of Alba to
forward to your Majesty. They wish to commence the restitution
from the 28th of December 1518 (1568?), or, as it is worded in the
agreement, from the winter of that year, and by this means there
will be a difference of two hundred thousand ducats against your
Majesty's subjects. Another injurious point is that they wish to
exclude from the restitution all inhabitants of your Majesty's
dominions who are not your subjects, and they also wish to take
advantage in the matter of the valuation, and, in fact, to undo what
has already been agreed upon. They will not agree to consider
the money that they hold, as a security for the reciprocal restitution
of goods in your Majesty's dominions which is to be made after
restitution here, and they also wish to cheat us of the restitution of
the missing portion of the goods by punishing the defaulters personally without enforcing the restitution itself. There are other
points of the same sort which your Majesty will consider. All
this is atrocious, especially as the treaty has been under discussion
for a year and a half at the request of the Queen herself.
M. de Zweveghem has, I believe, done his duty very well, and I
have advised him to speak to the merchants and commissioners,
pending the arrival of the duke of Alba's reply, with regard to their
own wishes upon the subject. My opinion is that these people wish
to drag the matter on until the summer is over, which is their usual
trick, and your Majesty's subjects the while are suffering.
The affairs of the queen of Scotland are in a bad way, and I
think that Morton is returning to Scotland on the excuse that he
bears no authority to deliver the Prince. The queen of Scotland
is sending a gentleman to your Majesty and his Holiness with a
credence from many Catholics. He leaves in a couple of days for
Flanders and thence will continue his journey by post. She writes




300


SPANISH STATE PAPERS,


1671.
to me saying she desires to follow your Majesty's wishes in
everything.
Manuel Doria has arrived with a letter from the king of Portugal
for me, although he travels with a letter of credence from the King.
He and Antonio Fogaza tried to obtain audience of the Queen, but
she would not grant it, saying that they must first produce letters
from the King. There are many Portuguese goods here, and they
have granted a delay of twenty days before proceeding to the sale
of them at the request of certain merchants. The man who holds
the letter of marque asks a great sum for it, although he has
already profited ten-fold. Some of the councillors are asking for
forty thousand ducats to buy up the marque and release the rest,
offering henceforward not to allow any privateers to be fitted out
against that King's Indies.  Doria is returning to Antwerp to
consult the Portuguese merchants there upon these points. I will
report to your Majesty what happens in this respect, and I now
enclose a copy of the reply I have sent to the king of Portugal.
Winter's three ships, with one that is said to belong to the
Admiral, have sailed for the Indies. Bayon is still under embargo,
but efforts are being made for his release. He is to be joined by
another ship and a pinnace. He sends to tell me that if I will
give him four thousand ducats he will not go, on condition that he
is allowed to take the cargoes of the three ships to Spain. It has
been impossible to bring him to decency, as he is a great scamp.
If weather do not prevent him, I understand he will go to the river
Senegal and thence all these pirates hope that the winds will carry
them to the coast on the north of the island of Hispaniola where
there are good ports and opportunities of profit.
Lord Burleigh (Buckhurst?) has returned from France, but I do
not know what decision he brings. I have just heard also that
Cardinal Chatillon has died at Canterbury which may well be true
as he was very ill.-London, 23rd March 1571.
25 Mar.  243. GUERAU DE SPES to the KING.
The queen of Scotland and the duke of Norfolk, in the name of
many other lords and gentlemen who are attached to your Majesty's
interests and the promotion of the Catholic religion, are sending
Rodolfo Ridolfi, a Florentine gentleman, to offer their services to
your Majesty, and represent to you that the time is now ripe to
take a step of great benefit to Christianity as in detail Ridolfi will
set forth to your Majesty. The letter of credence from the Duke
is written in the cipher that I have sent to Zayas for fear it should
be taken.-London, 25th March 1571.
In a letter from Guerau de Spes to Zayas of the same date the
following paragraph occurs:-" The bearer is Roberto Ridolfi whom
the queen of Scotland and the duke of Norfolk are sending to
his Majesty as I have mentioned in my other letters.  It is
necessary that he should have an audience of his Majesty with
" the utmost secrecy, as your worship will be able to arrange on
so important a matter as this. I beg you will favour and forward
" him to the best of your ability, as he has been an agent of his




t LIZABETH.


301


1571.
" Holiness here, and is a person of great truth and virtue, and an
"intimate friend of mine, besides which, he is entrusted with a
"negotiation which well merits favour. He bears a letter for you
"and orders to follow your instructions in everything."
28 March. 244. GUERAU DE SPES to ZAYAS.
I wrote to your worship yesterday by way of Laredo, and Henry
Cobham has been to see me since and to tell me that he is leaving,
requesting me to give him an order to enter Spain as you will
gather from the letter he takes with him, His intention is to
make very light of the detention of ships and money and also of
my arrest, perhaps even throwing the blame on to me for the
purpose of excusing themselves. He will make out that they are
the injured parties in the treaty discussed in Flanders, will make
the most of the little restitution they promised, endeavour to get
trade re-opened for their benefit and leave all the rest to be forgotten; and if they can get security from his Majesty about
Stanley (Stukeley?) and other points they will offer that an
ambassador should go to Spain and the whole matter will be concluded to their liking without the intervention either to the duke
of Alba or myself, although I am apparently neutral in the
matter. Your worship knows well the craftiness of these people,
and it is necessary to meet their craft with cunning, and so to
dissipate their castles in the air and do our business for our own
benefit, without loss of dignity on the part of his Majesty or
material loss on the part of his subjects. We should not at present
re-open trade and should cheat them in any way possible' in this
point of the restitution. 1, with this end, am all gentleness with
them now; mixing my words with honey until we can carry the
matter through, although Henry Cobham tells me that it will not
be undertaken until his return, which is most undesirable. He
therefore should be got to write to the Queen here that the restitution should be carried out without waiting for new points of
perfection to be given to the treaty, or else he should promptly be
dismissed with gentle words in order that it may be done quickly.
Let them send an ambassador if they like; that will not hinder
what his Majesty may subsequently decide to do. As I have said,
the road is now clear and open, we are prompted to take it by the
wickedness, thefts and knavery of these pirates; all of whom were
armed here, sell their booty here, draw their crews from here, and
here obtain all they need for their evil deeds; we are prompted to
take it by the arrest of his Majesty's ambassador in a way of
which the Turk would have been ashamed, and, by the seizure of
the money, after the Queen's word had been pledged and her
passport given, whilst by the very same post orders were sent to
seize it under the fine excuse that it was to protect it against
pirates. Send Cobham back with sweet words, unless need for
other action should supervene, and if they blame me tell them to
do so before my face. They will not dare to say anything in my
presence, or I should tell them what they are and what they have
done.-London, 28th March 1571.




302


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1571.
28 March. 245. GUERAU DE SPES to the KING.
Henry Cobham has requested me in the name of the Queens
Council to give him a letter enabling him to reach your Majesty's
Court. I have given him the present letter with instructions to
forward it from Burgos or other place in the interior of Spain to
the care of secretary Zayas, and on receiving your Majesty's leave,
that he should himself follow to explain his errand which, being as
it is, on behalf of the Queen, cannot fail to be agreeable to your
Majesty.-London, 28th March 1571.
10 April. 246. GUERAU DE SPES to the KING.
The treaty for the marriage of the duke of Anjou and the Queen
is going forward, and, two days since, Guido Cavalcanti came from
Paris with letters from the Queen-mother and certain clauses of
agreement. He came very secretly, his intention being to confer
alone with Lord Burleigh and Heneage, a favourite of the Queen,
but lie was recognised at Dover. It appears they offer that the
Duke shall conform to the laws of this country as regards religion,
that he shall be called King but not be crowned, and that he shall
have an allowance equal to that which he would receive in France.*
I therefore think that this marriage will be effected, and, if it be,
many evils will result, particularly as they are setting about the
persecution of Catholics in this parliament.  As the treaty is
addressed to Lord Burleigh without any mention being made of
Leicester, it has all the greater likelihood of being carried through
promptly, as Burleigh will only think of his own advantage. The
real remedy is that with which Roberto Ridolfi is charged. This
Queen peremptorily orders the Scotch ambassadors to return to the
side of their Queen. I judge that the object of this is that they,
through their friends, should not hinder this marriage, or perhaps
it is intended to adopt something in this Parliament opposed to
their mistress' interests, although Cecil told the bishop of Ross that
if the duke of Anjou comes here he, Cecil, will be able to get a
suitable husband for their mistress. I have just received a letter
from the duke of Alba, and after consultation with M. de Zweveghem,
I will take steps to carry out my instruction, although I believe
that these people will try to delay the matter.
The pirates have taken thirty ships near the islet of Texel and
eighteen of them are now at Dover, whilst the pirates are seeking
seamen and soldiers in the neighbourhood with the utmost assurance.
M. de Lumbres with his five ships is in Plymouth. I am sending
notice of all this to the Council.
The English announce that the castle of Dumbarton has been
captured, which news is believed to be false and invented for the
purpose of animating the Protestants in this parliament.  The
earl of Morton has returned to Scotland.
Parliament has just issued a bill that any person assuming
any right to the crown of England without the permission of the


* The proposal was for him to receive from the English revenues 60,000 livres a
year settled on him for life.




ELIZABETH.


303


1571.
Queen shall lose any claim that he has thereto. As some people
think that this is directed against the queen of Scotland they
are in some fear about passing it.-London, 10th April 1571.
15 April. 247. GUERAU DE SPES to the KING.
I have on several occasions reported how warmly the negotiations
for the marriage of the duke of Anjou with the Queen are being
pushed forward. There is but little difference of opinion about the
conditions, and conferences are being held incessantly. I believe
the marriage will de effected, notwithstanding the ancient enmity
between the two nations. They are persuaded to agree to this
marriage by the idea that they will establish their religion in
France as well as here, and will gain some protection against your
Majesty, whom they know they have offended, and at the same
time will escape the restitution of the property seized, or only
restore it on their own terms. Although the matter has not yet
been mentioned in parliament and has only been discussed by some
of the councillors, they are as arrogant about it as if it were an
accomplished fact and had turned out all to their advantage,
Yesterday and the day before, Leicester and Burleigh, as English
commissioners, gave M. de Zweveghem most obstinate replies to his
proposals, refused to confirm what had been agreed upon in Flanders,
and would not give way to any just representations, but on the
contrary, added new notes and emendations of the most unjust
description, a copy of which is sent to the duke of Alba. M. de
Zweveghem thinks that his stay here is now of little advantage to
the business.
These people are much encouraged by the news that the earl of
Lennox has by negotiation taken the castle of Dumbarton, a place
of great importance, which news is now confirmed by the Earl
himself. The pirates also are muliplying greatly and constantly
bring in rich prizes here whilst direly afflicting your Majesty's
subjects, and these people are getting all the advantage. Brederode's
twenty-two sail are at Dover, whilst he is quietly selling their
plunder and obtaining crews and stores. It is announced that they
will leave a few ships there to guard the Channel and take all the
other vessels which have not been ransomed and leave for Rochelle to
join Count Ludovic, where they will also meet M. de Lumbres
with his four ships which left here on the 7th. All this fleet
together will then assail ships from Spain on all sides, and will
attack the Indian fleet and harry the coast of Galicia, where they
expect to do most damage. Your Majesty may be certain that the
people here have every desire to do the utmost damage and injury
they are able to your Majesty's dominions, and they will never
abandon this course until they are frightened out of it by the
punishment which they so richly deserve.
The bishop of Ross dismissed the other two commissioners but
remains here himself, still supplicating the Queen and Council. He
will have enough to do in getting them to dissemble with him much
longer as they have taken a servant of his coming from Flanders




304


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1571.
with many printed books in defence of the claims of his mistress to
the crown of England and they will make much of this.*
They have not yet settled anything in Parliament about the
subsidy, nor as regards Catholics and absentees, although I expect all
will be decided soon and not very differently from the Queen's
wishes.
Fleming who commanded the fortress of Dunmbarton has retired
to Lisleburg, but the archbishop of St. Andrews who was captured
there was beheaded by Lennox for having been concerned in the
King's death.
Guido Cavalcanti is still at Cecil's house with a secretary of
his, apparently a Frenchman. They will await a reply to a courier
who left two days since carrying with him a favourable decision
from here.-London, 15th April 1571.
17 April. 248. The KING to GUERAU DE SPES.
All your letters have been received to those of 16th March.
It was well to send us particulars as we are most anxious to learn
the progress of events there, and particularly regarding the queen
of Scotland and the Catholics that follow her. You also did well
in trying to obtain a copy of the instructions given to the gentlemen
sent by the Queen to the Pope and myself, in order to induce us to
endeavour to procure her release. We desire it so sincerely that,
if we had been able to obtain it, there would have been little need
to send and ask for our aid. If, however, the gentleman arrives
here he will find as welcome a reception as the importance of his
business deserves.
I note that the Commissioners sent by the duke of Alba had
been promised audience for the 18th of March, and as I am   sure
you will, ere this, have written the result to me, I have nothing
mere to say about it for the moment, excepting that I await the
decision with impatience.
What you write about the pilot Bayon has been no news to us
here as we always judged that his proposals made to you were
simply an artful trick. In view of what you wrote about his
being in league with Dr. Nulez I wrote ordering the detention if
possible of the ship that was in Ayamonte, and have also given fit
instructions respecting Thomas Wyatt's (?) ship which came with
cloth to St. Jean de Luz.     I will advise you what happens
respecting this as no answers have yet come.
You answered well to the remarks respecting Ireland and
Stukeley made to you by Cecil and the other councillors, as it was
simply the truth, and I do not therefore suppose that they will
have persisted in the idea of sending Henry Cobham here. If he
should come, it will be well for you to let me know beforehand
* This was the second edition of the Bishop's famous book called "A defence of the
honour of Queen Mary," which had just been published at Liege. A small secret
edition had been printed in London at the end of 1569, but had been rigidly suppressed
and the seizure of these copies of the second edition led, as will be seen, to a similar
course being adopted with them.




IftIZAIETfil.


805


1571.
what his errand is, and you will continue to advise me minutely of
everything with the same diligence as heretofore.
With regard to your salary and the memorandum sent of your
extraordinary expenses, they shall be looked into and reply sent in
due course.
Note in the King's handwriting in original: —"Until these
expenses are considered, and it is seen whether they are correct, it
will be well not to say that they will be provided for."-The
Escorial, 17th April 1571.
23 April. 249. ZAYAS to GUERAU DE SPES.
You will already have learnt of the reception and treatment here
of Thomas Stukeley and the intention entertained of helping him
quietly and without showing ourselves, in order that he might
encourage the Catholics of Ireland. It turned out, however, afterwards that his talent, intelligence, and weight were insufficient for
the purpose in hand, and for this reason, and in order not to stir up
feeling prematurely, an honest excuse was found to divert him, and
he left for Bivero, having dismissed the people who came from
Ireland with him and dismantled his ship, which was only of eighty
tons; which ship.he left there.  He returned hither intending
to go on to Italy and, although when he was first here, he received
a money allowance from the King, in the belief that he would only
stay a short time, when he returned nothing whatever was given to
him in the way of lodging or otherwise. For cheapness, he went to
live at Rozas* where he still remains, waiting for the Princes to
leave, so that he may accompany them in search of adventure. He
says himself, that he is going to the Pope. I thought well to let
you know this, particularly as when Cobham arrives here it will
be palpable to him that the cause for his coming was a slight one.
His Majesty is very anxious for Ridolfi to arrive, as judging from
what you say in your letters, lie brings with him matters of
importance.-Madrid, 23rd April 1571.
27 April. 250. GUERAU DE SPES to the KING.
In former letters I have represented to your Majesty how little
these people can be trusted to agree to a restitution. All the
points which were believed to have been settled in Flanders are
being disputed and freshly opened up, and they are now pressing
for the Duke to declare, within a week, if he will pay for the cloths
which he ordered to be sold, at the same rate as they would have
been sold at otherwise, and if not, the Queen will proceed to
the sale here of all the goods detained. This she will do in order
that the earl of Leicester may make a profit by it, and the Queen
herself said so yesterday to M. de Zweveghem very firmly, and even
with a sort of joke about the pirates; remarking that, as they did
not speak English, it was no business of hers to correct them, and
gave Zweveghem no chance of replying or carrying on the conversation. This courier is therefore being sent to the duke of Alba,
Las Rozas is a village a few miles from Madrid,
y 76406.                                                   T




306


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1571.
reporting to him also that Count Ludovic is expected hourly here
with tle armed ships from Rochelle, in order that they may all
join together to do some great injury, although these ships that are
now at Dover could be taken with the greatest of ease, which will
not be the case later on, as they are rapidly being supplied with
artillery, munitions, and men. The pirates have been so cruel that
it is confidently stated that they threw overboard the crews of the
cutter and the Biscay ship which they recently captured. I will
find out the truth, having sent a man to Dover for the purpose.
Parliament is going forward rapidly, having already voted the
subsidy, which will amount to 140,0001., and they are now drawing
up some very strict statutes against the Catholics, such as no nation
in the world has ever heard of before.
The negotiations for the release of the queen of Scotland are
entirely broken off, and the French have abandoned her. A packet
of letters from Randolph, postmaster-general here, sent to the earl
of Morton, has been captured and in them hopes were expressed
that she would not live very long. Lisleburg is still held in her
interest.
The partisans of the marriage of the duke of Anjou and the
Queen say that Leicester will marry the queen of Scotland.
I advised your Majesty of the arrival of Guido Cavalcanti. His
departure was extremely secret and he was guarded closely to
prevent anyone from speaking to him, even the French ambassador,
so that the Queen's decision should not leak out. It is believed
that this marriage will now be carried through, seeing the inclination
of the Duke and his mother for him to entirely adopt the Anglican
religion; and the Queen's closest friends think that Cavalcanti
bears a favouratle resolution.
The Queen-mother promises to come hither with her son, and the
wedding, they say, is to take place at Canterbury, but no fixed
allowance is to be granted to the Duke, that question being left to
the Queen's discretion. It is thought here that either Marshal
Montmorenci or M. D'Anville will come here. The queen of Scotland and the duke of Norfolk are anxiously awaiting the resolution
of the despatch of Ridolfi.
I have had Bartolome Bayon arrested here through certain
creditors of his, and he will not be able to go to the Indies now,
even though he be released, as the season is too far advanced. I
will try to stop him for any future season, and also his going to
Rochelle, which he intends to do in default of any other voyage.London, 27th April 1571.
9 May.   251. GUERAU DE SPES to the KING.
As I reported in previous letters, the pirates increase in number
daily and a large party of them  are off Dover and, although
I had the bastard of Bredercde detained, it is all of little use.
The Queen's guns and stores have been put on board, and great
numbers of Englishmen are embarked, although I do not fail to
communicate with Lord Burleigh about it. He pretends to be
ignorant of what is going on. The ships from Rochelle and Denmark
are expected.




ELIZABETH.


307


1571.
The only thing settled in Parliament has been to vote the subsidy,
but they are not agreed as to the measures for the purpose of
oppressing Catholics, in consequence of the Puritans and new Protestants having brought in the bill of which I enclose copy, and
this has raised dissensions amongst them. In order that this may
not produce an ill-effect outside, the Council has become milder for
the present. It has not been decided yet to sell the property of
absent Englishmen.
Couriers are running backwards and forwards furiously between
England and France, and the Queen is fixed in the idea that the
duke of Anjou must, when he lives in this country, conform to the
laws with regard to religion. No doubt this is intended to delay
the business, as the Queen can conclude it whenever she thinks
desirable.
In consequence of the capture of the bishop of Ross' servant and
the discovery of his cipher letters, they have put him to the torture,
although lightly as yet.*  He is in the Tower, and the suspicions
they have thus conceived have caused them  to dismiss nearly all
the queen of Scotland's servants, and she is strictly guarded,
although, even in her guard, she has some good friends.-London,
9th May 1571.
252. COPY of the OPINION of the DUKE OF FERIA and PRIOR
DON ANTONIO respecting English Affairs.
The two points submitted to your Majesty by Cobham were as
follows: First, to impress upon your Majesty the close friendship
which for so many years had united the two Royal houses, and the
second (without complaining of it), was th-At a servant of the
ambassador Don Guerau, sent by him to the duke of Alba, on
arriving in Flanders, caused the seizure of the English vessel il
which he had crossed over, and that, from that time forward, he
gave orders in every place whereat he arrived, that all other ships
and goods belonging to Englishmen in the States should be seized,
the object of this representation being to support their (thl English)
contention that reprisals were first begun on the part of your
Majesty's officers, and Cobham referred, for all other points, to the
letter of which he was the bearer. It is our opinion that a reply
should be given to him in accordance with the discussion which
took place in the Council, treating the matter on a broad and
general footing and referring it to the duke of Alba, through
whom his Majesty had, from the first, negotiated these affairs, both
in consequence of his being well-informed as to his Mljesty's wishes,
and being, so to speak, on the spot. We think this is the verbal
reply which ought to be given to Cobham, and we are of opinion
that the letter to the Queen, which is to be given to him, should
not mention the matter of the duke of Alba.
As regards giving him a chain, it appears to us that, affairs being
in their present condition and Cobham having come on the errand
he has, with the suspicions expressed in the Queen's letters, on no
account should a chain be given to him.
* This was Charles Baily, whose capture opened up the whole conspiracy, and led
eventually to the execution of the duke of Norfolk.
u 2




308


SPANISH STATE PAPEiS.


1.571.
We are of opinion that Stukeley should not be despatched until
this man has gone, as it will not be advisable to arouse the distrust
of the Queen nor to discourage the Catholic party. After Cobham
has gone it will be well to despatch Stukeley and send him away
satisfied.
We also think that Don Frances should be instructed ]to look at
the hand of the Irish Archbishop who is in Paris, to discover the
understandings he has both here and there.
The coming and going of a Scotsman called Patrick in Madrid
should be closely watched. He was with the Archbishop, but is
said now to be going about with Cobham and sometimes goes to
Zayas' house. The Catholics say that both he and his master are
spies.
Note in original.-Copies of all these despatches to be sent to
the Duke (of Alba) and Don Guerau.
Against each paragraph of the aforegoing is a note in the
handwriting of the King, which notes are respectively as follows:
1. I have had this matter of England referred to the duke of
Feria and the Prior for discussion, and Gracian has here set down
their opinion, whereto I will add what occurs to me. With regard
to this first article, I approve of what they say. Have a letter
prepared at once in this sense and sent to me to sign, so that when
it is handed to Cobham a verbal reply may be given to him in
confol mity with the above, and we may get rid of him and not allow
ourselves to enter into any pro and con with the man or to detain
him.
2. There is some confusion here about the chain; there is something to be said on both sides. Let it be again discussed by the
Cardinal and Velasco, and let me know their opinion.
3. I agree that Stukeley should not be despatched or a reply given
to him until Cobham has gone, but whether we send him away
satisfied or otherwise, will depend upon whether he is willing to
come to reason or not.
4. No harm can be done by sending Don Frances these instructions,
so let it be done.
5. I quite approve also of this being done, and efforts must be
made to find out what there is in it.
NVote.-It will be very advisable to send them copies and let them
know Cobham's errand and our reply. When this is done get rid
of this Cobham as soon as possible, as he is doing no good here.
10 May.   253. The DUKE OF FERIA to ZAYAS.
Very magnificent Sir. I have not replied to yours of the 3rd
because I awaited his Majesty's commands, and also because I
wished to wait until Cobham was gone, but the opinion of myself
and the Prior is sent by the hand of Gracian, and to this I refer you.
I understand that our object is to keep friendly with England
because it is not, at present, possible to undertake the subjection of
that country and Ireland. We were lords of it once and left it.
This friendship will be very difficult to maintain if the sovereign be




E9IAZADETTI.


309


1571.
not a Catholic, and our hold upon the Netherlands will consequently
be slighter. The Queen has felt our weakness, and so assails us
with inventions and fears that she will marry in France. She will
no more marry Anjou than she will marry me. She has neither
youth nor health to have children, or to live long. She is hated by
all the nobles and her subjects in consequence of her persecution of
the Catholics and her refusal to allow them to leave the country;
but withal, she has been unable to destroy them, for the Catholic
party is sounder than ever, as she well knows. It is out of the
question to believe that the French and English will ever be friends,
as they have a natural dislike for one another, and besides this,
their sovereigns have such mutual claims as to make it impossible
that they could trust each other. The English have never had, nor
have their princes, any cause for enmity with us but, on the
contrary, many reasons to desire our friendship, which they have
always found sincere, and the trade with his Majesty's dominions
profitable. The French have not a friend in the whole country,
whilst we have the Catholic party, which includes the majority of
respectable people. If we lose this support and the opportunity of
helping them, it will be another grave offence to God, besides those
already committed; for it is in consequence of the affair not having
been managed with the due circumspection that the country is
in the hands of heretics. We have thus completely failed, so far
since it is clear that, if the Queen had means to offend us more, she
would do so; although seeing the way in which her tricks are
succeeding there is no need for her to seek any other way of
troubling us. If Cobham  is not dealt with in a dignified way
as recommended, I am afraid that what is done to avoid war
will only bring it into our own house, and we shall find suddenly
some day that we have lost the Catholics, and that they too are
in arms against us. I am certain that, as soon as the Queen understands that the Catholics depend upon our king, she will not dare
to break with us. There is no other way out of it than this: for
the last two yeais we have trodden the path of feebleness, let us
now try the other road. I am in a position to speak more freely of
this than of any-other affairs, because I have had much to do with
Englishmen and am   well acquainted with the Queen and her
ministers, their mode of proceeding, and the extent of tleir power,
and I cannot see why we should needlessly make water in the ford
in this way. The Irish Archbishop has begun Ids tricks now in
Paris, and I send you enclosed a letter he has written to a man
named Salazar who is married to an Englishwoman in Madrid.
Keep it for me. The morning I arrived Cobham came to visit me
in the Queen's name with an extremely loving message. He was
with me for some time, but I could get nothing of importance out of
him, excepting recommendations to me of the case of the merchants
and their goods, and complaints of the reception given to Stukeley,
which has made them smart, and I do not wonder. I answered
him as had been agreed upon in the Council, in case he should
approach any of us separately, saying that I was not speaking as a
minister but as a good Englishman and friend. The discourse only
confirmed me in my opinion, and I am convinced also that this is




310


SPANISH STATE PAPERS,


1571,.
no time to discourage the Catholic party and, at this juncture if we
are not on the alert we may put ourselves into a hole from which
we cannot get cut. Tell the gentlemen there that I beseech them
to weigh this matter maturely, for it is not one that can be
contemned or passed over lightly. We are having here the most
lovely weather in the world, although his Majesty passes his day, or
or nearly all of it, as in Madrid. Aranjuez, 10th May 1571.
254, DOCUMENT HEADED: Statement of the errand of Henry
Cobham, Gentleman of the Queen of England, and the
reply he bears with him (without date).
His Majesty gave Henry Cobham audience on his arrival in
Madrid, on the last day of April, having ordered his gentleman of
the Chamber, Don Diego de Acuiia, to provide him with horses and
servants, anrd he (Acuna) himself went to accompany Cobham from
his lodging to the palace. On his arrival there, his Majesty
graciously received him, and Cobham handed him a letter which he
brought from his mistress and, in her name, submitted two points
to his Majesty. The first was to remind him of the old friendship
that had for so long existed between the House of Burgundy and
the Crown of England and to express the Queen's desire to maintain
it. The second was (without complaining) to say that a servant
that tle Ambassador Don Guerau de Spes had sent to the duke of
Alba, on his arrival in Flanders, had caused the seizure of the ship
in which he had passed over and gave notice at each place at which
he arrived that they were to seize the other ships and property
belonging to English subjects in the States. All this was to prove
what they falsely try to asert, namely, that the reprisals were
commenced by his Majesty's officers. After this Cobham was silent
and referred to his mistress' letter on all other points.
His Majesty replied in general terms that he had never had any
wish other than to preserve the friendship and brotherhood with
the Queen, and although what had passed was known, he would
have an answer given to him for his prompt despatch, and this
ended the first audience.
Some days having passed without Cobham     submitting any
furtller points, it was thought well that Secretary Zayas should
take the opportunity of visiting him, in acknowledgment of the
letter he had brought from Don Guerau to him, with the intention
of discovering whether he had anything else to bring forward,
besides what he had said to his Majesty. On this question being
put to him, lie said: Yes, he had very important matters, which he
would submit to his Majesty when the first points had been
answered and his Majesty would grant him an audience. Zayas
told him that it would be best, and time would be saved, if he
would put into writing what he had to say, as the King was at
Aranjuez with tile Queen, busy in despatching his nephews the
Princes, and the statement should be forwarded to his Majesty,
who would then, at once, reply to it. But Cobham would not be
persuaded to do this, and entrenched himself behind the answer
that when his Majesty had answered his first points, as he had
promised, he would proceed to the others.




ELIZABETH.


311


1571.
His Majesty having been informed of this, and understanding
that all of Cobham's points were simply to gain time and delay a
settlement, in order never to reach the stage of actual restitution,
whilst at the same time giving rise in England to the idea that he
was entrusted with great affairs, and that the final settlement of
the business must be deferred until his return, determined to cut
the knot and get rid of the man. He therefore sent Zayas to tell
him in the King's name that, as regarded his point concerning the
maintenance of the ancient friendship between the two Royal
houses, the Queen might rest assured that, whilst she performed
her part, as Cobham had said, there would be no shortcoming on
the side of his Majesty, in order to carry on the same good feeling
and neighbourship between them with all the sincerity and
straightforwardness, which his Majesty had always displayed.
Desiring, as he did, that all questions that might lead to an opposite result should be ended, he would be glad if the negotiations
for the restitution of goods and money so long detained in England
could be settled with reasonable brevity, in accordance with the
arrangement discussed with the duke of Alba by special commission from his Majesty. This was the true and plain way to
come to the point, and he (Cobham) was to tell his mistress so,
and take her a letter which his Majesty would write in reply to
her's, which letter Zayas took to hand to him. When Cobham
heard what the decision was, he replied to Zayas, asking him to
keep the letter from his Majesty, and he would put in writing what
he had to say. Accordingly, in two days, he sent his Majesty a
brief letter, enclosing a memorandum of which copy is enclosed.
When his Majesty had read it, being still convinced that Cobham's
errand was with the already mentioned object, and to give an
excuse for wasting time in fruitless discussion, he decided not to
enter into any sort of detail, but to reply to the Queen as seemed
most fitting to his dignity and position, setting forth the real points
at issue and urging a settlement of the open questions on both
sides, as has been done in the terms of the copy of his Majesty's
reply herewith.
Zayas having taken this decision to Cobham and delivered his
Majesty's letter, together with the passport, lie again repeated in
substance the previous declaration of the King's desire to remain
on friendly terms with the Queen, and said that he had nothing
to say respecting tile points contained in his letter, as they were
practically the same as those in the Queen's letter, which was fully
replied to in his Majesty's answer.
Cobham answered that, since this was his Majesty's wish, he was
satisfied, and would go and kiss his hand and take leave, if he
would graciously allow him to do so. Zayas, having been instructed
what he was to say in such case, told him that, whenever he chose
to go to the Escorial, the King would be happy to see him. On
the 8th June he went, and his Majesty having graciously heard
him, took leave of him with some general expressions, with which
Cobham appeared to be pleased. He stayed and dined that day
with the duke of Feria, and had a long conversation with him, in
which the whole of the matters were discussed. It is important




312                             SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1571.
that this conversation should be conveyed to you, and therefore a
memorandum of it is enclosed, as well as one of Cobham's first
discussion with the Duke. His Majesty was much pleased with
both conversations, as they embodied his wishes,
27 May, 255. GUERAU DE SPES to the KING.
Since the arrival of Thomas Fiesco* here respecting the matter
of restitution, nothing fresh has been done, excepting that he has
spoken with some of the Councillors, who have referred him to the
English commissioners as to the points which they say are still
open. He will treat with them for the future, and I will continue
to report to your Majesty what may be arranged.
A secretary of the Council came to me from the Queen yesterday
to ask me whether I knew       anything of the arrival of Henry
Cobham at your Majesty's Court. I told him what Secretary
Zayas had written to me. It appears that they are very sanguine
respecting the despatch which     Cobham   is to bring   from  your
Majesty.
The secretary also informed me, from the Queen, that she had
been moved to close all the ports of this country for 12 days past,
even to couriers and persons bearing her own passport, for reasons
connected with the interests of her realm, and that I was not to
conceive any suspicion in consequence thereof, as the ports were
now open again and letters might be sent. I think the step was
taken because of the imprisonment of the bishop of Ross, and to
prevent any letters or papers of his leaving the country. They
have been searching for such papers everywhere in the houses of
his friends and himself, but have hitherto found nothing of importance, nor can they make out the letters they have seized, as
they have yet to be deciphered.t
Your Majesty will have learnt that I addressed this Council from
the duke of Alba, in order to attempt to procure the release of
Dr. Storey. I now hear that they took him to-day to be tried at
Westminster, and they have condemned him to death in the usual
way. I will say no more about it, as I have no fresh instructions
to do so.
A French ship, loaded with munitions, has arrived in Scotland
to aid the faithful there. This has caused great sorrow here, and
these people are trying to succour their party.
The Council has sent certain interrogatories to be administered
to the queen of Scotland.
* There is in the British Museum (Cotton, Vespasian, C. xiii.) a small anonymous
document in Spanish, which may be the original rough diary, from 10th to 30th May,
of this man during his visit to England on this occasion. The manuscript is outside
the scope of the present Calendar, but is worth attention, as are the many documents
in Latin, French, and English, relating to the protracted negotiations for the mutual
restoration of the property seized and for the re-opening of trade between England
and Spain, which will be found in the British Museum, Cotton, Galba, iii., iv., v., and vi.;
Cotton, Vespasian, C. vii., C. xiii., &c. All the more important Spanish manuscripts
in the above-mentioned volumes (of the dates covered by this Calendar) will be found
in the present volume.
t The cipher was subsequently discovered hidden under the roof-tiles of the duke
of Norfolk's house, besides which Charles Bailey, the bearer of the letters, divulged
under torture the heads of their contents. See State Trials (Duke of Norfolk).




ELIZABETH.


813


1571.
I suspect that the closing of the ports here was done partly to
prevent news of the intentions of the pirates being taken abroad.
They have now left Dover, to do what injury they can in
Flanders.
I had written thus far when I decided to convey to the Council
the enclosed remonstrance. Cecil replied that an answer should
be sent after the Queen and Council had been consulted, as had
been done previously, but he was much surprised that the Duke
and I should intercede for an Englishman.-London, 27th May
1571,
256. Statement of the last conversation which the DUKE OF
FERIA had with HENRY COBHAM at the Escorial, Friday,
8th June 1571. Drawn up by the DUKE himself with his
Secretary.
On the 8th of June, Henry Cobham arrived at the Escorial to
take leave of his Majesty. He went straight to the duke of Feria's
residence, and the latter at once conducted him to the King.
Cobham said he greatly wished that they would tell him, or give
him in writing, the answer that his Majesty was sending to the
Queen, as it was customary to do this in England with those who
came from foreign princes.  The Duke replied that his verbal
message had been answered verbally, and that the Queen's letter
was being replied to by a letter from his Majesty, and he had
never seen any other way of doing it than this, as it did not seem
fitting that the King should discuss matters with him which he
himself had not verbally broached in the Queen's name, and which
she, in her letter, had not said were to be discussed with him. He
was silent at this, but afterwards said that he should be very
pleased if he was the bearer of the King's decision to recall Don
Guerau de Spes. The Duke replied that he thought it better that
he should not mention the matter to the King, as the Queen had
not touched upon it in her letter; but the reasons given for
complaining against Don Guerau were neither just nor true, as he
and the duke of Alba were charged with having been the first
to adopt reprisals, which was notoriously false, as he (Cobham)
and all the world knew.   If the King admitted this cause of
complaint it would be blaming the wrong person. He, the duke of
Feria, knew well that the ambassador had not written a word on
the matter to the King, although he did not recollect exactly what
the duke of Alba had written. To prove, however, to the Queen
what a good servant of hers he was, and how true an Englishman,
he, the duke of Feria, would undertake to forward this matter and
to try to carry out the Queen's wishes, but that on no account was
he, Cobham, to speak about it to the King. This he promised, and
they then arrived in his Majesty's presence, when Cobham kissed
hands and took his leave without saying anything about business.
He afterwards returned to the Duke's lodgings to dinner, and again
pressed for the recall of Don Guerau, without saying anything of
the appointment of a successor. He also said that he should like to
bear a plainer answer about trade, and made some show of grief




314


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1571.
that no answer had been given to him that he could grasp. The
Duke told him that if he liked, they two, as a couple of good
Englishmen, mighl settle the whole business. He replied that he
would very gladly do so, and said that he had powers from his
mistress for that purpose. Tie Duke said that they could commence
the discussion of the matter at once, and as he, the Duke, had
taken upon himself the risk of breaking tlhe ice, Cobhamn should now
begin. Ile opened the matter by again desiring to blame us for
making the first reprisals, to which the::)uke replied in accordance
with the facts, and after having debated the matter for some time,
said that, as that was not a point of any importance as regards the
settlement desired, it might be placed on one side and the other
points dealt with. Cobham was satisfied with this, and we then
entered on the subject of the restitution. Cobham at once unhesitatingly said that he would promise that restitution should be
made, and the Duke then replied that, if this was done, he would
promise that trade should be reopened as before; but that, if
restitution did not come first, it was impossible to prevent the
arising of consequences which might again disturb trade in future.
He (Cobham) asked through whom could negotiations be carried
on upon the subject, as the Queen was vexed with Don Guerau and,
on no account, would she treat with him; wherein, he said, she was
quite right, as it was a question of honour. The Duke pretended
not to understand the last allusion, but said the King had referred
the matter to the duke of Alba, both on account of his personal
merits and because he had always been attached to the Queen.
Cobham replied that the Queen was not very well satisfied with the
Duke, because when he arrived as governor in the States he did not
send to salute her. The duke of Feria replied to this showing him
how light a matter it was, Cobham insisted that the Queen should:ie treated with all gentleness and courtesy, and this, he said, had
not been done. He said that at the conclusion of these affairs it
would be well to send a person to ratify old alliances and treaties,
althougl tliese last words were said under his breath. The Duke
replied that he was astounded to hear him say that the Queen had
not been treated with due respect and courtesy, for, although she
had taken the King's money and the ships and property of his
sulujects, whom she had imprisoned; although she had allowed her
country to become the common shelter of all the rebels and enemies
against the Kingc and as many pirates as chose to call themselves so,
whose object was to injure the King's dominions; and notwithstanding the King's letter to her begging for a remedy to these
evils, and the despatch of Chapin Viteli and others for the same
purpose, the Queen had never replied except in the vaguest possible
way. If the King had not been the most prudent and considerate
prince, he would have turned upon her, but the King saw that he
had no interest in quarrelling as he had no claim to her country, and
no need for it, although it lie had had, it was once in his own hands,
during which time he did nothing but save lives, restore properties,
countermand banishments, return offices and dignities to Englishmen
who for their olliences had been deprived of them, and out of his
own lneans help and sustain them. If the Queen herself would




ELIZABETH.


315


1571.
recall that time to mind, she would recollect that she herself had
no small share in these benefit., and she well knew that the duke
of Feria was a witness thereof. The Queen on her side, had no
claim to the King's dominions, and the friendship between the
crowns was so ancient and the connexion between their respective
subjects so desirable, that the King was loath to make any movement
on the provocation given him, but considered it as the ill-advised
actions of a lady, whose eyes he trusted would be open some day or
another to the knowledge that the affairs of her realm were not so
stable as they might be, and that she had not so many friends
abroad, apart from the King. The French and English knew each
other and the sovereigns of the two countries had mutual claims
which would for ever prevent them   from being good friends,
besides which the nations themselves were naturally antagonistic,
and had done and received injuries so recently that it is too much
to hope that they would soon be condoned. The Emperor cannot
be expected to think otherwise than he does of the country after
having been tricked in the way he was about the Archduke's
marriage.  The Duke said they knew already what the Pole's
feelings were, and the German princes would come and help her if
she had plenty of money with which to pay them, but not otherwise,
whilst he well knew that, unless they had discovered some new
gold and silver mines in England since he was there, the Queen's
purse was none too heavy that she should undertake the expenditure
incurred by a sovereign who quarrelled with his neighbours. He,
the Duke,.said he spoke with so much plainness and freedom about
these matters, because he was truly sorry to see the English going
so far astray, and carrying on negotiations which they thought
were deceiving others, whilst they themselves were really the
persons deceived. Cobham replied to this that it was true that
things were said in England which were related differently here,
and that the Queen had been much angered about Stukeley. The
Duke said that he had told him that that matter was simply absurd,
and that when the King was going to open such a ball as that it
would not be with a partner like Stukeley. He, Cobham, replied
that a very small spark would set a kingdom in a blaze, and that
Stukeley was a turbulent man with considerable connexions, and
the Duke could not deny that he had asked the King for ten
thousand men, and Julian (Romero) and other captains.   The
Duke answered that those ideas calne from an Irish Archbishop
who had come hither, and was, out.of charity, at first entertained
by the King, but who afterwards began with his lies and inventions
and was sent away. Cobham was silent at this, and again turned
to the matter of sending some person, as was customary between
princes who wished to agree. The Duke replied that it was not
necessary in this case as there was neither territories to restore nor
claims to reconcile, but only money and goods belonging to
merchants, and that a deputy or two, appointed by the merchants
themselves, could agree upon the matter, although it would be well
that after this restitution had been made, the reopening of trade
and other matters he had mentioned. should be dealt with by a
gentleman to be sent by the King, the Queen on her side sending




316


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1571.
another hither, which two gentlemen might remain respectively as
ambassadors, and Don Guerau recalled at the Queen's desire. The
Duke said that he, Cobham, should endeavour to arrange that the
person who might come hither should be one that would be likely
to please the King, and he, the Duke, would undertake in the same
way that a fitting person should be sent to England. After thinking
a little, Cobham said that the man who was sent should not embroil
the question of religion; but the Duke would not let him proceed
for fear he should blurt out some impertinence, and told him that
the man who went would have to live like all other ambassadors,
who had hitherto gone thither, and the man who came here would
do like his predecessors, and not cause scandal as John Man did by
his imprudence after he, the Duke, had warned him not to mix
himself up in religious matters. He was told that lie would only
be permitted to act as his predecessors had done, but took no
notice of this, and ran his head against a brick wall. The Duke
asked lim, Cobham, to recollect that we never made any innovations
or alteration in our religion, and did not ask them to do so. What
we were yesterday we are to-day, as we I.ave been the last ten,
twenty, and a hundred yeais past, and should for ever be. He
pointed out to him the calamities andi misfortunes they, the English,
had suffered since they had began to make these changes, which
could not be justified by any law, human or divine.
Not another word was said; Cobham dined, slept, and afterwards
returned to the Duke's. He was then with the Duke and Duchess
for a long time, very downcast and without saying a word about
affairs, indeed, appeared designedly silent for long periods together.
At last he rose to take his leave, and the Duke, having to go up to
the monastery* to see the King, mounted on horseback and accompanied him along the country for a time, trying to return to the
colloquy, but always without success. Cobham asked about the
conclusion of the league, about the special concessions which the
Pope had granted to the King, about the kingdom of Granada, and
the revenue which the King derived therefrom. He was astounded
at the great sum of money which the Duke told him could be
obtained from all sources, and said that he had pondered much
upon the fact that, whilst Don Juan was the general of the league,
his lieutenant should be Marco Antonio Colonna, a subject of the
King. He asked what Spaniards had gone to Italy, to which the
Duke replied that those who had been engaged in the war at
Granada, about twenty thousand men, had gone. He asked when
the duke of Medina was going to Flanders, and if the duke of Alba
was over eighty years of age. The Duke replied that Medina would
go shortly, and that the duke of Alba was not eighty but about
fifty-five although looked much older than his years.t
257. FRAGMENT OF LETTER without date. To GUERAU DE SPES
(probably from ZAYAS).
The letter which Cobham takes, for you is written plainly (i.e.


* The palace of the Escorial is, and always has been, called the royal Monastery of
San Lorenzo.
+ He was 63 at the time,




ELIZABETH.                         31.7
1571.
not in cipher) so that if he should open it, as it is piously to be
expected that he will, he shall find nothing offensive. He is very
artful, but he has been easily seen through, and it is clear that the
principal reason of his coming has been to delay the business as
much as possible. He would therefore like to enter into interminable pros and cons, and shows no desire to return, although he
professed to have. His Majesty would have liked to get rid of him
at once but, as I say in the open letter, the reason why he has not
been sent away earlier is that we have been busy with the departure
of the princes. We now send him off with a few general words
about his Majesty's wish to preserve friendship, and referring in
all other matters to the letter he takes for his mistress, which is a
long one, justifying ourselves on all points, and with so much
regard for the dignity of our master that I think you will be
pleased with it. A copy shall be sent to you at once by way of
Flanders by a special courier, together with a copy of the Queen's
letter to his Majesty, and a minute relation of all that has passed
with Cobham from his arrival until his departure on Monday the
11th of June. He went on hired mules as far as Burgos, as he
was unwell, but will take post when he finds himself fit for it,
which I have well provided for in his passport. I have thought well
to advise you of this by him, in case he should arrive before our
post and you should have a general report of what has happened
pending the arrival of the aforementioned detailed statement. If
he should mention in London that he was not given a lodging and
received no chain or other present, he will simply say what is
true, because, the question having been well considered, it was not
thought advisable to give him either, as he neither came for peace
nor war, in which cases it is usual to give presents to envoys. He
came under false pretences with hidden threats, as you will see when
you receive the copy of the Queen's letter, and it would have
appeared weakness on our part to do anyth;ng of the sort for him,
as it would have looked as if we were afraid. I think it well to
let your Lordship know this and refer you on principal points to
the despatch which will leave shortly.  The present letters are
being entrusted to Cobham to show confidence in him. We have
heard that Count Ludovic and the bastard of Brederode were ready
to sail with more than sixty ships and six thousand harquebussiers,
besides artillery, for the purpose of doing something wonderful in
our Indies.
15 June. 258. GUERAU DE SPES to the KING.
George Fitzwilliams* arrived to-day from your Majesty's Court,
greatly desiring to see the queen of Scotland, with some rings which
he had of hers from the duchess of Fcria and Thomas Stukeley,
and he communicated with me certain matters he had discussed
with Zayas and the duke of Feria, respecting the service which
John Hawkins offers to render to your Majesty with fourteen ships
of the fleet, and other ships if necessary. All this matter has been
dealt with honestly both by Fitzwilliams and Hawkins. I have
put Fitzwilliams into communication with the queen of Scotland,
* George Fitzwilliams was a relative of the duchess of Feria, she being a daughter of
Sir William Dormer.




318


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1571.
on the pretext of asking her for letters of favour for hi llto your
Majesty, entreating for the freedom of the English in Seville, and
with the same excuse, he has been given leave by this Queen to
return to Spain. As I have no orders fronm your Majesty about
this, I have not cared to accept any offers from him or enter into
particulars with him or Hawkins, nor have I prevented his returning
to Spain, knowing well that if it were your Majesty's wish to
punish these people here and bring this country into subjection to
the Catholic Church, it will be a good step to make use of English
ships both to occupy Ireland, take possession of English ports, to
burn the Queen's fleet, and assail the pirates who infest the channel,
and who are now ready to leave for Rochelle. The task is an easy
one, and opportune from all points of view. Your Majesty will
consider it and act for the best. M. de Zweveghem and Thomas
Fiesco are still here discussing with. the English commissioners the
question of the caution money, in the hope that other points may
be settled and that some day or other thle English may be got to
restore what little is left. The matter is being greatly delayed, as
they would not enter into the question of restitution until they
learn the result of Cobham's journey, and whether your Majesty
was so offended as there was reason to fear you would be. They
think that recent events* will cause some coolness between your
Majesty and the French, and this is their great hope, for they will
not accept the marriage with Anjou, excepting as a list resource,
although the king of France's fall and illness make them more
anxious. The people in the part of Ireland nearest to Spain have
rebelled and have expelled the Governor John Parret. The Queen's
friends are prevailing in Scotland.-London, 15th June 1571.
20 June. 259. The KING to GUERAU DE SPES.
Your letters of 23rd, 25th, 27th, and 30th April were received
together on the 22nd May. There is little to say to you about the
coming of Henry Cobham and his errand, beyond a statement
which is sent to you containing details of his proposals and my
reply thereto. All this is sent for your information, so that, in
case you should be spoken to there on the matter, you may reply
to the same effect. If nothing is said to you, you will not open the
subject, as the less discussion we have with such people as these,
the better it will be in all respects. You will, however, cautiously
endeavour to discover what statements are made by Cobham, and
how the Queen takes my reply. You will advise me and the
duke of Alba of this. Although the principal reason, as we judge,
of the coming of this Cobham was to delay the treaty for restitution and put off the matter, and we suppose that M. de
Zweveghem will not have settled anything, still if, by chance, he
should have been able, with the aid of Thomas Fiesco, to come to
any terms, you will give us full particulars thereof, with a complete
statement of the monies, goods, and merchandise actually in
existence, which we may hope to recover. Y(:u will also send a
statement of the merchandise seized from  the Portuguese, as I
* i.e. 'Th settlement of religious differences in France and the rise of Huguenot
party.




ELIZABETH.


319


1571.
should be pleased for them also to be recovered. You did right
to send me the copy of your reply to the King (of Portugal), as
you will be also to serve him and help his subjects, wherever
you can.
Roberto Ridolfi has not arrived here, and if the particulars.of his
errand have got wind it is greatly to be feared that it will be the
death blow for the queen of Scotland and the duke of Norfolk, as
it may be considered certain that, if she of England learns of it, she
will make it an excuse to wreak her ill-feeling on them, and with
ample cause. We are still not without suspicion that the whole
tiling may have been an invention of hers, with this very object.
You will be as vigilant as possible in this business, proceeding
with all due caution and a close understanding with the duke of
Alba.
Notwithstanding all you say about the negotiations for the
marriage of the duke of Anjou with the Queen, I cannot persuade
myself that there is anything in it beyond the objects aimed at in
former similar negotiations. Don Frances writes the same in all
his letters, especially in that of the 1st instant, where he says that,
although there was very much talk about it and gold and silver
stuffs and other adornments were being bought in consequence, he
knew from a trustworthy source that the business is at an end.
Still you will be watchful, and report what you hear.
It is most necessary that you should endeavour to learn the real
truth respecting the number of ships collected by the corsairs and
pirates, and what help and facilities are being given to them by
thi Queen; what route they take and from what port they intend /
to sail, and when. You will report with the necessary speed upon i
all this. You will also advise what you can learn of the proceedings and designs of Huggins, who has shown an inclination to
serve me, and as he is, as he says, a Catholic, it is natural that I
should look upon this with satisfaction.
You will also keep me informed as to what Antonio Fogaza is
doing there, with whom he mixes, and in what esteem he is held;
what friends and connections he has, and how you and he stand
towards one another.
Certain safe conducts which have been given by you for ships
and goods of private persons have been complied with, but I have
told Zayas to inform you very urgently that which you will have
seen in his letters. You will comply with this, as it is necessary to
take this course until we see how our negotiations with the Queen
end.-20th June 1571.
23 June. 260. GUERAU DE SPES to the KING.
I have already reported the disturbances in Scotland.  The
hundred soldiers which the queen,of England was sending thither
as a guard for the Prince have been detained at the request of the
Frencl ambassador, and the marshal of Berwick had entered the
country with the excuse that he desired to reconcile both parties.
Both sides were convoked for a conference, where, the number of
the rebels being the larger, they seized Lord Hume in the presence
of the Marshal, and killed a bastard brother of the duke of




320                          SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1571.
Chatelherault, an abbot, who had been elected for archbishop of
St. Andrews. The rest of the company escaped, with the loss of
some few, into Lisleburg.  On one of the prisoners was found a
letter fiom Mr. Beaton, a Scotch gentleman who has been with the
duke of Alba and in the court of France, setting forth the distrust
existing there with regard to sending the aid to them from France,
and the cold replies which the Queen-mother had given, advising
the Scots to endeavour to obtain the help of your Majesty. This
letter has been brought here.*
The queen of Scotland is more closely kept than ever, and the
bishop of Ross is well guarded in one of the Bishops' houses.
By a courier who arrived yesterday from France I have learned
that the Queen-mother writes to her ambassador in her own hand,
saying that the clauses sent thither respecting the duke of Anjou's
marriage left much to be desired, but that the English ambassador
was coming to her, anld she hope he would have power to moderate
them.-London, 23rd June 1571.
29 June. 261. GUERAU DE SPES to the KING.
Certain servants of the French ambassador here and the English
ambassador in France have arrived with news that M. L'Archant,
captain of the guard of the duke of Anjou, is coming here with
Guido Cavalcanti to settle difficulties with regard to the matrimonial treaty, on the understanding that, if things go well, the
conclusion shall be carried through by the coming here of the duke
of Montmorenci and others. There are therefore great hopes that
it will be arranged, although doubts still exist as to whether the
Queen will ever marry. The members of the Council who are
Protestants are much exalted at this, together with the promises
made by the duchess of Vendome and the Admiral, and they think,
already, that the States of Flanders will fall into their hands.
They believe that the Christian King will help them powerfully
towards this, for the sake of the Duke, his brother, and these hopes
prevent the French from interfering in Scotland or saying a word
in favour of the Queen, who is now much oppressed; excepting in
a very lukewarm way, through the ambassador here. The English,
instead of settling with the commissioners from  the duke of Alba,
are proceeding so tardily and even deceptively, that they have
sent three commissioners to the west country to sell a certain part
of the merchandise there, and find out whether there is any money
amongst it, and it is announced that the Queen has made a grant
of all the proceeds to the earl of Leicester. Some of the pirates are
in the Downs, and some off the Isle of Wight, supplying themselves
with victuals. It was said that most of them were going to Rochelle,
but the weather has been unfavourable to them for the last six
weeks.  I will report to your Majesty what happens, and now
- Andrew Beaton had been sent early in the year by the Papal Nuncio in Paris with
a large sum of money for the queen of Scots (140,000 crowns), which he conveyed with
letters from Ridolfi to his mistress, and thence returned to Paris, where, with his
brother the bishop of Glasgow, he represented the Queen's cause. Full particulars of
his movements are given in the depositions of the bishop of Ross in the State TrialsDuke of Norfolk. The letter referred to here was used at Norfolk's trial.




ttIzA BETTI.


321


1571.
enclose the printed book of what has been done in this Parliament.
In it will be seen things against the Roman Church and the English
absentees, and in.defence of the title of this Queen, all of them very
strange and many of them contrary to international treaties, which
treaties have not been confirmed by Parliament before it closed,
contrary, it is said, to the usual custom.-Lendop, 29th June 1571.
12 July. 262. GUERAU DE SPES to ZAYAS.
B. M.,           [EXTRACT.]
Transcr056b.  The bad conscience of these people and their bitter malignity
prevent them from ever doing anything good. I care little what
they may say of me personally, the more especially as his Majesty
is so prudent a prince and knows so well the humour of these people
with all their tricks and artifice, for truly it is needful to be for ever
on the watch with more eyes than Argus to guard against them.
As all of Lord Burleigh's jests have turned out well for him hitherto
he is ready to undertake anything and has no fear of danger. They
and the French together make great fun of our meekness, and in
order to arouse the indignation of the French ambassador they
told him that the house of M. de Fourquevault had been assailed in
Spain. La Mothe asked me whether I knew anything about it, and
I answered that it could not be anything of which Fourquevault
could complain, seeing the close friendship existing between our
King and his Christian Majesty.*
I may say that I am in pawn here, but I have no doubt my
tribulation will be borne in mind by his Majesty who will recollect
that I am not a rich man, and should not lose in his service, but quite
the contrary. Up to the present time I am much out of pocket.
In any case I will serve him in such a way as to prove my
goodwill and determination that he shall be acknowledged everywhere for the great Prince he is, and his interests respected by
friends and enemies alike, but, as I have said, one must dissemble
here and at times be a very Proteus. I will, however, try t3 bring
due punishment on the heads of these people for their insolence.London, 12th July 1571.
12 July. 263. GUERAU DE SPES to the KING.
I received yesterday your Majesty's letter of the 20th ultimo,
with copies of that sent to you by this Queen, the reply of your
Majesty thereto, and statements of what had passed with Henry
Cobham at your Court. Cobhar arrived here on the 6th, and his
letter and verbal statement have made the Queen very sad, and Lord
Burleigh not over boastful, as they are more alarmed than they
were. Nothing has been said to me from the Queen, and Cobham's
visit to me was very short. He brought another pensioner witl
him, as a witness, and did not enter into business matters at all.
He said that they were pressing Englishmen in Spain more than
usual to submit to the Catholic Church, to whlich I replied that
* Raymond de Pavie Sieur de Fourqucvault had accompanied Elizabeth of Valois to
Spain as French ambassador in 1560, and had remained there. He had commanded Humne
Casle in Scotland under Mary of Lorraine, and accompanied Monluc on his misqiou to
Ireland.
y 76467.                                                     X




322


SPANISH STATE PAPEIItS.


1571.
there coultl not be very many English there whom they could
oppress as they were all Catholics. He well sees that he has been
treated in conformity with his sinister object, whereat all your
Majesty's servants in this country rejoice exceedingly.-London,
12th July 1571.
12 July. 264. GUERAU DE SPES to the KING.
B. M.,    There is no doubt at all that Ridolfi's affair is serious, both on his
Addn 2,06b. own account and also because of the queen of Scots, the duke of
Norfolk, earl of Arundel, and lord Lumley, being concerned therein.
It will be extremely advantageous for the restitution of the Catholic
religion in this country, the change of government and the safety
of the Netherlands. It was a most extraordinary piece of good
fortune to save the packet taken by Carlos, the bishop of Ross'
servant, which Ridolfi unsuspiciously entrusted to him at Brussels,
knowing that he was the Bishop's secretary. It was written in a
difficult cipher, and Carlos took an alphabet with him in order the
more easily to decipher it in future. All of this was recovered
through me by the good offices and help of Thomas Cobham before
lord Burleigh heard of it, and another packet was made up with
the same cipher characters; Burleigh has had a secretary at work
upon it for days and has sent copies to France and Italy, but
without effect for there is nothing in it. They are trying to cajole
Carlos by means of the good Dr. Storey. This Queen had some
idea that Ridolfi was writing to certain personages here and that
the duke of Alba was going to send aid to the queen of Scots, but
Carlos did not declare who these personages were for he did not
know. I have no doubt I shall be able to throw them still further
off the scent. The Queen has had the lawyers consulted about it,
but cannot inculpate the duke of Norfolk. I was informed of her
intention by one of the lawyers and that they can get no further
than a general suspicion, which will put them on the alert for the
future as to who communicates with the queen of Scots. The bishop
of Ross is a prisoner although he can be communicated with and
is, so to speak, master of the house where he is confined. This
Queen, however, will make him suffer when she has a chance for
this suspicion about Ridolfi. I heard from Rome that his Holiness
thought very well of Ridolfi's proposal, and the latter will no doubt
ere this have fully informed your Majesty of everything. I expect
also Fitzwilliams will have arrived in Madrid. I have had no
intelligence that casts any doubt upon him or his proposals. He
and Hawkins have always been looked upon as Catholics, and
Hawkins is ambitious and expects to rise to great things if the
Government here is changed and he serves your Majesty. This, I
think, is his motive for entering into such affairs, which may result
in great profit, particularly if he allows your Majesty's soldiers to
out-number Englishmen in the ships. The only fear is lest Burleigh
himself may have set the matter afoot* to discover your Majesty's
feelings, although I have seen nothing to make me think this; but
Hawkins and Fitzwilliams were very busy with Burleigh about the
* This was actually the case.




k L7 12 j VB, T 14


323


1571.
going of Fitzwilliams to Spain, and Burleigh asked me to give
him a letter of recommendation in favour of the liberation of the
English prisoners in Spain.-London, 12th July.1571.        A
13 July. 265. The KING to GUERAU DE SPES.
I have learned of the present position of affairs in England by
letters from you that Zayas has shown me, dated 11th June, and
copy of yours to the duke of Alba. It is most necessary, especially
now, that you should continue to report by every possible way the
progress of the pirates, their designs, and the understandings they
have in France, England, and the Netherlands; how Hawkins is'
behaving, what he is doing, where he is, how many ships he has,
their quality and burden, and whether he has spoken to you in a
way which proves that he will serve me loyally if he is welcomed
and favoured. Roberto Ridolfi arrived here and gave me your
letter of the 25th March, and those of the queen of Scotland, theduke of Norfolk, and a brief from his Holiness, exhorting me to
embrace the business with which he is entrusted. As I most
sincerely desire the success of this, not for my own interests or for
any other wordly object, but purely and simply for the service of
God, the welfare of religion and the happiness of the queen of
Scotland and the Catholic party, I am discussing the matter with
the hope of doing what is fitting and possible with all goodwill, and
I will resolve very shortly. You may convey this information
cautiously to the Catholic party, urging them to remain firm and in
good hope, enjoining them strictly to secrecy. It may be that when
they learn this and finding themselves so oppressed and ill-treated
in England, with indignation and thirst for vengeance, they may
want to break out prematurely, and take up arms before the time,
but you must warn them that on no account muAt they make any
movement until things are duly matured and orrangced, as otherwise they will run the same risk as tle earls of Northumberland
and Westmoreland did, and the business itself will be ruined for
ever, and the queen of Scotland immediately sacrificed, as well as
all the rest of them that can be captured. I ha e therefore sent
this special courier to the duke of Alba who will forward you this
letter. The Duke will instruct you on other points, and you will
proceed in conformity with his orders with great care, dexterity
and all the vigilance which so great a business demands. It has
been thought well that the said Ridolfi himself should inform the
queen of Scotland, the duke of Norfolk, and the bishop of Ross of
the details of the reception that he has met with from mle, urging
them not to move prematurely, and he therefore does so in the fornm
which you will see by his cipher letters, copies of which are sent
addressed to the bishop of Ross.* You will have the packet delivered
to him with the utmost secrecy, and advise me of the receipt. A
courier will presently go to the Duke with the decision as to what
is to be done in the future, and he will take a letter for you with
him.-San Lorenzo, 13th July 1571.
*As will have been seen, the capture of Charles Baily, coming from Ridolfi. in Brussels,
to England, and his declarations under torture, had discovered the plot before these
letters reached England,




321                         SP1ANISH STATE PAPERS.
1571.
". 1
14 July. 266. (GUERAU DE SPES to the KING.
In my former letters I reported what had happened since the
arrival here of M. de L'Archant and his return. I also advised the
arrival of Henry Cobham, and the profound silence regarding your
Majesty's reply which had been observed on the part of the Council.
Montmorenci and other French gentlemen are expected, and if they
are not in accord about the marriage, at least they will try to agree
about the league to assail the Netherlands.
The marriage will not be broken off by the French, because it
will cause very little trouble to them to change the forms of their
religion, and in the end they will do as the Queen wishes, but many
people still doubt that the Queen herself will decide to marry. She
has around her Councillors so inimical to the peace of Christianity and the security of the Catholic faith that for this object
they will run any risk, as may be seen in the affronts they are bold
enough to offer to your Majesty without cause, to the damage and
loss of your subjects. This is a subject which it is needful for your
Majesty to weigh well, seeing how important it is for the future
tranquillity of the Netherlands, which country these people think
they are going to get as a marriage gift. I will report all that
happens with the needful promptness and care.
The pirates have been forced by contrary winds to put back to
this coast, and I am now informed that they were again setting sail
for Rochelle, where perhaps they think to do more against the Indies
than iagainst the Netherlands. The forces they have are not large
to attack territories with, but amply suificient to assail the fleet
from the Indies, and do some damage to badly protected places.
They are arming three or four more pirates here, and they have
recently brought to the downs two valuable smacks and another
with fish, for there is not much left in the Channel now to steal.
Thomas Fiesco says that he has almost managed to pacify the
English merchants who deal in Flanders, with regard to the prices
of their cloths and other goods, but with those who trade with
Spain, who for reasons which I have explained to your Majesty are
asking for a great deal more than was taken from them, he is not
yet in accord, as he can only get a reply after much delay. It was
arranged to agree with regard to the valuation of the property of
your Majesty's subjects, but they have not yet begun. All these
are difficult points when dealt with by English commissioners and
Councillors, naturally greedy, and in this case interested in the
matter itself. I cannot therefore say for certain whether even they
will colme to the agreement which is now under discussion, unfavourable and unjust as it is for us. I should rather be inclined
to believe not, and that if any terms be made at all, they will be
Ilore unfavourable to us than those we thought were already
agreed upon in Flanders. I send a detailed balance of what merchandise still exists of ours.-London, 14th July 1571.
19 July. 267. GUERAU DE SPES to the KING.
The pirates are delaying their departure for Rochelle, although
Count Ludovic is urging them  to go, and some few have left. I
have just received news that three ships and a pinnace armed in




ELIZABETH.


325


1571.
Denmark have arrived in Dover, the captains of which are respectively John Sibarson, Jacob Simonson, Dietrich Cleys, and one Ville
who, to judge from their names, should be Netherlanders. They
bring an order from the prince of Orange that all pirates, under
pain of death, shall gather at Rochelle and place themselves under
the command of the Count. The Council here does not wish for all
of them to go, as the port is well guarded by them and they have
been recently supplied with seventeen fresh guns and a great
quantity of ammunition.
The gathering of the ships under Ludovic is either for the purpose of going to the Indies, or else in order that he may raise his
infantry and return in full strength to Flanders. It is more likely
that the destination will be the Indies, although, in any case, he
must get his troops in Rochelle as there is not the slightest sign of
any being raised here. Brederode has had an interview with the
Council here, but he seems to have gone back to the ships in poor
health and with little stomach for fighting.
There are seventeen sail of pirate ships in the Downs and at
Dover, as well as some at the Isle of Wight. They go ashore now
more impudently than ever, banqueting with the Queen's officers.
It is said that the king of Portugal's ships have captured an
English vessel called the "Castle of Comfort" on her way to the
Indies.
Although the Queen's favourites say how little desirous she is of
concluding the marriage, yet demonstrations are stAll made that it
will come about. The only person who is earnest in his efforts to
this end is Lord Burleigh, who thinks in this way to undo the earl
of Leicester, and in case he should fail in the French business, he is
plotting to elevate the Hertford people, and with this object is persecuting the friends of the queen of Scotland, having recently cast
into the Tower the second son of the earl of Derby and a Catholic
gentleman named Garret, because they are powerful in the country
where the Queen is detained, and some suspicions were recently
afloat that they were endeavouring to release her.
Englishmen are going to Scotland three or four at a time to
gradually reinforce their friends there, but the French are shutting
their eyes to it all with the hope of bringing about this marriage;
although the Queen, it is said, has written to the Christain King,
saying that she could take no husband who has not the goodwill of
the Protestants in whom her principal strength lies. They expect
to bring round the duke of Anjou entirely to their religion if he
comes here, or to keep this point open, so that they may be able to
break off the affair if it suits them to do so. When the gentlemen
from France come (if they are to come, which I doubt), we shall
see better what are the aims of both parties, which in any case
certainly will not be favourable to your Majesty's interests.-London,
19th July 1571.
4 Aug.   268. The KING to GUERAU DE SPES.
By my letter of the 14th July you will have learned what had
occurred up to that date respecting the errand of Roberto Ridolfi.
Since then, I have fully discussed all the details which presented




326


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1571,
themselves, with the care and consideration demanded by the
importance of the matter. In the result, after carrying the whole
question before Almighty God, whose cause it is and in whom we
confide for the guidance and direction of this affair better than
human prudence can attain or understand, since all the object is
directed purely and simply to His glory and service and the
advantage of His holy Catholic faith, I have resolved to adopt the
course which you will learn from the Duke of Alba, to whom I
write respecting it at great length. In conformity therewith and
the orders that he may give you, you will proceed in the business
with the discretion, dexterity, mildness, and cleverness which we
expect of you, keeping in close communication with the Duke, and
carrying out minutely all he may order, this being my will.-San
Lorenzo, 4th August 1571.
5 Aug.   269. The KING to GUERAU DE SPES.
By your letters and from what Zayas tells me you have written
to him, I have been informed of everything that has happened in
London up to the 29th of June. There is little to say until we see
what was the result of the reply taken by Henry Cobham, who, as
we understand, arrived there on the 9th July, although really I
have small hope that the Queen or her friends will ever of their
own accord come to the point of restitution or any other good
thing. But, at all events, we will await the reply, which cannot
now be long delayed.
From your letters and those of Don Francds de Alava, I learn
that the negotiations for the marriage of the Queen with the duke
of Anjou are still being warmly discussed, but truly, I cannot
persuade myself that there is any sincerity in them, but that the
whole object is to entertain with vain words and wishes both her
own subjects and the French. Still it is very desirable and necessary that you should be vigilant in trying to learn all that happens
from both sides, giving me advice of the same with all due
minuteness.
Fitzwilliams has arrived here with the reply to the Articles of
Agreement which he had taken to John Hawkins. We are discussing the reply with him in order to satisfy ourselves as to
whether there is anything in it or not. If there be, and Hawkins
behaves straightforwardly, there is no doubt that he would be of
great service, but many confirmatory proofs are needful before we
can be convinced of this. You shall be informed of the decision.
arrived at in due time, and, in the meanwhile, if Hawkins speaks to
to you, you may tell him only that you have heard of the arrival of
Fitzwilliams here.
The necessary measures have been taken here in the matter of
Bayon, and Dr. Nunez, in conformity with your advices. If you
think that anything should be done in Flanders in respect of the
connections which Dr. Nuiez had there you will advise the duke of
Alba in order that he may take such steps as he may consider
necessary.
The death, or rather martyrdom, of Dr. Storey was, I see by the
statement you send, so firm and faithful in the Catholic religion




ELIZABETH,


327


1571.
that it is a subject of gratitude to God that He has still preserved
such men as this in England, since by means of them, hopes may be
entertained that the true religion may yet be restored there.
Having respect to the need and trouble in which I was informed
Storey's wife was at Louvain, where she lives, I have ordered the
Duke to make the necessary provision for the maintenance of her
and her children.
The book you sent of what had been done in Parliament was
received. You did well in sending it, and you will continue to send
all such information as you can obtain. The general cipher having
been so long in use and having passed through so many hands, we
think it is time it was changed, particularly as Don Frances
suspects that it has been tampered with. We consequently send you
a new one, of which you will acknowledge receipt as we cannot use
it until we know you have received it.-San Lorenzo, 5th August
1571.
5 Aug.   270. GUERAU DE SPES to ZAYAS.
B. M.           [EXTRACT.]
Add. 26,056b.  On the 4th instant, at two o'clock in the night, a great arch of
fire appeared in the heavens here, according to the statement of the
large number of people who saw it. It lasted two hours, and then
broke up into many parts. Neither I nor any of my people saw it,
but, as it was witnessed by 500 persons, I believe the statement,
although I do not mention it to his Majesty. You may imagine
how disturbed these Londoners are at it, as they are so timid and
greedy of wonders.-London, 5th August 1571.
8 Aug.   271. GUERAU DE SPES to the KING.
The determination of your Majesty to aid the release of the
queen of Scotland and favour the gentlemen who aim at converting
this country to obedience to the Catholic Church, rescuing it from
the tyranny and bad government which now afflict it, is so godly
and just as was to have have been expected from your Majesty's
magnanimity and nobleness. By this means, too, it is to be hoped
that the insults and robberies committed in defiance of your
Majesty will be justly punished and stopped for ever. I should at
once have set about conveying the letters to the bishop of Ross,
the queen of Scotland, and the duke of Norfolk, but for the strict
orders given to me by the duke of Alba to await further orders
from your Majesty in answer to a despatch which he had specially
sent to you, and although it is a pity to lose this time, especially as
Burleigh and Leicester are continuing to oppress and almost to
destroy the Catholics, I will detain the letters as the Duke orders,
and the time thus lost may perhaps be made up by sending
another courier with great speed. The spirits of the Catholics are
high, but as your Majesty well knows, the character of these people
makes it necessary to take advantage of their ardour without
leaving them much time to put their heads together for rediscussion. If the opportunity is lost this year I fear that the
false religion will prevail in this island in a way that will make it




328


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1571,
a harsh neighbour for the Netherlands. At present these people
here are without commanders, with no good soldiers, with but
little money, discontented, divided, and convinced that the queen
of Scotland is their natural ruler.
Very far from believing that after some sort of restitution is
made such as that which has been discussed for so long and so disadvantageously with your Majesty's officers, all the ill-will of these
heretics against your Majesty will disappear, as well as their hopes
of overturning the Indies and the Netherlands, I make bold -to
affirm that they will grow more insolent than ever, even though
they may be without allies. I know that the hearts of Leicester
and Burleigh, as well as those of the Queen herself and most of her
Council, are incurably bad.
It is understood that the French marriage now under discussion
is being promoted mainly by Burleigh, and notwithstanding the
age and habit of the Queen, I much fear that it will be brought
about, or will result in a league between the English and French
to injure your Majesty's states.
The suspicions entertained here about the voyage of Ridolfi and
his arrival in Rome need not trouble us much, as they know by the
declaration of the prisoner Carlos,* that he is going to beg for
money for Scotland, and it does not matter much what they
suspect, since the blow will be struck without leaving them time
for thought, as is usual with wars here.
The imprisonment of this son of the earl of Derby will be a
drawback, but it will not stop the business, for the Catholics will
be three to one, and with the blessing of God, in my opinion, the
battle is over already, on the sole condition that aid is quietly held
in readiness to be given at the first rising.
Irish affairs are now greatly helping us, as James FitzMaurice is
prospering. He has taken possession of the greater part of
Munster, and iniquitously (sic) put to the sword the best
Englishmen who were there. The Viceroy, Harry Sidney, has
come here, and refuses to return as they will not give him proper
help, indeed, things are going so badly that the Irishmen of themselves with the advice of some Englishmen would succeed in their
enterprise.
If the remedy is deferred, it is greatly to be feared that Scotland,
which is at present without succour, will fall into the hands of the
English, who are carrying on incessant negotiations with that end
and if the Queen (of Scotland) were once put out of the world, and
she is often in danger of it, the little prince, or the son of Hertford,
would turn out to be a fine king for the Catholic party. All other
dissensions and partialities are forgotten in this great religious
question. Your Majesty will order what you consider best, and I
have only to report and represent what is happening and to express
my opinion of the opportunity which offers itself to do a great
service to Cod.
I have, on many occasions advised your Majesty that a party of
pirates to the number of twenty sail are near Dover continually


* Charles Baily, the Bishop of Ross' secretary.




ELIZABETH.


329


1571.
taking prizes. Seven are great ships, the others very small, and
the men come on shore with impunity every day. They have
enriched that place, the Isle of Wight, and nearly all the coast.
The crews are, generally speaking, men of inferior class. The last
prize taken was a French ship loaded with woad, belonging to the
Michaels of Antwerp. The Council wish to keep some of these
pirates here and not let them all go to Rochelle.
Mean knaves come hourly from  the Netherlands to join these
people, and not a ship sails that they do not know the hour of her
leaving and her point of departure. There are other ships belonging
to Englishmen, which are robbing in the same way.
The rest of the pirates have gone to Rochelle, but are at present
in and near Brouage. I have had a statement taken from the
crew of two ships which sail from that place a fortnight ago, which
says that there were at that time eighteen ships there, ten of
great burden, well armed, but still unsupplied with many necessary
things.
I have learned that the Queen has received a letter from the
Court of France saying that the prince of Orange had failed in his
promises that certain preparations would be ready at the time that
these pirates were collected, so that up to the present they have done
nothing but plunder; and Count Ludovic writes to the Queen that
he is coming here himself. Both the rebels and the English have
an infinite number of connections with the Netherlands, and the
one thing they are constantly plotting and contriving is to cause
disturbance there. They expect some great alliances as a result of
the conference between the Admiral and the Christian King, and it
is expected that M. de Foix will be here next week.
I have written to your Majesty of the.great desire which Hawkins
expresses to serve you, as you will also have heard, verbally from
George Fitzwilliams there, and I can discover nothing suspicious
about it. He has gone to Plymouth taking artillery and munitions
from London, leaving a person here in case I should wish to call him
back, on a pretext connected with the smack which they captured
of his and took to Flanders. I shall ostensibly summon him for
the reply to the representation which he has asked me to make on
that matter to the duke of Alba. He may render great service by
manning his ships with a very few men and filling them up with
others chosen by your Majesty, and the least of these services will
be to catch the pirates who infest the Channel which he considera very easy.  If this arrangement and that with Ridolti
could be carried through in conjunction, it would be very
advantageous.
The restitution of the merchandise is being so dragged out by the
English that sometimes we think that they want to delay it until
the winter.-London, 8th August 1571.
18 Aug.  272. GUERAU DE SPES to the KING.
In my previous letters I advised your Majesty that I had delayed
delivering Ridolfi's letters until I had fresh orders from your
Majesty, in conformity with the instructions I had received from
the duke of Alba. The Duke's orders were very precise, but it




330                         SPANISH STATE PAPERS.:1571.
certainly is in my opinion most desirable that the matter should not
be long delayed, for fear that feeling may change here in consequence
of the turn taken in French affairs.
M. de Foix* was at Court on the 15th, with M. de la Mothe,
accompanied by Lord Buckhurst and Charles Howard, attended by
seventy or eighty horsemen.   Foix has been exquisitely well
received and lodged in the'palace, where the Queen's officers entertain
him very splendidly.
On the 16th he had audience and made a long speech to the
effect that his King desired friendship and relationship to the royal
House of England, and pointed out the advantages which would
result therefrom to both countries. This was the public audience,
and a committee consisting of Lord Burleigh, Keeper, Leicester, and
the Chamberlain, was appointed to confer with him in secret and
decide as to his business. Many people still doubt whether the
Queen will marry, but it is believed that these negotiations will
result in some league against your Majesty's States. I have not
yet been able to discover details of what has taken place, although
I have people at Court expressly to scrutinize everything.
Leicester is offered the duchess de Nevers in marriage, and an
estate in France, and La Mothe and Foix have decided to give presents of jewellery to the Queen's favourites, Foix having come already
provided with the jewels for that purpose.
It is of some importance to us that the French should thus be
showing their hand, and it seems more desirable than ever that
they should be circumvented. The matter of the pirates remains
in the same condition, as previously advised, but for many months
they will not be able to go in any great force to the Indies, although
some private ships are undertaking the voyage.
Over eighty bronze pieces with much ammunition and a large
quantity of corselets, and pikes, have been shipped for Ireland.
A servant of Thomas Stukeley, who recently came from Spain,
has been brought to the Tower, and has been severely tortured.
I am just informed that Foix has proposed that the Queen of
Scotland should be married to the duke of Vendome.-London
18th August 1571.
23 Aug. 273. GUERAU DE SPES to the KING.
I have previously advised your Majesty that the guns from the
castle and ramparts of Dover had prevented the Flemish ships from
taking the twenty-four pirate vessels which were there. Twentytwo of them are now on the beach, our ships having captured the
other two. The pirates have left a few of their sailors in charge of
them and the captains and rest of their people have come to London.
The assertions made at Court that the pirates would be arrested is
not true, and the reply which Lord Burleigh gave to the Secretary,
whom I had sent to complain to the Council of this insult, was that
formerly Don Alvaro de Bazan had done the same thing in defending
certain French vessels against the English. I shall say no more
* This was Paul de Foix who had been French ambassador in England. Cecil's
letters to Walsingham and Foix's own correspondence give a full account of his
mission.




ELIZABETH.


381


1571.
about it until I receive orders from the duke of Alba, as these
people are very impertinent and, on the same day, almost dismissed
Thomas Fiesco for good, rejecting the settlement which he thought
he had made of the question of the Genoese money in the hands of
the Queen. They threatened him, and told him that the Queen did
not mean to return it for seven years to come, so that Fiesco's
intention of pressing the settlement of the points still pending,
relative to the restitution of our merchandise, must fall through.
They dismissed Fiesco, telling him that he must prove that the
Queen took the money in cash and what was the amount. Her
officers refused to give any information whatever about it as they
said that it was all set forth in the Treasury books. As there were
still some of the people here who came with the money, Fiesco
brought them with him before Thomas Gresham who, he was told,
had to settle the business. I have now less hope of these people
than ever, and Fiesco is of the same opinion.
The French ambassadors have been with the Queen for a week,
and pass three or four hours every day with the Council. It is
generally declared that the marriage will not take place, as the
people have hitherto shown no liking for it, but my friends assure
me that the matter is agreed upon, and that on the arrival of
Marshal Montmorenci he will be assured by the Council that the
duke of Anjou will be allowed to hear mass privately, although
this will not be set forth in the treaty, and by this means, the
Protestants here will not be disturbed, and the Christian King will
be able to obtain great help from the French Catholics towards
the cost of his brother's coming. I am also told that it is
agreed that the Duke shall be acknowledged as King with certain
limitations.
I am following the duke of Alba's orders and delaying action
in Ridolfi's affair until I have received fresh instructions.
Every month there leave here four ships for Hamburg, and next
month eight will sail, as during the winter months the voyage is
impossible. They will carry great riches, and it would be most
desirable to capture them, and so to equalise the advantage these
people now have in the value of goods detained.
Whilst writing this I have received the following news, namely,
that the Queen's Council is very divided because Lord Burleigh and
the Keeper, his brother-in-law (who are followed by the earl of
Sussex out of enmity fot Leicester), are of opinion than the Anjou
marriage should take place first and afterwards the negotiations
for alliance should be undertaken. Leicester, the Admiral, and
Knollys, are against the marriage, but in favour of making an
offensive and defensive league with the French.  The Queen
is, so to speak, driven to the marriage, but Burleigh is so powerful in the Government that she dares not oppose him. The French
ambassadors are satisfied because either arrangements will suffice
for them.
An English captain has arrived from Scotland to beg in the name
of the earl of Lennox for ten thousand crowns and some artillery
and ammunition to batter the castle of Edinburgh.
*  l.  e  *




332                          SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1571.
Huggins,* who came from    Spain is the Commissioner against
Stukeley's servant, whom he is having tortured. He said yesterday
that the Council was seeking some means by which I might be
expelled the island, but they had not yet hit upon any scheme
which seemed suitable.
Huggins (Hawkins?) insists upon not fitting out his thirteen
ships, and Captain _Murses and Thomas Murses have promised me
that they will capture either Count Ludovic or M. de Lumbres if
they put to sea, and carry them  to Spain. I told the man who
spoke to me about it, that if they did so they would be richly
rewarded, but I refused to give them letters, as they asked me, for
them  to be admitted into any of our ports, because if they enter
with their prizes they will at once be recognised for what they are.
The capture of Lumbres would greatly alarm      the other pirate
leaders, and I am informed that these men are quite able to do as
they say.-London, 23rd August 1571.
27 Aug.   274. GUERAU DE SPES to the KING.
The arrangement made by M. de Foix with the Queen and
Council is that the duke of Anjou should be married without either
he or his household being obliged to conform to the religion of this
country, and in addition to the royal title, powers are to he given
to him similar to those granted to your Majesty when you
were here.   Foix returned from  Reading, where the Queen is,
yesterday, with the decision, on the understanding that they would
send him afterwards a written copy of the eight clauses signed by
all the members of the Council. ' This was brought to him by Lord
Burleigh, but with an addition to the effect that neither Anjou
nor his people should attend mass, as he, Burleigh, considered it
open idolatry. Foix is going back to the Court to-morrow about it,
andl to say that lie has no orders to accept this clause. Lord
Burleigh told him that there would be no difficulty about arranging
the league, with any securities that the French might desire, and that
the duke of Anjou should not hesitate to accept these terms of
marriage, as what was proposed to him would be the salvation of
his soul. It may well be believed that Foix is not much displeased
with the proposal, as he himself is somewhat suspected of heresy,
and I believe that either the league or the marriage will be carried
through.  If the Duke would declare himself on the Protestant side,
these people would accept him   with all the greater pleasure. It
appeals that Foix has held out great promises of this to the Queen
if the Duke once can see her.
I am also informed that Foix has been promised ten thousand
pounds if he arranges this matter to the Queen's liking.  He and I
have visited each other without speaking of business. The duke
* This Thomas Huggins or Hogan had resided in Madrid for some years as a spy of
the English Court until the defection of a messenger of his, as related in previous letters,
when he escaped to England. There is a letter from him to Leicester (Cal. of S. Papers,
Domestic, 26th June 1572) divulging the practices of the archbishop of Cashel in
Madrid and begging to be further employed. He also solicited a grant of a lease of a
portion of the sequestrated estates of Sir Frances Englefield..~          "




ELI ZABETH.


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1,71.
f Alba will fully inform your Majesty of what Fiesco has done.
IWith regard to Ridolfi's affairs I will still await orders, and I will
send Hawkins the reply as instructed, using in future the new
cipher sent to me.-London, 27th August 1571.
30 Aug.   275. The KING to GUERAU DE SPES.
Your letters of 12th, 14th, 19th, and 24th July received, and we
are glad to hear what you say about the business which Roberto
Ridolfi proposed to us, to the effect that it has been dealt with
sincerely and straightforwardly, so that no suspicion need be
entertained. Under this impression, and because I see that it is so
well justified and so entirely directed to the service of God and
the advantage of our holy and true religion, and the rescue of a
princess so catholic as we consider the queen of Scotland to be,
we desire anxiously that the matter may be so conducted as to
successfully attain the end in view. We have therefore written,
and are now again writing, to the duke of Ailba directing him to
take such steps and precautions as may be necessary to carry
through the business effectually, and to instruct you what you are
to do on your side with the same object. We order you, as we
have done before, not to exceed in anything the instructions the
Duke may give you, as it is necessary that in all things you should
act in absolute co-operation, and with the attention, care, and
diligence which the greatness of the issue demands.      __ —
Notwithstanding what you say of the proposals made by John
Hawkins through George Fitzwilliams, yet there is some suspicion
about it, because both of them have communicated with Secretary
Cecil. We agreed that the affair should be listened to, because we
knew that Hawkins with his ships might be of great service in the
principal business, if he acted straightforwardly, and this was the
reason that Fitzwilliams was treated with, and the cnonditions
and terms set forth, as you will see in the cipher copy enclosed
of the deed made between lim and the duke of Feria, confirmed
subsequently by my order, which the duke will send you with a
full relation of the whole affair. He will also tell you the time
and method in which you will move in both matters, and you will
act as he orders, this being the course desirable for the end in
view.
We are very sorry to learn that the two gentlemen you mention,
both being Catholics of high position and partizans of the queen of
Scotland, should have been cast into the Tower, but as the inquiries
against the duke of Norfolk have not resulted in convicting him of
any offence which the Queen can punish, we hope that God will
help both these and the others and will give them strength and
courage necessary to carry out their laudable and Christian
purpose.
The negotiations for marriage between the Queen and the duke
of Anjou change so frequently froml day to day, that it is quite
clear it is nothing but a cunning trick, although we do not
doubt that if she had the slightest inkling of what we are arranging,
she would conclude the marriage, however little she liked it, in
order to unite her to France. You will thus see how necessary it




334                         SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1571.
is to proceed with such secrecy that nothing shall be known until
after it is done, as in this consists the whole issue of the business.
We are sure the Duke will so manage it that it will succeed as we
desire.
There is nothing to say about the restitution, because I do not
believe that the English have any attention of bringing it about,
but only to enjoy the goods and money which they have in their
possession. You will follow the Duke's orders, however, in this
also.
It was well to report the sailing of the pilot Bartolomd Bayon, as
I at once had the necessary steps taken to catch him, and advised
my nephew, the king of Portugal, to capture him when he called
in to take the negroes, that being the place where he can be most
easily taken. We do not doubt that the Portuguese will do their
best as they are much offended with him.
There is nothing fresh to say about Antonio Fogaza's affair, only
that you did well to write what you think of him and the others
who are treating of Portuguese affairs there, and I am glad to know
that you are promoting these affairs duly.-Madrid, 13th August
1571.
7 Sept.  276. GUERAU DE SPES to the KING.
In former letters I have reported the arrival and dealings of
M. de Foix who left here yesterday afternoon on his return to the
King, carrying with him presents of plate to the value of thirteen
hundred crowns and loaded with fine promises. From what I can
learn of the decision he bears, it. seems that the Queen insists that
the duke of Anjou should not exercise the Catholic religion at all
here, and they cast the blame upon the ambassador Walsingham if
he has been promised otherwise. Foix might well be sure that the
intention of the Queen is not to carry the marriage into effect,
excepting under the most urgent necessity, but that her real aim is
to gradually bring the French into the offensive and defensive
league in which many of the German princes and the duke of
Florence are said to have joined. By this means and with the
help of the adherents they think they have in the Netherlands,
they believe they can trouble the States greatly, and gradually
bring the Christian King round almost entirely to Protestantism.
They depend greatly upon the present Council in France, which
they see now consists largely of people of their way of thinking
as indeed it would appear, seeing how they have abandoned the
queen of Scotland and her interests. The better to carry all this
through, Lord Burleigh is going to France, and it is said will
depart as soon as Foix's report is received from there. In the
meanwhile Killigrew will go to help Walsingham in the business,
and Burleigh will be accompanied by Guido Cavalcanti.
It lately happened that some money which was being forwarded
to Scotland by a secretary of the duke of Norfolk was captured, as
your Majesty will see in detail by the enclosed statement. The
secretary is now in the Tower, and his master more closely guarded.
It is said that some of the Councillors are coming to take his
declaration. If they put him in the Tower it will somewhat hinder




ELIZABETH.


335


1571.
matters, especially now that the second son of the earl of Derby is
there; but the Catholics are many though the leaders are few, and
Lord Burleigh with his terrible fury, has greatly harrassed and
dismayed them, for they are afraid even of speaking to each other.
The whole affair depends upon getting arms into their hands and
giving them somebody who shall direct them what to do, though
the Protestants have as many good leaders in warlike affairs as the
Catholics.  The great confidence of the Protestants is that the
French will come to their protection, and that between one and
another they will be able artfully to contemporise without making
restitution whilst they molest the Netherlands and keep their sea
infested with pirates until the formation of a league allows them to
undertake a war.
The Scots suspect that M. de Foix has been making mischief
about the duke of Norfolk's affair, although La Mothe appears now
to be favourable.
George Fitzwilliams has just arrived, and Hawkins writes me
from  Plymouth that he will be here presently.  Fitzwilliams
thought that I had already received instructions from  your
Majesty as to what was to be done in this business, and he expects
that the instructions will shortly arrive. In the meanwhile I have
told him to go to Lord Burleigh to get permission to visit the
queen of Scotland, in order to endeavour to obtain the release
through her of the imprisoned Englishmen (in Spain), and he is
also to ask Cecil for leave to negotiate with me on the subject. I
have advised the duke of Alba of this immediately, so that he may
know what is passing.
M. de Lumbres is in Dover with seven ships, and he and the
rest of them are preparing to continue ther robberies.
A servant of mine has just come in saying that he has met the
duke of Norfolk in the street being taken to the Tower with two
or three gentlemen guarding him secretly,-London, 7th September
1571.
9 Sept.  277. GUERAU DE SPES to the KING.
By my last letter your Majesty will have learnit that they have
lodged the duke of Norfolk in the Tower, and although lie was
taken without a regular guard and at an unexpected hour, the
concourse of people was so large and the shouts so general that a
very little more and he would have been liberated, although he was
very gay. It may well happen that this popularity of his amongst
the common people may be of little advantage to him with the
Queen.
He has two secretaries of his in the Tower with him, and
Mr. Douglas, a Scotsman, was taken yesterday, and interrogated
about these moneys which were being sent to Scotland, but as he
did not reply to their liking they liberated him. The Florentine
ambassador has been twice questioned about it. The fact is all
England is much disturbed.   Some suspicion exists that Foix
advised the Queen to make sure for the present of the Duke,
although M. de la Mothe makes great professions to the contrary,
but the Scots are well informed in the matter. The French, or the




336


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1571.
duke of Florence, have given some information to this Queen about
the objects with which Roberto Rilolfi went to Rome, as she
remarked that she knew that the duke of Alba had sent to his
Holiness a list of those who are on his side or on that of the duke
of Norfolk. When Thomas Fiesco was taking leave of her recently
she also said something about it, and although it is not credible that
the duke of Florence should have mixed himself up in the business,
still, after Ridolfi left Florence on his way to Spain, a Florentine
named Burgiam   Tadei (sic), who is established in Calais, left
Florence by post for London, he not being a man who could afford
such an expense, and on his arrival here he had a conference with
Lord Buckhurst, who went to France for this Queen, and is consequently well versed in these affairs  MI. de Foix was also accompanied hither by another Florentine named Alfonso Dalbene. It
would be well to learn from Ridolfi if he mentioned anything
about this list to the duke of Florence, or whether any hint has
come from there (Madrid) or from Rome about the French or the
Duke having sent such a report to the Queen.
There was a skirmish recently in Scotland favourable for the
Queen's party, and under colour of this M. de Verac, the French
ambassador, has been released, as well as the Scotch lord Hume.
They entered the castle of Edinburgh, but, both sides being pressed,
a truce was afterwards agreed to.
Your Majesty will learn from the duke of Alba the settlement
which Thomas Fiesco was able to make with the commissioners.
This was the best which could be done for the present, and it will
be well to put into execution promptly.
Fitzwilliams has gone to Court, but he will find it difficult now
to obtain leave to go to the queen of Scotland.-London, 9th
September 1 571.
14 Sept. 278. The KING to GUERAU DE SPES.
Your letters of 28th July and 8th and 18th of August were
received on the 7th instant, and Zayas has also told us what you
have written to hint. You did well in giving us full reports, and
particularly as regards the good heart and firmness with which the
duke of Norfolk and the queen of Scotland's friends continue.
Nevertheless we approve of your not having given them Ridolfi's
letters, or telling them that you had them, such being the duke of
Alba's orders. This course was the best for my service and the
successful conduct of the business, all details being left to the Duke
for him to arrange with the zeal, devotion, and prudence which we
are sure will enable him to carry it to a good issue. We again
repeat that you will most precisely and punctually act in accordance with his orders, without exceeding them in the slightest
degree.
The duke of Alba will inforln you of the death of the duke of
Feria, and of what you have to say to John Hawkins in order to
assure him that the arrangement agreed upon with him shall be
fulfilled without default or failing if he complies with his promises,
which we hope he will, and shows in action the same goodwill with
which you credit him. We are glad to hear your opinion of him,




ELIZABETH.


337


1571.
and you will tell him so to encourage him, but you must proceed
with him in the manner and form prescribed by the Duke, whose
instructions you must not overstep.
I note what you say of the great demonstration of welcome irade
to Foix, both in lodging him in the palace and entertaining him
as they did, but, notwithstanding all this, I do not believe that the
treaty of marriage between the duke of Anjou and the Queen will
end in anything. It would, however, be bad enough if they were
to conclude the supposed league. You will continue to report what
you hear about the progress of events in Ireland, as well as what is
done respecting the restitution, which, seeing how they are delaying
it, we have but little hope they will carry out, or do anything else
good, of their own free will.-Madrid, 14th September 1571.
20 Sept. 279. GUERAU DE SPES to the King.
In previous letters I have reported to your Majesty the pretext
under which the duke of Norfolk has been again lodged in the
Tower. Lord Burleigh came on the 12th instant to interrogate
him, and three secretaries of his and others of his servants, all of
whose declarations were taken with much solicitude several times,
but there is no rumour of Cecil's having obtained the information
he expected. They do not trouble themselves much now about the
money they seized, but are insisting that Roberto Ridolfi was sent
to his Holiness and your Majesty. From certain words dropped
by the earl of Leicester, it is suspected that they have received
information of this from Florence, as I wrote to your Majesty.
They have dismissed with great severity all those who served the
queen of Scotland excepting ten persons, and even her secretaries
had been ordered to go away, although the Queen's exclamations
and protests had prevented their departure. The Scotsman who left
here with a passport for the purpose of taking some packets of
letters to her, had his papers taken away from him in spite of the
passport, and they were returned by Killigrew to the French
ambassador, with a message to the effect that the queen of England
begged he would take this action in good part, as the safety of her
States had made it necessary. The Scotsman, however, saved the
greater part of his packets by hiding them in a rock two leagues
before he got to the place where the Queen was staying. The
queen of Scotland writes that she had seen these packets and
amongst them, I believe, is included the advice I sent her of the
ten thousand crowns which the duke of Alba was handing to
Mr. Beaton.
At the same time all travellers were stopped and their letters
taken from them; amongst others they took my packet of the
12th instant, which is all in cipher, and they have been sending me
messages for the last three days, saying that they will return these
letters to me presently. They now confess that they have been
sent to the Court, and as the man who was carrying these letters
bore a regular passport, I have sent to the Court about it, and
will report the reply to your Majesty. I now enclose a copy of the
letter which I wrote to lord Burleigh on the subject, and also a
true relation of the death of the earl of Lennox, which certainly


y 76467.


Y




338


SPANISH STATE PAPTRS.


1571.
has been a most successful enterprise. The whole of the queen of
Scotland's enemies were captured, and the matter would have been
ended there and then, but the plundering infantry was so busy
robbing that the prisoners escaped, and the only one who paid the
penalty of his bad government was Lennox. They have appointed
in the meanwhile for governor the earl of Mar, who has the Prince
in his possession, and holds the castle of Stirling, although he
declines to interfere in the matter. This Earl is bringing up the
Prince without any religion, or rather with the bad instead of the
good one. His wife is a Catholic, but dares not, I am told, speak
openly about it. One of the worst evils connected with such a
bringing up is that the Prince should be fed upon such vile milk
as this.
The queen of England has received M. de Lumbres very well,
and helped him with money. She is trying to get the congregations of rebels also to raise funds for him, and he is getting
ready to put to sea, harquebusses and ammunition being now on
their way to the coast for him. It is believed that the number of
pirate ships ready will be forty-four.
One of them, a Frenchman named the "Jacques de Boulogne,"
captured a French ship loaded with textile goods lately on its way
to Spain. It is worth more than sixty thousand crowns, but they
cannot get more than twelve thousand crowns offered for it at
Torbay, where it is. All this property belongs to Spaniards, and,
in addition to this, a hundred thousand crowns' worth of woad has
recently been captured from your Majesty's subjects in French
bottoms.-London, 20th September 1571.
29 Sept. 280; GUERAU DE SPES to the KING.
In my former letters I have advised your Majesty of the
extremity in which the queen of Scotland now is, and the great
difficulty she experiences in sending or receiving letters. Her life
is also not safe: as is proved by a letter which was found in Scotland written by the queen of England to the earl of Lennox,
directing him and his party to demand the surrender to them of
the queen of Scotland in the interests of peace, to which demand
the queen of England promised she would accede if she were
asked, and almost commanded him to have the queen of Scotland
killed when they got possession of her, but Lennox himself was
killed on the very day that he received the letter. Perhaps these
people will try the same thing with the new Regent.
The prosecution of the duke of Norfolk is being pushed on
with great vigour, and the councillors have communicated the
proceedings to the Chief Justices, without whom the Council
cannot condemn him. The charges are said to consist of three
)oints; first, that he attempted to marry the queen of Scotland
against this Queen's command; second, that lie provided money to
the opposite party in Scotland; and, thirdly, that he had attempted
to rebel with many others, with the object of receiving and
welcoming the duke of Alba into this country. There appears to
be no proof of the first allegation about his attempt to marry the
queen of Scotland, as this Queen has ordered that charge to be




LtZELADME'rIr.


339


1571.
dropped, as also that of having carried on a correspondence with
the queen of Scotland. On the second charge of helping the
Scots the Duke excused himself by saying that this was out of
England and without prejudice to it. Of the third charge they
say there is little or no proof, and the queen of Scotland was
greatly enraged with the Judges when they made these charges
known to her, whereupon they were much intimidated. Fresh
prisoners are being taken every day to increase their evidence, and
Secretary Smith and Wilson do nothing else in the Tower but
this.
Lord Lumley was sent to the Tower yesterday from Richmond,
where the Court is, and the earl of Arundel was ordered to remain
under arrest at Nonsuch. It is said that the same course will be
taken towards Lord Montague.
I learn that Lord Burleigh suggested in the Council that it would
be well to send me away from here, and although he has not been
able to find any handle for doing this in the proceedings he is
carrying on, he says that for the sake of the Queen's safety it is
necessary that I should be expelled. They are now considering
the matter, although it seems that one of them said it would be
better to await the return of Thomas Fiesco and the execution of
the powers by the Queen for the league with the king of France,
the Count Palatine, and other princes of the Empire, all of whom
will be represented in France. Killigrew will leave here at once
with this as Walsingham reports that the matter is favourably
decided there.
There is no reply about the marriage as M. de Foix delayed a
long time before he arrived at the Blois.
Another ship loaded with sugar from  Barbary belonging to
subjects of your Mlajesty, has recently been captured,* and four
other ships on their way to Brouage for salt, some of the crews of
which have been thrown overboard. I have sent to report the
matter to the Court, and Lord Cobham has been ordered in future
to provide against such disorders. It will be all in vain, however,
as it has hitherto been. I also informed them that M. de Lumay
and Courvoisier are arming six war ships, and I have set forth the
excesses which Winter's ships had committed at Teneriffe. Everything here is directed to your Majesty's prejudice and the injury of
your subjects, with the ultimate object of causing even greater
evils.-London, 29th September 1571.
13 Oct.  281. GUERAU DE SPES to the KING.
I have not written to your Majesty since the 19th (29th?)
ultimo, in consequence of the difficulty of sending letters, the
English courier himself having been stopped although he carried a
passport.
The French ambassador with Guido Cavalcanti had audience
with the Queen last Sunday, and I am told, conveyed to her his
master's thanks for the kind reception given to M. de Foix,
respecting which he gave her a new letter of credence from the


* Note in handwriting of Zayas: " This is a fine way by which to expect restitution."
Y 2




340


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1571.
King, and assured her that the duke of Anjou would accept the
marriage treaty with the modification of one of the clauses which had
been sent from here after M. de Foix had left, to the effect that the
l)uke's foreign servants, although they were ordered not to exercise
any other religion here than that of this country, should not incur
any personal or pecuniary punishment if they did so. He told the
Queen therefore that she could now send to France the personage
she had promised to send when the King should have agreed to
this clause, and the whole of the questions submitted to the
Council by M. de Foix could then be discussed. He then said
something about the severity with which the queen of Scotland
was being used, but the Queen burst into a most furious rage at
this and dwelt very strongly upon the evils which she said were
being brought upon this country by the queen of Scotland. She
afterwards went on to speak of the plots which she and the duke
of Norfolk were weaving jointly with your Majesty to turn her (the
queen of England) off of her throne, and afterwards to make war on
France. She screamed all this out with so much vehemence that
almost everybody in the palace could hear her. She said also that she
would have the king of France to know that some of the piincipal
members of his Council were offering great sums of money to her
officers to prevent the marriage of the duke of Anjou and the
projected alliance; by which it is conjectured that she referred to
Cardinal Lorraine. The end of it was that she promised the
ambassador to let him know shortly the name of the person whom
she intended to send to France, and the same night the Queen had
a private interview with Cavalcanti and afterwards discussed with
some of her Council the means to be adopted to get me out of the
country.
On the same day also Lord Cobham and his brother Thomas
were arrested at Court and lodged in the house of Secretary Bernard
Hampton. Fresh prisoners are being brought to the Tower every
day and Lord Burleigh and four or five other Councillors have been
here for some time past taking their declarations. Yesterday the
Chancellor convoked a meeting of the Lord Mayor, aldermen and
principal merchants in the Guildhall, and told them to give thanks
to God for having preserved them from infinite danger, as a plot
had been discovered to murder the Queen which had been in preparation for the last three years, and that recently, through good
friends which she had in all parts of the world, the Queen had
obtained possession of a letter written by the Pope to the duke of
Alba urging him to take in hand the conquest of this island,
towards which he promised great help, and enclosed him a full list
of all the people in this country who would co-operate with him.
Hle said also that the Queen had obtained a copy of the duke of
Alba's reply to his Majesty (Holiness?) with a draft of the agreement
to be made, the plot being to hand over the island lo a certain foreign
prince whose name he, the Chancellor, did choose to not mention. In
order to alarm them the more he told them that six Englishmen had
been captured who had agreed to set fire to the city at various points
simultaneously on a certain day, with artificial fire, and at the same
time to raise the people and sack the houses of the richer citizens




ELIZ ABETH.


341


1571,
He said that the plot had been mysteriously discovered, and he had
no doubt that it was connected with the bills which had been found
in various parts of the city lately at night, calling the apprentices
to arms and denouncing the imprisonment of so many noblemen by
the Council, who were characterised as tyrants. He therefore gave
them this account of the need that the Queen had found to arrest
the persons who were now in prison, for her own safety, the
welfare of the public, and the preservation of their common
religion. He advised them not to send their merchandise in future
to the dominions of suspected enemies, either openly or under
cover of others' names. He also set forth the endeavours that the
Queen was making to satisfy the Hamburg people relative to the
recovery of the plunder taken from them by the pirates. This
speech was listened to with pleasure by the Protestants, although
some of them and the Catholics know well that it was only a
device to bring the people round to their view and incense them
against your Majesty. In the meanwhile the city is being guarded
strictly and no one dares to walk the streets without being obliged,
the people fearing even to speak to each other.
The Queen lias appointed commissioners to reconcile the Hamburg
people. They have gone to Dover and have detained on the coast
some of the pirates, and others who have purchased the stolen
property. They have seized, in the name of the Queen, all the
plunder which still remains on hand, but they confine their claims
to merchandise purchased after the 4th December last, which I
think was the time that cardinal Chatillon died, he having had
authority granted to him for these pirates to rob in his name.
I send your Majesty copy of the letters given to the commissioners,
and you will see that something is said in them about the license
recently given to M. de Lumay to arm ships. He will leave
shortly with five or six ships and M. de Lumbres will surrender
to him the post of Admiral, as he wants to go back to France
and buy a barony, he having become very rich on his spoil.
Frobisher also has left, under license from the Court, with four
well found ships after having given some sort of security as a
matter of form.
Beside the ships captured which I recently reported, there are
many niore vessels seized and now in the Downs. The Portuguese
property in some of them is claimed by Christmas in virtue of the
letter of marque under which he has taken so much Portuguese
merchandise, and he has now gone to the Downs to urge his claim.
All this goes to the profit of the earl of Leicester.
The French ambassador has not yet received information as to
the person to be sent by this Queen, but it is said that when Lord
Burleigh can finish the process against the duke of Norfolk with
which lie is busy the answer shall be given. In the meanwhile
they are professing great friendship for the French ambassador and
Killigrew is making ready to go to France. He is a person of
inferior rank but a brother-in-law of Burleigh, a badly inclined
man and a strong Protestant. I sent to tell the French ambassador
that ships belonging to French subjects were being captured in the
mouth of the Seine daily with great quantities of merchandise,




312


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1571.
mostly the property of your Majesty's subjects. He replied that,
besides having reported this to the Council, he had written a report
of it to his King, who had answered him that he had spoken of the
matter to Admiral Chatillon, and the latter had promised to exercise
his authority if the King would allow him to redress the evil
complained, of as regards ships taken into Rochelle and the French
ports. The King had thereupon authorised him to carry out his
office, bat I do not believe that any redress will result from this.
There are now two French war-ships off the Isle of Wight, which it
is announced, are going to the Indies, the master of one is called
Poitier and the other Nicolas de Lavals.
There is much mistrust here about Ireland as they see that Fitzmaurice is gaining strength every day, whilst the Queen will not
find money to pay the captains that have come from there or those
that are going thither.
They are coining money in the Tower with great haste from the
cash belonging to your Majesty.-London, 13th October 1571.
282. Document labelled in the handwriting of Zayas as follows:"This contains so perfect a representation of all the matters
"brought by Ridolfi, that, without doubt, it has been
"declared by someone connected with the discussion of the
"business."
Salutem in Christo.
The godly and the evil-minded delight in opposite things; the
godly in seeking and maintaining truth, the wicked in concealing it.
It follows therefore that the declaration of the truth pleases the
godly and displeases the wicked. I, understanding that the majority
of people at this time do not know for certain the cause why the
duke of Norfolk and many others are prisoners in the Tower, and
being sure that the godly will be glad to know the truth which the
wicked are trying to hide and destroy, I could not conscientiously
refrain from setting forth what I will now say for the satisfaction
of the godly and the stopping of the lies from malicious tongues of
seditious people.
First it is known that the duke of Norfolk for some years past
has been negotiating for his marriage with the queen of Scotland
without the knowledge of our lady the Queen.
It is also known that the queen of Scotland has been the most
dangerous enemy in the world to our Queen, as she tried to deprive
her of the crown immediately after the death of Queen Mary.
Item.-It is known that, when she found that strength and craft
were alike powerless to compass this, she solemnly promised to
acknowledge the right of our Queen to the crown as the legitimate
daughter and heiress of King Henry VIII. her father, and as such,
entitled to succeed her brother Edward and her sister Queen Mary,
as fully as any other sovereign of England of past times, besides
being a Princess so worthy for her clemency and goodness. It is
also known that the queen of Scotland has not hitherto kept her
promise, but has rather delayed doing so by vain excuses, nor is her
promise of any value even if she did fulfil it, as no act of hers could
improve the perfect title of our Queen, particularly as she, the




ELIZABEl'H.


343


1571.
queen of Scotland, could not obtain this country when she claimed
it, nor keep her own in peace when she had it, besides which, no
promise of hers could be looked upon as sincere but rather to be
kept or broken, as she might consider desirable.
Item.-It is affirmed with probability that the queen of Scotland
was the principal cause of the rebellion in the north, by means of
which certain nobles, some of whom, or their ancestors, had served
valiantly against the Scots, were, by the cunning of this Scots lady,
seduced, to the ruin of themselves and their houses, with many
other English lieges.
Item.-It is a notorious fact that our lady the Queen is far from
being vindictive, and that she endeavoured to restore the queen of
Scotland to her throne, and, indeed, saved her life after the murder
of her husband, by promoting an arrangement between her and the
King, her son, and the Governors and people of her realm, in the
hope thereby to finish the civil wars which were raging in it.
Item.-It is known that the queen of Scots, when the duke of
Norfolk was first arrested, renounced in writing to the Queen all
ideas of marriage with him, setting forth at the same time that she
herself would never have conceived the project, of which she did
not approve; and the Duke himself, by means of many messages
and letters to the Queen, humbly and penitently acknowledged his
error in trying to marry the queen of Scots; promising faitlhfuily
under his hand and seal never to treat of the matter again or to
have any future dealings with that Queen.
It is now certain that the afore-mentioned plot between the Queen
and the Duke has been formed in violation of their faithful promises
and renunciations, and has been continued without interruption,
secretly, through badly intentioned persons during the whole time
that the Duke was first in the Tower, and subsequently whilst he
was arrested in his house, until the present time, when he is again
lodged in the Tower.
The danger which might arise from the continuance of these
secret dealings and the intention to effect this marrying against
the will of our Queen is best shown by the perilous negotiations
which have accompanied the plot, which negotiations have been
miraculously discovered by the goodness of Almighty God, for the
safety of the royal person and the welfare of the realm.
It was decided that a new rebellion should be raised near London
which should take possession of the city, and whilst this was being
done a great force of armed foreigners would be brought by sea from
the Netherlands to one of the principal ports of this country, and
the two bodies of enemies and rebels would thereupon unite with
objects which I think best not to mention at present.
These plans were not only discussed but were actually reduced to
writing and agreed upon, and messengers were sent. beyond the sea
in Lent last with full authority and writings to testify to the determination of those who were to be the leaders of this rebellion; so
that, the whole arrangements being settled, were approved of there,
and letters were written in all haste for the Queen (of Scots), the
duke of Norfolk, and especially for that wicked priest, the bishop
of Ross, who is the originator of all the Duke's calamities and the




344


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1571.
sower of treason in this realm. It was directed that this enterprise
should be kept very secret, especially from the French, for reasons
of great importance until the messenger should have gone post to
Rome to the Pope for money, and to the king of Spain for orders
and directions for troops and ships. The queen of Scotland, the
Duke, and others, gave letters of credence to the messenger for the
Pope and the king of Spain, and the man, after arriving in Rome,
returned a reply from the Pope at the beginning of May for the
Queen, the Duke, and others.
The letter to the Duke was in Latin commencing with the words,
"Dilectifili salutem," but truly the Duke might say that he sent
no salutem to him but rather perniciem. The Duke received the
letters and read them at the request of the said wicked priest, and the
contents of them were to the effect that the Pope approved of the
enterprise and would write to the king of Spain to help it, but that
the present costly war against the Turk had made them short of
money for that summer, but notwithstanding this, his unfortunate
Holiness, in his usual manner, comforted them all and told them not
to despair. It would thus appear, either that God inspired him to
be so very zealous against the Turk, which was certainly good,
or that the coffers of his Holiness are not at present so full of money
as they are of bulls. We are thus brought to the conclusion that
want of money was the cause of this perilous treason not having
then been carried out, and it is to be hoped that by similar
goodness of God future crimes will be diverted from us.
It was also decided by the inventors of these plots that the
kingdom of Ireland should be assailed at the same time in order to
weaken the Queen's forces and divert them from the defence of her
loyal subjects.
Now it would be better that this tree of treason should be rooted
up for once and for all, since it is certain that it has branches of its
own growth in various parts, such, for instance, as the talk of the
release of the queen of Scotland, sometimes disguised, sometimes by
force and rebellion, with the object of raising her to the throne of
England. It was also said that her son was to be stolen from
Scotland and sent to Spain, and other inventions of the same sort
were set afloat with the object of disturbing this country, which was,
and is, praise God, quiet and tranquil.
Some people may say that many of these things are doubtful, or
changed in the telling, either by malice or credulity, but, verily, all
that I have said, and much more, has been reported to me so faithfully by persons of credit who are not in the habit of relating falsehoods, that I can confidently affirm that it is all true; and if it be
found otherwise, it is to be believed that some of the Councillors
will reprove me for it when this relation is read. If so I will
patiently suffer correction for my credulity. If these things are
true, as I have said, although they be not all discovered yet, time
will shortly confirm them, when her Majesty causes the prisoners
publicly to reply to them according to the law, as she will no
doubt do in the exercise of her benignity, and so God keep her
under his special care, as he has miraculously done hitherto to
reign over us in peace.




ELI ZABETH.,


345


1571.
Since writing this I am induced the more to believe in its truth,
because on this very day the Lord Mayor of this city, with many
of the governors of the same, were before the Council, where I am
informed by some who heard it, that the statement made to them
by the Council respecting the duke of Norfolk were, in substance,
the same as I have set forth here, with many other things which I
have not related.-At London, 13th October 1571.
Your loving brother-in-law, R.G.
14 Oct.  283. GUERAU DE SPES to ZAYAS.
I sent yesterday to the duke of Alba a duplicate of the enclosed
letter for his Majesty, and I cannot exaggerate the confusion which
reigns here. They have just brought to the Tower three other
gentlemen, inhabitants of the part of the country where the queen
of Scotland is. The people are all astounded, and if there were
only a leader, some great disturbance would arise, but as it is, Lord
Burleigh triumphs over all. Perhaps they will aim a blow at me
presently: patience!
I should like to see all our resolutions carried through with more
expedition and we should succeed in our enterprises; otherwise I
certainly fear we shall have many evils to encounter, especially if
the people in Flanders be not quieted from their apprehension
about the tenths; but where the duke of Alba is I do not think
there will be any want of council or prudence.-London, 14th
October 1571.
15 Oct. 284. GUERAU DE SPES to the KING.
In my last I wrote an account of the speech made by the Keeper
to the Lord Mayor and aldermen of this city respecting the imprisonment of the duke of Norfolk and the other nobles, and
attacking your Majesty and the duke of Alba respecting the
invasion of the country. The Lord Mayor has to-day summoned
the constables and many other citizens, to the number of nearly
four thousand men, to the Great Hall for the purpose of speaking
to them to the same effect, in order that each of the constables
shall do the same in his own district to-morrow. The Council
believes that, by such means as these, they will sustain their
tyrannical government.
Burleigh arranged with the Mayor for some of the aldermen to
go to the Queen and beg her to increase her guard, and this is
being made an excuse for the palace to be protected by a large
number of troops and the whole city to be very strictly watched.
It is said that Killigrew will be shortly sent to France, and they
have arranged to-morrow for Burleigh and Leicester to see the
ambassador to enter into details about the proposed marriage or
league. I have been assured by a member of Burleigh's household
that he has read a letter from the duke of Florence to the Vidame
de Chartres, promising to enter into this alliance, as he considers it
necessary to resist the greatness of your Majesty, which he says
* This was the oppressive new tax imposed by Alba in the Netherlands of one tenth
of the value of all transactions effected,




346


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1571.
seems to increase every day. Since Burleigh has this letter he will
certainly have others from the same Duke to a similar effect, and
the English are now treating the matter without concealment.
Guido Cavalcanti is here, very willing, as usual, to take part in
anything directed to the prejudice of your Majesty and the injury
of the Catholic religion. They have done nothing fresh to me yet,
although I am told that they are seeking an excuse for doing something. My secretary has not left the house for ten days, in order
to prevent their arresting him on some feigned excuse.
Lord Cobhanm las been taken to the Tower and the earl of
Sussex is also in danger, being neither a prisoner nor free, for
Leicester and Burleigh seem to be in accord, for once, that the
enemies of both of them should be molested, so that there are
people of both ways of thinking in prison.
They are already repenting having taken so many seamen from
the pirates, and at the instance of M. de Lumbres, have determined to
leave the rest of them on security. They are trying to calm the
Easterlings by other means, being in great fear for the property
they have sent, and are sending, to Hamburg.
The more I see of Hawkins and the closer I watch him, the more
convinced I am of his faithfulness in your Majesty's interests. The
members of the Council would like to trick the queen of Scotland by
means of him and Fitzwilliams. They have never given the latter
permission to see her.  Hawkins and Fitzwilliams are anxiously
awaiting the decision of your Majesty, they having already incurred
great expense in fitting out their fleet which is now nearly ready.
The Queen wishes to send to Ireland Captain Malby and the
son of Secretary Smith. I could easily bring Malby round to
your Majesty's service if I had orders to do so before his departure.
There are many like him in office here, very desirous of serving
your Majesty.-London, 15th October 1571.
21 Oct.  285. GUERAU DE SPES to the KING.
As the duke of Alba has not yet sent me the despatches that he
has received from your Majesty for me (keeping them, as he says,
for certain good reasons), I have nothing to answer in this letter
but only to report the great uneasiness in which this Queen and
her Council are; tortured by their own consciences more than by
the actual proof that they have against the duke of Norfolk, and
still less of the proposed invasion of which they are in fear. The
only information they have to go upon in this latter respect are
the declarations made by Carlos, the servant of the bishop of Ross,
who was the first prisoner made in this business. Carlos is now in
the Tower half crazy. To gain the people over they are still
publishing the little books of which I send your Majesty a copy in
Spanish, not very well translated for want of time. From this
letter and copy enclosed of my letter to the duke of Alba your
Majesty will understand the state of things here.-London, 21st
October 1571.
26 Oct.  286. GUERAU DE SPES to the KING.
Since my last advices I have to report that Killigrew left here
yesterday with a servant of La Mothe, bearing powers to discuss the




ELIZABETH.


347


1571.
terms of the alliance proposed with France. On the same day the
bishop of Ross was taken to the Tower, without any respect for his
special safe conduct and his quality of ambassador. Lord Burleigh
told him that his mistress was a Queen no longer, as she had
abdicated in favour of her son and was a prisoner. He therefore
could not be considered as an ambassador and would consequently
be sent to the Tower and put to the torture.
I learn that the duke of Norfolk is very ill. I do not know
whether in consequence of anything they are giving him in his food,
but if so we shall soon see. It is understood that the proofs against
him are of little weight.
The castle of Edinburgh was besieged on the 6th instant, and
much ammunition has been sent from here to the besiegers.
The pirates are now off Dover, and in order to satisfy the Easterlings, they have not recently been so openly supplied with victuals
as before, but they are secretly furnished at night with all they
want, and, what is worse, they are now openly victualled from
France, and consequently the pirates have recently returned to the
French some of the prizes they have taken.
M. de Lumbres has gone to France with over a hundred thousand
crowns in cash intending to buy a barony. Schonvall remains in
his place. He has a brother of the habit of St. John in Antwerp
and this might be a means of converting him and his fleet to your
Majesty's service.
They have just brought an Irishman a prisoner to the Tower,
who they say has come hither from Spain as a spy. They are
incensing the people with this.-London, 26th October 1571.
31 Oct.  287. GUERAU DE SPES to the DUKE OF ALBA.
I believe your Excellency will have received my despatches
carried by the courier on the 21st inst., and also those of 24th, and
26th. It will not be unadvisable to capture Hieronimo Salvago, a
Genoese, who usually lives at Rouen. He left here from Spinola's
house on the 8th, carrying a packet from M. de Zweveghem. He
arrived safely at Antwerp and personally delivered Zweveghem's
letter, but my letters of the same date (8th) taken by him had not
been delivered on the 23rd to Leonardo de Tassis. If this packet
of mine, which contained two letters in cipher, does not appear, we
will see whether Spinola has stolen it, and if it was by comparison
with my cipher that the queen of Scotland's letter was recently deciphered in the Tower. If it be so it is high time that such insolence
were punished. Your Excellency, knowing how important it is to the
service of his Majesty, will doubtless put your hand to the matter
at once.
Besides the little books that I have sent to your Excellency they
have brought out a long one, written in good Latin, against the
queen of Scotland,* the most shameful thing that ever was seen but
which I do not dare to send you in this packet. They have again
* This was doubtless George Buchanan's book called "A detection of the doings of
Queen Mary" which had recently been published. Buchanan was one of the first
Latinists of his time,




348                        SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1571.
arrested the earl of Southampton who came unsuspiciously to the
Court and also the brother of the earl of Northumberland, although
in the disturbances in the north he was on the side of the Queen
and the principal cause of the others being lost. They have also
captured a Catholic gentleman named Morgan, and it would seem
that, without further reason, they mean to lodge all the Catholics in
the Tower. They have also arrested Luis de Paz, although up to
the present he is kept in a house without being allowed to communicate with anyone. They have ordered that no one shall come
to my house, and threaten anyone who does so, even apothecaries
and surgeons. The whole place is surrounded with spies without
attempt at concealment. I attribute this to Burleigh's alarm at
what little proof they have already obtained against the prisoners.
The pirates are better supplied now than ever. A man of mine
has come back from where they are and says that M. de Lumbres
went to France mainly to beg Count Ludovic not to allow M. de
Lumay to take the first place, as there was great division amongst
the gentlemen now at Dover upon the subject, and Lumbres complained that such an appointment would frustrate the agreement he
had made for taking Sluys, some of the inhabitants of which place had
come to offer to deliver it. M. de Lungatre of Artois, an exile, was
awaiting near Boulogne with 1,200 soldiers ready for the enterprise,
as well as to carry out a plot to buy or hire certain small houses
adjoining the church of St. Gudule at Brussels, where a Fleming
had promised to make a mine and blow up with powder your
Excellency and all those who were hearing mass there.
My man said that when Lumbres was in Rochelle three gentlemen from Seville came to offer Admiral Chatillon the sympathy
of many Spaniards with regard to religion, but my man did not
dare to ask for more particulars upon this point. There are forty
sail off Dover, 16 of them well-found ships. Lumbres was said to
be expecting 15 more from Rochelle and Denmark. They are
again saying here that Fiesco is a long while returning. Stukeley's
servants who came from Spain are being interrogated every day and
they are made to declare things that were never dreamt of there.
When I have a surer messenger than this one I will write more at
length.-London, 31st October 1571.
31 Oct.  288. The KING to GUERAU DE SPES.
On the 5th instant your letters of the 9th and 10th ultimo were
received, reporting the imprisonment of the duke of Norfolk, which
grieved us greatly, both because of his own danger and the evil
which may result therefrom to the queen of Scotland, and also
because it frustrates a matter of so much importance for the
service of God and the advantage of religion as that which was
being forwarded through him. The thread of the business thus
being cut, there is no more to say to you about it, excepting to
refer you to the duke of Alba for instructions. We are anxious
for a newer letter from you to learn what has happened since, as
we trust in our Lord, whose cause it is, to once more put it in such
a position that I may help it forward in his service.
There is nothing more to be said about Hawkins, as that affair,




ELIZABETH.


349


1571.
too, depended upon the principal business.     You will proceed with
him as the Duke may instruct you.
I have not yet learnt what settlement has been arrived at as
regards the restitution of the detained merchandise, since neither
you nor the duke of Alba send me the statement of Thomas Fiesco's
arrangement. Although no doubt it will have been sent before you
receive this, it will be well for you to keep me well advised of all
that is being done or hoped for in this business.      It is being so
much delayed that little result can be expected to come from all the
negotiations that have been carried on, but in any case we must
keep hammering away with these people.
Very evil and injurious to Christianity at large, and to my
dominions in particular, would be the conclusion of the treaty which
you believe is being agreed upon between the French and the
Queen, as it is clear that the Protestants of Germany would enter
into it. It is therefore most necessary that you should endeavour
to learn thoroughly what there is in it and duly advise us.         As
regards the marriage of the duke of Anjou, I cannot believe that
there is any reality in the affair and this is shown by the scanty
message taken back by M. de Foix.
You will also try to learn from the bottom what understanding
the Queen has with the duke of Florence with regard to the aforementioned matter, as I am    of opinion that it is all artifice* and I
cannot believe that he would bring himself to enter into an alliance
with that Queen, seeing that the result might be so unprofitable to
him. But in any case it will be well to see his hand and report
what you hear.-Madrid, 31st October 1571.
11 Nov.    289.   The KING to the DUKE OF MEDINA-CELI.t
[EXTRACT.]
As regards England you will proceed in conformity with what
was communicated to you here and the L)uke's (of Alba) information, although I do not think there will be much to do at
present as the Queen has got scent of the business and has arrested
the duke of Norfolk and the principal other people concerned. She
has also made the queen of Scotland's imprisonment closer, so that,
as Don Guerau writes me on the 21st October, they are all in great
peril, for which I am very sorry, although I have still confidence
that God, whose cause it is, will help us to forward the matter as we
wish. You will therefore hold yourself prepared, in case the Duke
should write to you at sea, to take any step with this end; as we
* Note in the King's handwriting: "It is not well to express opinions about anyone
or to put more in the letters than is necessary. They or the cipher might be lost and,
in short, there is no reason for it and it serves no purpose.'
f The present letter covers the King's instructions to the duke of Medina-Celi who had
been appointed to succeed the duke of Alba as Governor of the Netherlands, the latter
having been ailing for some time and urgently begging the King to be allowed to return
to Spain. On Mcedina-Celi's arrival, however, jealousy and ill-feeling broke out between
them, and as Medina-Cel's powers were to remain in abeyance so long as Alba remained
in the country, the latter stayed on. Medina-Celi was thus kept in the invidious position
of a Governor without power for two years, notwithstanding his frequent requests that
he should be allowed to return home. The deadlock was at last removed by the return
of both Dukes and the appointment of Don Luis de Requesens y Zufiiga, grand commander of Castile, to be governor of the Netherlands.




350


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1571.
have indicatcd in Clause IV. of your instructions. I have thought
well to have it repeated in this letter which for greater security
you wvill burn before you embark. (The words in italics have been
added by the King in his own handwriting.)
As I told you here, I have ordered 200,000 crowns to be provided for the execution of this business, 100,000 of which were sent
in warrants, some time since, to the duke of Alba, and the other
100,000 have been handed to you in Seville in gold and silver.
You will take this money intact, without allowing any part of it to
be spent or touched on any account whatever, as it is my will and
intention that it shall be kept and set apart entirely for this
English business, which I sincerely hope that God will guide in some
unexpected way for the good of His cause.-Madrid, 11th November
1571.
20 Nov. 290. GUERAU DE SPES to the KING.
By the courier who takes this I am advising the duke of Alba
that the earl of Leicester distinctly told M. de Zweveghem  last
Sunday that they would wait three days longer for Thomas Fiesco
and, after that, would at once proceed to sell the merchandise
without further delay. This is promoted by a certain coalition of
merchants here, who hope thereby at one stroke to become rich.
The earl of Leicester will get a large share.
The Queen and Council are proceeding furiously in the condemnation of the prisoners and are urging the judges to declare them
all deserving of death, although most of the latter are opposed to
this decision. I therefore expect that many of the prisoners will be
condemned, as Burleigh says that otherwise the royal authority will
be injured in the sight of the people. The mratter is now in such a
stage that I shall be able to report to your Majesty this week what
the result has been.
It seems that Lord Buckhurst will not go to France yet, as he
refuses to go unless he has very decided instructions about the
marriage. It is now said that Secretary Thomas Smith will go, but
he will not leave until the effect of Killigrew's journey is known.
Although Killigrew  is a little personage, these people think
confidently that he will settle the alliance to their satisfaction. It
is perfectly marvellous how pertinacious these heretics are. There
are men in office who say that it is more expedient to submit to
the rule of the Turk, if he will let them have freedom for their
sect, than to allow any alteration in it to be made by the hand of
Christian princes.
All people, and particularly the Catholics, show great delight at
the signal victory which God has given to your Majesty.*  In the
meanwhile they live here in the most utter servitude which can be
imagined.
The king of France has /written to this Queen expressing sorrow
for the troubles which have arisen here and offering his help to
remedy them. I believe this, although I have not been able to get
a copy of the letter.
* The battle of Lepanto, won over the Turks by the combined fleets of Spain
Venice, and Rome, under the command of Don John of Austria.




IEIZABETH.


361


1571.
Hawkins tells me that he has obtained secretly permission from
this Queen to assail your Majesty's dominions.     He has now twelve
ships ready and is waiting most anxiously to signalise himself in
your Majesty's service. I am sure that, in this and other things,
he is proceeding straightforwardly, and it would be very desirable
to let him have a prompt decision.-London, 20th November 1571.
22 Nov.    291.   ANTONIO    FOGAZA to the PRINCE RU      Y GCMEZ DE SILVA.
Portuguese.   I wrote to your lordship on the 12th May sending certain information in his Majesty's interests and sent my letter by a man who
went post.   Hs has just returned to this city after a most unsuccessful voyage.     It appears he went to Seville, where he has
relations, and embarked at Cadiz on an English ship.         When he
landed at Plymouth the captain of that port took all the letters
and papers in the possession of those who came in the ship, which
papers were sent at once to the Council. My man thought best to
tear up the packet that he brought from your Lordship for me, for
which act I forgave him, because if the letters had been seized I
should have had trouble about it, seeing how    things are going here
now, as is happening to all those whose papers were taken. I am
sending the present packet in good hands addressed to Juan Gomez
de Silva at the Court of France to whom        I am writing begging
him to send it on promptly and safely, although he does not know
that it is I who am writing your lordship.
I recently met an English gentleman who has been an intimate
friend of mine for a long time and who lives in this Court, a fervent
Catholic, and a zealous friend of God's service and the aggrandisement of the Catholic church, who informed me of the diabolical
league which the English are secretly making with French and
other confederates, together with the King, whom they think of
proclaiming here when this Queen dies, and I:et forth all this in
a separate statement which I now     enclose.  1y man tells me that
they were driven by contrary winds to take refuge at the isles of
Bayona, where they found two pirate ships, one a Frenchman,
called the "Printemps" of Rochelle, and the other an           English
vessel called "The Castle of Comfort," which, between them, had a
Portuguese ship they had captured of three hundred tons burden
with much brass ordnance and muskets; the crew         of which they
had killed.   My man heard that the crew of the " Printemps " had
* Antonio Fogaza was a Portuguese who had been in the Spanish service in the time
of the Emperor, and was probably a dependent of his countryman ltuy Gomez. He
seems to have been a spy for the Spanish Court, and lived in London for many years,
at first as a Portuguese agent, until certain representations were made with regard to
him in 'ortugal, as lie says, by his enemies, but really by Giraldi, the Portuguese envoy,
who had been told by Antonio de Guaras that Fogaza was giving information to Spain,
when his allowance from Portugal was stopped, and thenceforward he appears to have
received his subsistence mainly from Spain. In the present volume will be found a
large number of letters to the Spanish governors of the Netherlands giving intelligence
from London, which I have no doubt whatever are written by Antonio Fogaza. The
original drafts are in the British Museum, and I believe that hitherto no attempt has
been made to identify the writer of them. The contents, however, clearly prove them
to have been fromn Antonio Fogaza. It is somewhat curious, as showing the tortuous
diplomacy of the period, that some of the other Spanish agents in England appear to
have been almost in ignorance that Antonio Fogaza was acting in the same capacity.
He was for years in great poverty, and was imprisoned for debt in London in 1580,
when, no doubt, the aforementioned draft letters fell into the hands of the authorities.




352


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1571.
landed onl the island of Gomera in the Canaries and sacked it.
When they had returned to their ship the " Castle of Comfort"
arrived at the same island and began fighting with the French
crew, but they soon came to terms and joined forces. The captain
of the English ship with twenty-five sailors thereupon went in
their ship's boat towards the island, but the sea being very rough
the boat was swamped and the whole of them were drowned. The
two ships then set sail and fell in with the Portuguese vessel which,
after three summonses, surrendered to them. They ran short of
provisions and had to put into Bayona, where they captured the
fishermen on the Vigo coast, and made them provide them with
victuals. The ships were still there when my man left.   This
harbour of Vigo and Bayona is the regular refuge and shelter of
the pirates as there is nothing there to resist them. It is most
important that some defence should exist there to avoid the ravages
these people commit. I expect that it is because his Majesty is not
informed of it, and I therefore send herewith a statement of my
opinion as to what could be done. For the love of God let some
remedy be found, because, not only is it in his service but for the
welfare of the King's subjects.
At the end of last month I was informed that the " Castle of
Comfort" had arrived at the Isle of Wight, and I at once addressed
the Council, who gave me letters for the governors of the island and
of Portsmouth. I sent a man thither in haste with the letters, who
searched the whole ship but only found two negroes formerly
belonging to Don Luis Vasconcellos. who left Lisbon a year and a
half ago in the said Portuguese ship to be governor of Brazil. He
arrived in sight of Brazil, almost, at the island of Santo Domingo,
where he remained for five months and most of his people escaped
from him. He sailed from there and was driven by the weather in
a very distressed condition to the Canaries, where he and all his
people were, as I have said, captured and murdered. The captain,
master, and mariners of this English ship are prisoners, but they
will let them go as they are daily doing in the case of other similar
men.   I afterwards received news from  Plymouth by a cutter
which had arrived there from Rochelle, to the effect that the French
pirate and the Portuguese prize remained at Rochelle, and they
would not allow any person from land to go on board the latter.
No doubt Senior Juan Gomez de Silva will have already seen to
this as I advised him about it on the 12th instant.
Since the imprisonment of the duke of Norfolk, the earl of
Arundel, Lord Lumley, and the other gentlemen, the ambassador has
been very suspicious that they might try to arrest him, and truly
I was warned, from a well-informed quarter, that his papers should
be put into a safe place, and I took a note of his cipher and key;
offering my services to the utmost of my ability in his Majesty's
interests. My offer was not only of my poor means and efforts,
but, if necessary, of my life, which I will cheerfully sacrifice in
such a cause; for this is a tims for his Majesty's faithful friends
to show their zeal, and when many of those who in better days
were full of fine promises, now turn away and refuse to acknowledge him. It was no sacrifice for a true Catholic to place his life
at the service of the King, for it was but his duty to do so for such




ELIZABE Tif.


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1571.
a Catholic Christian prince, a strong buttress and firm column of
Christianity, the Defender of the Roman Church, the promoter of
the faith of Christ and the destroyer of the Mahommedan and
heretical sects. They subsequently apprehended, by order of the
Council, Luis de Paz, a good subject of his Majesty. The business
was in the hands of a friend of mine, Dr. Wilson, and, as no one
was bold enough to speak about it, the ambassador begged me to
do so. By God's grace we managed to get him released on bail, but
if he had been taken to the Tower he would not have escaped
torture. I will now endeavour to get the bail discharged, and if
I am successful, he, Luis de Paz, will leave the country, which is no
place now for suspected men.
Antonio de Guaras, a very good gentleman and a faithful and
attached subject of his Majesty, has been in the house for the last
three years without daring to appear in the streets, which is
lamentable. He went out the other day only to congratulate the
ambassador on the great victory over the Turk. The discourse
here about this victory is set forth in a separate paper enclosed.
Of the prisoners in the Tower who have now to be tried the
principal are Sir Thomas Gresham (sic) and others to the number
of sixteen, besides the bishop of Ross, Sir Thomas Stanley, the
brother of the earl of Derby, Sir Thomas Garret, Thomas Cobham,
the brother of Lord Cobham, and Pole, who was in Spain.
The Council was desirous of selling, at once, the merchandise
belonging to his Majesty's subjects in consequence of the delay in
Fiesco's arrival. M. de Zweveghem, the gentleman who has these
affairs in hand, addressed them on the subject, but could only
obtain a delay until the 21st instant, as secretly, Benedict Spinola,
the Genoese of whom you will know, and others like him, were
pressing for the sale of the goods in the hope of getting some
advantage for themselves thereby. On the day the goods were to
be sold news came that Fiesco was at Calais, and had sent to beg
tie Queen to give him a security against the pirates at Dover. The
business is therefore still pending. There are now thirty-five or
forty pirate ships in all, large and small, but those about Dover
and the Downs are taking but few prizes. M. de Lumbres has gone
to France, it is said with fifty thousand ducats which he has
stolen, besides the shares of the Prince of Orange and those of the
sailors and soldiers. He left his place to another Flemish rebel
called Schonvall. I heard a couple of days ago that M. de Lumay,
who is called here Count de la Marque, had left for Dover to take
command of all the pirates and rebels there, and I heard several
times at Court that he was being greatly caressed. If the fleet is
to be governed by his talents it will soon come to grief. The four
ships belonging to William Winter which went last March to
Guinea and attacked Teneriffe have not since been heard of. God
grant that they may have been captured. We have no news, either,
Irom Bartolome Bayon, although Dr. Nunez and Cristobal, a new
resident here who fitted him out, are hourly looking for him.
An English ship of forty tons recently brought into Plymouth a
Spanish vessel with a large quantity of hides and other goods which
had been shipped in the Indies. The ambassador at once took
y 76467,                                                     Z




354 -

SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1571.
steps in the matter and the ship is placed under embargo. Other
English ships that have gone thither (i.e., to the Indies) have not
been heard of.
On the day before my man left the Isle of Wight, a French ship
of three hundred tons arrived there, well manned and found, and a
cutter of fifty tons, both from Dieppe. It is said they were bound
for the Spanish Indies, but were driven to the island by contrary
weather. Twenty sail of war ships have left Havre de Grace this
year, all of them for Guinea, Brazil, and the Spanish Indies. The
King has ordered me to leave here, but it is impossible now to get
a passage for Spain, so I must wait until January when I will sail.
I am afraid to go by land as travelling post sorely maltreats me.
In the meanwhile I will send advice of anything of importance
that may happen.-London, 22nd November 1571.
3 Dec.   292. The KING to the DUKE OF MEDINA-CELI.
[EXTRACT.]
I enclose letters from Don Guerau de Spes, by which you will
see that he confirms the news that a considerable number of
Flemish rebel ships were cruising about the channel, together with
corsairs of other nationalities, all favoured and aided by the queen
of England. As you will, no doubt, go well equipped and accompanied by a number of troops, I do not expect they will dare to
attack you, but, nevertheless, it will be well for you to compare
this news with such advices as you can gather on the coast and
elsewhere, and adopt such measures of precaution as may appear
necessary ior your safety and that of the fleet. We will keep you
advised of what we hear. The duke of Alba will also send out
some cruisers to meet you, as we have given him orders to do, which
we will repeat.
Conveys the news of the battle of Lepanto.-Madrid, 3rd
December 1571.
b Dec.  293. The KING to GUERAU DE SPES.
Your letters of 26th October received, and the duke of Alba
hlas informed me of your intelligence up to the 31st of that month.
I am much grieved at the rigour and cruelty with which the queen
of Scotland, the duke of Norfolk, and other Catholics of their
party are being treated, although I have full trust that God will
shield and succour them. You will comfort and cautiously encourage them in a way not to increase the distrust and dissatisfaction
with which the Queen and Council now regard you. You will
give them no opportunity for any fresh personal insult, and will
advise me of what happens by the safest way, keeping up close
communication with the Duke (of Alba) and following his instructions
in all things.
Our Lord has been pleased that my very dear wife, the
Queen, should give birth to a son,* at half-past two yesterday
morning, which has rejoiced us, as you may suppose. We have
* Don Fernando, 'rince of Asturias and heir to the crown. He died at the age of
pevIa.




ttl-ZA3l3;ErH.


355


1571.
thought well to write to you, in order that you may inform the
Queen thereof, if affairs are in such a state as in your opinion to
make it advisable to pay this compliment to her. Although, in any
case, we expect she will not feel any pleasure in this or any other
thing which is advantageous to us, at least it will confuse her the
more to see that we treat her better than she deserves.-5th
December 1571.
12 Dec.  294. GUERAU DE SPES to the KING.
Since my last letters relative to the departure of Secretary
Smith, who has been ambassador in France before, this Queen has
received news from Scotland that the Regent's party, which held a
port called Aberdeen, had been expelled therefrom with great loss
by the people of the earl of Huntly and other adherents of the
queen of Scotland. It was also expected there that Lord Dacre
and other Englishmen with some troops would arrive from
Flanders, so that these people here have resolved to send four
thousand foot and four hundred horse, with eight pieces of battery
artillery and some field-pieces, with the intention of taking the
castle of Edinburgh and mastering the whole kingdom.      The
marshal of Berwick will go with this force, leaving Lord Hunsdon
to guard Berwick. The garrison there, which was short manned,
is being reinforced, and I believe that the marshal of Berwick will
leave here before Christmas and the troops will be raised north of
the Trent.
The Queen arrived to-day at her house at Westminster, and,
although when she left Greenwich, it is said that Leicester and
Burleigh assured her that if she wished to press the condemnation
of the duke of Norfolk and his friends, the whole matter was now
prepared and the opportunity favourable, the Queen fearing to
make a mistake in it, has decided to defer the question until after
the holidays. George Fitzwilliams came to me to-day to tell me
that the earl of Leicester has again urgently exhorted Hawkins
and him to be avenged on the Spaniards, and asked him why they
did not put to sea. He told them they had better occupy the
Indian seas (these were his words) in order that the Spaniards
should not come and help Scotland. He promised them favours
from the Queen, and also hinted that they should offer him some
of the prizes they took. Fitzwilliams was anxious to find some
excuse for going to Spain to learn your Majesty's wishes, as it
seems that Hawkins and he are firmly fixed on serving your
Majesty, and he is afraid of arousing suspicion, which, up to the
present, he has not done. They are distressed and surprised that
at such a time some decided orders have not been sent as to what
they have to do.*  I have entertained them as well as I could, but
if the decision is much longer delayed they will have to take some
other course, as they have incurred great expense in the fleet which
they now have ready. I will report what happens further, and
also the answer to be given to Thomas Fiesco. All the Spanish
* In the King's handwriting; "Care must be taken that this is not upset for us, like
everything else."




SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1571.
money in the Tower has now been melted down and coined into
English silver pieces.-London, 12th December 1571.
14 Dec.  295. GUERAU DE SPES to the DUKE OF ALBA.
To-day one of the gentlemen of the Council came to tell me that
they wished to speak to me, which invitation I accepted, in accordance with your Excellency's orders. When I went was received at Westminster with very little ceremony. Burleigh was
the spokesman, and said that the Queen had frequently written
to the King and to your Excellency, asking that I should be
withdrawn from here, and it appeared as if she were being made a
mockery of, as no answer was vouchsafed to her on the point.
They therefore wished to know whether I had any orders from
his Majesty to leave, and said they were greatly surprised that I
had not myself procured such an order, knowing how anxious the
Queen was for my departure. I said that I knew nothing whatever about her anxiety, that I was a minister under orders, and,
when I received proper instructions to go, I should go, but until
I did I should not think of it. He replied that the Queen desired
that a certain document under several heads written in Spanish
should be read to me. It consisted, if I recollect aright, of statements to the effect that I' had written to his Majesty urging him
to make war against this country, and also to your Excellency;
that I had encouraged the Northern rebels, and was now doing so
to the prisoners. I asked them to give me a copy of the document,
as the statements in it were false, and I would answer them. They
said they would not do so, as his Majesty refused to listen to John
Man or allow him to justify himself; whereupon I replied that, at
least, they should give me in writing, signed and, sealed, what they
said about John Man. They refused this, and I consequently
replied briefly to the points, and told them to produce the letters
that I had written to the King and your Excellency on these
matters, when the point could be investigated. I said that I was
under no obligation to give them any account of what I wrote,
that if I did wrong there were those who would punish me, and I
said the same thing with regard to their charges about the
Northern rebels and the present prisoners. At last, without
giving ine any further satisfaction, they told me that I must leave
the country within three days; that they would arrange the
voyage and have a gentleman ready to accompany me, Henry
Knollys, who would remain near me from the present time, which
he has done. I asked for permission to send a courier to the King,
but they said the voyage was a long one. I then asked for leave to
send to your Excellency, but this also they refused. I then said
that I could not leave until I had sent to Antwerp to get money
to pay what I owed here, and they replied that they would lend
mre some money, which they could deduct from the proceeds of the
merchandise if it was not otherwise paid. I insisted that I must
send to Antwerp, but, at last, I had to come away without gaining
the point. I will send Knollys to-morrow with a reply to them,
but he is a great scamp, and, in the meanwhile, I am getting
Thomas Fiesco to send a messenger to Calais with this letter to be




ELIZABETTT.                       357
1571.
forwarded to your Excellency, and I beg you will kindly pay the
bearer his expenses and send a copy of this letter to the King.
Pray send me speedily, instructions what I had better do, and if
you think well to send me a letter, not in cipher, to show to the
Council it will be well, but send all other letters under cover to
Thomas Fiesco. I will see whether they will let me send a courier,
for they are certainly much upset.  No doubt they have already
made sure of the French, although M. de la Mothe, who came
yesterday to smooth over the French business, told me that the
matter was not so favourable to the English as they thought, and
related to me that his master was much surprised at the mode of
departure of the ambassador Don Frances de Alava, as matters
were not in such a state as to need a similar demonstration. As I
did not know what had happened I said it was, no doubt, in
consequence of some suspicion which Don Francds had against the
Huguenots, who had threatened him for some time past, and I
dwelt on the point of friendship as much as possible. But they are
all going on a bad road, and Cavalcanti, who is ready to leave, was,
I believe, only waiting to carry with him news of the events of
to-day. It will be necessary for your Excellency to order Fiesco
or someone else to provide me with money that I may pay my
creditors.
When I left, Burleigh said he would give me a letter for the
King. Your Excellency will instruct me whether I amn to take it
without seeing its contents first.-London, 14th December 1571.
21 Dec.  296. GITERAU DE SPES to the KING,*
I got Fiesco yesterday to send a man to Calais with the letter to
the duke of Alba, copy of which I enclose, but I doubt whether
they have let him pass as the ports are closed. I therefore send
this servant of mine to the Duke to beg him to send me credit
enough to get away from here, and tell me what he wishes me to
say to the Council on my departure. I cannot stay any longer, as
they have ordered me to go to Canterbury and there to await the
return of my servant, on the excuse that John Man was served in
the same way in Spain, for they are very impertinently harping on
this business now. I will do my best to await my servant here,
although I am told that Guido Cavalcanti is waiting with his foot
in the stirrup, in order to take with him news to the French that I
am out of London; which, it appears, they have promised them as
an earnest of their bad intentions towards your Majesty. This is the
reason of their hurrying me, and in the meanwhile they are
keeping Fiesco in suspense without giving a reply, and, indeed,
hardly take the trouble to discuss the matter. We both fear the
issue, although there is some idea that they may settle Fiesco's
matter in order to please the London people. With regard to the
rest of the goods and ships to be recovered, it is believed they will
negotiate no more. In order to separate me entirely from the
business, they are announcing that they are expelling me the
* This and the two following letters were written on the 16th but not closed until the
21st,




858


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1571,
country, but I for my part am pretty sure that they will do
nothing good of any sort as their hearts are thoroughly corrupted,
and perhaps, when they have made sure of France, they will carry
out the extremity of rigour on the prisoners which may be expected
from the Queen's own threats.
Besides negotiating so closely with the king.of France for the
offensive and defensive alliance, they are still sustaining Admiral
Chatillon in his action in not surrendering the fortresses to the
King, and they will take the present opportunity to try to seize
the castles and strong places in Scotland, all of which will cause
the greatest injury to the Netherlands and all Christendom. The
one idea here is to diminish your Majesty's power, and the business
is now really serious.
Robert Huggins, whom your Majesty in your clemency was
pleased not to punish, excepting by expulsion from your dominions,
is currying favour with the Council, being with them constantly
and giving them information how best to injure you. He is now
served by a certain Spaniard, and I have found means to get hold
of one of his statements taken from his room. I have had it copied
with speed and send the copy enclosed. The lad tells me that his
master has recent letters from Spain, telling him of the favour
your Majesty has bestowed upon the son of the duke of F.eri, and
reporting that the duke of Medina-Celi's fleet was coming with some
design against this island. If I can get hold of any more of his
papers before my departure I will do so.
The Council has adopted a new means of conquering Ireland,
which is to give the lands to those who go and take them at their
own cost, as you will see set forth in the little printed book which
I now enclose, translated into Spanish.
I will await the orders of the duke of Alba and of your Majesty.
The members of the Council told M. de Zweveghem yesterday that
they wished to write to your Majesty the reasons for this sudden
order of theirs, although he says he thought they were much
confused and very uneasy about it in view of my answer. They
would not give me a copy of the four or five complaints which
they read to me in Spanish, although I offered to justify myself on
all points, as also respecting the reprisal which they said they were
making for John Man's affair. I am now trying, by means of this
gentleman who is to keep near me (Knollys) to get a safe conduct
for the voyage, as they are replying very coolly about my security
and escort. In the meanwhile Lord Burleigh is celebrating with
great festivity at the palace, the marriage of his daughter with the
earl of Oxford. The son of the earl of Worcester is married also
to the sister of the earl of Huntingdon, which means taking two
families away from the Catholics.
The marshal of Berwick leaves on Wednesday to collect the
troops with which he is to enter Scotland, but a gentleman will
precede him to give notice to those in the castle of Edinburgh.
I have arrived now at the 18th without having received a reply,
excepting a passport for my servant, but the Council will decide
after to-morrow both as to my safety on the voyage and as to my
leaving the city at once or not. This was because they saw how




ELIZABETH.


1571.
firmly I insisted upon not leaving here until my servant came
back.
On Sunday, the Queen, being somewhat freed from these marriage feasts, despatched Cavalcanti, who has now gone, and said thim aloud, so as to be heard by those present, that he was to
assure the king of France, the Queen-mother, and Monseigneur
that she was desirous of effecting the marriage, that being her
determined resolution and the wish of all her subjects, and particularly of her friends the confederate Princes; making a sign
with her hand, as she said it, towards Germany. The only thing,
she said, which was now awaiting inquiry, was the scruple of
religion in which she begged the King and the Duke to be gentle
for the common benefit of all, but that, if this were impossible of
arrangement, she was quite ready to agree to the conclusion of the
alliance which had been carried so far already by M. de I'oix and
her ambassador. The offensive and defensive alliance, she said,
should be an extensive one, and provided with such securities as
the King might think fit until it were confirmed by Parliament
here. The king of Spain thought he had it in his power to
separate her from the alliance whenever he pleased, but however
accommodating he might show himlself in the negotiations about
the property seized, and however ready to agree to terms favourable
to the English, she said she would never trust Spaniards again,
seeing the trouble they had prepared for her in Ridolfi's plots with
the Pope. For his share in the discovery of these plots she warmly
thanked Cavalcanti, and said the king of France might see how
little she cared for the king of Spain by the way she hal ordered
his ambassador to be gone without delay. She would like
Cavalcanti to have seen him already on the road, but under some
excuse or another about money matters, he was here for a day or
two longer, though she could assure him he should not stay in the
country, and she did not care very much whether another came or
not. She begged the king of France to favour and consult the
Admiral and M. de Montmorenci, and to expel and punish the
Guises, who are Hispaniolised traitors. It behoved him  also to
notice that the king of Spain was getting more and more powerful,
having gained so great a victory over the Turks, and if the queen
of Scotland were to prevail and ever reign again, it would be a
bad thing for France and should be prevented. She also told
Cavalcanti to inform the king of France of the good offices performed here by the earl of Leicester, and how he was hated by
your Majesty in consequence. She puffed up Cavalcanti himself
with hopes of reward.-London, 21st December 1571.
21 Dec.  297. GUERAU DE SPES to ZAYAS.
You will see by his Majesty's letters and copies the extraordinary
news from here, and the evil portents of disturbance. I will
follow the orders of the duke of Alba, even though I be sent to the
Tower for it. In the meanwhile your worship will favour me
much by ordering provision to be made for the payment of my
expenses, ordinary and extraordinary. I shall be glad also to
learn whether the money I have spent since the date of my memo



360


SPANITSI STATE PAPERS.


1571.
randum will be paid in Flanders or otherwise. I shall need money
there in order to avoid necessity, and I beg you will not fail to
remind his Majesty, the Cardinal, and councillors about this, for
really my troubles here are too heavy, and not to be believed
excepting by those who witness them. The hearts of these heretics
are overflowing with venom, and nothing good can be expected
fiom them. They proceed with great artfulness and dissimulation,
pending the conclusion of their league.  Until then they are
ambiguous and cover their designs with some sort of excuse,
speaking quite differently from  what they act, and vice versd.
They hlave spies everywhere and lave changed from braggarts to
watchers. They will make themselves masters of the Channel,
and at one blow with their practices in Flanders will plunge that
country into a dreadful war. It is no use to speak of our lost
opportunities as they have gone by, but by one means or another,
steps may still be taken to make our enemies weep in their own
country, that they may not interfere in other nations. The people
here think they have the duke of Florence completely in their
interests, although, perhaps warned to that effect, they are now
saying nothing about him. As your worship is my friend, in whom
alone I can trust, you will pray look to my reputation and advancement, as all shall be used in your service. I do not know who is
to have the French post, but I would willingly accept it in order
not to have to break off my correspondence with you. I leave no
letters from the King since September, and my last from you is
the 9th of October. Interimv valeo cunctis undiques erabies canibus
vale tu et nos ama.-London, 21st December 1571.
Postscript.-I think that, when I have left here, it will be
undesirable to have a Flemish ambassador here in consequence of
the close connection between the peoples, but, if there is to be
one, I think Zweveghem is about the best, although it would be
better to have a Spaniard with the title of agent, who would keep
his eyes open. The most fitting man for this would I think be
secretary Aguilon, who knows the state of feeling here, and who
could go backwards and forwards at the discretion of the governor
of Flanders.
21 Dec. 298. GUERAU DE SPES to the DUKE OF ALBA.
As I do not know whether a letter I secretly wrote to your
Excellency two days ago will have got through, I send this servant
of mine to pray your Excellency to send instructions with all
possible speed as to what I am to do about my hurried expulsion
by the Council. They are extraordinarily pressing to get me gone,
and I have not yet been able to learn anything about the safety of
my journey. In the meanwhile I will do my best to await here,
unless they turn me out by force, as doubtless these Councillors
have some strange design either to encourage and reassure the
French by this insult, in order to bring them to conclude the
treaty, or else to carry out some rigourous executions which they
fear the people might resent, and which they would prefer that
the Span:sh ambassador should not be here to witness. Or they




ELIZABETH.


361


1571.
may wish, perhaps, to give Thomas Fiesco worse terms than those
agreed upon. Both he and M. de Zweveghem, as they write to your
Excellency, are now suspicious that they are being deceived.
Everything is going badly, and I am afraid some great evil will
arise therefrom, for Don Juan's great victory has alarmed them
much, and they are trying to counterbalance the effects of it. All
the rest your Excellency will see by enclosed duplicate of my last,
and I will await most anxiously your reply, and the provision of
a credit, as I shall soon have two years' money owing to me, and
I must pay over three thousand crowns here.   I do not even
know yet whether they will make me pay for my passage if it be
in a Queen's ship.
If your Excellency thinks well, you might order Thomas Fiesco
to pay me the six instalments due, deducting therefrom the two
thousand crowns he has given me. I have not received anything
for my extraordinary expenses, but will leave that until I salute
your Excellency, and tell you verbally what has happened. I
again supplicate your Excellency to provide me with the above
money, either through Fiesco, or Velutelli, or other, and send back
my servant at once in order that these savages may not be tempted
to some greater insult.
Your Excellency will kindly say whether I should make a point
of insisting that the Queen should send me a copy of the Spanish
document, which was read to me by the Council, and of the order
given to me to depart within three days, and the Council's remark
about reprisal for what was done to John Man.
It is well that you should know that the Admiral has gone to
fit out the Queen's ships, and I am assured that the intention is
to declare war against his Majesty. They have given Zweveghem
and Fiesco very unfavourable answers to-day, as they will write
to you. I have told them that they are to dissemble, and pretend
not to see the intention of breaking with us, in order to have
time to  advise  your Excellency, and take necessary steps.
Whilst I am closing this I am assured that they are arming
to prevent the passage of Medina-Celi.-London, 21st December
1571.
24 Dec. 299. The DUKE OF ALBA to the DUKE OF MEDINA-CELI.
Assures him that he may come with his fleet in perfect safety
from the pirates, who are all very mean fellows, and dare not
attack two armed ships, but have only assailed little packet boats
and the like, as they are not the sort of people to run much risk.
Since he (Alba) had issued his proclamation forbidding less than
eight ships to leave port together, none have been touched.
Expresses the utmost impatience for his coming, and begs him, if
doubts of the sea hinder him, to come overland with four or
five post horses as fast as they can carry him.-Brussels, 24th
December 1571.
30 Dec. 300. The DUKE OF ALBA to GUERAU DE SPES.
On the 28th in the evening your servant arrived here with your
letters of 14th and 21st, with copy of your letter to the King,




362


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1571.
which I will send forward on Monday. I summoned the councillors
to show them these despatches, and I have decided to write to the
Queen a letter of credence for Zweveghem, to tell her that I beg
her to wait for the despatch to reach the King's hands, and for his
decision upon the subject to be received, which I have no doubt
will give her every satisfaction and contentment; but if she should
decline to wait even these few days for you to leave, I beg that
she will be good enough to give you the necessary help and safety
to allow you to arrive in the King's dominions. This touches her
own dignity, as, she being the mistress of her realm, can act at
her discretion. Notwithstanding that I should be very glad for
you to remain there until the receipt of his Majesty's reply, if this
should be against her wish I would request that M. de Zweveghem
be allowed to stay until his Majesty sends some other person to
attend to his affairs. I have also written telling Zweveghem that
if they offer him any letter or explanations he is to take it very
willingly, and you should do the same, without asking them for
any copies thereof, as such a thing has never been done with
sovereigns, excepting for some special object, as was the case when
Chapin insisted upon a copy being given to him in order to make
the Queen recognise me, or send the letter by a person to his Majesty.
Even in the case of a rupture a letter should be taken. You may
disabuse your mind of the fear that any rupture will take place,
as they have no such intention. It is quite laughable to speak
about their preventing the passage of the duke of Medina; in the
first place, because they are not strong enough, and in the next,
because this is not a time for them to break with us, as I will
explain to you when I see you, with other things to the same purpose. If the Queen should still insist upon your departure, you will
leave at once without any more dispute, which can only give rise
to further trouble, but you will still ask for a safe conduct for your
passage. I am writing to Thomas to pay you the six instalments
now due, taking into account the twenty-three thousand crowns
(2,300?) recently paid.  With regard to your extraordinary
expenses, they shall be paid here after your arrival, with other
things which I do not now mention, in order not to detain your
man. I have ordered your servant to return with all speed, and,
in case he should find you gone from London, he will at once
deliver the letter to Zweveghem. When you have received my two
letters, and that of his Majesty, and the other letter to the Queen,
informing her of the birth of the Prince, I think you should give
the latter letter to Zweveghem, in order that he may hand it or
send it to the Queen, as You would have done if you had been on
good terms with her.
As regards the negotiation of Zweveghem and Thomas Fiesco
I have written to them telling them to await the document which
those people were going to give them, because, if their new demands
can be met, it is his Majesty's wish to settle the matter as well as
possible, and close this incident of the seizures.
You say that Santa Cilia has been so many years in England
that it will be better to rescue him, so that he may not lose
his soul. You can bring him with you without any fear that




ELIZABETH.


363


1571.
he will be punished for any past offence.-Brussels, 30th December
1571.
Postscript.-After this had been written an English merchant
arrived here post in great haste, bringing a packet from the
Queen containing two letters, one for his Majesty, and the other
for me.  In both of them   she excuses herself with very fair
words for the order given to your worship to leave the country,
and asks that another person should be sent as ambassador, whom
she is ready to receive. I have thought well to send the above
despatch, which was already written, as I have only to refer you
anew to its contents.
301. RELATION of the AMBASSADOR, DON GUERAU DE SPES, re,
specting English affairs (amongst the papers of the year
1571).
Don Guerau de Spes arrived in England on the 3rd of September
1568 and on that day also Cardinal Chatillon disembarked at Rye.
The latter immediately began his efforts to draw the Queen's
councillor's on to the side of the French Protestants, and measures
were adopted by which the English, the Flemish rebels, and some
Frenchmen were to arm and assail, indifferently, French ships and
those belonging to your Majesty's subjects. As those belonging to
the French were of little value, it was resolved mainly to attack
those belonging to your Majesty's subjects, the councillors in the
meanwhile pretending that this was done without their assent.
They even took certain measures ostensibly for the recovery of the
plunder, but these measures were only feigned and were countermanded by anticipation, in order that the property might be
delivered to the pirates.
Two months after the ambassador's arrival in the island, four
cutters with treasure on their way to Flanders arrived in England,
and although the Queen promised a passport and armed ships for
its safety, which offer the ambassador submitted to the duke of
Alba, pending the reply from the Duke, the Queen and Council,
having been assured by Benedict Spinola that the sums on board
the cutters were large, determined to seize the money, thinking
thereby greatly to incommode Flemish affairs, doubtless with the
knowledge of Spinola, who having a commission of twelve thousand
crowns for the cost of transporting the money, said that that sum
was not enough, and that he had written for a larger commission.
The Queen, notwithstanding her promise and the passport she
had signed, which is carefully preserved by the ambassador, seized
the money, except that contained in two of the cutters, which,
favoured by fine weather, made bold to sail for Antwerp, in spite of
the pirates. The Queen thereupon spoke to the ambassador in a
very changed tone, saying that the money was not for your
Majesty's service but for that of certain merchants. The ambassador sent a full statement of all this, together with copies of
the letters of Lopd de la Sierra, captain of the vessel which brought
most of the money, to the duke of Alba, who then ordered the
detention of English goods in Flanders, but the English having




364


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


571.
been advised in time of this and also given information to those who
had ships in Spain, managed to save the greater part of their
property. They then detained the ambassador with much arrogance
and disrespect to your Majesty for six months, with guards of
gentlemen and soldiers over him. They also treated councillor
D'Assonleville improperly, he having been sent by the duke of Alba
on a mission to England. They then began robbing more publicly
than before, furnishing your Majesty's rebellious subjects with
facilities for arming and becoming pirates. These latter brought
their prizes and prisoners to the country and were allowed to sell
and barter their booty with impunity. The insolence of the
councillors reached such a pitch that they dismissed the Marquis
Chapin Viteli in the way that your Majesty knows.
The principal person in the Council at present is William Cecil,
now Lord Burleigh, a knight of the garter. He is a man of mean
sort, but very astute, false, lying, and full of all artifice. He is a
great heretic and such a clownish Englishman as to believe that all the
Christian princes joined together are not able to injure the sovereign
of his country, and he therefore treats their ministers with great
arrogance.
This man manages the bulk of the business, and, by means of his
vigilance and craftiness, together with his utter unscrupulousness of
word and deed, thinks to outwit the ministers of other princes.
This to a certain extent he has hitherto succeeded in doing. Next
after him, the man who has most to do with affairs is Robert
Dudley, earl of Leicester, not that he is fit for such work, but
because of the great favour with which the Queen regards him.
He is a light and greedy man who maintains the robbers and lives
by their plunder. He is ungrateful for the favours your Majesty
has granted to him, and is greatly inclined to the French party,
from whom he receives an allowance. The other man who has his
hand in the government is the Lord Keepei, or guardian as they
call it, of the great Seal. He is an obstinate and most malignant
heretic, and, being Cecil's brother-in-law, always agrees with him.
The Admiral does not interfere very much in arranging matters, but
he is a very shamless thief without any religion at all, which latter
also may be said of the earl of Sussex. The latter also belongs to
the Council and is a more capable man than any of the rest. lIe
has shown signs sometimes of wishing to serve your Majesty, as he
is an enemy of the earl of Leicester. The earl of Bedford also
belongs to the Council. In person and manners he is a monstrosity
and a great heretic. There are others of less authority than these
men, lawyers, creatures of Cecil who only repeat what he says. They
have recently admitted James Crofts into the Council; he is
secretly attached to the Catholic party and your Majesty's service,
but dares not speak very openly.
Two great opportunities have recently offered themselves for
your Majesty to master the island, by means of the duke of Norfolk
and of the earls of Westmoreland and Northumberland.    The
object of both attempts was to promote the claims of the queen of
Scotland, and although the Duke is a prisoner under sentence,
which it is now said has been executed, and the Earls with their




h LIZABETII.


365


1571.
friends are out of the kingdom, the same opportunity will occur
again if the matter is handled with care.
It also appears that, whenever your Majesty pleases, you cau take
possession of Ireland, which will be to open the easiest road to gain
and hold England.
If, on the contrary, the English are allowed to continue their
robberies, as they have done for the last four years, they will
become very rich and the more encouraged to cause disquiet in the
States of Flanders, as they have openly tried to do recently.
The English, seeing how they have offended your Majesty, and
believing that, even though they returned the merchandise, your
Majesty would only await an opportunity to punish them, and provoked also by the fact that much of the merchandise had already
been distributed, broke off, without the slightest reason or excuse,
the treaty they had made with the duke of Alba, all points of
which had been agreed upon excepting a very few. They sold all
the merchandise and dismissed M. de Zweveghem  and Thomas
Fiesco, who were in England for the conclusion of the treaty. All
this action of theirs has been greatly aided by the business having
been allowed to drag, and the uneasy rumours which had arisen in
Flanders respecting the tenths. This rumour was at once taken
advantage of by the English and the French, who put themselves
into communication for the purpose of forming a league and confederation. The English believing, rightly, that the French were
displeased with the aid given by the Queen to the Protestants in
France against the Christian king, have been attracted by the bait
of a marriage between the duke of Anjou and the queen of England. This has been brought almost to a point, leaving only one
small matter of religion open, in order that they may be able to
break it when they please, and, in the meanwhile, seduce the
French into an offensive and defensive league, making use to this end
of Marshal Montmorenci, whom they have c reated a knight of the
Garter, and who is considered an enemy of the house of Guise, to
which the queen of England bears great hatred. They have also
promised and given great things to MI. de Foix who came to England on the business, and, in this way, matters have succeeded with
them hitherto, as the French have completely abandoned the queen
of Scotland and her party, being now quite reconciled to seeing
that poor lady so close a prisoner, her ambassador cast into the
Tower of London, and all her Scots servants banished.  Your
Majesty will already have had detailed reports of the plots which
are being woven against your Majesty and your dominions, but, in
order the more to gain over the French and ensure their goodwill,
the queen of England has expelled Donl Guerau de Spes from her
country, under the pretext that your Majesty had acted similarly
towards John Man. Up to that time the French had asserted that
the Queen was cultivating friendship for France with the object
only of being better able to negotiate with your Majesty, and slie
wished by thus expelling the ambassador, to give them an assurance
of her sincerity. The league has therefore been concluded and a
Parliament is being held in England for the purpose of confirming
it, Marshal Mlontmorenci is expected there, and the Admiral of




366


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1571.
England is to go to France. In the meanwhile, they have planned
the capture of Brille and the rising in Zealand. The ambassador
had information of the designs against Brille six months before the
execution of the project, and duly advised the duke of Alba at the
time. All this will convince your Majesty that the queen of England neither loves nor respects you as she ought to do, and as for
her Council, they do so still less, as they are only thinking of
robbing your Majesty's subjects and overturning your Netherlands,
in order to divide them between themselves, the duke of Anjou and
the prince of Orange; to destroy the Catholic religion in all parts,
keeping the Catholics in England in miserable oppression, do the
que n of Scots to death because she is a Catholic, and raise a heretic
king to the throne when the Queen dies, with the object of
dominating Scotland. Your Majesty has many means of becoming
master of Ireland, raising the Catholic party in England, placing a
legitimate Catholic king on the throne, and suppressing the pirates,
whenever you desire to make use of these means with the energy
that so great a business demands. Above all, your Majesty should
be pleased to order that the prohibition of trade between the two
countries should be re-enacted and most rigidly enforced under
great penalties.  No ships should go to Spain from  Flanders
without strong convoys, and the same on their way back, besides
being armed powerfully, and with the aid of the ships of your
subjects your Majesty would thus be made stronger in those seas
than the fleets of English, French, and pirates.
The ambassador gave a full account to the duke of Alba of the
advantage to be obtained from John Hawkins and his ships. It
was considered at the time to be a very costly project, having in
view the terms of the agreement which had been drafted with him.
The ambassador thereupon said that he, Hawkins, should be dealt
with by other means, seeing the power and will he had to serve
your Majesty. The Duke, however, deferred the consideration of it,
but, when your Majesty thinks fit to make use of Hawkins, he can
be communicated with in cipher, as has been arranged.  It also
appears desirable that the English gentlemen now in Flanders
should be entertained and paid the amounts which your Majesty is
good enough to....* them, that they may be able to join
your Majesty's service.
302. Document headed: " TRANSLATION from the LATIN of points
" submitted by certain of the COUNCILLORS of the QUEEN
I" OF ENGLAND to DON GUERAU DE SPES."
That the Queen, their mistress, had heard that certain fugitives
and rebel subjects of hers had arrived in Spain from Ireland and
persuaded his Majesty to give them help to rise, which purpose had
been favoured by some of his Majesty's Councillors of State, who had
given these men good hope, in order that they might write to the
leaders of the rebellion. The Queen, however, could not persuade
herself to lose faith in the prudence, justice, and old friendship of
* The paper is torn here.




ELIZABETA.


367


1671.
his Majesty, nor believe that he would give any such help. The
Queen is all the more assured of this because it will correspond with
her good wishes toward the King, as she has given him no reason
for offence and has done nothing by which his dominions might be
disturbed, albeit she has been importuned by many to do so. She
has, on the contrary, always been most careful to preserve old
friendship and banish the annoyances consequent on the detentions.
Having heard from trustworthy sources that Thomas Stukeley, a
man of evil life, dissolute habits and a traitor, was in great favour
with his Majesty, who was aiding and encouraging him in his
preparations, and that an armed force under the command of Julian
Romero* was being collected, she had not been able to refrain from
communicating this to Don Guerau so that he might advise his
Majesty, and the Queen might learn clearly and openly his Majesty's
intentions upon the subject.
The Queen had also decided to send one of her servants to
represent to his Majesty her feelings on the first subject mentioned
and also the sorrow she felt with regard to the second subject, in
which his Majesty's action was very different from that which she
had expected, and he would also inform the King that, if he had
been advised of any armament she was fitting out, she wished to say
that the sole object of such armament was to defend herself and her
people and only to offend those who provoked her; as it was not
fitting that she, being a vigilant sovereign, should be unprepared
in the sight of so great a tempest, to defend her dominions and
attack those of his Majesty, if he should be so badly advised to
appeal to arms rather than to peaceful means to settle difficulties,
which she was so desirous of arranging amicably by a general
restitution and the confirmation of old alliances. She had hitherto
abstained from offensive action, notwithstanding the many provocations she had received.
Lastly, the Queen wished Don Guerau to be informed, in order
that he might convey it to the King, that she would persevere in
her observance of their old friendship, which it was not her wish or
will to break, on the understanding that his Majesty's intentions
were similar to her own.
The Councillors requested Don Guerau to give them a safe
conduct for Henry Cobham to go to Spain and return in safety.
They also asked him to write to the duke of Alba to say that if
he heard that the Queen was fitting out armaments, he was to
understand that they were for the purposes aforesaid and not to
attack his Majesty, unless she were first provoked thereto.
303. PLAN sent by DON GUERAU DE SPES for the recovery of
the property detained in England (amongst papers of the
year 1571).
The first thing that seems necessary is a general restitution of the
money seized and also of all merchandise stolen and detained, which


* This man had been a soldier of fortune in the service of Henry VIII. and Edward VI.
and had distinguished himself in Scotland and elsewhere. He had seen much service
and risen to high rank in Flanders. He died in 1577. See " The Spanish Chronicle of
Henry VI11." (London, 1889), which gives a curious account of his life in England.




368


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1571.
can be proved to be still in hand, such goods being delivered to the
owners with an inventory, in case they should allege that any
portion be missing. As the queen of England has taken ships,
money and goods to a very much greater value than what is
detained in the Netherlands and Spain, and, either by carelessness
or malice, a great quantity of this has been stolen in various parts
of England, it is necessary that the restitution should first be made
by the English, it being certain that the goods and ships detained
in the dominions of his Catholic Majesty are, as has been said,
greatly inferior in value to the portion which is missing of the
goods seized in England. For this reason and for greater security
it seems advisable that the restitution should be made as suggested,
pending the satisfaction of all claims by the Queen in favour of
subjects of his Majesty in this country, from a date subsequent to
the arrival of the ambassador. After the Queen has complied with
this or assured its compliance by sufficient security from the City
of London, in order to avoid trouble to herself or her treasurers,
and all parties have been duly satisfied in England as is fitting and
just, the duke of Alba and all officers of his Majesty will make an
entire restitution of all English property in all parts. On neither
side are more costs to be paid than those justly and duly incurred.
If her Majesty, the queen of England, should desire to appoint
commissioners for the recovery of the stolen property, she may do
so, naming persons of honesty and good conscience and experienced
in matters of cargoes and valuations of merchandise, other commissioners being appointed by the interested parties, in order that
jointly they may estimate the true value of the property stolen,
taken, given, or wasted by the fault of the Queen's officers. The
same course will be pursued in the dominions of his Catholic
Majesty and, if anything is short of that detained on the other
side, his Majesty will make good the value thereof.
Item.-All persons, subjects of either of the two sovereigns, who
are under detention in consequence of these seizures, shall at once be
restored to liberty and have returned to themn their arms, clothes, and
money in their possession at the time of their arrest, or the value
thereof, in addition to the restitution of the afore-mentioned merchandise. If any such persons should have incurred any cost in their
maintenance whilst in prison, this shall be honestly reimbursed to
them, excepting what may have been given to them out of charity.
Item.-All persons claiming to have any interest in the recovery
of any of these things shall have free permission on both sides to
come to either of the said sovereigns' dominions to obtain their
property or take such steps as may be necessary; coming and
going with all safety or sending other persons to represent them.
Item.-All corsairs both subjects of the said sovereigns or others
shall be detained.
It is agreed, in accordance with the maritime law and the treaties
now in force between the two royal houses, that all property stolen
or appropriated by pirates should be demanded of them by summary
process, both by the recapture of goods and ships and the punishment of such pirates and their abettors, and also that measures
shall be duly taken to prevent any corsair from arming or taking




JELIZABETH.


1571.
refuge in either dominion, under heavy penalties in addition to those
imposed by the afore-mentioned existing treaties.
Item.-If either the queen of England or his Catholic Majesty
should demand that commissioners should be appointed on both
sides for the purpose of continuing the negotiations commenced at
Bruges, this shall be done, and they shall discuss and remedy any
abuses which may have arisen in the observance of the existing
treaties and shall remove all obstacles to the commerce and friendship between the subjects of the respective sovereigns.
It appears convenient, having regard to past events and the
kindness necessary to be maintained between the Queen and his
Majesty the King, that such honest satisfaction should be given on
both sides with regard to recent matters as may seem desirable to
persons of good judgment and intent.
Item. —In order safely to convey money to Antwerp, or wherever
else the duke of Alba may wish, the queen of England will if
requested provide an armed ship to protect it, the expense of the
same being duly reimbursed to her, and no other charges shall be paid
in respect of such money except those that are just and necessary.
In order to recover the money which certain private French and
English citizens have stolen from private Spanish subjects, all help
possible has been given by summary order, and those who may
appear to be guilty of such robberies shall restore what they have
taken and be punished, or the restoration shall be made by the
officers who may have consented to the theft, so that the money
in any case shall be recovered; as is just.
1572.
5 Jan.  304. EXTRACT from a relation furnished by DON FRANCES DE
ALAVA, Spanish Ambassador in France, on his return
to Spain.
The ordinary English ambassador (i.e., in France) spoke to me
two days before my departure from Paris, expressing in very warm
terms of the rejoicing of the Queen and her people all over England
at the glorious naval victory, and said that it was evident that God
was leading our King by the hand. I said that was visible and
palpable, although the Queen, his mistress, would not see it; as
she was constantly being filled with absurd suspicions of one
who had been so attached to her and had proved it by his acts.
The ambassador said, yes, the Queen publicly acknowledged her
great obligation to his Majesty, but that ministers (this was the
term he used) he saw everywhere were opposing that which was
for the benefit both of England and of the house of Burgundy. He
then began to exalt Don Juan of Austria and made all manner of inquiries about his looks, temper, and good qualities; and, coming close
to me, he said, laughing," This would seem something like marriage,"
to which I also replied jocosely, " Let you and I manage it." He
replied very deliberately, "If there were not an obstacle in the
"way which we all of us know, I would ask you not to make your
"journey overland but to come with me to England, and then
"perhaps both of us might go together to Spain. At all events, we
"might settle the questions now pending, which we have discussed."
I said, truly I should like to see these matters arranged, but did not, 76467,


AA




370


SPANISH STATE PAPiES.


1572.
reply about Don Juan. He returned to the subject two or three
times, but I said that Don Juan was deeply occupied in the service
of God and your Majesty, and that before a year was over he (the
ambassador) would hear more of the valour of the good prince.
I think his mistress would like to brag about this marriage as she
has about previous ones. The ambassador dwelt much upon the
attachment his Queen had for me ever since she had been told
something about me, but I could not get him to say what it was;
doubtless something ribald. He asked me how it was the duke of
Medina did not come, but he sniggered and sneered so much that
I asked him what he was laughing at. He said that if I would
give him my word of honour not to repeat it until I was out of
France he would tell me. I promised him, and he asked why the
Duke was bringing in his ships, gabions, woolsacks, and other things
for fortifications. I asked him whether he would promise me to
keep secret what I was going to tell him from everybody but the
Queen, and he said he would. I told him that this was all
nonsense, and that it was just this action of his Queen in allowing
herself to be edified by such tales, and worse, that prevented her
from  understanding your Majesty thoroughly.  I derided his
assertion about the gabions, &c., which he said he had received from
very trustworthy persons, some of whom had only recently come
from Spain.
7 Jan.  305. GUERAU DE SPES to the KING.
An hour after the despatch of my letter to your Majesty taken
by the servant I sent to the duke of Alba on the 21st ultimo,
of whom I have yet received no news, the Queen and Council
(or rather Lord Burleigh, who does everything) sent one of the
secretaries of the Council and Knollys, who never leaves me, to say
that they were greatly surprised at my delay, and that I was to
leave London on Monday, Christmas Eve. They iepeated to me
very violently the remarks about John Man. I answered as was
fitting, in the presence of witnesses, and obeyed the order, coming
to stay at Gravesend for nine or ten days, and ordering everything I had in the house to be sold to pay my most importunate
creditors.
Hawkins and Fitzwilliams came to Gravesend by order of the
Queen to take me in one of their ships to Calais. Hawkins being
very desirous of serving your Majesty gives me great facilities;
IKnollys, being a terrible Protestant, and communicating almost
hourly by post with Burleigh. As the Queen is desirous of
having the duke of Norfolk tried with other prisoners this week,
I have been hurried on to Canterbury in a way that has never
been seen before. They wished to embark me at once, but I told
them that until I had your Majesty's orders, or at least those of
the duke of Alba in your name, I would only go by force. So I
am here in this place, posts running backwards and forwards still,
and Burleigh wanting to make out that I am   trying to evade
my departure so as not to leave. Burleigh is so much alarmed
that there is no reassuring him, and, as he has received certain
threatening letters, he informed the Queen that if I was here




ELIZABETH.


37i


1572.
during the trial of the prisoners, the country would rise up in arms,
and he, timid, contemptible fellow that he is, is therefore committing
so many absurdities that the people are quite astonished.
They have told Zweveghem and Fiesco that they could return
home, but the former said he could not leave until he had consulted the duke of Alba. They have been informed that the Queen
has ordered all the merchandize to be sold, and if your Majesty or
the duke of Medina-Celi would send persons with larger powers they
would be listened to, but in the meanwhile the sale would go on,
as the duke of Alba had taught them the way.
All this is being done to your Majesty's prejudice, and it is now
certain that nothing will be recovered at all. If the league with
France were concluded they would treat us worse still.. Fiesco and
Zweveghem write to me hourly what is going on, and themselves
are somewhat distrustful. They write to me by this post that the
courier is to come back secretly with leave for them to depart,
which will be the best course, as their presence here is only a
further loss of dignity. If it is necessary for anyone else to be here
to spy out what is done, a servant of mine can come for the
purpose. In the meanwhile we shall see what is done at this trial,
The earl of Shrewsbury has arrived and is to be Constable (Lord
High Steward) for the occasion. The Queen has created a new
earl of Kent* to ensure his vote, although Burleigh tells those
who are to be judges that the Queen only wishes to vindicate her
honour in the condemnation of the prisoners, and will exercise her
clemency afterwards. They have postponed the trial for next
week.
Couriers are going backwards and forwards daily to France, and
that King has written to the Queen saying that he will be glad of
the offensive and defensive league with her, although they have
not yet entered into particulars, Secretary Smith, who went from
here, being expected at Amboise, according to a kinsman of
Hawkins, who met me at Gravesend with a despatch from Walsingham. Hawkins informs me of everything, and communicates
all the Council's letters to me. The league has not yet been made,
and may well be prevented if his Holiness intervenes, or if it be
concluded there are several ways in which the English may be made
to bear all the burden.
I received at Gravesend two packets from the duke of Alba, one
dated 19th ultimo, with letters from your Majesty, and the other
dated 30th August, which had been detained in Flanders. By
your Majesty's letter of the 5th I learn the most happy news of
the birth of the prince, the greatest mercy to all Christendom and
to your Majesty's subjects, which God could send. With this the
Duke sent me a letter for this Queen, giving her the happy news,
and, as your Majesty orders me, I should have conveyed it to her
only, as the )uke did not know how things were going when he
wrote the letter, and the letter itself was taken from me on the
road, I did not do so.  I thought it would only increase the


* Reginald Qrep


A 2A




372


'SPANISIH STATE PAPERS.


1572.
insolence of these people excessively, and I await the return of my
servant before doing anything in this.
The Queen received the news through France on the same day
that I did, and it may possibly have the effect of moderating the
French somewhat. There is news, however, that the King of
France was providing Fleming with money to take 300 men to the
castle of Edinburgh, he not wishing to break with the Scots
entirely until he has completely settled the alliance with England.
I, being on the road and watched by so many eyes, have no
means of letting the prisoners know that your Majesty will not
fail them, but I will find means to do so presently, and in the
meanwhile I shall know which of them are free and what their
feelings are. As soon as I am out of here I will write at length to
your Majesty what I think needful for the punishment or rehabilitation of this country and the best means to be adopted with
these people, particularly to separate the French from them, or in
case of a rupture to carry the war into this country (I am writing
this letter hurriedly and under suspicion). The Queen has had all
her ships overhauled, but has not yet ordered any of them to
be put into commission, although at the time of my departure a
general arrest was made of all ships in the country, and the
captain of the Isle of Wight, who was at Court, has been ordered to
repair to his post as well as other officers of the coast, in order
to detain and lay hands on all the ships they could of the fleet
going from Flanders to Spain, which was at that time off the coast.
I do not know what effect these orders have had.-Canterbury,
7th January 1572.
Italian.  306. EXTRACTS from a SUMMARY of LETTERS from THOMAS FIESCO
to SECRETARY ALBORNOZ, dated 7th, 8th, 18th, and 21st
January and 4th and 6th February 1572.
In accordance with the disinclination of the Queen of England
and her Council to do anything honest or good, after many demands,
replies, and retorts carried on by the councillors in a most unworthy spirit, they sent a Secretary to him (Fiesco) and Zweveghem
to tell them that the Queen had been induced to order the sale of
the goods detained, for four reasons. First, that our goods should
not be further damaged; secondly, to follow the example of the
duke of Alba; thirdly, to pay the claims due in consequence of
the duke of Alba's action to her own subjects and fourthly, because
neither Fiesco nor Zweveghem had powers to arrange. When it
was the King's will to send a person with proper authority, they
would carry through the settlement of the treaty, but this compliment, it is quite certain, they only added because their alliance
with France is not yet completed.
When his Majesty should think fit to re-open trade and permit a
reconciliation, in spite of so much injury and insult, it will be
necessary, first, that the Queen should refrain from helping and
receiving his Majesty's rebel subjects, in which case this sale might
be passed over as there are three hundred thousand crowns
belonging to Englishmen, in Flanders and here, i.e., Spain, and




ELIZABETH.


1572.
seeing the large quantity of our merchandise that is lacking altogether and the damage which is being sustained by what is left, it
is just as well that the sale should go on, as with the aforesaid
three hundred thousand crowns the King's subjects can be much
better recompensed than by restitution. In this way, the princes
and peoples might be mutually satisfied as regards the arrests and
the question of re-opening trade might be approached later.
Don Guerau was obliged to leave without waiting for the Duke's
reply, and seeing the vile state of things here and that his Majesty
and the Duke were being disregarded, Fiesco suggests that they (he
and Zweveghem) might go over in the same ship as Don Guerau
as there is nothing more for them to do there. Burleigh and the
Council are making great efforts to persuade the people that they
are proceeding in the sale of the merchandise through our fault, and,
it is believed, that they will not fail to publish some document to
persuade them the more to this, and Fiesco thinks that we ought to
send another document on our part setting forth all that has
happened in the matter, because it would not only be a consolation
to those concerned to know where the fault really lay, but would also
annoy the Queen and Council for their mean actions to be made
known to the people. The Council having summoned some of the
merchants to obtain their opinion respecting the sale of the
merchandise, the latter replied that the goods should be kept for a
month longer, in order to allow the owners time, in accordance with
the permission already given, to come and buy their own goods at
a stated price. Fiesco, however, believes that the owners will not
come, nor would the Duke allow them to do so, as he would gain no
honour and they no profit thereby.
When the agreement with Portugal was being discussed this point
was submitted to the King, and, he having allowed the owners to
come, these people think that his Majesty should do the same. It is
most desirable, however, both for his Majesty's own dignity and the
indemnity of his subjects' loss, that more rigorous measures should
be taken. He, Fiesco, advises that, in addition to the hindering of
the treaty with Portugal, all subjects of his Majesty should be
prohibited from any communication with England and the use of
English goods. This will not be sufficient if our ships are not also
protected, and it is needful that there should be six or eight armed
ships on the Biscay and Flanders coasts, kept at the cost of
the merchants with some help from the King; the expense of
which will be a trifle in comparison with the advantage derived
therefrom. With these three points fulfilled, the English will be
reduced shortly to such misery that they will easily be brought
down to the same position towards his Majesty as, for the last
three years, his Majesty has occupied towards them.
They have brought from Canterbury a prisoner, Borghese, the
steward of Don Guerau, and though Fiesco had used his influence
for him, he had done so without success, and he was thought to be
in danger, as they said they had many proofs against him of his
having tried to kill Burleigh in union with two other gentlemen,
Englishmen, whom they took at the same time, both of whom have
been condemned and one of them accuses Borghese,




374


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1572.
8 Feb.  307. GUERAU DE SPES to the KING.
[EXTRACT.]
I believe that the men sent by the Duke of Alba to your
Majesty at the beginning of January were robbed near Chatelherault of four despatches, some for your Majesty, two of which I
gave to them here and two which Secretary Aguilon writes me
that he gave them. Your Majesty will, therefore, not have fully
understood the insolence of the queen of England and the Council
in sending me away without allowing me to await your Majesty's
orders and insisting upon my sailing in bad weather, besides
detaining my steward, to whom Lord Burleigh is putting a
thousand strange questions. Little will be got out of him, however, although they may put him to the torture and trouble him,
seeing how disturbed and arrogant they are. In the meanwhile,
I believe they will have sold the merchandise, as the month they
allowed for the owners to come and buy it, is running out.Brussels, 8th February 1572.
18 Feb.  308. GUERAU DE SPES to the KING.
[EXTRACT.]
My departure from England had been decided upon by the Council
for a long time to my knowledge, although I did not think they would
have expelled me until their league with France was more assured.
In order to conclude this league without any hindrance from me
and to prevent their machinations and plots being so easily understood,
and also to enable them to condemn the duke of Norfolk without
misgiving, they hurried me in this violent way to leave the
country, without allowing me to await your Majesty's permission.
Before doing this, Burleigh supplied himself with declarations to
inculpate me if at any time it was necessary to be friendly again.
He had been getting these together for a long time past and
retained my steward against all international rights.
In all the conferences that I had with the Council or with Secretary
Tremaine, and even when they spoke to Zweveghem, these English
were for ever bringing up the question of John Man's treatment
in Spain.-Brussels, 18th February 1572.
24 Feb.  309. The KING to GUERAU DE SPES.
Having received all the letters you wrote to me in December and
that from Canterbury on the 7th of January, as well as letters
from the duke of Alba, informing me of your arrival in Bruges, I
was glad to hear that, since the Queen decided to treat you as
she did, you should have got safely out of the country. There
is nothing to say about things that are already past, but, as regards
to your staying in Flanders or coming hither, you will follow the
Duke's instructions as I will write to him what I desire. He will
also provide you with money on account of your salary which will
run until you arrive here at the same rate as you were paid in
England. As to all English affairs, and particularly as regards
Hawkins and Fitzwilliams, I refer you also to the Duke. —Madrid,
24th February 1572,




ELIZABETH.


1572.
24 Feb.  310. The KING to the DUKE of MEDINA-CELI.
I learn from the duke of Alba that he had sent advising you not
to put into an English port, and, as the sea is so uncertain and the
weather so bad that his letter may not have reached you, I think
well to repeat the advice to you, and to tell you the reasons why
those people (the English) are not to be trusted. In order that no
minister of mine might be near the Queen to witness her bad proceedings about religion and government and to watch her opposition
to my interests, she invented some colourable pretext for expelling
from her realm my ambassador Don Guerau de Spes, who is already
at Bruges, although they still kept in prison his steward, on I know
not what suspicion in connection with the restitution of the
embargoed goods, so that the Duke considered negotiations now
quite broken off. Besides this, they have just seized three more
ships belonging to subjects of mine, and there are many indications
that the negotiations for a league with the French were proceeding; all of which proves that there is little desire to be friendly
with us. By certain steps the Duke has recently taken we shall
soon learn all there is to be known, and I will advise you, as soon
as I receive his news, what is best to be done. I have said enough
to put you on your guard not to trust the English nor touch in
their country. I am writing to the same effect to my officers on
the coast and elsewhere, in order that ships leaving for Flanders
may be warned.-Madrid, 24th February 1572.
14 March. 311. GUERAU DE SPES to the KING.
[EXTRACT.]
They released my servant in England* after a very cautious interrogation, and having detained him a month longer by threats
and promises, and, still finding him firm in his declarations that he
knew nothing about any plots against them, they have let him
come away before the duke of Alba's letter to the Queen about it
was delivered. I learn from him the danger in which the duke of
Norfolk now lies, the Queen having already ordered his execution
and on the following day again postponed it.
The Queen has given orders under her patent for certain
Englishmen and Flemish rebels to falsify crowns and other coins
of your Majesty's States. Most of this false money is being coined
in Ireland.-Brussels, 14th March 1572.
] 7 March. 312. The KING to GUERAU DE SPES.
I have learned from your letters and from the copy of that of
Zweveghem to you, and the relation you gave to the Duke about
England, of the state of things in that country, which certainly is
bad enough. The proceedings of the Queen and her friends prove
* Borghese, the ambassador's steward, had been arrested at Canterbury when with
his master, on the charge of plotting to murder Cecil. He was probably the same man
who was secretary to the former Spanish ambassador, the bishop of Aquila, and the
story of whose treachery and betrayal of his master's secrets is fully detailed in Vol. I.
of the present Calendar (Spanish-Elizabeth, 1559-1567). Another servant of the
ambassador, Damian Dela, the Vlalenpian tailor, was also arrested,




376                              SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1572.
their bad intentions. This has been no news to me, but although
I cannot give precise orders from here respecting events which vary
from day to day, as the Duke has them in hand I am quite confident that he will do what is best.       You will obey his orders
and tell him all you learn, and you will also follow his
instructions with regard to your coming hither.-Madrid, 17th
March 1572.
18 March. 313. GUERAU DE SPES to the KING.
I have received your Majesty's letter of the 24th ultimo, and in
conformity therewith will remain here and follow the orders of the
duke of Alba.
I have letters from   England of the 9th instant, on which date
nearly all the merchandise had been sold, but at such high prices
that you Majesty's subjects could not buy it, and the English have
therefore been able to get it all, the Queen giving them      facilities
with regard to the payment.
A copy of the arrangement being made with Portugal by the
Chevalier Giraldi is enclosed, as is also a copy of the new proclamation   of the Queen of England against the pirates, at the
instance, as I am told, of certain Easterlings who complain that
their goods are stolen, mixed up with others.      The effect will be
the same as that of the six or seven other proclamations which
were issued when I was there. I will report everything to the
duke of Alba.-Brussels, 18th March 1572.
26 March. 314.     ANTONIO DE GUARAS* to the KING.
Hoping that my boldness will not offend your Majesty, I send
this report for your Majesty's information of present events here.
The disorder in which this is written is for greater obscurity in the
cipher.  I write to the duke of Alba to the same effect.           The
substance of it is that, two months ago, a third person came to
speak to me several times, saying that it would be a great service
to God and a benefit to your Majesty's dominions, as well as to this
country, if some agreement could be arrived at respecting the
present dissension, and he was certain that this discord was in a
great measure owing to there being no one to undertake the
necessary good offices. He said that the Queen and Council were
quite willing to come to an agreement, and I, greatly praising his
good wishes and opinion, told him that I believed your Majesty
also was willing and there would be no falling back on your part.
* From the expulsion of Don Guerau de Spes until the coming of Don Bernardino
de Mendoza, early in 1578, there was no resident Spanish ambassador in England, and
Antonio de Guaras was apparently instructed to watch over Spanish interests informally.
He had lived in England for many years as a merchant, and was a leading member of
the Spanish community in London, at least as far back as 1549 and probably earlier.
His letters were usually addressed to the Governors of the Netherlands and to Gabriel
de Zayas, the King's secretary, but, as may be imagined, are neither so full or so
frequent as those of a regular accredited ambassador would have been. They are
altogether missing from the archives from the end of 1572 to the end of 1574, and an
attempt has been made in the present Calendar to supply their place partly from other
sources. All that is known of Antonio de Guaras has been recently embodied in an
interesting monograph entitled "Antonio de Guaras," by Richard Garnett, LL.D,
(London, 1892).




ELIZABETH.


377


1572.
At the same time the person always told me that, if I would convey,
this good feeling of the Queen and Council to your Majesty or the
duke of Alba, he, for his part, would also inform Lord Burleigh of
my willingness to render good offices to the same end. As your
Majesty knows, it is Burleigh who rules the whole of this country.
I invariably replied that I would give no advice of this matter until
I was satisfied that there was some good foundation for his assertion,
and thereupon this third person arranged that Lord Burleigh
should summon me, as he did yesterday, and after he had mentioned
many matters in justification of the Queen and Council in the past
dissensions, I, replying, throwing the blame upon them, which he
seemed to take in good part, he declared, without any dissimulation or hesitation, the willingness with which the Queen and
Council would enter into negotiations for an agreement. He seemed
to me to say this with every appearance of truth and earnestness, and, however disingenuous their previous offers had been,
the present one was made apparently with all sincerity and with a
desire for tranquility and repose.  He spoke of your Majesty's
person with due reverence, confessing to me that they had always
hitherto feared and suspected greatly that the duke of Alba, being
a declared enemy, might oppose an arrangement, but they had since
been informed that the evil did not arise with him entirely, but
from certain people in your Majesty's Court, mentioning the late
duke of Feria, who, he said, was ostensibly a good friend to the
Queen, but was in matters of State her enemy. I said that in
your Court, in Flanders and here, he, Cecil, was much looked
up to in affairs, and consequently was the more bound to conduct
them to a good end, as he could do if he pleased, whereupon he
answered me with an oath that if it had not been for him the late
suspension of relations would have ended in an open rupture, and
Flanders would have felt the effect in acts rather than words. As
I saw he was not displeased to listen to me, I told him my opinion on
the matter, and pointed out the great advantage to them which would
accrue from the preservation of peace with the House of Burgundy,
saying that he was not ignorant of the attitude which should be
assumed towards so potent a prince as your Majesty, who was not
only master of great kingdoms and revenues, but had the command
of the fortunes of many people by means of your credit. I said that
all princes valued the success of your Majesty's affairs, and that the
confidence which the English were placing in Frenchmen and in a
party of the Scots was generally believed to be unfounded. He
replied, amongst other things, that, if the business came to an open
rupture, the queen of England would display an amount of strength
that would surprise some people, but he assured me that the Queen
and Council being desirous of quietude, if I conveyed this good
feeling to your Majesty and the duke of Alba, I should find that
I had not acted lightly, but with all the weight that his word could
give me. All this and other things to the same effect he expressed
with an appearance of much kindness and goodwill, saying that he
hoped that I should exercise my good offices in the matter. This
conversation took place in his own room, no other person being
allowed there to overhear us, but during the course of the inter



378


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1572.
view the French ambassador came and disturbed us, when Cecil
said to me, "I will send you word by the third person when I
want to see you." I asked him whether I should write before I
saw him again, to which he replied, "You may well write." This
is almost word for word what passed with Burleigh, but, in the
course of talk, he also said that, though tranquillity might result from
this conversation, if anything to the contrary fell out, they were
ready to put themselves on the offensive and defensive; and that,
from letters which had been taken from Beaton, a Scotch noble, on
his way to Scotland, he, Cecil, had intelligence of the understandings with the duke of Alba. He also said many things about
the Queen being much offended at your Majesty having placed
Stukeley in such a high position, they having been informed that
you gave him a great daily allowance for his expenses, had made
him a knight, and done other things to the Queen's prejudice. He
said that on another occasion he would speak to me more at leisure,
and I took leave of him. I will advise your Majesty and the duke
of Alba of what else occurs with him.
So far as my poor judgment goes, I feel sure that they really
desire peace, as he expressed grief at the time which must necessarily elapse before your Majesty or the Duke received the information, and could send a reply, for which he seemed impatient.
The best way to please or cajole them would be to let them have
a reply quickly. There is every reason to believe that in past
times they did not desire peaceful terms, because they were persuaded that France would be a better friend, and that Orange and
his party could do much, whilst they thought that the Granada
business would not easily be settled. As they now, moreover, are
in some fear of the people in consequence of the imprisonment of
the duke of Norfolk and his friends, it is plain that they desire
peace, and are in much fear of war. I recognise that the said third
person had been sent to me by Burleigh for these reasons, and
especially because of the glorious victory over the Turk, and other
similar victories which may be hoped for with God's help. What
is most perplexing to them is your Majesty's silence in the face of
so much offence, and so many opportunities. In short everything
tends to the belief that Burleigh's declaration is sincere, and the
conclusion may be drawn that it is now in your Majesty's
hands, either to agree to an arrangement, or the contrary, if such
shall be to the interests of God and your Majesty.  There is
a general muster of troops through the country on the 1st May,
and they are arming ten of the Queen's ships.-London, 26th
March 1572.
28 March. 315. GUERAU DE SPES to the KING.
I consulted with the duke of Alba respecting what your
Majesty orders in your letter of 24th ultimo, and he thought it
would be best to await your Majesty's reply to the special messenger
sent.
Letters from England of 13th and 18th report the continuation
of the sale, and that the Queen had shown certain letters in cipher
to M, de Croc, the French ambassador, who has gone to Scotland




ELIZABETH.


379


1572,
which she said were from the duke of Alba, informing the queen
of Scotland that he had given orders to certain men to kill the
queen of England, a great fiction invented to ingratiate herself the
more with the French. They also report that the pirates have
again been capturing ships belonging to your Majesty's subjects, notwithstanding the proclamations against them. The English are
again arming furiously, and the Queen had given orders to fit out
ten of her ships.
I conversed to-day with the duke of Alba about Hawkins, and
set forth the service he could render. I will advise your Majesty
what is decided on this and other points.-Brussels, 28th March
1572.
3 April. 316. G UERAU DE SPES to the KING.
Since my last letter advices have come from England that the
Queen is raising 10,000 men, and is pushing forward the arming
of the 12 ships. These preparations are announced there to be for
the defence of England and Ireland, and it may be that an alliance
with France has been concluded, although the duke of Alba and
Aguilon tell me that, though they suspect it, there is no certainty.
The fleet being fitted out in France is in my opinion rather to
molest the Indies than anything else, as the French have had the
project of troubling you in those parts for a long time past. I do
not know whether they will attempt anything here with the help
of English and Danish ships, encouraged somewhat by the uneasiness in these places.  The French have already done much
harm here by the placard, of which I send a copy enclosed, although
doubtless your Majesty will have received it through other channels.
It would appear advisable to counteract this by other placards,
or to have this revoked, as it is instrumental in ruining this
country.
As regards the restitution of the money, it looks as if the Queen,
was playing with Thomas Fiesco, when she asks for three years'
time, without binding herself by deed or surety. As to the wools,
they will allow them to be brought hither, but only to be sold at a
high price for cash, and they are giving themselves great airs about
their riches, as the duke of Alba will write fully to your Majesty. I
gave the Duke the agreement that Hawkins had arranged with
Feria, and he thought the cost was very heavy.   As it is
important in your Majesty's interests, I told the Duke that the
Captain might be utilised, when your Majesty wished to undertake English affairs, on services of less onerous cost, and would
serve against the pirates, or against the Queen's fleet, or for the
capture of some port, as might be desired. When the Duke decides /
I will send and ask Hawkins in what way he can best serve your
Majesty.-Brussels, 3rd April 1572.
7, 8, and 317. ANTONIO DE GUARAS to the DUKE OF ALBA.
11 April.  By Tusan, the special courier whom I sent to your Excellency,
I received your reply of 26th ultimo yesterday, the first day of
Easter, and, immediately on receiving it, in conformity with the




380


SPANISH STATE PAPERS,


1672.
arrangement made with Burleigh, to let him know when the reply
was received, I at once went to the Court to inform him, and to learn
when he wished to see me. As Burleigh was very ill, I could not
speak with him, but the third person went after midday, and I
myself waited at Court so as to be near at hand if there was a
possibility of an interview, but the third person was unable to see
him, in consequence of his serious illness. It was said yesterday
that he was in great danger, and the Queen had been to visit him
with most of the Councillors. I have heard that last night he was
with somewhat better hopes of recovery, but as his state has been
so perilous it has been impossible to communicate to him what
your Excellency orders. If he gets better I will do it to the best
of my ability, and certainly, if this man dies, it will be very
unfortunate for the purpose which he declared to me, as I advised
your Excellency in my letter of the 26th ultimo. It is true that
hitherto he has undoubtedly been the enemy of peace and tranquillity for his own bad ends, but I am convinced, as I wrote to
your Excellency, he is now well disposed, which means that
the Queen and Council are so, because he and no one else rules
the whole of the affairs of State.  God grant that if it be for
His service he may live. I will advise your Excellency if he
does so.
8 April. 318.
This courier has been delayed, and I therefore write that, in
order to lose no opportunity, I have been at Court all day to-day,
in case Lord Burleigh should be better able to speak to me, and
although, in consequence of his illness, he is not attending to any
business, as soon as he heard that I was in his lodgings, he sent out
word that I was not to go as he would receive me. He did so,
and I, to the best of my ability, informed him of the things your
Excellency ordered me to tell him.  He was very weak and
feverish, but seemed to take it all in good part, and to be greatly
pleased at the goodwill of his Majesty and your Excellency towards
a friendly agreement, although he said in reply to your Excellency's remarks that, from the beginning of the dissension, they
had been receiving advices which led them to believe that preparations were being made to the injury of the Queen and Council,
and, indeed, that letters from the English rebels (as he calls
them) in Spain had been captured, saying that his Majesty and
your Excellency were certainly intending to conquer England.
These letters particularly mentioned that the Marquis Chapin
Viteli was to land in this country with a strong force. I told
him that any such thing written by the people he said, could be
nothing but a joke, because, as your Excellency says, there was
never any other wish on our side but for quietude and peace,
and that it is not safe to found opinions upon mere reports and
suspicions. He said that it was not desirable to spend time in
discussing the causes of past dissensions, but it would be better
to embrace with much affection and goodwill everything which
tended to peace and amity, and again repeated his assurance that
this was the Queen's wish, as she regarded his Majesty with so




Ei~LIZAABETTt.


381


1572.
much reverence that she was annoyed with what had passed,
regarding him, as she did, in the light of her true ally and elder
brother. All this he told me with such an appearance of affection
and kindness that I am sure he and the Queen are sincere, as I
hope they will prove later on. As Lord Burleigh did not appear
to be unwilling to hear my humble opinion, I told him it was
clear that the preservation of the Queen's old friendship with his
Majesty would assure her against all her rebels, as he calls them,
who are now abroad, and their friends here, as it would also against
the French and Scots, to their great dismay, and that of others
who were anxiously hoping that these negotiations for friendship
would fall through, which God forbid. On our side, too, we
recognise that England was potent for her defence, and that the
French and Scots and others in case of a rupture would be on
their side, for their own ends and out of no friendship for them,
although I could assure him that neither his Majesty nor your
Excellency ever thought of anything but concord. He replied
that it was certainly quite natural for friendship to exist between
England, Spain, and Flanders, and, entering more into detail on
the question of the origin of the dissension and the remedies
therefor, we spoke of this, much to be desired, concord being
established after the most just possible restitution had been made,
the rebels from Flanders cast out from this country and from off the
seas, the English rebels, as he called them, expelled from Spain
and Flanders, or after a general pardon on all sides, the re-opening
of trade, and the restitution of all things to their previous position,
with the confirmation of all old treaties mutually. I made some
of these suggestions, and Lord Burleigh others, and on my informing him of what your Excellency says with regard to pro.
ceeding as Lord Burleigh thinks best, he appeared greatly pleased
and gratified, saying generally to this and the rest of my discourse
that, after they had heard M. de Zwevegher, I was to send the
third person to him, Cecil, by whom he would let me know when he
wanted to see me. I told him very emphatically, as your Excellency orders, that the answer to be given to Zweveghem would
prove in a great measure their goodwill and desire for an agreement. I will advise your Excellency of whatever else happens.
This is in substance what passed with Lord Burleigh.
When I had left his room and was going in a boat with the
third person to my house, I saw the Queen approaching the
landing-place of the palace in her barge, in which, the day being
fine, she had been taking the air in company with Lord Leicester
and many other gentlemen, and followed by a great number of
boats filled with people, who were anxious to see her Majesty.
We, being amongst the other people, stayed our boat to see her,
and when I made my bow like all the rest, the Queen as usual
saluted the people, and noticing me, either because she knew me, or
because some one told her my name and that I was a foreigner, to the
surprise of every one, I being such a humble person, called out to me
in Italian, my boat being somewhat distant out of respect for her,
and asked me very gaily and graciously if I was coming from the
Court, and if I had seen Lord Burleigh. I knelt, as was my duty,




382


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1572.
and replied, "Yes, my Lady, at your Majesty's service." As the
boats approached the landing-place her Majesty's barge was delayed
a moment, when she smilingly seemed to desire to say something
more to me, whereupon I endeavouring to bring my boat alongside
the Queen's barge, she turned to me and said, " When were you
with Lord Burleigh?"  To which I replied, "My Lady, I have
just left him; " whereupon she said, waving her hand several
times, and apparently with great pleasure, " That is all right," and
her barge then proceeded, she bidding me farewell with so many
signs of pleasure and favour that people noticed it much, and I
most of all, surprised to receive these favours from the Queen, to
whom I had never rendered any service. All this confirmed the
certainty that the Queen and Lord Burleigh are in accord in their
desire for an amicable settlement, and her behaviour on this unpremeditated occasion is a further proof of her good intentions.
She very often visits Lord Burleigh, and no doubt has communicated with him on this affair, and has been informed that I had
conveyed to Lord Burleigh by your Excellency orders the assurance of your good offices and efforts to preserve the old friendship
between the two sovereigns, which has always been the desire of
our King. No doubt every day will also strengthen the good purposes of these people, which God grant, until we see the much
desired and looked for result of a firm and faithful friendship.London, 11th April 1572.
11 April. 319.
The courier who is to take this has again been detained, and. I
now have to add that, in accordance with my understanding with
Burleigh, when I heard that M. de Zweveghem had been with the
Queen yesterday I sent the third person to Burleigh to ask him
whether lie wished to see me. The third person came back in
great sorrow, saying that Burleigh had told him that he had been
much annoyed because the Queen, after her interview with
Zweveghem, had told him    (Burleigh) that she was greatly
astonished at the indiscreet way in which these matters, that had
been communicated to me, had been managed. Zweveghem, she
said, had told her in the course of conversation that she (the Queen)
and Burleigh were those who were so anxious for peace, adding
that he knew Burleigh had sent for me as if to beg and solicit it.
Burleigh also told the third person that he heard that Zweveghem
said that he had in his possession copies of the letter which I wrote
to your Excellency, and of your Excellency's reply to me. Burleigh
also said to the third person, as if he were annoyed with him: " If
"Antonio de Guaras wants to come and see me, let him come, or
" do as he likes."  He also said: " If the duke of Alba on the one
" hand pretends to be willing for peace and concord, as Guaras told
me; whilst on the other hand, through Zweveghem, hle treats the
matter in an entirely different spirit, it is clear that, however
"good our intentions may be, theirs are not so."  He said, moreover, " I was just drafting the clauses of an agreement in the most
impartial way I could, in accordance with the message that
Guaras brought to the effect that the duke of Alba would leave




ELIZABETI.


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1572.
" the bases of agreement to me, which I had looked upon as a
"' compliment; but now I see that the whole business is spoilt."
This happened yesterday, the 10th, in the afternoon, and when I
heard, to my surprise, what had been said, I decided to go this
morning to speak to Burleigh, which I did, and he repeated to me
verbally, almost word for word, what he had said to the third
person, although he did not mention anything about drafting the
clauses, nor did I. He said that, knowing the willingness of the
Queen for peace, and his own desire, they had treated the matter
in all sincerity, after they had heard from me that his Majesty and
your Excellency were also favourable, and he felt certain that if
any persons were trying to obstruct the good objects in view, they
were doing it with a sinister intent. He also said: " If you think
" well to persevere in your representations to the King and the
"Duke as to the willingness of the Queen and myself for concord
"in the interests of God and the common welfare, I think you will
"be right in doing so." All this he said as if he had been grieved
with what had passed. As your Excellency had not directed me
to communicate with M. de Zweveghem anything of this I have not
done so, nor has Zweveghem mentioned the matter to me. I therefore supposed that it was not your Excellency's wish that I should
communicate the matter to him, and I can only believe that
Zweveghem must have said what he did for some good reason, of
which I am ignorant, and which, no doubt, he will be able to
satisfactorily explain.
As your Excellency will learn, Parliament is to be opened here
on the 12th of May, it is believed, for the sole purpose of appointing
a successor in case of the Queen's death without children. It is
believed that they will choose the son of the earl of Hertford,
who is ten years old, and is the son of Catharine, the daughter of
Frances, and grand-daughter of the queen of France, second sister
of Henry VIII. This Catharine was the sister of Jane who was
beheaded in the time of our lady, Queen Mary of glorious memory.
It is to be supposed also that they will discuss the alliance which
they are now arranging with the French, in order that Parliament
may confirm the same, and will persuade the people to adopt defensive measures in case they are attacked by enemies from abroad,
especially pointing to his Majesty. It is presumed for certain that
they will make such preparations in consequence of their suspicion
of us, it being sure that if they could be satisfied of our friendship,
they would not take any such steps as these, since there is nothing
the Queen hates more than to appoint a successor, to ally herself
to France excepting under pressing need, and especially to undertake
a war, above all against our King.
In order not to waste time, which I might pass at Court in the
interests of affairs, I do not write this with my own hand, but it is
written by my man, who is faithful and true, in the hope that
your Excellency will not be offended thereat. There was an intention to-day to carry out the execution of the duke of Norfolk,
the officers of justice and the people being already collected. But
the Queen sent an order to suspend it, which is the third time she
has done so.




384                        SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1572.
The last time I was with Lord Burleigh he told me, with great
apparent desire for secrecy, not so much by expressed words as by
indirect hints, that there were some members of the Council who
were opposed to the desires of the Queen and himself on this
matter of concord, and almost said that it was in consequence of
their affection for the French. He said that there was a suspicion
that some of such Councillors secretly received pensions from the
king of France, which he deprecated, and justified himself by saying
that his only desire was duly to serve the Queen. In this connection I said that the earl of Leicester was publicly noted for his
tendency towards the French, whereupon he smiled but said nothing;
and afterwards, continuing the conversation said, that although it
would be troublesome to persuade some of the Councillors who
were of this way' of thinking, he believed nevertheless that he
should be able to do it, as the Queen was entirely of the same
opinion as himself, and added: " I and the others shall be strong
enough." Of the 12 persons who ordinarily meet in Council, five
of them, namely, the Chancellor, Burleigh, the earl of Sussex, the
Lord Chamberlain, and Sir James Crofts, the Controller, will be of
the Queen's opinion, whilst the earl of Leicester, the earl of
Bedford, the Admiral, Sadler, Knollys, and another* will be on the
other side, and friendly to France. When I was with Burleigh
subsequently he was told that Knollys was coming up to speak to
him, and he said to me, " Go out by that secret door so that Knollys
"may not see you, for he is of the other way of thinking, which I
"was mentioning, but I expect we shall be quite strong enough to
"have our way, as I have said."  He said this as if he had forgotten his previous annoyance.-London, 11th April 1572.
11 April. 320. ANToNIO DE GUARAS to the KING.
On the 26th ultimo I wrote to your Majesty in cipher, and I
now write this openly, as I am told from Flanders that I may do,
as my letters are entrusted to safe Lands. My object is to enclose
for your Majesty's information, copies of my letters to the duke of
Alba. In order not to lose the time that otherwise I might pass
at Court in the interests of these affairs, I do not write this with
my own band, but it is written by my man, who is faithful and
true, whereat I hope your Majesty will not be offended.-London,
11th April 1572.
29 April. 321.
The above is a copy of my note appended to the copies of my
letters to the duke of Alba of 7th, 8tb, and 11th, and I now
enclose another copy thereof, writing all subsequent intelligence to
the duke of Alba.
15 April. 322. GUERAU DE SPES to the KING.
After receiving your Majesty's letter of the 17th ultimo, I consulted the duke of Alba as to whether I should stay here or go to
salute your Majesty. He told me that it would be better that I


* Sir Walter Mildmay.




ELIZABETH.


385


1572.
should go as soon as I could, in order to inform your Majesty in
detail of events in England and here, for which purpose, he said,
he would provide me with the necessary means. In accordance
with your Majesty's orders and those of the Duke, therefore, I shall
leave as soon as possible. I have now to say that since the coming
of these few Gueux, who have fortified themselves in Brille, on the
island of Voorn, the disturbed state of feeling among people here
is becoming manifest. In Flushing, which was very obedient
during the last troubles, people are obstinate in refusing to allow a
fortress to be established, and they have badly wounded, without
any provocation, Captain Isidro Pacheco. They are howling out
that if they are pressed very hardly they will spoil the rest of the
island, and all the townsmen will go over to England. The same
thing has been attempted at Bergen-op-Zoom, although it did not
succeed; nor did the people at Rotterdam, thanks to the industry
of Count Bossu. The Gueux have already received some punishment at Delfthaven, which they attempted to occupy and fortify
with the intention of attacking Delft. They have about 26 ships,
mostly small, and many of the rebels are wearing their collars
hung with the new coins, in which they say the tenth is not to be
found. At Vera (Voorn?) and adjoining islets they have seized all
the victuals and ruined the churches, many of the good people
being obliged to fly. It is true that many of the people of the
country are helping willingly, as they are Anabaptist heretics.
This is the island which I learnt in England they were about to
take, and had reconnoitred with that object, particularly the town
of Brille. This was done by a Gascon captain, who is probably the
man'who is now with them (the Gueux). There are about fourteen
hundred of the rebels English, French, and Flemings, and it is said
that M. de Lumay and Frelon, whose father was formerly governor
of Brille, are the leaders.
News from England is that the Queen has entirely recovered her
health, and that the troops which have been rais d are being divided
into regiments so as to be ready when wanted, they remaining at
present at their own homes learning to shoot their harquebusses. Only
three ships have been armed hitherto, and the merchandise was
being sold. The duke of Alba informs me that he has heard through
a Spanish merchant that they have played a trick upon me and
have no treaties afoot. This is no doubt to sound the Duke, and
perhaps to put him off his guard, for I believe, as also does Secretary
Aguilon, that the league between the English and French is concluded and Marshal Montmorenci is expected from (in?) London for
the final settlement. I have learnt here that M. de Refuge, a servant
of the duke of Longueville, and M. de Prcmorus, a servant of the
duchess of Vendome, come frequently to these States to sell the
timber from their masters' woods, or at least that is their ostensible
object. I am advising the duke of Alba of this.
The preparations which are being talked about for great festivals
near St. Quintin, for the marriage of the prince of Vendome, are
being looked upon here with much suspicion, as so much armed
cavalry with Hans Casimir will be there.-Brussels, 15th April
1572.
7 76467,                                                  a




386


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1572.
26 April. 323. GUERAU DE SPES to the KING.
I gave your Majesty information that the rebels had taken
possession of Brille, and that help had come to them from Embden
and England. Many men are flocking to them and their numbers
are increasing. The Flushing people have joined them and raised
the banners of the prince of Orange. All this is of the greatest
importance, particularly in view of the detestation of these people
to the tenths, and if their turbulence be not allayed great evil may
result to your Majesty's interests.
I write this openly as it is highly necessary that your Majesty
should be informed of it in order that steps may be taken. I hope
shortly to speak to your Majesty personally upon the subject, as the
duke of Alba tells me that I had better go to give your Majesty an
account of English and Flemish affairs. I will therefore leave for
the purpose without reporting my passage through France.
From England letters, dated the 17th instant, report that the
Queen had four thousand foot soldiers near London and some others,
ready to join these Gueux, with the determination of helping them
in any case. The sale of the merchandise was proceeding. The
league with the French is said to be not entirely concluded, although,
seeing the preparations on both sides, it may well be believed that
it is.
The [fleet from Rochelle was always believed to be destined for
the Indies if the present events in Zealand do not tempt them to
come and amuse themselves here. The English Parliament opens
on the 8th instant; the earl of Leicester and Burleigh would like to
get the duke of Norfolk executed before that date. The Queen
has ordered the execution three times, but has always countermanded it.-Brussels, 26th April 1572.
5 May.   324. GUERAU DE SPES to the KING.
I am only delaying my departure as the duke of Aiba wishes me
to make some arrangement to receive intelligence from England.
This I will do by means of ciphers, which I have left there with
some private persons desirous of serving your Majesty.
M. de Zweveghem has written saying that the Queen had sent
him orders to prepare his departure at once, which he was doing.
M. de Foix was expected in London for the conclusion of the league
and the French think that they will thus obtain possession of the
queen of Scotland. These treaties will certainly be carried through
now they have gone so far, particularly as the disturbances in
Zealand have so greatly raised their spirits. The rebels are still
increasing, and are now pressing Middleburg closely. If this is
lost very great evil will result. The duke of Alba is raising his
army, and the fleet will soon be ready, but I am in great fear of
these people, seeing how dissatisfied they are, as I will verbally
explain to your Majesty.-Brussels, 5th May 1572.
325. Document headed "INFORMATION which DON GUERAU Dr
SPES obtained in England, and related on his coming to
Spain" (amongst papers of 1572).
The queen of England, being so much attached to heresy, has
always attempted to injure the interests of the King, as he is so




ELIZA ETH.


387


1672.
Catholic and powerful prince, whom she has deeply offended and
whose anger she fears. She promoted the revolutions in Flanders
in the time of Count Egmont and the prince of Orange, aiding by
means of money, ships, and stores, and receiving rebels in such
numbers that there are at least 20,000 there at the present time.
She provides them with all that is necessary to arm and assail the
Netherlands coasts and those of Spain and the Indies. At the end
of 1568, when Don Guerau arrived in England as ambassador,
Cardinal Chatillon came thither on the same day, and it was
arranged between him and the Queen that our rebels and the armed
Englishmen should seize all the ships belonging to his Majesty's
subjects which passed through the Channel, in order to enrich the
Queen with the booty and help the French Huguenots, who were
then, for the third time, in arms against their King. This was done,
and 14 or 15 very valuable ships were immediately captured, although
the ambassador was assured that this was not in accordance with
the Queen's wish.
At this time money belonging to his Majesty and the Flemings
arrived there in four cutters and a ship, to the amount of about
800,000 ducats, and, notwithstanding her signed passport and
faithful promise given to the ambassador, the Queen with great
artifice seized a part of this money, the rest being saved by two of
the cutters boldly running through the pirates.
Thereupon the Duke ordered the seizure of goods in Flanders,
sending M. D'Assonleville to beg the Queen to restore what she
had taken and he would do the same. D'Assonleviile, however,
was not allowed to see the Queen, and the ambassador himself was
detained and surrounded by armed men for six months. The
Queen shortly afterwards became more openly inimical to the
King's interests; forming a league with the French and Germans
and ignominiously dismissing the Marquis Chapin Viteli, who came
to confer with her, as she also did subsequently to the ambassador
and M. de Zweveghem and Thomas Fiesco, who had gone to
England on the matter of the merchandise.   She pressed the
Catholics with intolerable cruelty, ordering the mpsf atrocious
death penalties, to such an extent that Northumberland, Westmoreland, and other northern gentlemen took up arms against her ' war
of edicts' on God and the Catholic Church. As they were not
helped, they were obliged to scatter and some of them were lost.
The duke of Norfolk also renounced his allegiance to the Queen.
This nobleman may be called the Campo de Rosy of that country,
powerful enough to bring it into submission to anyone he pleased,
and to restore the Catholic religion there.  This he offered his
Majesty and His Holiness to do, asking for very little help, but the
whole project was delayed and disconcerted, and the queen of
Scotland, who is the true heiress and a Catholic princess, has been
for the last five years a close prisoner in England, she having taken
refuge there peacefully, and at the Queen's invitation.
The queen of England has a Council well adapted for such work
as this, composed of heretics and badly disposed men who have
enriched themselves by the plunder of our people, and who are
bitterly determined to disturb the dominions of our King and
d 2




388


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1572.
abate his grandeur. They therefore never lose sight of opportunities for disturbing the Netherlands, having gone so far as to attempt
the capture of the isles of Zealand. They also are continually
attempting to trouble the Indies, robbing the ships that come and
go, and endeavouring to discover the passage by the channel, which
is presumed to exist at the north of the Indies, in order to get into
the southern seas and molest Peru and the islands. In short, they
try all they can with artifice and persistence to damage the crown
of Spain.
It will be easy to pay them back in their own coin both in
Ireland and in England, as the Irish are Catholics and wish to
shake off the yoke of the English who cruelly tyrannise over them.
The principal persons in the island have sent to his Majesty to
offer their submission to him. The task is an easy one, and with
three or four thousand men and a competent fleet the island would
be mastered, as his Majesty has been informed by a detailed report.
All this must be arranged with dissimulation, so that it may be put
into execution in the spring. There are persons ready who are
well fitted for the task, and there never was such an opportunity
as this. There are facilities also for the English enterprise if the
duke of Alba would look into it or at least countenance those who
would undertake it. This he has, for certain reasons, refused to do
hitherto, but if Ireland were ours first, it would afford great
facilities for the subjection of England, although, if the duke of Alba
will take the matter up, it will be easy to do both things. It will be
necessary with this object to bring forward the name of the queen
of Scotland as the legitimate Queen, with the object of marrying
her to Don John of Austria, or another person of this house, in
order the more to assure the allegiance of people in the countries.
When his Majesty may be pleased to consider the matter all his
scruples shall be satisfied, and in the meanwhile this is submitted
for the consideration of your Lordship.
326. GUERAU DE SPES to the KING.
[Incomplete, but apparently written in France during his journey
to Madrid.]
Although your Majesty will have reports of French affairs since
the events of Valenciennes, I have thought well to write, before
myself saluting you, to say that the preparations being made at
Bordeaux, Brouage, and other ports near Rochelle, are very great.
There are twenty-two great warships with five or six thousand
harquebussiers and many gentlemen, some of whom belong to the
chamber of the Christian King, the flower of France, both Catholics
and Huguenots. Three great galleys are being built at Bayonne
with all speed to accompany this fleet, and three similar galleys are
probably now finished in Havre de Grace. From this it is deduced
that this fleet is to assail the Netherlands, because galleys cannot be
used in the Indies, and in former times they had been employed in
the canals of Zealand. From what I hear from Catholics and Protestants, I gather that these heretics wish to gain the goodwill of
M. d'AlenGon, who is not satisfied with his share of the partition,
and they wish to make him believe that the Flemish portion may




ELIZABETH.


389


1572.
be improved. He therefore consents in these undertakings and
personally encourages those who are going. I have said nothing
about it to Don Diego de Zuiliga* until I learn your Majesty's wishes,
or if it was advisable that this captaint should have a post on one
of the frontiers so that he might serve your Majesty when you
thought fit to accept his service. I can say nothing more positive
about France or England, except that they proceed with all diligence and artfulness to injure your Majesty's interests, as I will
verbally report when I appear before your Majesty.
If the force being raised by the duke of Alba is small, they (the
English) will at once go to the aid of the rebels; if it be large, they
will temporise on land but continue to molest us at sea, succouring
the Zealand people at their pleasure. I am told that, with this
end, M. de Montbrun was raising nine standards in Gascony, and
others were being raised in different parts of France. The French
in this are fulfilling three objects: first, pleasing the Turk by
diverting your Majesty's forces, causing you great expenditure
whilst keeping your States in turmoil, standing as they think,
perhaps, to win, but running no risk of losing, because they think
your Majesty will not openly declare war if the Christian King
make some sort of apology. The Protestants think that Admiral
Chatillon will undertake the relief of Mons, in the name of himself
and his accomplices, for which purpose it is said he is raising troops in
Germany. The sooner your Majesty's forces are ready in Flanders,
and Mons be strictly blockaded, the better. As regards the Irish
affair, which is already so advanced, your Majesty's fleet must
be sufficiently large in those seas to overawe the English and
bring the Queen to her senses. I told the Viceroy of Navarre that
it would be well that the Biscayners, who are with the galleys in
Bayonne, should be secretly summoned and that they should burn
the galleys. I do not know whether he has written to your
Majesty about this, but he approved of it. I also told him what a
small garrison there is in Bayonne..
12 May. 327. ANTONIO DE GUARAS to the DUKE of ALBA.
I wrote to your Excellency on the 29th ult. by M. de Zweveghem,
and have since then heard nothing of Tusan, the courier I sent to
your Excellency on the 11th ult., nor have I received anything
from your Excellency. I trust both letters will have been safely
delivered.
Having heard from the third person that the Queen and Lord
Burleigh were greatly surprised that Tusan had not returned, and
that the matter respecting which I wrote was being so long delayed,
I went to see Lord Burleigh four days ago, and told him that I was
hourly expecting an answer, and thought that your Excellency was
delaying it until you had heard from Zweveghem verbally the
particulars of the answer which had been given to him here,
and that being the case, the courier would not be much longer
delayed. He answered shortly, as if not well pleased with the
delay, " Very well."


* The new Spanish ambassador in France.


t Hawkins?




890


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1572.
On the 8th instant the Queen went with the ordinary ceremonies
to open Parliament. She looked well in her robes and wearing her
crown, which I never have yet seen any prince here do in Parliament. It is said that the principal business will be the justification
of the proceedings against the duke of Norfolk, in order that all the
country may see, if he be executed, that it has been for just causes,
as they say, and with the consent of all estates of the realm. It
is greatly suspected that he will not be pardoned, and that the
prisoners in the Tower will be proceeded against, they being, as the
saying is, his companions in the same crime.
It is also expected that the Parliament will deal with the succession to the crown and the alliance with France. Montmorenci
is expected here and lodgings have been prepared for him in the
earl of Leicester's house. It is confirmed that the Admiral of
England will go to France on the same business.
For the last ten days the Flemish rebels here have been busy
again collecting arms and money from their friends to send troops
to Brille and Flushing. The men who are busiest in this are two
brothers, heretic rebels, called the Palmas of Middleburg, who are
trying to convince these foolish people of the goodness of their
silly plans and are sending more troops every day.
There are two young German gentlemen constantly at Court
busy in some negotiation, and yesterday they received a reply
which seemed to please them, as I noticed that they left the Court
in great rejoicing. It may well be supposed that these people, not
being satisfied of our friendship, are providing themselves with
German friends.
The last time I was with Lord Burleigh he told me he would
send me the document which I now enclose respecting Zweveghem's
business. This he did to-day and asked me to forward it to his
Majesty, which I said I would do if he would give me another copy
to send to your Excellency for your information. He told me
that he was too busy to give me another copy, and that I might
send this to your Excellency for transmission to his Majesty after
perusal. When he gave it to me, therefore, he did so with all
reverence, kissing the paper.-London, 12th May 1572.
12 May. 328. ANTONIO DE GUARAS to the KING.
Confirms aforegoing letters (that of 29th being taken by
Zweveghem). Encloses copy of letter to duke of Alba of same
date.-London, 12th May 1572.
18 May, 329. ANTONIO DE GUARAS to the DUKE OF ALBA.
I last wrote to your Excellency on the 12th, by an English
courier, and I send the enclosed copy as there is no certainty of the
English couriers delivering letters safely. By him I sent also the
document given to me by Lord Burleigh, and I have since received
no letters from your Excellency nor has Tusan returned, although
the letters I sent by Zweveghem will have been received and those
of the 12th which went under cover to the Postmaster-General of
Antwerp.
I have little to write now, excepting that the third person is
continually asking me whether I have not received any letters




ELIZAJ3ETII.


391


1572.
from your Excellency. In the meanwhile I do not go to Court and
Lord Burleigh sends me no messages.
Parliament is proceeding with great vigour against the queen of
Scotland, and it is confidently believed that they will place her in
sore trouble and even peril, as it is said that they have proofs that
the said Queen had persuaded many persons who are now in prison
that she was the lawful Queen, and that the present Queen was a
usurper. They will therefore proceed against her, and doubtless
condemn her and the other prisoners; in the first place, because she
and her husband in France adopted the style of king and queen
of England, coining money stamped with the arms of England and
France together; and secondly, because she wished to marry the
duke of Norfolk and entered into many plans and plots, prejudicial
to this realm. Up to this time nothing else has been discussed in
Parliament, not even the question of the succession or the French
alliance, and it is to be supposed that their action on these two
latter points will be governed mainly by the amount of friendliness
they find in us. Montmorenci is expected here in about a fortnight,
and it is said that he will come with a great following. Although
they have agreed for mutual defence, it is believed to be all nothing
but compliment and dissimulation on both sides, and at the least
thing, all their leagues and alliances will turn out illusory.
By letters of the 14th we learn of the heavy blow that has been
dealt to the rebels at Ramua, and their friends here are panicstricken, as they expected a better result. They still think those at
Flushing and Brille are invincible, but, please God, they will come
to the same end as their companions.
Every day, lately, boats have been going over with rebels to
Flushing and Brille with all the arms, victuals, and money they
have been able to get together.  Some Englishmen go amongst
them, although it is to be believed not by orders of the Queen and
Council, but rather as people led astray by our rebels.
24 May. 330.
This courier has been delayed, and I now write to say that
the passion shown by our rebels here is quite incredible. They are
with all solicitude sending munitions and money to Flushing and
Brille, besides many troops, and they even persuade large numbers
of Englishmen to go. The boats after carrying them over return
for others, and ship gunpowder, arms, beer, and other stores in
great quantities, as well as taking over from here and elsewhere
grain and other provisions.
A rich English merchant named Pointz, well known in Antwerp,
has gone to Flushing with all the money he could collect from the
heretic congregations, as well as quantities of arms and munitions.
He writes every day to the rebels here to send more help, which
they do.
An Englishman named Captain Morgan has enlisted three
hundred English soldiers (although without drum and standard),
and is ready to leave with them, the citizens of London guaranteeing
them tleir t ay, which the Flemish rebels here have undertaken to
pro vide. It is said that many more Englishmen will go, and all




392


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1572.
this is done so publicly, that one is bound to believe that the Queen
and Council willingly shut their eyes to it. No doubt great aid
will be sent from here daily. God grant, at least, that such aid may
not be publicly declared by the State.
News comes from Rouen and Calais, dated the 19th instant, that
there are great flocks of Frenchmen who were believed to be
coming to Calais for the purpose of embarking for Flushing and
Brille. If the king of France is allowing it you will know better on
the other side than we can here.
In order to encourage the English and these pernicious rebels,
the false and traitorous manifesto of that rogue Orange has been
sent here; although it is stated on it to have been printed at a
distance, it is believed that these rebels have had it printed here,
and it was being sold publicly yesterday with great noise and
rejoicing, as if all the lies in it were true. This has had the effect
of increasing the help sent, and, as nothing hinders them, this help
will go increasing from day to day.
I am informed by the third person that the sorrow of the Queen
and Lord Burleigh is very great at the delay in the reply to the
matter respecting which they spoke to me, and, in despair of a
favourable answer, it seems as if they were tacitly allowing this
public helping of the rebels, persuading themselves that thereby
Flanders may be plunged into disturbance to an extent that will
compass the end they have always longed for, namely, that the
Spanish power may be expelled from there, which God forbid.
Your Excellency has been informed for the last three years that
this is the point to which their desires tend, and your Excellency
may be certain that, if they treat for concord, it is with the principal wish and demand that Flanders should be denuded of troops,
which demand seems to be unworthy even of consideration or reply.
As they see this, and are convinced that the agreement will not be
carried into effect, they have apparently changed their tone since
the other day, when they expressed willingness for harmony, being
now offended by your Excellency's silence, and encouraged with
hopes of trouble in Flanders and friendship with France. They
see a strong feeling against us amongst the people, and great
lamentations are heard in the streets for what they say has happened
at Ramua,* to the effect that not only were all the men put to
death after they surrendered, but the women and children were
also killed, and as all Englishmen believe this, the best word they
can apply to us is that we are tyrants.
In this Parliament great efforts are being made, especially by the
men they call bishops, to urge on a declaration of war against his
Majesty, the matter being discussed with great vehemence. It is
difficult to say what decision will be arrived at.
The principal thing upon which Parliament has been busy is the
proceedings against the queen of Scotland, and they have sent two
personages to her to obtain her reply to the criminal accusations
made against her. They will trouble her sorely, as I have already
written.


* Probably the massacre of Naerdin is here referred to.




ELIZABETH.


393


1572.
Parliament has also dealt with the accusations against the duke
of Norfolk, in order that the estates of the realm might consent
to his condemnation and execution. As, however, he is extremely
beloved by the people, the majority have decided to record no formal
confirmation or judgment, but to refer the matter to the Queen's
clemency, whereat the Queen was displeased, and the matter is still
under discussion.
All the Queen's ships have been ordered into dry dock to be
caulked and tarred, but nothing yet has been done towards arming
them, nor is there any noise of collecting seamen, but they want to
have the ships ready.
The Queen is leaving for Hampton Court to receive Montmorenci, and the Admiral* is leaving for France, he having been
created earl of Lincoln. It is arranged that he and Montmorenci
shall cross the Channel in opposite directions on the same day, in
order to keep up appearances.
It is generally asserted that when Parliament closes the duke of
Norfolk will be executed. The bishop of Ross, the queen of Scotland's ambassador, the earl of Southampton, son-in-law of Lord
Montague, two sons of Lord Derby, and Lord Lumley, son-in-law
of the earl of Arundel, are still in prison, the earl of Arundel
himself being under arrest in his own house, and Lord Cobham
under guard at Burleigh House. Thomas Cobham, brother of Lord
Cobham, is in the Tower with over thirty other gentlemen of high
position, all of them for being concerned with the queen of Scots
and the duke of Norfolk. The queen of Scots is being guarded
very closely in a castle eighty miles from here by the earl of
Shrewsbury and Sadler of the Council.
For the last two days it is said that the matter of the succession
has been brought up in Parliament, and it has been objected that
the eldest son of the earl of Hertford by his pretended wife
Catharine is not legitimate, by reason of the marriage not having
been published, both the Earl and his wife having been kept in
prison in consequence for many years, until her death, he being
fined as well eight thousand shillings. It has been claimed that
the second son is the heir to his father, as his parents were
married before he was born with the consent of the Queen and
Council, and in this light the second son would be the successor to
the Crown, but it is thought that no more will be done about it in
this Parliament.
Seeing the public aid being sent by Englishmen to Flanders,
and the impunity with which our rebels carry over arms and
victuals in so open a manner, I got the third person to say to
Burleigh, as if from me, that this would be likely to hinder the
good object of concord which had been suggested through me. It
is to be believed that he mentioned the matter to him, but as he
told me that he had not been able to see him, I went yesterday
to his, Burleigh's, chamber, and when he learnt that I wished to
urge him  not to allow this aid to be sent, he refused to see
me, and upon my waiting for him to come out of his chamber, he
* Clinton,




394


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1572.
saw me but pretended to be in a hurry. It is very clear that these
people are naturally inconstant.
Pointz, the Englishman, came from Flushing yesterday with
four other men who call themselves Flemish captains. They were
secretly with the Council for a long time, and it is said that their
business was, so far as is known, only to report the state of Flushing
and Brille. It is rumoured that a place of great importance in
Gueldres has risen, and much help will be sent from here and
elsewhere to the rebels.
I have only to add, that I have not been able to obtain more than
one copy of that traitor's manifesto, and consequently have to beg
that you will forward the one I enclose to his Majesty, after reading
it.-London, 24th May 1572.
29 May. 331. Continuation of aforegoing letter.
B. M.     Gives an account of the duke of Norfolk's execution.
Add. 26,056.  He said to the people that he had never willingly offended the
Queen, but acknowledged his error in wishing to marry the queen
of Scots without his Queen's permission. He never paid any attention to what the Italian Ridolfi had said or the letters from the
Pope he had shown him, and his only fault had been in not
denouncing it. He had, moreover, never had any leanings towards
the Pope or his creed, but had always been a conscientious
Protestant.  And so this unfortunate man died confessing his
schism, although some people have declared that he said this in the
hope of pardon, because when he was at liberty he sometimes
showed signs of differing in opinion from the heretics.
Nothing is being discussed in Parliament since then but the queen
of Scotland affairs, and it is said that Parliament will declare her
excluded from the succession to the throne, and that she will be
proceeded against criminally like an ordinary person, as they say
there are grounds for her condemnation, and it is believed that she
will be condemned.
The news from Flanders is producing incredible joy in our rebels
and amongst nearly all these people, and the least thing they shout
on 'Change and in the street is that the States are utterly lost
to us, and that your Excellency and the Spaniards will have to
leave. God grant that the troubles are permitted now by Him, in
order that the ungodly may afterwards be more completely confounded and punished by your Excellency.   It is to be hoped
that the arrival of the duke of Medina-Celi and his forces may
frighten the heretics, who will thus see those who are to confound
them.
Parliament has now decided to send an archbishop and two
bishops, as they are called here, and six councillors to proceed
against the queen of Scots, and it is believed that she will be in
great peril.
It is announced that the Scots have delivered to this Queen the
earl of Northumberland and five or six other English gentlemen
prisoners.  They will doubtless be executed without mercy.London, 29th May 1572.




ELIZABETH.


3O5


1572.
29 May. 332. ANTONIO DE GUARAS to the KING.
Encloses copies of all the aforegoing letters to the duke of Alba.
9 June.  333.
Another duplicate sent of the aforegoing.
23 June. 334. Document headed, "NEWS from ENGLAND " (from ANTONIO
B. M.           FOGAZA tb RUY GOMEZ?).
Add. 26,056b.
The principal reason for the risings in Zealand are the letters
(bills?)'given to the rebels by the merchants of Antwerp, some of the
richest of these having given such letters. I have just discovered
a- matter of the highest importance, especially if the duke of Alba
should not hitherto have heard of it, namely, that these Antwerp
men, through their agents here, are really finding the money for
the continual succour sent from here. In order that this wickedness may be punished, I enclose herewith the names of these
agents and their principals in Antwerp. There are still some
whose names I have not yet discovered, but will duly advise all I
can learn. The admiral of France has sent a gentleman hither to
see the Queen, and tell her that he was forced to surrender the
lands to the King before the time agreed upon. The letter did
not dwell upon other things, except to say that, as they could
not be entrusted to paper, the gentleman himself would declare
them.
I will go for three or four days to Kingston, to learn what
these Frenchmen are up to, as, from what I hear, I do not
think I was wrong in my opinion expressed on Montmorenci's first
coming. Foix had Burleigh in his house the other day, and
praised him highly for his great prudence, and said he was
esteemed everywhere. He said his wisdom might now be made
manifest tO all the world, as he (Foix) had special instructions
from the Queen and King to point out to Burleigh how advisable
it would be for the two Queens to join together and make war in
Flanders, where public feeling was fully prepared for it, as he
could prove to him by many letters received from Flanders, which
he showed him, pointing out how easy and profitable the enterprise would be. Foix could well do this, as he is a most diabolical
person, and a great rhetorician.  He added, that the territory
they conquered could be divided between England and France.
Burleigh listened willingly to this, as he is the inventor of the
alliance, and a mortal enemy of Castile. Foix afterwards broached
the subject to Leicester, but he did not take it so readily, nor did
the Queen.   This was the matter which Montmorenci was to
convey to the Queen in the Admiral's name, but I am told he did
so in the name of his prince.
So far as can be seen the Queen does not trust overmuch to
these offers and fine words, but wishes to have some sort of security
in her hands-thinking of Calais-and this may be managed if
Burleigh is favourable. It is more likely that this may be the
outcome than anything else, as I do not see where the Queen has
any money for a rupture of so much importance. I hope to learn
more, and will advise,




396


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1572.
25 June. 335.
After closing this letter ready for despatch I was obliged to stay
for two days longer to assure myself further about the negotiations
between the English and French. I am told that nothing will be
settled until the arrival of a courier from France, who was sent
firom here in great haste. It is thought that the Queen demands
sureties or hostages before she entertains anything.  By the
answer sent we shall know what the decision will be, and I will be
vigilant, in order to advise your Highness, sending you if possible a
copy of the agreement.
I am told on good authority that orders have been secretly
given for all sorts of warlike stores to be got ready. There is no
suspicion that they are arming, but they are really doing so
actively.  I am nevertheless assured that no fleet could be got
ready in less thanrsix- weeks.
News comes from Scotland that there is a cruel civil war
there between the Catholics and the heretics, who are killing each
other without respect or mercy. This was not the case before,
but only since Croc has been there. He is doing more harm than
good.
27 June. 336.
After having closed my letter a second time I was told that I
should have some important news about the French alliance with the
heads of the agreement, and kept back the bearer. I send enclosed
the rough heads by which your Highness will gather the substance,
and will send the full text as soon as I can get it, the document
being very long.
The expected reply from France arrived on the night of the
25th, and a letter came also from the King to this Queen in answer
to one she had sent to him, through her ambassador, about the
negotiation broached by Montmorenci and Foix in his name,
respecting a joint war in Flanders.  The answer was quite
different from what was expected, it having been found that the
business had been carried very far on slight grounds, to her (the
Queen's) very small advantage.  She dissembled as well as she
could, and went to the Council next day in person. Montmorenci
and the other two were there, and the Queen said to them, loudly,
that on no account would she break with the Catholic King. This
declaration was made very emphatically, and Montmorenci replied
that her intentions were much changed, as M. de Lumay had gone
from here with her consent and aid to rob the isle of Brille. The
Queen at once admitted it, but said it was a very different thing,
and protested that she desired to keep friendly with the house of
Burgundy. She tried hard to convince the Council that this was
her intention, as they were not in the secret, as Burleigh, Leicester,
and Bedford were. At last Montmorenci and Burleigh privately
agreed that, if the King consented to the draft treaty sent, this
Queen would do so. In order to lose no more time Montmorenci
decided to leave two days before he had intended, so as to get the
King to agree to the conditions,




ELIZABETH.


397


1572.
These people are very desirous of securing themselves in case
the treaty is agreed to, and Montmorenci is so desirous of carrying
it through that the point becomes less difficult. He, Montmorenci,
fears the Guises may have been at work to cool the King somewhat in the matter.
News comes from Scotland that Croc had reconciled the Catholics
with the heretics.
The night before last three ships left this river for Flushing,
with 1,500 men, mostly English, four cannons, two bronze culverins,
and some cast-iron ordnance, as well as much warlike stores.
The troops are raised secretly by Burleigh's orders, and at the cost
of the Flemings here.
28 June.   337.
Moritmorenci left this morning. The train he brought consisted
of 540 persons in all, amongst whom were 62 Monseigneurs, most
of the rest being gentlemen and captains. A ship from Flushing
arrived here this morning with news that the Castilians had taken
a fort a mile distant from the place, with losses on both sides,
and that Mons was surrounded by the troops of Chapin Viteli and
Don Fadrique (de Toledo).-London, 28th June 1572.
30 June.   338.    Document headed, "POINTS of LETTER         from  ANTONIO DE
B. M.              GUARAS to the DUKE OF ALBA."
Add. 36,056S.
That the queen of England had told Guaras, when he handed
her certain letters from the duke of Alba, that the Flushing people
came daily to offer to deliver the place to her, and, if it were to
the interests and the wish of his Majesty, she would accept it and
hold the town by means of the English who were there, and those
she would send for the purpose, with the object of, at once, surrendering the place to the duke of Alba, or his representative.
22 July.   339.    UNSIGNED    LETTER   of INTELLIGENCE from      London to the
B. M.              DUKE     f ALBA.#
Cotton,
Galba, G. iv.  I wrote to your Excellency on the 12th by Juan Medinal, who
Original draft. is the only person whom I trust with letters.
The news since then is that Sir H(umphrey Gil)bert, who, I
wrote in my last, was being sent as general to Flushing, has
entered the town quietly with his troops, and has been well received
by the inhabitants.
Captains Chester and L(ane) left here last Friday with their
men, about 600, it is said for Flushing and Caunfer.          Another
* The series of letters thus headed, which will be found in the present volume, some
of which to a certain extent supply the lack of correspondence from Guaras during the
two years from the end of 1572 to the end of 1574, exist, as will be seen by the marginal
reference, in the Cotton MSS. at the British Museum. The writer has, I believe, never
hitherto been identified, and most of the letters are catalogued as from Don Guerau de
Spes, which is certainly incorrect, as he had left England before the date of the first
letter so catalogued. I have no hesitation whatever in saying that they are written by
Antonio Fogaza, a Portuguese, to whom reference is made on page 351 nl of the present
volume. The letters in the British Museum are original drafts in Fogaza's own handwriting, and are full of arbitrary and private abbreviations, which render their meaning
sometimes obscure, in addition to which they have all been much damaged by fire.




SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1572.
captain, named Pearce, went with them, who had raised 300 men
since my last letter. He is going to Brille. A gentleman named
Pelham is going as chief of the whole force. He is lieutenant of
ordnance to the Queen, and is thought very much of for his great
knowledge of war and fortifications, having fought in the Emperor's
wars. He is a man of 50, tall, dark, with grey hair. The object
of his going is to inspect Flushing and Caunfer with a view to
their being fortified; and generally to ascertain what forces and
stores will be required for the war. He will return with his report
and send over what he may consider necessary. He is taking with
him 24 pieces, namely, 8 battery guns, 12 culverins, 4.
harquebusses, corselets, pikes, 100 barrels of powder, and a great
many other stores, besides what Sir Humphrey Gilbert has taken.
10 or 12 ships are to be loaded with these stores and the rest of
the troops. The four ships which I mentioned as coming from the
west country with 1,000 men have since arrived here, and have
left for the States. Twelve or fifteen other ships are being equipped
in various ports in addition to these, for the purpose of taking more
men to the States, and it is estimated that not less than 5,000 or
6,000 men will be sent before the end of the month, from London
and other ports. The men who have already gone from here, the
west and north, and elsewhere, must have reached 9,000 to 10,000,
as they are going from all parts. In this city nothing is seen or
heard of but soldiers and arms. Seven of the Queen's ships are
being fitted out, and Sir Ralph Sadler, one of the Queen's councillors, has gone to Rochester to superintend the shipment of
warlike stores. Great quantities of meat, biscuit, &c., are being
prepared in the ports, and this gives rise to the opinion that many
more men, in addition to the 10,000 already gone, are to be sent.
It may also be concluded that the ships that are to take them will
be well armed, and will remain off the places they take them to,
whilst the Queen's ships guard the channel and prevent an enemy
passing.
Captain William Winter, the vice-admiral, who is a very important and experienced mariner, whom your Excellency knows,
was ready to go over, as also was Captain John Hawkins, but the
Council has ordered them to remain behind for the present, no
doubt that they may go in the Queen's fleet.
The design is understood to be the capture of Middleburg and.    in order to get possession of all the island of Zealand..They also desire to take an island adjoining Zealand called Tregus,.
as they think they may thus stop relief being sent to Zealand by
your Excellency, and so strengthen their position in both places.
They think, by this means, to get a footing on the continent
opposite Flushing, whence they may command the approach by sea,
and so stop all communications, extending their power as far as
Bruges and Ghent. The earl of Warwick will be sent on this
enterprise with a large force. He formerly commanded at Havre
de Grace.
Your Excellency may be quite sure they would not enter into
such an undertaking as this, unless they knew they were going to
he backed up by France, but the main reason for their taking it in




ELIZARET14.


399


1572.
hand is the certainty they possess that, if once they can get hold
of Zealand, very many Netherlanders would throw off the mask and
show their bad spirit. There is a Florentine gentleman in the
service of the Queen called Portinario, a great engineer, who has
been here since King Henry's time, and receives a salary of 2001.
a year. He is a man of 70 years, but robust, a great Catholic,
and much attached to the King (Philip). He was summoned last
Wednesday night by the Queen, who told him to go to Flushing
and the other forts for her service. To this he replied: " Madam,
" I will gladly go if your Majesty orders me, but, as there is no
"war declared between England and Spain, those who go thither are
"carrying on an unfair war, and are liable to be hanged if captured,
so that, saving your Majesty's orders, I would rather not go."
The Queen laughed and said, " All right, Portinario, stay at home
then, but hold yourself in readiness."
Melchisedec Maleri, who I said in my last was going to the
States as a spy for Lord Burleigh, left last Thursday. He is to
have 100 marks a year. There recently left here also a Frenchman,
named Cl..., a great heretic, who is sent secretly by the
Flemish rebels here to hatch some plans against his Majesty in
Gravelines, St. Omer, and other places.
They are fitting out three war ships in this river, of which the
command will be taken by a Captain Prilberton (Pilleton?). They
are going towards the coast of Spain as far as Cape (Finis)terre and
St. Vincent, in order to rob all ships that fall in their way, and do
as much damage as they can.
The Queen left last Tuesday for a two months' pro-gress, and, on
the day before, she gave away many vacant offices in her court,
namely, to Burleigh (who was Cecil, her secretary) she gave the
Lord Treasurership and Chancellorship, the greatest place in the
country; she made Lord Howard the Lord Chamberlain, Lord Privy
Seal; and the earl of Sussex, Chamberlain. Sir Thomas Smith,
who went to France, was made principal secretary, the place formerly filled by Cecil, although the new man will not have so much
power as he had; and other offices were granted.
I said in my last that Benedict Spinola had bought all the
wools that had been arrested in this country, the property of his
Catholic Majesty's subjects, at very low prices, to the great loss of
the owners, and I now have to add that Benedict Spino]a had
arranged with Montmorenci, when he was here, that if these wools
were sent to France they should not be arrested on account of the
owners, but should be allowed to be freely sold.
After I had written the above, and was about to seal this letter,
I received advice that the Council had ordered Pelham and all his
forces, which, to a great number, are in and about Gravesend, not
to sail for the States until further orders are sent. This sudden
decision is doubtless because they have had news that your Excellency's fleet is about, or some other intelligence of a similar sort,
which has also caused them to order that all ships and men being
prepared in the west and elsewhere on the coast are to come hither
at once, no doubt with the intention of attacking your Excellency's
fleet with this strong force. Gravesend and the places near it are




400


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1572.
full of troops, and the ships are quite ready to sail, so that if they
hear they can go without danger (which news they are expecting
from hour to hour) they will leave at once without waiting for the
ships from the west and elsewhere.-London, 22nd July 1572.
7 Aug.   340. LETTER of INTELLIGENCE from London (unsigned) to the
B. M.           DUKE OF ALBA, Governor of the Netherlands.
Cotton,
Galba, C. iv.  I wrote to your Excellency on the 21st by Tassis, and have since
Original draft. received, by Juan Medinal, your Excellency's letter of same
date, by which I see that you had received all mine up to the
12th ultimo. I thank your Excellency for all your favours to me,
and for the news of the glorious victory achieved by your forces,
for which God be praised. I am greatly favoured by your
Excellency's commands that I should continue to serve here, which
I will do. I wrote in my last that Pelham, the Queen's Lieutenant
of the Ordnance, who was ready with his troops to go to Flushing,
had been ordered to stayhis departure, but he afterwards sailed,
and, from my connection at Court, I learn that some days afterwards
Sir Ralph Sadler, a very important person, Chancellor of the Duchy
of Lancaster and a Councillor, secretly followed him. I said in my
last that he had gone to Rochester to see the stores embarked on
the Queen's ships, but it seems he went on from there to Flushing
to take possession of it for the Queen, and, at the same time, to
consider with Pelham the best way of fortifying the place. If he
finds that it can be strongly held he is to inform the Queen of it at
once, but if the place cannot be well fortified, then Pelham will
take the best means for gaining admission into Flanders, and, will
ask your Excellency for a passport to go and see you for the
purpose of discussing peace negotiations between this Queen and
King. If he finds your Excellency willing to listen to him, he will
inform you that so important a person as this Sir Ralph Sadler is
near, and will come and treat with your Excellency together with
him. Sadler takes letters of credence and full powers from the
Queen to arrange a settlement and a re-opening of trade and the
ports, with a resumption of former privileges, and to offer the
appointment of a commission to deal with private claims.
If they can settle this they will surrender to your Excellency the
town of Flushing and other rebel places in their hands, making the
excuse that the Queen had seized them in his Majesty's interests,
and with the intention of delivering them to him. These are the
tricks that they always play to conceal their own devilish designs,
which they think nobody can see through.
Since my last the following has happened in Scotland. M. de Croc,
the French ambassador, had written a letter from the castle of
Edinburgh, where he was with the duke of Chatelherault and
others of that party, to the Earl Rothes, Chancellor of the kingdom.
The letter was intercepted and fell into the hands of the earl of
Morton, the Governor, and the earl of Mar, who are both the
creatures of this Queen. They kept the letter very quiet, but
shortly afterwards M. de Croc had occasion to leave the castle and
visit them on business. They discussed the matters about which he
came, and then, in consequence of his having communicated with




ELIZABETH.                        401.
1 72.
the earl of Rothes, and the contents of the letter, they suddenly
seized him and still detain him under arrest. He sent a gentleman, his son-in-law, hither, on his way to France, to inform the
King of his position. The gentleman has now returned hither
and left here for Scotland on the 17th ultimo, bearing very
favourable letters from the Queen to the earls of Morton and Mar,
asking them to release De Croc. As soon as he was gone, however,
they sent a man post haste to Berwick instructing Lord Hunsdon
to detain him until further orders, the intention being to keep him
until an answer is sent about the matter arranged with Montmorenci. This is the way they manage all their affairs; nothing but
trickery and deception.
On the 20th ultimo this Queen received news from her ambassador
in France that he had been told by Birago,* the Keeper of the
Seals (who was one of those who received presents from this Queen
for bringing about the alliance), that the Emperor had written to
the King strongly remonstrating with him for deserting the sacred
league against a barbarous enemy, and for having joined a confederation of enemies of the holy church; urging him very strongly to
free himself from such people. These views are to be furthermore
verbally pressed by a gentleman from the Emperor who is on his
way to Spain, and the Nuncio is also to speak to the King on the
part of his Holiness, whilst the Venetian ambassador is to take a
similar step.  This is greatly disturbing the Queen and her
Councillors, who fear that the King's advisers may waver, and this
distrust is one of the reasons why they are now ready to come to
terms with his Majesty (Philip).
On the 21st ultimo a Fleming called Casimbrot, Secretary of the
town of Bruges and brother of a Secretary of the count of (Egmont?)
who was beheaded, arrived at this Court with letters from the prince
of Orange and the princes of Germany, as their envoy.  The
letters he brings are in answer to those sent by the Queen in June
last by her gentleman Weston(?), who speaks German, as I-wrote
on the 30th June. The duke of Saxony writes very briefly, and
refers to Casimbrot who will state everything verbally; the Count
Palatine and the marquis of Brandenburg say that they are ready
with forces of foot and horse for the Netherlands whenever they
hear that the queen of England and king of France will assail the
States on the other side.  Orange writes a long letter full of
promises that Duke August, the Palatine, and Brandenburg will
give great help towards the entrance into the Netherlands, begging
her not to desist from the enterprise to which she has set her hand
and to continue to strengthen the maritime provinces. He also thanks
her warmly for her efficient aid to the Count de la Marque in taking
and holding Brille. The gentleman (Casimbrot) was very well treated
at Court, and when he asked for a prompt reply to take back to
Germany, they told him to enjoy himself and make good cheer for
they would soon give him an answer that would rejoice him. The


* Rene de Biragues or Birago, Chancellor of France, who was shortly afterwards
active in promoting the massacre of St. Bartholomew for which he was made a
cardinal.


y 76467.




402 -


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1572.
rebel heretics here are making a collection for the support of
Orange in the Netherlands and have their hearts quite fixed
on it.
On the 21st also there arrived here the Secretary of the French
ambassador bringing a letter from the King in answer to that sent
by the Queen by Montmorenci. He thanks her for her kindness
and goodwill, but instructs the ambassador to inform her verbally
of certain reasons why he cannot, at present, give a decided answer
on the points discussed with Montmorenci and Foix on his behalf.
I believe the reasons are the letters received by the King from the
Pope and the Emperor, exhorting him not to join the confederation.
He says that he must satisfy them first, but will afterwards fulfil
his part. In the meanwhile, he begs her to exert her influence to
get Croc released and to fulfil her treaty obligations in bringing
about peace and concord in Scotland.
Montmorenci, the Admiral, and Foix, write long letters to the
Queen and Burleigh, saying what great things they hope to do, but
they cannot, they say, do them until after the wedding of Navarre,
When they think they will be able to get the King to agree to
anything, as so many of their principal friends will be collected
together. In the meanwhile they urge her to continue to assail
the coasts of the Netherlands, whilst they concentrate forces on the
land side, ready to help Ludovic.
The man who calls himself Navarre has also written a letter to
the Queen thanking her warmly for her generous help to Rochelle
and to the rest of his party last year, and saying that he is going
to do great things presently, and that all is going well.
The great victory which God has sent to Don Fadrique your son
was known here on the 26th ultimo. Their dismay here may be
imagined, as all their hopes are founded on their being able to
embarrass his Majesty and assail the Low countries by sea. They
therefore refuse to believe it, or at least, try to make out that the
victory is not half so great as it is. The rejoicing of the godly at
it cannot be exaggerated. God be thanked.
As soon as the news arrived here the Queen sent a gentleman in
great haste to Flushing with letters for Sir Ralph Sadler and
Pellham, recalling them immediately.  They came at once and
Sadler landed very secretly near Sandwich on the 30th ultimo.
Pelham came back in disguise to Gravesend.  He went to the
Court but has now returned to this city.   He reported that
Flushing could not be defended, unless a fleet so powerful as to be
able to resist that of your Excellency is sent. It is not known
whether Pelham will return thither.
On the 27th ultimo at midday a Secretary of the Count de la
Marque arrived here and at once proceeded to the Court, fifty miles
off, to beg for aid in men and victuals, as they had obtained
possession of an entrance into Holland )y which stores could be
introduced.
On the 27th ultimo a young French gentleman named M. de la
Mole arrived from the French Court with letters from the King.
He came post with great speed, and only took four days in coming
from Paris to London. When he left Paris the news of the defeat




EELIZABETH.


403


1572.
near Mons was known, and I am told by my friends at Court that
as soon as the King (of France) heard of it, he was closeted for over
two hours with the duke of Montmorenci, and then sent this gentleman off. La Mole is very friendly with the Duke D'Alen9on, and, as
soon as he arrived, the French ambassador here announced that he
had come to visit this Queen from the Duke, as it is not wished
that it shall be known that he comes from the King. That was the
reason they chose such a lad for the mission. It is all an invention
of Montmorenci's. On the 28th, at eleven o'clock at night, Lord
Burleigh came very secretly with only his private attendants to
speak with this Monsieur, and when all folks were asleep he and
the ambassador and La Mole walked up and down a chamber for
an hour and a half. Burleigh entered into his, La Mole's, mission,
and could not conceal his satisfaction, as he is at the bottom of all
the opposition to his Majesty (Philip). La Mole remained in the
city until the 1st instant when he went to Court with        the
ambassador. On Sunday the 3rd he was taken to the palace very
secretly at night when all the people had retired, and was introduced into a private chamber where he conferred with the Queen
in the presence only of the earl of Leicester, the ambassador, and
Secretary Smith (who was in France). Burleigh was not present,
being absent from Court, and only one lady-in-waiting was with
the Queen.    La Mole gave the Queen an autograph letter of
credence from the King, the rest of the letters being written by
Montmorenci, and when the Queen had read it, she was full of
graciousness and caresses, and he then proceeded to state his
mission. He said that the King could not openly declare himself
in the matter of Flanders as she desired, for many reasons, and that
the best and most desirable way of gaining their ends would be to
proceed in the same way as heretofore; as otherwise it would
provoke a league of the Pope, the king of Spain, the Venetians and
others, against which he could not defend himself. He was against
any rash action. The king of Portugal had a large force of 12,000
or 15,000 men, and he was assured that the duke of Savoy was
fully armed, and all this must be considered before any bold step
was taken. But if any prince declared himself against this country
he (the king of France) would at once side with this Queen.
On Monday the 4th M. de la Mole went very bravely to the
palace, and was received in state by the Queen and all the lords,
as an envoy who had come to salute her from Alenmon, with all the
usual tricks and ceremonies of the French and these people. He
is still at Court being feasted and made much of.*
With him comes a gentleman from the admiral of France,
bringing letters from him and Montmorenci explaining and excusing the King from openly declaring himself in the matter of
Flanders, but they say they are raising 8,000 more foot and 2,000
* It is somewhat curious that most of the unofficial writers of letters of about this tdate
appear to have had no inkling that the real suitor for the Queen's hand at the time was
the duke of Alen9on, and that the negotiations for the match were so forward as we
now know them to have been. The published correspondence of La Mothe-Fenelon, the
French ambassador, show that the principal object of La Mole's visit was to persuade
the Queen of his young master's affection for her,
cc.




404


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1572.
horse to trouble your Excellency and endeavour to help Count
Ludovic, and sustain him until the Prince of Orange could.enter the
Low Country. They would await him until the 15th instant,
with 12,000 infantry and 4,000 horse, and the Palatine and the
marquis of Brandenburg, would go towards Mons; and urged the
importance of Orange going to the Low Countries at once, and
munitions and men being sent from here.
I have been unable to get any further news, as the Court is so
far off, and the person of confidence there who brought me this
advice had great trouble in doing so.  I will report all I can
discover.
I learn that, of the proceeds of the goods taken at Flushing,
Ludovic gave the admiral of France 150,000 (crowns?) to help pay
the troops, and 100,000 to Orange.
I wrote that seven of the Queen's ships were ready for sea at
Gravesend, and that private ships were also ready in other ports
awaiting orders. They are still in suspense, but a few days ago
600 more men were sent to Flushing.
News has arrived here that the English had landed on the isle
of Tregus for the purpose of taking it, as I said they would do in
mine of the 21st, but your Excellency's forces attacked them to so
good a purpose as to kill 400 of them and put the rest to flight,
which has greatly grieved people here. No doubt your Excellency
will have heard ere this that the poor earl of Northumberland had
been surrendered in Scotland to the officers of this Queen and
brought to Berwick.   He has been examined there by Lord
Hunsdon, the governor, and they are trying to make him confess
the names of his accomplices. He replied that, for his own part,
if they considered that he had offended against the laws, he was
willing to submit himself to the punishment, but he was not the
man, nor did he come of a race, that accused others, and it would
ill become him to do so. They have brought the poor gentleman
to York, where it is said they will cut off his head.
It is reported from Scotland that the brother of the earl of
Huntly and other friends of the queen of Scotland have had
three encounters with their enemies, in each of which they were
victorious, killing and capturing many of the other side. A bad
piece of news for these people.
I send this by a special messenger to Paris, to the care of the
ambassador there, Don Diego de Z(uhiiga), as the way by Dover
and Calais is inconvenient at present.-London, 7th August 1572.
Note.-Much damaged by fire.
19 Aug. 341. LETTER of INTELLIGENCE from London (unsigned) to the
B. M.           DUKE OF ALBA.
Coatton,  I wrote fully on the 7th instant, sending the letter, with others
Galba, C. iv.f        le                      n
Original draft. for his Majesty's Court, to the ambassador Zuniga in Paris by a
special messenger vid Rye and Dieppe, the road by Dover not
being convenient. I send this by a sate man addressed to the care
of Tassis.
I have now to report that the sending of men to the Netherlands




ELIZABETH.


405


1572.
has somewhat quieted down, and I have not heard of any going
since my last.  It is true that, as the Court is now 90 miles
off, it is difficult to get intelligence of what is going on, but still
ships are leaving constantly from the ports at the mouth of the
river and from Dover with stores, ammunition, and anything else
they like to send.
M. de la Mole and the resident French ambassador are at Court,
taking part in the grand feasts and entertainments there, and it is
said that they will stay until they receive a reply from their King
to a messenger sent post to him on the 10th instant, and also to
Montmorenci and the Admiral. At the same time the Queen also
sent a gentleman of Burleigh's to her ambassador in Paris, with
letters from Burleigh and Leicester to Montmorenci and the
Admiral.
On the 12th instant the son-in-law of De Croc passed through
here from Scotland on his way to France. He reports that his
father-in-law had been released, and that the Catholics and their
opponents had come to terms. He would not give particulars, but
it does not matter, as we shall soon know. Many special messengers have been posting through here lately from France, with
despatches for the Court; one of them is the steward of the French
ambassador, and the others are sent by the English ambassador
there. I have two gentlemen, very great Catholics, who keep me
well posted as to what is going on, and they left this city for the
Court some days ago. They will remain there until they learn
the reply from France, when they will bring it to me for the information of your Excellency. In the meanwhile, your Excellency
may be assured that the design of the English is to support Mons
to hold out through the winter and assist the coast places, to the
end that Orange may there establish his winter quarters, and join
with the 8,000 foot and 2,000 horse which Montmorenci says he
has ready for the purpose.-London, 19th August 1572.
Note.-Much damaged by fire.
21 Aug.  342. Document headed: NEWS from       LONDON to GUERAU DE
B. M.           SPES.
Add. 26,056b.  The late misfortunes of the queen of Scots arise from  the
following causes:
1. The negligence of Ridolfi, who at the beginning of his voyage
in Flanders in April 1571 told all his secrets and instructions to
Charles Baily, a Fleming, who was a young fellow, and not of the
quality fit to be entrusted with such great affairs.
2. The said Charles, having arrived in England, and being
put to torture, declared to the Queen's Council all he knew, and
more.
3. In consequence of this confession the bishop of Ross was at
once imprisoned in the month of May 1571, and has been frequently
accused of being the author of all the proposed enterprises.
4. At the same time an ambassador who was in Antwerp discovered Ridolfi's plot, and his instructions, all of which he conveyed
to the duke of Florence, who gave a full account thereof to the queen
of England. This was declared by the queen of England's lawyer




406


SPANISH STATE PAPEIAS.


1572.
at the trial of the Duke before the peers, so it is undoubtedly
true.
5. The duke of Norfolk was betrayed by his own servants,
especially by two secretaries, who kept his ciphers which he had
6rdered to be burnt, but they were handed to the Council instead,
and thus all the writings deciphered.
The D]uke himself when he was first taken to the Tower in
September 1571 wrote secretly to one of his secretaries, called
Master Bannister, asking him to direct the secretaries and servants
to burn all his letters, which were in a trunk at lis house, and
to urge the bishop of Ross to do the same. This letter was taken
and produced at the trial against the Duke.
The Council never had any letter of the bishop of Ross', or
of his mistress, and the Bishop was accused on the following
points:1. For promoting the rebellion in the North.
2. For having solicited the Duke and fifteen other noblemen to
stay the Parliament held in 1571, and to imprison the Queen of
England.
3. For having pressed the Duke and other nobles to seize the
Tower of London. For having promoted Ridolfi's plot with the
intention of bringing a large foreign fleet to England, and introducing the Catholic religion, liberate the queen of Scots, raise her
to the throne, and marry her to the duke of Norfolk.
The Duke and his servants confessed that the Bishop had proposed these things to him, but that the Duke refused his consent
thereto.  Master Barker, the Duke's secretary, confessed that
he had been to the Spani-h ambassador to declare to him the
Duke's willingness to put the enterprise into execution, and that
he had handed him two letters from the Pope to the duke of
Norfolk.
For this reason the Duke tried to avoid the suspicion of being a
Catholic by denouncing the Pope, both at his trial and on the
scaffold.  Before and since the Duke's death the question of
executing the queen of Scotland and the bishop of Ross las several
times been considered, but it has been prevented chiefly by the
Christian King.
It was recently decided to hand the Bishop over to Morton and
other enemies, in return for the surrender of the earl of Northumberland, who was sold to England for 2,0001., and beheaded at
York. The English Parliament has recently been sitting for the
principal purpose of passing a law to exclude the queen of Scots
from the succession, but the nobles refused their consent, as also
did the queen of England herself. The Parliament is therefore
porrogued until November.
There is a league of smoke between the queen of England and
the king of France, it is said with the object of marrying the Queen
to the youngest brother of the King, but everybody knows that the
Queen will never marry, so that our friends think the league will
not last long.
Nothing is said in this treaty about the release of the queen of
Scots, and it is therefore believed she will remain a prisoner in




ELIZABETH.                        407
1572.
England, but certain conditions are made with the object of
pacifying Scotland, without mentioning the Queen. There is to
be a truce for two months there.
The queen of Scotland's enemies have told the King of France
that she has broken old alliances with the French, and made a
fresh league with the king of Spain, this having been principally
the work of the bishop of Ross. The queen of Scots has assured
the Christian King that this is all false and an invention of her
enemies to alienate him from her.. The bishop of Ross has been taken from the Tower of London
and placed in the care of the bishop of Winchester, pending the
Queen's decision as to what is to be done with him. He has
been made to pay a large sum of money for his keep in the
Tower, and, on this excuse, they have taken all his property,
jewels, and even his long gowns, which he wore when he was
taken. He is treated like a subject, but is very glad to get off
so lightly.
30 Aug.  343. LETTER of INTELLIGENCE (unsigned) from   London to the
B. M.           DUKE OF ALBA, Governor of the Netherlands.
Cotton,
Galba, C. iv.  I wrote to your Excellency on the 19th instant, and since then
Original draft. the following has happened. On the night of the 19th, Casimbrot,
who was here from the prince of Orange, left here on his return
to Holland, taking with him four ministers of their sect to preach
and teach their doctrines there. Mark de la Palma is the nanager
of these things.  Casimbrot is going to give an account of his
mission to Orange, and takes with him bills of exchange for
30,000 pounds sterling, advanced by the Queen through the
English merchants in Hamburg, to help Orange to pay his troops.
They tell him he must establish his winter quarters shortly at., and further help will not be lacking from here and
France.
On the 20th an English captain named..     left this river
with 150 Englishmen to join the rest, whilst from Southampton
and the Isle of Wight four ships with men and stores recently left
for the same parts.
On the 21st an English gentleman and another from Flushing
arrived at Court, which is still out of London, and had great conferences with the Council. They were despatched at once, and,
from what I can understand, they were promised that a large
force of men shall be sent thither, which is another proof of the
design I have already mentioned to seize and 'hold Flushing, so as
to be on a better footing for negotiating with his Majesty. An
English captain also arrived at Court from Flushing on the 23rd,
having passed through Antwerp first.
On the 22nd. M. de la Mole and the French ambassador took
leave of the Court, where there have been very grand doings, and
La Mole left here on his return to France on the 28th. My two
gentlemen have not yet arrived from Court to inform me what was
decided.
On the 22nd they cut off the head of the poor earl of Northumberland at Berwick, and the head was brought to the city of




o40


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1572,
York, where it has been publicly exposed. On the scaffold he said
he died in the Catholic faith, and, that if he had a thousand lives
he would sacrifice them all for its sake; that this sect was bad and
false, and other things of the same sort.
I have reported to your Excellency that, in addition to selling
the goods seized belonging to subjects of his Catholic Majesty, they
have secretly sold the wools at any valuation they like to put
upon them; Spinola getting hold of them on his own terms.
This is nothing less than barefaced robbery. Spinola is going to
send the wool to Rouen, as he has a pledge from Montmorenci
that it shall not be embargoed by the owners. Spinola in this
transaction has been joined by certain Spaniards who had little
thought of their duty to God and their King. If your Excellency
wishes it, this wicked iniquity might be stopped by the action of
the (Spanish) ambassador in France.
Another business on a par with this has been set afoot by some
Spaniards here, who have petitioned the Queen to grant the recovery
of certain merchandise detained here, on the pretext that it has been
concealed and secretly stolen from subjects of his Majesty, from
whom these Spaniards assert they hold powers of attorney, which
is quite untrue.  The Queen has granted their request, and has
appointed a commission of four person to carry out the recovery.
The value will be very large. I send a copy of the appointment
of the commission, but the whole business is simply plunder
and robbery of everything they can lay their hands on, and to
divide it between them.   They have already stolen much in
similar ways, which might have been recovered if an agreement
had been arrived at.
On the 28th the news arrived here (but not the particulars) of
the destruction committed on the Huguenots in Paris.    This
affair has dismayed and grieved the sectarians here, and the
Court is quite astounded to see how entirely different from their
expectations events have turned out in respect to their new league,
and the designs they founded on it, one of which was the sending
of troops to Flanders. Great events are expected to spring from
the occurrence, and I will communicate what I hear.-London, 30th
August 1572.
Note.-Much damaged by fire.
30 Aug.   344. ANTONIO DE GUARAS to the DUKE OF ALBA.
On the 21st instant I wrote to your Excellency by an express
courier, enclosing letters which the Queen had ordered to be handed
to me, which I trust will have been received, but enclose copy
herewith.
I have received no letters from your Excellency since then, and
have only to say that the Queen is hunting, eighty or ninety miles
off, the Court being still in London. It was said that she was
dangerously ill for one or two nights but is now recovered.
Two days since the French ambassadors arrived here and M. de
la Mole took leave of the Queen. It is understood that he has not
been able to carry through his negotiation for help and money




ELIZABETH.


409


1572.
against Flanders; the conversation has rather turned upon their
surprise at the loss suffered by the Huguenots near Mons.
Two posts from Paris arrived here yesterday, one of them from
the English ambassador there and the other from the king of
France to his ambassador here. When they disembarked at Rye,
the English post, acting under legal authority, took the letters away
from the French post, and with both packets went to the Queen.
No news has yet come from the Court as to what they contain, but
people who are flying from France bring the intelligence that an
incredible event has happened in Paris. If what they say is true,
eight thousand Huguenots have been put to death, the whole
faction, together with the man they call the king of Navarre, the
Prince of Conde, and the Admiral of France, as well as all the
principal persons met together for the marriage feast of Navarre.
Your Excellency will have full information, but people here are
panic-stricken as if they believed it, and, if it be true, the Queen
and Council will be equally alarmed. God grant that it may be
true and that these rebel heretics have met with this bad end.
Since then there is no intelligence of English soldiers going over
to Flanders, and this last news will give them something else to
think about. The Court is awaiting the reply of his Majesty and
your Excellency to their offer to recall the English.
It is publicly asserted here that the Earl of Northumberland has
been executed, and so I am informed from the Court.
As may be supposed, if this news from Paris be true, the league
between these people and the French will come to nothing, as
people were already murmuring that they could not trust Frenchmen,
nor would they establish the wool staple in Calais and Rouen as
had been agreed upon.
It is understood that the queen of Scotland is well in health,
although closely guarded. She has been, however, very ill. It is
said that a truce has been agreed upon in Scotland for two
months.
As I wrote to your Excellency the sale of the wools was simply
an excuse for committing a shameful robbery. The purchasers,
Spinola and his companions, intend to ship them for Rouen. Our
ambassador in France might try to get them seized in the interests
of the owners, as having been dishonestly bought and sold. A
more notorious robbery still is being planned as regards the goods
seized here belonging to his Majesty's subjects which are not in the
inventory. The value is over a million and, without authority
from the owners and at the artful request of some rogues here, the
Queen has ill-advisedly granted the appointment of a commission
on the subject, and between the commissioners and these dishonest
men, the whole of the property will be dissipated. It may well be
considered that if ever we begin to arrange a concord again, the
dishonest sale of the wools and the bad proceedings as regards the
rest of the merchandise will greatly stand in our way, unless some
remedy is provided.
Although not much public discussion exists on the matter, a very
great deal of private anxiety exists amongst people here respecting
a new sect, which, for the last eight years has been strongly and




410


SPANISH STATE- PAPERS.


1672.
impertinently opposing the prevailing religious sect in the country.
It is believed that in time they will give rise to bitter dissensions
amongst them, and I send enclosed a printed book which has been
brought out by these new sectarians, that your Excellency may be
informed of the infernal propositions which it contains.* There
are many adherents of this new sect, and they are supported by
persons of high position. It is, however, the will of God that the
wicked should confound the wicked and error should defeat error.
Five or six English ships are being fitted out lere, and it is said
that two more will sail from Bristol loaded with cloth and other
merchandise for Galicia and Andalucia. They are especially going
to trade in the isles of Bayona, ignoring the fact that his Majesty
has prohibited it. It is to be supposed that measures will be taken
to prevent them.
After I left the Court I heard that the Council had sent three
couriers, one after the other, to Flushing and Brille, and it has
been since asserted that their Englishmen have gone to Tregus, as
they say here.
I have since heard that, whilst the Queen was hunting in company with her principal Councillors, the said post from  France
reached her, and she read the letters at once, whereupon she
immediately abandoned her hunting and returned to her palace, so
distressed at the news that all the Court was downcast, although no
further details have arrived here.-London, 30th August 1572.
6 Sept.  345. ANTONIO DE GUARAS to the DUKE OF ALBA.
On the 30th ultimo I wrote to your Excellency last by Antonio
de Tassis, and since then I have received no letters, nor has my
special courier despatched to  your Excellency  on the 21st
returned.
The only thing now to say is that the late events in France have
effectually silenced all other matters here. The surprise is so great
that nothing else is spoken of and posts come every day from Paris
bringing fresh particulars. This Court is much distressed, and the
alliance with France is now publicly declared to be a nullity.
Since the news came, the Council meets to discuss the matter
every day, and to take such measures as may be needed in
consequence of it.
Rumours have been afloat to day that a public proclamation was
to be issued declaring the English who had gone to the States with
arms to be rebels, unless they returned within a certain time, on
the ground that they left here without the permission of the Queen
and Council. It is asserted that this proclamation will be issued
one day next week.
Since I came from the Court there is nothing fresh excepting to
repeat that they are much grieved at having received no reply
from your Excellency to the offer they made.
The French ambassador M. de la Mole has left, although in
consequence of events in France, it is asserted that the Council
enjoined M. de la Mothe, the resident ambassador here, to remain in
* This was no doubt the famous "Admonition to the Parliament," written by five
puritan Ministers, named, Gilhy, Sampson, Lever, Field, and Wilcox,




PELIZA1BETTI.


411


1572.
his domicile and not to write to his king, until the treatment of the
English ambassador in France and of other Englishmen there was
ascertained.
When the Council received news of the French affair they sent
in great haste intelligence to the queen of Scotland's enemies,
advising them to beware of the Catholics, fearing that the French
might try to do the same thing in Scotland as they had done in
France.
It has been announced and confirmed that the earl of Morton,
the Regent of Scotland, has been killed by poison, but it is not
certain.
No English soldiers are now leaving for the States, but on the
contrary, three hundred of them have come back hither, most of
them wounded. Neither harquebusses nor artillery are being taken,
as they say Flushing and Brille are well supplied with them, but it
appears that they are short of gunpowder and quantities of it are
being sent daily.
A certain Aselier went to Flushing and is now back here again.
He has great connections there, and is especially in communication
with a brother of his who is in the Antwerp magistracy.
There is a great outcry and rejoicing amongst the evil-minded
here about the entry of Orange into Malines, and they say that his
power is incredibly great, but it is hoped that, by God's help, your
Excellency will confound him, his brother, and his friends.
Since writing the above, I learn from people who came from
Berwick that when the earl of Northumberland was brought on to
the scaffold he addressed the people and said he had three things
to tell them: first, that he was being unjustly executed, because he
would not recognise the Queen for his sovereign or his judge;
second, he asked that they would pray for him, and said he
pardoned all his enemies and prayed for pardon for all his offences;
the third point, upon which he dwelt urgently and at length was,
that he wished them all to bear witness that lie had lived all his
days, and died now, firmly and faithfully believing in the holy
Roman Catholic Church, in the seven sacraments, and all the rest.
He confessed that the supreme pontiff was the only head of the
Church, and condemned with great vehemence all other doctrines,
which he said were invented by the devil and his ministers, the
sectaries, and innovators.  The officers of justice, being offended
with this holy and faithful profession, refused to allow him to say
more, and so, with great devotion and patience, he surrendered his
soul to God. They brought his head to York, where they allege
that he committed his offence. He has always been considered a
virtuous, wise, and devout man, and by his death proved that he
was a true Catholic, whom God bless.-London, 6th September:1572.
8 Sept.  346. LETTER of INTELLIGENCE (unsigned) from London to the
B. M.           DUKE OF ALBA, Governor of the Netherlands.
(aottoln, Ov n the 30th ultimo I wrote by Tassis, sending a copy of the
Galba, C. xv.
Original draft. Queen's commission to sell secretly the goods detained here belonging
to Spanish subjects.




412


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1572.
As I wrote, M. de la Mole left here for France. It appears the
result of his mission was that during the 20 days he was at Court
three couriers came to him from the King, bringing letters directing
him to urge forcibly upon the Queen to break with his Catholic
Majesty, as there were urgent reasons for her doing, and she should
not miss the opportunity that now presented itself. He, on his
part, would in such case, seek a pretext for doing the same, and
would prove his good will in the matter by giving her, within
15 days after her rupture with the King (Philip), 200,000 ducats;
and Mole showed the Queen all the fine promises contained in the
King's letters.
They replied to Mole that they were not satisfied with the King's
mode of proceeding, as the Queen had written in her own hand to
him, whereas he had not done so to her. He was assured that
until the King wrote and signed all these promises with his own
hand they would have nothing to do with the matter, which was
one of great weight. They said the only thing they would do
was to supply the coast provinces of Flanders with victuals and
ammunition, as they had done, having sent Orange 30,0001. recently
through Hamburg.
Mole could give no answer to this, but to say that within three
weeks of his crossing the channel the King would send to the
Queen a fully satisfactory assurance. He was then given a gold
chain worth 500 ducats and went.
The Queen at once sent to her ambassador in Paris, saying that
she was not satisfied with their mode of proceeding, and telling
him to be very careful, in spite of their caresses, which she says
are greater than ever. She directs him, at any cost, to discover
what is being done there by the ambassadors of Spain and Portugal,
as it is of the greatest importance. Montmorenci and the Admiral
also wrote to the Queen, to Burleigh, and Leicester, to the same effect
as the King, urging her to break with Spain, and promising that, after
the marriage (i.e., of Navarre), the Admiral himself would take the
10,000 foot and 2,000 horse they had ready to Mons, there to join
the prince of Orange's force of 12,000 foot and 4,000 horse, raise
the siege and pass the winter in Flanders. They begged her to
persevere in her remittances of food and stores to the coast, and all
would turn out well. Sir Humphrey Gilbert writes from Flushing,
sending copy of a letter received from Ludovic by the governor of
Flushing, saying that he had received written promises from the
admiral of France to the same effect as the above, and the Flushing
people were encouraged to stand firm for this reason. When the
news of the destruction in Paris was known, the bishops went to
the Queen and represented to her that, to prevent disturbances in
this country, the bishops and other clergy now imprisoned should
be executed, which the Queen refused to order. She, however,
sent orders to the earl of Shrewsbury that the queen of Scots was
to be very strictly guarded and not allowed to leave the house.
She sent 25 of her own guard to watch over her.
The Council has summoned 15 Catholic gentlemen who live on
their estates in Norfolk, with the object of persecuting them because
they will not accept the communion of this accursed sect. It




ELIZABETH.


413


tl72.
seems they are going to do the same with everybody. God in His
mercy succour us!
I am told that, since events in France became known, the Council
have been considering the sending of a person to the duke of
Saxony, to induce him to persuade the Emperor to intercede for
the purpose of bringing about peace between his Catholic Majesty
and the Queen, but no decision has been arrived at as they,
doubtless, wish to see more clearly before them, and learn the
significance of the French affair.
Ten days ago there arrived from Flushing a Fleming called
Philip Aselier, of Antwerp, who has sent over, and now takes with
him, a great quantity of arms, stores, and victuals. He brings
hither with him two ships loaded with the poor merchandise
plundered from the flotilla from Spain and Portugal, which he
has taken in exchange for the goods exported from here. He is a
bad man and does much harm in this way. He is in communication
with his... (brothers?) in Antwerp, particularly one who
is the town clerk there, and who came over here secretly and
returned.
The Catholics and Protestants have come to terms in Scotland
at the intercession of Croc, the French ambassador. His son-inlaw, who had returned to France, came hither again a few days
ago, and has now gone on to Scotland. It is not known what his
errand is, but the good news from France makes us think that he
is going on behalf of the Catholics. There is a rumour that the
Vidame de Chartres, Montomneri, and others have escaped from
France and taken refuge in Guernsey, with the intention of coming
to this country shortly. An enormous number of French.uguenots
have fled to Rye.
The French ambassador has gone from London to the Court with
letters from his master respecting the occurrences in Paris. When
I learn particulars I will report to your Excel'ency. Lord Burleigh,
who is now Lord Treasurer, is coming to this city in a day or two
for the purpose of pacifying it, as, since the news from France, the
sectarians, who are the great majority here, are holding meetings
and showing signs of a desire to make some movement against the
Catholics. as a retaliation on what was done to the Huguenots.
This has gone so far that some of their preachers have not hesitated
to urge them from the pulpit to take such action, and, in the
interests of peace and tranquillity, the Queen has now come to
Windsor, only 20 miles from here, and will shortly come to London.
I beg your Excellency to have the enclosed despatch for Senor
Ruy Gomez forwarded.-London, 8th September 1572.
Note.-Damaged by fire.
16 Sept. 347. LETTER of INTELLIGENCE from London (unsigned) to the
B. M.           DUKE OF ALBA, Governor of the Netherlands.
Cotton,   I wrote to your Excellency on the 8th by Antonio de Tassis, and
Galba, C. iv.
Original draft. the news now is that, the Court learns that the prince of Orange has
entered the States in force and that the towns have received him,
and nearly all Holland is for him. A gentleman of this city, named
Thomas Gresham, a very rich and important man, has therefore beeA




414


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1572.
sent secretly to Holland by sea. He has lived in the States for
many years as factor of the kings and queens of England, speaks
Flemish well, and has been a great friend of the prince of Orange.
He is taking a large sums of money and bills for the purpose of
supporting the Prince if he prospers in his enterprise, which God
forbid, but one of the causes of his going is to claim the countess
of Northumberland,* wife of the Earl whom they recently beheaded,
who resides at Malines, the earl of Westmoreland, Lord Morley,
and others who live at Louvain, if they should have been found in
any of the towns which have welcomed Orange. He is ready to
pay a large sum of money to get these people into his hands and
send them hither, and much importance is attached to this, so that,
if the poor people have not fled before the towns surrendered, they
will be bought by these English. If the prince of Orange prospers
they have ready here some 7,000 men who have been collected
secretly to aid him; 3,000 in London, 2,000 in the ports on the
east coast, and 2,000 in the west country. The seven Queen's
ships, of which I recently wrote, are ready to carry over the.5,000
here and on the east coast, as well as seven other ships of from
100 to 250 tons which were sailing for the coast of Spain to
plunder, but have now been ordered to stay for this purpose if
necessary. John Hawkins is in the port of Plymouth preparing
17 of his ships to take over the men from the west country.
To show your Excellency the wickedness and deceit of these
people, I may say that a quantity of merchandise that had been
plundered by the Caunfer people was brought by them to Ipswich,
a port sixty miles from here. As soon as it arrived an embargo
was placed on this merchandise by the persons to whom it belonged,
but on lord treasurer Burleigh being informed of this, he instructed
the collector of customs of the place to raise the embargo and
allow the goods to be sold, the proceeds being employed in the
purchase of victuals and stores to be sent to Caunfer for the maintenance of the Queen's subjects and friends thereabouts.  Pelham,
the Lieutenant-General of Ordnance, of whom I have written, was
sent in great haste to Portsmouth a week ago, and I expect hourly
to learn the particulars of his erranrd. It is said he has gone to
fortify the place, which is of the first importance to them, particularly as they are suspicious about the armaments in France,
there having been grave distrust here ever since the Paris event,
and orders have been given that no ship is to leave for France,
from any of the ports until further orders.
I wrote that the factions in Scotland had effected a truce for two
months, but they are already in arms again, and this Queen has
sent thither a gentleman named Killigrew, who is greatly trusted
by her, although I do not know what his errand is, but will try to
discover.
* The Countess escaped, but her house at Malines was sacked by the soldiery of
Orange. In the following year she addressed a petition to Philip II. through the duke
of Medina-Celi, the original of which is at Simancas, asking for the payment of her
pension, and soliciting the King's help for Lord Dacre and her husband's kinsman,
Markinfield, who was receiving 18 crowns a month, and for other English refugees at
Louvain.




ELIZABETH.


41S


- - -


I do not know whether the son-in-law of Croc, the French ambassador in Scotland, has been allowed to pass, but hope soon to
learn from my friend at Cour't, and will report what I hear.London, 16th September 1572.
Note.-Damaged by fire.
20 Sept. 348. LETTER of INTELLIGENCE from London (unsigned) to the
B. M.           DUKE OF ALBA, Governor of the Netherlands.
Cotton,
Galba, C. iv.  I wrote by Antonio de Tassis on the 16th instant, and now
Original draft. confirm that Casimbrot, the prince of Orange's agent, left this city
on the 19th ultimo, with bills of exchange for 30,0001., payable by
English merchants in Hamburg, sent by this Queen to pay Orange's
troops.
My two friends from Court now tell me that Casimbrot is going
over to Holland in two days, and that Orange has written to
Burleigh thanking him very warmly for the aid sent, and explaining
why he had entered Brabant, which was in order to be near.....(Mons?), and obtain the supplies he requires. He says he
is well furnished with everything but powder, and if he has a
supply of that sent he is sure of holding the place all through the
winter. He says he has 7,000 horse, and.... foot, and is in no
fear of the Spaniards; having behind him Malines, Diest, Tillemonde, and Oudenarde, all important places, and that there will
be no lack of provisions as most of the country is in his interest.
Although the Spaniards might gain. some slight partial advantages,
he was quite certain that the most important places and people
would declare for him. He required at present for the payment of
his troops 150,000 crowns, which would satisfy them for all the
winter, the aid which had been promised from France could not now
reach him, as the Admiral and his party had been killed. As he
had undertaken his enterprise on the strength of these promises,
he says he must be sustained now. The sum he asked for was
provided within two days, in the form of bills of exchange for
20,0001. on Hamburg, whilst for demands payable during this month,
they provided 16,0001. at once, making up 150,000 crowns in all.
They also sent off 300 barrels of gunpowder to Holland, part to be
sent to the Prince, and part for use in Holland itself, and for
Tregus. Much victuals and stores was also sent to the Prince by
the Queen. As the latter has no money of her own she has
employed in this way the proceeds of the sale, by candle,* here of
the goods seized from subjects of his Catholic Majesty, and the bills
of exchange are given by the Commissioners appointed to carry out
the sale. The first 30,000 taken by Casimbrot was provided in
bills by a commissioner called John March,t and the 20,0001. and
the 16,0001. now to be sent are furnished by another named Thomas
Aldersey.
It has been settled by the Queen and Council that, if things go
ill with Orange, and he is defeated, they will send a person of
* Sale by candle was a kind of auction, where the time for bidding was limited by
the burning of a candle.
f He had been for many years English factor at Antwerp, and Gresham's constant
correspondent.




416                        SPANISH STATE PAPER9.
1572.
confidence to the duke of Saxony, to ask him to use his influence
with the Emperor to intercede and reconcile this Queen with the
Catholic King. When I learn who is to be sent I will report.
The Queen's ambassador in France recently wrote to her many
details about the events of Paris, and says that he had been
informed by a confidant that Croc's son-in-law was very busy with
the duke of Guise, and, as he goes backwards and forwards for the
ambassador Croc in Scotland, the nature of his business may be
guessed. The Queen thereupon sent Killigrew to Scotland, as I
have reported, to warn Morton to be extremely vigilant, and
particularly to keep his eye on the movements of Croc, as he is in
such close connection with the Guise party. She promises Morton
that she will support him efficiently, and will send him 2,000 men
within 15 or 20 clays. 500 men over the ordinary garrison have
been sent to Berwick, and Killigrew has been instructed to stay
with Morton and watch what goes on, in order that prompt action
may be taken from here, if necessary. They kept Croc's son-inlaw at Court eight days before they would give him a passport, in
order that Killigrew might arrive first and act, but the Frenchman
has now gone, and is probably already in Scotland. The factions
there are fighting again, and they say the Catholic party out-number
the heretics. The people here are very suspicious that France may
help (the Catholics) as they have news that Don Pedro* was with
his fleet, and had already entered Rochelle with.... men, which
would greatly dismay the Protestants, who imagined they would
always have a safe refuge there, and that, by means of their tricks,
they could keep it supplied with victuals and stores, as they always
hitherto have done, and are now doing in Flanders. They think
nobody can see through their contrivances.
On the 8th instant I wrote that the French ambassador had
gone t) the Court with letters from his King about the events in
Paris. I am informed that, in the letter to the Queen, the King
conveyed the intelligence of the death of the Admiral and the
others, and said the principal reason of it was a plot they had
formed against his person. In the middle of reading the letter the
Queen turned to the ambassador with anything but a pleasant
countenance, and said that her memory of what had passed was
quite sufficient to prevent her from being deceived, or giving entire
credit to the letter, but even if everything had happened as the
King said, and the conspirators had been rightly punished, she
would like to know what blame was attributable to the women
and children who were murdered.t    The ambassador returned
hither at once, but a gentleman arrived here from the King with a
packet of letters for him on the 18th, and returned to Gravesend
by the next tide on his way back to France, whilst the ambassador
went to the Court with the letters. I will advise what I can learn
about this. All the Catholics, clerical and lay, have been sent back
to their prisons, and it is said that the whole of them are to be
placed in a certain part of the country where they may be held
* Strozzi.
t Tlis interview took place at Woodstock, where the Queen then was, and an
interesting account of it is given by La Mothe Feneion himself in his correspondence.




ELIZABETH.


41A


1572.
with more security, and are not to be allowed to communicate with
anyone. The Queen is approaching London in her progress, and
will arrive here at the end of the month, being now 36 miles off.
She has sent all her musicians and minstrels home, and there are
no more of the dances, farces, and entertainments with which they
have been amusing themselves lately, as they have some less agreeable things to think about.
Montgomeri is still at Guernsey, and has sent a servant of his
to the Queen to beg for permission to come into England. The
Queen replied that he was to stay where he was with ail his le(,ple
for the present, and to make no move of any sort until further
orders. Enormous numbers of French refugees are flocking into
London, and the place can hold no more; the streets are full of
them, all common people. I do not know how it will end.London, 20th September 1572.
Note.-Much damaged by fire.
21 Sept. 349. ANTONIO DE GUARAS to the KING.
Encloses copies of letters of 14th September and others written
to the duke of Alba.
6 Oct.  350. The SAME to the SAME.
Encloses other duplicates of the same, and copies of the Articles
presented to the queen of Scotland.
6 Oct.   351. ANTONIO DE GUARAS to the DUKE OF ALBA.
I wrote to your Excellency on the 21st ultimo, as usual by
Antonio de Tassis and enclose copy herewith as well as copy of the
Articles presented to the queen of Scotland.
I subsequently received, by the special courier I sent to your
Excellency, your letter of the 25th together with your Excellency's
letter for the Queen. I at once left for the Court, which is now
away from here, and Lord Burleigh summoned me and told me
that on that very day and other previous days the Queen had remarked to him that she wondered why Guaras did not come to
Court with the reply to the message that was given to him. He
said they were astonished they had received no reply to the offer
made by the Queen and Council respecting the recall of the
Englishmen from Flanders, who said they went there to resist the
Frenchmen who might try to get a footing in the country. He
told me all this without hearing from me what your Excellency had
ordered me to say in yours of the 25th, but when I told him that
I had a letter for the Queen he seemed greatly delighted thereat
and asked me to show it to him. When he read the superscripture
he said, "Although it comes tardily and the Queen is unwell, I will
"take it to her at once, because 1 know she will be pleased to
"learn that you have come with the message."
He seemed especially pleased when I told him that I was instructed
by your Excellency to say that the Queen might rest assured that
your Excellency desired to settle the present differences in the
interest of both crowns. I delivered all my mesnage, and he, with
great delight, said he hoped God would pardon those who had beei
y 76467.                                                D D




418                         SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1572.
the cause of this dissension, and that the Queen was most willing
to come to a settlement.
I also told him that her Majesty would be glad to hear of the
King's prosperous successes in the capture of Mons, and the ruin,
slame, confusion, and flight of Orange, which I had been instructed
to convey to her, but that he, Cecil, would no doubt do so. He told
me that if it were not for the illness of the Queen he would at once
lhave led me to her, that she might hear from me what your Excellercy had instructed nme to say, but he would inform her of it;
though she had received some intelligence to the same effect from
less trustworthy sources.  He displayed surprise at the success,
especially seeing the contrary news which had been current here,
and he was desirous of ascertaining whether it was true that Ludovic
and his people had been conveyed under escort to Germany and the
Frencll similarly to Guise, as I had told him I had been informed
by a friend. He said it lad been nobly done and it was to be
supposed that faith would be kept with them; I told him it certainly would not be kept in the French fashion, as they in such case
would have sacrificed everybody, but that your Excellency and his
TMajesty were very different. He admitted this and said more
against tlhe French 'than I did, speaking with great reverence of our
Kinr, and of so courageous a Prince, which were the words he
applied to your Excellency. After this, although I told him I had
company, he insisted upon my remaining to supper with hiim. As
the earl of Sussex, the Lord Chamberlalin, and other Councillors
learnt that I wlis with Burleigh, they came to sup wittl him and to
hear the intelligence I had brought, because. although events in
Flanders had been beard of at Court, yet the Queen and Council
could hardiy believe the news. With the coming of these gentlemen
Lord Burleigh thought that it would be better for me to say that I
would come and speak to hiri in the morning, and not sup there,
out of respect, particularly as the Councillors there would wish to
discuss these matters without my presence.
Tlie next morning I was with Lord Burleigh for over an hour, and
I should have been there for more than two if he had not been
hafstily summoned to the Queen. He told me that her Majesty had
received the letter the previous evening and that she was nuch
pleased therewith. He had also conveyed to her all the things
which I had told him on behalf of your Excellency.
Hfe replied to ne that, as regalrds your Excellency's assurance of
the goodwill entertained by his Majesty that these differences should
be made up, I was to be careful to advise the King al(n your
Excellency that the Queen herself greatly desired it, and after the
Queen, no one more than Lord Burleigll hiiiiself.  The Lord
C(hambrlain and others in the Council were of a.;imilar opIinion,
although there were others, whom lie did not inamie, who were
lopposed thereto; but, nevertheless, they would not stand in thle
way of this holy accord.  'IThese were his own words.
He also said, " As the Queen greatly desires this accord as well
" as myself and others, as I say, I must tell you in a friendly
"way that the Queen and ourselves cannot help suspecting that
your King is no(t Imolled by thle same goodwill to a friendly




ELIZABETH.                       419
1572.
settlement, but rather leans towards dissension. If, however,
"your King should entertain good wishes, as you have already told
"us from the duke of Alba, the Queen and Councillors will be
"greatly rejoiced thereat, but we suspect that, although some agree"ment may now be arrived at, your King will not fulfil it."  He
displayed very great delight when I said, "What, my Lord! you
"cannot believe that my King will fail to fulfil a promise to which
"he pledges his word, or that he will do as Frenchmen do who
"never keep a promise? Do you think that the duke of Alba
"would instruct me to assure the Queen of the goodwill of my
" King towards this agreement if he were not sincere?  It is
"well to recollect that my King is not a sovereign of whom such
"suspicions should be entertained, and he should be left in quiet
"possession of the States of Flanders, upon which depends entirely
his friendly connection with this Crown."  He, Burleigh, replied
that, truly, such suspicion ought not to be entertained, and that the
commerce of this country with Spain and Flanders should be to the
advantage of all.
He also said your Excellency did not write any reply to the offer
made to recall the Englishmen from Flanders, and asked lne whether
1 had any instructions upon that point, to which I replied that your
Excellency had not written anything to me about it, whereupon he
appeared sorry.
After some little conversation upon other points I told him that,
since these sovereigns were both well disposed, in accordance with
what he had promised me at the beginning of the negotiations, it
would be well to commence by drawing up some heads of agreement
between the two parties. To this he replied that all could be
arranged, and that the only difficulty he found was the continued
complaints which the Queen and Council were receiving from
Englishmen in Spain of the treatment they received from the Holy
office. I told him that it was true that the said Englishmen came
with false accusations, but there was no tribunal in existence more
just and merciful than the Inquisition. By adducing this point as
the most difficult one, Lord Burleigh seemed desirous that I should
give him my simple opinion upon it, which I did in the following
form.
I said that, in case of any Englishman going to Spain with
merchandise of his own or others, who should convey heretical books
or papers or similar things, he should be punished by the Holy
office as usual; all his goods or those of his master being confiscated in order that such masters might not send bad servants.
In case of any Englishman pronouncing any heretical words he
should be for ever banished from Spain, and, if he should subsequently be found there, he should be proceeded against with all
rigour. If he had any goods of his own they should be confiscated,
but not those of his masters, excepting only in the case of his conveying thither any such books or papers as those mentioned. By
this means Lord Burleigh thinks that the owners of property, to
protect themselves from loss would take very good care not to send
such bad servants with their goods, whilst the servants would avoid
speaking heresy, so as not to lose their own property and incur
D) 2




420


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1572.
perpetual banishment.   Tie aforegoing is understood to refer
to Englishmen going and coming between England and Spain,
and not to those resident there, who shall be punished for
heresy in the ordinary way. This was partly made up of my
own simple opinion and partly of Lord Burleigh's suggestions,
and as he had to hurry off to see the Queen, he told me
that we would return to the discussion. I said that, with his
leave, I had to return to London in order to send your Excellency
information of all these points by the courier, who I understood was
leaving. He replied, " Do so, and return here at once to Court, and,
" in the meanwhile, I will draft the heads of agreement as im" partially as I can, and will show them to the Queen, and you can
" afterwards send them to his Excellency." On this understanding,
therefore, I returned hither to London in order to send this off to your
Excellency, and I will again start to-day on my return to the Court.
We also discussed the point that, after the heads were agreed upon,
it was hoped that both sovereigns would send persons to conclude
the arrangement.
Little has happened since, but with regard to Sir Thomas Gresham,
it was true that he broke his leg although I have not heard whom
they sent in his place. They are finishing the armament of five or
six of the Queen's ships to send to Portsmouth for fear of the French.
The earl of Leicester has been with two or three other Councillors
to see the fortification of the place, and great rumours are current
that the governors of the Isle of Wight and Portsmouth have been
arrested, but that is not true. It is said that the rest of the Queen's
ships will be made ready and sent to Portsmouth, and, as I have
already written, the Vidame de Chartres and Montgomeri have
arrived in this country fromn France. There is nothing really fresh
from Scotland, notwithstanding rumours. People who come from
the Court to-day say that the Queen is not so well. As she has an
issue in the leg there is always some fear for her health.
An official or sort of treasurer of the Antwerp mint has arrived
here who, it is said, fled from there with a large sum  of money
which he has stolen. If this be true it will be known by your
Excellency, and if representations are made to this Council they will
bring him to account as a thief of his Majesty's treasure.-London,
6th October 1572.
Postscripjt.-In view of recent events in France the people here
with one accord are talking of a friendship with the house of Burgund-y, and your Excellency may be assured that the Queea and
Council are at the end of their tether and desire a friendly settlemnent more than ever. They have their slilps and 8,000 men ready
to call out on the coast in case Orange should prevail. Instead of
(Greshanl going they have sent over 20,0001. by a servant of Giles
Hofiman of Antwerp called Rodensangcr, in order, as they say, that
Orange may not fail for want of money. But, as I have said, they
are now at the end of their tether, and anything in his Majesty's
interests which may tend to peace and concord may now be negotiated with them). Lord Burleigh asked ine most urgently whether
I thought that the King's letters for the Queen would soon arrive,




ELIZABETH.


421


1572.
which they are so anxiously looking for, particularly the reply to
the Queen's letter of 15th ultimo. Since the French occurrences,
everybody at Court looks upon me as the instrument for their
welfare and the people at large say the same, although formerly they
were ready to stone me. If the Pope and the Emperor were to take
efficacious steps to bring them to submission to the holy faith, there
is every appearance that they would forsake their sects, not,
it is true, from virtue, but out of fear of his Majesty the King.
Whilst closing this I hear.... * French and English have brought
to the Isle of Wight two Flemish ships loaded with salt and other
like merchandise. A Spanish ship has been taken to Plymouth and
a Portuguese vessel with dried fish to Southampton. I will speak
to Lord Burleigh about it at Court and say that, as these ships have
been brought hither by pirates, they ought to be released. I will
ask him also to order that these pirates may not be victualled nor
received in the ports, in accordance with the promise and proclamation of the Queen. Since the French event they say the channel is
crowded with French, Walloon and English pirates.-London, 6th
October 1572.
7 Oct.  352. LETTER of INTELLIGENCE from London (unsigned) to the
B. M.           DUKE OF ALBA, Governor of the Netherlands.
Cotton,
Galba, C. Iv.  I wrote to your Excellency on the 20th ultimo, and have since
Original draft. been favoured by your Excellency's good news of your victory over
Orange and the capture of Mons, for which God be thanked, and
enable your Excellency to punish those wicked people and pacify
the States. The dismay and distress of these people at the news
cannot be exaggerated, nor can the rejoicing of the good Catholics.
The seven Queen's ships which were being fitted are now ready
for sea, but have been unable to get out of the river in consequence
of contrary winds. These have now changed, so I expect they will
sail, but I have been unable to discover their destination. When
Pelham returned from Portsmouth the earl of Leicester and Sir
Francis Knollys, a kinsman of the Queen and her treasurer of the
household, went thither to take steps for its proper fortification.
This they have done, and the place is now said to be in excellent
order. On their return, Leicester went to the Court but Knollys
came here to London to provide for the necessary things for the
completion of the fortification, and has been ever since in the Tower,
busy with his arrangements.  All this activity arises from the
distrust felt of French interference in Scotland and of the presence
of Strozzi's fleet at Rochelle, which greatly alarms them. Sir Peter
Carew and other heretic gentlemen are also busy in the Tower,
seeing that everything is ready which may be needed.
This distrust has caused the Queen to order a certain number of
troops to be raised all over the country and held in readiness with
their officers. They are divided into four commands under officers
they call marshals. The reason of this is partly the fear they have
of a rising in the country itself, as the Catholics have been so much
encouraged by events in France, and this reason, and their sus

* The paper here is mutilated,




422


SPANISH STATE PAPERS,


L ---


piclons of Scotch affairs, have caused them to muster 8,000 foot and
2,000 horse in the county of Chester, the people in the north being
all Catholics.
During the last week two French pirates, Sores and Jolis, who
were formerly famous robbers, have brought into the Isle of Wight
four prizes, two hulks, one loaded with salt, and the other with tar,
one Portuguese ship with fish, without any Portuguese on board
of her, and another little French boat with Brazil-wood. Every
day English and other pirates come to this country as they used
to do, and, when by God's grace your Excellency recovers the
seaboard of Holland and Zealand, where many of these thieves go
now, they will all come here as before, if God does not prevent them.
I have informed your Excellency that, at the instigation of certain
Spaniards here, the Council had authorised commissioners to
recover the property of subjects of his Majesty which had been
concealed or stolen, the value of which reaches a very large sum;
the intention being that tile commissioners and others should
divide it between them.  By this means all this property (like
much more besides) will never be recoverable, as it otherwvise might
have been, when an accord was arrived at. The better to carry
out the plan these Spaniards sent specially to Antwerp and Burgos
(Bruges) to obtain the powers of Attorney of the owners of the
property, under the pretext that they would gain an advantage by
it; but the end of it will be that they will get nothing and these
people will steal it all. This might be lernedied by your Excellency ordering that no powers should be granted in the States for
England. Four days since the Queen fell ill at Kingston and is
still in bed.-London, 7th October 1572.
Ioote.-Damaged by fire.
12 Oct.   353. ANTONIO DE GUARAS to the KING.
Encloses duplicate copies of his letter of 6th and 12th to the
Duke of Alba, and a copy of heads of agreement as sent to the
Duke on same date.-London, 12th October 1572.
12 Oct.  354. ANTONIO DE GUARAS to ZAYAS.
Has sent letters for his Majesty under cover to Zayas on 6th
and to-day (12th).
28 Oct.    Duplicate of above with copy of the following letter to the Duke
of Alba, dated 28th October 1572.
12 Oct.  355. ANTONIO DE GUARAS to the DUKE OF ALBA.
I wrote to your Excellency on the Gth, copy enclosed, since when
I have received no letters from your Excellency.
I have been at Court every day since the 6th, in accordance with
my arrangement with Lord Burleigh, respecting the articles which
he was to draw up respecting our business. When I told him that
I had returned to Court, according to promise, he said he would be
glad if I would give him a written memorandum of my opinion on
the drafting of these articles. This I did, and send herewith a copy
of my memorandum. He told me that he would take note of my
suggestions and discuss tlhem with me.




ELIZABETIT.                       423
1572.
I have been with him several times and he has now finished
drafting the heads; copy of his draft is sent enclosed. As he
drafted them he read them over to me, and, on my saying to him
on several occasions that many of the points contained in them
would be better omitted from the draft and left to be discussed by
commissioners, he always replied that it was desirable in the
interests of the Queen and the States that they should be set
forth in the draft, and afterwards commissioners might consider
them, when, if they were not found satisfactory, they might be
amended or otherwise. No doubt Lord Burleigh has drawn up
these heads thus roughly in order to keep in view the royal equality
of his Queen, as a point of honour. He told me many times that
your Excellency would have these heads revised and would amend
anything you objected to.
Lord Burleigh presents these draft clauses in order that their
claims may be understood therefrom, and that the business may
therefore not be long drawn out by pros and cons. Another document is also enclosed herewith, which Lord Burleigh hopes his
Majesty will graciously sign with his own hand (and not with a
stamp) and have sealed with the royal seal.  If his Majesty will
do this, the Queen will also sign and seal another copy thereof,
after which both copies will be mutually interchanged, and, on a
day to be agreed upon, the ports and trade on both sides shall
be opened for the term of two years in conformity with the draft
agreement
I can only believe, most assuredly, that the Queen is very
desirous of carrying through these agreements and the ratification
of former treaties, this being of so great an importance to the
tranquillity of her country and the advantage and welfare of her
people, as well as tending, as your Excellency well knows, to the
quietude of the States.
It is undoubted that there is a great amount of hidden dissension
in the Council, as some are friendly to our side and others lean
towards the French; but the best councillor of all of them is Lord
Burleigh, as he follows the will and tendency of the Queen, which
is towards concord. As he is supreme in the country and in the
Queen's estimation, in all the important Councils which were held
during the days that I was at Court, he with his great eloquence,
having right on his side, was able to persuade those of the
councillors who were opposed to him. He assured me privately
that he had gained over the great majority of his opponents, and
especially the earl of Leicester, who has always been openly in
every affair, public or private, on the side of the French; following
in this the example of his father, who strongly attached to that
side.
He also told me that, since the occurrence that had happened in
France to the admiral and the other Huguenots, the French were
pressing more than ever for a continuance of the alliance with
England, and not only this, but the Queen-mother of France was
suggesting that she herself should come over here to see the Queen,
for the purpose of confirming the alliance, and also to enter into
fresh treaties between this country and those noisy Frenchmen and




424


SPANISIt STATE PAPERS.


1572,
Italians. Lord Burleigh told me this very secretly whilst he was
assuring me of the Queen's desire to arrange the differences with
us, and confirm for ever the connection with the House of Burgundy, notwithstanding the pressure of the French for a continuance of their alliance.  Whilst I was at Court the French
ambassador came about it, and it was very evident that the Queen
and Council placed but small reliance upon the negotiation, because
they treated him very coolly, and are casting their eyes entirely
upon us, turning their backs upon him and his promises.
From what 1 have said it will be seen that these people here
are now well disposed, for time has shown them  how desirable is
our friendship to them, and we also see that they are fitting friends
for us.
Lord Burleigh is most pressing on the point of the liberty to be
enjoyed by Englishmen in Spain and Flanders. I believe that this
point is brought to the front by him for the purpose of establishing
the royal equality of his Queen as a point of honour, and he
doubtless understands that, when commissioners come to discuss
the point, our people will not listen to it, and that his Englishman
will have to put up with the same treatment in this respect as they
alwa ys have before.
The Queen has been unwell, and her illness turned out to be
small-pox. She is now much better.
Lord Burleigh thinks it would be of great advantage to the
world that his Majesty should graciously sign the document
enclosed, so that in Spain and here the proclamation opening the
ports might be made on the 29th of December, in the first place
because, that day having been the date upon which the seizures
were made in Flanders in reprisal for similar seizures here, it might
be fittingly made a day of general reconciliation. For this reason
Lord Burleigh chose that date, if your Excellency and his Majesty
are pleased to approve. The first night I spoke with Burleigh I
was with him for more than an hour, and, discussing with him the
measures which might be taken with regard   to the English who
go to Flanders and Spain, I told him that it was waste of time to
think of imposing any fresh law or condition in the affairs of the
holy office. As he does not get angry when I give my simple
opinion, I also told him that it was to be hoped that by means of a
general council, or national council ordered by the Queen at the
instance of the Pope or the princes, some sort of arrangement might
be made in order that gradually, with all consideration for the
Queen and her country, they should be again reconciled to the
obedience of the supreme Pontiff.  He repeated tle ordinary
malicious things which their heretic ministers usually preach about
the life and of the Pope and the Cardinals, whereupon I told him that
any weakness in them was at once noticed, but nothing was said
about the holiness of the doctrine, or about the overt and secret
virtue of the sacred college. At last, when I said that King Henry
shortly before his death, was determined to accept a reformation,
he said that the Queen had not the same religious opinions as those
in Geneva or the Huguenots of France. She thought that the
Church must have a head, and hinted that, if the sacred college




ELIZABETH.


4250


1572.
mended its way of life, the Queen would receive their doctrine,
persuaded by some such council as I had suggested. There are
signs that all this is not feigned, although it may well arise from
the necessity in which they find themselves, as a consequence of
French events and the successes to be hoped for in Flanders. If
the ports are once open, almost anything which is asked of them,
either in religion or other matters, will probably be accepted by
them in the negotiation, which God grant may be so.
12th October (in London). —I have brought this letter with me
from the Court, having just arrived, in order to send it off by this
courier, and I now have to add that, when the draft heads of
agreement were quite ready for Lord Burleigh to give to me, many
people arrived from London, and news from France and Flanders,
which caused him to decide not to hand me the draft. He only
said the following words: —"You may well go to London now,
" where I shall shortly arrive, and will tell you more. At present I
"only say that I do not hand you the heads of agreement, nor the
"other document for your King's signature, as we have received
"news that your King, the King of France, and other princes are
"determined to kill all those who do not belong to their religion,
that they possibly can, and that any Englishmen who go to Spain
"or Flanders will be murdered."  He said he was very sorry to
hear such news, because it entirely prevented an agreement. This
he said so shortly that I was only able to reply that I would obey
his orders, and go to his house to see him when he arrived in
London. I will do this, and advise your Excellency of what passes
with him.  It may be concluded that these people are bent on
ruin, as God deprives them of all grace to do what is best for
them.
In sight of this news which arises from their indignation at
the punishment of the Malines and other people in Flanders, they
have decided to take some measures to counteract it. They at
once sent for the Englishmen who had come from Flushing and
Tregus, and we shall see shortly whether they are going to send
fresh support thither. I suspect that they are going to attempt
something, as they have learned that the duke of Guise killed the
people who came out of Mons, which they say he did by agreement
with your Exceilency. This, with the news now received, and
other news of a similar sort, all of which they believe, have rendered
them indignant.
The draft articles which I have mentioned contained a great
preamble safeguarding the honour and dignity of the Queen, the
rest of it consisting of variations of my suggestions, in the main
confirmatory, but on religious points changing them, and adding
other heads regarding religious exiles on both sides and traitors from
all parts, as he calls them.
Burleigh had decided to send a document apart that his Majesty
might be pleased to sign it. The Queen herself was to have read
it and handed it to me personally, promising me on her word of
honour that, when it was returned to her signed by the King, she
would sign another similar document in my presence. This paper
was only to contain points upon which agreement existed, in:ccord



426


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1572.
ance with the contents of my draft heads, and all mention of
religious points was avoided; but the whole thing is now at an end
for the reasons I have set forth.
Since my last, I learn that many Frenchmen have gone to
Flushing, and more than a thousand French refugees have arrived
here.
Much artillery and ammunition is being taken by land and sea
to Portsmouth, which they are strongly fortifying, the evil-minded
say to protect themselves against us. The Queen has five ships
ready in the river, and it is said that six more are to be fitted out.
I also hear that there are nine boats off Dover full of property
which our rebels have plundered from Ostend and elsewhere, but
they have not yet been allowed to discharge it. I saw the Vidame
and Schonvall at Court. I spoke to Lord Burleigh about certain
ships of ours they had captured, as I have written, but he told me
that he could not discuss the question as the commissioners would
deal with it, but that the pirates would not be received in these
ports.-London, 12th October 1572.
26 Oct.  356. LETTER of INTELLIGENCE from    London (unsigned) to the
B. M.           DUKE OF ALBA, Governor of the Netherlands.
Cotton,
Galba, C. iv.  I last wrote on the 7th instant. The French ambassador has
Original draft. been to Court at Kingston to take a letter from his King to the
Queen, assuring l her most affectionately that she has no reason
whatever to entertain any doubt of him or his friendship, and that
Englishmen shall be in future received and treated in France
as they have hitherto been. He, he says, is King, and is determined that his vassals sliall not rule him as they have done,
often abomninably and shamefully; by God's help a good many of
them had been got rid of, and he was resolved to serve the rest in
the same way, being sure she would not allow them to find refuge
in her country. He said he had ordered his galleys to release
three English ships they had taken, and begged her to take steps
to stop the piracy on her coasts and prevent the pirates from
entering her ports to sell their booty. They used to receive this
ambassador at Court with much affection, and feast him and make
much of him, but now it is all changed, and no one dares to look
at or speak to him since the Paris affair. They have recently
taken a packet of letters he was sending on from the ambassador in
Scotland to the King. On the other hand, the English ambassador
in France writes that the King is greatly caressing him  and
assures him that he is now more confident than ever that the good
friendship between him and the Queen will be preserved. No
foreigners, lie says, shall be molested in France, and especially no
Englishmen. The ambassador says, however, that this is nothing
but deceit and temporising, until they have taken Rochelle, which
could not hold out, as it was short of supplies and surrounded by
land and sea. He thinks that, when Rochelle falls, all the Government will be changed and many innovations will be seen. Foix,
who was here with Montmorenci, was much cast down, and the
King had twice sent to summon Montmorenci, but he had not
come which makes people think that his affairs are not going well,




ELIZAI.ETH.


427


1572.
whilst Birago was much favoured. The ambassador writes that all
tie Guises, particularly the Duke, were highly favoured by the
King, his brothers, and the Queen-Mother, and that the two ships
which were being equipped for the duke of Guise had sailed for
Scotland with large quantities of artillery, money, and stores, and
300 soldiers, well seasoned to war and vassals of the Duke, commanded by a gentleman of his house.  There had arrived in France
from Scotland a gentleman, a kinsman of the earl of Huntly,
who is in favour of the Queen. He came on some grand secret
errand to the duke of Guise, but I have not been able to discover
what. The ambassador concludes by saying that all this will show
the Queen how things are really going, and that it will be unwise
to believe any of their fair words, which are only so much deceit
to gain time. He says Navarre and Condd went to mass every
day, whereat everybody was pleased and satisfied.
Some time ago a certain Ferdinand Pointz, an Englishman,
formerly resident at Middleburg, arrived here from Flushing. lie
was married at Middleburg some two years ago, but now lives in
this city and is very rich, and a great heretic. Since Flushing
rebelled he has been thither several times for this Court, and now
comes to ask, on behalf of the town, for 2,000 men with victuals
and stores, with which aid they will be able to hold out. He has
been to the Court about it many times, and the end of it is that
they will not let him have the men but will grant him the victuals
and stores. Five smacks have been loaded, in all haste, here with
powder, pikes, corselets, beer, vinegar, and other things needed, as
well as things wanted for fortification, all with great secrecy; and
for greater dissimulation, these five smacks will sail in company
with other vessels bound for Hamburg. Five other smacks have
been sent from here to Suffolk to load wheat there for Flushing.
Another vessel of 60 tons left here on the 11th instant for the
same place, which this fellow Philip Aselier had loaded with beer
and other stores. Benedict Spinola got him the license.
On the 10th instant the rebel heretic Schonvall with nine ships
arrived at Dover from Ostend. He is a famous pirate and is
accompanied by about 800 rebel soldiers from Orange's forces at
Ondenarde. When they arrived at Ostend they plundered all they
could, and, amongst other things, stole these ships with the
intention of going to Flushing, but, the wind being against them,
they were driven into Dover. Schonvall at once sent to Court and
obtained a passport for himself and his people, and permission to
raise 200 or 300 more men from the rebels in this country. He is
also to be allowed to buy whatever stores and munitions he may
desire to take to Flushing. Your Excellency will see by all this
how things are going here.
I understand for certain that the negotiations that are being
carried on by these people with Antonio de Guaras are nothing but
deceit on their part, and they think the same is the case on the
part of your Excellency, until you have obtained possession of
Flushing and the coast towns. They have therefore taken very
little serious notice of his negotiations so far, but, as Guamas himself will doubtless write to your Excellency on the subject, there is




428


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1572.
no reason for me to enlarge upon it. It is true that, if these people
thought his Majesty would grant them peace on the terms they
desire, namely, the settlement of all past differences and free intercourse with Spain and Flanders as formerly, they would be very
glad to accept it, as they desire it extremely. Some days since a
deputation of persons from various parts of the kingdom conferred
with the Council privately, and informed them of the great
distress and want existing in the country, by reason of the lack of
demand for their wools and cloths, owing to the differences with
his Catholic Majesty. They are begging for some remedy as the
people are murmuring and putting their heads together, and
disturbance is feared.
Killigrew left here on the 24th ultimo, taking with him credits
for 200,000 (ducats?) for Orange, and arrived in Holland on the
26th, where he received news that Mons had been taken and
Orange had retired from there. Killigrew is very clever, and when
he saw how things were going, he concealed his errand and pre
tended he had come for another purpose. The news of the surrender of Mons reached the Court on the 26th, and they immediately sent a swift messenger to Killigrew telling him, on no
account, to write or speak to Orange, or to let him know of his
coming, but return directly to England. He was instructed not
to land at the Downs or other place on the coast, but to come
to the port in the river where he had embarked, and he accordingly arrived here very secretly on the 9th instant. They at
once sent him again to reside in Scotland as before, and recalled
the earl of Shrewsbury's nephew, who had replaced him, whom
they made colonel of 600 men of the 2,000 which this Queen is to
lend to her friends in Scotland. In this way Killigrew's visit to
Holland has been concealed; 150,000 ducats of the money taken
by Killigrew were to pay the confederates in Germany, and, on his
return, this sum was handed to the consul of the Easterlings here,
in order that he might have it paid in Germany; the Queen's
contract with them being that she is to pay the money at her option
in either place. Weston (?), of whom I wrote on the 28th ultimo, went
on at once from Holland to Brabant where Orange was. He wrote
to the Queen telling her of the great peril and risk he had run in
reaching there, and saying that he had handed to the Prince the
letters and the 20,0001., and this latter had saved Orange's troops
from mutiny, they not having been paid as they were promised, on
their arrival at Mons. Weston (?) was instructed to accompany
Orange, that the confederates of Germany might see that the
Queen was fulfilling her engagement to help him. The Queen has
now written to the duke of Saxony and other confederates, expressing her great sorrow at the loss of Mons and the sudden
retreat of Orange, as she is afraid that all the trouble will fall upon
her, but she is quite confident that they will fulfil their obligations,
in conformity with treaties and old friendship and alliance. She
says she is the more sure of this as she looks with deep distrust
upon France, which, she thinks, may join the Pope, the king of
Spain, and the king of Portugal against her and the other protestant powers. They will thus; if they can, hold matters in




ELIZABETH.                        429
1572.
suspense until they see the outcome of it all, and then, if necessary,
will take the step I have mentioned in getting the duke of Saxony
to intercede with the Emperor for a general peace.
The Queen has been very ill and the malady proved to be smallpox. Before the eruption declared itself the earl of Leicester, the
Treasurer, and the earl of Bedford were closeted together several
times to arrange, in case the Queen died, to proclaim as king one of
the two sons of the earl of Hertford by Lady Catharine; this being
the intention of the three lords in question and all their party.
The two boys are being brought up by their paternal grandmother,
the duchess of Somerset. The four Queen's ships-the largest she
has are awaiting at the mouth of the river for a fair wind to
take them to Portsmouth which is the best port on the coast to sail
from. This place (Portsmouth) is being well fortified and 600 men
have gone thither for the purpose. They have sent from the Tower
thither 1,500 corselets, 4,000 harquebusses, and 5,C(00 pikes. The
other seven private ships, which I said were in the Downs, have
already left on their voyages.
The Vidame de Chartres has fled hither and is often in the company of the earl of Leicester and the Treasurer, by whom he is
much caressed. Montgomeri is at Guernesey again, after having
made a journey to this Court in disguise. They say that some
great plots are being hatched but I do not know what they are. I
have just heard that a French gentleman, a relative of the duke of
Longueville, has arrived on the coast of Sussex, having escaped
from France in a small boat with sheets for sails. He will be
welcomed, as they all are, but the daily influx of Frenchmen,
added to the great number of Flemings already here, has had the
effect of raising the price of food to such an extent that complaints
have been made to the Queen. If some remedy Le not found
disturbance may result.  The 26 Scotsmen who were arrested
here have been released and are to be escorted to the Scotch
frontier.
The Council has again ordered a general muster of men all over
the country, and they will choose the troops from the places they
think best. They are to select 20,000 infantry and 5,000 horse,
the cattle being already bespoke, but your Excellency knows what
poor things the English horses are. Such is the alarm of Spain and
France that new orders are given every day.
Quite recently they have brought over 400 brood mares from
Holland to improve the breed of their horses. As thlat country is
now attached to them they have taken the opportunity of getting
these mares, which they have never been able to do before, and they
think a great deal of it.
There are a great many French, Flemish, and even English pirates
cruising in the channel bearing licenses fromn the prince of Orange,
and one Englishman named Fenner, who has such a license, has
recently captured 15 Flemish sloops coming from Portugal to
Flanders with salt and bullion. He had to fight two days for them,
but at last brought them into Falmouth where they niow are.
Fenner at once travelled post to the Court to give an account of the
matter to the Council. They have referred the question to the




430                         SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1572.
principal lawyers here, to say whether the prince of Orange's license
against subjects of the Catholic King, with whom he is at war, is
valid and the prizes legal. If the lawyers decree in his, Fenner's,
favour the piracies will greatly increase. These affairs are much
helped by a gentleman of the prince of Orange, who is here to
represent himl. The prizes brought in by the Frenchmen to the
Isle of Wight, which I mentioned on the 7th instant, are now being
publicly sold.
They have sent 600 more men-at-arms to the Isle of Wight
besides the 2,400 they had raised in the country.  All this alarm
arises from tlhe fleet before Rochelle.
Just as I was about to close this letter, I heard that the four
great ships of the Queen, which are at the mouth of the river bound
for Portsmouth, have been ordered to return and discharge their
crews, as tlhe winter is coming on and they are too large for bad
weather.
Parliament whicl- was summoned for the 2nd November, has now
been prorogued until January next year. Important matters are to
be discussed, and it will be the greatest gathering that has been
seen in England for lmany years.
I have just heard that a person of great importance is to be sent
presently to Germany via France to plan some new evil combinations with the Protestants. These people are so dismayed at the
way in which things are going in Flanders and France, that some
new determination is taken every day, in order that they mnay make
the best of nlatters for themselves. I shall know when tlhe person
leaves, and will advise the amblassador in Paris, Don Diego de
Zuhiga, and, it your Excellency thinks desirable for his despatches
to be secretly taken from him in France, and will promptly inform
me by a letter under cover to the French ambassador here, I will
send full particulars to Don Diego de Zuhiga of the person who
is to go(, the route he is to take, and the hour of his departure.London, 2Gtli October 1572.
Notc. —Much damaged by fire.
27 Oct.  357. LETTER of INTELLIGENCE from London (unsigned) to the
B. M.            DUKE OF ALBA, Governor of the Netherlands.
Cotton,
Gnlba, C. iv.  After closing the letter I wrote yesterday, which accompanies
Original draft. this, I learnt that the going of Killigrew to Scotland, as soon as lhe
arrived from Holland, was not only to reside there as before, but
also to endeavour to persuade the earl of Morton, the Governor, who
has the child-k-ing in his power, to give him up to this Queen to be
brougilht up lhere and adopted as her heir and successor to the crown.
Killigrew h;:ti; b.ei filly instructed as to how he is to proceed in
tlis mission. lie is a very clever man for such negotiations and a
brot}her-in-law of the treasurer, who consequently employs him in
delicate matters like this.  To bring Morton to consent to the
surrender of the King, Killigrtw is to offer him 300,00() (crowns?),
aud, furthermore, to convince hlim and his friends that the Queen
will carry out her pronlise to make the King her successor, she is
willing to give him as hostages some of the principal people here.




ELIZABETH.


431


4572.
These negotiations could not be so secretly dealt with as not to
come to the ears of M. de Croc, the French Ambassador in Scotland,
and lie at once tried to frustrate the business, aided by the duke of
Chatelherault and the earl of Huntly, who is now in Edinburgh
with other friends of their Queen. The Chancellor, the earl of
Rothes, who has gone over to the Queen's side, is also helping them
elsewhere in Scotland, accompanied by some of the king of France's
men. Croc sent immediate advice to France by sea, and he himself
came post hither on his way to France six days ago. He is asking
for a license to cross over.
The Queen has received news from Killigrew that the negotiation
has been upset for the present, and was rendered impossible by the
action of Croc. This has caused much annoyance at Court, as your
Excellency may imagine, and when Croc presented himself before
the Queen he found a very cold welcome. She said a very few
words to him, but told him she knew perfectly well the plots he had
been hatching in Scotland, whereupon he replied that probably her
Majesty had been ill-informed, as he had only been sent to Scotland
by his King to endeavour to obtain a cessation of civil discord.
Very little more wa:s said, and he took leave and departed for France
two days ago. At the same time there arrived here a secretary of
the English ambassador in Paris, who had travelled post and had.
only taken three cays and a half on the journey, bringing letters to
the Queen and instructions to convey to her verbally some very
important communications that could not fittingly be written. They
are understood to be to the effect that the Pope is sending to Paris
Cardinal Ursino, a person who will be very acceptable to the King.
The pretext for his coming was simply that he was making a
plleasure voyage, and desired to thank the King for wllat he had done
for the faith against the heretics and to arrange for a holy league
against the Turk, but the real object was to endeavour to obtain
the release of the queen of Scotland and li:r return to her own
country. He also hoped to bring about the utilisation of present
opportunities for the extirpation of heresy there and the return of
the city of Geneva to obedience to the Holy Church. This is all I
have been able to learn fioml a sure source, but, no douht, the
Secretary also brings some new treaties with the French heretics.
I will report all I hear.-London, 27th October 1572.
rote.-Damaged by fire.
28 Oct.  358. ANTONIO DE GUARAS to the )DUKE OF ALBA.
I wrote to your Excellency on the 12th (copy enclosed) and have
received no letter since.  As I wrote, I had agreed with Lord
Burleigh that when lie returned to his house in London I would go
to hear 1more from him respecting the last reply he gave me about
our business. I have accordingly been three times in his house
since then, and although he has seen me, he passed ie lby without
noticing or saying anything at all to me, with an alppearance of
much dryness and hauteur. The last time, I was there until past
five o'clock, and after he lhad despatched all his suitors, his men told
him that I was there waiting, but still he would not receive me, and
since then I have not troubled him, as it is clear that he and his




432


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1572.
companions have changed their minds. It is perfectly wonderful
that they should have altered like this in a moment, believing the
silly rumours which he repeated to me. This is not the first time
he has treated me in this fickle way, as frequently he displays great
goodwill towards the business in hand and then, in a few days,
becomes quite a different man both in words and actions.
As I wrote to your Excellency, they are very busy fortifying
Portsmouth and have undertaken to place Southampton in a
position for defence. It is said that they will make Portsmouth
into an island and they have over 600 men at work there every
day.
Rebels and heretics continue to fly here from France. A hundred
and fifty from N ormandy have landed at Southampton, many of them
being gentlemen of position. The Vidame is at Court and Montgomeri is in the isle of Guernsey with other French gentlemen.
Schonvall, our rebel and his friends, to the number of 600, who
had robbed Oudenarde and Ostend, put into Dover, after Schonvall
himself had been to this Court. He afterwards left for Flushing
where the French refugees are arriving constantly. One Aselier,
who has a brother in Antwerp, as I have written, has sent to
Flushing a ship loaded with salt meat, beer, and other victuals, with
two thousand harquebusses and a large quantity of powder. I
learn from a person arriving from Flushing that the rebels there are
determined to hold out to the last, and, when they can do no more,
will plunder the place, set fire to it and come to this country.
All the channel is full of armed ships, some of them English, bearing
patents from the prince of Orange. One of them chased seven
sloops loaded with salt which were forced to take shelter in
Falmouth where they are detained.
The question has been submitted to civil lawyers as to whether
it will be licit to receive in these ports the armed ships of the prince
of Orange, allowing them to sell their prizes here, in consideration
of the prince of Orange having been unduly (as they falsely say)
deprived of his States. It may well be supposed what decision
they will arrive at.
It may therefore be concludltd that if, with the blessing of God,
his Majesty, by the hand of your Excellency, shall expel from
Fianders all the rebels, they will fly from Holland, Tregus, and
Zealand to this country, and that many of their armed ships will
infest these seas, and not only be well received here and supplied
with stores, but will here fit and reinforce to start on voyages of
robbery to the coast of Galicia and other parts, even if they cannot
disturb Flanders itself. Being desperate, they will run any risk
and there certainly will be a great flock of thieves and corsairs.
M. de Croc, the French ambassador in Scotland, has passed through
here on his way to France, leaving the Scots with a suspension of
hostilities. They would not let him speak to the queen of Scotland,
wl:om they guard closely, as also they do her ambassador, the
bishop of Ross.
MI(ntgomeri has since arrived here, and is made much of by the
earl of Leicester, who is also very kind to the Vidame. Time will
show whether they mean ill to France, or help to Orange.




EtIZABETI-.


433


1572,
The Queen's ships have been taken out of commission and the
troops and sailors dismissed, although the vessels are still lying at the
mouth of the river, and not with the rest of the fleet at Rochester.
Parliament was to have met on All Saints' Day, but it has
been postponed until the 12th January. The object of it is not
known.
As I wrote to your Excellency on the 12th, the Queen and
Council have certainly in hand some evil designs against his
Majesty's interests, because, in one moment, they decided that
their false news was of more importance to them than our friendship. Doubtless they are encouraged by Orange and his friends,
the Palatine and other Germans, as well as by the Vidame, Montgomeri, and the Frenchmen, and believe that this Channel will be
well guarded by the armed ships and by our rebels. They think
that, with the help of these and the open and secret support afforded
here to rebels in Flanders and France, to escape the punishment
which they fear would fall upon them from his Majesty. Whilst
this Government exists, no good arrangement will be made with
them about peace, as the Queen herself only desires concord out
of fear, and the rest of them will oppose an arrangement for
religious reasons.  Things are, however, changing now that the
Queen and Council hear of the defeat of Orange, our success at
Tregus and the shameful return of their Englishmen, the whole
talk being that the Flushing people will abandon the place and
that Brille and Holland will soon be brought into subjection. They
have received, too, the news of our fleet having conquered the Turk
(which please God may be true) and they learn that his Holiness
will send a legate to the king of France to persuade him to join
the League; and in addition to this, advice comes that his Holiness
had conceded a jubilee to beseech God to root out the heretics all
over the world. For these reasons the Government sees that their
evil deeds are of no avail and that shortly they will find themselves
ruined and confounded. Last Sunday a man of high position
preached in the great church of London before the whole city, and
his sole burden was to persuade the people to be constant in their
defence, and he used these words: "You Papists, stick closely to us
" Protestants, for otherwise both you and we shall go together to
" row in the galleys of King Philip." The Queen sent Killigrew to
Scotland on this account, and the preachers there have exhorted
the people to be firm in their defence, as Killigrew had informed
them that the council of Trent had agreed upon the events which
had happened in France, and that the Catholic princes are in league
to murder all Protestants.
It has been frequently stated in the Council and is public talk
everywhere, that his Majesty will keep the peace with them for a
short time, whilst he punishes Orange and the other rebels; but as
soon as he had finished with them, he will break his word, and at a
time to suit himself, will turn upon this country, and either conquer
it or force it to be Catholic when these people are without friends.
For the last two days, therefore, the Court has been in suspense
and confusion. When Burleigh left here for the Court he sent
word for me to go and see him on his return, which will be in a,
76467.     v 4.




434


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1572.
day or two. I will duly inform your Excellency of the outome,
but, with these daily fluctuations, intentions are changed from day
to day. On the 10th instant, when Burleigh and I were discussing
the heads of agreement, the Queen and Council were desirous of
peace, on the 12th they changed their minds in consequence of the
killing of the French who left Mons, and the sacking of Malines;
saying that all Catholic princes were in accord to treat Englishmen
in the same way and heretics everywhere. Since the 20th again
they have once more changed their views, in consequence of the
various news which I have already mentioned, and are now at the
end of their resources. The third person tells me that Lord
Burleigh says that, as they have no reply from his Majesty to the
Queen's letters, they were afraid that our King was animated by
the intentions to which I have referred. Since then I am assured
that they have ordered the doctors of civil law to keep silent with
regard to the prizes brought in by the ships licensed by the prince
of Orange, or, at all events, not to give an opinion favourable to
them.-London, 28th October 1.872.
I have just been informed that Doctor Herbert, a doctor of civil
law, and a brother of the earl of Pembroke, who usually lives at
Louvain, and is a Catholic in his heart, although he gives important
advice to the Council, is going to Spain in order to write from the
Court there news which may interest people here.
3 Nov.   359. LETTER of INTELLIGENCE from    London (unsigned) to the
B. M.           DUKE OF ALBA, Governor of the Netherlands.
Cotton,
Galba, C. iv.,  I wrote on the 26th and 27th ultimo and do not send copies, as
Original draft. this courier, who took them, is safe.
I am informed on very good authority that certain Englishmen
have agreed to go over to the States and kill the earl of Westmoreland. The leader of them is a great friend of his, who very recently
came from there for the purpose of plotting the affair and making
sure of his reward. He is now satisfied on-that head, and is taking
with him six men chosen for the purpose. I do not know his name
yet, but shall learn it and the time of his departure, of which I will
send prompt advice. I am assured by my friends at Court that the
Council is very suspicious of this earl of Westmoreland, who is
highly popular in the country amongst Catholics, and especially in
the north country where he has estates. These people are afraid
that the punishment they deserve will reach them from there, and,
consequently, try all they can to serve Westmoreland as they did
the poor earl of Northumberland. I will use all needful vigilance
in this.
The decision of the lawyers respecting the seven sloops that the
pirate Fenner had captured under license from Orange and taken
into Falmouth, has been given, to the effect that the prizes, having
been captured on the sea outside the ports, are illegally detained
and must be returned to their owners, who have now gone down
there to regain possession of their ships.
News has arrived here of the brave relief of Tregus by your
Excellency's troops by fording an arm of the sea, and also the
great loss inflicted by them upon the flying enemy. People are




ELIZABETH.


435


1672.
much surprised and grieved at this, as their hopes are founded on
capturing that island which they wish to fortify, and thus to prevent
succour reaching Zealand. As soon as your Excellency's success
was known here, they sent orders that all Englishmen in those
parts should return immediately. They see all their plans turning
out contrary to their wishes, and they fear that, if your Excellency's
good fortune continue, many of their Englishmen may never come
back at all, unless they do so now. They pretend, and openly
assert, that the orders for their return were sent long before the
relief of Tregus. But, notwithstanding all this, they do not prevent
stores and victuals being sent to the rebel towns in unlimited
quantities, such is their desire that they may hold out through the
winter. They also show great favour to his Catholic Majesty's
rebel pirate subjects, who are allowed to land and sell their booty
on shore without hindrance.
The Queen and Council, however, are very anxious to come to
terms with his Catholic Majesty, as they fear great evil may befall
them from the ruin the country is suffering, in consequence of the
stoppage of trade with Flanders and Spain. They have not much
hope of it, as his Majesty has not answered the Queen's letters and
shows no anxiety to come to an agreement. They look to the
pirates for their remedy if they cannot come to terms, as they think
by gathering a great number of them, they may stop navigation
and force his Majesty to agree to peace.
The Queen is coming next Friday the 7th from Windsor to
Hampton Court.-London, 3rd November 1572.
4th Nov. 360. ANTONIO DE GUARAS to the DUKE OF ALBA.
On the 28th ultimo T wrote to your Excellency through Antonio
de Tassis (copy enclosed) and since then have received nothing
from you.
I wrote that Lord Burleigh had told me to come and see him
when he returned to town. I went, and he told me, as he had done
before, that some of his companions in the Council were of the bad
opinion that, even though a fair arrangement might be arrived at
now with his Majesty, they were afraid that it would not be
fulfilled, for any length of time, and that Englishmen would still
not be safe as to their persons and estates in Spain or Flanders.
The Queen, Burleigh himself, and some others were convinced to
the contrary, and that his Majesty was not like the king of France
who broke treaties on every occasion. I told him again that his
Majesty was a prince of such honour, and always would be, that
even to suspect him was a disrespectful thing, whereupon he,
placing his hand upon his heart, said, " I certainly am of the same
opinion."
He told me to write to your Excellency respecting the draft
agreement in order that your Excellency should be pleased to send
me your opinion with regard to the heads, and especially as to the
treatment of Englishmen in religious matters in Flanders and
Spain; and he told me in so many words that, if some honourable
and reasonable arrangement could not be made upon this point, it
would be waste of time to discuss the question. He said this whilst; E 2




436


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1572.
holding in his hand the draft which he had drawn up before, in
which he met and replied to the heads which I had submitted to
him (copies of which I sent to your Excellency). I replied: " Since
"your Lordship has commenced to draft the heads and has almost
finished, it would be better to continue and then have the draft
"put into Latin, as we had arranged, so that it may be sent" to his
Excellency."  He said he was willing to do so, and would correct
the draft and read the heads over to me as he revised them. When
I said that I would go to his house occasionally to remind him
of it, he said, "I will send for you when I am ready for you,"
and so the business remains for the present. I am holding myself
in readiness to go whenever I am summoned, and will report to
your Excellency what takes place.
He also told me he had been trying very hard all last week in
the Council to win over the rest of the councillors to this arrangement, and especially assured me that the earl of Leicester was now
favourable; whilst the Queen and he, Burleigh, were still firm in
their good opinion, although the king of France, through his
ambassador and otherwise, was trying to persuade them that the
English might safely carry on their cloth and wool business in
France, as was agreed in the late treaty. But he said they all saw
how inconstant and shifty the French were in their promises, and, in
every respect the most natural course was the continuance of their
amity with the House of Burgundy. He said this was very
needful to England, to Flanders, and to Spain, and that if anyone
tried to hinder this good settlement, he was neither a friend of this
country nor that, but only such as tried to sow dissension between
princes, to the great injury of their subjects.
He also said that, although no notice had been taken of the good
offer of the Queen to recall the Englishmen, the Queen had ordered
a gentleman called Sir Humphrey Gilbert to bring them  back
hither.
He said emphatically that the Queen, desiring greatly to see the
States in quietude and repose, and, wishful to please the King,
would very willingly offer her intervention with the prince of
Orange and our rebels to induce them to return to their due
obedience, if his Majesty and your Excellency should be willing to
accept her services. He said he hoped the Queen might be an
instrument to settle everything with decorum and honour, to the
advantage of the King and the satisfaction of your Excellency and
the rest of the world. This is a punctual statement of Lord
Burleigh's conversation with me on the 29th of October.
Since then nothing more has been said to me. Lord Burleigh
has gone to Court which is now at Windsor, and I await until
to-morrow, when I hope he will say somlething to me about the
heads of agreement or will give me the draft.
The Queen's ships have been taken out of commission, and have
been brought to Rochester, where the rest are.
The earl of Derby is dead. He was a good gentleman and a
strong Catholic, the very contrary to his son and successor, who is a
passionate heretic. His two other sons are good Catholics and are
pow in prison on suspicion of favouring the queen of Scots.




ELIZABETH.


47s


1572.
It is said that the English from Flanders are beginning to arrive
on this coast, all of them having been already embarked at
Flushing. This is not to be wondered at, as they have been cast
out of Tregus, and it is to be hoped that they and our own rebels
will, please God, soon be all gone from our States.
The news of our success against the Turk has been current here
for some time, but lately they are casting doubt upon it by way of
France. God grant that it may be true. I am assured by a person
from Portsmouth that they are going to fortify it much more
strongly than was said. They will do so as the position is very
favourable for it.-London, 4th November 1572.
4 Nov.  361. ANTONIO DE GUARAS to the KING.
Confirms letter of 28th ultimo, with copies of his letters to the
duke of Alba, and now sends copy of his letter to the Duke, of this
date.-London, 4th November 1572.
4 Nov.   362. ANTONIO DE GUARAS to ZAYAS.
Sends under cover to him the aforegoing letters to the King.
9 Nov.   363. ANTONIO DE GUARAS to ZAYAS.
Covers duplicate of the aforegoing.-London, 9th November 1572.
9 Nov.   364. ANTONIO DE GUARAS to the DUKE OF ALBA.
I wrote to your Excellency on the 4th, as usual, through Tassis
and have no letters since from your Excellency. As had been
agreed, Lord Burleigh sent for me, and having repeated to me what
I have already written about the willingness of the Queen himself,
and the rest of the Councillors to come to a peaceable settlement, in
conformity therewith, handed me the draft which I now enclose,
and which is practically the same as was originally given to me
for the consideration and reply of his Majesty and your Excellency.
I told him that I understood the same goodwill existed on our side
as I had previously assured him, and that his Majesty and your
Excellency were still of the same favourable disposition, but I told
him that the conditions he made with regard to religion and certain
other things I thought would partially hinder the business. When
I asked him to have the draft put into Latin, as he had promised,
he told me to send it just as he gave it to me, or that, as I understood English, I could put the draft into Spanish; whereupon I
told him that as I received it from him so I would send it
to his Majesty and your Excellency.
The draft he made almost a month ago, was, I believe, almost to
the same effect as the present one, as he read me the clauses as he
drew them up, but the other draft was longer, and this looks as if it
had been abbreviated.
As I wrote at the time, he told me that the Queen would give me
a document with the promise that, if your Majesty would consent
to sign it, she would sign a similar copy. When he gave me the
present draft, I asked him what was going to be done about the
afore-mentioned document, and he replied that it was not now
necessary and that I was to send the draft.




438


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1572,
The affairs of this country change from hour to hour, and there
is a continual inconsistency, but it is not to be wondered at, as they
all depend upon events elsewhere. It may be supposed that these
folks wish for peace more than ever, although they want to settle
it with great consideration and honour for themselves, but, as they
have no letters from your Majesty, which they so much desire,
they are still suspicious that they will not be received into our
friendship.
Lord Burleigh told me, in conversation about religion, the restitution, and other points of controversy, that, as soon as the ports
were opened, the commissioners would take such steps as should
satisfy both parties, and when the ports had been opened, this
Queen would be ready to give the King every satisfaction on all
points; whereupon I said that I was sure your Majesty would be
equally desirous of doing the same towards her, and all would end
well. He was very glad to hear this.
He repeated to me his wish, which I have already conveyed to
your Excellency, that the ports should be opened on the 29th of
December; first, because that was the day upon which the seizures
had been made in Flanders, although they were provoked by
previous seizures here; but I told him that, as he would not give
me the document for his Majesty, there would be some delay before
these things could be arranged, and this would make it impossible
for the ports to be opened on the day he said.    To this he
answered that a single document from your Excellency to the
Queen, or one sent to me to be shown to her, would suffice for the
opening of the ports on a day agreed upon, and the other differences
and the question of trade could be subsequently settled by commissioners. They are so desirous of this that, if it were not for the
honour of the thing, the Queen would write to his Majesty, and
Burleigh would petition your Excellency on the subject, and, if it
should be his Majesty's wish, they will show this desire by means
of good deeds. I enclose herewith a literal translation in Spanish
of the heads of agreement.
He told me that orders had been given for the release of the
seven sloops which had been brought in by armed vessels to
Falmouth, which had been done through him, although some of the
Councillors were opposed to it. I thanked him for it.
If it should be his Majesty's will to settle with these people, it
would be, as your Excellency knows, a means of displeasing the
French, and, still more, Orange and our rebels, his friends, as at
the same time the people here would clear their coast and channels
of all the armed ships belonging to our enemies and the pirates.
If the appointment of Commissioners be agreed to, it is to be
hoped that some good arrangement may be arrived at about the
restitution and other things, especially the question of religion.
From what took place between Burleigh and myself a few days
ago upon this religious question, which is the most difficult point,
I am convinced that, when the ports are open and the commissioners are arranging the other affairs, if the Queen be approached
authoritatively and suitably, with the request that she shall return
to the obedience of the Pope, she will do so without much difficulty




ELIZABETH.


439


1572,
Burleigh himself says, as I have written, that the Queen fully
recognized that there must be a head in ecclesiastical as in temporal
matters.  It will be a subject for incredible rejoicing to this
country when commerce and the ports are reopened, as it will be
equally advantageous to Flanders and Spain, particularly as regards the tranquillity of the former country, because otherwise
Orange and his French friends will never cease to trouble the
States by land and sea, helped by money and other support from
here and elsewhere, whilst we are kept with the constant need of
an army to defend the coast. If his Majesty and your Excellency
should therefore think well to write to the Queen, or to me a letter
to be shown to her or Lord Burleigh, agreeing to the opening of
the ports on a given day, as suggested by Burleigh, these people
will accept it with rejoicing, and they await the reply most
anxiously.
Burleigh asked me pressingly whether there were any letters
from Spain, and when I told him there were none he seemed
greatly surprised, as they are expecting an answer from  his
Majesty to the letters of the Queen..
He asked me whether I had heard that the Emperor was dead,
and when I said that I had heard nothing of it he was silent, but
I know they have received this news, which please God may not
be true. They are founding great anticipations upon its being
true, in the secret plots they are weaving, in case our arrangement
with them should fall through.  I have been able to gain no
trustworthy intelligence with regard to these plots, but the
suspicion is that they will again help Orange to raise his standard
if our agreement with them fails.
As the Queen and Burleigh are suspicious of everything, they
have the country covered with spies, and they get such news as
they want. Burleigh told me that the Queen had been informed
that I was one of the cabal that was conspiring against the Queen,
which certainly is not true, and I told him that the Queen and he
were badly informed; whereupon he replied that if it were true
they would be offended with me, and would never deal with me
again in affairs. I assured him truly that such a thing had never
passed through my mind, and he replied: "I quite believe it, and
our informant has not told the truth." This I write to your Excellency that you may know of the suspicion with which they
regard everyone. It is not to be wondered at, because all the
world thinks that they are on the road to ruin through their own
fault, and they fear the consequences of their acts.
The English general who was before Tregus, named Sir
Humphrey Gilbert, has arrived at this Court, and it is said he
had five hundred of his soldiers dead and sick. Captain Morgan
remained at Flushing with about two hundred Englishmen, whom
he has had there always, and some three or four English captains
belonging to Gilbert's party have remained behind with Morgan.
Of the English who were at Brille none have returned.
News from Scotland is that the Queen's friends have killed many
of their opponents, and the death of the Governor Morton (Mar) is




410


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1572,
affirmed. There is news" from Ireland that the people are in arms
against the English, and that many have been killed.
The prince of Orange has a man here to represent him and to
press his claims upon the Council. Two days ago another messenger came from Orange directed to the Court, but they keep
him very secret, as may be imagined. It is asserted that some
great plots are being contrived here out of fear that his Majesty
will not accept their friendship, but, if it is his Majesty's wish to
do so, they will go on their knees to get the ports opened, and they
will afterwards do whatever is demanded of them.
News from France comes that Montmorenci and M. de Foix, who
came here to conclude the agreement, are at liberty there, in order
not to scandalize people here, which it would do if they treated
them like the rest, and the French want to keep up an appearance
of fiiendship.
The Flushing rebels have brought hither merchandise to the
value of thirty thousand crowns, which they will employ in the
purchase of victuals and stores, especially powder, to take to
Flushing, where the intention is to hold out to the end. I send
this packet by favour of the captain of Gravelines.-London, 9th
November 1572.
17 Nov. 365. LETTER of INTELLIGENCE from London (unsigned) to the
B. M.           DUKE OF ALBA, Governor of the Netherlands.
GClotton,   I wrote on the 3rd instant and 2Gtll ultimo, saying that the
Galba, C. iv.
Original draft. French ambassador had gone to Court for the Queen's answer to
his master's letter, and that she had given him a reply in accordance with the contents of the King's letter, assuring him at
the same time of her friendship. Since then the ambassador has
received two other letters from his master instructing him to congratulate the Queen on her convalescence, and to again assure
her of his firm friendship. He is also to tell her that she need not
feel the slightest suspicion of the coming of the Cardinal (Ursino),
as the object of his visit is solely to reform certain things touching
the Catholic faith in France, and he (the Cardinal) has been chosen
because he was a friend of the King's.  On the 4th instant a
special courier came to the ambassador, instructing him to inform
the Queen of the birth of a daughter of the King, and, if he found
her well disposed, to ask her to stand sponsor to the infant. If
she consented to do so, the King would be glad if she would send
to represent her, either the earl of Leicester or the Lord Treasurer.
The ambassador has not seen the Queen since the arrival of this
courier, but has been with the Treasurer here in London and told
him all this, showing him portions of the letter. The Treasurer
thereupon went to the Court, and returned at the end of four or
five days with the reply, which was to the effect that, the religion
of the Queen being very different from that of the King, he advised him not to speak to her about the baptism, whereupon the
ambassador said he would acquaint his master with this answer
before proceeding further in the matter.




ELIZABETH.


441


1572.
The secretary of the English ambassador in France, whose
coming, and the despatches he brought, I mentioned in my letter of
the 27th ultimo, is also instructed, as I am informed, to beg the
Queen to allow him, Walsingham, to return home, because as he
was concerned with the league, and took part in certain plots
against the queen of Scotland's affairs, and everything has turned
out contrary to his wishes; he is not well liked at that Court,
especially by the friends of the Guises. He will therefore return,
and a new ambassador be sent.
Letters have recently been received from Killigrew, this Queen's
resident minister in Scotland reporting the death of the earl of
Mar, Regent of the kingdom. When the body was opened it was
found that he had been poisoned, and it was thought, for certain,
that this was the work of M. de Croc, who was French ambassador
there, although the poison was believed to have been administered
by the hand of a brother of the Earl, who is a strong Catholic.
Killigrew writes that, as the death was so sudden, he fears fresh
disturbances may result, the Catholics being much strengthened.
The death of this Regent has caused great grief here, and may
well give them cause for apprehension, as the Earl was not only
the Governor, but was personally very powerful in the country,
and much attached to the interests of this Queen.
On the 4th instant a Flemish gentleman called Boisot (De Boison)
arrived at this Court. He is much thought of by Orange, and
says that at the time he embarked at Brille, Orange was at that
place. He brings letters of credence for the Queen, and also letters
for Leicester and the Treasurer. I have not yet been able to learn
his errand, except that Orange begs the Queen to send victuals and
stores of which much want is felt all over Holland, and 50,000
crowns in money to enable him to hold out during the winter.
He was secretly welcomed and well treated at Court, and has now
been despatched with nine smacks loaded with stores; six from this
city with a large quantity of munitions, powder, beer, biscuit, saltmeat, and other things, whilst the other three smacks went from
here to Sandwich to ship corn. The whole nine will leave with
the first fair wind.  The gentleman also took back with him
20,000 crowns in cash. Weston (?) who ismwith Orange as this
Queen's envoy has been recalled, but my informant cannot tell me
why.   My friends are trying to discover this, and also the
particulars of Orange's letters. I will advise when possible.
The munitions and stores now sent have cost 30,000 crowns, and
were all brought through Aldersey, who is one of the commissioners
who sold the property of his Catholic Majesty's subjects here, and
Ferdinand Pointz. All the goods were bought on six months'
credit, whilst the 20,000 crowns were advanced on bills of exchange,
the whole being guaranteed by these two men, as the Queen had
not a penny. They are to be reimbursed in due time by the
custom-house of this city.
Killigrew wrote lately from Scotland that a parliament was to
meet here on the 15th instant for the Protestants to elect a Regent,
and he says, as the matter is so important to this Queen, he advises
her, in order that she may take the necessary measures and send at




442


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1572,
once 20,0001. in money to give to some of the principal men in
their party to induce them to elect Morton as Regent, he being
devoted to this Queen's interests. These people are quite confident
that, if Morton be elected, he will give up to them the child-king
as they desire.  This 20,0001. was provided by Sir Thomas
Gresham, who, as I have already written, is very rich and
powerful.  He is to be repaid out of the taxes now being
collected.
News comes from Ireland that the savages in the east of the
island, who are devoted to the queen of Soots, have risen and have
been joined by many Scotsmen, secretly sent by the earl of Huntly,
the Grand Chancellor of Scotland, whose lands are in the west of
Scotland, a very short distance from Ireland by sea. The savages
have overrun the whole land, and have even destroyed the city of
Dublin, where the Viceroy lives. The Queen is sending 1,500
soldiers thither to aid the Viceroy in attacking these savages.
People here are much concerned about this rising and would be
more so if help were sent to them (i.e., the Irish) from without.
The Queen has recently received a letter fron her ambassador
in France saying that the King had spoken to him about his
application to be recalled, owing to his distrust of the Guise party,
and had assured him that he had not the slightest cause for
apprehension, as he should be honourably treated by him and all
his Court. The ambassador fully confirms the coming of Cardinal
Ursino, and says that the King has also summoned Cardinal
Lorraine from Rome. He (the ambassador) does not know what to
make of all this, or how it is going to end. Languedoc was all in
arms, and the King would have enough to do at Montalban, which
was very strong, and at Rochelle, where the besieged were firmly
resolved to die rather than surrender.
About 12 days ago 10 of the principal merchants of Rochelle
arrived here, and six of them went to Court on the 14th.
Montgomeri was expected there secretly from  Guernsey on the
following day. I do not know what plots are brewing, but will
try to find out and advise.
I am informed that the Queen is advised of everything that
passes at your Excellency's Court, at Rome and Paris, by persons
who write in a cipher which is kept by a confidential man of the
Treasurer's. My friends are trying to discover the names of the
persons, and if possible I will report them to your Excellency. My
friends think, although they are not very positive about it, that the
French intelligence comes from a man in the household of Birago,
the Keeper of the Seals. The man who is being sent from here to
Germany is going, I am told, first to the French Court. He will
leave in four or five days, and my friends will give me his name
and full particulars, which I will send with the date of his
departure to Don Diego de Zuniiga, although I have no reply to the
letter I wrote to him about it on the 27th ultimo, The man who
is going over to kill the earl of Westmoreland is making ready for
his departure.
The Council has just ordered the bishop of London to instruct
the ministers or preachers of all the parishes to ask for alms for




ELIZABETH.


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]1572.
the relief of the poor French refugees, and to take the names of
those who refuse to contribute, whom they will consider Papists,
this being the name they give to Catholics.
On the 5th instant Sir Humphrey Gilbert and 800 Englishmen
arrived in this country from taking part in the siege of Tregus.
Gilbert came secretly to Court directly he landed, and gave an
account of events in those parts. He was sent away as secretly as
he came, and was ordered to come to this city as if he had not been
to Court, and pretend that he dared not go thither until his friends
had interceded and obtained pardon for him, for having gone on the
expedition without leave.  This is the sort of stratagem they
usually employ, and they are following the same course in ordering
an inquiry as to who has allowed stores to be sent from the Tower
to the States. The purpose of this is, of course, to be able to show
the King (Philip) at some future time that it was not done by the
Queen's wish; whereas, really, nothing can leave without her
license. I beg your Excellency to be convinced that these Englishmen would not have come back if they had had any place to go to
there. There are 200 still at Flushing, and many more in Holland,
at Brille, and other places, which they are fortifying; the great
object being for those places to hold out through the winter.
I have already written how glad these people would be to come
to terms with his Catholic Majesty for many reasons, but especially
as they cannot sell their cloths and wools in Flanders, where and
in Spain they formerly carried on their principal trade. The
people are openly murmuring in the provinces, and some of the
principal persons have come up to see the Council about it. They
have been soothed with fair words, and assured that trade will
soon be reopened; but still disturbances are feared.  Another
reason for their desire for peace is the knowledge that they have
done so much against his Catholic Majesty, and they are beginning
to think what the result may be to them, seeing how prosperously
things are going for the King in the Netherlands, and the outcome
of their league in France. They greatly fear some combined action
of the two Kings, especially as regards their sect. Scotch matters,
also, are full of anxiety for them, as the king of France, being now
free from the people who troubled him, they feel sure he will help
the queen of Scotland, and they give no credit to all his fair words
and promises to this Queen. If the Scotch trouble were to fall
upon them before they were reconciled to his Catholic Majesty,
they would be utterly undone and surrounded on all sides.
Perplexed, as they are, with these and other considerations, they
would much like to arrange with Spain, but as they see his
Majesty does not write to them or show any anxiety to come tp
terms, and the present position is likely to drag on for a long time,
they have decided to endeavour to get his Majesty to agree to a
truce for two or three years, on their undertaking to clear the sea
of corsairs and open the ports; Commissioners in the meanwhile
being appointed to investigate the pending questions. Their belief
is that in the two years they would be reconciled with his Majesty
as before. I have all this from a very good quarter, and am
assured that, if this truce is not granted to them, they will come to




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any terms his Majesty may demand; either in religion or anything
else, as they are so driven and perplexed that they will submit to
anything.
I have written previously that a large number of English and
Flemish vessels have gone to Spain and Portugal with English
cloths belonging to English subjects, although shipped in other
names, and that these ships will bring back Spanish goods. It
greatly entertains these people to see that they are thus allowed to
trade with Spain and Portugal, as otherwise your Excellency may
be certain they would have found a way to settle the differences
before now. The joke of it is that an Englishman has just come
hither from Portugal to open trade and arrange a settlement, which
would be a public indignity for Portugal, and would give a new
lease of life to these people, who would thus be able to satisfy the
subjects here.-London, 17th November 1572.
Note.-Damaged by fire.
18 Nov.  366. ANTONIO DE GUARAS to the KING.
Confirms letter of the 19th instant, with copies of his letters to
to the duke of Alba, and of the heads of agreement drafted by
Lord Burleigh. Encloses also copies of letters to the duke of Alba
of this date.-London, 18th November 1572.
18 Nov. 367. ANTONIO DE GUARAS to the DUKE OF ALBA.
I wrote to your Excellency on the 9th a letter which I
forwarded by special courier to the captain of Gravelines, and
since then I have received no letters from your Excellency,
although the third person is constantly asking whether I have
any news.
Lord Burleigh has said nothing more to me since I sent his
draft of agreement, nor is it to be expected that he will do so
until a letter from his Majesty, or your Excellency, affords me an
opportunity of going to see him. In case, however, of his wishing
to say anything, I will throw myself in his way, and will report
to your Excellency if he addresses me. I learn from the third
person, who is with Lord Burleigh every day, that the Queen, is
extremely desirous of receiving a letter from  his Majesty, and
Lord Burleigh expresses this desire with great sorrow at the long
delay in replying to the Queen's letter of August. He tells me all
this indirectly, but it is quite clear that he has been instructed
to learn from  me whether letters have arrived, and to let
me know that they are displeased at not having received these
replies.
This greatly alarms them, for fear his Majesty may not be
willing to be friendly with them, which certainly would not he
extraordinary, seeing their continued proofs of enmity towards
him, especially with their armed Englishmen in Flanders. There
is no news that Captain Morgan and his soldiers at Flushing are
coming back, nor those with M. de Lumay at Brille, but, if
this and all that has passed be overlooked by his Majesty, these
people will be only too glad to be friends, and will open their ports
willingly.




ELIZABETH.


445


1572.
If, on the contrary, no answer is sent to them, they will
persevere in the evil projects they have in hand, and put them
into execution, if their advances for friendship are not reciprocated. In this event they will try to injure his Majesty's interests.  The only thing I can learn is that full Councils are
meeting, and that the prince of Orange's emissaries are being
received, whilst they are frequently sending to the English ambassador in France. Everybody believes they are up to some
mischief, but I can get no details, and time must show what it is.
There is a rumour that the present ambassador in France is to be
recalled, and another sent.
Some of the prisoners for the duke of Norfolk's affair have
been condemned this week to perpetual imprisonment, and others
to the confiscation of all their property.  The rest are in confinement in the Tower, and it is thought that it will go hardly
with them. One of the prisoners is the brother of the earl of
Northumberland named Percy.
About ten Frenchmen of good appearance have arrived. here
from Rochelle, and have gone to Court to say that, if help were
not sent at once the place would be in great peril. They are still
at Court, associating with the Vidame de Chartres and Montgomeri,
and are trying to get the aid they seek, publicly or privately.
It is now asserted that the man who was killed in Scotland was
not Morton but the earl of Mar, who had custody of the prince,
who has now remained in the keeping of his brother.    I am
given to understand that he and his wife are both Catholics, and
a message has consequently been sent from this Court to the
Regent Morton telling him and two other earls to stand firm, and
these people here will pay all the expenses of their soldiers.
A printed proclamation is secretly passing from hand to hand
here which I have not yet been able to obtain. It is printed in
Scotland, although, it is believed, inspired from here, and states
that the Council of Trent, his Holiness, and all the princes,
especially naming the Emperor, his Majesty, and the King of
France, had agreed to the killing of the Huguenots in France, and
the same in Scotland; and all congregations in the latter country
are warned to adopt measures against such a project.
Two days ago an emissary of Orange presented a letter to the
Queen. Its purport and the reply to it may be well imagined. Five
or six boats with victuals and stores for Holland are leaving here for
Holland. They are specially taking supplies of powder, vinegar,
beer, and salt. The principal shipper is this scamp Aselier, whom I
have mentioned before. There has been a great outcry lately here
that some of the Queen's ships were again to be put into commission, but nothing has been done yet.
As I was closing this, the accompanying printed document was
published here, and the little book which I also send has been
printed (which will be noted is printed under privilege). All this
will show how these people persevere in supporting their heresy,
and in their opposition to his Majesty's interests.
The controversy here between one set of heretics and another
is become daily more bitter,  This week some printed boQks




446


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


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have been published by the sect which is called the Puritans, or
stainless ones, against the other sect, or Calvinists, and such is the
passion engendered, that, one of these days, they will come to
blows, which it is to be hoped that God will permit, and that one
set of heretics may confound the other, and all of them go to
perdition together.-London, 18th November 1572.
25 Nov. 368. LETTER of INTELLIGENCE from London (unsigned) to the
B. M.           DUKE OF ALBA, Governor of the Netherlands.
Cotton,
Galba, C. iv.  I wrote on the 17th instant, and now have to report that the
Original draft. man who is going to Germany left here on the 21st, at 3 o'clock
after midnight for Dover, where he embarked for Boulogne, whence
he was to take post for Paris and thence to Germany. His name
is Henry Horne; he is a tall man, with a long face, his beard thin,
silky and of light colour. He is 36 years of age, and is a nephew
of the present bishop of Winchester.  He takes two men with
him, one a German and one an Englishman. He bears three
letters in Latin from the Queen, one for the duke of Saxony, one
for the Palatine, and one for the marquis of Brandenburg.  The
letters say that she is sure the coming of Cardinal Ursino to France
is for the purpose of planning many things to her prejudice, and in
favour of the queen of Scotland. The King also, she says, has
summoned Cardinal Lorraine, the inventor of the murder of so
many nobles of France, her good and true friends, and the Pope
was striving to unite Catholic Christendom against the Protestants.
She informed them of all this in order to learn their feelings on
the subject, notwithstanding the negotiations she was carrying on
with your Excellency through a Spaniard resident here, for the reopening of trade on both sides, which she doubted would come
to anything. She especially presses the duke of Saxony and the
Palatine to endeavour to get the Emperor to intervene with his
Majesty to bring about a peaceful settlement. She says that if
she can only be sure of Spain and Portugal she will give the
French such a drubbing for the trick they have played her, as they
will not forget whilst the world lasts, which she says she has
very good means of doing, as will be verbally explained by the
envoy.
She begs for a prompt answer on all points, as, if possible, she
wishes to receive it before the end of January. She will help the
prince of Orange to hold firm in Holland, although she doubted his
being able to remain there very long.
This envoy is also taking two autograph letters from the
Treasurer to the duke of Saxony and the Palatine, but I have
been unable to learn the contents. He carries all these letters in
his left breast, concealed in a taffety doublet he wears. Each
letter is enclosed in a sort of separate pocket of leather, with whicl
the whole doublet is lined. He takes with him a trunk with his
clothes, and for further dissimulation, carries therein six books in
Latin, and two gold chains of 400 (crowns?) each, for presents in
Germany; it is not known to whom they are to be given, as the
Treasurer gave him his instructions secretly. He is going very
artfully, pretending that his only object is to study in Germany,




ELIZABETH.


447


1572.
He is a good Latinist, and, having lived long in Paris, speaks
excellent French. His voyage is so secret that its object is not
even disclosed to the English ambassador in Paris, to whom he
has a letter from the Treasurer, introducing him as a person who
is going to study in Germany, and requesting the ambassador to
give him every assistance out of respect for his uncle the Bishop.
He is most urgently enjoined not to disclose anywhere that he
is going on public business, and great favour and honours are
promised him on his return if he carries through his mission
successfully.
I have sent advice of all this to the ambassador Don Diego de
Zuniga through the French ambassador here, in order that he may
take such steps as may be desirable, although I have received no
answer from him to mine of the 27th ultimo.
The nine ships with stores for Holland have left, but the servant
of Orange did not go with them, as he is to go by land with the
bills for the 20,0001. given to him by Ferdinand Pointz, payable in
Antwerp. I do not know yet upon whom the bills are drawn,
but will advise if I can discover.
Captain Morgan and his soldiers came back a week since from
Flushing. There are 200 of them, and they are in such want that
they are begging about the streets. Those in Brille and Holland
have not returned yet, and, as they have not done so in the fine
weather, they will stay there all the winter, unless they are
turned out. I am told the English have not returned by the Queen's
orders, but by reason of their great need there.
On the 20th the French ambassador went to Court and accompanied the Queen to Windsor; amongst many other things he
told the Queen that his master instructed him to say that he
learnt that several of the principal merchants of Rochelle had
come hither, seditious persons, and, as no doubt they would find
some evil spirits to consort with, he feared their designs were
against him. The Queen pretended to bL much surprised at this,
and said that she knew nothing of it, but would speak to the
Council, as she was anxious to keep the peace with the King.
The ambassador took leave of the Queen on this, but was afterwards with Leicester and the Treasurer for three hours, although
I do not know what decision was arrived at. The evil spirits
referred to by the King are supposed to be the Vidame de Chartres
and Montgomeri' who has arrived here in disguise, and both he
and the Vidame have been several times to Court. They are
plotting something, I am sure, and the visit of the English ambassador's secretary from France referred to the same matter. I will
report all I can learn.
A special courier came to the Queen on the 22nd from her
ambassador in Paris, with letter, saying that the King had informed him that he learnt from De Croc the state of affairs in
Scotland, and he appealed to the Queen to fulfil her treaty obligations in respect to that country. If she did not remedy matters
he (the king of France) could not avoid sending troops thither;
and this, the ambassador says, the King pronounced with a
perfectly serene countenance.  The queen is much grieved about




448


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1572.
it. The man who is going to kill the earl of Westmoreland is
making ready, but they tell me they cannot give me his name
until his passport is made out. I will then report. The Earl in
the meanwhile should be very careful.-London, 25th November
1572.
1 Dec.   369. LETTER OF INTELLIGENCE from London (unsigned) to the
B. M.           DUKE OF ALBA, Governor of the Netherlands.
Cotton,
Galba, C. iv.  In my last of the 25th ultimo I said I had not learnt the result
Original draft. of the long interview of the French ambassador with Leicester and
Burleigh. I now learn that the ambassador was assured in many
words that nothing against his King should be allowed here. The
ambassador complained much of the treatment of the queen of
Scotland and the closeness with which she was kept, as she was
not allowed to leave one room. As a consequence of these remonstrances, the Queen has ordered the earl of Shrewsbury to allow
the queen of Scotland to go to a neighbouring house for a change.
She at once wrote a letter warmly thanking this Queen for the
additional liberty thus given her. She also wrote to the king of
France, the Queen-Mother, and the duke of Guise; the letters
having been read by the earl of Shrewsbury before they were
sealed, all three in one packet with a letter to the French ambassador asking him to forward them. He sent them by his
secretary at once.
A gentleman named M. de Mauvissiere arrived here on the 29th
from France with much ostentation. He comes on business from
his King but has not yet seen the Queen. He has been here and
in Scotland several times before and is liked by this Queen. I
will endeavour to discover his business. The nine ships with
stores all arrived safely at Brille, thanks to the zeal employed, and
discharged their cargoes.  Three have returned hither.  The
servant of Orange who is to take the bills for the 20,0001. has not
left yet. I will advise his departure promptly, as also that of the
man who is going to kill the earl of Westmoreland.
I am told that the French refugees here are to fit out several
ships and load them with victuals and stores, as if for a voyage,
but really for Rochelle, whither some have already been sent and
where much distress exists. I have not yet discovered what are
the negotiations going on between Montgomeri and the Rochelle
merchants here.-London, 1st December 1572.
Note.-Damaged by fire.


15 Dec.  370. ANTONIO DE GUARAS to the DUKE OF ALBA.
On the 8th instant I wrote a letter to your.Excellency through
Tassis, copy of which I enclose.
I have subsequently received a letter from Antonio de Tassis
saying he had received the packets sent but I have no letters from
your Excellency. The third person is constantly coming to w:e,
apparently on behalf of Burleigh, to learn whether I have aly
reply, and, although Burleigh himself sometimes sees me he says
nothing and takes no more notice than if he did not know me; his




ELIZABETH.


449


1572.
bearing displaying annoyance that he has spoken so openly upon
the question as to ask, on the Queen's behalf and his own, that
the ports should be opened and commissioners appointed. The
third person assures me that this is Burleigh's feeling upon the
matter.
By this and other signs it is quite clear that they have now lost
hope that your Majesty will extend your friendship to them. On
the contrary, the general rumours at Court and amongst people
who know anything about the business are to the effect that the
Queen and Council have no expectation of this agreement with us
being concluded, and that they are trying to provide against the
trouble which they expect will fall upon thtm. For this purpose
they have sent a person secretly to Germany, the name of whom I
have not yet learned, to negotiate with their friends there. They
have for a long time past had troops forewarned for them in
Germany, the Hamburg people being sureties, guaranteed by the
English merchants there.
In pursuance of the same end it is publicly said that NMontgomeri will go to Rochelle with overt help, and twelve or thirteen
ships are being fitted out here, at Portsmouth and Plymouth for
that purpose. This is to encourage their friends in France, whence
comes the news that the people of Guienne, Gascony, and Languedoc
have offered to declare themselves in the service of this Queen,
although those who best understand the matter do not believe that
these people here will have anything to do with it, until they are
quite sure about our friendship.
It is said that in Scotland there is a show of taking up arms
again in consequence of the Prince being in the hands of the
Catholics. The faith is being preached over the greater part of
Scotland, and large numbers of people are being converted by the
preaching of some very wise friars who have gone there from
France. On the other hand, those who are friendly to this Queen
are opposing this, and Killigrew has gone from here as ambassador.
In Ireland the people are all up in arms against the English, as the
Irishmen will not allow the Englishmen to colonise certain lands
there.
An English soldier tells me that he heard for certain at Flushing
that, when any force comes against the place, the people will
abandon it. It is said that there are three hundred Englishmen
belonging to M. de Lumay's force at Caunfer.
Parliament will open on the 12th of January, and it is said that
the earl of Leicester will be created a duke and Lord Burleigh a
marquis. The French ambassador has returned, the Queen having
consented to be godmother, and the earl of Leicester will leave here
to represent her.
For the last five or six nights a terrible comet of immense size
has been seen in the sky, and as these people here are fond of
speculation, a great deal of discourse is taking place about it, the
general talk being that such a sign has never been seen here
excepting when it has presaged a change of government.
It is believed that the queen of Scotland has been given rather
more liberty and that the bishop of Ross will shortly be released,?6467,                                                    r r




450


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1572.
The earl of Arundel, also, Las been set free, he having hitherto been
under arrest in his own house.
It is confidently reported to me that the people of London are
to lend the Queen, at her request; a hundred and fifty thousand
crowns for one year, she adding to it a like amount; two hundred
crowns in addition being collected amongst the French and Flemish
rebels here and their Huguenot friends in France, Flanders, and
Germany. The object of this is to enable the Vidame and Montgomeri and their friends to raise troops in Germany, and, although
it is presumed that the purpose is to trouble the king of France
and enforce this Queen's demand that Rochelle should be held, and to
press the question, of Guienne, it is also understood that part of the
force is destined to support the prince of Orange in his traitorous
pretensions. With the same end great quantities of grain, flour,
bacon, and other provisions are being gathered in the counties of
Norfolk and Suffolk to supply Flushing and Holland. There is a
great rumour, although secret, that seven or eight thousand soldiers,
French, Walloon, and English, are to leave here for Flushing, and
they tell me that, whatever designs the Vidame and Montgomeri
may have subsequently, they will first go to Flushing and Holland
with this force, and unite with Orange. Yesterday the Council
was gathering information from one of the principal men of
Flushing, who is secretly here, respecting the guns, ammunition,
and stores which were in that place, and the number of men for its
defence. As may be im:gined, this Government, with Orange and
the French, are very busy with these treities, and there seems to be
no doubt about their plans being carried out, but, please God, your
Excellency will confound them all, to the great service of God and
the King, and the admiration of the world.
By experience we see that these ships in the Channel will go, as
I said they would, in the direction of Rouen, to plunder. They
have taken there a cutter loaded with wool and oranges, another
with sugar from Barbary, and another with a cargo of woad. The
two latter are French ships, and they are now on this coast, where
the plunder will all be put up for sale.
By the last courier the Flemlings here received news that Orange
had been in danger of capture in Holland, and that he will fly
hither from our army. When the French ambassador took his
leave to return he had long secret conferences with Montgomeri and
the Vidame, all of which goes to show that the treaties are directed
against Flanders, although it is announced that four ships which
have left here since for Portsmouth to join the others of which I
spoke are going together to plunder. But they will go to Rochelle
or to succour Flushin g. —London, 15th December 1572.
15 Dec.  371,  ANTONIO DE GUARAS to ZAYAS.
Confirms his letter of the 8th instant, and encloses another packet
for the King.-London, 15th December 1572.
15 Dec.  372. ANTONIO DE GUARAS to the KING.
Confirms his letter of the 8th, enclosing copies of lia letters to the




ELIZABETH.


451


1572.
duke of Alba, and encloses herewith copies of other letters to the
Duke of this date.-London, 15th December 1572.
22 Dec.  373. ANTONIO DE GUARAS to the DUKE OF ALBA.
Confirms his letter of 15th, by Tassis, and has received nothing
since that date.
Two days since Lord Burleigh sent the third person to tell me
that he wished to see me. I went, and he asked me whether I had
any letters from your Excellency. I answered him that I had not,
and he then asked when I expected them. I replied that I looked
for them hourly, and that there had been no undue delay, considering
that the special courier I had sent to Gravelines with the packet of
the 9th, enclosing his draft, had been detained in Dover for more
than eleven days by contrary weather, and also that, no doubt,
your Excellency would be fully occupied with the prosperous events
which had taken place against those bad rebels of Gueldres and
Holland.
He then made a long speech to me, which sounded as if it had
been well studied, about his hope that I was satisfied with the
goodwill which he himself had always shown towards an arrangement, and said that, so great had been Mis desire for concord, that,
since he had handed me the draft heads of agreement, many of his
fellow Councillors had been trying to persuade the Queen that your
Excellency and I, for my part, were deceiving them in this business,
which, they said, was evident from the fact that the Queen had
received no reply from his Majesty to the letters from her which
had been forwarded to your Excellency for him, which reply, they
thought, was due to the goodwill and favourable desire of the Queen
in the business. Seeing, however, that no reply had been received
from your Excellency with regard to the draft agreement, he,
Burleigh, and his friends on the Council were, so to speak, confused
and ashamed. I told him that I hoped in a few days to come
to him with as good news as could be hoped for, and, as regarded
his goodwill to the business, I was quite sure that his Majesty
and your Excellency were entirely satisfied.
During this conversation he reminded me of the hope he had
expressed some time since, that I would write to your Excellency
requesting that the ports should be opened on the 29th instant,
that having been the day of the seizure in Flanders; which hope
he had repeated when he handed me the draft. He had, he
said, continued to entertain that desire, but, as no courier had
arrived with the reply and the day was now approaching, he and
his companions could not avoid feeling aggrieved, and the Queen
herself was much surprised. I replied, as before, that I hoped
before the day arrived that a favourable answer would be received
from your Excellency. He asked me whether there was any news
from our army in Flanders, and I told him that he would no doubt
know  better than I, but that I learned that many towns in
Iolland which has been disturbed by the adherents of Orange
had submitted to his Maiesty, and it was expected that, with the
force your Excellency had, you would soon bring them all on to
the good road. It was said that Orange was very near being
F i ' o




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1572.
surrendered to your Excellency, but that he had been rescued by
the aid of M. de Lumay and had retired with him to Brille.
Burleigh pretended to be surprised at such events, although he
said that nothing else could be expected.
When I said that it was public talk that Orange was coming
here, he replied, " If he were to do so, as I have already told you,
" the Queen is very anxious to intercede with his Majesty in order
" that Orange may be once more pardoned and received into the
" King's favour, and her Majesty will so deal with the business
" as to satisfy the King with regard to the Prince's humble
"petition for pardon, in view both of his great services and many
"faults."  He added that, otherwise, Orange with his French,
German, and other friends, would presumably continue to push his
claims passionately and persistently. I said that, perhaps, in
the interests of God and his Majesty, the arrival of Orange here
might be desirable, if thereby the Queen could carry through this
good purpose.
Burleigh said that, since it was expected that your Excellency
would entirely settle matters in the States and bring them to
complete submission to his Majesty, although, hitherto, the severe
execution of the malcontents had been necessary; in order to
enhance the great renown of your Excellency and the courageous
services (these were his words) of his Majesty, it would be no less
glorious if your Excellency, after so many successes won by the
sword, would lean to clemency and pardon for these mistaken
men, and to quiet and concord in affairs. This was in substance
what he said, and I replied that I hoped everything would turn
out to the satisfaction of all. This conversation took place in his
room on the 19th instant, only he and I being present. As I have
written, the Queen and Council are undoubtedly in favour of
friendship, and, if it be his Majesty's will to accept an agreement,
it will cause great rejoicing to the people, and will be gladly
accepted.
I am assured that Montgomeri and the Vidame, with the secret
support of these people, have agreed to disturb France and Flanders
in company with Orange, and no doubt your Excellency will hear
more fully than we do, the news of the raising of troops in
Germany for this purpose, with the aid of credits which have been
sent from here and the hundred thousand pounds which are now
ready in this place. The credits I speak of were for a hundred and
fifty thousand crowns payable in Antwerp; half in the middle of
January and half in the middle of February. Your Excellency
may be assured that, when they think the time suitable, they will
place men, munitions, and victuals in Flushing for its defence,
the idea being that if they can keep those States in turmoil, and
trouble the king of France about Rochelle, they will be quite
safe from any assult from us or the French during next summer,
whlich they otherwise fear. So great is their alarm of this that it
is public talk all over the country that they are to be conquered
by your Majesty in union with the king of France, and there is
hardly anything else spoken about. The man who was sent to
Germany, as I said, about their sinister designs is a man, under




ELIZABETH.


453


J 572.
forty years of age, who was a servant of the so-called bishop
of Winchester, but I have not been able to learn his name. News
has recently come that there are many armed ships on these
seas, and that three Spanish sloops have been captured on their
way to Rouen, as well as three French ships loaded with wine.
Quantities of artillery, powder, and other stores have recently
been loaded in the Tower of London to be conveyed to the
ships, in order that they may be ready to be sent where they are
wanted.
Certain Frenchmen who have just arrived from Dieppe bring
news that Montmorenci had fled and that his brother had been
killed.
In every parish in the country it has been arranged to ask
people, rich and poor, to give what each person pleases for the
defence of the country against its enemies. Much money will
thus be obtained, because the heretics will give more than they
can afford out of zeal, and the Catholics will do the same
in order not to mark themselves out as different from the others.
Dr. PDale is going to France as ambassador, and they have
made him a dean to give him more weight I have been assured
this afternoon that Orange had arrived at Flushing. It is asserted
that an English ship which sailed from the island of Azores on the
6th ultimo left there the fleet from the Indies which had arrived on
the 26th of October, and was waiting for Melendez to convoy it.London, 22nd December 1572.
22 Dec.  374. LETTER of INTELLIGENCE from    London (unsigned) to the
B.-M.           DUKE OF ALBA, Governor of the Netherlands.
Cotton,
Galba, C. iv.  Since my last of 18th instant a courier came to this Court from
Original draft. the Queen's ambassador in Paris with a letter of a sheet and a half
for the Queen, all in cipher, but, as the cipher is kept by a private
man of the Treasurer's, I have been unable to discover the contents,
or the purport of the negotiations being carried on by the private
persons who are concerned in these affairs, except that they are
about French and Scotch matters. As soon as the Queen received the letter she sent post haste to Morton and Killigrew,
saying that Cardinal Ursino had submitted to the king of France
many things against her and the kingdom of Scotland, and had tried
to persuade the King that all the heresy in his kingdom has come
from hers, as well as the rebellions and invasions from which he had
suffered. He (the Cardinal) said that she was acting in the same
way towards Flanders. She therefore tells them that it will be
better not to proceed in the matter of the election of Regent and
the other affairs which were to be undertaken, so as to satisfy the
King (of France) for the present.
The ambassador writes that the friend who gave him the letter
urged him to send it at once by a safe hand, as it was so important.
I am striving all I can to learn the name of this person in Paris
who keeps them so well posted in all that passes, in order that
a stop may be put to his wickedness, for great evil is wrought by it.
Weston (?), who was attached to Orange from this Queen, has
returned to this Court, and says that, if Orange were furnished




454


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1572.
with monev, he has good means of again raising trouble in the
States. He says there are 300 English in (Brille?), fortifying it,
and they are doing the same in Flushing. From the latter place,
a few days ago, a burgomaster came to London and went to Court.
I do not yet know his business. All these rebel places are being
constantly supplied with provisions from here, and they will continue to be so as long as things remain as they are. I am told that
Orange will come here secretly to negotiate with the Queen and
Council about these affairs. My friends have not yet been able to
tell me what his servant came about, except it be about this visit of
his master.
These people are preparing with astonishing diligence and care,
and as secretly as possible. The Queen has borrowed 600,000
crowns, 200,000 of the merchants here to be paid in Hamburg or
Cologne. An express courier was at once secretly sent off with the
ordinary courier to Antwerp on the 15th instant, taking a letter to
the Englishman in Hamburg who is the governor or head of the
merchants there, telling him to get together the merchandise
required, and to have ready by January the 200,000 crowns in
Hamburg or Cologne. The other 400,000 are to be raised in this
country, 100,000 from the clergy and 300,000 from the nobles,
under warrants from the privy seal binding the Queen to reimburse
all these sums out of the customs' revenues and the new subsidy.
All the money is to be ready by the end of January.
The Queen has secretly given orders for the holding in readiness
of 10,000 foot soldiers and 1,200 horse of the general muster called
recently, and has authorized Montgomeri to raise a force of 4,000
men from the Flemish and French bandits and some Englishmen
from Flushing and elsewhere who are with him. His captains are
now busy organizing this force. Four private ships carrying much
ordnance and stores have left this river; it is said for the west, to
join the other 1 5, of which I have written, for the purpose of going
together to re-victual Rochelle, as they have done before with other
ships.
My friends tell me that, so far as they can gather, these preparations are intended to carry out the following plan.  The
200,000 crowns will suffice, when supplemented by promises, to
raise 10,000 or 12,000 men in Germany to enter France. These
men will willingly go thither, as they know there will be plenty of
plunder. The troops raised here will be sent to Guienne, where
they have much promise of support from the nobles, and they will
then try to raise the whole country of Gascony and Languedoc and
as far as the Rhone and the Loire, so that there will be greater
civil wars than ever before in France. At the same time they will
not be idle in the States, and, judging from the support they have
in France and here, their plans are well laid.
On the 19th instant the Treasurer, who was in London, sent for
Antonio de Guaras, and said that he was much surprised he had
received no reply from your Excellency. What passed between
them and the answer given to him I leave for Guaras to tell,
as no doubt he will write to your Excellency about it; although
I have heard the whole of the conversation from a person who
overheard it.




ELIZABETH.


455


1572.
They are anxious to know what attitude your Excellency is
going to adopt towards them, in order to make their arrangements
in conformity therewith. They are very desirous of coining to
some settlement with Spain or Portugal, in order to be able to concentrate their attention on France; and, quite recently, a gentleman
of position, who is a friend of mine and a confidant of the Treasurer's,
approached me twice over, to ask me whether there was not some
way we could devise by which the trade with Portugal might be
resumed. In the course of conversation he said that the religious
question was the cause of these negotiations being ineffectual. I
answered him fittingly, and I have no doubt he will carry the
matter forward. I am much surprised at such a hint reaching
me in this way, because the Treasurer looks askance at me, as lie
believes it was I who prevented the last arrangement with Portugal
from being carried through. It shows their need to be even greater
than it appears.
An Englishman arrived here on the 20th in great haste from
Paris, to tell the Treasurer that Cardinal Lorraine had arrived at
Lyons and had sent a courier at once to the King. The Queen
was immediately informed of this, and it is evident that they are
full of distrust and alarm at the coming of the two cardinals, and
with very good reason, for it may result in their being punished as
they deserve.
The earl of Arundel has been released, and, it is said, he will go
to Court and fulfil his office as Lord Steward. There are good
hopes, too, of his son-in-law, Lord Lumley, and of the earl of
Southampton.
There are signs that they are likely to release the rest of the
Catholics who are in prison for religion's sake, as the Treasurer
and others were conferring with them in the Tower for a long time
the other day. This show of friendship with the Catholics is a
proof of the alarm they feel.
Letters came on the 19th from the king of France to his ambassador, who is to have audience to-morrow. I will report what I
hear. I have just heard that a certain M. de St. Marie, of the
duchy of Guienne, has written to the Treasurer confirming
Montgomeri's promise given here, that the province shall be
delivered to this Queen.-London, 22nd December 1572.
Note.-Damaged by fire.
1573.
7 Jan.   375. Document headed: " POINTS of LETTERS from ANTONIO DE
B. M.,           GUARAS to ZAYAS."
Add. 26056b.
The States of Holland and the prince of Orange have sent four
commissioners to the queen of England, to invite her to take
possession of the strong places that remain in Orange's favour, and
defend them  against the King's forces. She is much urged to this.
The Queen, however, had not resolved, but was keeping the matter
open until she knew whether the conditions that Cecil had given
him (Guaras) would be accepted by the duke of Alba. in which
case she would refuse aid to Orange, at least publicly. If the
conditions are not accepted she will help the rebels energetically.




456


SPANISH STATE PAPERS


157S.
Morton has been declared regent of Scotland with four associates.
Parliament has been prorogued till April, when it is thought they
will proceed against the queen of Scots.
Large sums of money are being sent to Hamburg for the purpose
of raising troops in Germany.
The ships of the fleet at the Isle of Wight had captured nine
French vessels with goods from  Andalucia and Bordeaux, on
letters of marque granted by Orange against French and Spanish
Catholics.
Caunfer was being strongly fortified with four ramparts. There
were 2,000 men and much artillery there, and 14 well armed ships
in the port.
The Flushing people were determined to block the channel of the
river to Antwerp with old ships loaded with stone and sunk. The
Lord Privy Seal is dead. He was considered a Catholic.
The galleys of the king of France had captured four English
ships loaded with powder and stores on their way to succour
Rochelle, and the Queen was demanding their restitution, which
will probably be granted, as the French treat her with much
respect. Hawkins has seven or eight fine ships all ready to put
into commission, and it wa.s thought he was going with Montgomeri
to succour Rochelle. The queen of England had offered $300,000
to those who guard the prince of Scotland to deliver him to her,
and if the friends of his mother do not keep him, it is considered
certain that she (Elizabeth) will get him, and they will then do as
they like both with him and his mother, namely, kill them.
Permission has been given for any ships that like to go to Spain,
and take or bring merchandise. Many ships had accordingly gone
with cloth and other goods which had been sold in Andalucia and
Galicia, bringing back in return the goods they required.*
14 Jan.  376. LETTER of INTELLIGENCE fiom London (unsigned) to the
B. M.           DUKE OF ALBA, Governor of the Netherlands.
Cotton,
Galba,. Iv.  I wrote my last letter on the 3rd instant, and now report that
Original draft. Casimbrot has given to the Queen a letter from Orange, written at
Delft, saying that he has two or three other places in Holland, and
that he will be able to stand his ground if he is kept supplied with
munitions and victuals, which he much needs. He is promised
troops from Germany, with which, he says, he will be able to push
back the duke of Alba's army to the frontier and recover the places
he has lost. He will, he says, have a good fleet ready by the spring,
which will further aid him, and he greatly desires to come hither
secretly to discuss matters of importance.
I said a burgomaster of Flushing had arrived here. Some more
have now come, who say the place is well fortified, and, if they can
keep up the supply of provisions, they have nothing to fear. I
shall know better what is going on when I learn the reply given
to Orange and to these men.
As I said, the French ambassador went to Court, and I learn


* Note in the handwriting of the King: " Notice. I know how my orders are obeyed,
Let Velasco see this."




ELIZABETH.


457


1573.
that he complained much, on behalf of the King, that the Queen's
subjects should take victuals to the rebels at Rochelle. His galleys
had captured near Rochelle four English ships loaded with corn
and salt meat. The ambassador on his own account also complained
that the ships were despatched with his passport, as he had been
deceived as to their destination.
The Queen said that her good subjects had taken nothing to
these people in Rochelle, and would not do so, but the ambassador
said he would show her a letter written to the King by the captain
of his galleys, saying that, in addition to the provisions in the said
ships, he had found on deck six French Huguenots, two of whom
were known to belong to Rochelle. The Queen was taken aback
at this, and called the Admiral to inquire about it, ordering him to
make the strictest inquiries and severely punish the offenders; with
a great deal more of the same sort of talk, all of which will end in
nothing, as usual. The ambassador also said that his King was
much astonished at the great preparations being made here by
French and Flemish rebels, helped by Englishmen and directed by
Montgomeri and the Vidame; whereby his subjects were grievously
injured. The Queen said, that as they belonged to the same religion
as she did, she could not close her country to them. The sea, she
said, was their hunting ground, but if they brought any property
of French subjects to her country she would order its restitution.
The Queen's ambassador in France writes that his friend recommended him to appeal to the King, asking that the men on board
the four English ships captured by the galleys should not be so
ill treated. The King replied that it was his wish that all foreigners
in France should be well treated, and especially Englishmen, but he
only intended to refer to those who behaved themselves properly,
and the others should be well punished. He (the Ambassador)
writes that things were very threatening in Languedoc, and, if a
person of confidence were sent thither this spring, greater troubles
would ensue than ever, as nearly all the people are Huguenots,
although the severity of the King has made them pretend to be
Catholics. A great force and nearly all the nobles were being got
ready to go to Rochelle with the duke of Anjou, and, unless some
remedy is devised, the struggle will be hard and bloody.
The earl of Morton, the new regent of Scotland, writes to the
Queen that is was arranged for Parliament to meet there on the
20th instant, and a suspension of hostilities was agreed upon until
the 15th April, when it was to close. He was in hope that all
would turn out to their liking, as the four gentlemen who had the
Prince in their keeping were to be changed every three months,
and he had no doubt they would be able to agree. He is suspicious
of Huntly and his brother Adam, and of Lord Herries, and is
desirous that Killigrew should go from Berwick to stay with him
for three days, in order that he may verbally convey to him what
he wishes to say to the Queen. Killigrew came here very secretly
on the 17th. He is still at Court, but my friends cannot tell me
more yet as to the object of his coming.
The French ambassador received another packet from his master




458                        SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1573.
and went to Court to tell the Queen that the King was much displeased to hear of the great bribes paid by Killigrew in Scotland
to obtain possession of the Prince; which he (the King) would in
nowise allow, and, if she did not find a remedy for these proceedings, he should be forced to do so himself. The Queen replied
that these things were made up by persons who wished to perturb
the peace and harmony between her and the King. She said that
Killigrew had left Scotland some time ago. The ambassador asked
for a passport to send a packet to Scotland from the King, but the
Queen put him off and did not grant the passport for five days, so
as to give them time to write to Scotland first.  She wrote to
Morton telling him of the packet of letters being sent, which she
suspected were for Huntly, his brother Adam, and Lord (Herries?)
about the delivery of the Prince, urging them to prevent such a
thing. She recommended Morton, therefore, to be very cautious.
She had also been informed that Cardinal Ursino had done, and
would do, nothing until Cardinal Lorraine arrived, as he was expected every day, but that she would be well posted as to what was
done. All this is written in cipher, and he, Morton, is told that
she will shortly send a trustworthy person to report verbally to
him about the French affairs. In the meanwhile she expects a
reply from Germany, and will be able to come to a decision on all
points.
The earl of Leicester and the Treasurer are the originators and
promoters of all the iniquities that have been, and are being, committed, and of the sufferings of the good people here and elsewhere,
and, as they are doubtful of the life of the Queen, and fear that if
the queen of Scotland, as next heir, were to succeed here they could
never escape punishment, they have conceived and are pushing
forward a most wicked project for their own salvation in any case.
This is to bring the prince of Scotland here, even though it may
cost them the 300,000 crowns I have mentioned, and then, in some
secret way, to kill his mother; so that, at the death of this Queen,
they may proclaim him King and so save themselves. I consider
that the getting hold of this Prince will be easy, as Morton is at
the bottom of it. The gentlemen who guard him are changed every
three months, and they will be, no doubt, chosen by the Regent.
The disloyalty and falseness of Scotsmen are notorious, and they
will do anything for money. Of the Queen's friends, the duke of
Chatelherault will be the readiest to shut his eyes, as he has claims
to the Crown himself. No doubt Killigrew's coming is respecting
this matter, which he discussed with the Regent at his last interview with him.
The earl of Worcester, who is going to the baptism, leaves tomorrow. I am told he is taking a gold salver worth 400 or 500
(crowns?). They have, for the present, suspended the departure of
Dr. Dale, who is to go as ambassador to France, and I am told he
will not leave until an answer comes from Germany.
I have received two letters delivered to me by Antonio de Guaras,
who says they were sent to him by Secretary Albornoz.by a special
messenger he was dispatching.-London, 14th January 1573.




ELIZABETH.


459


1573.
30 Jan.    377. LETTER of INTELLIGENCE from London (unsigned) to the
B. M.              DUKE OF ALBA, Governor of the Netherlands.
Cotton,
Galba, C. Iv.  I wrote on the 26th, and now have to report that the three
Originaldraft. Queen's ships which I mentioned, are being got ready for sea
with furious haste. John Hawkins has gone to Plymouth with
all speed to take out his own and other private ships and corsairs.
Twenty-two sail, with 600 men, have just arrived on the coast from
Rochelle. The design is not known, but when the... ambassador (?) of France asked the Vidame de Chartres why these ships
had come, he replied to plunder.
Certain very rich heretics of this city have offered to lend this
Queen in cash at once 150,0001., to be repaid in three years, on
condition that.she ceases her warlike preparations against France;
their action being prompted by their fears of the result of such a
contest, in which they are confirmed by the French ambassador.
They wish, instead, that aid should be given to the rebel places in
Holland, Zealand, and to Rochelle to hold out during next summer,
so as to keep both kings (i.e., of France and Spain) employed, as
otherwise they fear that, after taking these places, their Majesties
may turn upon this country and bring it to catholicism again. The
Queen, I am told, is perplexed, but she will not turn back, as those
who are carrying forward the present plans are all-powerful in the
country.
The governor of Berwick has sent a speedy messenger with the
news that Killigrew had arranged for the Prince to be surrendered,
and in fact he had already been delivered to the earl of..
(Morton?), for the purpose of being sent into this country secretly,
when the project was discovered, and a sharp skirmish resulted,
where fifteen of the principal men on the Earl's side were killed and
the Prince recovered. The hopes of this plan being carried through
are therefore frustrated, and these people are much grieved about it.
Further particulars are expected by next courier, and I will report
all I can learn.
The earl of Worcester has gone to the christening in France, and
was attacked and nearly captured by pirates between Dover and
Boulogne, with the gold salver lie was carrying over. He was saved
by the dexterity of the master and sailors of his boat, but the
pirates captured another boat containing most of his gentlemen.
They killed four men and wounded six or seven, robbing the
gentlemen of their clothes and gold chains, and 5001. in money.
This was a planned affair, as the Bishops here, as soon as they
knew the Queen was going to be represented at the baptism, used
every effort to persuade her not to send the earl, they and their
friends offering her a large sum of money not to do so. This delayed
his departure until the 18th, although the Queen had promised the
ambassador he should leave on the 6th. As they saw they could
not prevent it in one way, they thought they would do so in
another. It is quite clear that, unless the pirates had been specially
ordered to make this attack, they would not have dared to do
such a thing, seeing that they are received in this country, and
come hither to sell their plunder and obtain their provisions and
stores.




460


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1573
The merchandise stolen from the ships from Antwerp by the
Flushing people has been sent to this country, and is being publicly
sold. The advice which enabled this booty to be captured was
sent to Flushing from Antwerp, where everything possible is done
against the interests of his Catholio Majesty.
A great Catholic clergyman, who has been imprisoned here for the
faith for a long time past, like many other virtuous and holy men, has
just written a letter in Latin to the Treasurer, which I am told is a
very remarkable one. I have not been able to get a copy, but it
exhorts and entreats the Treasurer to desist from the evil work
he is doing in this country and elsewhere, and from the rigorous
persecution of Catholics.  He urges him to turn like another
St. Paul, and also mentions the Queen. The Treasurer flew into a
violent rage with this letter, and ordered the arrest of a poor
Catholic serving woman who had delivered it. They keep him (the
priest) now very strictly in his prison, but he is full of the joy of
martyrdom.
They have printed in Paris a book in favour of the queen of
Scots in reply to an abominable one published here against her.
It contains many things against the Treasurer and his brother-inlaw, the Chancellor. On this being reported in cipher by their
informant in the French Court, Burleigh made great complaints to
the Frencl ambassador, and gave him a note of the name of the
printer and bookseller in Paris.*
Perhaps this is the beginning of God's punishment of these people
for their iniquities, which He can bear no longer. —London, 30th
January 1573.
NVote. -Much damaged by fire.
4 Feb.  378. LETTER of INTELLIGENCE from London (unsigned) to the
B. M.           DUKE OF ALBA, Governor of the Netherlands.
Cotton,
Galba, C. iv.  My last letter was dated the 30th ultimo, and I now have to
Original draft. report that on that day the French ambassador was with the
Queen for an hour and a half, expressing to her his master's surprise
at the great rebel preparations being made here, aided by many
Englishman, particularly mentioning Hawkins, with the object of
helping Montgomeri and succouring Rochelle, all of which, he
said, was opposed to the friendship and alliance between her and
the King. He was therefore forced formally to protest, and to say
that, if these matters continued, he should consider their friendship
broken by her act. The Queen replied that these preparations
need not cause any surprise, as the King himself was making
similar preparations at Dieppe and elsewhere, and she should be
very glad of some explanation from the King about them. The
ambassador said they were certainly not for the purpose of offending
anybody, and were only to guard his own coast. He urged her
not to help Rochelle, but to help him to recover it, as it belonged
to him, and he would treat the rebels mercifully. Much more of
the same sort was said, and the ambassador left on good terms


* Walsingham had sent the book from Paris to Burleigh a short time before. See
Calendar of State Papers (Foreign), 20th January 1573.




ELIZABETH.


461


1573.
with her, being referred to the Council to discuss the matters at
issue. They promised him an answer at Shrovetide and gave it
him, to the effect that the Queen would forbid piracy in her
dominions, and that no English ships should sail to offend anyone,
but only for the security of her own coast.
They did the same thing last year with great proclamations and
orders in all the ports; the Count de la Marque being especially
singled out for expulsion, but it was all a deceitful trick to cover
the taking of Brille. I am much afraid they will attempt what I
have said, as T am told the Queen's ships will go out to sea in four
or five days, as well as the merchantmen. A courier came from
Scotland on the 31st ultimo confirming the news of the discovery of
the plot for the delivery of the Prince, who is now in safe hands,
and of the fighting which had resulted. It is affirmed that the
commander of the castle of Edinburgh, the principal fortress of
the country, who is on the queen of Scotland's side, learning of
the intended treason, bombarded half the city, which is attached
to the Protestant cause. Many of the houses were demolished, and
especially the greater part of Morton's house, whose appointment
as Regent he will not recognize because it was brought about
corruptly, and not by the election of the three estates of the realm
as is customary. As these are matters of such vital importance,
and touch the interests of God and the Catholic Princes, I thought
I should err greatly if I delayed the possible provision of some
measures to frustrate them when I learnt of the project, and I
I could think of no better way of acting than divulging what I had
learnt to the French ambassador, as he has much connection with
Scotland. I found he was not so well informed about as I was, and
he thanked me warmly.
I was with him again yesterday, and, he told me that, immediately after I gave him my intelligence, he had sent a speedy
courier to Scotland, and had already received a reply. He said
that he would for ever declare that, after God, I had been the
saviour of the Prince, and had thus been the means of stopping the
iniquities that had been plotted. I do not think I shall be blamed
for acting as I have done in this matter.
These people are again negotiating for the remittance of 150,000
(crownsc?) in bills of exchange to Edinburgh (Hamburgh?) by
means of the Easterlings, and I will duly report what is decided
on the point. This may be to assist in raising troops in Germany,
for which the 200,000 were sent as advised by me on the
15th December, because, as one out of the three cables they had
twisted has snapped, they will try to save themselves with the
other two, namely, the sending of help to Flanders and the French
rebels, and so, by the help of Germanr troops, keep the two Kings
busy all this year.
The good clergyman I mentioned in my last was summoned
twice by the Treasury, who put a great many questions to him
If the good man wrote well he spoke better, and he exhorted the
Treasurer to such good purpose that the latter got angry and
threatened him with execution. He said he would gladly meet
death in the service of God and the truth. I am told lie will




462


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1573.
certainly be condemned to martyrdom.  The man they sent to
Germany has not yet returned, and they are much'surprised thereat.
Orange's people and the commissioners from the rebel places in
this Court are very well entertained, but it is said they will not be
despatched until the man comes back from Germany.-London, 4th
February 1573.
Note.-Damaged by fire.
16 Feb.  379. ANTONIO DE GUARAS to the DUKE OF ALBA.
AddB. aM6,56  As was arranged, Lord Burleigh sent for me and told me that
much dispute had taken place with the other Councillors in the
Queen's presence about our negotiations, but that her Majesty and
he had insisted so strongly, that they had agreed to conclude an
arrangement, in accordance with a draft which he showed me, and
which he said I could read and return to him. I did so rapidly
and made a copy, which I enclose. He asked me what I thought of
the terms, to which I replied that I approved of them; except, in my
humble opinion, the detention only of English delinquents (in Spain)
was an insufficient punishment, unless accompanied by forfeiture.
As to the day for opening the ports, he said that, if your Excellency
approved of it, the 1st of May would do. He insists strongly upon
the first sitting of the commission being held here, in which he says
the Queen and all the Councillors are firm. I told him that another
clause would have to be added, to the effect that the agreement
would have to be signed by your Excellency and himself as representatives of the sovereigns, pointing out that your Excellency
must do so to avoid delay in opening the ports, and the sovereigns
would afterwards ratify and seal the documents as arranged. He
said he would speak to the Queen about it and the rest of my poor
suggestions, and would give me a clean copy of the draft to send to
your Excellency to sign and seal, which he would do also, the copies
being mutually exchanged. He said, as he has on other occasions.
that he hoped your Excellency would sign willingly, if only out of
respect for the Queen. I therefore detain this special courier for
two or three days to send the documents by him.
Burleigh asked me pressingly whether I had any reply to the
suggestions he had several times made about the prince of Orange,
to which I replied that, although I had written to your Excellency
about it I had no instructions. He said the Queen was very
anxious to have the matter settled, and I said I thought his
'Majesty would not listen to any approaches such as this from a
vassal, and particularly such a traitor as Orange, but if Orange
himself, confessing his evil deeds and declaring his repentance, urged
the Queen to intercede for him with the King, perhaps, his Majesty
being so clement a Prince, might overlook his treason out of
love and reverence for the Queen. Perhaps a settlement might be
arrived at in this way. I do not know whether I did wrong in
saying this, as he spoke of settling;his business with Orange in
quite an off-hand fashion, rather than speaking of Orange as a
vassal of the King whom  he had offended. Burleigh would not
have endured what I said from anyone else, but he takes everything
from me in good part. He answered excusing Orange, saying that




ELIZABETH.


463


3573.
he only aimed at the common good and resisting oppression, and the
intolerable impositions put upon them by your Excellency without
the knowledge of the King. These were his words, and I told him
he was ill-informed, and he might be sure that, although your
Excellency had authority to govern the States in your own way,
important matters were not executed without his Majesty's knowledge and consent. Although you were such a grand Prince, you
were, I said, a humble servant of the King. He said he had been
told that your Excellency was very rich since you had been in the
Netherlands, and I said he could learn from anybody that your
ancestors had always served their sovereigns loyally, as your
Excellency had done for 50 years unceasingly in the field, but it was
said that no grandee in Spain had profited less, as you and yours
had always thought first of honour and fidelity rather than of pay.
I said, in truth, that you were so just and upright a Prince that
your first thought was to do your duty in your high position. He
asked me about.the duke of Medina-Celi, and said he was informed
that he was a Prince of much merit-did he belong to the Royal
house? To which I said I thought he did. I hope I shall not be
considered impertinent in repeating all this, as it arose out of Lord
Burleigh's questions.
He said he heard you were increasing your army and going to
Haarlem, which, however, he learnt, was very strong, and you would
find great resistance there and at Delft and other places. I said
he was quite wrong if he thought that Orange and his people were
going to prevail for any time, as they must be conquered for the
very badness of this cause, having risen against their natural
sovereign. In the end Holland and Zealand would be brought
down, humbled, punished, and repentant. He said: No doubt; but
the Queen, both for the present and future, wished to calm the
trouble and bring about a peace.
Of the four commissioners from Holland tlhree have returned with
Casimbrot, the other remaining here. They have gone in a large
vessel loaded with harquebusses and barrels of powder, but have
settled none of the things they came about. They have only got
fine words, and they have left with the Queen a written copy of
their treasonable offers, which I have mentioned. No doubt this
copy will be made much of to show that these English have refused
out of friendship for his Majesty. Some Frenchmen, to the number
of 150, hive gone over with the commissioners and separately,
seduced by Casimbrot, but I can hear of no English going. Montgomeri is preparing for his voyage, and 10 ships are being fitted
out in the river, whilst 20 pirates are on the coast and at the Isle of
Wight ready to accompany them, as well as eight belonging to
Captain Hawkins of Plymouth. I heard that Montgomeri is going
with 3,000 men to succour Rochelle. The French ambassador has
protested to the Queen about it, and begged her to prevent such a
force going against his King, in violation of the recent treaty. Slie
answered that the King had first broken it by sending arms and
troops to Scotland, to which the ambassador replied that this was
done, not by the King, but by Cardinal Lorraine, the queen of




464


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1573.
Scotland's kinsman. The Queen said, if any help was to be sent to
Rochelle, it would not be sent.by her orders but by the bishop of
London, out of friendship and in respect of his religion. This is
the way they dissemble, and with strong signs of breaking with
France altogether if the King (of Spain) makes any show of friendship and approval. I am, however, told from a good source that
the Council is considering whether Montgomeri shall go to Scotland
with this force to get the Prince. They fear he cannot get into
Rochelle in consequence of the King's galleys and ships. They also
talk about the possibility of Montgomeri with his force going to
help Orange, but, such is their confusion and fickleness, that anything may be suspected of them. The people here continue to send
money to Hamburg, and it is said that Ludovic was raising more
troops in Germany, but your Excellency will know best whether it
is against France or the States.
As I have said, an English pirate named Fenner had assailed
Mongia and I have since heard that he and others have captured
some ships from the Indies at the Azores. It is said that the pirates
have informed the Admiral and certain friends of theirs here of these
robberies, which they keep secret from me, the object being to
trump up some arrangement by pretending that they (i.e. the fiiends)
are authorised by the owners of the property to settle and give a
quittance. When I have learnt as much as I can I will speak to Lord
Burleigh about it, and will again beg the Queen to order the arrest of
the armed ships and release the prizes.- London, 16th February 1573.
16 Feb.  380. LETTER of INTELLIGENCE from London (unsigned) to the
B. M.           DUKE OF ALBA, Governor of the Netherlands.
GCotton   I wrote last on the 9th instant, and on the same evening Henry
Galba, C. iv.
Original draft. Horne, whom the Queen sent to Germany, arrived here. He came
by sea and disembarked in the Downs, as he was afraid to pass
through France. He appears to have returned in fine feather, with
a gold chain of 700 or 800 crowns round his neck, and a medal
bearing the portrait of the duke of Saxony, which the latter
presented to him.
The next night Casimbrot was sent off to take ship at Sandwich.
From what I can gather, it appears that the Queen has written a
letter for Orange, saying, that as Casilmbrot was sent by the
Palatine, she refers him (Orange) to the statement he will make
verbally to him and to the Treasurer's letter. This is to the effect
that a gentleman will be sent to him in a week bearing a decision
on the whole question. It is believed Weston (?), of whom I have
spoken several times, will go. I hear that Orange writes in the
same sense as I have mentioned before, namely, that he has great
understandings in the States, and will be able to cause trouble
there this year, at great expense to his Majesty (Philip).
Three ships of 50 tons each have recently left here for Flushing
loaded with victuals and stores, sent by Ferdinand Pointz, who I
have mentioned as being a good hand at this business. The stores
were bought with part of the proceeds of the goods taken by the
Flushing people from the vessels from Antwerp and brought hither




ELIZABETH.


465


1573.
18 Feb.
B. M.
Cotton,
Galba, C. Iv.
Original draft.


for sale. The rest of the money was devoted to the payment of
the English captains and soldiers who went to Flushing.
The writing to Scotland, to the effect I mentioned, has not gone
any further yet, but it is believed that the coming of this man
from Germany will cause them to send a person to Scotland, as I
wrote on the 14th ultimo, to inform Morton of affairs in France
and Flanders.
On the 9th instant, at midday, M. d'Anguilliere, with a large
train, arrived here from Rochelle, having landed at the Isle of
Wight.  He is the Lieutenant-Governor of the place for the
Huguenots. He went at once to Montgomeri's house, but I have
not been able to discover his errand. I hope to do so and will
report.
The gentleman who I said had come from the Palatine, and had
embarked for Rochelle, has not been able to sail yet owing to the
weather. He is no doubt going on this business, as I am informed
that he bears with him a countersign from the Treasurer to enable
him to make an arrangement with the pirates.
We have not heard yet of the arrival in Scotland of M. de Verac,
the gentleman of the chamber to the king of France, who, I said in
my last, had gone thither, but the earl of Morton has taken prisoner
a brother of the captain of the castle of Edinburgh, who accompanied him.  This man is now in Blackness Castle.   He was
carrying 5,000 crowns and some papers.
The three Queen's ships, one large and two small, which I said
had gone to sea, are said to have captured seven pirate vessels. This
is very likely, but I do not believe it will be to harm them, but
rather to instruct them as to their best course of action. The earl
of Worcester is daily expected back from the christening, and my
friend will give me full details. I will duly report.-London, 16th
February 1573.
381. LETTER of INTELLIGENCE from London — (unsigned) to the
DUKE OF ALBA, Governor of the Netherlands.
I wrote on the 16th, and yesterday they sent off their letter to
Scotland, which throws some light on the German mission, and I
consequently give particulars.
The Queen writes to Morton that she has received a message
from the three electors of (Saxony?) Brandenburg and the Palatine,
the second of whom, however, simply confirms what Saxony may
say. This is to the effect that, with reference to the Queen's
suggestion that a reconciliation between her and his Catholic
Majesty might be arranged by the mediation of the Emperor, he
does not think it is practicable whilst the confederation between
them exists, and that it would be best for Orange to push on and
for her to help him, as they too would do in fulfilment of their
obligations. He says she lmust not forget that if his Catholic
Majesty found his States tranquil he would soon give her plenty to
think about, and would influence the Emperor to turn them out
of their electorships, as the marriage of the (Arch)duke Charles to
the daughter of the duke of Bavaria had this for its sole object.
0 Q? 76467.




466


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1573.
She says the Palatine s nt a gentleman, a secretary of his, to
speak to the same effect and to persuade her to break with France,
where there would be plenty of people ready to rise, and, between
this and April, much might be done with money to keep the
French busy.
The Queen writes to Morton that she is not at all confident of
Rochelle being able to hold out against the extraordinary efforts
being made by the King by land and sea, and if she could be sure
of Spain and Portuoal she would at once enter Guienne, where she
has great understandings.
She urges Morton to be on his guard, as she believes that when
the king of France takes Rochelle, he will fall upon Scotland in
union with his Catholic Majesty, although she is not so sure about
this last as the king of France is so suspicious about Don Juan's
delay.
She tells Morton to use every effort to get possession of the castle
of Edinburgh, and says she has given orders to the governor of
Berwick to hold in readiness his forces there, and others that have
been secretly raised on the border.  She promises to send him
(Morton) guns, powder, and other stores, which are now being
taken from the Tower here, under the pretence that they are for
Berwick.
She also writes that your Excellency, by means of a Spaniard
resident here, is trying to obtain a re-opening of the ports on loth
sides, in order that the States may be supplied with provisions,
which are much wanted. She sees the need of your Excel!ency
she says, and, if she makes the arrangement, it will only be on
the basis of free intercourse and other conditions advantageous
to her.
She says that the return of Cardinal Ursino to Rome without
doing anything in France was only an attempt on the part of that
King to satisfy her, but it had done nothing of the sort, as bhe saw
it wis all trickery, and she had been informed that Cardinal
Lorraine bore the same powers from the Pope as Ursino did.
Advices from  Germany received here say that a Venetian
gentleman, by means of a Jew who is very friendly with the Turk,
is treating for peace. The Turk, it appears, will consent to peace
with Venice if the son of the Emperor is made king of Poland;
the object being for the Turk thereupon to turn all his force
against Hungaiy.
In the course of the next few days they will dispatch the Palatine's secretary, the gentleman to Scotland and another to Orange.
I will see what I can discover on each head and advise.
In six or seven days Montgomeri will leave the Court and
embark, no doubt in consequence of the news of the King's strong
fleet before Rochelle, although people here say that Montgomeri is
not going thither, and even assert that lie will not leave this
country until they see whether the king of France is going to
send to Scotland, in whkih case he (Montgorneri) would go there.
It is impossible, however, to say anything with confidence as they
change their plans daily.-London, 18th February 1573.
3ote. —Much damaged by fire.




VtIZAttT1                   467


467


1573.
23 Feb.  382. LETTER of INTELLIGENCE from London (unsigned) to the
B. fM.          DUKE OF ALBA, Governor of the Netherlands.
Gaotto,     My last letter was dated 18th instant, and there will not be
Original draft. much to report to-day as the Queen is leaving Greenwich, where
she has been staying, to go for a fortnight's round of visits to some
gentlemens' houses near, with a small suite and privately. The
principal reason of this, however, is that they think thus to be able
to carry out their wicked plans more secretly.
The Treasurer has summoned Weston (?), who went to Germany,
another Englishman named Daniel, who is very clever and knows
those parts well, and the Palatine's secretary to be with him
to-morrow at the place, 12 miles off, where the Queen stays
two days. It is probable be (the Secretary?) will be dispatched
from there, although they are hourly awaiting another message
from Germany. I will try to discover what is done and advise, as
I always do. Montgomeri is accompanying the Queen, but will
soon depart, it is said, for Rochelle, and, if he can do nothing there,
he will go to Scotland. Troops are secretly being raised for him
in some parts of the country, the object being to seize the prince of
Scotland by force, as they could not get him fraud. This will
cause a rupture with France, but they will not carry it out until
they know whether they can come to terms with his Catholic
Majesty, upon which point they are awaiting an answer from your
Excellency. It is impossible, however, to speak with confidence of
the plans of these people as they are changing daily. I am always
on the watch, as may be seen by my continual advices, and will so
continue to the utmost of my power.
On the 19th the French ambassador received despatches front
his King, and at once requested audience, which was not granted
until the 22nd. He was with the Queen for an hour, and te.
Queen was apparently anything but gay. I do not yet know what
passed, but hope to learn. The earl of Worcester las not arrived
as the weather does not serve for his passage across. His arrival
and the dispatch of the new English ambassador to France will
enable me to learn some fresh particulars.
I am just informed that the Treasurer has received a letter frlom
Flushing reporting the departure from there of 43 sail, large and
small, with stones and old vessels to block up the approach to the
river (Scheldt) towards Antwerp, and so to prevent the passage of
the fleet which is being equipped there. These people are very
glad at the news.-London, 23rd February 1573.
Note.-Damaged by fire.
7 April. 383. LETTER of INTELLIGENCE from London (unsigned) to the DtTKE
B. M.     OF ALBA, Governor of the Netherlands.
CGaltton  I wrote to your Excellency on the 30th ultimo. On the 2nd
Galba, C. xv.
Original draft. instant, Doctor Dale, the new Ambassador, left here for France. I
am now in great hope of being able to discover the names of the
persons who send such continual reports hither from Rome, France,
Venice, and Padua.




468


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1573.
The English soldiers, who I said in my last were ready to leave
for Zealand, have not left yet in consequence of the weather, nor
have the stores and munitions of Which it is said the rebels are in
urgent need.
I learn by letters of 29th ultimo brought by the last ordinary
post of the victories gained by Don Fadrique (i.e., Don Fadrique
de Toledo, son of the Duke of Alba), the great numbers of the
rebels killed and captured, the breaking of the dike, the capture of
(Sparen?) near Haarlem by M. de Bossu and of the great
slaughter of the Flushing men by the people of Antwerp. We also
hear of the reinforcement of Antwerp, which will render the entrance
into Zealand easy; all of which greatly grieves people here, who are
making up news to a contrary effect. If they did not resort to
these cunning tricks continually, disturbances would soon be raised
in this country.
As soon as they sent Dr. Dale off they began the letters for
Scotland which are not yet finished. When they are ready for
dispatch I shall be informed of some parts of the contents. The
men from the Palatine, Saxony, and Count Ludovic are still here,
and when they are dispatched I shall know their errands.
I am informed that Montgomeri with his fleet was to leave
yesterday, but his destination is not known, although some say it
is Rochelle, where the king's forces have sunk more than 50 old
ships to block the entrance and prevent succour from reaching the
rebels. I will fulfil my duty to his Majesty and your Excellency
by promptly and continually communicating all I can lelrn.London, 7th April 1573.
9 April. 384. JUAN DE SALVATIERRA to the KING.
B. M.     The bishops of London and Winchester and other prelates of
Addn. 26,056b England have agreed to petition tlhe Queen to help Orange and
Montcomeri, she being the defender of heresy.and conse luently
obliged to prevent their being undone, they being of the same
religion as herself. The Queen replied, as usual, that she did not
wish to do anything against the King her brother. They then s-id
that as she did not wish to run the risk herself, she should give them
license to do so, and so enable them  to discharge their duty and
employ their revenues in defence of their faith. The bishop of
London and his party have accordingly subscribed 20,0001., which they
have sent to the prince of Orange, and the bishop of Winchester hlas
raised 35,0001., which has been deposited in the G(uildhall of Lcondon
to be given to the Landgrave's son to raise troops. They have not
handed him the money yet as they want him to give security for
the fulfilment of his part. They gave a sum of money to him
before for the Rochelle affair but he did not take the troops.' It
will be thus seen what the friendship of the Queen means and that
she does her best to forward heresy. I-ow much more holy and
grateful would it be for the bishops of this country (i.e., Spain) to
beg your Majesty to allow them to apply some of their revenues to
the succour of the Catholics of Ireland and England against
the enemies of the faith. It would be very welcome to the Lord
that your MaIjesty should comnmand this,




ELIZABETH.                        T6
157'3.
May.    385. Document headed "ORDERS to be verbally given to ZUBIARBd. M6.           not to be taken in writing."
HAe is to start for England with all speed, pretending that he is
going for his own affairs, and, on his arrival, he is to endeavour to
see Captains Morgan, Frobisher, Lane, Olivier, and the other
German, and find out what their wishes are. He is to see each one
separately and press the business home with the one that appears
to be most attached to his Majesty's interests and is best fitted for
the execution of the business. If they agree mutually, he will
approve of it and urge them to proceed with great caution, promising
them large rewards from his Majesty. He will deal with them as
clearly as possible, and in the manner he thinks best to attain the
end in view, namely, to get Flushing to return to the King's
service.
It appears that all these captains have one or two ships of their
own, in which they can go backwards and forwards to Flushing,
and if they or some of those who are in the place can put between
decks some thousand Walloons or a sufficient number for the
purpose in hand, and as soon as the ships are in port, seize a gate
and land their men smartly, they may master the place. If these
captains be not already in the garrison there, they can enter with
their ships carrying troops as has been mentioned. In such case
they themselves should land and seize a gate before letting their
men be seen and then pro 'eed as before-mentioned.
For this purpose the Walloons under a good officer might be
gathered quietly at Sluys, or some other Flemish port which might
be chosen bly the captains themselves as being most convenient for
the embarkation.
If several of these captains agree to undertake the enterprise it
would not be bad to arrange that some of them should remain as
hostages in Flanders, or at least that the Walloons, if necessary,
should act as masters when on board the vessels.
If these captains succeed in killing, subjecting, or expelling from
the place those who are there, and make themselves masters of the
town, without any help from our people, they shall be very richly
rewarded and they may surrender the place without misgiving.
If they cannot succeed at Flushing they might do it at Caunfer,
Incusen, or Brille, although Flushing would always be considered
the best.
If they cannot undertake this, see what part of the enemy's
fleet they could burn or sink, or what other signal service they
could do, or put them into communication with the Grand
Commander (Requesens).
All this must be done so secretly that not even Antonio de
Guaras or other Spaniard, or anyone else, shall hear of it, but, if it
be necessary to employ the service of any Spaniard, let it be Lopd
de la Sierra, who is now in London and is a man fit for anything,
for whom I will give him a letter.
9 June.  386. LETTER of INTELLIGENCE from London (unsigned) to the
B. M.           DUKE OF ALBA, Governor of the Netherlands.
CGalbtto   II wrote last on the 20th April, and I have had nothing to advise
Original draft. since then, as I have not been able to'see my friends. As the




470


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1573,
matters were public I did not report the departure of the soldiers,
munitions, and stores from the Thames for Flushing and Brille on
the 9th ultimo, and of the 1,000 men raised in and around this city
with money provided by the Flemish rebels. Most of them    are
gone, and the rest will leave shortly.
I have now to report that we have news that the castle of
Edinburgh is surrendered to Morton on certain conditions, which
will be a cloak to cover the cunning tricks they have been carrying
on there, all of them invented here. The Queen and Council have
thus, at last, in their hands what they have been so long desiring
in order to be able to promote their false religion. They will also
get into their power the prince of Scotland, of which country this
Queen will now be absolute mistress, to the destruction and ruin
of the Catholics there, and here too, as she will be in no fear of
Scotland now, as she was before. This it was that prevented her
from executing the Catholics, but the poor creatures now see themselves powerless and hopeless, and are crying to God for strength
to bear their martyrdom like the Christians of the primitive
Church.
Montgomeri has arrived with all his fleet and some prizes at
the Isle of Wight. He came here secretly at once to hatch some
new plots. They are doubtful about being able to succour Rochelle,
and even more doubtful of effecting a landing on the coast of
Normandy, Brittany, Picardy, or Guienne, as the King is well
prepared everywhere. As they are now sure of Scotland, therefore, secret orders are to be given for Montgomeri and his fleet to
join the pirates in the Channel, and, together with Orange's fleet,
try to defeat that of Count Bossu and relieve Haarlem.* They say
that if they can do this they will be able to hold Holland for a
long time, as your Excellency's forces can be prevented from doing
harm to the other rebel places there. When it is effected they are
to go to Flushing and land their troops with others going from
here, and endeavour to take Middleburg and obtain possession of
all the island, under the protection of Orange. They will prevent,
in this way, reinforcements coming from your Excellency, as they
will hold the channels with their fleet.
This plan is authentic, and a great pirate named M. de Lumbres
has come to this Court from Orange about it. He saw Montgomeri
immediately, and it is said that certain  Bishops and heretic
gentlemen here will aid with large sums of money. A subscription
is also to be raised by the Flemish rebels here and the many
secret sympathisers in the States. Lumbres left yesterday on his
return.
The plan is also proved to be authentic by the arrival here of
all the commissioners sent by this city to Flushing as soon as the
announcement was published that licenses would be granted for
ships and merchandise to be sent to Antwerp. They bring back
word that they (the Flushing people?) will give no such license,
as they say the Antwerp men are their enemies.     No further
* Count Bossu had recently obtained possession of the fort at the mouth of the
Sparen which commanded the entrance to IHaarlem by water. The city was therefore
suffering great privation.




ELIZABETH.                        471
1573.
particulars are known. A proof of the correctness of my information on this point is that seven English ships were bound to
Sluys with wool and other goods under convoy of two ships of the
fleet, and, being encountered by the Flushing people, three of
them were captured, two loaded with wool and one with oil, the
rest escaping and entering the Sluys. The Council is evidently a
consenting party to this, or the Flushing people would not dare to
do it.* The Flushing people aim at stopping trade in Flanders, as
they understand that the agreement was effected in order to provide food for the people there.  They will therefore put their
wicked plans into execution. As my friends told me and I wrote
on the 20th April, the idea is to have free intercourse so as to be
able to provide victuals to all the rebel places, as, indeed, they do
now constantly from Ipswich and Colchester and places in Suffolk,
whence 60 vessels with food have s:iled. Four ships that were
loading here from Sluys, it is said, will now go to Hamburg.
Captain Morgan and others have 1,500 soldiers ready, and will
at once leave for Holland with great quantities of stores.
The letter your Excellency wrote to me on 20th February has
not been given to Ile by Antonio de Guaras. God grant that its
detention may not bring trouble to me, although I already see
signs that it will. The curse of jealousy is capable of anything.
The anxiety has made me very ill, and I am in the doctor's hands.
-London, 9th June 1573.
19 June. 387. Document in the handwriting of Guaras headed: MARTYRDOM
B. M.           of a CATHOLIC PRIEST in ENGLAND.
ATranscript.  When the Queen came to the throne, many Bishops and others
were arrested for religion's sake, and, amongst them, a very wise
priest, who was kept in prison thenceforward like the rest.
This holy man was carried before the Judges to be examined on
points of faith, many people gathering there to hear him. He first
denied their right to examine his conscience, he being a priest and
they laymen. They said they were authorised by virtue of the
Queen's commission, which they prcduced, signed and sealed, for
the hearing of this case; she being the spiritual and temporal
head of the realm, as was set forth in the commission. He replied
that the Pope was head of the Universal Church, and, not only was
the Queen not so, but no temporal prince could be, particularly a
woman, an imperfect vessel. In his conscience he could not acknowledge the Queen to be a legitimate sovereign, as the contrary
was set forth in the excommunication of the late supreme Pontiff and
confirmed by the present Pope. He only acknowledged her to be
a bastard and spurious woman, not born in wedlock, and he only
believed in all that the holy mother Church taught, and outside
of this true faith there was no spiritual salvation. In discharge of
his conscience to this effect he publicly declared the same to those


* Ch. de Boiset writes from Middleburg to Walsingham, 23rd December 1573 (Cal.,
State Papers, Foreign), saying that this capture was not the work of the Flushingers
but of pirates who assumed their name. The Flushing people, however, had cause to
complain of the English for allowing stores to be sent to their enemies, and were sending
a list of grievances to the Queen.




472


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1573.
present, and begged them to reform and pray to God for grace to
understand these truths.
These and other things he declared to the great admiration of
the people, and was thereupon condemned to be quartered alive,
which martyrdom was effected to-day, and he continued to exhort
the people to the end.
And so this holy martyr, leaving the memory of his doctrine, is
now in glory. Amen.-London, 19 June 1573.
Note.-This letter refers to one Father Woodhouse, who was
arraigned in Guildhall for treason and twice examined, as related,
after having been confined in the Fleet prison for a long period.
30 July. 388. ANTONIO DE GUARAS to LORD BURLEIGH.
B. M.     Since I last saluted your Lordship I have received no letter from
Lans.OrI  the duke of Alba, although I am sure that he will not delay in
Original
holograph. ordering me to inform you that my master the King will punctually
fulfil the agreement entered into. I am also sure that his Excellency will send me his Majesty's confirmation of it. In accordance
with your Lordship's request that I should let you know what I
hear about it, I may say that I have a letter from a friend in
Madrid, dated 28th June, saying that his Majesty had ordered the
scrupulous fulfilment of all that had been arranged between your
Lordship and his Excellency. He has ordered, at the same timne.
that the English shall be welcomed in all his dominions, and shall
receive all favour and good treatment, in accordance with the
ancient friendship between the two countries.-London, 30th July
1573.
Postscript: I have since received letters from Flanders, dated
26th instant, informing me of the confirmation of the agreement,
and that all the soldiers from Haarlem had been executed excepting the English. I hear from Antwerp that his Excellency
had written saying that every attention was to be shown to Sir
Christopher Hatton, captain of her Majesty's guard.
Note.-Full particulars of the negotiations for the treaty of rehabilitation of trade with Spain and Flanders carried on by Sir
Thomas Smyth, David Lewis, Dr. Wilson, Hatton, and Mendoza
both in Flanders and England, will be found in Cotton, Galba, C. v.,
as well as all the papers connected with Zweveghem's visit to
England on behalf of the States. As the English papers for the
years 1572, 1573, and 1574 are mostly missing from  Simancas,
students should consult the documents referring to the affairs of
England, Flanders, and Spain, to be found in the Cotton MSS.,
Galba, C. ill., C. IV., C. v., C. vI., and Vesp., C. xiii., as well as
those in the Record Office calendared in the Foreign Series under
their respective dates.
1574.
7 Jan.  389. Document headed "Substance of letters from     ANTONIO
1. M.           DE GUARAS of 12th, 15th, 25th, 31st January 1574."
Add 26r056b.  The Baron D'Aubigni had come to visit the Queen from.the
Grand Commander (Requesens) and had been better received than
ever an envoy was befole.   A lord and seven or eight great




E LIZABETH.


473


1574.
gentlemen had gone out to meet him, who had housed him well
and accompanied him to the palace, in the great hall of which the
Queen awaited lim surrounded by her nobles. She received him
very kindly and seemel pleased at his visit.   The more to
honour him they took him to the Queen's privy chamber when
he took his leave, and the Queen, having been informed by him
that some of her subje.ts wished to go and serve his Majesty on
sea and on land, she said they could not go as she had promised
Orange that she would send no force against him, and she wished
rather to be an intercessor to bring Orange with his territory of
Zealand and Holland to submit to his Majesty, as Burleigh had
several times told Guaras.
Many Englishmen are anxious to serve the King, and they would
do so if they were allowed, although it is believed few will do so
against the Queen's will.  It is thought, indeed, that she has
ordered her Vice-Admirals to prevent any victuals, stores, or men
from going over for the King's service.
On the other hand, it is said that by her express order and
permission, men, victuals, and munitions are going in great
numbers to Zealand for the help of Orange. Guaras knew that
Captain Chester was going to Flushing in 10 days with 600 soldiers,
and 300 had already gone, and he spoke to Lord Burleigh about it
to urge him to- have the Queen's promise to the Baron fulfilled.
He promised him that it should be done if possible, and that they
would do tleir best to stop the men, but Guaras could see that
their desire was to get possession of Middleburg. Guaras is told
that they will go over separately and secretly to the number of
1,500, with the intention of enriching themselves with the spoils of
Middleburg. He had also heard that somle English soldiers were
being shipped from Newcastle for Holland as well as a number of
Scotsmen, so that help is going secretly from all parts.
The gentleman.... had told him that he heard the Queen
would Ilot give overt or private permission to send the fleet which
had been promised, but that certain portions of it would be sent to
the points on the coast of Flanders which were assigned to her,
before any money was paid, so that she would, always hold good
security for value.  She had sent a gentleman to the Grand
Commander about this and 'about the soldiers who had been
recalled from Ilolland. These soldiers had been reviewed before
the palace in London, and had now been sent to Scotland. Some
of the officers of this force had offered to enter his Majesty's
service in Flanders.
He had heard that the Flemish rebels in England were raising
a subscription of 100,000 crowns as well as 30,0001. to help Orange
to increase his force.
He had been informed that there were about the Downs and
Dover seven or eight ships of the Flemish fleet which had captured
six Breton ships on their way from Spain to Flanders.
He had heard that the bishop of Ross had bee:n carried a
prisoner to Calais where he had been landed. His mistress was as
closely guarded as usual.
Twenty gentlemen and a great lady had been brought prisoners




474


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1574.
from Norfolk on suspicion of an intention of rising. A sloop was
openly leaving for Zealand with 30 pieces of artillery and 80
soldiers, and a cargo of powder, beer, and salt meat; 70 more guns
were ready for shipment. If they could be captured it would be
good.
The rebels are resisting the Queen's forces in Ireland, and (Guaras
is informed that their numbers increase daily. A gentleman who
has been Viceroy of the Province offers to bring it into subjection
with 10,000 English troops. The Council is discussing the offer.London, January 15744.
13 Feb.  390. ANTONIO DE GUARAS to DON LUIS DE REQUESENS.
B. M.           [EXTRACT.],   If his Majesty desires to greatly molest these people by way of
Ireland I can send full particulars of how to do it, and if there is
any need to convey a message to the queen of Scotland I have
means by which it can be done. Above all, if it should be his
Majesty's will to obtain the prince of Scotland, I am assured fiomn
a good quarter that it can be managed with money through the
earl of Argyll, who is extremely friendly with them  (i.e., the
English).  Those who hear of this are much surprised that his
Majesty does not order this to be done, so as to marry the Prince
to the eldest Infanta; as that would be a certain means of reforming
religion and obtaining just possession of the two crowns, whilst
completely routing the French, so to speak. The affair can be
easily carried through with diligence and money, and thus the
most important business in the world well settled.-London,
13th February 1574.
15 March. 391. LETTER of INTELLIGENCE from    London (unsigned) to the
B. M.           Grand Commander of Castile (DON LUIS DE REQUESENS
Cotton,         Y ZUNIGA), Governor of the Netherlands.
3Galba, C. v.
Original draft.  I wrote an account of events here on the 8th instant, and I now
have to say that, as soon as these people found that their wicked
plans respecting France and Flanders had been discovered, they
held a consultation of the various heretic parties here, at which
the Queen's party, the origin of all the mischief, the Vidame
de Chartres, Montgomeri, and M. d'Anguilliere, formerly Governor
of Rochelle, but now resident here, were present.  Montgomeri
was at once dispatched to the isle of Guernsey, which was chosen
as being opposite to the coast of Normandy..... The prince of
Orange, Ludovic, his brother the Palatine, and the son of the..
(Admiral?) of France will co-operate, and it is arranged that the
people of their party in France shall give Montgomeri an entrance
into Normandy where I am told he already is. There was much
perplexity, but at last it was decided to aid the rebels openly, as I
have already reported. They will, however, try to obtain possession of the castle of Sluys, and many English captains have
been secretly going thither lately disguised as merchants, who
were warmly welcomed. If they work their will in this, no doubt
Bruges will soon fall into their hands, seeing the large number of
disaffecte 1 people there are in that place. As I said last year in my




ELIZABIETTI.


475


1574.
letters to the Duke, it is evidently for this purpose that they have
raised a standing force of 3,000 men, who will now shortly be sent
to take possession of the place, by which means they say they will
raise the whole of the States.
They are also making great efforts to get Amsterdam into their
hands, in order to have possession of all Holland; the purpose
being, as I have said, to obtain the whole of the ports in the States
where they may enter and prevent any fleet from Spain finding a
harbour therein. Your Excellency may depend upon the truth of
all this as I have it from a good quarter, and they will also try to
accomplish what I have already written as regards.... (gaining
an entrance to?) the Continent on the Flanders side by the
Flushing coast.... with the other maritime places where,
consequently, the greatest vigilance should be observed, as these
people will lose no opportunity of doing us harm if they can. I
am also informed from a trustworthy source that they are trying
to have Cardinal Lorraine murdered, and they will succeed unless
he is extremely careful and vigilant of his person. They say that
France has no greater enemy than he. As it would be a great
misfortune for the Catholics of France, I report the project to your
Excellency that you may send advice; which I hope to God may
be efficacious. It is said they wished to do the same to the Queen
of Scotland and her son. I have been able to learn no more about
the personages who I said in my last had arrived at this Court
from Germany.-London, 15th March 1574.
Note.-Much mutilated by fire, and in some places is undeciplerable.
22 March. 392. LETTER of INTELLIGENCE from London (unsigned) to the
B. M.           Grand Commander of Castile (DON LUIS DE REQUESENS Y
Cotton,          ZUNIGA), Governor of the Netherlands.
Galba, C. v.
Original draft.  My last letter, dated 15th instant, contained news of what had
happened here up to that time, and, since then, there is little to
report, except that there have arrived here recently from Zealand
certain persons who say that Orange had gone to Holland, taking
all the English with hilm, not one of them remaining in Zealand.
People from Antwerp and Bruges and other places were arriving in
Zealand in great numbers, and the towns were so full of victuals
that everything was cheaper than in any other part of the States.
This arises from the fact that there is no one to hinder their entry
into the ports along that coast, and they receive hourly letters and
advices from  Antwerp, Bruges, &c., all of which are directed
against his Majesty's interests. For greater security these letters
are brought by women, who take back the answers. All this is very
prejudicial, and it would seem  that great vigilance should be
exercised, as all these people work together with one object and
one language, and thus easily conceal everything. Many Englishmen
and certain Italians resident here have gone over for the purchase
of the Middleburg g. ods. They are all enemies of his Majesty, as
they clearly showed in the matter of the wools sold here, without
the usual ceremony of the candle, and in many other similar ways.




476


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


]574.
They were abetted secretly by certain subjects of his Majesty
resident here; for where the accursed question of money comes in
they lose all thought of God and their sovereign, particularly in
this country. Time will elucidate these and other similar matters
happening here, and, in the interests of his Majesty, I will take
great care to send full reports.-London, 22nd March 1574.
Note.-Damaged by fire, and, in places, almost undecipherable.
5 April.  393. LETTER of INTELLIGENCE from London (unsigned) to the
B. M.           Grand Commander of Castile (DON LUIS DE REQUESENS Y
Cotton,.ZUNIGA), Governor of the Netherlands.
Galba, C. v.
Original draft.  On the 8th ultimo I sent my first letter to your Excellency
through Antonio de Tassis, postmaster of Antwerp, and wrote again
on the 15th and 22nd, reporting what had happened to that date.
I have now to say that these people are determined to get the
Sluys, and are again sending men thither to... as there are
traitors to be found everywhere, especially amongst the bad people
in the States. From what I see, and from the rejoicing of the
English, I should say very few of them (i.e., the Flemings) there
can be trusted. They (the English) are helping Orange very much
there, in the hope of getting Amsterdam into their hands, so that,
having the ports, they may prevent any fleet from Spain from
finding an entrance. They are apprehensive about this, as they
know if a fleet came what would be the consequences to them.
I am told by a trustworthy person that differences are beginning
to break out in the Council here, and I myself see signs of it. God
grant that it may lead to the punishment of these people. The
Queen gave an answer to the Chevalier Giraldi on the 30tlh ultimo
about the Portuguese agreement, resolutely refusing him the conditions he demanded respecting Barbary, although conceding that
certain Portuguese goods might be imported into England under
her license, but that all goods coming without the license might be
embargoed. This will show their bad spirit. Irish affairs are
getting daily more disturbed. It is said that the earl of Ormond
will leave the Court to go to his country with other gentlemen, by
land, whilst troops, munitions, and stores will be sent from here
by sea. It is greatly feared that the good people will have to give
in for want of help, which would be a ruinous thing. French
affairs are giving rise to great suspicion here as to the intentions
of the King towards this Queen, in consequence of the help and
favour she has given to Montgomeri at Guernsey, from whence he
entered Normandy to try and raise it. The Queen herself swears
she knows nothing about it, and it is said the King is willing once
more to make terms with his rebels, which is exactly what they
would like, as it would allow them to carry out their designs to get
him into their hands and place their own faction in power all over
France.
The Queen-Mother recently sent here certain trunks of dresses
and other things for the queen of Scotland, and the ambassador
asked for license for them to be sent, which was refused him. They
are talking of taking the Queen out of the care of the earl of




ELIZABETH.


477


1574.
Shrewsbury, and placing her in the power of the earl of Bedford,
her enemy. There is a suspicion that they may wish to carry out
with her what was spoken of before. It is wonderful that these
things should go on, and they ought to be known to all princes.
The channel is full of pirates, some from Flushing and some
English, and no ship will escape them, unless a remedy be
devised. It is said that 15 well-fitted ships have sailed from
Zealand with the intention of running down the coast of Spain to
the Azores, and there await the flotillas from the Indies, to which
they will do great damage. The seas are so wide that the princes
cannot attend to everything.
Yesterday was Palm Sunday, and at midday the officers of
justice from the Court entered the house of Lady Morley, the wife
of Lord Morley, who recently went over to Flanders. They found
her hearing mass, and seized the priest, all dressed in his vestmentg
as he was. They took the image of Our Lady from the altar and
carried it on the shoulder of a sergeant before the priest, whom
they took through the streets to the Lord Mayor's house amidst a
great outcry from the populace. They took the good lady prisoner
too, with her maiden daughter, her second son, and her daughterin-law, who are still detained in some of the aldermen's houses.
They simultaneously did the same at the houses of two other ladies
who are also in custody, as are all those who were present at mass
with them. These are grievous events, and touch the heart of
those who witness them and hear the blasphemy that accompanies.
them. God send a remedy.-5th April 1574.
19 April. 394. LETTER of INTELLIGENCE from London (unsigned) to the
B. M.            Grand Commander of Castile (DON Luis DE REQUESENS Y
Cotton,          ZUNIGA), Governor of the Netherlands.
Galba, C. v.
Original draft.  I wrote on the 5th instant, with a letter for Spain, and have
little fresh to report to-day, except that I am informed that within
three or four days... soldiers will leave this city as quickly
as possible for Holland. These are the 3,000 men I mentioned
before as having been   secretly got together.  They are also
beginning to make great preparations for equipping the Queen's
ships in consequence of the intense alarm aroused here by the
powerful fleet they say is coming from Spain with large forces of
horse and foot, which are reported to be sent by his Majesty to the
States froln Italy, Germany, &c., to take down the pride of their
allies. News has arrived here of the events in Paris, of which
important signs have not been wanting previously, both in the
coming of persons hither from  France and the treating with
Orange's commissioners in this city. I will endeavour to discover
what is going on and report.*
I do not continue to send to your Excellency the important
advices which I learnt from... (my friends here?), as I am
ashamed to meet any of them  now, being unable to fulfil my part
towards them, as I used to do. I have been discredited with them
* The rising of the " politicians" or malcontents under the nominal leadership of the
duke of Aienyon.




478


SPANISIH STATE PAPERS.


1574.
by Antonio de Guaras, who lives here, and in whom envy has
proved stronger than his desire to serve God and his King. He
saw how many letters I received from the duke of Alba, Don Ruy
Gomez de Silva, and Secretary Zayas, in answer to my illportarlt
advices to them, and as some of them came through hlis care, he
kept back one from the duke of Alba, which he still retains; and,
not content with this, in order to effect his wicked designs he,...
with a Frenchman named Giraldi, who was an enemy of his
Majesty, went to the ambassador, Don Guerau de Spes, and told
him everything he could think of to prejudice me with him,
swearing it was all true, in order to ruin me and expel mne fiom
the country.
I was soon informed by a person who knew, that Giraldi had
sent to informn my King of it, and I at once dispatched a man by
post to Secretary Zayas, telling him everything. Your Excellency
may see the clauses of the letters enclosed.... In Portugal,
for this reason, they will not even listen to me, much less pay me
what is due, amounting to three years' allowance, besides 1,200
ducats which I have had to spend in his Majesty's service during
the last two years, in the form of gifts to the people who supplied
me with the information which I sent to the duke of Alb:, Don
Diego de Zuiiiga and others. No one else could have done it for
3,000 ducats. I amn thus in such a position now that I cannot
refrain from letting your Excellency know, and begging you to
provide me with funds to repay me for the sum I have spent, so
that I may be able to continue, until I know  whether they are
going to remit me anything from Portugal. Think how grievous
it is for a man so zealous and desirous of serving his Majesty as I
amn to be in such dire straits, and pray send me aid promptly.19th April ] 574.
Note.-This letter, like the rest of the series, is much damaged
by fire.
April.  395. Document headed     Substance of GUARAS' Letters."
B. M.     Bingham is still persisting is doing the service he offers. He
Add. 26056b. and all his officers are Catholics, which inspires confidence in them.
One of the officers he was taking with him was a close friend of
Guaras, who knew   him to be a serviceable man, and he had
offered Guaras to take Rotterdam. Guaras did not enter into this,
in order not to embarrass the original design.
Bingham will try to gain over Walter Morgan who has already
been paid 1,000 crowns to take 500 soldiers to Holland or
Zealand, and it is believed that he will sail with theml in six
weeks.
3 May.   396. LETTER of INTELLIGENCE f romn London (unsigned) to tlhe
B. M.           Grand Commander of Ca-tile (DON LUIS DE REQUESENS
Cotton,         Y ZUNIGA), Governor of the Netherlands.
Galba, C. v.
Original draft,  I wrote to your Excellency on the 19th ultimo, and since then
news of the glorious victory gained by your Excellency's troops
has arrived, for which God be thanked, although the heretics are




ELIZ ABETH.


479


1574.
much cast down about it.*   They are giving out, however, that
their side remained in possession of the field, their object being to
obtain more money from the churches here for Orange. They are
also trying to raise troops here to send to Holland.
The gentleman who went over with the English troops, as I
wrote to your Excellency on the 8th ultimo, writes that Orange
had returned to Dortrecht very sad after his defeat. The English
soldiers were very much discontented, as they had not been paid
anything since they had been there. 40 or 50 of these soldiers have
returned hither, but others still go.
It is reported on good authority that, in view of the coming of
the fleet from Spain, a 1,000 more men will be sent to Zealand to
help guard the island. Many of these will be gentlemen and others
well versed in warfare. All the Queen's fleet, of 30 sail large and
small, is also to be equipped, besides merchant ships which are in
good order here. The Rochelle people and other French heretics. it
is said, will provide 40 sail, and a minister from Rochelle came
hither the other day with this intelligence, and to treat with
Orange's Commissioners and the English. He left a week ago to
see Orange himself, who, it is said, will find 50 or 60 sail, so that,
with pirates, altogether a large fleet of 200 ships will be collected.
It is intended to attack all ships that come up the Channel, and
the fleet will only carry the English flag, the object being to
prevent the passage from Spain of the needed force to Flanders.
Our fleet should be well warned and prepared in order that these
evil spirits may not frustrate us.-3rd May 1574.
Note.-Much damaged by fire.
10 May.   397. LETTER of INTELLIGENCE (unsigned) from London to the
B. M.            Grand Commander of Castile (DON LuIS DE REQUESENS
Cotton,          Y ZUNIGA), Governor of the Netherlands.
Galba, C. v.
Original draft.  I wrote to your Excellency on tlhc 3rd instant, giving an account
from a good source of the armaments here. Twelve or foulrteen
ships of the Queen's fleet of 30 sail are powerful vessels of 400, 500.
600, and 700 tons burden each, with little top-hamper and very
light, which is a great advantage for close quarters, and with much
artillery, the heavy pieces being close to the water. The rest o:
the ships are small vessels of 100, 150, 200 tons each, also il good
order. The Admiral of the realm is to go in the fleet, together
with a large number of gentlemen; and most of the people will be
well versed in maritime matters. Of Orange's 60 ships most are
to be large powerful vessels well armed, many of them being sloops,
and a great quantity of bronze ordnance is being carried. The
French heretic fleet of 40 sail and the pirate ships, together with
some merchantmen, will also be well fitted and armed, but they
will not compare with the two fleets I have described.   Their
intentions are bad enough however, being to attack the Spanish
fleet, unless it is very powerful.
For this reason, and for his IMajesty's own reputation, it is niost
important that the fleet should be prepared to frustrate them. I
* The battle of Mooch, at whichTSancho de Avila defeated and killed Count Louis of
Nassau with great loss.




480


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1574.
am working very hard to discover all their designs, but they are very
changeable, and I have to use extraordinary efforts to give constant
news of what is going on. If the fleets came to hostilities it would
be well to give orders when tley approach them, that the ordnance
flush with the water should be at once discharged broadside on,
and so damage their hulls and confuse them with the smoke. This
is their own way of fighting, and I have many times seen them do it
to the French 30 years ago. I. advise his Majesty's ships to be beforehand with them, and they will then send to the bottom all thlat are
opposed to them. This is a most important piece of advice  I am
also advised that, if they find the Spanish fleet powerful and
prepared, one of the principal instructions given to the captains is
that they are not to attack but to go to Normandy or Guienne,
where they may find the best shelter. There are many heretics in
these two places, and they will be amongst allies. Much artillery
lIas recently been sent to the islands of Alderney (?) and Guernesey,
and some battery pieces. News comes from France that the King's
governor in Normandy had beaten Montgomeri and surrounded an
important castle. Montgomeri himself had fled, but had hopes of
again entering, if these people go to France. Some of those who
had conspired against the person of the King had been executed in
Paris, whilst some of higher quality were expected to be released.
God pardon such wickedness and inspire princes to confederate
together to frustrate it.-London, 10 May 1574.
17 May. 398. LETTER of INTELLIGENCE from London (unsigned) to the
B. M.           Grand Commander of Castile (DON LuIS DE REQUESENS Y
Galba, t..       ZUNIGA), Governor of the Netherlands.
Original draft.  I wrote to your Excellency on the 10th instant, and on the 13th
an English ship arrived in this city from Biscay bringing the news
that the fleet now being prepared there for Flanders was very
unsettled for want of m(unitions); 40 or 40 sloops which had
been arrested having been disembargoed for this reason. This is
confirmed by letters from Antwerp saying that their advices now
mention nothing about this fleet, whereas they affirmed before that
it was to come very powerful. They are very proud and glad of
this news here, and have sent congratulating Orange about it.
They feel sure, if things are as they say, that the fleet will not
come. Without counting the Queen's ships and the English merchant vessels that were to accompany them, it is believed that
the rest, consisting of some 200 ships, Orange's fleet, the pirates
and the French rebels, will go to the coast of Spain and rob everything they can lay their hands upon, besides the ships that went
out for a similar purpose recently.
On the 14th news came from Bristol that a ship had arrived
there from Madeira, saying that 16 corsair vessels had sacked the
island, and were still there when the sliip left. I cannot believe
that such a thing can have happened, but all the heretics are
talking about it, and the French and Flemish rebels say that they are
not only going to sack the Canaries, Cape de Verd, and San 'Ihome,
but will also take possession of them and of the trade with the
Indies and Brazil.




EtLIZABETH.


481


1574.
An English gentleman named Grenfield, (Grenvile) a great pirate,
and another called Champerknowne, Vice-Admiral of the West, a
co-father-in-law with Montgomeri, with others, recently armed
seven ships, four large and three small, with the avowed intention
of going on a voyage of discovery to Labrador, but the real intention was to help Montgonmeri in Normandy, which is very near the
west coast. Since Moutgomeri's defeat it is said they will be too
late.to help him, and they consequently assert that they are going
to the straits of M(agellan?), their fleet being increased by three
sail, making 10 ships in all, amongst which is the "Castle of
Comfort," a celebrated ship of 240 tons, the largest of them. The
fleet is very well fitted and found, and will carry 1,500 men,
soldiers and sailors, 500 of them  being gentlemen.  The real
design is not yet known, as there are so many plans afoot, but, as
they are going in this guise, they probably mean to sack some of
the islands and lie in wait for the ships from the Indies and other
merchantmen. They say they are taking with them a store hulk
of 600 tons, with provisions, but I believe it is more likely to carry
their plunder than to take stores. They sail this month. It is to
be hoped that measures of precaution will be taken in the Canaries
and elsewhere, as so many ships are leaving, and it is very necessary
that some remedy should be provided. Whilst things remain as
they are these people will continue their present proceedings, which
are the accursed result of their false religion. I have already
written at length as to what the remedy should be, and especially
in mine of 14th February, as these raids are increasing so greatly in
consequence of the immunity they enjoy, and by-and-bye it will be
too late for redress.
These people are without powder; all they had in the Tower,
which is their magazine, having been only sufficient for six or
seven ships of the many they have sent to Rochelle and Normandy.
I am told that they are providing themselves with the powder they
will require from Hamburg and Antwerp, whence it is brought very
secretly between s.cks of merchandise and large casks. They will
doubtless do the same from Sluys and Dunkirk, so that, if vigilance
is exercised, some good captures may be made. The Portuguese
negotiation is being carried forward, notwithstanding the decided
reply given by the Queen, on the 8th March last, that she would
not surrender the point about Barbary. After this it is not
dignified on our part to have resumed negotiations, and, looking at
the way the matter is being dealt with by the man who has
it in hand, it is clear the Queen will not give way, and he will
waive the Barbary point in order to settle the matter. I cannot
believe, however, that the King (of Portugal) will allow these
English heretics to go there and trade with the Moors, carrying
there, as they constantly do, great quantities of arms, to the prejudice
of the King and his subjects.
Nothing is being said now about mutual restitution of the merchandise seized on both sides, but the understanding is that both
parties shall keep what they have taken, which will give the
English an advantage of three to one. There are some evil minded
people in Portugal, and particularly one worse still, living here, who
7 76467.                                                RH




482


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1574.


will, if they can, arrange the matter to the King's prejudice.London, 17th May 1574.
Note.-Much damaged by fire.


1 June.  399. LETTER OF INTELLIGENCE from London (unsigned) to the
B. M.           Grand Commander of Castile (DON LUIS DE REQUESENS
Cotton,          Y ZUNIGA), Governor of the Netherlands.
Galba, C. r.
Original draft.  I wrote to your Excellency on the 17th ultimo, and have since
received your letter ordering me to continue my (services?),
which it will be very difficult to do now, seeing the position in
which I find myself; very different from what is desirable for one
to be able to manage such matters in this country. Whilst I was
in a position to do it I always strove zealously, but my present
unfortunate state, dismissed by my King.... false information
to him. I never asked either his Majesty or the duke of Alba for
anything, unless it were for want of what was due to me, and I
would not do so now.... They will not aid me, and I am driven
to beg your Excellency to do so, in order to save me from falling
into shame and trouble, and I will serve with all my heart in what
is required of me, even to risking my life, as I have often done in
the past.
Since my last these people have received advice from Spain, for
they have spies everywhere, that the preparation of his Majesty's
(fleet) is proceeding. The Queen's fleet of 30 sail is ready and in
good order. At Colchester, 40 miles from here, they are tittilg
out 16 ships of 29 (tons each?), very long and low, which will serve
either for oars or sails. It is thought, for this reason, that they
are for Zealand.  They have been constructed at the cost of
Flemings, French, and Englishmen of.... confederation, who
are in consultation here daily with the commissioner, of whom I
have spoken as resident here to represent Orange.   He is a
very clever and diabolical man, but not so bad as a Frenchman
here, who is a representative of Chatillon and the French
heretics. They are hatching plots very prejudicial to his Majesty's
interests and those of the king of France, which, however, I
cannot discover, being in the position in which I am, as no one will
have anything to do with me. I have nevertheless been able to find
out that they are sending in a few days to Germany an Englishman
called Ungenne (one Jeneye?), who is said to be a very cunning
man, and has lived long in those parts. He is going to the confederates, the Palatine, the duke of Saxony, and the marquis of
Brandenburg, and takes a sum of money in bills, raised here by
the heretics, sufficient for a considerable force which they say will
enter the States to join the prince of Orange, a similar force being
raised by the Palatine and Conde to enter France.
Since my last letter news from Bristol affirms that the intelligence brought by the ship there of the sacking of Madeira is not
correct. The island sacked was a small unprotected island near,
called Porto Santo. It is encouraging the heretics so much that it
may urge them to more important enterprises, as they see they are
not punished.




IIELIZA BETH4.


- -


1574.


As the Portuguese business is entirely in the hands of the Treasurer, the earl of Leicester and Giraldi, it is difficult to get particulars, although I am told that the latter was willing to concede,
on behalf of the King, that the English may trade in Barbary, so
far as regards Ceuta, Tangiers, and Mazagan, but the English
claim to trade everywhere north of Cabo Blanco. This will include
the kingdom of Fez and Morocco with the port of Santa Cruz,
where the English have a large trade and much merchandise, and
whither they take great quantities of arms and ammunition. By
this it would appear that the negotiation will not be carried through,
notwithstanding all the bribes promised and the efforts made by
Giraldi, assisted therein by a subject of his Majesty resident here,
knowing full well the great injury it would bring to the service of
God and the King. -1st June 1574.
Note.-Much damaged by fire.


Aug.
B. M.
Add. 26,056b.
Transcript.


400. SUBSTANCE of LETTERS from ANTONIO DE GUARAS.
[EXTRACT.]
Captains Pool and Haselby, two persons who in the time of the
duke of Alba had offered to deliver Orange alive or dead and
awaited there (i.e. in England) some person to treat with them about
it, had conferred in Flanders with Don Bernardino de Mendoza, and
Haselby who is the right hand of Chester, the colonel of the
English there, had tried to sound him as to the way in which so
notable a service would be received. Chester was offended with
Orange for something he had done and he (Guaras) hoped some
good would come of it. He had heard that in return for 900,0001.
to be paid within three years, which had been promised to the Queen
by John Combe and others, they had been authorised to coin false
money of many nations, pieces of eight, dobloons and thalers, and a
regular signed patent had been given to them to allow them to
export the base coin without hindrance. One of the ships has
already gone with a quantity of it to Sorlingas (Scilly?) with orders
to the captain there to let them do as they like. It is an expedient
to provide money for Orange.
On the 27th July Burleigh was at the Tower with Orange's
agent, to whom he had delivered 20,(001. in complement of the
60,0001. promised.
Bingham had come back from Orange very sad, as he would not
admit him to his service, saying that he did not want Englishmen.
He is a good honest efficient person and was resolved to go and
ship on his Majesty's fleet.
Victuals were being openly sent to Holland and Zealand by all
ships that go over.
Sends copy of the letter the queen of Scotland had written in
answer to the letter he sent her by order of Don Bernardino, and
of the fresh letter he had written to her. He says, when he handed
this letter to a person of position to be conveyed to the Queen, he
had told him (Guaras) that he knew that the Queen in conversation
with one of her ladies, had said that our late lady queen Elizabeth
(now in glory) had written to her, saying how glad she would be
EH I 2




484                         SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1574.
for a marriage to be arranged between the eldest Infanta and the
prince of Scotland, seeing the close friendship and kinship between
the two Queens.*    She herself desired nothing better, and the
lady had replied that if the public voice could be believed (and it
was said to be the voice of the Gods) she herself (the Queen) would
marry Don Juan of Austria, whom she praised highly. The Queen
replied that she had placed her cause in the hands of God and his
Majesty. He (Guaras) gives reasons why this (marriage) would be
beneficial to God's service, and says that, if his Majesty would agree
to it, the Queen would have no other will than his, and he understands
that she would be very glad for her son the Prince to be taken to
Spain. There was an easy way of managing this and, for releasing
the mother, as she has more friends there than the queen of England
herself, and persons of high quality would undertake it.-London,
August 1574.
20 Aug.   401. BERNARDINO DE MENDOZA to the EARL OF LEICESTER.
B. M.     The unquiet in which I have continued since I left England has
Cotto, V  been the reason why I have not sent you earlier the copy which I
Galba, C. v.
Original.  now enclose, the same as you sent me by Hernando de Sandoval.
I have given his Excellency an account of it and also of the other
particulars, and he is very well satisfied with your good intention
and method of procedure in affairs, in which you are so well versed,
being, as you are also thoroughly conversant with the feeling of
people in England. Signed, Bernardino de Mendoza.-Antwerp,
20th August 1574.
Sept.   402. Document headed " Contents of GUARAS' LETTERS."
B. MW.    Orange refuses to employ Englishmen, and therefore five or six.Ard. 26,c05b. captains have offered to serve his Majesty (Philip) and to bring
mariners with them.    Tlhe principal of these is Bingham who,
Guaras asserts, is a useful man who has a design about Flus-hing
which Guaras sends, as well as his (Bingham's) opinion about a
landing in Ireland, in which enterprise he offers to take part.
Haselby had returned from Holland with Chester, and had told
Guaras that the Scotsman still remained inside Bomel, but he does
not know of the arrangement made with the Scotsman. They talked
amongst themselves, however, about Captain Ellis (Villiers?) going
to Bonrcl and there arranging with Colonel Balfour for him and
his men, when they leave there, to go to Rotterdam or Delft, or
wherever Orange might be, in order to capture or kill him. They
would also surrender one of those towns, and on their doing these
two things the colonel and the captains were to have 20,000 crowns
each, and as much more for the men. In case they fail to capture
Orange but surrender the town, they are only to receive 15,000
crowns amongst the whole of tkem, whilst, if on the contrary,
they capture him and do not surrender the town, the are to have
30,(),0) between them. In addition to this the colonel asks for a
pension of 1,()000 crowns and the captains 300, with an employment.
* Elizabetn of Valois, third wife of Philip II., was sister of Mary's first husband
Fraucis II., a:d( the two Queeus had t.eeu brought up together in the closest intimacy.




ELIZABETH.


485


1674.
They would sign an agreement as desired. Guaras says Ellis
(Villiers?) is a man of experience and has served Orange for a long
time, but he and the rest of the English are dissatisfied with him.
The queen of Scots has been sent to Pomfret and is to be
attended by the duchess of Suffolk, the daughter of Dona Maria
Salinas,* who was a lady-in-waiting on Queen Katharine. She is
one of the worst heretics in England and has studied at Geneva.
They are also going to send thither the earl of Bedford, one of the
most obstinate of the heretics, to take charge of the Queen.  He
las always advocated the putting of her to death. This change will
be of no advantage to the queen of Scotland.
It was also said that the said Queen was to be criminally
arraigned by Parliament, all this arising from the fear that the
king of France would try by all means to liberate her.
Guaras still says that if it is the desire of his Majesty to get
possession of the Prince, it can easily be managed with a little
money, in which case two persons of position who are deeply
interested in the matter will undertake it, as well as liberating the
mother, and place them both safely in his Majesty's dominions.London, September 1574.
October. 403.    Document headed " SUBSTANCE of GUARAS' LETTERS."
B. M.      The Council were disputing warmly as to the legitimacy of the
Addan 26p6b. sons of the earl of Hertford, and it was understood that they had
unanimously agreed that they were not legitimate; and that the
legitimate heir was the prince of Scotland. They are therefore putting
great pressure upon the gentleman who holds him to deliver him to
the Regent, to which it is said, he agrees, on condition that he is not
to be taken out of the country. They had therefore adopted the
expedient of giving him up to the countess of Lennox, his grandmother, who was already on the road to receive him if they would
consent to give him up. The Scotch people were so much disturbed
at this, that they were already crying out that, if the Prince is surrendered to the English, they will murder all the nobles, as the
only object is to kill the Prince and his mother.
Bingham was still firmly set upon doing the service and offers to
put to sea at once and await orders.
Two ships were being fitted out to plunder Nombre de Dios and
Panama, as they did to so great an extent last year.
A person of confidence had told him (Guaras) that it was secretly
asserted that Don Bernardino de Mendoza had received instructions
from his Majesty to request the Queen to reform religion in England, and that she had excused herself on account of her Council,
by saying that God was witness of her conscience, but that the
matter could not at present be dealt with in the Council and amongst
* Dona Maria who was a daughter of Don Diego Lopez de Sarmiento, Count de
Salinas, accompanied Queen Katharine to England and was her favourite friend through
life. She married Lord Willoughby D'Eresby, and her only daughter Katharine succeeded to that barony. She (the daughter) was the second wife of Charles Brandon,
duke of Suffolk, and subsequently married one of her esquires, Francis Bertie, with
whom she took refuge in Germany in the time of Queen Mary.




SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1574.
the people. She hoped however that, in time, God would intercede,
as it was His affair. The matter was in such a position that the
Queen had confirmed as Lord Mayor of London a man who was
looked upon as a Catholic. He had been elected by the people but
opposed by the heretics. Some new events are expected to arise
from this, and they even say the Catholic bishops are preparing
sermons.-London, October 1574.
7 Nov.   404. ANTONIO DE GUARAS to ZAYAS.
On the 3rd, 10th, 17th, 24th, and 31st, I sent my last reports,
and since then I have learned that the Vidame de Chartres has
gone to Flushing and disembarked there in the hope that Orange
would come to terms with Middleburg, where they say he will pass
the winter, partly in order to redress the robberies which some of
his people have openly committed there. No more victuals are to
be allowed to be sent from here, but there are now at Rye ten
ships of war from Flushing, awaiting others which are to join
them from Havre de Grace, Calais and elsewhere, to commit great
damage. An Easterling sloop is expected at (Harwich?) loaded
with four thousand galley-oars and many. spars with quantities of
cordage, sulphur, &c.  It will thence continue its voyage for
Barbary, the master being an Englishman, named John Rale, (nd
the mate another Englishman named Allen Macpes, the crew being
Easterlings. As other ships have gone thither on equally evil
errands, it might be well to take steps to capture this ship and
punish the men. In Northumberland there has appeared in the air
a white St. Andrew's Cross and near it a wolf, which animals are
unknown in this country. The people saw apparently a great
number of deer enclosed in a park, and the wolf singling out the
largest of them pursued it continually, taking no notice of the
others. The wolt was seen no more, but the deer comes alone
every day to the same place and is for two or three hours prancing
about in great terror.  All the justices of that country have
informed the Council of this and there is much discussion about it.
Both in the Court and here the greatest of astonishment is
expressed, the general opinion being that the cross and the other
appearances are portents of great importance, and the affair has
made so much noise that I write about it, although these people
seem to attach too much weight to simple things like these. The
regent of Scotland is visiting the different parts of the country
and imposing heavy subsidies. He insisted that the earl of Athole
and his people should pay a certain great sum, which the Earl
refused to do, the dispute ending in the Earl being killed. He was
a friend of the queen of Scotland and of the earl of Argyll, and
dissensions have arisen in consequence.  The Regent's wife has
died and lie wants to marry the queen of Scotland with the
support of this Queen, but it may be supposed that they will not
listen to such a thing here, and still less will the queen of Scotland
herself entertain it.
As M. de Zweveghem will report, he was well received at Court
with the King's letter. He has taken leave and hopes to depart in
company with the maqt-r of requests, Dr. Wilson, but I am




ELIZAB)3RTI1.                        487


481


1574.
informed to-day by a courtier that the Queen said that the doctor
would not leave for Flanders until an answer was received from
his Majesty. Lord North, who, as I reported, went to the king of
France, is understood to have arrived at Lyons and will soon be on
his way back.
Some time before the duke of Guise was killed, it was said here
that the deed would be done, as they knew beforehand that it was
intended. This was the case also with the queen (dowager?) of Scotland, and with the last king of France, as many witnesses here can
testify, I myself amongst the number. Some of the people here
have arranged in Germany to serve the present king of France in
the same way. In connection with this, two days since, fiiend
Ougan (Huggins?) sent to say by his gentleman Heron, who is
knowiito you, that the supreme Secretary Walsingham whispered into
Ougan's (Huggins') ear these words: " Have you heard anything
of the King since the loss of Goleta? " " What king?" he said.
" The king of Spain," lie replied. The answer was " No," and no
more was said. This Walsingham is of all heretics the worst. He
was ambassador in France and as he is in authority here and is the
right hand of Orange, any evil may be expected from him and his
friends in the Council. I have heard from a trustworthy source that
intelligence has been received that a secret rebellion is being
plotted in Bruges, but I have not been able to obtain particulars
about it. I have not been able either to learn any more about the
false coiners, excepting that they continue to work secretly. I have
received no answer to the letter, but hope someone abroad will
write to me. Bingham says he is attending to the preparation of
the service he has offered to perform.-London, 7th November
1574.
28 Nov. 405. ANTONIO DE GUARAS to ZAYAS.
On the 21st instant I sent my last report, and advice reaches me
from the Court since then that the Queen intended some days ago
to send Harry Cobham to Spain, but his departure is delayed, and,
for certain reasons, it is expected he will not now go.
I have learnt also that the chevalier Giraldi had been discussing
lately with Lord Burleigh and other councillors the agreement with
his King but could not come to terms, so that the business is now
in suspense until a reply is received from Portugal respecting the
article in dispute.
Dr. Wilson will, no doubt, have already arrived. He is charged, as
I have written, to offer her Majesty the Queen's intercession to
settle matters in Holland and Zealand and to bring those countries
into submission to the King. News has come from Ireland that
many provinces have risen against the earl of Essex (who commands the Queen's army) it favour of O'Neil (?). The Viceroy,
Sir Harry Sidney, who is a very good gentleman, is leaving here on
his way thither.
A Scotsman was brought here a prisoner as, on his way through
Berwick from Scotland, they found two letters on him in a very secret
cipher which letters are said to be for the queen of Scotland. The




488


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1574.
brother of the Count de Retz has arrived in Scotland by sea, sent
by the king of France, and his arrival lhas caused many rumours
here, as they do not know what his object is. The news of the
killing of the earl of Athole by the Regent is now contradicted.
I have also been informed that Killigrew, who was formerly
ambassador to Scotland, is again making ready to go thither.
They are preparing three of the Queen's ships, it is publicly
announced, to go against the pirates, but there is great suspicion
that Killigrew is going in them to fetch the prince of Scotland
hither, which has been discussed here for the last two years, the
intention being, for a great sum of money, to appoint him the successor to the Crown. The Queen herself, however, is the person
who is least willing to do this. If Killigrew is not bound on this
errand, it is expected, from certain indications, that he will go
to receive Conde and the Vidame and others to carry them  to
Rochelle, but, as every day some new purpose is adopted in State
affairs here, nothing is ever certain, and what is true one day is
often not true the next in consequence of the fickleness of these
people.
The Queen has appointed commissioners who are furiously
examining the principal Catholics, bishops, and others, who are
prisoners or under surety, the substance of their examination being
as follows.
If they recognise the Queen as head of the Church of England.
To this they have all replied to the same effect, although examined
separately, that they did not, and that the Supreme Pontiff is the
head of the Universal Church and vicar of our Lord Jesus Christ.
They were then asked if they recognised the Queen as sovereign,
to which they replied that they did.
They were next asked whether they accepted her as the
legitimate Queen; to which they replied that they recognised her
as sovereign, and declined to say anything more in consequence of
the law.
They were asked who they considered was the heir to the throne
after this Queen; to which they replied that that would be shown
by the royal pedigree.
They were then asked what was the Univeral Church of which
they spoke, and to this they replied, "The Roman Church, which
" was gathered by the Holy Ghost at Trent, and it always would be
" so considered by Catholics."
They were examined as to their belief in the Holy Sacrament,
and their reply was that they firmly believed in the real presence
contained therein after the sacramental words had been pronounced
by thle priest. They said they believed in this presence, jointly
divine and human, as it was upon the Cross, true God and Man;
and they added, with much constancy, that he who did not believe
this could not hope for salvation. They were then asked if the
service in use in churches here, by order of the Queen, was acceptable to God, and they distinctly replied that it was not, as it was
performed outside of the unity of the church, and contrary to its
sacred doctrine. To all these things they, being all Catholics,




ELIZABETH.


489


1574.
answered similarly, being ready to live or die in the truth, which
they hold before men, constant unto martyrdom. Each one had to
sign his name to his confession for the information of the Queen
and Council. People expect that severity will come of this. I
enclose herewith copy of the letter which I have received from the
queen of Scotland and of the reply which I sent to her, as also of
the cipher she had forwarded to me. This laly founds all her
hopes upon his Majesty, after God, and by a letter she lhas written
to an influential friend, who read it to me, it is certain that there is
nothing she desires more than to accept the proposition about Don
Juan of Austria, she having been persuaded by this personage
and others that it would be most important for the welfare of
Christendom. If it be his Majesty's will that this matter should
be considered, and communications have to be carried on with. the
Queen about it, this cipher can be utilised for the purpose, it
being so obscure, without an alphabet, that it is impossible to
decipher it. It would be a great consolation for this princess
if she could be comforted and encouraged in writing and, leaving
aside the charity of the world, that such a turn should be given
to her affairs that God might place her once more in her proper
position, which is greatly desired by many. In such a happy
event she would be a saintly, chaste and Catholic princess, the
greatest lady on earth; because England, Scotland, and Ireland is
so great an empire that it cannot be exaggerated. Although she
is now in the power of her enemies, who, being heretics and evil
men, traitorously accuse her of the crimes which they themselves
have committed, the good Queen hlerself being perfectly innocent,
and persecuted only by these tyrants because she is a Catholic;
if his Majesty will graciously allow a letter for her contentment in
the business to be written, time might provide an opportunity for
her capture by the hands of high personages. If on our part
consent were given, this project would be certainly executed by
them.   She writes respecting this to the person I have mentioned, and desires above all things that her son should be married
to the eldest Infanta, for which purpose she will consent that the
man who now holds him shall take him to Spain.
This might be taken in hand before waiting for the French or
English to act similarly in their own interests, as it is so important
for the reformation of religion here that Flanders should be held
in safe subjection, the French curbed in their furious attacks of
ambition, as they always are when we are prosperous, and all
princes and potentates dumbfounded by the double alliances with
mother and son. I ask pardon if this business is too high for me
to touch, I being so humble a person. Friend Ougan (Hugging)
and Captain Ellis await a reply to their important propositions.
There is not so much talk about the false money for fear of its
getting wind.  It appears they are covering it up with silence.
This cipher being so simple and easy to discover, I will write if I
am al owed in that of the Queen (of Scots), which is so obscure that
it can never be deciphered. Amongst other things it must be borne
in mind that the Queen-Mother is no friend of the queen of Scots for
domestic reasons of little moment.-London, 28th November 1574.




490                        SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1074.
5 Dec.  406. ANTONIO DE GUARAS to ZAYAS.
On the 7th, 14th, 21st, and 28th ultimo I sent my last reports
and copy of that of the 28th went by Lopd de la Sierra, who left
here for Spain by sea. As all is quiet here there is little fresh to
say. In mine of the 28th I sent the reply to that letter. I have
no news since of the courier who took it, and I shall be anxious
until I hear of its receipt.
The Queen has been unwell last week, and the secret murmurs
in Court, and amongst people all over the country as to what will
become of the country in case of the Queen's death, were very
remarkable. God grant her health, for upon the life of such
depends the welfare of this realm. The Catholics wish in such case
to proclaim the queen of Scots, and the heretics to take up arms
against her and proclaim the son of the earl of Hertford. These
tribulations are expected as a result of the refusal of the Queen and
Parliament to allow a successor to be appointed. On the contrary,
they have passed a law, making it treason to discuss the matter
during the Queen's life. Tile people threaten, in the event of the
above happening, to kill all foreigners; but God preserve the life
of the Queen for many happy years.
A servant of Orange named Rogers left here in company with
Dr. Wilson, the Master of Requests, whose livery he wears. This
Rogers is an evil tool, and, I am informed, a Fleming.
As I have written, the people here continue to carry on their
differences with Portugal, and, either at the request of interested
parties or on account of the Queen, they have secretly discharged
the merchandise which the Portuguese were sending from Barbary
to Flanders, to the value of over fifteen thousand crowns, notwithstanding the request of Giraldi that the goods should be detained
as the property of rebels against his King, as the merchandise had
been brought from Barbary without license.
A person who has arrived from Zealand reports that many of the
enemies' shil)s were put to sea, the sailors bearing on their garments
the device of a crescent, saying that they would rather turn Turks
than abandon their traitorous designs. Orange was at Delft with
great numbers of councillors, providing for the continuance of his
rebellion. The coming to Scotland of the brother of the Count de
Retz has caused great surprise amongst the rulers here.  Their
anxiety has caused them to suspend the going of Killigrew in the
three ships. The coinage of false money was said to have been
stopped, but it has only been suspended for the present.
The councillors here have discussed the intention of the Turk to
attack Sardinia next year, of which they lhave information.
Reply.-Ougan and Ellis.-5th December 1574.
6 Dec.  407. BERNARDINO DE MENDOZA to the EARL OF LEICESTER.
B. M.     Expresses Philip's wish for peace and amity with England
GCotton   and highly praises Dr. Wilson whom  he has welcomed in the
Original,  Netherlands, not only on account of the Queen and Leicester's
Latin.  recommendation, but also on account of his own merit.-Brussels,
6th December 1574.




ELIZABETH.


491


1574.
Dec.    408. Document headed " SUBSTANCE of LETTERS from ANTONIO
B. M.           " DE GUARAS from London, 12th, 19th, and 26th DeAdd. 26,056b.      " ceinber 1574 and 1st January 1575."
[EXTRACT.]
In consequence of the marriage which has been effected by Madam
Lennox, mother of the late king of Scots, of her son with the
daughter of the earl of Shrewsbury, who guards the queen of Scots,
which marriage was celebrated in the house where the said Queen
is, the queen of England had summoned and detained lady Lennox
and the newly married couple were separated. The queen of Scots
has also been ordered to be brought to the Tower of London or to a
castle belonging to the earl of Bedford, to whose care she was to be
consigned. The earl of Shrewsbury however had protested strongly
that this was a great slight to him, because it showed a want of
confidence in him, and the intention had consequently been suspended. The queen of Scots was in great fear of such a change
which must imperil her, the more so as Killigrew was leaving for
Scotland, and three ships were ready to accompany him; the
object being to obtain possession of the Prince if possible, and put
an end both to him and his mother. They would then raise to
power the son of the earl of Hertford whom they would marry to a
daughter of Leicester and the queen of England, who, it is said, is
kept hidden, although there are bishops to witness that she is
legitimate. They think this will shut the door to all other claimants.
This intrigue is said to be arranged very secretly.-London, Dee
cember 1574.
1575.
29 March 409. ANTONIO DE GITARAS to ZAYAS.
B. M.            [EXTRACT.]
Add. 26,056b.. 2.  The Queen was walking a long way from the palace of Richmond
(where she is staying) surrounded by her courtiers and nobles when
she caught sight of me from afar and stopped and called me by
name, telling me I was welcome. I took the opportunity of speaking
to her about the cannon, which I wished to buy and send to.
Flanders for his Majesty's service, and she said Leicester would
discuss the matter with me, it being her wish to please his Majesty
in all-things.  When I heard this reasonable reply, I, walking
always behind the Queen and she talking to me, the rest of the
company being quite apart, I thought I would give her the
memorial of which I sent a translation. We thereupon talked of
many things, and amongst others, she said she greatly wished she
knew Spanish well, as although she understood it perfectly, and
read it, she did not at all times venture to speak it. I replied that
everyone said she spoke it perfectly, as she did French, Italian, and
Latin, and it would be a compliment to our nation if she spoke it.
She said for that reason she would try to learn it thoroughly and
was royally gracious, asking after the King's health and so on.
During much of the time she dwelt upon the constant complaints
that were made by her subjects respecting the imprisonment of
Englishmen in Spain by the Inquisition. She spoke about the
matter rather warmly and, off her guard, said " I promise ye that
"my father would not have put up with it, and if the matter is not




492


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1575.
"amended I shall be obliged to order the arrest of some of the king
"of Spain's subjects and treat them in the same way."  She was very
gracious afterwards and spoke about Collins of Gravesend, who was
captured in the Indies in one of Hawkins' ships, and is now in
prison in Spain; giving me the enclosed memorial about him. I
said I would do my best for him, whereupon she replied: "You
"understand full well,'old wine, old bread, and old friends should be
"valued, and if only for the sake of showing these Frenchmen who
"are wrangling as to whether our friendship is firm or not, there is
good reason to prove outwardly tlle kindly feeling which inwardly
"exists."  I returned the compliment as well as I could and expressed my devotion to her service, when she answered: "You
"say you desire to serve me, will you tell me the truth? I am told
"by a Scotsman that you have received a token of friendship, in the
"form of a painted lion, from a certain Scotch prisoner of mine,"
whom she did not otherwise name. As I have never received any
such token from the queen of Scotland I was able to say with truth
that I had not, whereupon she said, since I assured her of this, she
would believe me.-London, 29th March 1575.
29 May. 410. ANTONIO DE GUARAS to -- (ZAYAS?).
On the 21st I sent my last report and have little additional to
say in this. As I wrote, a ship of 200 tons was being fitted out in
the river and, after it had been well armed, has now sailed in
company witl two other vessels to join three more in Plymouth
with the intention, as I am informed, of going to the Indies for
plunder, although they were secretly aided by Captain Hawkins
and are partly owned by Hatton, captain of the guard. He is such
a good gentleman that they will certainly do no harm with his
consent. They take great quantities of shirts, doublets, canvas, and
other things suitable for the Indies. It is still asserted at Court
that Harry Cobham will leave here shortly for Spain by land with
a message from the Queen.
The alliance between this Queen and the king of France having
been agreed upon, and news having arrived of its due ratification,
she is going to send him the Order of the Garter by Lord Howard,
who was created a knight of the Order on St. George's day and is
now ready to leave.
The Queen has departed on her progress and it is believed that
she will go towards the north and will meet the queen of Scotland.
They are proceeding with the examination of those who are imprisoned in connection with the latter Queen, in order to find some
excuse for taking ler out of the hands of tile earl of Shrewsbury
and placing her in the power of some great enemy. There is so much
confusion here about their sects, that all last week they were
arresting people by the order of the Queen and examining them
before the Courts of Justice. They have found them obstinate,
some of them in the diabolical opinions of the Puritans, others
Anabaptists, and many other sects. It may be hoped that all this
disorder will some day result in good.
You will know that the Channel is now full of armed ships from
F'lushing. They have taken a valuable ship which was loaded in




ELIZABET{H.


493


1575.
Calais for Barbary, and two English ships on their voyage from
Spain. Lord Kildare, whom they had captured in Ireland, has
now been brought here, and is being kept under a strong guard in
the house of the Lord Chancellor.. People here are so malicious
that it is generally announced that he is arrested because he was
going to Spain with his companions,* who are left prisoners in the
castle of Dublin. I spoke to Lord Burleigh respecting the examination of the English ships which come from, and go to, Flanders,
and I afterwards approached those who have charge of them.
They turn a deaf ear to my request that the four which are ready
to leave should be inspected, and they will not order the inspection
of those which are expected to arrive from  Flanders, unless some
measures are taken about it on the other side; although really
there is no great need for it, as I am assured that they do not load
anything else than the ordinary goods they take to Flanders, in
which they are very careful. If they want to send merchandise
to Flushing or bring goods from there, they know how to manage
it in ships that come and go daily, and if they pay duty, and the
rebels have cargo on such ships, it is all done in the name of
Englishmen and is kept secret. It will therefore be seen that it
will be waste of time for me to proceed in the matter as instructed.t
As I have written, the two friends are awaiting an ans,ver to decide
whether they shall go to communicate their pretensions to his Excellency but if no decided reply is sent them they are determined not to
wait any longer. I have told them that I expect that they will
have it in a fortnight at latest.-London, 29th May 1575.
29 May.    411.  ANTONIO DE GUARAS to ZAYAS.
I enclose report of what has happened since my last. I am
informed that the Grand Commander of Castile is sending his
secretary to the King; I hope his Exe l!ency will write to his Majesty
by him about my business, and that it will be done, as I Lave begged
in an official letter, in conformity with your kindness to me.
I received yesterday a letter from the duchess of Feria by way
of Paris, to which I reply at once. She will be greatly grieved to
hear of the death of her father, Sir William    Dormer. He left
great estates and over a hundred thousand ducats in money, and
ended his days as a good Catholic.-London, 29th May 1575.
24 June. 412. ANTONIO DE GUARAS to ZAYAS.
On the 18th instant I sent my last report.  I send this letter by
special courier to report that the Lord Chancellor, Lord Burleigh,
* The Iing has put the following marginal note against this:  He will not have
understood it."
t The person who deciphered the letter for the King's perusal has interpolated a
remark at the end of this paragraph to the effect that he does not understand what it is
about, but that no doult it is some understanding witll the Grand (Commander
(Requesens). The King has written beneath this that he also is ignorant of the
meaning. The paragraph evidently rcfers to the request made by the Spanish
authorities in Flanders that ships leaving or arriving in England to and from Flanders
should be liable to inspection to prevent the conveyance of munitions of war or other
prohibited goods.




494


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


i575.
the earl of Lincoln, and other councillors, who remained here after
the Queen had left, are warmly, but secretly, endeavouring to
promote the business they are attempting, respecting which Colonel
Chester came hither from the prince of Orange. In order to put
the project into execution they have begun to send various English
captains to Dover separately, and with as little noise as possible.
It is certain that the common people have no knowledge whatever
of it, nor has, indeed, anyone excepting those immediately concerned. They send thither to-day captain Bingham, who, I am
assured, they enjoin on pain of death to keep his departure secret.
Chester himself has gone, or is hidden ready to go, Sir William
Drury has been discussing the matter with the Council for some
days. He is now departing, it is supposed to take an important
command in the affair, the principal leader, however, being Lord
Hunsdon. During the last three days, at night or at unsuspected
hours, they have taken out of the Tower sixty waggons and guncarriages, which have been shipped for Dover. The guns themselves, battery pieces, culverins, and small field-guns, will be taken
by four of the Queen's ships which are being prepared in great
haste near Rochester. Last night a list was made very secretly of
the mariners needed for these four ships, and I am informed by a
man from the Court that Cobham has been ordered not to leave
until the outcome of the business is seen. They are hurrying the
collection of the thirty thousand pounds, which I reported that this
city had lent to the Queen.
Since writing the above I learn that M. de Mern, Montmorenci's
brother, has left very secretly. No doubt they will all go together
to Germany, and I am informed that they will go by way of
Flanders, and return through Holland, in order to carry through
their project in some part of the States.
28 June. 413.
I enclose copies of previous letters, one of which was sent through
his Excellency, and the other by way of Paris. I now have to add
that an Englishman named Lusies (Lewins?) left here a fortnight
ago, he having been sent hither by the English ambassador in France,
and immediately afterwards the earl (of Oxford?) left for Germany
accompanied by a son* of the Lieutenant of the Tower. This
Lewins (?) is a person of great intelligence and efficiency, although
he will employ his talents in a bad cause. There are signs that
these men were despatched on this enterprise. I have had good
spies on Sir William Drury who left two days ago. He was asked
by a friend when he would return, and whispered in his ear, " the
first news you have of me will be that I am in France."
The master blacksmith and master carpenter from the Tower
have been sent in a boat to Dover with some of their men. Colonel
Chester left on the 25th, with one servant, in the direction of Dover,
and I am told from a good source, that two hundred thousand
crowns, all in sun-crowns, have been sent by some of these men,


* Ralph Hopton.




ELIZABETH.                        495
1575.
for the purpose of enabling Conde to raise two thousand horse and
four thousand foot in the country of the Palatine for the support
of the enterprise.  These and other signs show  that they are
determined to attempt it.  I have heard from Court now  that
Cobham will not be detained, but will leave at once. People
from Rochester tell me that there is no show of arming ships,
but that two of the Queen's vessels are fully armed and equipped.London, 28th June 1575.
4 July.  414. ANTONIO DE GUARAS to ZAYAS.
I sent my last report on the 28th ultimo. Since then people
here have taken no further steps publicly in the enterprise of which
I have written, but I am assured, by one who knows, that they
have sent to Flanders a certain Sir Harry Wall (?) on the pretence
of taking baths, but really as a spy, with six crowns a day for his
pay. The friend was sent about the business I have mentioned, it
having been entrusted to him. I wrote his name in mine of the
24th. The negotiation about the affair designated under the
letter L is therefore in suspense. I will communicate what may be
ordered to the other friend.*
They are very proud here of the great compliment which has
been paid to the earl of Pembroke and his people. With regard to
the inspection of ships, it is to be supposed that the representations
made to the English consul in Flanders will ensure that no ships
shall leave here without their cargoes being first examined.
Every one is in suspense to know the result of the siege of Buren,
and, as the news is current that our people have taken an island
in Holland, all good people here are in hopes of a victory over that
bad town.
It would be a long task to attempt to give an account of the
many opinions expressed this week about the queen of Scotland,
the Prince, her son, and the Regent. It is publicly affirmed that
thatwQueen has been released from prison, that the Regent had
been killed, and that the Prince had been captured fiom the man
who holds him by the earl of Argyll, a friend of the Queen's, for
the purpose of taking him to France. It is said that all this hlas
caused great tumult in Scotland, but the whole of it is nothing but
intrigue, as it is certain that the queen of Scotland is closely
guarded and in great peril for her life, that the Regent and the
Prince are quite well. The origin, no doubt, was that the people
here had agreed with the Regent to seize the Prince for fear that
the French might steal him. As things have turned out differently
from what they expected, they have sent Killigrew as an ambassador to the Regent, and so, like the godless people they are,
they wander astray. They have just printed a book advocating
the death of the queen of Scotland. It is called the "Reveillematin des Frangais," and, as it is of some size, and it no doubt will
have reached you, I do not send it, but will do so if ordered. It is
so malicious that it once more proves the wickedness of these


* The frequent enigmatical references in Guaras' letters of about this date to his
negotiations, appear to refer to two concurrent propositions made respectively by
Huggins, Ellis, Bingham, and Chester; first, to murder the Prince of Orange, and,
secondly, to betray Flushing into the hands of the Spaniards.




496


SPANISII STATE PAPERS.


1675.
people, but this is not by any means all; for another sign of their
wickedness is the new prognostication of which I enclose a copy.
The wicked people are so iniquitous that a certain Englishman
named Liquilston, who went from Ireland to Spain with Stukeley,
and afterwards returned here, asserts, amongst many other lying
and malicious things, that FitzWilliams told the Queen that the
duchess of Feria had given him a ring to be conveyed in the name
of the King to the queen of Scotland, and he delivered it to the
queen of England, informing her of many things which he, Fitzwilliams, had discussed here with the late I)on Guerau de Spes.
The hatred they have against this saintly lady (the queen of
Scotland) because she is a Catholic makes them give crelit to any
falsehood or foolishness about her, and mmny persons are still kept
in prison only for being her friends and Catholics. The Government in its passion has allowed another book in English to be
printed, full of incredible lies about the proceedings of the Holy
Office in matters that have never been thought of before, invented
for the sole purpose of leading the public astray upon the subject.
It is now asserted that Cobham will not leave until they get news
as to whether the English, who were imprisoned by the Inquisition,
are released or not. God grant what I hear be not true, that the
king of France will not live to the end of the year. Lord Kildare
and his sons, and the other Irish prisoners, are closely guarded,
but well.-London, 4th July 1 575.
11 July. 415. ANTONIO DE GUARAS to ZAYAS.
My last report was dated the 4th instant. As I wrote, these
people sent the friend,* as they did many others, with great secrecy
on the business upon which they had resolved. I have since heard
that lie and the rest have landed at Embden and will raise troops
as I said, in the land of the Palatine, going thence to carry out
their project. I am  informed by trustworthy people that the
matter has been discussed this week by the Queen and Council
for more than three hours, although it was announced at Court
that they were dealing with Irish affairs, and taking measures to
send troops and money to Ireland. It will be seen, without doubt,
that they will attempt this enterprise, which they have been
plotting for a long time past, and now think they will carry
through successfully.
I am told that they have decided that Cobham shall leave for
Spain in a few days, but I learn that he goes rather as a messenger
than to reside there as minister. His principal object is to take a
message about tle English prisoners there, and to learn for certain
his Majesty's feelings with regard to fiiendship, of which the
Queen cannot fail to be satisfied, as the King has always shown a
friendly desire to continue the ancient alliance between this Crown
and the House of Burgundy.
Some of the principal captains are offering to go and serve the
King in Flanders with such sailors as they can take with them,
their only desire being to learn whether they will be received. I
have given them hopes of a reply within a fortnight; and, if I am
Bingham
" Bingharu.




tLIZABETII.


497


1575,
instructed to say that their services will be accepted, I will see that
they are sent on, but I have already let them know that they must
not expect any payment until they get there; afterwards, however,
they will be well entertained in all honour and profit. I await his
Excellency's reply to this by the first opportunity.
As I have already reported, Orange offered the king of France
to send his daughter to be married to whomever the King might
choose. The Palatine and others are trying secretly to persuade
the Queen-Mother to marry her to her son Alen9on, and I am
assured that, with the object of stopping this, some people of high
position here have again resuscitated the talk of a marriage of this
Queen with M. D'Alenqon. Of course, it is only an intrigue to
serve their own ends, but it is certain that the matter has been
mooted again.
The Queen is now hunting eighty miles from here, and about forty
miles from where the queen of Scotland is. If they have an interview, as many think they will, we shall soon hear of it, but
those who are well informed greatly fear that they will take her
(the queen of Scots) out of the custody of the earl of Shrewsbury
and bring her here, to be placed in the hands of the earl of Bedford,
which, it is generally believed, would be to greatly imperil her
life. In the meanwhile, Killigrew has left for Scotland to try to
get hold of the Prince, and thus to prevent the French from
obtaining possession of such a pledge.
I have heard that the son of an Englishman named Chester, of
Bristol, has been detained in the Canaries by the Holy Office, and
he (Chester) has begged permission of the Government here to go
and seize some of the King's subjects and bring them hither as
prisoners until his son is set free. He was told by one of the
principal Councillors that he might do as he asked if he would
keep his prisoners in his own ship until resolution was taken in
the matter, but he must not land them.
With regard to the other friend who offered the service I have
referred to, he is awaiting the reply of the person I mentioned,
with whom I conferred about the business.  The latter is hopeful
of his success in it, if his friend is only firm in what I mentioned.*London, 11th July 1575.
18 July. 416. ANTONIO DE GUARAS to ZAYAS.
My last report was dated the 11th. Since then it is certain
that these people are persevering in their enterprise. Two days
ago an English captain named Kent (?)t left here for Embden,
taking with him five or six officers. They were going to the land
of the Palatine, where the troops are to be raised at a place called
Heidelburg, where the other Englishmen that went from       here
have already arrived. Captain Bingham, M. de Meru, the Palatine,
Conde, the Vidame de Chartres, and others are there, but the
* This refers to the secret negotiations for the betrayal of Flushing or the murder
of the Prince of Orange.
t The name is doubtful, but Kent is probably the officer of that name whose death
at the siege of Bois le Duc iq 1579 is described by Strada.
y 76467,                                                         I I




408                       -SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1575.
general public here have been kept quite ignorant of the business
hitherto. They have not confided in Kent, or Morgan, or the other
captains here, but a certain Huddon (?), son-in-law of the Lord
Chancellor, has received two thousand crowns to fit out two ships
at Plymouth for the reception of soldiers, and the Admiral is
coming hither to inspect the Queen's ships. When least expected
they will carry the business through, and I have been told that one
of them when he left said that by St. Bartholomew's Day a great
service would be done. The brother of Colonel Chester arrived
here two days since with letters from the Englishmen there, and
from Orange to the Queen and Council, and told a friend that his
brother, the Colonel, would return hither on receiving the reply.
All this shows that they are carrying on their scheme with great
vigilance, but, as his Excellency has notice of it, he will take such
steps as may be necessary in his Majesty's interests.  Chester's
brother brings news that Orange is so intimidated that as soon
as he learns that any of our people are approaching the place
where he is he runs away.   He and all his people have been
greatly grieved at the loss of Buren, and he has arrived at
Delft, but was returning to Dortrecht to encourage his brother
rebels.
By the messenger who took this Queen's letter to the King
respecting the English prisoners of the Holy Office, I have received
the letter written to me on the 3rd June, and, as 'it arrived
duly, I wrote to Lord Burleigh, sending him the letter to Court, in
order that they might be satisfied with its prompt despatch and its
contents. As the letter itself was so favourably, I did not go
myself to carry intelligence of the matter.
A week ago a meeting was called on the Scotch frontier to
discuss certain differences which had arisen, the principal people
and Governors of those parts having to attend with a stated
number of followers on a certain dav. They came, armed as usual,
and it turned out that the Scots had a thousand horse hidden in
a secret place. These and their companions fell upon the English
to such good effect that they captured or killed all of them, to
the number of over 600. Amongst the prisoners were Sir John
Foster, the General of the marches, Sir Francis Russell, son of the
earl of Bedford, prisoner and wounded, and they killed amongst
others Sir George Heron. This news has thrown the Court into
great dismay, but it is not known whether the Regent was privy to
tlhe affir, nor has any intelligence been received as to whether
Killigrcw was amongst those attacked. It is said that the prince
of Scotland has been removed from the place where lie was by his
mother's friends, and people here murmur that the French are at
the bottom of the business.. The Queen, who is now at a castle belonging to Lord Leicester,
called Kenilworth, has been entertained  with  much rejoicing
there, and it is said that whilst she was going hunting on one of
the days, a traitor shot a cross-bow at her. He was immediately
taken, although other people assert that the man was only shooting
at the deer, and meant no harm.     The bolt passed near the
Queen but did her no harm, thank God! It was thought that she




ELIZABETit.


409


1575.
was going to see the queen of Scotland, but the contrary now
seems to be the case.
Although it was said lately that Cobham would leave, he has
not gone yet. When he is dispatched I will report, but there are
signs that they will continue to delay his departure, as they have
for a year past.
These bad Englishmen, incited thereto by their hopes of gain,
continue to carry oars to Barbary, and as they have already sold
the four thousand which I said they had shipped at Dantzic, they
are again shipping three hundred quintals of sulphur there to go to
Barbary again.
Captain Hawkins' ships were, with others, ready to sail from the
coast of Plymouth for the purpose of plundering any stray ship they
could sight belonging to the fleet from the Indies.
That friend who offered his services has not yet received reply
from his other friend. He expects it every day, and I will advise
the decision he takes.-London, 18th July 1575.
25 July. 417. ANTONIO DE GUARAS to ZAYAS.
On the 18th I sent my last report. In conformity with his
Excellency's command I will send forward the Englishmen who
offered their services, saying that their offers are accepted, in the
belief that they are persons.who will do their duty. Although the
greater part of them are of good appearance and fair words,
experience shows that these people are not to be trusted overmuch.
I wrote to his Excellency that a difference had arisen in
Flanders between the consuls of Spain and a scamp of an alderman
of London, in whose favour the Queen has written several times
to his Excellency. They have now agreed that the Councillor and
I should arbitrate upon the matter with his Excellency's permission. We will do so when requested by both parties. The
Queen and Council give wonderful support to their Englishmen, and
no matter whether in France, Spain, or Flanders, if any grievance
is suffered by them a great business is at once made of it, as if it
were an important State matter.
As I reported, the Admiral was on his way from   Court to
inspect the Queen's ships here. This he has done with great diligence, which surprised the sailors themselves. Two of the Queen's
ships have been armed, called respectively, "The Cato " and "The
Barque of Boulogne," which at once went to sea, doubtless to put
into execution the enterprise they have in hand. It will be found
that support will reach them in this enterprise by land and sea as
soon as they begin it, and the sending of these two ships with
such wonderful diligence is a sign that the day for the attempt is
not far distant, and no doubt the day will be St. Bartholomew's.
They were ordered to arrest the English ships which are serving
in Flanders, and especially Captains Cotton and Carey, on the
ground that they have taken certain prizes in this river. It will
be necessary to warn these Captains at once to beware, as I write
to his Excellency.
People from Court say that Cobham has been made a knight,
and had received his despatches to go to Spain. It is now said
It 2




500


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1575.
that he will go through France, and it is therefore believed that
he is only going as a messenger, and not as resident ambassador,
because it was formerly asserted that he would go from Plymouth
and take his wife and family.
The Councillor* and I think well to send on to his Excellency
that English engineer of whom I have written several times, and
who expects to be able to give important intelligence and information
there.
I have been informed that an extremely valuable English ship
has arrived at Plymouth, which, it is believed, brings the proceeds
of some raid committed in company with the negroes who are at
war between Panama and Nombre de Dios. There are three or
four other English ships in those parts, and the eight ships since
sent off' by Captain Hawkins and his friends, are on their way
thither so that great robberies may be expected on the road to the
Indies if a remedy be not found.
It is reported from Scotland that the English prisoners they
had taken have been set free, and no fresh event has occurred
there..
There is nothing more said about the prisoner that they took at
Court,t as I mentioned before, and no one dares to mention the
matter, which, indeed, few people can understand.
To the surprise of all the world, seeing the results it may have,
the people here have this week burnt alive two Flemish Anabaptists.T
— London, 25th July 1575.
27 Aug.    418.   The KING to ANTONIO DE GUARAS.
Our servant, Antonio de Guaras; it being needful for me to send
a number of small vessels to my Netherlands States, I write to the
Queen of England informing her thereof, and to beg that, if driven
by weather or accident, they should enter her ports, she will
order them to be received in a way suitable to the friendship
between us and allow them to purchase what they need. I order
yuu in conformity therewith, and in compliance with the instructions you will have received from the Grand Commander of Castile,
to take what steps may be necessary with the same end. The
ships will be commanded by Don Pedro de Valdds, but they will be
subsequently taken charge of by Juan Martinez de Recalde, and
whichever commander may arrive        with them   in England will
receive from you the assistance necessary for the good of my service.
-Madrid, 27th August 1575.
* M. de Buiscot, who was on a mission to England from the Grand Commander,
llequesens.
f The mIan who was said to have shot at the Queen at Kenilworth.
I Their names were Jan Wiclmacker and Hendrik Ter Woort. They were Dutchmen who met at a conventicle in Aldgate, and the whole congregation a short time
previously had been imprisoned. Ten women and one man had been condemned to
be burnt as heretics, but banishment was substituted. Others of the congregation
recanted at Paul's Cross, but the two men in question relapsed, and for the first time
for 17 years the barbarous writ "de heretico comburendo" was issued. Foxe the
martyrologist wrote a pressing letter to the Queen (quoted by Fuller) to beg for mercy
for the men, but in vain. They were burnt at Smithfield on the 22nd July " uttering
piercing cries,"




ELIZABBTH,.                       J01
1576.
27 Aug.   419. ANTONIO DE GUARAS to ZAYAS.
My last report was dated the 20th, and there is little else to
say.
When M. de Buiscot received his despatch from his Excellency
he left for the Court which is fifty miles off, and it is to be expected
that he will not be long detained.
Shortly afterwards the new French ambassador, who is to reside
here, went also to Court accompanied by M. de la Mothe who goes
to take his leave. The new ambassador's name is M. de la Mauvissibre,* and they say that the king of France was coming to terms
with his rebels. He had 800 soldiers ready to send to Genoa if the
disturbances there continue, and this, new ambassador said, in the
course of conversation, that the king of France would not cease to
try his fortune, but would continue to do so until he got possession
of Milan and the kingdom of Naples. All this and other things of
the same sort are simply the vapourings of a soldier. I hear from
a man who mixes with the French that he (Mauvissiere) is instructed
to inform the Queen that the King will soon come to terms with
his rebels and is ready to help the Genoa people if they appeal to
him on behalf of their liberty; the intention being afterwards to
meddle in Italy for the purpose of sullying his Majesty's grandeur,
trusting greatly to the preparations being made by the Turk for
next year. The object also is that, France being tranquillised, the
prince of Orange may be supported. All this will no doubt be set
before the English Government to ascertain the state of feeling here,
and in order to make a great show of friendship. Anything may be
believed of the envy and ambition of Frenchmen.
On the other hand I have heard, from a sure source, that Colonel
Chester and Rogers, who came afterwards, brought despatches from
Orange to the Queen and Council offering to hand over to her
peacefully all Zealand, on condition that she promises to hold it
and support him, as he and his people are so driven for money and
men that, if the Queen do not accept the offer, they will be obliged
to surrender Zealand to her semi-enemy, the French King. He
asks that Chester may be allowed to raise in England two thousand
more soldiers for Holland, and I am informed that neither of the
two petitions has been listened to here. I am told especially that
the Lord Treasurer and the Lord Chancellor said in the Council,
that if the Queen allowed this the king of Spain would have good
cause for introducing schism and fire in her country through Ireland.
They therefore thought that the offers should be refused, and if
Orange delivered the country to the French they would oppose it
in the interests of England. Some members of the Council replied,
with respect to the two thousand soldiers, that they might be taken
from Scotland, and that many Englishmen might pass over amongst
them. A good friend of mine from Court told me yesterday that
many persons of importance thought that Orange was being overcome and was in Dortrecht for his own safety, and to be the better
able to escape if need arose. He said that news had come that the
* This was Michel de Castelnau, Seigneur de la Manvissiere, the author of the memoirs
of the reigns of Francis II. anll Charles IX.




SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1575,
Schoonoven people could not hold out, and that our ships had taken
the vessels that were going to their support. They have also heard
that his Majesty had ordered one million eight hundred thousand
crowns to be provided for Flemish needs, and that three thousand
foot and two thousand sailors were coming from Biscay, which they
thought would in a short time end the Holland and Zealand affair.
Everybody here now is convinced that his Excellency will put an
end to the business, to the great service of God.
Cobham embarked a week ago and will already have arrived in
Paris on his voyage. Two ships belonging to the Queen have
brought in six or seven prizes which have been captured by French,
Flemish, and English pirates. Yesterday the Queen's ship "Falcon"
sailed and another called " The Primrose " is being equipped in great
haste. She is a very powerful ship, and is no doubt destined to
help in their enterprise. Conde is also, with the same end, going
with his army towards Lorraine, although it is here said that
if the king of France comes to terms with his rebels, Conde
with his forces will attack the Netherlands.-London, 27th August
1575.
3 Sept.  420. ANTONIO DE GUARAS to ZAYAS.
On the 27th ultimo I sent my last report and there is little fresh
to say. A friend of mine has arrived from Holland and reports
that the prince of Orange received news in Dortrecht that, on the
20th of August, Condd and his friends were arranging in Germany
to provide means of getting into marching order and that they had
raised three thousand horse to be commanded by Duke Casimir, son
of the Palatine, besides four thousand foot and that Conde was
leaving to see the Palatine, in order to arrange a day for their
departure and the particulars of the enterprise. It would seem by
this that some time in August they will try to enter France and
endeavour to join M. D'Anville, who has fourteen thousand harquebussiers and four thousand French horse, besides which they will
leave the strong places which are held by the King's enemies well
protected. He tells me too, that the Englishmen who accompanied
them were Captains Stafford, Bingham Villiers (?), and Hopton
My friend gives me these news as certain, but they do not appear
to me to be entirely so.
Captain John Morgan tells me that, if his Excellency will send
him a patent and permission, such as has been granted to other
Englishmen, he will, at his own cost, fit our four good ships to pursue
his Majesty's rebels. He is certainly a brave lad and will do good
and faithful service.
Captain Martin Frobisher has decided to go to Flanders to see
his Excellency about the great services which he hopes to render,
and he will leave in a week. He is the best seaman and the bravest
mn this country, and his great name and valour will be already
known in Flanders. I have promised him a safe conduct to go and
-ome free from debt and the consequences of part events, if no
arrangement is made there. The good news of the surrender of
Schoonhoven has arrived at Court, and it is expected that Orange
himself will leave the States in despair before Christmas, convinced,




ELIZ4BETU.L


508


1575.
as all must be, that he will get no help from France and less public
aid from England.
As I have reported, two of the Queen's ships were being fitted
and they have now begun to equip two more. Three private ships
are sailing from the North, and the presumption is that they are all
intended for the enterprise, as well as the army which is being raised
in Germany.
It becomes every day more evident that the people here are
making great efforts to obtain possession of the prince of Scotland,
His good mother is well.-London, 3rd September 1575.
17 Sept. 421. ANTONIO DE GUARAS to ZAYAS.
My last report was dated the 10th, and I have since received his
Excellency's letter of the 11th, with that enclosed for the Queen,
who is now fifty miles from here. In accordance with his Excellency's orders, as soon as news arrives of the appearance of our
fleet on the coast, I will 'at once go to the Queen and deliver the
letter personally. I will also endeavour to get a letter from her to
all the justices of the ports, so that our men may be supplied, by
purchase, with such victuals as they require, and be welcomed as
friends. This order I will take or send to wherever the fleet may
be, and will serve the commander personally to the best of my
ability. In the meanwhile, not a word shall be whispered on the
subject. I wrote on the 10th that the Queen and Council knew of
the coming of the fleet, and had consequently raised eight hundred
soldiers to send to the Isle of Wight, prompted by their unnecessary
suspicion, the King being as affectionate to this Queen as ever, and
as desirous of maintaining old friendship. When certain news
comes of the arrival of the fleet, I will write advising his Excellency thereof, as well as taking the necessary steps at Court.
News from Holland and Zealand make us hope that our army will
prevail in Dortrecht, and that that bad town will soon be confounded. All the news received at Court and by the rebels here
is that Orange and his friends are so routed that they cannot
resist much longer. It is said that fifteen thousand souls of these
rebels met in their congregations yesterday, and, as I am told, were
directed to offer up their prayers for Orange and his supporters, who
were in great danger of Spanish tyranny; using these words and
worse. They were told it was therefore necessary to help them
with money, as they certainly will do again.
On the 10th I wrote that the English Colonel Chester had been
sent back to Orange from this Court with a curt reply, but they
sent after him and he returned. I do not know whether it was
for the promotion of the enterprise I have mentioned, or whether
it was to provide help for Orange. I have been told that they
have collected two sums, one of sixty thousand crowns in cash,
which has been sent abroad, and the other of forty thousand,
which they have sent to Antwerp through Thomas Smith. A
person who knows tells me that the cash is going to the Englishmen
in Conde's army, and the other money to be remitted to Orange,
which is to be repaid from the sum collected from the rebels here.




504


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1575,
Every day more clearly is it proved that they are in earnest about
the enterprise I have mentioned, and a man who is concerned in it
has hinted to me (he could do no more, as they had sworn him to
keep the secret) that they had a great business in hand which he
could not tell me about. It appears he had especially to swear
that he would refrain from telling me anything. Circumstances
show, however, that Condes army is being raised with the aforementioned end in view.-London, 17th September 1575.
8 Oct.   422. ANTONIO DE GUARAS to ZAYAS.
On the 1st instant I sent my last report. Shortly before midnight yesterday I received a letter from Don Pedro de Vald4s,
General of his Majesty's fleet at Dartmouth, dated the 2nd instant.
He simply refers me for information to Juan Cipres, who, hearing
on the road that the Queen was sixty miles from here, wisely
decided, in order not to lose time, to go to Court first and give the
Queen the letter he brought from the King. Despatches shall be
sent to all the ports about victuals and other things needed by the
fleet.  Cipres reports that the fleet left Santander on the 25th
ultimo, consisting of forty cutters and four great ships, arriving on
the 1st at Dartmouth with twenty-two cutters and two great ships,
one of which was the flagship with the General on board. Some
of the others had touched there before but had proceeded on their
voyage, and the rest were missing by reason of a great storm which
caught them off Ushant, although some of them have put into
Plymouth. I received with the said despatch the letter that his
Majesty graciously wrote to me on the 27th of August, giving me
instructions to address the Queen on the subject of the fleet.
To-day at daybreak I leave for the Court to help Cipres in his
errand, and to hand to the Queen the letter from his Excellency,
in obedience to his orders. I am also sending a report to his Excellency of the arrival of the fleet.  I am sending news to the
General also, and remitting him copy of the letter sent by his
Excellency on the 29th ultimo to M. de Barlamont and forwarded
to me by the Antwerp postmaster, giving news that our people
had killed the governor of Zealand, Boisot, and that his brother the
Admiral had fled for fear that his own people would kill him,
owing to the suspicion they have always felt of him. People from
Flushing report that our men had burnt the fort of Viana (Duveland?) and killed more than six hundred of the enemy, the rest
taking refuge in the town of Ziericsee, which they had fortified.
There are but few people for the defence of Flushing now, as
Orange took most of the men away. The news just brought is
the first intimation that people here had of the coming of our fleet,
and it is greatly to be hoped that the rest of the ships and cutters
will have come by the Isle of Wight, the weather lhaving been
recently very bad with a furious E.N.E. wind.
Everybody here believes that Holland and Zealand will soon be
lost, and fugitives are already arriving at Dover from Flushing.
Orange himself will no doubt fly hither, because he dare not go to




ELIZABETH.


505


1575.
Germany, where he owes large sums of money to those whom he
has deceived, and in consequence of the quarrels he has with the
relatives of his first wife, who is still alive. I leave this written
to be taken by a courier. I am now going to the Court.
A Scotch gentleman named Chambers has arrived here. They
say he was a member of the Scotch Queen's Council. He is full
of praise for the favours shown him in Spain and Flanders, and
displays great desire to serve his Majesty, if his Excellency will
employ him in Flanders. He begs me to convey this desire, and,
as I do not know him, I have only replied in general terms. He is
going to Court to try to get leave to see his mistress, and will
afterwards return here. I will then give him a message for her.
-London, 8th October 1575.
10 Oct.  423. ANTONIO DE GUARAS to ZAYAS.
On the 8th instant I sent by way of Flanders a report of events
here, and a copy of my letter, enclosing despatches for Don Pedro
de Valdds, Captain General of his Majesty's fleet, was sent to him.
I afterwards left for the Court with all speed, and requested
audience of the Queen, which was duly granted. When I told her
Majesty the cause of my coming and delivered to her the letter
from his Excellency, she told me that the Spanish gentleman bearing
the King's letter has been with her on the previous day. Two
days before, she said, she had received news from her Vice-Admiral
of the arrival of our fleet off Portsmouth, and immediately ordered
that it should be received and those on board of it welcomed as if
they were ler own subjects. On receipt of his Majesty's letter
she confirmed the orders, and sent to all the justices on the coast
commanding them to give every assistance to the fleet under pain
of her displeasure, providing victuals and all necessary stores at a
reasonable price; and she assured me that her desire was that
everything should be done in accordance with the good friendship
which had always existed between her and his Majesty. She said
all this with a great appearance of goodwill, and in conformity
with her sincere desire to preserve the alliance. When she retired
she said she was very glad to hear that the King was well, and
the earl of Sussex, the Lord Steward, then approached me and
repeated what the Queen herself had said, assuring me that he,
being so true a friend of peace and concord, had been mainly instrumental in obtaining so favourable a reply from the Queen,
which I really believe. He told me I might be sure that all
his fellow councillors were also well disposed. I send from here a
person to the Captain-General with this letter and to inform him
of the confirmation of the favourable reply given to his gentlemen.
My man will also do what he can to forward the matter in the
ports, and will return to Court, if necessary, I remaining here, in
case anything else should be required, until I hear that the fleet
has left. I do this as I shall not be required in London, having
left orders there to forward to me here any despatches that may
arrive. The Queen is well. God grant her long life, as upon this
depends the continuance of our ancient friendship-Bradham,
10th October 1575.




506


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1575
11 Oct.  424. The KING to ANTONIO DE GUARAS.
Zayas generally gives me an account of what you write to him
reporting events there, and I am very well satisfied with your
services, and order you to continue the same. The object of the
present letter is to inform you that I am sending Captain Sancho de
Archiniega with some store transports to my Netherlands. I write
by him to the Queen informingher thereof and a  sking her, in case
lie should touch in any of her ports, to have him received well in
accordance with our friendship, and have him provided by purchase
with such things as he may need for the prosecution of his
voyage. I order you to take what steps may be necessary in
accordance with what you may hear from Captain Archiniega, with
whom you will keep up communication.-El Pardo, 11th October
1575.
425. COPY of a DOCUMENT labelled, " From     his Majesty, in
" which, by the hand of Gracian, he sets forth what was
" proposed by Henry Cobham in the name of the queen
" of England, and what his Majesty replied."-El Pardo,
Wednesday, 26th October 1575.
Lord (?) Cobham was with me to-day, and has given me the
enclosed letter, addressing me, by virtue of its credence, on behalf
of the queen of England.
He first thanked me for ordering the expulsion of the English
from the Netherlands, and for the good expressions conveyed by
the councillor of Brabant, who, I think, is called Buiscot, to the
Queen on my behalf. He dwelt at length upon the great desire
of the Queen to preserve her friendship with me, and how she had
displayed this desire in refusing many of the offers made to her by
the prince of Orange.
He then spoke on various other points contained in the memorial
which he handed to me from the Queen. He spoke about the
Queen's sending an ambassador hither, and I an ambassador to her,
but he said nothing about the point referred to in the memorial, as
to the Queen's wish that the English ambassador here should be
allowed to exercise his religion in his own house with his family
and household as in England.
He then said that the Queen had ordered him to inform me that
she had seen a letter written by the king of France to the prince
of Orange making him many promises, and said something about a
marriage which I did not very well understand. I replied to his
general expressions with fair words, assuring him of the high
esteem in which I held the Queen's message, but referred him both
in general matters and in detail to the duke of Alba, whom I would
order to reply to him on all points. He afterwards gave me the
enclosed memorial from the English merchants, which I told him
should be considered and replied to. You will inform the duke of
Alba of all this and show him the memorial, in order that he may
be prepared, and may hear and consider all that was said to me
that it may be discussed in the Council, with the view to a reply
being given. I must be advised of the opinion arrived at in order
that I may instruct the Duke as to what is to be done.




ELIZABETI-.


507


1575.
29 Oct.  426. ANTONIO DE GUARAS to (ZAYAS?).
My last report was dated 21st instant, and was closed on the
24th at the Court. I sent from there two persons well instructed
with regard to the recovery of the lost sloops. I heard whilst at
the Court that the Council was discussing the issue of a proclamation ordering that none of the Queen's subjects should enter the
sea service of the prince of Orange or the States. Those who are
already there, like Cotton and others (as I write to his Excellency), should be ordered to be on their guard, as there is a general
commission all along the coast to arrest them. When I asked the
Council to allow one Carey, with a very powerful ship, to leave
Southampton to serve in Flanders, I was told that he could not be
allowed to sail on account of certain robberies of which he was
accused, this, however, being only an excuse to prevent his going.
I have no letters from his Excellency since then, nor since the
16th from Don Pedro de Valdds, although I have sent by every
opportunity, and have informed him that the ships of the fleet
which were to join him have sailed from Dunkirk, and that no
armed vessels have left Flushing. I have also informed him of the
success which God has granted to his Excellency, which will keep
the enemy so busy that our fleet may, after having joined the
ships from Dunkirk, sail with the first fine weather in all security.
Supposing that he will have already arrived at the Isle (of Wight),
I have repeated my letters to him, and sent a special messenger
thither with them. I have heard that the fleet from Dunkirk
passed near Dover on the 21st. The weather is now contrary, and
when I receive advice from Portsmouth or the Isle (of Wight) I will
inform his Excellency.
Colonel Chester is still about the Court urging his request to be
allowed to take soldiers to Flushing, but they openly refuse him
permission. If he should take any over secretly I will complain
of it. Two Scotch captains have gone to Scotland to raise men
for Holland by orders of Orange, and I have heard from a man
who has come from there that a treasurer of Orange, who was in
Zealand, on hearing that our fleet was coming, and that a great
friend of his who was Governor there had died,* at once collected
all the money he could get and shipped on board a vessel bound for
Scotland or Ireland.
The chevalier Giraldi has been at Court, and is trying to arrange
the differences between his King and these people. It is expected
that an arrangement may be made.
I have received news from the Court that the Council are considering the victory gained over the reiters in France and the
coming of our fleet to Flanders. There are rumours that they will
take some new step, either private or public, against France or
the States. I have some one at Court who will learn what is
intended, and I will duly advise.
Our rebels here have made a collection, and are sending soldiers,
* Boisot, Governor of Zealand, whose death at the battle of Duveland at the moment
when the Spaniards were on the point of defeat, had thrown his men into a panic, and
had allowed the King's forces to gain a footing in Zealand.




508


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1575.
Walloons and Flemings, to Flushing as there is a lack of men there.
Amongst them go some Englishmen who have returned hither dismissed from the forces in Ireland, and are wandering about the
streets destitute.-London, 29th October 1575.
22 Nov. 427. ANTONIO DE GUARAS to (ZAYAS?).
On the 12th instant I sent my last report and left a letter
written on the 16th in London advising my departure for this
island. I came because I had heard of the arrival of our fleet here
which news was true, and I found it in good order on my arrival.
It is still awaiting fair weather as the wind keeps contrary. In
consequence of the long voyage it has been necessary to provide
money for victuals, and this I have done, giving also letters of
credit in case anything more should be needed. The two ships
belonging to the Queen, which I said were being fitted out, have
since arrived here, and the commander, as well as the Governor of
the Isle of Wight, have sent word that they will, to-morrow, make a
communication to Juan Nunez (Martinez) de Recalde, although we
do not know what they have to say. I will remain here in case
my assistance is needed in anything, and I hope soon to see the
ships sail, as the weather now shows signs of changing. My visit
has been advantageous, as some disagreeable demonstrations were
made against our people in Southampton and elsewhere, to which
my coming has put a stop, and if they are renewed I hope to be
able to smooth matters over; although when the two ships I have
mentioned came to anchor alongside of our flagship, the General
being absent on business, a boat from the English ships came to
our vessel and asked for the General, who, they were told, was on
shore. They thereupon told them to haul down the flag, and said
if they did not do so they would make them, and our people then
did so. As our fleet is anchored before the castle of Cowes (Cou),
this and all other discourtesy has been overlooked, our people, so to
speak, being their guests and under the Queen's protection. They
even say that these two ships have come to accompany our fleet,
and we shall know to-morrow whether they have any other object.
There is no news of any armed ships from Flushing, and, indeed,
there are few left in the Channel as they fear capture by these two
ships. The General, Juan Nunez (Martinez) de Recalde, is taking
such good measures that, with God's help, he will proceed safely on
his voyage. The three ships from Dunkirk which were missing,
have arrived there. When I left, fresh orders of favour were given
at Court in the matter of the lost sloops, and I have sent the
orders from here to the persons whom I had entrusted with the
matter so that no opportunity shall be lost of proceeding to the
recovery of them in accordance with the orders given to me by Juan
Nunez (Martinez) de Recalde.-Isle of Wight, 22nd November
1575.
28 Nov. 428. ANTONIO DE GUARAS to (ZAYAS?).
When I left here on the 16th for the Isle of Wight I left a letter
written, and have since sent another from Newport, on the 22nd
via Flanders. I did what I could to assist the fleet, and provided




ELIZABETH.                            609
1575.
money and credits for stores. I hope it will now have safely arrived
at Dunkirk, as since my coming hither I learn that the ships
were seen passing Dover, the two Queen's ships remaining at
Portsmouth.
I found news from Court awaiting me here, to the effect that a
Frenchman named Captain Norman had been there, sent by the
prince of Orange, to say that if he was allowed to secretly raise
troops here (Walloons, French, and English) he has means of
striking a blow of great importance. It appears that this attempt
will be against Gravelines or Neuport, but there is no news yet
that forces are arriving, pending permission being given for raising
them here. I have a person of trust attached to this man to learn
what he can, and, if steps are taken to carry out what he desires, I
will give full information.  In the meaVwhile it would be well to
provide for the protection of these two places and others on the
coast, as I write to his Excellency.
Egremont Ratcliff, a brother of the earl of Sussex, Lord Steward,
who was in the North, and subsequently in Flanders, Italy, and
our Court for a long time playing the hypocrite, came to Paris, and
from there wrote to the Queen and Council saying that, if he had
assurance of pardon, which they promise him, he would come hither,
as he has done, to declare some great secrets, and especially to
accuse many Englishmen who, together with himself, have plotted
against this country. To gain favour, I am told that he is going to
declare, however falsely, that his Majesty intends at some future
time to take revenge for the unneighbourly conduct of these people
towards him, in favouring Orange in his revolt.  If he is believed,
he will be the cause of much ill-will. Amongst other things he
has secretly told some wonderful stories about Don Juan of
Austria, touching pretensions of his here and other absurdities.
When he arrived here he was for some days at liberty, expressing
great sorrow that he had taken part in the Northern risings, but
when he presented himself at Court they sent him to the Tower,
pretending to keep him under close guard, but it was all makebelieve.  It is thought that he will do much injury to many people
here, and to the English who are absent, and it is understood that
he will make statements against the queen of Scotland. In consequence of this and other false accusations, the inquiry which has
been commenced is to be continued in order that she may be placed
in danger of being condemned to death. She is well, but strictly
guarded.
Respecting the business of the gentleman Corbet, I have only
heard that he had sent two messengers hither, and will remain in
Flanders until he gets an     answer.*-London, 28th November
1575.
* Mr. Corbett had been sent as an envoy from the English Court to Requesens, in
PFanders, on the 25th October, in the place of Randolph, who had at first been
appointed to the mission. His draft instructions, all in Cecil's handwriting, will be
found at the British Museum, Cotton, Galba, C. v., and by these and the papers
calendared in the Foreign Series of State Papers, it will be seen that the principal
object of the mission was to press the intercession of the Queen between the King and
Orange, in consequence of the injury and danger incurred by England through
the war, and the impossibility of her standing by and seeing the Protestants
exterminated.




610


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1575.
29 Nov. 429. ANTONIO DE G UARAS to ZAYAS.
I informed you on the 16th that I was leaving for the Isle of
Wight, where I had been informed that Recalde and his fleet had
arrived in great need of victuals, and requiring help, in consequence
of disagreeable demonstrations made towards him. I went at
once, provided them  with money and freed them   from  their
annoyances. They sailed on the 24th with favourable weather,
and arrived safely in Dunkirk on the 26th, accompanied by the
armed ships which had left Dunkirk. This short note is simply to
report this by a ship which is leaving the river for St. Sebastian,
on the chance of its arriving before the news sent through Flanders.
No armed ships from Flushing have arrived in the Channel as the
Grand Commander is keeping the rebels busy, especially in
Ziericzee, which I am informed by letters dated the 21st cannot
avoid surrender, in consequence of shortness of food. God confound
them!-30th November.
I send this copy of the above by way of Plymouth to be forwarded by first opportunity.-London, 29th and 30th November
1575.
430. Fragment of Document headed: "What the duke of Alba
"replied to Henry Cobham, ambassador to the queen of
"England in Madrid.-2nd December 1575."
That his Majesty would be also very pleased to receive the
ambassador whom the Queen might send to his Court, especially if
he would observe the Roman Catholic religion, which would be a
great satisfaction to his Majesty and this country; but that in any
case, his Majesty begged most earnestly, that the ambassador might
be a modest man, well intentioned and favourable to the preservation of the friendship and brotherhood between their Majesties.
He should be expressly warned and ordered to be extremely careful
that he and his household should observe the contents of the two
documents which would be handed to him, as the present object
was not simply to send new ambassadors but to revert on both
sides to the same order of things as had always existed before
the time of John Man, who had comm-itted excesses and had to be
expelled by his Majesty, which it was understood the Queen
admitted was done with ample reason.
5 Dec.  431. ANTONIO DE GUARAS to (ZAYAS?).
On the 28th, 29th, and 30th ultimo I sent my last reports, and
I have now to advise that I have trustworthy informlation that
Egrellont Ratcliff, who is a prisoner, has presented a written statement to the Queen, and it is greatly feared that, as he was
concerned in the Northern rising, he will have denounced many
persons both absent and present.
The French captain, Norman, is still about the Court pushing his
request, althoulgh I have heard from a man who accompanies him
that lie intends to go to Rochelle if these people will not grant
what he desires.
Hastings, the gentleman that the Queen sent to the prince of
Orange, has not returned yet, nor has Corbet, who went to his




ELIZABETH.                       511
1575.
Excellency, although answers have been sent to both of them by
the servants they sent to the Queen. This affair may turn out
hard to digest for them, as it was all hatched here, as I am
informed, in order to make the King think that, if the Queen sets
foot in the States, she is forced to do so out of fear of the French
or the king of Denmark, but the real object is to keep them (the
States) in hand to surrender them when it may appear desirable
after first trying to oust the Spaniards from Flanders; and then
again negotiate for a confirmation of treaties and so protect herself
against the consequences of past bad acts and unneighbourly
conduct; at the same time making a show of being forced to place
her army in Flanders to prevent injury to her own country. I
hear, on the other hand, that they will only decide upon the step
with great difficulty in consequence of the fear that, if they undertake the task, the dangers and difficulties here may recommence,
and nothing will be done without much consideration and the
express consent of the Queen. As I wrote, they had sent the
Queen's ships to sea but have now ordered their re-call, the confusion being such that the aspect of State affairs fluctuates from
day to day. They have said nothing to me at all, whereas in the
time of the duke of Alba the lord treasurer, Lord Burleigh, spoke
to me on the subject of Flanders in the Queen's name nearly every
week, saying that, if his Majesty was willing, she would gladly
intercede in order to bring about an honourable understanding
between his Majesty and the prince of Orange, and as I was
ordered by the Duke to listen to what they might say and report
the same, they were moved to send the envoys they dispatched, no
reply having been given to them through me after they had so repeatedly approached me. Whatever evil thing happens it may be
believed that the Queen's own intention is a good one, but not so
those of many in authority who surround her.
As the thing is publicly talked about in the streets there is no
objection to my writing openly about the great enmity which exists
between the earl of Leicester and the earl of Essex, in consequence, it is said, of the fact that whilst Essex was in Ireland his
wife had two children by Leicester. She is the daughter of Sir
Francis Knollys, a near relative of the Queen, and a member of
the Council, and great discord is expected in consequence.
News comes from Holland that Orange will summon the States
of that country and of Zealand to consider some means of
remedying their position, and in consequence of the murmurs of
the people and soldiers. If it were not for their obstinacy and his
forces the towns would submit themselves to the King's mercy.
I have received news from the Court that the Queen is highly
offended at an English gentleman, named Capel, being so much
favoured by his Excellency, and especially at his having written
authorizing some Englishmen to arm against the rebels. He will
hear from some of his friends that the Queen will be glad if he
absents himself from Flanders and retires from the King's service
It is thought better that he should go to Germany or Italy as I
hear from persons who are concerned in these matters.
These people have lately given orders for the collection of sixty




512


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1575.
thousand crowns and are going about the city changing the money
into gold. The congregations of our rebels are doing the same and
are sending the money to Orange, either for him or for Conde, and
it may well be supposed that, now that an arrangement has been
arrived at in France, they will not be idle in disturbing the States
through one or the other of these men.-London, 5th December
1575.
10 Dec.  432. ANTONIO DE GUARAS to (ZAYAS?).
I sent my last report on the 5th instant and have since received
his Excellency's letter of the 26th.
Some days since, it was announced in Court and here that the
city of Cologne was lending the Queen a great sum of money at
five per cent. per annum interest, which had been offered by her to
this city and to many private persons. It is not believed, but is
thought to be all an invention to make people believe that money
is coming hither, the sum being stated at five hundred thousand
crowns, in order to cover the many obligations they are incurring.
Those who know, say also that it is in order that, when money has
to be sent from here, the people may be told it is to pay this
loan as they are greatly averse to money being sent out of the
country. The murmurs in Court and in London respecting the
expected decree (in Flanders) suspending the payment of interest
on the money belonging to the Genoese and others, are incredibly
great, and some days ago, when Lord Burleigh, the Admiral, the
earl of Leicester and others were together, they asked me about it,
as if surprised, and seemed to think that it was a great hardship
for the persons interested. I told then there was no need for them
to be scandalised about it, as in this country it was a law of Parliament that whoever lent money at usury, should lose principal
and interest, and should pay as much to the informer, and again as
much to the treasury.   I said I did not understand that his
Majesty ordered the principal to be confiscated, but that in
accordance with the laws of the land and the permission of his
Holiness, the lenders should be satisfied with seven per cent. per
annum, and that to charge thirty, forty, and fifty per cent. was an
action which I would leave to their own judgment as to whether it
was right or not. I said that, whilst what was done here seemed
extreme, what was done on our side appeared to be a charitable
reform, and they replied that it was indeed an admirable order, and
that the Genoese and others, marquisses, princes and counts, as they
were, would again have to return to their position as merchants, and
his Majesty would find his revenues relieved, although they hinted
that, in future, tie credit of his Majesty would not be very secure. I
said that a Prince who was free from obligations and had fifteen
millions of ordinary revenue, besides twenty millions which it was
expected would be produced yearly by the tenths conceded to his
Majesty, particularly if they were extended, as was said, to the
Indies, could not be in great need, and in due time the tenths in
Flanders would also be paid. Such a prince as this, I said, with
such revenues and with great treasures in coined money had little
need of the cash of Genoese or other usurers, although money was




I~LTZ  Al3ETlt.


5L3


1575.
now in such a position that they were very glad to get seven per
cent. for it. I said his Majesty had such great revenues that the Turk
would feel the effect thereof, and all our King's good friends, and
especially the Queen and the English, would be pleased thereat.
They agreed with me, but the vulgar people, ignorant as they are
and moved by their passions, murmur much about it.
By the last courier many letters have come from Flanders tc
these people expressing the fears that were felt there that some new
discord was about to arise between their Majesties (Philip and
Elizabeth) although no reasons for it were alleged. Some of my
own acquaintances have been to me begging me to befriend them
in the interests of their property by telling them something about
it. I have satisfied them that it was all an illusion and have made
as light of it as possible. This suspicion seems to have arisen from
something said by Corbet or those who are with him, to the effect
that, if his mission was not successful, the Queen could not avoid
placing forces in the States to assist or protect Orange, but it is
nothing but gossip of the people and of distrustful merchants. The
general opinion is that Orange will come to a speedy and bad end,
and some people talk of sheltering him here and others at Embden,
as he dares not fly to Germany and the Danes will not think of
receiving him, as it was said here they would do. Moreover, the
French cannot give him hospitality and the English will hardly
dare to do so. All those who understand the matter affirm that
his Excellency is pressing him in such a way that, when Ziericzee
is lost, which, with God's help, it will be, he and his will be
desperate, and I am assured that if he can safely abandon the States,
he would fly hither or to some other safe place, to which course he is
persuaded especially by a cook of his, who has an estate of 3001. a year,
and is his close confidant and the only person in whom he dares to
trust, for if his Council imagined that he intended to escape they
would kill him or surrender him to us. This account has been
given to me word for word by a trustworthy person who says that
he knows him (Orange) to be so hardly pressed that, if his Majesty
were to offer him clemency and mercy, he would accept them and
abandon the cause, to which he has so often said that he was wedded.
I am told that in Ziericzee, the principal members of his Council,
the most obstinate of his adherents and the flower of his soldiery,
are collected, and if, which God grant, the same happens to them as
to the people of Haarlem, great confusion will fall upon his cause.
It is said that all Zealand is dismayed, as there is little defence in
the towns and the sea forces have melted away insensibly, so that
if his Excellency follows them up afloat, as it is believes he intends
to do, a speedy and bad end will surely reach them, especially if
eight or ten ships like those of Pedro de Valdes were to come this
spring to the Channel. As the ports here are secure for them and
victuals obtainable at fair price, this, it is thought, would finish
the business and, even if the rebel sea forces were not augmented,
the fishing boats and others might be followed and all supplies of
victuals prevented from reaching the rebels from England, the
Queen and Council having already forbidden victuals to be sent to
them openly.
e 76467                                                   K




514                        SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1575.
I will give the answer in general terms, as I am instructed, to
the sailors and others who offer service.
Colonel Chester and the gentleman sent by the Queen to Orange
have not returned but are expected daily.
A man from the neighbourhood of Dortrecht tells me that the
people there are so determined in their obstinate defence and
treason that they are collecting forty thousand florins a month for
the expense of holding out, and he says that before Ziericzee was
surrounded, seven of the richest people there were taken to Middleburg as they were considered suspect and desirous of submitting to
the King. It is said amongst the rebels here that Hermanus, their
great preacher, has arrived here, but is considered certain that he is
still in Ziericzee with the rest of the rogues.-London, 10th
December 1575.
17 Dec.  433. ANTONIO DE GUARAS to ZAYAS.
I sent my last statements on the 5th and 10th ultimo. Since
then all is tranquil here and there is nothing fresh to report. The
answer given in Flanders to the envoy Corbet who is expected, or
has arrived here, has changed the aspect of matters, and I am
informed from a good quarter that, as they have not been able to
compass what they desired, namely, that forces should be placed in
Holland and Zealand with the connivance of the Queen, they will
now try to do it without her aid. In the meanwhile, the ships
they had sent out with this object have been recalled and are now
withtlhe rest. The person who gives me this information assures
me that there is great diversity of opinion amongst the people here;
some say that, as Orange is certain to be ruined, since it is sure
that neither France nor Denmark will help him, he should be
openly assisted from here, whilst others advocate a contrary course
for fear that, in such case, total ruin might come to them through
Ireland, Scotland, or the North, where much discontent exists.
They are therefore in suspense, although their rejoicing is incredible
that Ziericzee should have been revictualled. They are daily
expecting the arrival of Chester, Hastings, and others, who were
sent to Orange, and who they say left there some time ago and
have been lost in a storm. If they were lost it would be a just
fate as they are ministers of evil. News comes from Flanders by
every post that there is a fear amongst the merchants that some new
dissension will break out between their Majesties, and the English
there are selling their properties at great loss, the Flemings doing the
same here. 'hey all affirm that forces are to be sent from here to
seize Holland and Zealand, and fear that great evils will arise in consequence. It is also publicly asserted that a great councillor has
divulged that his Majesty has used very hard words to the ambassador Colbhaln respecting the action of the Queen, saying that he could
not tolerate her unneighbourly conduct in helping Orange. There
are many bad people in this city who have much influence on the
Council and are trying to stir up dissension, and these it is who are
making this assertion, saying that Cobham is returning with some
such reply. Amongst other things, persons in authority had, it is
said, ordered Captain Vaughan, who commands the "Castle of




hLIZAIIETTI.~F~


515


1575.
Comfort," which was off the Isle of Wight with our fleet, to seize
as many of our ships as he could and take them into Flushing, where
he was to serve the Prince of Orange with his vessel, which is a very
powerful one. It is said that he did not do this in consequence of
certain hindrances, but in pursuance of the same policy, they have
recently captured a servant of Lord Windsor, who had served in
Flanders, because he was leaving, taking with him in his ship to
Flanders sixty mariners and a certain Captain Smith, who had also
served in Flanders. He had taken one of the Rochelle ships and
had been driven into Falmouth with his prize by a storm. They
took his prize from him, arrested him, and he is now in danger of
being hanged, on the charge of being a pirate; but the worst
crime they will find in him is that he served us in Flanders. These
people here are so zealous in all that touches this question that 1 am
assured that if they do not openly send forces to the States they
will soon find some new means of helping Orange underhand.
Fresh news comes every hour and, since closing this, I have
received trustworthy information that on Thursday last the Queen
very loudly declared that she was against sending forces openly to
Zealand and Holland. She entered her chamber alone, slamming
her door after her and crying out that they were ruining her over
this business, and those who were there, her ladies-in-waiting and
others, were much distressed, saying that if she did not open the
door they would burst it open, as they could not bear her to be
alone in such trouble. Her grief arose from her having received
news that Orange was sending to her, with Chester and Hastings,
Aldegonde, and Count Culdenburg, and another of the principal
persons of his States, who were all in Flushing awaiting on opportunity for passing over. It is supposed they came to offer on
behalf of Orange the possession of Zealand and Holland to the
Queen, and as it is expected that when Ziericzee surrenders, Orange
will not be able to resist longer, this will be carried into effect,
If they determine upon it, I am told by those who know, that all
the ports will be closed, ships and men will be sent within a
fortnight and possession will be taken before news of the intention
can leave the country.-London, 17th December 1575.
20 Dec.  434.
The above is a copy. Since then I take this opportunity of a
safe messenger to Flanders to say that the coming of persons I have
mentioned as being sent as an embassy by Orange to the Queen is
now made public. The merchants are no scandalized at the news
that the general talk amongst them and the people at large is of
the tribulation which they expect to come of it. The Court arrives
to-day at Hampton Court, where the whole of the Council is
ordered to meet to-morrow to discuss this matter before the arrival
of the envoys. Some are of the same opinion that I am, namely, that
these people will not determine to seize Holiand and Zealand by
force; but if they attempt it, it is to be expected that God will
deprive them of understanding, so that they may be ruined where
they hope to be saved. Outward appearances, nevertheless, would
seem to indicate that they intend to attempt the affair, and it is
ix  2




516                          SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1 575.
now publicly said that the envoys only await favourable weather
to come from llushing, disembarking at Berwick in the north for
greater security. A friend of mine tells me that the earl of Essex,
who has arrived from Ireland offers to command the enterprise.
He is the most passionate of all the heretics here, and very affectionate and familiar, by letters, with the Count Palatine. He is
the man who came from Ireland so crestfallen at the ill-success of
his adventure there, and on arriving at home found the shameful
news about his own house, that 1 have mentioned. It is to be
hoped that his bad intentions and worse actions will meet with
their just reward.
Since writing the above I learn that those who are to come
hither are Count Culdenburg, Councillor Aldegonde, Paul Buiz,
and Secretary Tzuits. They left Flushing six days ago in four
ships of war, but were driven back to the island by contrary
winds.
1576.
1 Jan.   435.
The above is a copy of what I sent by the last ordinary courier.
Although it was said, with very little appearance of truth, that
some personages were coming hither from the Court of France, it
has turn d out true, and news now comes that some of them  have
already landed in this country. The principal of them is a French
gentleman, who comes on his King's behalf, called M. de la Porte,
and he is accompanied as guide by M. de la Mothe, who was
recently ambassador here, by another envoy who comes from the
duke of Alenqon, and by a representative of the prince of Conde.
If they are not all disembarked they are on their way, and the
object of their coming is presumably to negotiate some important
agreement with this Queen, and at the same time to deal with
those who are expected here from  the prince of Orange. It is
generally believed that the object is to forward their attempts
against the States of Flanders.*  News comes from France that
they were again treating for a suspension of hostilities there, and
that the reiters would halt in Lorraine, in order either to enter
F ance, if no agreement were come to, or to turn against the
States, according to the resolution which may be adopted between
these Frenchmen, Orange and this Queen. It is just asserted that
the people from the prince of Orange have also landed, and the
general opinion of well-informed persons is that the object of this
assembly is to perturb the States with all their forces, in union
with the reiters. Rumours are current here that a partition is t)
be effected between this Queen and them, and much is to be feared
from such a sudden meeting. I shall learn what their intentions
are and will report all I hear. I send this letter after the courier
who left yesterday, in order that the sinister plots of these people
may be known; although, no doubt, our ambassador in France
will also send information upon the subject.
* The real objects of this mission are set forth in Castelnau's memoirs. Catharine's
idea was to heal the troubles in France by again pressing the marriage of Elisabeth
with Alenoon.




ELIZABETH.,517


1576.
2 Jan.  436.
The above is a copy of my two former letters, and I now have
to report that those who come from Orange arrived at Gravesend
last night. Colonel Chester and Hastings remained behind at
Gravesend, the former going straight to Court, and the latter
coming here and lodging in the house of Dr. Wilson; Captain
Hutt (?) and others who came with them coming to their own
houses in London. As they come on an evil errand, they are
allowed to remain there until orders come from the Court, and the
people are closely watching the effect of their coming. I expect to
have full information of their movements and negotiations, of
which I will send advice by ordinary or special post.
Some of the French have also arrived, but the ambassadors have
not crossed yet, although they are expected every week, and I
believe they will be here shortly. * They are bringing a letter of
credit on an Italian here. In order to lead public opinion astray,
they give out that they are coming in order to settle, with the
Queen's intercession, an agreement between the king of France
and his rebels,* but no dependence can be placed safely upon the
assertions of evil-minded and passionate people, and fears may be
entertained of some great plot against the States.
I am told that some Scotch soldiers have landed at Brille, no
doubt a portion of the two thousand men which Colonel Balfour
went to raise in Scotland.
News has arrived that more than thirty sail of armed ships ha
left Flushing with the intention of sparing no ship, French or
English, which might be bound for Spain.-London, 2nd January
1576.
9 Jan.  437. ANTONIO DE GUARAS to (ZAYAS?).
On the 25th, 31st ultimo, and 1st instant, I sent my last reports,
giving advice that the envoys from Orange had arrived here on
the 2nd instant. Their names are M. de Aldegonde, Paul Buiz,
M. de la Garde, and Dr. Maldesen, with about ten people of less
importance sent with them by the States, and some servants. They
came in two war ships, accompanied by the English Colonel Chester,
Hastings, Captain Hutt (?), and Rogers, all of them equally good, or
rather bad. The English left the others quietly at Gravesend, Chester
going post to Court, Hastings unostentatiously coming here to
Dr. Wilson's house, and the other two coming to their homes in
London. I give these details in order that their objects may be
divined. The envoys from Orange remained until orders were
sent from Court as to their lodging. They were instructed to go
alone and unaccompanied by any of the English who had brought
them over, to stay in the house of the Flemish postmaster, in order
that the people might think that they had come hither without
being summoned. They applied for audience and left yesterday
for the Court, accompanied by two courtiers sent for the purpose.


* Dr. Dale had proposed this course to Catharine de Medici, but she had peremptorily
rejected it. She told him the only way to obtain peace was for his mistress to desist
from helping the rebels. If this were done no mediation would be required.




618


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1576,
On the 6th instant the ambassadors from France arrived, M. de la
Porte and M. de la Mothe, and they also were informed yesterday
that audience would be granted to them. On the same day Harry
Cobham arrived in Court from Spain, and the only person now
wanting is Corbet, in order that they may all put their heads
together to disturb the States. No doubt in two or three days
we shall hear something of the intentions of all parties. It is
openly asserted that the object of Orange's envoys is to offer the
Queen possession of a large part of Holland and Zealand, and it is
believed that the French are in league with them to this end.
Five or six envoys have also been sent from Orange to the king
of France, they having already landed at Calais. It is believed
that the matter will be more maturely dealt with later by the
dispatch hither from France of the Count de Nesle and another
personage from  Holland.  I also hear that the Flemings are
bringing a very beautiful watch sent from Orange to the Queen,
as a sort of emblem to remind her of the opportunity presented
at this time. They are instructed to inform the Queen of the
object of their embassy in a speech, but they have been given to
understand that they must put it in writing, and in the form of a
petition, as it is a business which touches so closely the interests
of this State. Nothing else is spoken of all over the country, and
I am assured that, even though these people might so far forget
themselves as to send overt help to the States, which can hardly
be believed, Parliament will not confirm such action. The Parliament is summoned for the 8th February. When the object of the
embassy is explained, we shall know something about it, as I have
people closely attached to the envoys in my interest, from whom I
shall hear what can be learned. I have already received from one
of them the Latin document which I send to his Excellency for his
perusal, and to be afterwards forwarded with this letter. It is
publicly asserted that his Excellency is pressing the rebels so closely
that Orange and his people have given themselves up for lost
during the coming summer, unless France and England will help
them with national forces, as little assistance can be expected either
from Scotland or Denmark. They are in great fear for Dortrecht,
as they say that, although it is not besieged, our people who are
lodged in the neighbourhood are troubling them sorely, and great
complaints are made of the Germans near who are stopping communication by way of the Rhine. The suffering of all the people
in the rebel districts, in consequence of the heavy impositions
upon them, is terrible, and yet Orange and his friends are extremely
pressed for money, so that all these bad people are murmuring
greatly. All those who come from there agree that, if they lose
Ziericsee all will be lost, although a good friend of mine tells me
that by means of very light boats, which can be carried on a man's
back, they enter and leave the place easily by the dykes and canals,
carrying the boats when necessary.  It is said that they are
arranging to enter the place in these boats in great numbers at
tlie full moon, and the boats are now being prepared in Flushing.
From the said place (Flushing) five-and-twenty sail, well equipped,
have recently left, and are now in the Channel awaiting the ships




ELIZABETH.


519


1576.
which are expected from Andalucia and Bordeaux. All the
Councillors of the Queen have been summoned to Court, where
they now are, and a committee of them has been appointed to
debate and reply to the pretensions of the envoys; the committee
consisting of Lord Chancellor Bacon, Lord Treasurer Burleigh, the
earl of Leicester, and Secretary Walsingham.
Since closing this letter we learn that the two French ambassadors
were with the Queen yesterday for more than two hours, but the
envoys of Orange only had an interview with the committee.
It is now publicly affirmed that the French ambassadors do not
come with any evil designs against the States, but only with the
regard to the suspension of hostilities in France, and to again raise
the question of a marriage with the duke of Alenqon. But it is all
dissimulation, and although it is said that they will return in a
week, I have information which leads me to believe otherwise.
The offer of the envoys from Holland has made so much noise at
Court that some people believe that the Queen will accept it, or
much evil will arise therefiom, whilst others think that the acceptance would be dangerous to thenm, which is quite true. Those
who know, affirm that the business is still in suspense, and no
decision has been arrived at. Every day more will be known and
I will duly report.-London, 9th January 1576.
28 Jan. 438. ANTONIO DE GUARAS to ZAYAS.
Some days ago Mr. Cobham informed me in the name of the
Queen and Council that they would be very pleased to hear thfat
Hawkins (?) and Tayler, and three of their company, shipmasters,
had been set at liberty. They have been imprisoned in Seville
for some time by the Holy Office. The Queen has since learnt
that the ship and merchandize referred to in the enclosed English
petition (a Latin translation of which, sent to me by one of the
Queen's secretaries, is also enclosed) have been detained in Cadiz,
and Cobham has again addressed me upon the subject.  He assures
me that any favour shown in this matter will be fully taken into
account in the discussion of State affairs, and has begged me most
urgently to write to this effect.  I replied that, in matters of
justice, and especially those under the jurisdiction of the Holy
Tribunal, I could not do anything more than send a message through
your worship, stating the case, in the hope that you might address
the proper quarters with the view   to favour being shown.London, 28th January 1576.
1 Feb.   439. ANTONIO DE GUARAS to ZAYAS.
On the 28th ultimo I sent my last report. I subsequently informed his Excellency that M. de Chamnpigny* had been with
Lord Burleigh for nearly two hours, and the details of the inter* Perennot, Sieur de Champigny, Governor of Antwerp, a brother of Cardinal de
Granvelle. A few months after the date of this letter he headed the citizens against
the sacking and plundering of Antwerp, by the Spanish troops, and thenceforward
adopted the popular cause.




620


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1576.
view will have been conveyed to his Excellency by M. de
Champigny.    I afterwards had a conversation with Lord Burleigh,
who told me that he was very glad to have heard from his Excellency through so important a gentleman, who seemed to be equally
dignified, business-like, and frank in his communications. In the
course of conversation I said that as he, Burleigh, had been certainly
instrumental in settling past dissensions, I trusted that he would
at the present juncture be the means of preventing the carrying
out of the intentions which were publicly stated to be held by the
envoys of Orange, to offer to the Queen the possession of the
patrimonial States of our King, and I hoped that the Queen would
never accept such an offer, nor send either public or private forces
to the country, seeing the ancient alliance, respect, and love, which
his Majesty bore towards her. He replied that the French were
aiming at this, and, if the Queen assented to it, it would only be
in his Majesty's own interests, whereupon I said that the French
would never be parties to enter the States, as they had experience of the attempt of Genlis, and especially what had taken
place with Ludovic.*  I said that Orange could not surrender the
States by way of France.  Burleigh replied that they (the French)
could go through Calais, and I said that he knew as well as I did
that the French had still less chance of entering by that way, as
they could only do so by the express consent of the Queen, who
was paramount in the Channel. He said that the friendship which
the royal house of England had always held with the house of
Burgundy would cause the Queen to favour the latter in the
preservation of its privileges, but, that foreign intruders had
trenched upon these privileges to such an extent, as not only to
cause grave injury to the States, but to jeopardise England as well.
I said I was surprised that he should call Spaniards foreign
intruders, as they were the subjects of the same Prince, who
lossessed the States, whereupon he replied angrily, "You people
" are of such sort that wherever you set foot no grass grows, and
"you are hated everywhere."     I affected to laugh at this, and
said that this was like the Romans, who were hated all over the world
in consequence of their bravery. As for the French, I said, our
King's forces would certainly prevent them    from  entering the
States, and if the Queen, his Majesty's sister and ally, did not help
our rebels, Orange would try to escape and abandon the States in
a very few months. I said that, when order was duly restored
there, no evil would ever come to England therefrom      by his
Majesty's wish.   He would rather defend this country against
the French and Scotch, who were its ancient enemies. Burleigh
replied, that Holland and Zealand would as jealously hold their
privileges inviolate, as the kingdom of Aragon did, and, with the
* Count Louis of Nassau had been killed at the battle of Mooch in 1574, in his
attempt to invade the Netherlands with German troops. The reference to Genlis
appears to he less apposite, as that Huguenot commander with his French Protestant
force had been perfectly successful in aiding Count Louis to enter and capture Mons,
although the place was subsequently lost and its defenders massacred.




)ELIZABETf.                2


521


1576.
help of neighbouring countries, would be successful in doing so;
since one of these privileges was, that if the Sovereign violated the
constitution another Prince could be chosen, and the Hollanders were
therefore rightly in arms. As to the kingdom of Aragon, I said, it
was only right that, as God had given us intelligence and rt ason, we
should look at things according to the facts, and he should know that
Aragon formerly was a free dominion, where the King was elected
by the people, always under the condition that he should defend
their privileges. In memory of this, the Cortes go through the
ceremony of election to show that the Prince held his power by
that tenure, and not by conquest or inheritance. I said, in conformity therewith, the Princes have preserved intact the privileges
of the people, and at present the King is more feared and beloved
there that in any other part of his dominions, and the people are
more ready to die in his service than any others of his subjects.
There is no thought of religious dissension or sectarianism there,
and all are one, Ioth in temporal and spiritual affairs; whilst the
States, full of rebels and heretics as they are, were patrimonial
dominions and not elective like Aragon. To take up arms, therefdre, against their anointed Lord and King was the work of
traitors, and he, Burleigh, knew full well that for a subject to take
up arms against his Prince was to resist the will of God himself.
Burleigh repeated to me afterwards more than once, "You know
"very well, as I have often told you, in the time of the duke of
"Alba and since, that the Queen has frequently offered to intercede and settle these dissensions with all honour and decorum,
but her offers have not been accepted, nor her goodwill recog"nized, and she will not now intervene, unless she knows from
"the King that her good offices will be welcome."  As I have
instructions not to reply on this point, but only to listen and
report what lie says, I ceased the conversation and left him.
He complained greatly regarding the English prisoners of the
Holy Office, and said that the Queen would again write to his
Majesty about the fresh arrests made.    This interview with
Burleigh took place on the 30th ultimo, and I at once gave an
account of it to M. de Champigny, as I do of everything that
happens, according to instructions. From the conversation, it may
concluded that they have agreed with Orange, and, if no change is
made in their intentions, they will help the rebels secretly. If, however, they see Orange inldanger of complete defeat and ruin, they will
aid him openly; although it is difficult to believe how the passions
of these people can lead them so far, and it can only be hoped that
it may bring about their own perdition. Please God that they
may be punished, and this country reformed by some such unexpected means as this, if they undertake so unjust a cause as to
seize what does not belong to them.
Two ships, with thirty pieces of artillery made of cast iron, are
leaving here, and I have written to Juan Martinez de Recalde. The
envoys of Orange are here with the two ships which are at their
bidding, and the French ambassadors are going to Court to-morrow
to take leave.-London, 1st February 1576.




522


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1576.
6 Feb.  440. ANTONIO DE GUARAS to (ZAYAS?).
On the 28th ultimo I sent my last report, and on the 1st instant
I also wrote by a special courier sent by M. de Champigny to his
Excellency, giving an account of my conversation with Lord
Burleigh.
On the 5th instant, M. de Champigny was received by the
Queen, and when he entered she received him with so much
coolness that it was evident what her answer to his embassy was
to be. M. de Champigny will give particulars of it to his Excellency, and it will be seen that it was quite in accord with
Burleigh's expressions to me. The substance of it is that they
are resolved to send troops, stores, and victuals to Orange at once.
Six hundred men are already prepared for embarkation, and eighty
English seamen and forty pieces of cast-iron artillery are also to
be sent in two other ships, accompanied by some of those who
came with Aldegonde.    The latter with Paul Buiz remains
here, attended by the two armed ships in this river which brought
them over. The other two commissioners returned to the Prince
in order to give him an account of their embassy. M. de Champigny
with his great ability discussed the matter most prudently with the
Queen, trying to persuade her to preserve her old alliance, and in
the whole business has shown himself to be a gentleman of high
intellect and talent. The Council is resolved, however, to help
Orange and, in due time, to send their foices and take possession
of the places agreed upon in Holland and Zealand, as the Queen
clearly and distinctly replied that she would not allow the
Spaniards to take away the privileges of her neighbours nor
commit the extortions they were doing; because, if once they
trampled the States under foot, they would assail this country, as
she is informed they intend to do. This being so great a danger
to her Crown she will oppose them with a sufficient force, as she
distinctly told M. de Champigny, and as, in full detail, he will
inform his Excellency. It will thus be seen that the information
I obtained on the matter was correct from the first, and as the
Queen and Council have resolved openly to resist the forces of the
King, it may be convenient in due time for me to approach
Burleigh, as if of my own accord, respecting suspension of arms or
other matters in the King's interest; in which case I will diligently
carry out what I am ordered to do, although I will make no move
towards him without instructions. It must be noted that everything depends upon Lord Burleigh's opinion, and we can only
hope that their own blindness may bring about their ruin as they
rush in this way into so important a business, exposing thereby
their lives and property. The traitor Aldegonde and his companion await here the opening of Parliament, which will be in
about a week, and it is believed that these affairs will be discussed
therein; and that, after the causes of the action has been explained
to them, all the estates will consent to leave the matter in the
hands of the Queen and Council.
The French ambassadors have taken leave and depart to-day or
to-morrow. As their pretensions against the States are based on a




ELIZABETH.


523


1576.
marriage between this Queen and the duke of Alen.on, everything
remains in suspense. It will not be carried out, and is a hollow
negotiation all through, each side distrusting the other, the object
of all, however, being to cast out the evil from France and trouble
the States.
Two ships loaded only with arms and victuals for the Indies are
leaving Plymouth, and I am informed that a person in high
authority is promoting the expedition for his private profit,London, 6th February 1576.
8 Feb.  441. ANTONIO DE GUARAS to (ZAYAS?).
On the 1st and 6th instant I sent my last reports by special
messenger despatched by M. de Champigny to his Excellency, and
I send this in order that the bearer may not leave without a letter
from me. M. de Champigny writes to the Grand Commander. He
has greatly shined at Court and in this city, by reason of his
brilliant talents, of which people speak with admiration, and rightly
so as God has endowed him with such high intelligence and quickness of apprehension. His management of his embassy fully
justifies the choice made of him by his Excellency, and affairs here
will probably offer opportunities of his coming backwards and
forwards several times to guide them. Certainly, if the rulers here
can ever be brought to have one spark of respect more than they
have now, it may be hoped that Chlampigny, with his grand
dexterity and prudence, will persuade them to better things. As
far as can be seen at present, there is no sign of any change of
purpose, and they are now openly carrying out their preparations
to effect the succour and protection of Orange and his people.
They are publicly sending the stores, munitions, and troops I have
mentioned, and eighty English sailors, who have only been detained
hitherto by contrary winds. They have, however, begun to drop
down the river with one of their two ships and two smaller vessels,
in which they will go, and I am told that the other ship will accompany them. It is understood that Aldegonde and his companions will await the sitting of Parliament which opens to-day.
It is known that the intention is for them to present their petitions
to the House with great lamentations, begging the Queen and the
Estates to take them under their prttection, they promising duly
to defray the costs. They have drawn up a fresh pedigree, by
which they try to prove that a part of the States belongs to the
crown of England, and I am told that a pernicious book is published
to persuade the people of the justice of their cause, containing only
the most unheard-of falsehood and wickedness. The principal
object is the expulsion of his Majesty's forces and the opposition to
the foreign intruders, as they call the Spaniards. They act with
incredible deceit, and talk of sending a person to the King, with
the idea that a justification will be listened to.-London, 8th
February 1576.
11 Feb. 442. ANTONIO DE GUARAS to (ZAYAS?).
On the 6th and 8th I sent my last reports, copies having been
sent by way of Paris.  M. de Champigny has not requested




524


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1576.
audience since then, pending a reply to the despatches sent by
him to his Excellency. If the Queen sends for his Lordship to
request a reply to-morrow, Sunday, he will report.
On the 9th instant Parliament opened, and when the lay
members had taken their seats a gentleman named Wenford* was
the first to speak. He said he hoped that in accordance with the
ancient freedom of Parliament each member would be allowed to
express his opinion openly as they had all met together for the
service of God and the Commonwealth. He then continued, "but
" I hear there are some murmurs outside to the effect that nothing
" is to be undertaken here except in conformity with the wish of
" the Queen, and that the decision of the House should only be in
" harmony with his Majesty's wishes.  There is also a rumour
"that Parliament is not to discuss religious questions, excepting
' with the consent of the ecclesiastical branch and the peers."
Wenford   then  declared that this was against the ancient
privileges of Parliament, which were to the effect that each
member might freely declare his own opinion. He then encouraged
his hearers to speak out clearly and distinctly what they thought,
even touching the royal person, the Crown, or the Commonwealth.
Mr. Hatton, the Controller, and thie treasurer of the household,
answered these scandalous words, saying that they would live and
die for the Queen, and were shocked at such seditious expressions
being used. Wenford was afterwards called before the Council,
where he again displayed his audacity, and was sent to the Tower,
although he was constant in his assertion that a wrong was being
done him, as in Parliament everyone had a right to pronounce his
opinion unreservedly. This beginning has caused scandal to many,
and has given rise to an order that no Bill shall be submitted
unless it is signed by two commissioners appointed for the purpose,
in order that nothing shall be discussed in the House except by
the Queen's will.
The two ships and smaller vessels, with Orange's envoys have
not sailed yet, in consequence of contrary weather. In addition to
the troops and stores they had on board, a hundred pairs of pikes
from the Tower were put on board of them last night, as well as
four great guns of cast-iron, and some more cannon balls, as I anm
informed by a person who was present. Aldegonde and his
companions remain here in pursuit of their object, and it is evident
that they will present their petition to Parliament. It is generally
discredited that the Queen will send any of her forces to the
States, although her own declaration and those of Burleigh and
other zealots must surely be believed, and I cannot but think that
they will do so. Although matters here are constantly changing,
there is no doubt that forces will be openly sent to the number of
five or six thousand soldiers to help Orange against his Majesty;
although, to justify themselves, a suspension of hostilities may be
requested, and an excuse made that the Queen has taken this


* Peter Wentworth, member for Tregony, a puritan.   His imprisonment only
lasted three days, until the 12th February, but he had to beg for clemency on his
knees.




ELIZABETH.                        525
1i76.
course to prevent the French, the Scotch, or the Danes from intervening, and in protection of her privileges, the desire being that
his Majesty's Spanish forces should leave the country, and these
and similar absurdities being mere subterfuges to attain their end.
It is said that a personage will go to the King from here to assure
him that the Queen has been moved to act as she has done in the
interests of his Majesty's patrimonial dominion and the good of the
crown of England, but it is all for the purpose of wasting time in
deceit and artful trickery.  The merchants here have furnished
Orange's envoys with two thousand five hundred crowns, for
which they have received assignments payable in Flushing in
money or merchandise, guaranteed by the rebel Flemings residing
here. I have just heard from a friend that Colonel Chester and
Captain Morgan have been instructed to raised two thousand
soldiers, and the whole business is now so shamefully open that no
doubt the Queen will shortly send her own forces, under the pretence of succouring Ziericzee, and driving away his Majesty's
troops. More will be discovered every day, and I will carefully
report what I hear.-London, 11th February 1576.
18 Feb.  443. ANTONIO DE U(UARAS to (ZAYAS M).
On the 11th instant I sent my last report, and have since
received by the ordinary courier his Excellency's letter of the same
date, with a packet of papers for M. de Champigny, which I at
once delivered. He has an appointment to-day with the Queen to
discuss affairs. On other occasions the Queen signified to him, as
subsequently did the Councillors, that they might be moved to
send forces publicly to the States, but M. de Champigny's tact has
since caused some appearance of hesitation about this decision,
although Aldegonde and his companions are here pressing their
claims upon Parliament. They have sent their two ships and three
small vessels with the troops, guns, and munitions I have mentioned, but the ships are still detained in the river by bad weather,
although with the first fair wind they will sail for Holland, as I
am constantly informing Juan Martinez de Recalde. People from
Norfolk report that troops were leaving there for Brille and
Holland, and Colonel Chester will go thither in a week or ten
days for the purpose of taking or sending over a number of them.
The decision of the business here is still in suspense, as I am
informed by a person who knows, and will depend mainly upon
the outcome of the dissensions in France.  'These people here
think that the blow  struck by the man they called Navarre*
will cause everything to turn out to their satisfaction, in which
case aid will be publicly sent to the States. In the meanwhile
they are wavering as to what they should do, and are entertaining
M. de Champigny with generalities, as he will report fully.
Parliament has not yet considered the claims of Orange's envoys,
and is now busy discussing the subsidy to be voted. They have
agreed already to a great persecution of the Catholics, who will
* Henry de Bourbon had escaped from Paris, renounced Catholicism, and raised his
standard.




626


SPANISH STATE PAPkRS.


1576.
not attend their churches, and have appointed a commissioner to
proceed against them, in person and estate. It is thought that the
Parliament will not last long.*
In this river and the ports near Falmouth they are very secretly
equipping a fleet of ten sail for the Indies, persuaded by an Irishman
named Captain John. He has recently arrived here from the Indies,
where he has lived for the last fifteen years, and assures them that
they will find much treasure there. It is to be supposed that steps
will be taken to hinder them and that their voyage will be a bad one.
I send to his Excellency with this the copy of a letter written by
the Queen to his Majesty, in order that, after reading it, he may
forward it herewith.
A messenger has come to me from Rye, sent by Captain Hernando
de Hoyos, saying that he was kept prisoner there, his sails taken
away, arms and other things taken from his ship, and his crew illtreated. He is the captain of a cutter with about thirty soldiers
on board which recently left Dunkirk and was driven into Rye by
a storm; I at once informed the Council of the matter and they
gave me letters ordering the restoration of his vessel and property.
I also obtained letters from lord Coblam, as the port is under his
jurisdiction, in order that no difficulty should be raised by the
justices and have provided the men with money for victuals, of which
they were in great need. I hope they will therefore soon be
allowed to leave after such an unwarrantable detention.
As M. de Champigny will report, he has just been to the Queen
and was warmly welcomed when he presented the letter from his
Majesty. She made very differeit professions from what she had
formerly done, and no doubt M. de Champigny will write at length
thereupon; but for all her fair words, I am informed by an eyewitness that last night they took out from the Tower and shipped
for Holland, a hundred and fifty barrels of powder of a hundredweight and a half each, as well as six great hampers of morrions.
I enclose a statement made by a soldier who has arrived here
from Flushing.
Statement of a Soldier who left Flushing on the 14th of February
1576 and arrived here to-day, the 18th.
He says lie was in Ziericzee from the beginning of the siege, and
left with those who recently brought provisions into the place.
There are in Ziericzee eleven standards of soldiers, fifteen hundred
at most, and fifteen hundred burgesses capable of bearing arms,
besides women and children. The want of victuals is,o great that
nothing but bread and beer is left, and not much of that; they are
expecting shortly large supplies. In Flushing there was news of
the arrival of the fleet from Antwerp at Bergen with the intention
of capturing a place called Pieterhook on the island of Platen.
There are in the island nine standards of soldiers, about seven
hundred, and it was said generally that if Orange did not shortly
go to its aid the place would be lost.  It was said that six
hundred Scotsmen were expected.  He affirms that the Flushing


* It was prorogued on the 15th March (Simon D'Ewes).




iLIZABETIH.                        )27
1 76.
people had made preparations to stop our fleet passing Bergen,
but that with the exception of a few Scotsmen their only hope of
succour was from  here.  There are in Flushing two standards,
two hundred soldiers, and a number of burgesses; in Middleburg
three standards of worn-out troops, &c.
28 Feb.  444. ANTONIO DE GUARAS to (ZAYAS?).
On the 18th instant I sent my last report, and in consequence of
contrary winds this week's post has not come from Flanders, nor has
the reply expected by M. de Champigny arrived. The latter has
been with the Queen and several times with the Council. He will
report at length the many discussions he has had with them for the
purpose of ascertaining their intentions with regard to sending or
otherwise public or covert help to Orange and his friends. I believe
that in answer to some of his questions they reply that they will
not do so, whilst on other occasions they openly assert that they
will not tolerate that Spaniard should bring under subjection the
country which Orange traitorously holds. Amongst other things,
they say that the Queen is willing to act as intercessor in the
matter and to arrange a very honourable peace, to the full satisfaction
of the King, and at the same time to take away from the rebels
their cause of complaint. The business, however, seems not to ripen,
because the Queen wants to be sought with prayers, and I understand that she is going to send Henry Cobham to his Excellency
about it. In short, the affair is not now in a condition for immediate
resolution, as they have their eyes on events in France, Genoa, and
the Turk, and I do not believe that M. de Champigny will take any
other answer than the only one that they themselves know how to
give, namely, that perhaps they will and perhaps they will not. The
matter has been discussed in Parliament, where they have offered
the Queen the present subsidy, and much more, if she will accept
the offer made to her by Orange. Cthers replied that the business
should be ]eft to the Queen and Council, and it was decided that
Parliament itself should not further deal with it. The Captain of
the Guard* came yesterday to visit the ambassador, and as he is very
friendly and gracious to me, he took me aside and told me of the
great satisfaction with which the Queen and Councillors regarded
his Lordship (Champigny), and particularly commended his desire
for peace and concord. He said the Queen was very willing to be
a faithful intercessor in order to bring about a peaceful settlement of these affairs which, he said, was desirable for all parties;
whereas if, on the contrary, matters were differently arranged, the
dominions which Orange holds could not be recovered by us at
a cost of twenty millions. When I said whoever prevented their
recovery would find little repose at home, he replied laughingly
that the Queen of England had incredibly great forces, but he
hoped that, notwithstanding the present fears of trouble, all would
turn out well. He is a gentleman of distinguished position and
desires, above all things, harmony between the two crowns, but
others with different views are constantly in conference with Alde* Sir Christopher Hatton.




628


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1676.
gonde and his friends. Their ships and troops have left and will
now be in Holland. License has been given to a man to take
thither the carcasses of a hundred oxen and many live sheep.
There is no news about Aldegonde's departure; he is very busy at
present drawing up a pedigree to persuade the Queen that the
States of Holland and Zealand belong to the Crown of England.
A gentleman has arrived here, sent by the duke of Alengon to the
Queen with despatches in pursuance of his object.
I have received news from the captain of the cutter detained at
Rye that since sending th6 orders of the Council about it they have
restored everything to him excepting a bronze gun which bore the
arms of England, and I have sent again to the Council about this.
I feel sure they will surrender it.
Besides the English soldiers who went from here, as reported, they
are now equipping and arming three or four hundred more, poor
looking fellows, Walloons, Flemings, English, and French; and a
friend of mine who has been amongst them tells me that with
these and the former levy, with a few Scotsmen who they say have
arrived in Holland, they are going to attack the new fort which was
built last year, and if they cannot do this, to prevent victuals
reaching St. Aland at Ziericzee.
I have heard from  another friend from  Ziericzee that the
burgesses were talking of surrender, but a captain had begged
them not to think of such a thing, as great help was expected from
England, and it would be disgraceful to surrender before even they
were bombarded. My friend says that the two expeditions which
introduced stores had brought away many women and children, and
that there was plenty of corn, and beer made from rain water, as
well as some barrels of butter, but no meat or fish.-London,
28th February 1576.
6 March. 445. ANTONIO DE GUARAS to (ZAYAS?).
On the 28th ultimo I sent my last report and have little now to
say, as M. de Champigny will have to write at length regarding his
negotiations with the Queen and Council. The substance of his
communication is that she displays great willingness to take part
in bringing about an honourable and advantageous settlement of
the troubles, to the satisfaction of his Majesty, and the submission
of Orange and his people. Her desire is to send Cobham or sonme
one else to his Excellency with this message, and to arrange a suspension of hostilities at once It is to be hoped that the Queen's
good intentions may produce a favourable result. Aldegonde and
his companions nre still at Court and there is no talk of their
leaving; in the meanwhile troops and stores are constantly being
sent to Holland and Zealand, probably without the Queen's knowledge, as M. de Champigny tells me that the Queen assured him
two days ago that not a single soldier, and no guns or ammunition
have ever been sent to the aid of the rebels from here in the Grand
Commander's time, whereas in Haarlem, Tregus, Holland, and
Zealand, four thousand of such men have lost their lives, and if it
were not for the incessant aid in victuals and stores sent from here,
the enemy would have been routed and overcome long ago. In a




ELIZABETH.


529


1576.
port in the north eight or ten ships have arrived with Scotch soldiers
who were paid their wages there and sailed for Brille and Holland.
When M. de Champigny first arrived here they received him very
sourly, as they thought that he brought some message different
from that with which he is entrusted, but his great talent has
changed them and he is now much caressed by the Queen and
Council. Mr. Hatton, the Captain of the Guard, has entertained
him like a prince, although lampoons greatly libelling Hatton have
been circulated, of which M. de Champigny has a copy. They have
not yet given a decided reply but no doubt M. de Champigny will
manage the matter as such a great gentleman and wise servant of
his Majesty should do.
Parliament has granted the subsidy to the Queen to the amount
of six hundred thousand crowns, and those who wished to raise the
question of the succession have been silenced, as also have those
who wished to jeopardise the queen of Scotland. It is also hoped
that others who are trying to pass new laws against the Catholics
will be frustrated, and that the Parliament will close in ten or
twelve days.-London, 6th March 1576.
24 March. 446. ANTONIO DE GUARAS to ZAYAS.
I sent my last report on the 12th instant, which I hope will
have arrived safely.  Copy is sent enclosed and the dispatch of
this has been delayed until the departure of M. de Champigny, who
leaves to-day. There is a constant stream of soldiers going over to
Orange as well as artillery and stores. Aldegonde and his conmpanions are still at Court promoting their treason, but the arrival
of his Lordship (Champigny) here was so opportune that his great
talent and valour have impressed the Queen and Council every day
more, and they are now making demonstrations of their wish to
preserve friendship and kindliness with our King. God send that
this may be so, particularly since the Queen is making such earnest
offers to bring about a settlement, and shows by her actions her
great desire to please his Majesty.
Affairs are now in such a position that I have the greatest hope
that the project of which I have so often written may be brought
about easily, without costing anything until the service is done, in
accordance with the plan I sent, and if it had not been for the death
of the Grand-Commander it would have been settled already.
When the new Governor arrives, I will give him information, and
on no account shall I dream of conveying the matter to the Council
of Flanders or to anyone else of their way of thinking. I only
write this because of my great hope of being able to promote so
notable an object. My meaning will be understood although I
only send a good hand plan. As it is of so much importance I do
not dare to mention it by name, but hope that it will be borne
in mind, and the new Governor, who will come from Spain, be
instructed to entertain the matter.*
The Regent of Scotland is governing entirely in the interests of
the English, and a few pieces of money have been coined there, or
rather here, bearing the inscription "Jacobus Rex Scotia; Rex,      * Th9 betrayal of Flushing, etc., by the En1lish officers.
LI L


y 7646t.




530


SPANISH STCATE~ PAPERS.~i


1576.
Anglice, protector de Hollandice et Zelandce." The maice contained
in this inscription is evident, and is intended to excuse the employment of Scotch and English forces in his Majesty's dominions,
the using of the words "Rex Agiglice" being simply to throw dust
in the eyes of the people.  However amiable they may be to
M. de Champigny, I have trustworthy information that they mean to
attempt some great evil to the Netherlands, which intention is proved,
as I have often pointed out, by the false money which they arranged
to coin here, at (Scilly?) and in Scotland. They have done so and
I send a specimen piece herewith. These wicked people will be the
ruin of the world. They do not stop here for, by their heretical
and diabolical arts, they persuade themselves that his Majesty (whom
God preserve to us for many years) is to die before the 27th of
June 1577, and, in the meanwhile, will be in sore danger. It is
constantly being asserted at Court and elsewhere that he is already
dead, and so with these vain and devilish hopes, in which they
believe, they will continue to trouble the States. If it is expected
that the Queen will bring about a settlement, time will prove to
the contrary. They are rather plotting some new wickedness.
This winter they were busy hatching a plan by which a score of
men were to be sent to Scotland to steal the Prince and carry him
to Friesland in order to raise up more discord, but the plan failed
by reason of their fears. The Queen of Scotland is well, and the
late King's sister died this week, leaving a daughter.-London,
24th March 1576.
26 April. 447. ANTONIO DE GUARAS to ZAYAS.
The enclosed is a copy of my letter sent via Flanders. I have
now to report that some of the Queen's ships are being openly
equipped, and a list has been made of seven hundred sailors for
them, without counting officers and some soldiers, the object being
for the ships to cruise in the Channel ready for any service that
mnay be required of them. I do not know yet what this service
will be. The Flushing people have liberated the flotilla that came
from  Bordeaux, but we have not learnt whether the rest of the
ships detained in Ramequin have been liberated or not.
With regard to the matter of the plan of Flushing, I have had
several conferences with Colonel Chester the Englishman, and
have agreed that he and Colonel Daburd (Balfour?) of the Scotch
forces will deliver the town of Flushing to his Majesty for three
hundred tlousand crowns and all the plunder that the soldiers can
take. No part of the three hundred thousand crowns is to be paid
until the town has been delivered into the hands of his Majesty's
otfficers.
As the Colonels themselves have already agreed, the only thing
wanting is the assent on the part of his Majesty, in order that the
written agreement may be executed. There being no Governor,
tlhe matter apparently would hlave to be entrusted to the Commander of the fortress, Sancho de Avila, as the Council of Flanders
is not to be trusted. They expect to carry the business through
by pretending that all our forces are to go by land or sea to capture
the isle of Walcheren or Zealand, which will certainly cause Orange




ELIZABETH.


531


1576.
to send a great force of English and Scotch to defend the island,
who will be on our side, and we shall have the matter then in our
own hands, as the inhabitants of Flushing are nearly all mariners
who will have been sent away to prevent the disembarkation of
men from our fleet. Orange, moreover, will send Colonel Daburd
(Balfour?) to defend Flushing and, as both of the Colonels think
that Orange must shortly come to ruin, and they are only looking
out for themselves, they may be depended upon to carry through
this service by means of their captains and soldiers, whom they
will carefully prepare. They stipulate that the sum mentioned is
to. be handed to them in Flushing itself on their delivering the
place to his Majesty's officers, hostages being given by them for the
peaceful possession of the town. It will be necessary for Sancho
de Avila or some other person to be authorised to make the agreement and promise the payment on the surrender being made, and a
person will be sent from here to negotiate it on behalf of the
Colonels. It will be seen that this arrangement will totally ruin
Holland and Zealand, and although the sum they ask is a large
one, yet it will be the means of our recovering all the country, and
will blight the bad intentions of the people here, as well as check
the presumption of the French in desiring to set foot in the States.
It will also prevent the expenditure of millions of money in
continuing the war, and will utterly undo Orange and his friends.
The Colonels are very determined to carry the matter through, in
consideration of the great sum they ask and the booty they will
get from the town.   They are awaiting a reply, and are much
grieved at the death of the Grand Commander. The messenger
who takes this is going thither for his own affairs, and as he is
faithful I write this in simple cipher thus openly. It must be
borne in mind that, as the people here will continue to help the
rebels as hitherto, it is only by some such means as this that we
shall be able to complete the conquest of these traitors.
They have not yet given me an answer to his Majesty's letter,
but when they do so, I will send it to the Secretary of the Council
of Flanders, in order that they may see, if necessary, the answer
given by the Queen.
Chester has sent some two hundred soldiers to Holland in the
last three or four days. This does not square well with the Queen's
assertions, but she probably does not know of it.-London, 2Seth
April 1576.
28 July. 448. ANTONIO DE GUARAS to ZAYAS.
I sent my last report on the 21st instant and now have to say
that the Queen's Vice-Admiral* arrived from Zealand three days
ago accompanied by Beal, the secretary of the Council, who has
been for some negotiating with Orange. The Queen abandoned
her progress and hunting in order to return to the Palace here to
await their arrival, the Council being also summoned. When these
men had given an account of what had been done with Orange, the


* Sir William Winter.


LL 2




532


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1576.
sorrow of the Queen and Council was very great and they at once
gave orders for ten of the Queen's ships to be fitted out with the
greatest expedition, and, at the same time, a general embargo has
been placed on all ships in the country. Orders have been sent to
the coast to bring into port all English ships coming from Spain and
elsewhere, and a courier has been sent to Hamburg ordering that
the ships there should be detained, and that no vessel should leave
Antwerp for here, although many people believe that this courier
will not be allowed to pass. The information brought by these
men to the Queen is publicly stated to be that Orange has levied
a forced loan, never to be paid, on the English merchants there,
of thirty thousand pounds, on condition that he liberated their
ships loaded with cloth, as he has done, assuring them that no ship
shall go to Antwerp nor return without paying five per cent. duty
on the merchandize. He has, however, refused to restore much of
the property which he had stolen from the Englishmen. The Queen
openly declared on her honour that she would be revenged upon
him for this and other excesses, and according to appearances her
intention is to send a strong force to Zealand for the purpose of seizing
and holding it until these robberies are redressed. I wrote on the
subject on the 17th and 27th of June, when I foretold what is now
happening and mentioned the probability that the Queen would
avenge herself on these bad people, as she herself told me she would.
She said she considered them worse than wicked, and if things
turn out as we expect, this will be a means of getting the Island
(Zealand) surrendered to the King, as I am sure this Queen is
wishful to please his Majesty in the matter. I will continue to
report, although I expect that this courier will be stopped at
Dover.
One of Orange's captains is here to receive four ships of his which
were sieze in Falmouth the other day, but which are to be restored
with all the stolen goods. Some of the Flushing people, having
landed at Southampton the other day and committing robberies on
shore, they have heen ordered to be set at liberty, which is
incomprehensible.
(The enclosed document is with the above letter).
Since closing this letter, information reaches us from many sources
that the arming of the Queen's ships and the embargoing of all
vessels on the coast has not been ordered for the purpose of landing
in Zealand but to go against Flushing. Opinions agree so much
upon this that it is no doubt true, although time will show. I
have been very anxiously awaiting the reply to the letter taken by
Pedro de Barrientos on the 26th of April on the matter of which I
wrote. The business is now ripe for execution and a person will
leave for Antwerp about it in two days. I sincerely hope that it
will be carried through successfully. I have been most careful not
to mention it to any one, and have only written on the subject to
Antwerp. —London, 28th July 1576.
* In the handwriting of the King: " I o not know, or do not recollect, what affair he
refers to. Let me know." The reference is to the proposed surrender of Flushing by
Colonel Chester to the Spaniards.




ELIZABETH.


533


1576.
31 July. 449. ANTONIO DE GUARAS to ZAYAS.
On the 28th instant, I sent my last report by way of Flanders
and a copy through Paris, by which road the present letter goes. The
fickleness of people here causes me to write in the contrary fashion
that I do. On the 25th instant, the resolute determination of the
Queen was published to arm ten of her ships and thirty private
ships to go against Flushing and land in the Island. On the 29th
everything was changed to such an extent that Orange and his
friends are no longer looked upon with enmity, and the embargo
upon all ships on the coast has been raised, the arming of the Queen's
and other vessels being abandoned. She left yesterday on her
progress and hunting tour, and all the noise of last week has now
come to nothing. I will give further details in my next as the
bearer is obliged to go hurriedly, and I have not time to write at
greater length now. I am greatly surprised that no reply has been
sent to what I wrote on the 26th of April as the matter cannot be
longer delayed it being now ripe for execution.-London, 31st July
1576.
450. SUMMARY of an ADDRESS from the QUEEN OF ENGLAND
to his MAJESTY, dated Hampton Court, thle 24th September
1576, and of the Memorial presented to the King therewith by the Queen's Ambassador, John Smith,
She begs his Majesty to receive and give credence to all that may
be said or proposed to him by Mr. John Smith,* a gentleman of
her family, towards the pacification and settlement of questions in
Flanders and the tranquillisation of affairs.
She recalls frequently the many favours she formerly received
from his Majesty, and has constantly endeavoured to benefit his
interests, but, as her goodwill has not been duly appreciated, the
results have not been commensurate with her desires. Wishing,
however, to again display her sisterly affection in these new
troubles, she had sent a gentleman to the States, where people were
looking to her for help, for the purpose of learning from them the
reason why they had taken up arms, and whether it was true that
they were expecting aid from any other sovereign; at the same time
admonishing them to submit themselves to his Majesty, whom
otherwise she would be obliged to support.
In reply to this, the States shortly thereafter sent Baron D'Aubigny
to assure her that their intention was not to disobey his Majesty in
anything, but only to ask that the Spanish soldiers should be withdrawn in consequence of the injuries they had done them. They
begged the Queen, in consideration of the old friendship and commercial connection between the countries, to intercede with his
Majesty to pardon them and restore to them their ancient laws,
customs, and privileges, which they enjoyed in the time of the
Emperor, on their undertaking to pay all the salaries due to the
foreign troops who were in the country.
In view of this and the apparent justice of their request she had
decided to send and beg his Majesty to pardon them and receive


* Sir John Smith was a nephew of Jane Seymour and cousin-german of Edward VI.




534


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1576.
them again into his favour by her intercession, conceding to them
what was just and reasonable in the exercise of his clemency and
pity, as it is clear that, by this means, everything will be brought
into accord and tranquillity.
29 Oct.  451. The KING to ANTONIO DE GUARAS.
Master Miguel de Yerobi of Renteria in Guipuzcoa has stated to
us that in the year 1568 he was on.his way from Spain to the
Netherlands in a ship belonging to Nicolas de Zabalaga, and they
were obliged by contrary winds to take refuge in the port of
Plymouth, where, after having supplied themselves with necessaries,
they were about to sail when they were ordered by a warrant from
my ambassador then in that country not to leave without further
orders from him, and whilst they were waiting the ship and cargo
were embargoed by the Queen; Yeroli himself owning, as he says,
property in her to the amount of twelve hundred ducats. As in
similar cases so much favour has been shown here to British subjects,
it is only right that the Queen should reciprocate by doing the same
for my vassals, and you will address her upon tthe subject and beg
her to afford redress to this petitioner for the loss he has suffered,
and you will also speak to the ministers about it if you consider
necessary.-El Pardo, 29th October 1576.
3 Dec.   452. ANTONIO DE GUARAS to (ZAYAS?).
The last report I sent on the 26th ultimo by the English ambassador, and I subsequently learnt of the arrival of Don Juan of
Austria at Luxemburg. I have written to his Highness to-day,
but, as it is my first letter, I send it in this form in order that he
may be informed of the state of things here. I enclose copy
herewith.
Isardo Capelo writes me the favour that your worship has done
me about my house, and that my man Sancho de Leive was assisting
in my business. God grant that I may be able to repay your
goodness some day.-London, 3rd December.
3 Dec.  453. ANTONIO DE GUARAS to ZAYAS.
I wrote to-day by way of Paris, enclosing copy of the letter I had
written to Don Juan of Austria, and I send another copy by sea
though St. Sebastian saying as follows:
I have written to the governors of the city an account of affairs
here, and I trust that they will have forwarded to your Highness
the letters I sent on the 20th and 27th of October, giving an
account of the approaches made towards me (i.e., about the proposed
intercession of the Queen) by the people here. Dr. Wilson, the
Queen's ambassador, I believe, bore instructions to the same effect,
and I believe that the sending of the ambassador from here to Spain
was likewise principally with a similar object. The Queen will
send a gentlemen of her Court named Sir Harry Lee to welcome
your Highness.
All the English merchants are warned by the Court to withdraw
their property from Antwerp in consequence of rumours of some
fresh trouble. This is not groundless, because the councillors of




ELIZABETH.


535


1676,
this Queen are trying their hardest to bring it about by offers of
money and forces to assure and assist the States, in order that they
may come to no agreement with his Majesty. To this end they
are resolute (although they speak fairly to us) in their attempts to
have Gravelines, Dunkirk, Neuport, Ostend, and the Sluys handed
over to Orange in order that the Queen may have all that coast at
her command when convenient, in case his Majesty should refuse
her intercession to settle affairs in the States. She desires to do
this in such a way that the Spaniards and the rest of the King's
forces shall be obliged to leave the country and, although she professes a desire to satisfy the King, if her terms are not agreed to or
her intercessions refused, she will openly employ her forces in
favour of the States. I am assured that this is her determination.
If his Majesty deigns to accept her offices he will do so, but if he
refuses, it is certainly to be feared that she will cast aside the mask,
as both she and her Council desire to expel the Spaniards from
Flanders more than do the Flemings themselves, in order to be rid
of such neighbours as we are.    She and her friends are surprised at
recent events in Antwerp, and are in fear that London itself may
be assailed some day in a similar manner.* —London, 3rd December
1576.
454. MEMORANDUM of POINTS submitted by the English ambassador, JOHN SMITH, to his MAJESTY, headed, "A short state"ment of the Memoranda which I have this day handed
"to your Majesty on behalf of my mistress, the queen of
"England, begging your Majesty, as I do, to be pleased
to order redress to be provided."     (I beg also that your
Majesty will be pleased to note in the margin against each
clause your Majesty's resolution.)
1. Memorandum respecting the Inquisition of Seville which
has interfered with the title and royal style of my mistress, the
queen of England, and the other points contained in the memorandum.t
2. Respecting the shameful and unworthy insult committed by
the prior of Cambre near Corunna, against the person of my lady
the Queen and her royal state; with other things contained in this
memorandum.:
* The pillage and sacking of Antwerp by the Spanish soldiery, called " the Spanish
Fury."
t In the Calendar of State Papers (Foreign) for 1574 will be found the petition of
William Bond, citizen of London, to Philip, setting forth that he had a large amount
of money owing to him in Seville and had given a power of attorney to one Lucas de
Campos there to recover it. The Queen's title had been as usual incidentally set forth
in the preamble or on the seal thereof, and her style was given of " Defender of the
Faith." When Campos brought action by virtue of his power the latter was impounded
by the Inquisition and the proceedings nullified. The petition was granted by the
King and the Inquisition peremptorily ordered to return the power, but from Sir John
Smith again bringing up the question. two years afterwards it would appear as if the
King's orders had not been obeyed.
t The petition in this case is also calendared as above. Arthur Jarvis therein sets
forth that being in company with the prior of Cambre, the latter used " lewd words "
about the queen of England, whereupon Jarvis told him he lied to his teeth and was
arrested and brought beforethe Inquisition for insulting a priest. He was find 500 ducats
and imprisoned for three years. Philip expresses great annoyance at the case and orders
strict inquiry to be made.




536


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


157(.
3. Respecting the liberation of eight Englishmen who are prisoners
condemned to the galleys and perpetual imprisonment by the Holy
Office in Seville.
4. Respecting the promises made by the duke of Alba in your
Majesty's name to the ambassador, Sir Henry Cobham, respecting
the decree of the general Inquisition in Spain as regards the subjects
of my mistress the Queen.
5. That permission should be given to a certain subject of my
Queen to take his wife and son to England.
6. That the English ambassadors with their households should be
allowed to live in this Court in conformity with the laws of their
country, on condition that they do so privately in their own
house.
7. Respecting the injuries committed on the subjects of my
mistress the Queen in the recent sacking at Antwerp.
8. Respecting the injuries and vexations to which English
merchants trading on the coast of Biscay and elsewhere in this
country are subjected.
30 Dec.  455. ANTONIO DE GUARAS to ZAYAS.
I enclose copy of the last letters, dated the 3rd instant, which I
wrote to Don Juan of Austria, and I have now to report that
Dr. Wilson has sent hither several of his servants, one after the
other, with despatches, and lately sent two men, named Rogers
and Herll, cautious and zealous heretics, all to persuade the Queen
that, if she will help the States secretly, at present, with troops
and stores, and afterwards send aid openly, they will deliver to her
all the coast of Flanders. They tell her that she will be acting
in the common interest to resist his Majesty's forces and expel the
Spaniards from the States, in which she will be supported by all.
To confirm this, the traitor Zweveghem arrived here to-day and
they have sent to France a similar man, such as D'Aubigny. The
Council has been considering the matter all this week, and Rogers
has been despatched to Dr. Wilson with letters instructing him
to hold out hopes to the States that the Queen will consent. The
principal people in London have been summoned by the Queen and
Council, in order that this determination may be communicated to
them, and the matter is already so public that it is spoken of openly
by the councillors themselves, in order that the public may be
favourably impressed with it. The earl of Sussex, Lord Steward,
publicly declared that if the Queen would give him leave he would
go over with such a force as to turn the Spaniards out of the States,
and they are talking of sending the Governor of the Isle of Wight,
one Horsey, to the Count Palatine, to induce him to continue the
alliance which his late father had with the Queen, there being
some suspicion that he may be unfavourable to it, as he is a
Lutheran and not a Calvinist, as these people are, and unfriendly
with his brother Casimir. The traitor Taffin, of whom I have
written, is forwarding Orange's affairs, and the latter has sent to
Brussels (since the conclusion and printing of the agreement between
them) ten standards. After mass at the Cathedral last Sunday
the congregation sang the heretical hymns of Geneva, and it is




ELIZABETH.


537


1576.
clear now that rebellion and heresy go hand in hand.  Those
who understand it say that great and public help will be sent, and
three hundred soldiers, Walloons and English, leave here to-morrow
for Ghent. Every week ships loaded with victuals leave for
Zealand, and they are now collecting great quantities of wheat and
food on the Queen's behalf for the enterprise. The fears they have
of a close friendship between the king of France and his Majesty
have made the Council apprehensive lest forces may be sent from
France to Scotland, which those who understand the matter say
would be a means of preventing these people from helping the
States.  Since it is publicly stated in Court to incense people
against us, there is no harm in my writing freely that they say
that Don Juan of Austria has come to the States, not only with
the intention of conquering them, but also to marry the queen of
Scotland and change religion and Government here. In this connection it is openly asserted that, at the place where she is imprisoned there has been seen in the firmament an appearance of
which all the province bears witness, namely, a pillar upon which
are fighting a lion and a dragon, with the letters clearly discernible
N. (M.?), Q. E.,* and many of the people of the place have been
examined in the matter.   The Queen has sent to the earl of
Westmoreland, telling him to ask for pardon and she will give it
to him and restore him to his rank and estates.-London, 13th
December 1576.
456. Document labelled " ANSWER that may be given to the
ENGLISH AMBASSADOR respecting the points referred to
"the Council of the General Inquisition, marked A, B, C,
" and D."
A. As regards Simon Bourman, who wishes to take his wife and
son to England, and says that the Inquisition of Seville will not
allow him to do so, no answer can be given until we learn the
reason of the prohibition. This will be shortly, as inquiries were
made by letter some time ago.
B. As regards the monies detained by the Inquisition cf Seville
from William Bond, because the queen of England, amongst her
titles, assumes that of Defender of the Faith, orders have been
given that they shall be restored to him immediately, and that in
future no detentions shall be made on this account.
C. As regards the three points which are alleged to have been
promised by the duke of Alba to Henry Cobham regarding the
treatment of the Queen's subjects in this country, the following
decision has been adopted: 1st. That they shall not be molested
or interfered with for, nor shall any account whatever be taken
of, excesses committed outside of these realms. 2nd. When they
come hither they must duly reverence the holy sacrament of the
Eucharist, and must salute it when they meet it in the streets.
This applies only to Englishmen temporarily here; those who
reside in this country permanently must, in all things, conform as
if they were the subjects of his Majesty, and any Englishmen,
* Probably intended to indicate " Mary, queen of England."




638


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1576.
either temporarily or permanently here, who exceed or offend in
any point of faith for which the Holy Office may proceed against
them, shall only suffer sequestration of their own goods, but any
property belonging to others in their possession shall be exempt, on
sufficient proof being given of its ownership.
D. Respecting the seven Englishmen who are prisoners of the
Inquisition in Seville, orders have been given that four of them
shall be set at liberty, and, as regards the other eight, of whom
seven have been sentenced, four to four years of the galleys to be
followed by perpetual imprisonment, and the other three to perpetual imprisonment at once, no alteration can be made. Great
clemency has been extended to them, considering their offences, but
if the Holy Office, in course of time, sees that they are repentant of
their errors, due grace and mercy shall be extended to them. With
regard to the other man, whose trial has not yet been concluded,
all possible consideration shall be shown him.
As regards to the sloop called the "Andrew," embargoed in the
Bay of Cadiz on the 28th of February 1575, the master and
Randalson (?), supercargo, of which, together with the agent of
Bernard Fil and John Foxall, merchants of London, were imprisoned by order of the inquisitors of Seville, the following are the
facts: The vessel and the two hundred and twenty-six cahices*
of salt and other property on board of her, belonged to the said
merchants, the salt having been bought on account of them for the
price of thirty-five reals per cahiz, and, considering that salt is a
perishable article and was depreciating daily, it was decided by a
decree of the justices of Cadiz to sell it at public auction, the factor
of the merchants having been duly apprized thereof, and the sale
was made to Ortimo de Libino for 103L reals per cahiz, the proceeds
being Landed to the sequestrator of the goods until the ownership
of the ship and cargo by the said merchants should be proved. On
the 30th of May of the same year the factor was liberated, and the
sequestrator delivered to him the sloop and the proceeds of the sale
of the salt; giving an account to the notary of the Inquisition in
Cadiz, and deducting the costs incurred in the care of the ship and
merchandise and the maintenance of the prisoners. The owners of
the ship and cargo have no reason, therefore, to complain or to
make any claim for injury, which they say has been caused by the
detention and sale, as it is clear that, not only was the sloop delivered to them  two years ago, but they have made a very large
profit upon the sale of the salt, for wlich they paid thirty-five reals
per cahiz, whereas it was sold for a hundred and three reals and a
half.
1577.
15 Jan.  457. ANTONIO DE GUARAS TO (ZAYAS?).
News comes from the English ambassador in the Netherlands and
from private sources that Don Juan had refused the offers of the
States on account of the question of religion, and there was very
little appearance of a settlement, much dissension existing amongst
the Flemings, as Orange was trying to avail himself of the help
* The cahiz is an ancient measure of about 12 English bushels.




ELIZABETH.


539


1577.
promised from France, whilst the people desired to accept the aid
of England, whence they received daily money, victuals, and stores.
The States, fearing that Orange might seize the ports of Flanders,
sent Zweveghem to the queen of England to offer to surrender
them to her. He returned greatly pleased with grand promises and
quantities of broad angels. Colonel Chester, with fifteen captains
and many troops, are ready, and they are watching closely how the
negotiations will end. If a settlement is effected they will not be
wanted, but otherwise the captains will go to Flanders secretly and
their troops will follow them unarmed and separately, the Queen
helping the States underhandedly as much as possible; but she will
not publicly declare herself against the King, for fear that Spanish
forces may be sent vid Italy.
A Scotch Earl has gone over to Ireland with fifteen hundred
Scotsmen and as many more were expected there. It is believed
that he is helped by the French, and six hundred soldiers are being
sent from England against them.
The queen of Scotland is in great danger, as on the pretext that
some of the Council will help her, she was to be brought to the
Tower of London and placed in the power of the earl of Bedford,
which will be to give the lamb over to the wolf, as the Earl is
her great enemy and a strong heretic, and fears that, if ever the
queen of Scotland or her son should come to the throne, he would
be the first to suffer.
An old prophecy, 300 years old, is being interpreted in London,
which says, Talpa ore Dei maledicta fratris sui gladio perebit,
which some people think applies to this Queen, as she, like a mole,
is.burrowing in the lands of her neighbours and is accursed by the
mouth of God, since she is excommunicated by His vicar, and must
surely die by the sword of his Majesty, as she has so richly
deserved.-London, 15th January 1577.
28 Jan. 458. LETTER of INTELLIGENCE from London (unsigned) to DON
B. M.           JUAN of Austria. Governor of the Netherlands.
GalCttni    I wrote to your Highness on the 3rd instant with copies of my
Original draft. former letters, all sent to the care of Isardo Capelo, in Paris. Since
then I have seen the personage and have had some conversation
with him on the wicked and diabolical plots and deceitful inventions
of these people, the principal of which now is the matter of the
kingdom of Naples. He says he learns from their conversation
that they are placing their confidence mostly in Cardinal
Granvelle.
Truly, sometimes, the pen almost falls from my hand as I write
such a bold thing as this, I having seen him (Granvelle) enjoying
in Flanders the confidence of the glorious Emperor, your father,
who raised him to the dignity that he enjoyed, and his present
Majesty having entrusted to him the government of the kingdom of
Naples. But, on the other hand, I recollect what his brother*
told me here had been arranged with your Highness, which quite
accords with the rest. The personage assures me of the truth of
* Champigny, who had now gone, like Zweveghem, to the side of the States.




540


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1577.
it, and, although it seems impossible, yet since he has told me, it
would be bolder of me to keep silence than to repeat what he says,
and I trust that my zeal may excuse my temerity.
The decision arrived at in France, that the King will not allow
any religion but the true one, has so tormented these people that
they, if left to themselves, would despair. But their councillor,
the devil, has encouraged them to continue in their accustomed
ways, and they will do the same in France as they do in Flanders.
If I were to lay bare the whole tale of wickedness on both sides,
in fulfilment of my wish to serve the Holy Catholic Church, the
quietude of princes, and the salvation of souls; which I have pondered over for four years in search of a remedy, I should still come to
the same decision as I always have, namely, that there is no way
except by a good and firm league between the Catholic King and
his Christian Majesty. I have discussed this with the present and
former French ambassador, as your Highness will see by the certificates enclosed (gives a long account of his desires and efforts to
bring about such an alliance and mentions his former approaches to
the Guises on the subject, all of which he begs his Highness to
forgive in consideration of his zeal). I am in great need of a letter
of favour for my king for the dispatch of certain claims I have in
his Court, with which Secretary Zayas is well acquainted.  I
humbly beg your Highness will be pleased to remind the ambassador
resident there to give me his support, and his Majesty may then be
moved to succour me in my debt and need, which cannot fail to be
great, since four years ago I was slandered in Portugal by a jealous
and perverse man, for the service I was rendering here and have
received nothing for my faithful services since. Senor Zayas
knows the whole story and will recollect what he offered me in the
King's name, which I refused, as my object was not to gain (favours).
-London, 28th January 1577.
Note.-Much damaged by fire.
29 May. 459. JOHN SMITH* to the KING.
Your Catholic Majesty knows that the great affection and interest
of the Queen, my mistress, towards your Majesty has prompted her
to send me to this Court respecting the concord andpacification
of your Majesty's Netherlands. This commission being concluded,
I have endeavoured to negotiate certain matters touching my
mistress and her subjects privately, in conformity with my instructions, hoping that in a short tilne I might be dispatched. As
I have, however, remained here fully five months, and have been
able as yet to conclude nothing, notwithstanding my diligence and
desire to do my duty between my mistress and your Majesty, the
delay will be a disappointment to my Queen, and may cause a great
prejudice to my reputation, as well as grave damage to my private
affairs in England. I therefore beg your Majesty to be pleased to


* Sir John Smith had a violent altercation, which nearly ended in blows, with the
Cardinal of Toledo (Quiroga), a few days before the date of this letter, and no doubt this
fact contributed to his desire to leave Spain as soon as possible (see Calendar of State
Papers (Foreign), 19th May 1577, and also B.M. MSS., Add. 26,056c.




httZA'BETH.


541


1577.
grant me audience, fixing a day when I may finish my affairs and
take leave of your Majesty, after having obtained your decision respecting the matters contained in the memorials that I have handed
to you and referred to verbally.-Madrid, 29th March 1577.
June?  460. The KING to the QUEEN OF ENGLAND, by her Ambassador,
John Smith.
John Smith gave me your Serenity's letter of the 24th of
November, and verbally submitted to me what he was instructed to
do by you. I was pleased to hear his good news of your health
and the affection and kindness with which you propose to intercede
with the object of pacifying my Netherlands.  I thank your
Serenity duly, and I am as much obliged for your offer as if it had
been accepted. I would have availed myself of it, certainly, if it
had been necessary, but this was not the case, as the matter was
already in hand and had been brought to a forward condition
by Don Juan of Austria, my brother, Lieutenant and CaptainGeneral of the States, who informs me that you are maintaining
with him the kind connection which I have always looked for as a
consequence of our friendship and brotherhood, and which will
always be sincerely continued by me. I have done all I have been
able with respect to the other points submitted to me by Smith,
with the willingness which he will describe to you. I am glad
that he has been sent on this commission, as I have long known
him and hold him to be a wise and good gentleman, as you describe
him.-San Lorenzo.
26 June. 461. ZAYAS to SMITH.
Although I have no doubt that your intelligence and good memory
will have caused you to recollect what I said to you respecting
the three points to which I referred in our recent conversation,
I repeat here the substance of what I said, at your request. As the
tribunal of the Holy Inquisition is simply and purely ecclesiastical
and depends upon the Pope and the apostolic see, the King, my
master, does not interfere in any way with it or its proceedings,
and has nothing to do with its ministers, except to respect and
assist them, as befits an obedient son of the Holy see, in order
that they may do their duty with the dignity and independence
which such matters demand. These duties are concerned solely in
the preservation and promotion of the faith and the Roman Catholic
religion, and you will thus see easily what it will be proper to ask
of his Catholic Majesty and what he is able to concede; and I leave
the point therefore to your discretion and great prudence.-Madrid,
26th June 1577.
July.   462. Document headed, "What Sandero (i.e., DR. SANDERS) has
I. M.           received from England.". 2.  Relation of a great miracle which our Lady has worked in
England.
In the month of July of this year 1577 in the city of Oxford
(which was formerly a flourishing seat of learning and is now a
school of heresy) certain judges and the principal people of the




542                          SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1577.
province were met together, as is customary in that country, to
judge criminal cases. The hearing of mass is held to be a crime, as
is also the confession of sins to a priest, submission to the supreme
pontiff, and the carrying or venerating of the cross or Agnus Dei;
and these crimes were amongst those for hearing. Suddenly, in
the midst of their deliberations, the wrath of God fell upon them
in such a way that, although all there present had been perfectly
well previously, the two principal judges, two viscounts, eight of
the twelve jurymen, and many of the people in Court, fell ill of a
strange malady. Numbers of them died on the spot, many others on
their road home, and many more as soon as they entered their
houses, so that within 24 hours 200 of these people were dead, and
in the course of the three days 150 more, and the malady was still
raging when the letter was written. Amongst those who died were
some of the principal doctors and preachers of the sect called the
Puritans, one of them being Lawrence Humphreys,* who translated
the commentaries of St. Cyril from Greek to Latin and dedicated
them to Queen Elizabeth, the dedication being very justly condemned
by the holy Inquisition in Spain. It will thus be seen that God is
fighting on our side.
27 Aug.   463. ANTONIO DE GUARAS to (ZAYAS?).
On the 12th instant I sent my last report, copy of which I
enclose, and on the 3rd and 4th I sent a packet of letters to the
Antwerp postmaster who requested me, through the postmaster here,
not to send him any more. I have however, news from  him that
lie has received my packet, but has not ventured to send it on. I
wrote telling him to return the letters if he could not forward them,
and afterwards sent copies of them to Capelo with my said letter of
the 12th. I will send my future letters through him, as there is
now no means of sending to Flanders.
M. de Lumay is representing Orange in this Court, and, although
they greatly caress him, the probability is that the Queen and
Council will give him no help; but time will show. Her mn
Davison is with the States and will go to Orange, it is believed
with the intention of urging the Queen's good offices to arrange a
settlement.
It is now asserted publicly that the three Queen's ships and the
private vessels that accompanied them had arrived within sight of
Rochelle, but the equipping of the four or five other Queen's ships
which were being fitted out here has been suspended.
They write from Dunkirk that a courier, coming from Spain, had
been captured at Gravelines and taken to Brussels.
The soldiers of the Prince of Orange remain at Neuport, this
being the place which he was so desirous of getting, as will be seen
by his own letter which I forwarded some days ago.
The so-called " States" of the prince of Orange, encouraged by
* Dr. Lawrence Humphreys had been in his earlier years one of the strongest leaders
of the Vestuarian controversy, and had been consequently inhibited and deprived of his
professorship at Oxford, retaining, however, his presidency of Magdalen, which was not
in the patronage of the crown. In his later years he conformed and was made Dean of
Gloucester.




ELIZABETH.


543


1577.
this Queen and Council, are understood to be resolutely determined
to persevere in their heretical rebellion, the intention being to
appoint Orange the Governor, although he does not trust them.
It was a fortunate hour when his Highness got clear of them, as
it had been settled, through the wiles of Dr. Wilson and others, to
attempt their wicked purpose against the person of his Highness.
I have certain information of this from a person who heard it
in Brussels from Wilson, at the time he was leaving to come
here, so as not to be in the States when the thing was done.
He had been ordered to return hither, in order to make the public
believe that neither he nor the people here had any knowledge of
the wicked plot. Thank God, however, his Highness, having no
doubt some suspicion of them, saved himself by leaving them. In
order to conceal their wicked treachery and the vile plots of the
people here, they have made up certain letters in cipher which
are being circulated, pretended to be from his Majesty and
his Highness, and to have been captured by the man they call
Navarre and sent hither, although they really have been concocted by the Queen and Council and sent to Orange and the
States.* The letters purport to contain directions to his Highness to entertain people with dissimulation, until he can by force
or fraud get into his power a large number of the principal persons who are named, and then kill them. Matters are now in such
a position that, unless some steps are taken to prevent these people
from sending aid to Orange and the States, it will be waste of
time to continue the present guerilla warfare. People who are
well versed in the matter say that the only remedy will be the
aforesaid one, and to utterly harry the land by means of foreign
soldiers of various nations, rather than lose it. The two friends
continue to offer to do the service mentioned,+ and are in hopes
that provision will be made for them to undertake it. The other
friend has sent word that he is awaiting them.   I am informed
by them that the ambassador Smith has given the Queen a very
different account of his embassy to that brought by Cobham. The
latter has been much blamed and attacked at Court about it, he
saying that his Majesty was well disposed to the preservation of
the friendship and alliance, and that his power and resources were
great, Cobhamr being of opinion that it will be well to propitiate him;
whilst Smith reports that the King is very much offended with the
Queen and is not inclined to be conciliatory, although at the same
time his own trouble is very great and his needs so pressing that
lie is unable successfully to deal with Flanders. He says, moreover, that Spain is discontended and in some danger from the
Christian King, and that an unfavourable answer was given to him
(Smith) respecting the English prisoners of the holy office. All
this has caused the Queen and Council some anxiety, notwithstanding their pride, but they expect to find a way out from all
* These letters are probably those, four in number dated respectively the 6th, 7th,
8th and 19th April 1577, which will be found in the British Museum, Cotton Vespaaian, C. viI., p. 357. They are of the highest interest, but as they make no important reference to English affairs, they do not come within the scope of the present
calendar.
t i.e., the betrayal of Flushing by Colonel Chester and others for a sum of money,




NA


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1577.
their trouble by sending aid to Flanders. The States are intending
to send Zweveghem hither, and it is said that Arschot comes with
him. I understand from Brussels that the Governors there are not
badly disposed towards his Majesty's service, but that secret information with regard to them is given to Orange and the States
by a secretary named Francis Grote. A Scotchman of position
named Lord Seton has passed here on his way to Brussels, and
another Scotchman who resides there has said that upon his
arrival the Scotch would perform some notable act. I am hourly
expecting letters from the queen of Scotland, who I learn is well;
I will communicate her reply to the letters sent.
There are many indications that the earl of Leicester intends to
carry out the project I have spoken of, and the fortress is being
prepared, the rooms being fitted with scrupulous care. The people
murmur that the intention is to bring thither the queen of Scotland,
and if the Lord Treasurer has been with her it has been managed
very secretly. I shall soon learn and will advise. A secretary of
the Council named Beal ir now preparing at Court to leave, to
visit Orange and the States, and afterwards to go to Germany to
see Casimir. I learn from a good source that the object is against
France. The Queen has had a great quarrel with the French
ambassador about some damage which the French are said to have
done to her island of Alderney, near Guernsey. I learn that in the
States the offices and positions are being distributed as if there were
no master, and doubtless the same will be done in the Provinces,
although I hope that these friends who are desirous of serving us
may find means of taking Ramequin, where, I am told, there are not
ten men to protect it. The friendly captain has given them notice
and sent victuals and stores for more than a year, so that the place
can be held for that time or until help arrives from us, which cannot
be prevented. This may be a means of introducing troops and
gaining the island and may lead to the perdition of all the States.
Even though the help our friends demand do not arrive, they are
determined to employ their own means and undertake the task,
treating with his Highness afterwards for their reward. They
expect a hundred thousand crowns for it. I have told them that,
whilst they are making their arrangements, I shall doubtless have a
letter from his Highness which will inform them-what is to be done
on our part. They appear determined, and I am therefore sending
orders to Capelo to send the present messenger or another on to his
Highness about it.-London, 27th August 1577.
20 Sept. 464. ANTONIO DE GUARAS to (ZAYAS?).
B. M.     I have heard nothing more of the friend who went to perform the
Add. 26056b. service I have spoken of.
As the Council is warmly favouring the prince of Orange and the
States, this Marquis (i.e. Havrey) will be able to arrange as he
pleases, and I have received a frightful piece of information, namely,
that all their efforts and those of Dr. Wilson were directed to
depriving his Highness (i.e. Don Juan) of his liberty and delivering
him into the hands of these people, who would treat him in the same
way as they do the queen of Scots. As they carry on their evil




ELIZABETH.


545


1577.
plans with great calculation, there is a suspicion that Drake the
pirate is to go to Scotland with some little vessels and enter into a
convenient port, for the purpose of getting possession of the prince
of Scotland for a large sum of money; whereupon he will bring
him hither convoyed by the Queen's ships that are there. They
have ordered Captain Bingharn, whom his Highness knows, and
other important people to embark, as if for the Indies, under the
command of this sailor Drake, whereupon they are greatly
surprised.-London, 20th September 1577.
28 Sept. 465. ANTONIO DE GUARAS to (ZAYAS?).
I am told by my trustworthy informant that the States have
written to Dr. Wilson asking him to use his influence with the
Queen that she may fulfil the agreement entered into with them
respecting the alliance between this crown and the House of Burgundy, on condition that his Majesty should have no part therein.
At the request of this Marquis* it'was at once confirmed, and a
promise was given that it should be enforced if necessary by arms.
The States write also asking him to induce the earl of Leicester to
come over in due time with ten thousand soldiers, their belief being
that if he is in command the Queen will take care to provide him
with all that may be needful. They offered to deliver to him all
the ports on the coast of Flanders, and I learn from a person of
position who has seen the letter, that they assert in it that the States
recently voted one million three hundred thousand crowns for
carrying on the war. They have at the instance of the prince of
Orange dismantled the fortresses, and Orange promised to go to
Antwerp and Brussels for the purpose of congratulating them,
which he has done. A general muster was to be made between
Brussels and Namur, of twelve thousand infantry, Lalaing being
in command and Champigny his lieutenant. M. de Guinelo (?) is
to be given a high command, M. de la Motte is to be captain of the
artillery, M. de Goigni to be marshal, and the prince of Orange,
after having been much pressed, has accepted the position of
president of the new Council which is to be formed. The letter
says also that Mansfeldt is being greatly urged by the States to
accept the oath of allegiance towards them, and it is suspected that
he may agree to it. In consequence of the settlement arrived at in
France, it is feared by them that the duke of Guise and other
forces there will help his Highness, but that Casimir would enter
the States with three thousand men in defence.   He has been
urged to this on the part of the Queen, who sent Beal, her secretary,
to him to promise payment for his services. Victuals are being
collected in the strong places, and Fugger and the captain of the
fortress* who are prisoners, have confessed many very prejudicial
things. They will be exiled, and the others to the number of twentythree are following his Highness. It is said that his Majesty is
negotiating some great accord with the king of France, and that
* The Marquis d'Havrey who was in England representing the States.
t Louis de 'rreslong, Lieutenant-Governor of Antwerp, who had been captured when
the place was taken by the States' troops.
y 76467.




546


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1577.
the latter's brother would be married to our Infanta. I have also
heard from a well-informed source that the Marquis (d'Havrey) is
urging the Queen to give open aid, by assuring her that his Highness
was trying to settle matters in Flanders with the intention of
invading this country with a large force; which will make the
cause a common one. It is said therefore, that her help will be
publicly given, and great promises are made to him that the forces
sent shall be sufficient for the purpose. If Leicester does not go
with them the command is to be given to the earl of Warwick, his
brother, and, to show the earestntness of the Council in the matter,
they are holding their meetings in his house. I hear this from one
source, whereas from another man, who has good means of knowing,
I learn that, whatever may be said to the Marquis, the Queen will
not venture to send forces in her own name, but will give all the
secret help she can. I am also told that when it is necessary to
strike a blow in Flanders, they have agreed to issue a proclamation
saying that any soldiers who wish to go over to serve his Highness
shall be at liberty to do so, the object of this being to show their
impartiality, but they will be able to turn it in their own way.
They have granted a loan to the Marquis of three hundred
thousand crowns to complete the four hundred thousand which
they had promised to Zweveghem, who took a hundred thousand
with him, the States undertaking to return the same within a year
and a half. Leicester, always in pursuance of his wish to marry
the Queen, is bringing into the Council all of his adherents, and it
is believed that amongst them will be Dr. Wilson, Horsey, the
Governor of the Isle of Wight, the Judge of the Admiralty, and the
Master of the Rolls, who are all, so to speak, his creatures. It is
also said that Hatton, Captain of the Guard, is to be a member. If
the Marquis or any other Flemings of importance could be seized
on their voyage backwards or forwards it might be well, and if I
am instructed I will have it done and get them carried to Spain.
They would have attempted to capture the Marquis recently if
orders had been received. I will await an answer on this point, as
the people who are ready to make the capture, at their own risk
and cost, only desire instructions. The same thing may be said
with regard to giving these people trouble in Ireland, for which
service faithful and trustworthy people are ready when it is agreed
upon and I am instructed in the matter. As the prince of Orange
has had his own way in the States, it is to be expected that a
remedy will be found by some accord between his Majesty and the
king of France for the purpose of following them up on all sides.
In the meanwhile, these people here are not idle in their pretensions,
as they have sent Killigrew to Scotland to obtain possession, for
money, of the Prince, in order to compass the ruin of his mother and
liimself. People who understand the matter are of opinion that if
he, the Prince of Scotland, were in Spain the welfare of the world
would e.i,, especially if the wish his good grandmother wrote to
me years ago could be brougllt about, namely, his marriage with the
Infanta. I have received the enclosed letters from the queen of
Scotland. I have perfectly safe means of sending and receiving
letters for her, and the world is praying that God may be preserving




ELIZABETH.


547


1577.
her for some great service, to the fear of this Queen and her friends.
I am encouraging her with letters of comfort until she can be served
by acts.-London, 28th September 1577.
4 Oct.   466. ANTONIO DE GUARAS to (ZAYAS?).
On Sunday the 29th of September, St. Michael's Day, the earl
of Leicester invited the Marquis Abreo (Havrey) to dinner in the
Great Hall of the Council in Windsor Castle. There were at table
the earl of Warwick, Lord Hunsdon, Captain Horsey, Sir Thomas
Gresham, and some others, and during the repast, the Marquis
began to speak of affairs in Flanders.  He talked of the plots
which he said had been arranged by Don Juan, and how they had
been discovered.  He said that in Spain there was a Fleming,
much favoured by the King and in his close intimacy, of whom
the Spanish nobles were very jealous, in consequence of his friendship with his Majesty. This Fleming occasionally discussed State
matters with the King, and endeavoured to persuade his Majesty to
treat the States with mildness, and not by severity to sacrifice
dominions of such importance. The hatred of the nobles at length
reached such a pitch that on this Fleming leaving the King's
chamber one day, he was arrested by the Alcalde of the Court in
the King's name, whereupon he, astonished to find himself a
prisoner, raised a great uproar, but was nevertheless taken off to
prison, where he was kept for thirty months. At length, there
being nothing proved against him, he was released, and the King
sent him with Don Juan to Flanders, where he enjoyed the entire
confidence of his Highness, and knew all his secrets.  On one
occasion Don Juan sent him with a letter of credence to the States
in Brussels to discuss certain matters with them, and on his arrival
there the States ordered his arrest, and threatened him with
torture if he did not.reveal the secrets and intentions of Don Juan.
After pressure he at last consented to reveal them and put them all in
writing. They were of such a nature that the nobles saw that it
was time to look to the safety of their lives and properties which
were in jeopardy. Leicester replied to this story that it might
well be that this declaration was made under the influence of fear,
but the Marquis said that this was not so, because the man is at
liberty and can go whithersoever he pleases. He said it was all
being printed in order that the princes might know of it.
He also spoke of the escape of the Duke,* his brother, and said
that he pretended one day to want to try the speed of a courser,
and when he found himself outside of the town, put spurs to his
horse, and arrived at a village two leagues off, where he put the
people on their guard, and pursued his way to Brussels. Octavio
de Gonzaga followed him within an hour with twenty horsemen,
but they were detained by the villagers, and were thus prevented
from overtaking the Duke. The Marquis told all this at table in
the presence of those who were in the chamber. The following


* The marquis d'Harvey was Charles de Croy, a brother of Philippe de Croy, duke of
Arschot, the leader of the Catholic Flemish nobles, who had separated themselves from
the Spanish cause.
MM 2




548


SPANtSHi STATE PAPERS.


1577.
Monday the Marquis invited the whole of the Lords "f the Council
and other gentlemen to an entertainment in his lodging, which is
at Eton College, a quarter of a mile from the Court, where he gave
them a grand supper.-London, 4th October 1577.
Note.-The original draft of this letter, with corrections, in the
handwriting ot Guaras, is in the British Museum.-Cotton, Vesp.,
C. xIII.
4 Oct.  467. ANTONIO DE GUARAS to (ZAYAS?).
Time will certainly prove the sinister intentions of the Queen
and Council. With the greatest astonishment I learned from a
friend at Court, that a friend of his had told him that Secretary
Walsingham had communicated to him the iniquitous plots which
these people are carrying on with the Marquis, the States, and the
prince of Orange; the object of which is to root out entirely, as
they think, the name and power of his Majesty from the States.
The intention is to form a new Council of twelve persons, one of
whom is to be an English noble, and this Council will elect a
native of the States to be duke of Burgundy for life. It is expected
that the person to be selected will either be Arschot or the prince
of Orange, and the Queen on her part, will undertake to defend
him whenever necessary with seven thousand well armed soldiers,
maintained at her own cost until they are landed in Flanders,
after which the States are to pay them. The Catholic religion is
to exist there for a time, but, for the satisfaction of the people, a
national Council will be called to declare liberty for their heresy,
in the belief that, by these means, they will entirely alienate the
people from their obedience to his Majesty or the Governor
representing him. They have sent an embassy to the Emperor
justifying their actions and offering to recognise him as their
superior. The fortresses are to be razed, and the towns are to be
open and without castles. The Queen has sent promising them
liberal aid in victuals, stores, and money, and the forces are to be
commanded by the earl of Warwick, Leicester's brother, his
lieutenant being Lord Grey.   The people here, however, are
murmuring that if public aid is thus sent against his Majesty,
trouble will come to them by way of Scotland or Ireland, which
may put this Crown in danger. The friend that went on the
service about which I wrote* has returned here after having
communicated with the other principal on the matter. He says
that, without being provided with what they ask, they cannot
carry the business through, and, as I have already said, it will be
necessary for a person of confidence to go and speak with the
principal friend and convey to him the instructions of his Highness.
My friend tells me that everything is well disposed for the
performance of the service. As it is said that the ciphers are read,
I am suspicious that the present one is not so obscure as it ought
to be, and I am therefore writing with suspicion. The merchants
here have been conferring with the Council respecting the sending
of their merchandise and bread-stuffs to the coast of Spain, and
* The betrayal of Flushing, etc.




ELIZABETH.


549


1577.
they have been told not to be in a hurry to send more, as there
are fears that the two sovereigns may appeal to arms. It is,
however, the people on this side who are desirous of war, and will
certainly commence it, if opportunity is favourable to them; but they
(the English) have in Spain at least a hundred well fitted ships and
more than a million's worth of property, besides two thousand five
hundred mariners, so that if they do not cease helping the States,
we have a fine pledge in hand belonging to them, the seizure of
which would divest them of a great part of the wealth of the
country, without our troubling to put pressure on them through
Scotland or Ireland. With this pledge in our hands we could
bring them to our own terms, and they would not dream in the
meanwhile of helping Orange or the States. They must be paid
in their own coin.-London, 4th October 1577.
31 Oct.  468. JUAN DE AGUIRRE to ZAYAS.
The only object of this letter is to inform your worship that on
Saturday the 19th instant at midnight, the sheriff of this city
with an armed force, in the Queen's name, entered the house of
my master Antonio de Guaras, arrested him, and seized all his
papers, placing him in a house under guard, and four or five days
afterward, they sent him to the house of the sheriff who arrested
him, where he is at present detained so closely that no one is
allowed to see him or speak to him. This has certainly been a
most extraordinary proceeding for which there has been no occasion
given. His steward was taken at the same time, and lodged in
the goal with condemned prisoners, where he now is. God deliver
us from these troubles, for I promise your worship that, unless
some remedy be sent from there, my master, Antonio de Guaras,
will find himself in sad trouble, as will all of us in his household,
for we are much distressed. With all earnestness I supplicate that
you will let his Majesty know of this, in the hope that deliverance
may be sent to us.-London, 31st October:1577.
21 Nov. 469. JUAN DE AGUIRRE to ZAYAS.
On the 31st ultimo and the 3rd and 5th instant, I wrote to you,
and I now have to say that my master Antonio de Guaras is in
very strict imprisonment, as also is his steward. This is a most
extraordinary thing and we cannot learn the cause of such a
tyrannical proceeding. It is to be hoped that his Majesty will not
allow so faithful a subject as my master to suffer such misery and
trouble as those of which I have written, but, if his Majesty does
not order some redress, my master will be sorely distressed, and I
again supplicate your worship to have something done for him.
I have just received a letter from your worship written to my
master dated the 28th of September, to which I have no reply
excepting to pray you not to forget him in his trouble.-London,
21st November 1577.
22 Dec.  470. The QUEEN OF ENGLAND to the KING.
(Latin.)   Elizabeth, by the grace of God, &c., &c., to Don Philip by the
grace of God King of Spain, &c., &c., health and prosperity,




550


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1577,
greeting. Three reasons have moved us to send the bearer of the
present, Thomas Wilkes, to your Serenity, which are as follows:The sorrow we feel for the calamities and miserable events which
have befallen your Serenity's Netherlands, the excessive and
terrible shedding of Christian blood, and our desire in all sincerity
to promote your honour and advantage. Each of these three
subjects, if properly treated, will tend to your greater glory and
benefit, whereas the neglect of them, either by evil council or
oversight, must result in great loss and evil consequence to your
Serenity's interests. As the destruction and desolation of dominions
hinders kings themselves from founding their power and glory on
the opulence of prosperous citizens, and the diminution of public
wealth strikes at the basis of the power of those who govern, so is
it unworthy of the regal office and dignity to judge harshly those
who love and strive for us. However badly good intentions may
be interpreted, such is the strength of calumny, we have nevertheless decided to do our duty in this respect to your Serenity and at the
same time to satisfy our own conscience, as indeed we have also done,
to your Netherlands States openly in the sight of day, our object
being to endeavour to arouse in your breast the same compassion
for your subjects which has been aroused in ours, and to testify how
sincerely and straightforwardly we desire to act, in order that all
may be made clear and apparent to you, the bearer takes with
him a clear and simple statement of our intentions and designs, in
which, if there be any article which requires explanation or elucidation, he will dwell more at length where necessary, he being a
secretary of our Council who has been present during the discussion
of every part of the document. We have therefore thought fit to avail
ourselves of his services in this embassy, in order that he may
return with all possible speed with your Serenity's answer. We
should have sent a more formal embassy if, as is usual with acute
diseases, such a rankling wound as this did not need a speedy means
of cure, and we beg very affectionately that all suspicions may be
banished from between us, if any such have been raised by the
arts of wicked men, with the object of destroying the close friendship which we enjoyed in our earlier years, and that we may, on
the contrary, confirm and strengthen such friendship more and
more. If your Serenity does not fail in this, we will, on our part,
continue ever ready to take the same course.-In our Palace at
Hampton Court, 20th December 1577, Elizabeth.
29 Dec.  471. ANTONIO DE GUARAS to (ZAYAS?).
I have written to his Highness that this Queen and Council,
convinced that the world was all their own, and that rebellion and
heresy would succeed in the States, were of opinion that I was a
hindrance to their plans, because I kept my eyes on their evil
doings, the plan being to place the dukedom of Burgundy in their
hands, and exclude his Majesty from his royal patrimony, made up
their minds to seize me by force, as they did at midnight on the
20th of October.   They assailed me unawares, searched my
dwelling, seizing all the papers they could find, and being surprised that they did not discover what they desired, for four days




ELIZABETH.


551


1577.
ransacked the house, in the hopes of finding letters from his
Majesty or the queen of Scotland, but as I was already suspicious,
I had taken care to place them in safety. They took me prisoner
and placed guards over me who were not to lose sight of me, and they
still continue to treat me in this way, no one being allowed to speak
to me, in order to convince the world of my criminality. Although
they have not said anything to me, the Queen and Council attribute
their action to the contents of certain letters of mine, which they
say they have in their possession, written to the Council of the
States of Flanders, which, I understand, were brought here by
Champigny in his instructions, as I saw them in his possession
when the Grand Commander sent him here. I am sure that he
delivered them to these people when he hatched his plots and plans
with them onr the death of the Grand Commander, although they
have informed M. de Gate that they got them from Aldegonde.
They are copies of statements which I sent from here, and I do not
recollect that they contain anything more than an account of the
bad proceedings of these people, and of their continual dispatch of
soldiers, cannon, arms, munitions, victuals, and money to Orange
and the States, which they affirm to be false, and say they have
never sent any help at all to them, and that I am more than
wicked for having sent such reports. It is no wonder they deny it
to me, for they have solemnly sworn that it is false to M. de Gate,
and say they never thought of such a thing and that I am
deserving of punishment for my bad offices. rhey see, however (as
the treasurer told the other councillors), that I was in duty bound
to do as I did, and that the testimony against me in this respect is
not strong enough, so they are now carrying the case further and
are asserting that I was in close understanding with the earl of
Westmoreland and other English gentlemen, persuading them to
take up arms against this country. The Queen begged de Gate
to believe her when she assured him that this was the case, whereas
really it is simply an invention to conceal the outrage that they
have committed in arresting me and seizing my papers. I can
truly swear by my fidelity to the King that I never imagined such
wickedness, nor has Westmoreland, as I truly believe, ever heard
my name. I have never yet discussed any matter touching his
Majesty's service which I have not reported fully, and it will therefore be seen by my letters how false this accusation is. I expect
that the two men who have been sent from here to his Majesty and
his Highness respectively, have been instructed to complain of me,
but I can refer to the Portuguese ambassador, who has heard from
a good source that they are very sorry for having taken me, and to
the French ambassador, who knows that Champigny is at the
bottom of it all, so that I should be prevented from giving an
account of his evil plots. They were also prompted to seize me in
the hope of finding letters from his Highness or the queen of Scotland, as they are very suspicious of having his Highness for so near a
neighbour, and no doubt thought they might make use of my
detention to liberate Hawkins and Tayler, with their Englishmen,
who are in the galleys of the Holy Office, and for whose release
the two ambassadors I have mentioned will strive. They have




552


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1577,
several times been about to release me, but have changed their
minds, and I am so closely watched by my guards that I am
writing this secretly and in great fear. I hope his Majesty and his
Highness will not abandon me.-From this, my prison in London,
Christmas Eve, 1577.
Postscript:-Since writing the above I have learned that the
Queen and Council intend to proceed against me as a private person,
and not as a public one, as I had no commission from his Majesty.
Such is the trouble I give them. I beg for deliverance.-29th
December 1577.
1578.
472. The above letter is enclosed in another from JUAN DE
AGUIRRE to ZAYAS, dated London, 2nd January 1578,
saying as follows:As I have written on several occasions, Antonio de Guaras, my
master, is in close imprisonment, with guards over him, and is
now more strictly kept than ever. If some redress be not found
I am sure that they will keep him there for the rest of his days,
and he has already been almost on the point of death, but, thank
God, is now better.   I therefore humbly beg you to find a
remedy, in order that he may be delivered from the hands of his
enemies, who are many, as he is a good and faithful servant of the
King, who, I hope, will not allow so good a vassal, as my master
Antonio de Guaras, to be kept in such peril.-London, 2nd January
1578.
473. AUTOGRAPH DOCUMENT in the handwriting of the King,
manifesting his displeasure at the manner in which
Thomas Wilkes, the English envoy, presented himself,
dated Madrid, 12th January 1578.
As regards the first matter, I believed the Englishman has
deceived us, as you will see that he is not called Legatus but
Nuncio, and is only a secretary of the Council, so that much of that
which we may arrange with him may be repudiated. The first
thing he did was to salute me on behalf of the Queen, and then
requested me to read her letter at once. I did so, although I did
not understand a word of it, and he then said some words to me,
which I did not understand well, and asked me to read the other
document which he brought, saying that, if there was anything in
it which was not clear, he was instructed to declare fully the
meaning of each clause. He said he was to be here for this purpose for a fortnight. It seems to me that, both upon this matter
and the subjects contained in the documents, the Queen wishes to
lay down the law for us here; and, if I have understood well, I can
see no good to come from the matter, and no doubt this man lied
to you, the same as he did on the first point (i.e., his standing),
respecting which in good truth he was abashed. I refer to the
style which as been given him. He is no doubt one of the men
they call clerks of the Council. Let the document be translated at
once, and copied as clearly as possible, for it is rather obscure to
me, and let it be considered in the Council. It will be well to




ELIZABETH.


553


1578.
send the man off long before his fortnight is up, and this before
he commits some impertinence which will oblige us to burn him.
If it (the document) is not translated in time for the Council
to-morrow, let it be read in Latin, and the following day in
Castilian,
474,    PETITION   of ANTONIO DE GUARAS, begging for a grant of
twenty thousand crowns, the proceeds of forfeited goods
in London, which had been promised to him by the
Grand Commander prior to his death, as a recompense for
his services.
Antonio de Guaras says that since the death of the bishop of
Aquila he las served his Majesty in England, in fulfilment of the
orders sent to him by Madame de Parma, and subsequently whilst
Diego de Guzman de Silva and Don Guerau de Spes were there he
continued to assist and accompany them, and, to the best of his
ability, helping and favouring your Majesty's subjects when molestation was offered them. Since then, for more than seven years
from the beginning of the troubles, he has served and still serves
your Majesty. Although the Marquis Vitelli, Fiesco, Zweveghem,
and others were sent thither to negotiate treaties at great cost,
but were unable to do so, he, Guaras, by his diligence and
industry was able successfully to settle matters to the surprise of
everyone.
475.    DRAFT    of  INSTRUCTIONS      from   His   MAJESTY    to   DON
BERNARDINO DE MENDOZA, dated Madrid, 8th of January
1578.*
The King.
The things which you, Don Bernardino de Mendoza, my
captain of light horse, are to do in England, whither we now
send you.
Affairs in my Netherlands States having, since the last disturbances there, arrived at a state which again demands an appeal
to armed force in order to pacify them, and maintain therein the
* Don Bernardino de Mendoza was a son of the Count de Corufa, and a member
of the most illustrious family in Spain. He had greatly distinguished himself in the
Netherlands as a captain of light horse, and his contemporaries are emphatic in his
praise at this period. Albornoz, the Secretary of the duke of Alba, writes to Secretary
Zayas in Madrid in 1572, saying, "Don Bernardino de Mendoza has asked for a
"' habit' (i.e., of knighthood), and tells me his application is referred to a board in
"Madrid. Truly he has acted in a way that deserves something better than a habit,
"and the Duke, my master, orders me to write as much to you, that you may ask his
"Majesty to grant the request." Don Bernardino accordingly got his " habit" of
Santiago, in which order he afterwards rose to high rank. He was sent to England in
1574 to conclude the commercial treaty which had been informally negotiated by
Guaras, which treaty was finally ratified in December of that year (see letter from
Mendoza to Dr. Wilson in Cotton, Galba, C. v.). He was on friendly terms with
Leicester and other courtiers, so that on his arrival here in '1578 ho was no
stranger. His epistolary style is in marked distinction to that of his predecessors. He
had already published a work on the " Theory and Practice of War " in 1577, and was
subsequently the author of several historical works, some of which are still in high
repute. After leaving England he was for some years Spanish ambassador in France.
In the end he fell blind, and become a monk in the monastery of St. Bernard, in
Madrid, where he died at an advanced age.




554


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1578.
Roman Catholic religion, and my authority, it has appeared
advisable to us to inform the queen of England thereof as our ally
and neighbour. We have therefore decided to send you, post, with
this commission, both on account of the knowledge you have of
my Netherlands dominions, where you have served for so many
years, and because I am convinced of your intelligence and good
understanding, and believe also that you will be as acceptable to
the Queen as you were when you were sent to negotiate with her
in my name certain things then pending, by the Grand Commander
of Castile, my former Governor of the Netherlands. You will bear
in mind the following points.
That notwithstanding my concession to the States of all the
favours and advantages which they could rightly ask or desire,
and my having sent my brother Don Juan of Austria there to
reside as my Governor and Captain-General, he having made these
concessions punctually, and withdrawn the Spanish and other
foreign soldiers, delivering the fortresses to the natives, and signed
the pacification, as is known, when it was thought that they
would be satisfied and peaceful as they ought to have been, they
proceeded in such a manner towards my brother as to make it
necessary for him to retire to the castle of Namur for his safety,
and thence to provide for the government of the States.  All
this was related fully in the instructions borne by M. de Gate, one
of my gentlemen-of-mouth, who was sent to England by my brother,
in order that the Queen might be informed thereof, and be
requested not to allow any help to be sent from her country to
the rebels, but that she should rather aid me, in accordance with
our friendship and alliance, and for other reasons which you will
also adduce. A copy of the said instructions will therefore be handed
to you, in order that you may convince the Queen, in conformity
therewith, that everything that my brother has done has been
entirely justified, and that the people of the States have strayed
from the straight path, as will be acknowledged by any one who
understands the true state of the case, it being notorious that they
made fresh and exorbitant demands of my brother, in excess of
the conditions set forth in the agreement which he made with them
on the 12th February last year, as will be seen by their address to
him of the 25th of September, a copy of which, together with that
of the agreement, will be handed to you.
I have advised my brother that I had appointed you for this
commission, in order that he may send you such instructions as
he may consider necessary, according to the state of affairs. This
he will send to the care of Juan de Vargas Mejia, my ambassador
in France. You will pass through Paris and salute, politely, in my
name, the King, his wife and mother, the duke of Alengon, and
Madame Marguerite his sister, informing them, in general terms,
that I am sending you to England on affairs respecting which Juan
de Vargas will inform them. You will stay in his, Vargas', house,
and I have ordered him to accompany you and assist you to obtain
audience. I wish you to tell the King and his mother that I do
not write to them because I so recently did so by their Secrctary,
Julio Gassot.




ELIZABETH.


1578.
When you arrive at the Court of the queen of England you will
salute her from me and hand her my letter, and, in the best terms
you can employ, you will give her to understand that I duly
esteem her and hold her friendship in good account, saying that
ever since her ambassador John Smith left here it has been my
intention to send you to her, but your departure has been put
off, in order that we might see how things went in the Netherlands,
so that she might be informed of them through you with the more
authority.
After this you will tell her that she will no doubt have learned
from private sources, and also from M. de Gate, all that has happened in the States, both with regard to the forced retirement of
my brother to the castle of Namur, and the other things which
have happened, and it will therefore not be necessary for you to
repeat them to her. We doubt not that she knows well how often
the States were admonished and requested by my brother to come
to harmony and concord, he assuring them of the fulfilment of the
agreement that he had made with them, but that nothing sufficed
to persuade them to adopt a course which was so advantageous to
them. On the contrary, they started every day new and various
demands such as'could not possibly be entertained, or even listened
to without offence, since, amongst other things, one was that the
Queen should be included as a party to the treaty of peace. Say
that this would have shocked me much, if I had not understood
that the object of it was to raise up a feeling of distrust between
us, and, if no other cause had arisen but this for your going, I
would have sent you on this point alone. You will dwell upon
this, and assure her of my goodwill and friendship in order to
oblige her more to meet our wishes.
You will also call to mind the manner in which the States at
the same time seized the castle of Antwerp and committed many
insults and excesses, in direct contravention to the agreement to
which they had only a few days before pledged themselves, it being
clear, from their behaviour all through, that their intention was
directed not to quietude and contentment, even if they had been
granted everything they asked. Notwithstanding all this we,
being a benign prince and desiring the peace and quietude of our
States and subjects, did not desire to again appeal to arms, but
have tried repeatedly to bring them to reason and tranquillity.
Not only, however, have they refused, but, in return for our
clemency, they have tried to bring foreign princes to their aid,
and have attempted to adopt one of them as governor without our
knowledge or consent. This has been so insulting an excess that
the example cannot fail to be a bad one to the subjects of other
princes.
Seeing this, and that the gentleness with which we proceeded
was only hardening them and making them more insolent and
obstinate, we determined, greatly against our will, to take up arms
and go to the aid of the multitude of faithful subjects we have in
those countries, in order to liberate them from the oppression in
which these bad men hold them. In view of the aforegoing, and




556


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1578.
the gathering in Brussels which they call the "States General,'
having written to us on the 8th September last year begging us to
receive them into our favour, on condition that they observed the
Catholic religion and acknowledged their submission to me in the
same way as in the time of the Emperor, we accepted their offer
graciously, as you will see by copy of the document which will be
handed to you, sent to them by the hand of M. de Selles, lieutenant of
our archers of the guard. They are assured therein that, if they
comply on their part with their promises, arms would be laid down
and everything would be again tranquil and peaceful, as we have
always desired. You will show the copy of the said document to the
Queen, and may leave it with her if she desires, as it is advisable
that she and the Council should be well informed of its contents,
and assured that my desire is as keen as ever that the promises
contained therein should be fulfilled, and that, if the States do not
demand or attempt to obtain fresh terms, as they always have done
when they had obtained all they asked, we consider all cause of
disquiet in the Netherlands to have been removed. You can confidently assert that this is the case, and that we never desired to
gain any advantage or fresh power there, other than what was
enjoyed by my father the Emperor, but rather to preserve and
enlarge their privileges where possible to the advantage of the
inhabitants, and the increase of their wealth and prosperity.
This will demonstrate clearly that it has been solely in consequence of the straying of evil-minded people in the States from the
straight path, that the idea has been spread that my wish was to
oppress them and treat them differently from the way in which
they were treated by the Emperor, and that this has been a
wicked invention spread by bad people, who try thereby to mislead
others.
It must be evident that our intentions and efforts have always
been directed to satisfy, to the fullest extent possible, the people of
the States, and when we learnt that the dismissal of our brother
Don Juan of Austria from the governorship, would have this effect,
in which he himself concurred, I consented to withdraw him and
employ him elsewhere, as they were informed by him personally.
We should have sent a successor already if they had been pacified,
so that any delay in doing so has arisen solely from their own
action.
You will convey this to the Queen, and tell her that I have
thought well to inform her fully of the progress of events in the
States, and my intentions with regard to them, that she may be
convinced that nothing has been neglected on our part to endeavour
to bring them to quietness and reason, and may see how fully
justified we are now in appealing to arms, in order to bring about
by force a state of things which gentleness, kindness, favour, and
leniency have been powerless to produce.
Notwithstanding this we still desire to proceed in a fatherly way
with our subjects, and, even though it may be necessary to bring
them to obedience by force, it is not our intention to abrogate
their privileges and customs, nor to oppress them or reduce them




ELIZABETH.


557


1578.
to the position of a Spanish province as they have been persuaded,
but only to bring them back again to their obedience to me as
their natural sovereign.
Much less is it true, as has been asserted by bad people, that it
is my wish to treat them with rigour if they voluntarily recognise
their fault and ask for pardon, which they know that we shall
give them most willingly, as on so many other occasions we have
done since the disturbances began; not only restoring the honours
and estates, of which some have been justly deprived, to those who
have submitted, but also to those who were actually still in arms,
as a proof of our clemency.
All this being so notorious that the Queen cannot be ignorant
of it, we beg her most affectionately as a good sister, ally, friend,
and neighbour to prohibit with all severity any sort of help or
countenance, direct or indirect, being sent from her country to the
States, but that, on the contrary, she will help us with the supplies
and other things requested by Don Juan in the promotion of a
peaceable settlement, which will be of no little benefit to her, as
she knows perfectly well without further representation. I wish
to point out to her also that this matter is one which touches all
princes, as it concerns the obedience of subjects to them, and the
example of my vassals may well have its influence upon hers,
whereby she may be troubled and disturbed. Her own prudence
will show her this, and you will place the matter before her in
such a way as to bring her to the desired object, which in fact is
that she shall be satisfied of our intentions and withdraw from
connection with Orange and his friends, refraining from helping
them, and holding out her hand to us. You will remain there
(in England) pursuing this task until our further orders, giving us
full information of the Queen's answers and of what you can gather
of her designs. You will endeavour to keel) her in a good humour
and convinced of our friendship, banishing the distrust of us which
she now appears to entertain, and for which we have given no
cause.
As it will be necessary for you, and is of great importance, that
you should be on good terms with the principal ministers who
manage affairs, you will consider if it will be advisable to give them
some money or presents, and will advise us what is to be done for
each one of them.
You will keep up a friendly intercourse with the ambassador of
France, and the Portuguese agent resident in London.
If any English Catholics approach you, you will receive them
kindly, consoling and encouraging them in general terms to persevere, but you will not enter into any negotiation or plans with
them against the Queen.
I have heard that Antonio de Guaras has been arrested on suspicion that he dealt unfavourably with the Queen's affairs, and, as
we shall be glad for him to be well out of his difficulty, we wish
you to help him to this end by endeavouring to get him set at liberty
as soon as possible.
A copy of your instructions is being sent to Don Juan of Austria
in order that he may be informed of the details of your commission,




558


SPA~NISH STATE PAPERS.


1578,
and you will be careful to report to him fully and frequently all
that happens to you in England, following his orders as if they were
my own.
You will also keep up a correspondence with Juan de Vargas
Mejia whilst he resides at the court of France, and I have ordered
him to do the same with you. You will receive with this a
general cipher which is in use between us, our brother, and the
other ministers whose names are attached thereto, andyou will
carry on your correspondence in this.-Madrid, 8th January 1578.
476. SECOND INSTRUCTION given to DON BERNARDINO DE
MENDOZA, 26th January 1578.
The King.
You are aware that after you were appointed to go to England
in compliance with instructions given to you, Thomas Wilkes, a
servant of the Queen, arrived here bearing a letter from his
mistress, dated the 20th December, and a document referring fully
to affairs in the Netherlands. This document dwelt upon the extremity and danger in which my States were, and in it the Queen
says that she has used her best efforts to keep the country obedient
to me, and complains that her efforts have been misunderstood and
not taken in good part. She justifies her actions and intentions,
and concludes, in substance, by saying that the only remedy for
the evil will be found in the withdrawal of our brother, Don Juan
of Austria, and the appointing of another Governor of our family
who would be more acceptable to them (i.e., the States), we, at the
same time, extending our favour to those who have offended and
maintaining the privileges of the country, in fulfilment of the edict
of pacification. She assures us that, if I concede these things to
the States, they will be tranquillised and submit to me, whilst, if
they afterward make any attempt to break their word, she will
turn her arms against them and defend our authority.
She says that if the course she recommends is not adopted she
cannot refrain from helping them, as you will see by the copies
handed to you of her letter and the document.
You are also aware that, after the matter had been considered, I
at once sent the messenger back again with a letter, saying that
the answer would be sent by you, he having been informed that
you had already been appointed to go to England on the question,
and it was desirable that both she and the States should understand, through you, that what we have decided to do has proceeded
from our own free will and favour, and was resolved upon long
before the arrival of Thomas Wilkes. You will make this clear as
soon as you arrive where the Queen is, and will repeat it when
you deliver our letter to her and subsequently, as she, by this
means, will the better understand the answers we have instructed
you to give to her letters. You must bear in mind that you will
have to pass over and make light of all the complaints and
grievances of the Queen, as there is no need to discuss them, unless
she again repeats them, in which case you will not be able to




ELIZABETH.


559


1578.
avoid giving some general answer for the purpose of assuaging her
suspicions and assuring her of our friendship.
On the principal points, you will say that we thank her warmly
for the kind words she sent by her messenger respecting her efforts
to bring about a peaceful settlement between us and our subjects
in the Netherlands, and to cause them again to return to our
favour, but that there is nothing fresh to say about this, because,
long before we received her message, we had taken gracious
measures, which, she will see by the copy of the document'you
will show her, were ample for the purpose of assuring my subjects
that, if they would comply with the two promises they have given,
namely, to observe the Roman Catholic religion and submit to our
rule as they did to that of the Emperor, hostilities would be
abandoned and peace and concord restored.
There is nothing particular to say, either, respecting the appointment of a successor to my brother Don Juan of Austria in
the Government of the States, as we had, some time ago, granted
this request.
This was announced to them (the States) so long ago, that we
are much surprised that they should not have informed her of the
same before she wrote her letter, but, no doubt, she will have learnt
it ere this. You will say that, in compliance with our promise,
we are willing to send to Don Juan a successor who cannot be
otherwise than acceptable to them, so that in this particular, also,
the Queen's recommendations have been anticipated. It is, however, desirable that neither she nor the States should imagine that
the new Governor is to be my nephew, the Archduke Mathias.*
After this you will point out to her that everything that has
been done there by our brother, in unison with us, has been so
completely justified that we are sure that, if the States are not
henceforward quiet and contented, she will turn her arms against
them as she promises, but that if, contrary to our expectations and
notwithstanding the aforegoing explanations, she should still send
aid in troops and money to the rebels, we should be much surprised, as it would be against all reason, and a violation of our
alliance and friendship which would cause us much sorrow. You will
tell her, however, that neither this nor any other consideration will
cause us to relinquish the determination we have adopted to bring
our subjects back again to obedience, using against them and their
adherents all the force that human and divine right permit us to
employ and our royal dignity demands; but I hope and trust that,
she being a just and prudent princess, will not give cause for this,
but that we shall have her on our side, and that, as a friend and
sister, she will turn her arms, as she promises to do, to our support,
* The Archduke Mathias, a younger brother of the Emperor, who was a youth of 22,
had recently been brought into the States as Governor by the duke of Arschot and the
Flemish Catholic nobles, as an avowed rival to the Protestant prince of Orange. This
had given rise to the tumults at Ghent and the imprisonment of Arschot and his party,
but, at the date of the present letter, the prince of Orange had prevailed upon the States
to accept Mathias as Governor, with himself as Lieutenant, the object being to separate
the Catholic Flemings and Walloons from Don Juan and the Spaniards, and to arouse
jealousy between the two branches of the house of Austria.




560


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1578.
or, at least, that she will not, privately or openly, help the rebels, in
violation of treaties and ancient bonds and alliances.
The other points of the Queen's letter and documents do not
call for reply, as they are fully dealt with by anticipation in your
formal instructions. You will advise both me and my brother of
all that happens, as you have already been instructed to do.Madrid, 26th January 1578.
16 Feb.  477. BERNARDINO DE MENDOZA to ZAYAS.
I wrote on the 10th from Valladolid, and I have been unable to
write again until my arrival here at Irun to-day, in consequence of
the most dreadful weather, rain, ice, and snow, in addition to which
the relays of horses were very poor, and from Burgos hither little
diligence was displayed. I now find that Franco de Eraso has
left here with six horses, which has been the cause of delaying me
until to-morrow, when I hope to go forward, as Domingo de Iralta
assures me that the road is clear. I have given him your letter,
and we have arranged how my letters are to be sent to him by sea.
The English ambassador* has sent to tell me by a courier from
France that he would wait a week for me in Paris. I am sorry
that I shall not be able to reach him in time.-Irun, 16th February
1578.
26 Feb.  478. BERNARDINO DE MENDOZA to ZAYAS.
I wrote to you on the 6th from Irun, and arrived at this place
this morning, not without trouble, both in consequence of the
heavy rains and because the flight of M. D'Alengont has put the
whole of this country in turmoil, and might well cause difficulty
to a travelling foreigner. I have been also much delayed by the
bad supply of horses, but, although I have been so tardy, I have
found here no letters from Don Juan. I send him the letter from
his Majesty by Franco de Erasco, who, as he has a passport, will go
quicker than any courier. I write to his Highness that I expected
to have found a despatch from him here, and after I have visited
their Majesties, I shall leave Paris and tarry on the road until I
have received his Highness's reply, since the recent victory: cannot
fail to have altered the position of affairs in the States, and it will
be well for me to understand matters before I speak to the Queen.
I have decided not to stay here, so that the Flushing people may
put no spies upon me.
Between Bordeaux and Poitiers I met M. de Muisan, who is the
lieutenant of the prince of Beam. He was accompanied by some
French gentlemen, and amongst them an Aragonese highwayman
from  the mountains of Jaca, who asked me whether I had met
large numbers of Burgundian Frenchmen in companies on their
way as pilgrims to Santiago. I told him that I had, and he replied
* Thomas Wilkes, who was returning home to London.
t The duke of Alengon had fled from Paris and had joined the Huguenots and
Germans in the north-east of France, where he was openly defying his brother's authority. This had aroused the Protestants all over France, and, at the moment, seemed to
portend a re-commencement of the religious wars in a worse form than ever.
+ The battle of Gemblours, 31st January 1578.
+~   CCI  L ~Y IC~V   I~VIH~C  VY




IthIZABETH-.


1578.
that it was a serious matter that so many should go together, most
of them being young and strong, with their wallets and staves new,
which I had already noticed, as I had met many bands of them as far
as Poitiers and beyond. I have thought it not sufficiently important
to write to his Majesty about, as I had nothing else to say; but you
may tell him. I have not yet asked for an audience of the King,
as I am hardly yet out of the saddle, and just write to say that I
have arrived. The English ambassador passed through here to
Calais without stopping.
As I was sealing this I learnt that the Queen had been expecting
me in England for some time, and if I had received Don Juan's instructions, it would be well that I should hurry forward, as Thomas
Wilkes has done, in order that they may not be forearmed with his
information.-Paris, 26th February 1578.
4 March. 479. BERNARDINO DE MENDOZA to the KING.
I arrived here on the 26th ultimo, and Juan de Vargas Mejia
requested audience for me which their Majesties granted on the
2nd. They received me very well and were pleased to hear of the
good health of your Majesty, the Queen, the Prince, &c. I visited
the King, the Queen, and the princess of Bear, but the QueenMother is not here, she having left for Angers to see M. D'Alen9on
when he fled, and is still there. Juan de Vargas spoke to the King
in my presence respecting the flight of M. D'Alengon, and he replied
that he was sure your Majesty would be sorry for the trouble, but
that his brother had sent him a gentleman with a letter assuring
him that his departure from this place would not cause him to
be other than his very obedient brother, and he might take the
letter as a pledge of this. The King referred to this twice with
pleasure, apparently desiring that your Majesty should know of it.
He seemed to have been alarmed and not yet to be entirely
reassured.
I learn from the English ambassador here and other sources that
the Queen has been pressing the Seignory of Venice to send an
ambassador to her, she being desirous of having one in the Republic,
in order that she may be better informed upon Italian affairs, notwithstanding the intelligence she has on all sides. The Seignory
not having responded favourably to this, the Queen, I am told, has
taken away the privileges enjoyed by the Venetians who went
to England to trade. She has treated them so badly that she wants
to stop trade with them altogether, as a Venetian shipmaster who
recently came from England told the ambassador here.
They tell me also that the Queen is much alarmed at news from
Florence that Stukeley had left Civita Vecchia with six hundred
men in a galleon, and this alarm has been increased by her being
told that his leaving Rome with these forces could only have been
with the consent of your Majesty, and that, as your Majesty is busy
with the war in Flanders, you would not have countenanced this
rebel subject of hers without an understanding with the king of
France, whom she has so much offended. This idea has alarmed
her so that she has made great preparations all over the country,
both to raise men and to reinforce the guards in the ports as well as
y 76467.                                                   N




662


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1578.
ordering the equipment of a large number of ships. She summoned
the Council, at which the magistrate and heads of the City of London
were summoned, which is a great innovation. In view of the matter
I have mentioned and the victory of his Highness, the subject of the.
best course to be taken by the Queen was considered. Opinions
differed greatly, and the Queen endedlby saying that it was clear to
her that the majority were desirous that she should take the worst
step, namely, to break with your Majesty, which she would not do
as she owed her life and throne to you. Some people think, however, that this was only a stratagem, as there were a large number
of people at the Council, and she wanted this expression to get
abroad.
She has sent a lord to Scotland to try and steal the King who, as
he is now growing up, says that he cannot help being sorry that his
mother is in prison and wants to get her released. This lord was
sent on the 12th ultimo, and she has since sent two ambassadors
hither as she learns that the Scotch people are discontented with
their governors.
Thomas Wilkes arrived in England, and it is reported that lie
told the Queen that your Majesty was resolved to be friendly with
her if she pursued the same course towards you, but if the contrary
was the case and she failed in anything, you would at once declare
war.
The English ambassador here, as soon as he learnt that I had
arrived, sent a courier to England, and, although I found no
instructions from Don Juan here, I will leave to-morrow morning,
so as not to lose time. I sent your Majesty's letter to his Highness
on my arrival here, and wrote him that, when I had fulfilled your
Majesty's instructions here, I would leave on my voyage but would
tarry on the road until I received news from him as to the state
of things in the Netherlands, for my guidance.-Paris, 4th March
1578.
4 March. 480. BERNARDINO DE MENDOZA to ZAYAS.
I wrote on the 26th ultimo when I arrived here, and since then
have had an audience of the King on the 2nd, as I report to his
Majesty. I give to the King an account of my proceedings here in
fulfilment of my commission and, as for the rest, I can assure your
worship that there are plenty of people here who were only too
anxious to send any news that I may have omitted. I beg your
worship to overlook any shortcomings in this respect as I am only a
beginner and his Majesty has changed my mount.
I shall leave to-morrow for Calais where, with God's help, I shall
take ship as soon as I arrive, if there be no news of pirates. I bear
a letter from the Christian King to M. de Jordan, but if I hear that
the pirates are about and there is any danger in passing over, I will
wait until the Queen sends a ship to take me, as I shall request her
to do.
I have received no reply from Don Juan and it will be awkward if
it is longer delayed, as it will not be well if I have to wait very
long after landing at Dover before speaking with the Queen.
People at Court here took a good deal of notice at seeing me so




ELIZAI3ETII.


1578.
finely tricked out on the day that I had audience, and your worship's
advice seems to have been good.
The Nuncio and other ambassadors resident here have visited me
and it has not been a bad lesson for a diplomatic chicken, such as I
am, to mix with so many ministers, each one of whom sought to
draw me.-Paris, 4th March 1578.
8 March. 481. BERNARDINO DE MENDOZA to ZAYAS.
I wrote from Paris on the 4th, saying that I was leaving there on
the following day. 'I arrived here on Thursday evening, but the
weather was so contrary for the passage to Dover that I have been
obliged to wait all to-day, but now at sunset the weather may change,
and in that case I hope to be at Dover at daybreak to-morrow, as
I shall embark at high tide after midnight to-night. I have been
helped by the Governor of the town, M. de Jordan, for, whom I
brought letters from the Christian King, and he has been as careful
in keeping me secret as if he had been a minister of our own King.
I have thought well to let you know this in order that his Majesty
may see that I do my best to hurry forward on my voyage where
obstacles are not insuperable. I have no answer from Don Juan.Calais, 8th March 1578.
11 March. 482. BERNARDINO DE MENDOZA to ZAYAS.
I wrote from Calais news of my arrival there and the cause of
my detention. I embarked the same night and God blessed me with
fine weather, so that in four hours I arrived in Dover where the
Governor of the County* sent me word to proceed on my voyage.
I therefore came on hither where I will tarry, for the reason
explained in my letter to the King, and also to recover from the
fatigue of the passage, during which I was furiously sea-sick. In
addition to this I have no news at all of my servants who embarked
more than a month ago. Whilst I have been idling at this inn
several friends have come to me and I have learned what I write.
The Queen sent a gentleman to visit me with many kind
expressions, and others are to come to take me to London.
Antonio de Guaras has been more strictly confined since my
arrival, and one of his servants who was free has now been shut
up, so that no one is allowed to communicate with them. Orders
have been also given to capture a man who was in Don Juan's
service and for the seizure of all letters for him. I should be very
sorry if I did not receive a reply from his Highness during the
next two or three days, as it appears to me that things are in such
a state. here as to make it impossible for me to defer my interview
with the Queen.
I am informed from Bruges that the intention of taking the
plate from the churches and trade guilds was already very far
advanced, and that Don Juan has surrendered Diest.-Gravesend,
11th March 1578.


- -


* Lord Cobham, Lord Lieutenant of Kent,


NN2




564


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1578.
19 March. 483. BERNARDINO DE MENDOZA to the KING.
I wrote to your Majesty on the 11th instant from Gravesend,
and departed the next day, a gentleman having been sent from
the Queen at Greenwich to bring me to London. Another of her
pensioners met me on the road thither to salute me from her
and told me that she would give me audience when I pleased. I
replied that I was travel-worn and unwell, but that, as soon as I
was better, I would request audience.
I made this my excuse for a day or so in the hope of receiving a
reply from his Highness, but as I heard that part of the hundred
thousand pounds had been raised, which the Queen had agreed to
lend to the States when M. d'Havrey was here, through the
Fuggers of Cologne and other merchants, on the guarantee of
certain citizens here, and also, as I was told, that Havrey was
coming back, I resolved to ask for audience, being greatly pressed
thereto by Smith and others who came to see me from the Queen,
and were curious to know why I did not do so. I thought, moreover, that there would be no great harm in my seeing her before I
had letters from his Highness, whilst, if I delayed doing so, the
doubts already entertained by her at the instance of the rebels here
might be augmented. They tell her that I am only here to entertain her with words, whilst I try to stir up strife in Scotland and
disturb her own country.
The Queen gave me audience on the 16th, and received me in
privy chamber, where, after I had saluted her in the name of your
Majesty and the Queen, I told her that I would convey to her the
message your Majesty had given mre before you received her letter
by Thomas Wilkes, and afterwards would give her your Majesty's
reply to that letter. She said that was a very good way of proceeding
and that she would hear me with pleasure. I then represented
to her the various shortcomings of the States towards Don Juan as
regards the arrangement made by him with them, but said that, in
order not to tire her, I would state the matter at length to her
Council, or to her when she thought best. She was full of complaints of his Highness, saying that it was he who broke the
agreement and caused the new trouble, by seizing Namur and
arranging with the Germans not to leave the country, which, she
said, was proved by letters of his Highness which had been intercepted. I replied by showing her the absolute need which had
occurred for his Highness to retire as he had done to Namur, and told
her how often he had begged the States from there to be tranquil,
on his promise to fulfil the agreement made with them. She
replied that she would be glad if this were so, and dwelt upon her
efforts in the same direction, with a view of bringing the States to
submit to your Majesty. She said that the States had written to
MI. D'Alenvon and he had replied to them, as she would prove to me
by seven or eight letters signed with his own hand. She had, she
said, recently sent word to the king of France through her ambassador that she could not allow him or his brother to take
possession of the Netherlands.
Coming to the point of her being made a party to the fresh
capitulations which the States now demanded, she told me that the




ELIZABETH.


565


1]78.
reason why they had introduced her name was that she had lent
them monies to pay the amounts stipulated, without which they
could not make peace, and in this it might appear that she had
failed to fulfil her treaties with your Majesty, as she had not
advised you of it; but the reason of her not doing so had been
that there was no time, and she thought she was complying with
her obligation by informing his Highness of what she had done.
When I pointed out to her how improper it had been to make her
a party, she told me that it had been done without her knowledge
or consent, and that she was very sorry.
With regard to the seizing of the Castle of Antwerp and the
bringing of the Archduke Mathias, she said nothing, and did not
speak of his retention of the Government, only saying that he,
being of the blood royal, as the Governor would have to be, they
had summoned him after having written to your Majesty their
letter of 25th. I offered her a copy of this letter and your
Majesty's reply thereto, but she declined it, saying that she knew
nothing of it as your Majesty wrote many letters that never
reached the States at all, for which she blamed his Highness. I
said in this case that point did not arise, as M. de Selles had taken
the letter direct to Brussels without seeing his Highness. She
said she approved of what your Majesty had promised them in the
letter, which was in accord with her recommendations, and, if they
remained obstinate after that, it would be well to punish them.
She was glad that M. d'Havrey was to arrive that night and she
would tell him her opinion on the matter.
I carefully made the representations to her which your Majesty
ordered me, the Queen being seated on a low stool, and another
being brought for me, in order that slie might listen to me at ease.
She ordered the chamber to be cleared of people and summoned
thither the members of the Council who were at Court, to the
number of six, to whom she repeated very fairly what I had said,
to the effect that your Majesty, in your accustomed clemency and
goodness, had made offers to your subjects who, if they (lid not
accept them, ought to be punished.  When she dismissed the
Council I noticed that the earl of Leicester left in a great hurry, I
understood for the purpose of writing to M. d'Havrey, because
when I asked for him they answered me significantly that he had
gone out. The Queen again spoke to me and said she was glad to
see me again in her country, although she had been told that the
object of my coming was to plan many things to her prejudice. I
answered her that the best proof I could give her that this was not
so would be my actions and proceedings whilst here. She said
that, even if I were not a minister of your Majesty, she did not
think that I should try to do her any harm or disturb her country.
She entertained me with this and other things of a like nature for
a long while until I took my leave. The next day she sent her
Secretary of State, Thomas Wilson, to me to ask me to give him in
writing what I had said, in conformity with your Majesty's instructions, and that her Council wished to speak to me, fixing the
20th after dinner for the interview.  I went accordingly, Cecil
having come to London to attend this Council, lie having been




566


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1578,
absent from Court for some days.  There were eight members
there, and the earl of Sussex, speaking for the rest, said that the
Queen and Council had considered my verbal and written cominunications and requested that I would answer the points which
they would submit to me arising therefrom. I send enclosed a
copy of their document and my answer thereto, which they
requested in writing, after I had given it verbally to the Council.
They said that this was the form in which they usually proceeded
with ambassadors.
After much conversation with me, Cecil spoke about the violation
of the agreement entered into by the States with his Highness,
upon whom they cast the blame. The Queen had submitted to your
Majesty four remedies for the tranquillisation of the States, as to three
of which your Majesty had replied that you had already promised
them, whilst as to the fourth, with regard to the fulfilment of the
terms of pacification, no answer had been given excepting that they
(the States) must observe the edict. The Queen could not force
them to submit to your Majesty, but if the terms were offered to
them and they refused them she would take arms against them.
At this point Walsingham took the earl of Leicester apart, and,
together with Cecil, seemed to be urging something very forcibly
upon him. So far as I could understand, it referred to one of the
articles providing for the departure of the Spaniards and foreign
soldiers, the Queen having told me in our first conversation that she
did not want the Spaniards so near to her. I replied that the
States had requested of his Highness new conditions contrary to
the edict, which signified that they were not satisfied with it. I
said, moreover, that your Majesty had frankly offered them in your
letters the two other points, and I supposed that was the reason
why the particulars to which he referred had not been answered by
your Majesty. Cecil said that the Queen was desirous of making
every effort to tranquillise the States, as she had offered your
Majesty and his Highness by her ambassador, and she had also
sent to the Grand Commander word to the same effect, the answer
having always been that your Majesty would settle matters with
your own subjects. She therefore did not know if your Majesty
would be willing to accept her mediation, although your Majesty
replied that you had offered, and were still offering, to your
subjects the terms she recommended; which was repeated to me at
every conversation, with the expressed opinion that the first step
towards an agreement should be a suspension of hostilities. By
means of this talk, between Cecil and the rest of them, they tried
to draw me out, and to learn whether I had been authorized by
your Majesty to treat for peace, and whether I was to remain here
as ordinary ambassador, or had come simply on this errand; my
answers on these points being ambiguous.
After they rose Cecil told me before all of them that the Queen and
Council could not help being surprised that I brought no authority
for the Queen to negotiate an agreement, since your Majesty offered
your subjects the terms which she had advised. I replied, that
although the Queen said the States would be satisfied, she gave no
assurance that this would be the case, and, until this was done and




ELIZABETH.


567


1578.
there was a certainty that no new conditions would be demanded,
it was not necessary to bring any such authority. Although I
suspect that the Council will very shortly give me a reply as they
have my written answer before them, I have thought well to advise
your Majesty what had been done so far,-London, 19th March
1578.
31 March. 484. BERNARDINO DE NIENDOZA to the KING.
With my instructions I received the memorandum directing me
to make inquiries with regard to a certain voyage undertaken by
the English two years ago by order of the Queen. As the business
is managed with great secrecy, and any person concerned in it who
divulges the details is to be punished with death, I have had much
difficulty in discovering particulars. I have, however, got a clue,
by which I think I shall be able to learn the whole story from the
beginning for your Majesty's information.
The captain who made the voyage is called Frobisher, and
reached the country two years ago, whilst attempting to discover
some of your Majesty's Indies by way of Chile, although in the
opinion of some pilots no such way thither exists. By this road
others assert that he was trying to arrive at Cathay, a land of vast
population and trade, which is reached through Muscovy. This
captain tried the first year with two little vessels of thirty-five
tons, in which he sailed in May from London, going round the
North of Scotland to Iceland by West-north-west, which, allowing
for the variation of the needle, is equal to North-west by West.
From Iceland he went West-south-west until, after having sailed
six hundred leagues, he discovered land, two islands, in sixty-two
degrees North latitude. These islands were very high, and consisted of enormous rocks which glittered in the sun, and were quite
treeless. They were about five leagues long and three wide, the
space between the two islands being some fourteen leagues, forming
a small gulf. At a distance of some five leagues from the islands
they discovered a coast from which flowed a great river of salt
water into the gulf formed by the two islands. The mouth of the
river was five leagues across and very deep, and although they
sailed seven leagues up the stream, they could not ascertain for
certain whether they were off the mainland, although they thought
from appearances that they were.
The land they discovered, they say, is near the country called
Labrador, which joins Newfoundland, where the Biscay men go in
search of whales. This may well be believed, as they say the
natives they saw are much like the savages found there, and
dressed in the same way with the skins of seals. They caught one
of the natives, and when the English complained much of the cold, he
gave them to understand by signs that they should go up the river,
where it was warmer. These people fight with bows, and three of
them attacked thirty Englishmen and defeated Frobisher, who tells
the story. On discovering these two islands they made some
excavations amongst the rocks, digging a hole three fathoms deep,
in which they found that the ore they discovered was finer and
the lode thicker as they went deeper. They brought away with




368


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1578.
them a quantity of the earth, and when they returned to England
at the end of September* the Queen had it reduced, and found that
it rendered a great deal of silver. Frobisher was therefore ordered
to return the next year, with the two small vessels and another of
two hundred tons, orders being given that if any unauthorized
person should attempt to make the voyage, or should divulge
anything about it, he should be punished with death. He returned
thither in the following May, and on his arrival at the islands
captured a man, a woman, and a child, with the loss of some
Englishmen. With fifteen or twenty men he excavated for twentyfive days in the island nearest the West, as before, and took two
hundred and fifty tons of the earth, which he shipped on board
his three vessels and brought to England, the three natives dying
on the way. The Queen ordered this earth to be taken to Deptford,
a league and a half from London, where it has been smelted with
great secrecy, all persons concerned being threatened with death or
confiscation if they divulge particulars. It is said that the ore
differs, although all of it contains silver to some extent, one variety
producing sixty crowns the quintal nett. I send your Majesty a
very small piece of this and small specimens of the others, which I
have obtained with very great difficulty, and, if it had been
possible, they should have been assayed before sending them to
your Majesty, but that was net possible to do with the necessary
secrecy. It appears almost incredible that the ore can produce such
a quantity of silver as this, but it is known that the Queeen pays
the German who smelts it four thousand reals a year, as well as
ten reals every day he works, all the other men employed being
very well paid.   The shipmasters who go on the voyage are
paid three reals a day maintenance until they sail, and the sailors
two reals a day.   Much favour is being shown to Frobisher;
and all this proves that the business must be a prosperous
one to bear such heavy charges. Large warehouses are to be
taken a mile from London, in which to store the earth which
will be brought in October, the ships which are to go having
been fitting out since the 23rd   of March.   There are eight
ships, six of a hundred and fifty to two hundred tons, carrying
sixty or seventy sailors each, and the original two little vessels
carrying five-and-twenty men each; the commander of the expedition being Frobisher, as before. He also takes with him a hundred
men under sentence of death, whom    he will leave there to see
whether they can exist in that climate, which is intensely cold,
and he is accompanied by forty mariners with four boats to explore
the river. He carries great quantities of picks and spades, with
wood for building and fuel, the intention being, if these Englishmen
can bear the climate, to take people next year from here to colonize
the place and build two forts at the mouth of the river. It is
understood that the Queen is carrying out this expedition in union
* Frobisher left Blackwall on his first voyage in June 1576, and returned to Harwich
on the 2nd October. His second voyage lasted from the 26th May 1577 to the 28th
September of the same year. An interesting account of the three voyages is given in
Hakluyt.


N




ELIZABETH.                                  569
1578.
with the Muscovy company in London. If this voyage is undertaken from Spain, I am told by a person who has seen the chart,
that they must first make for Cape Clear in Ireland, and thence
sail north-west, providing for the variation of the needle until the
land is made. I have tried to get one of the six charts which the
Queen hlas ordered for this voyage, or to have another made by the
same man, but it has not been possible, probably in consequence of
the   penalty   threatened   by   the Queen.      The   man, however, by
dint of promises and other means, has begun to entertain the
matter, and I will follow him up with all care until I can send a
chart to your Majesty.*
I have also heard that six weeks before Christmas Captain Drake,
with four or five ships left here for Noinbre de Dios and the land
of Camanones (Camaroons?) which            voyage he made before with
Captain Hawkins very successfully, and fought with Pero Menendez.
These ships were fitted out here on the pretence that they              were
going to Alexandria for currants.-London, 31st March 1578.
* Sir Philip Sidney, writing to his friend Languet (Zurich Archives, Parker Soc.) on
the 1st October, gives the following account of Frobisher's discovery:-"I wrote to you
"a year ago about a certain Frobisher, who, in rivalry of Magellan, has explored that sea
"which he supposes to wash the north part of America. It is a marvellous history.
"After having made slow progress last year so as only to pass in the autumn the Feroe
"Isles and an island which he supposes to be Friesland, discovered by the Venetian
"Zeni, he touched at a certain island for the purpose of recruiting himself and his crew.
"And there by chance a young man, one of the ship's company, picked up a piece of
"earth which he saw glittering on the ground and showed it to Frobisher, who, being
" engaged in other matters and not believing that the precious metals were produced in
" a region so far north, considered;it of no value. But he returned home at the beginning
" of the winter. The young man kept the earth by him as a memorial of his labour (for
"he had no thought of anything else) till his return to London, and there, when one of
" his friends perceived it shining in an extraordinary manner, he made an assay and found
"that it was the purest gold and without any admixture of other metal. Wherefore, Frobisher went back to the place last spring under orders to explore the island and, should
"it answer his expectations, to proceed no further. This he has done, and has now
"returned bringing his ships, of which he had only three, and those of small size, fully
"laden, and he is said (for they have not yet unloaded) to have brought 200 tons of ore.
"He has given it as his decided opinion that the island is so productive of metals as to
"very far surpass the country of Peru, at least as it now is. There are also six other
"islands which seem very little inferior to this. It is therefore at this time under debate
" by what means these our hitherto successful labours can be still carried on in safety
"against the attacks of other nations, among whom the Spaniards and Danes seem
"especially to be considered, the former as claiming all the western parts by right from
"the Pope, the later as being more northerly and therefore nearer and relying on their
"possession of Iceland they are better provided with the means of undertaking the
"voyage."   Sidney then urges upon his friend to send him information about the regulations for working silver ores in Germany, of which he says the English are as ignorant
as of growing vines, in order that he may show his letter to the Queen, " as the thing
may some time or other be of use to the professors of the true religion." Haklayt says
that Frobisher took on his second voyage the " Aide" of 200 tons and the "Gabriel"
and the "Michael" of 30 tons each, and that the island whence the ore came was given the
name of Hall after the Captain of the " Gabriel," the group of islands being doubtless
those at the mouth of Frobisher's straits. Hakluyt's account of the ore is as follows:"One brought a piece of black stone much like a sea coal in colour which by the
"weight seemed to be some kind of metal. This was a thing of no account in the judg"ment of the captain at first sight, and yet for novelty it was kept in respect of the place
( from whence it came. After his arrival in London, being demanded of sundry friends
"what thing he had brought them home out of that country, he had nothing left to
present them withal but a piece of this black stone. And it fortuned a gentlewoman,
"one of the adventurers' wives, to have a piece thereof which by chance she threw and
"burned in the fire, so long that at length being taken forth and quenched in a little
"vinegar it glittered with a bright marcasite of gold..  and was found to
hold gold, and that very rich for the quantity."




570


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1578.
31 March. 485. BERNARDINO DE MENDOZA to the KING.
I wrote to your Majesty on the 19th that M. d'Havrey had
arrived here and the Queen gave him audience on the 21st. He
told her that the States were much grieved that the earl of Leicester
had not gone over with the troops he had promised them, but that,
since she had taken steps for so many soldiers to be raised here,
and had provided the money which she was to lend them, they had
taken fresh courage and hope. He said she was not to be anxious
at so many places being surrendered to Don Juan as they were
places of no importance, which they were glad to leave unprotected
in order that his Highness might waste his force upon them. She
would see by the middle of April what a powerful army they would
place in the field to face your Majesty. She was not to trust in
anything to my coming, as its sole object was to entertain her with
words, and she was to beware of the Spaniards in the Netherlands,
who were arriving so famished from Italy that all that the Netherlands contained would not satisfy them, and they would come over
to her country as they threatened. The Queen received him, Havrey,
in the Privy Chamber, five of her councillors being present, namely,
Cecil, Leicester, Sussex, Walsingham, Hatton, and another Secretary.
The day after Havrey arrived Leicester came to his house and was
with him for more than two hours. He told him that the Queen
had not sent troops, in consequence of the dissensions which she
understood existed in the States, and the difficulty of her trusting
them. She would, however, not fail to help them as she had promised if they would agree, and would use every effort to induce
your Majesty to remove his Highness and the Spaniards. They
have never been able to agree about the places which they are to
hand to her on the arrival of Leicester with his forces, as she wishes
that the places should be surrendered to her empty of troops, so
that she may garrison them with English soldiers. The States
know that this would probably end badly for the natives.
News comes from Scotland that Thomas Randolph, this Queen's
ambassador there, is in prison, and that the earl of Crawford has
murdered the Chancellor of Scotland, Lord Glamis, in consequence
of a feud between them.
The Scotch captain that the French ambassador had sent to
France, has returned and says that the King is rather luke-warm
about sending help to Scotland, whilst M. de Guise is very discontended in Paris and his lieutenant is in Brittany looking after
the ships which are there being equipped.
The Queen is very suspicious at the news she received from
France that M. de Guise has had an interview with his Highness.
She says that, for this reason, and in view of the fleet being fitted
out in Brittany, where ten thousand men were to be raised, she
knows that your Majesty was entering into a league with the king
of France, and that Alen9on's flight was not concealed in order the
better to dissemble this understanding. The French ambassador
here assures me that the Queen has frequently told him that she
heard from many quarters that your Majesty, the Pope, and his
King were in league to destroy her, and troops are being raised for




ELIZABETH.


5 71 -

1578.
this purpose in all countries, even some Englishmen being desirous
of going over to his Highness.
M. d'Havrey is mixing with many English gentlemen and some
of them offer to raise troops and take them to the States, although
the number and commander are not known. —London, 31st March
1578.
31 March. 486. BERNARDINO DE MENDOZA to the KING.
On the 19th instant I wrote to your Majesty what had passed
between me and the Queen and Council, and that the latter had
sent the Secretary to request a reply to the points which had been
presented to me, a copy of which I sent to your Majesty. They also
said that the Council wished to see me. I took this opportunity
of requesting audience of the Queen, which was fixed for the 25th,
the Council, however, desiring to speak to me first. There were
eight members present, Cecil being away; and the earl of Sussex
in a very long speech represented to me the efforts the Queen had
made for the pacification of the Netherlands. For this purpose she
had sent to your Majesty and the Governors of the States eight or
nine ambassadors, the last of whom, Wilkes, took letters of credence
in order that he might verbally execute bis errand. He also took
a long document which had been drawn up with great care, fully
setting forth the state of things in the Netherlands, and the risk
they were running, and proposing a remedy for the troubles. Of
the four remedies suggested to your Majesty, one, namely, that
touching the treaty of pacification, had not been answered, and
she had also been informed that his Highness had signified to the
States that the agreement for peace made with them would not- be
observed. The States had not mentioned this agreement in the
letter they wrote to your Majesty, as they considered that it was a
settled thing, it having been signed and sealed; but now as they saw
Don Juan with armed force taking and sacking places every day
they were desperate and ready to deliver themselves to any one'
For this reason, and seeing also how far advanced were the negotiations being carried on with France by the States, which would be
greatly to her prejudice and that of her country, she had decided
to send an ambassador to his Highness to inform him of the fact and
request that at least a truce might be entered into, whilst your
Majesty was advised and your answer as to conceding the treaty of
peace received. She requested that I would accompany the ambassador and negotiate the matter with his Highness, or, if that were
impossible, that I would write, although she would be more greatly
pleased if I would go in person; and she begged me to do so most
sincerely. If a truce were not granted she could not avoid giving
resolute aid to the States and succouring them in every way, Havrey
having come to tell her that, if she did not make up her mind in a
week, they would give themselves over to France, which would be
very bad for her and her country, and, even if she would consent to
overlook it, her subjects would not do so. He said all this with
great emphasis, and the Queen herself repeated it to me when I saw
her afterwards. I replied to them that, as for the Netherlands
handing themselves over to the king of France, even if they desired




572


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1578.
to do so, I did not believe that he would accept them, as they were
subject to your Majesty and part of your patrimony. I said this
was amply shown by the fact that the king of France had sent his
soldiers in aid of his Highness, which was a much better proof than
the doubts they raised when they told me that the States had sent
private persons to ask M. de Alenoon to come and help them and
be their Prince, he on his part promising to do so with twelve
thousand infantry and four thousand horse, which could not be
believed; but if he were to do so and the States were to give themselves over to him, your Majesty had power to recover them, however
strong might be the Prince who held them. As regards my going
with the ambassador, I said I had no instructions to do so, but would
write to his Highness, as the Queen and Council told me that they
were not sending to your Majesty about it in order to save time,
which could only be to the prejudice of the States, as they were not
armed and his Highness was. She could not wish that either side
should be prejudiced as she desired to become the mediator. Respecting the question of the truce I replied that here the prejudice
was distinctly on the side of your Majesty, as during the suspension
the troops that had been raised might be brought by the States from
Germany and the places fortified, as indeed they had already hurriedly commenced to do. To her reply that if Don Juan did not
suspend the hostilities she would aid and succour the States, I said
that this would be a violation of the treaties with your Majesty, and
if the States were so obstinate as to refuse the favour held out to
them by your Majesty, who graciously conceded what they had
asked for in their letters, your Majesty would not desist from the
course you had adopted until they were punished and brought into
submission, for which purpose you would use against them and their
friends all the force which was warranted by human and divine
rights. After this, she raised some religious questions which I
pretended not to understand, and diverted her from them by other
subjects which I knew would interest her, such as saying hlow good
she was, and so on. From what I understand, God has been pleased
still to maintain some Catholics in this country, and I am told that
many persons openly observe the religion, notwithstanding the
penalties against it. They have been much encouraged by an event
that happened this summer at Oxford, which was foretold by one
of the men whom the judges sentenced to martyrdom three days
before it happened. He said he hoped that God would punish those
who condemned him as a testimony of his innocence and that of the
other Catholics.
During the few days I have been here and in my conversations
with the Queen I have found her much opposed to your Majesty's
interests, as may be seen by the answers she has given me, and most
of her ministers are quite alienated from us, particularly those who
are most important, as although there are seventeen councillors
with the two secretaries, Hatton and the new ones, the bulk of the
business really depends upon the Queen, Leicester, Walsingham and
Cecil, the latter of whom, although he takes part in the resolution
of them by virtue of his office, absents himself on many occasions, as
he is opposed to the Queen's helping the rebels so effectively and




ELIZABETH.


573


1578.
thus weakening her own position. He does not wish to break with
Liecester and Walsingharn on the matter, they being very much
wedded to the States, and extremely self-seeking, as I am assured
that they are keeping the interest of the money which the Queen
has lent to the States, without counting the presents they have
received out of the principal. They urge the business under cloak
of preserving their religion, which Cecil cannot well oppose, nor
can he afford to make enemies of them, as they are well supported.
Some of the councillors are well disposed towards your Majesty,
but Leicester, whose spirit is W1alsingham, is so highly favoured by
the Queen, notwithstanding his bad character, that he centres in
his hands and those of his friends most of the business of the
country, and his creatures hold most of the ports on the coast, so
that your Majesty's friends have had to sail with the stream, and it
will be a difficult and lengthy task to reassure them and bring
them back again. This can only bQ done in the way that your
Majesty knows of, as to attempt it by any other, whilst the general
feeling is so much in favour of sending aid to the States, would
make the business impossible altogether. It is very bold of me to
say this, and I humbly beg your Majesty to forgive me, as my
desire to serve your Majesty urges me to write upon subjects which
I but little understand.
I spoke to the Queen with regard to the liberation of Antonio de
Guaras, but she was very much irritated, and said that it was only
because he was a subject of your Majesty that she had not hanged
him, as he had been in correspondence with her rebel subjects- and
the queen of Scotland, and she had letters of his greatly prejudicial
to the peace of her country. She said she would get rid of him in
due time after she had got some more information from him. I will
not fail to do my best to hasten his release, although they have kept
him closer since I came. —London, 31st March 1578.
12 April. 487. BERNARDINO DE MENDOZA to the KING.
I wrote to your Majesty on the 31st ultimo, and on the 4th
instant received a letter from Don Juan dated the 14th, with one
for the Queen in my credence.
I thereupon requested audience, which was granted on the 10th,
when I handed to the Queen his Highness's letter. As soon as she
saw it she said it was very old, which I excused. She mentioned
that the object of the letter was to advise her of his Highness's
victory, respecting which I gave her a full statement, in conformity with his Highness's instructions. She replied that it was
a great pleasure to her to hear of victories won for your Majesty,
and by his Highness, unless they, being against your own subjects,
might tend to the destruction of your own patrimony. She said
she had sent Thomas Wilkes to his Highness, and that if her
requests were not acceded to she would help the States with all
her strength, and this she said in a loud voice, that it might be
heard by every one present. I replied that the people were already
talking of this, as money had been lent to M. d'Havrey, and
troops were being raised here for Flanders, against the treaties with
your Majesty, whose rebel subjects she was thus helping. I also




574


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1578.
said, as his Highness had ordered me, that if the States were
so obstinate as to be dissatisfied with the concessions which they
themselved had begged for on the 25th of September, and which
had been granted to them, I could not help telling her, much
attached as I was to her by her kindness to me, that your Majesty
had very long arms, and, that if need arose, their strength would
be felt in any country upon which they were placed. She swallowed
this with rather a wry face, and replied that she did not consider
these people to be rebels, as they were satisfied with what your
Majesty had granted them before, and she would not allow either
the French to set foot in the States, nor the Spaniards to rule
them, on any account, and she would stand to this while she had a
man left in her country. I told ler that the French were not
thinking of such a thing, and I could believe that they had their
eyes fixed rather elsewhere. She said she knew what was going
on in Ireland, and that the king of France had sent the Order of
St. Michael to an Irishman, as she was informed of what took
place everywhere. When I assured her that she might have confidence in your Majesty, and reminded her of the steps taken in
the year 1560 to prevent the French from entering Scotland,* she
replied that she was well aware of the league between your
Majesty, the Pope, and the king of France; and knew how long
it had been hatching, as the Emperor Maximilian had told her five
years ago that he had been asked to join it.   She also knew
what was the object of the visit of two Spaniards to this country.
I tried to satisfy her on these points, and she said that the letters
that had been captured, written by his Highness, proved what she
said. The letters were confessed to be his, although he said that
he had not ordered his secretary to write what he had. She was
full of complaints of his Highness as usual, saying that he had
broken his promise and the oath of peace, and she knew very well
that his Highness was on the look-out for a kingdom that belonged
to her. She ended by swearing three times in the name of God
that if the perpetual edict was not granted she would help the
States whilst she had a man left in England. This is all I can
report to your Majesty, but as things here change so rapidly and continually, it is difficult to keep pace with them, and to send their
latest decisions. These people are so fickle and wavering that they
are indeed insular.  With regard to the release of Antonio de
Guaras, I spoke to her warmly, as his Highness instructed mle.
She said that she had been very merciful to him, that the honour
and dignity of her country forced her to keep him in his present
condition, but that if these two points were not involved, she
would not detain him a moment, but would send him out of the
country. I returned to the subject later, when she begged me
earnestly not to mention him to her, nor his servant Damian
either, as he was as great a rogue as his master.  She said I
should soon have two packets of letters which he had left in Cala;s
to be sent to me, and which he had not brought hither in order
* Particulars of these negotiations will be found in the letters of De Glajon and
Bishop Quadra in the first volume of this Calendar.




- Et~LTZABETl- ~i H.


5 t6


1578.
to prevent their seizure.  I said I hoped that my despatches
would not be tampered with in her country whilst I was your
Majesty's minister here, and I was much surprised at the complaints.
made to me by Spaniards that their servants were stopped at the
ports, and their letters taken from them. She replied that she was
very glad that her people were so alert, although it was not by
her orders; as certain people came here with no very good objects in
view, and anybody who was captured in future on account of such
plots should be hanged first and your Majesty informed afterwards.
She said that I need not be surprised if your Majesty did not
receive all my despatches, as some of them, and the secret
messengers who bore them, had been sent back from Dover, and
other ports, as they could not be allowed to pass.-London, 12th
April 1578.
12 April. 488. BERNARDINO DE MENDOZA to the KING.
The 31st ultimo was my last letter to your Majesty, in which I
advised you of the troops being raised here, of whom the commanders are to be Henry Cavendish, George York, and Thomas
Morgan, who they say are to take them to Flanders, but all that
is known for certain is that Cavendish will take fifteen hundred
soldiers to Dunbar for Scotch affairs, whilst a thousand soldiers
from the fortress of Berwick, with two hundred horse from the
Border (where also three thousand infantry have been raised), are
to go and help Morton and his friends, who are adherents of this
Queen, whilst those on the side of the prince of Scotland are the
earls of Huntley, Athole, and Argyll, and Lord Erskine. Thomas
Randolph has left Scotland, and they are sending as an ambassador
to this Queen a Protestant abbot. The Queen has given orders for
various ships to be equipped, and they have taken from the Tower
two hundred bronze pieces, large and smlll, which are now on the
shore ready for shipment.  Some people think that these great
efforts on part of the Queen to ensure affairs in Scotland are caused
not only by their great importance to her, but also in order not
to miss the opportunity, as she is informed by her friends that the
king of France will not help the other side with much warmth,
although he has been incited thereto by the assertion that your
Majesty intended to seize the prince of Scotland, to which he
replied, that such a course was a bad one, as the business was so
important, and he was much disturbed at the intelligence. The
Queen has sent for Henry Sidney, the governor of Ireland, to
come over and take charge of the queen of Scotland, the affair
having been settled by his brother-in-law, the earl of Leicester,
as they are not sure of the earl of Shrewsbury, who guards her
now.
The man who came here from Alencon has returned, accompanied by a merchant sent by this Queen with him to see the
prince of Conde, it is suspected about some projected enterprise
in Gascony. There is much talk here of a marriage between
Philip Sidney, Leicester's nephew, the heir of Henry Sidney,
of the earl of Warwick, and of Leicester's property, and a sister
of Orange, who enters very willingly into the suggestion, and




5676


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1578.
promises as a dowry to make him lord of Holland and Zealand,
by this means and other gifts gaining over Leicester, who has now
turned his back upon France, to which he was formerly so much
attached.
M. d'Havrey is said to be leaving every day, and is generally
at Court.
On the 5th the Queen, attended by two ladies, came to Leicester's
London house, where Havrey presently joined her, and returned
with her to Greenwich by land. Some people think he will stay
here until the receipt of his Highness' reply to Wilkes, who has
been sent as ambassador.  The meeting of Parliament has been
prorogued until 26th May.
The ambassador sent by the Queen to the king of Sweden
has returned.  He was sent respecting the 100,000 ducats the
King owes to her and others, and the answer he brings is far
from satisfactory, being to the effect that the King does not owe
the money, and will not pay it.  He would not reply to the
letters. It is said the King has sent his submission to the Pope.London, 12th April 1578.
22 April. 489. BERNARDINO DE MENDOZA to the KING.
On the 31st ultimo I wrote to your Majesty what I had been
able to learn about the voyage which had been undertaken by the
English, and reported that they were fitting out eight ships to send
on a similar expedition. Since then four more vessels have been
added, making twelve in all, and the number of men for colonizaticn
has been increased. A quantity of easily erected wooden houses
and other necessaries are being taken. Frobisher, who is to command the expedition on the Queen's belalf, and the other captains
have taken leave, receiving great signs of the Queen's favour. She
expressed herself very warmly as to the great importance of the
undertaking for the welfare of her realm. I am still persevering
in my attempts to get a chart of the voyage. I have the greatest
hope of being able to obtain one, in which case I will at once send
it to your Majesty. The pieces of ore did not go in my last letter
in consequence of the risk, but I send them herewith as this letter
is taken by one of my own servants, and I have ordered him, in case
the ship in which he sails is overhauled, to throw the letters and
samples into the sea, as I have another similar set of specimens
here.-London, 22nd April 1578.
22 April. 490. BERNARDINO DE MENDOZA to the KING.
Since writing the enclosed Jeronimo Gondi* has arrived here, it
is suspected on a special embassy to the Queen. I was informed
before his arrival that he was coining to represent to the Queen the
evils that might result to her from the happy successes which God
is sending to your Majesty in the Netherlands, in order to draw her
the more towards them (the French), and other plots of the same
sort, of which I can say nothing more decided yet. It is also said


* Count de Retz, an Italian confidant of Catharine de Medici, the Queen-Mother of
France.




ELIZABETH.


577


1578.
that he is going with an embassy to Scotland, from which country
ambassadors are to arrive here to-morrow.
M. d'Havrey has left here but is still at Gravesend, ships being
ready at Dover to take him across.-London, 22nd April 1578.
22 April. 491. BERNARDINO DE MENDOZA to the KING.
Since I wrote to your Majesty on the 12th, Thomas Randolph
arrived here from Scotland and his coming and the account he gives
of affairs in that country have altered the intention which I wrote
was entertained here, of sending Cavendish, son of the countess of
Shrewsbury,* with fifteen hundred men to Dunbar, it appearing that
the adherents of this Queen there are not in such good case as will
warrant their appealing to arms. They will rather delay matters
and await a more favourable opportunity. They have therefore
decided here simply to remain on the alert, and do not seem to have
been much disturbed by the change of government there, pending
the arrival of the ambassador from Scotland who, as I said, was on
his way hither. The troops raised by the said Sir Harry Cavendish,
with Captains George York and Thomas Morgan, are to slip over to
Flanders quietly, pretending that they are not sent or paid by the
Queen but by Cavendish, who is a rich young man, but is not a
soldier and knows nothing of war. He has bought great quantities
of arms which have been packed up like bales of merchandise, and a
thousand pounds sterling worth of powder, most of the men being
shipped in Gravesend and lower down the river, attracted by the
money paid to them. They are told that they are to be lodged at
Bruges, Malines, and Antwerp, five hundred in each place. It is also
said that as soon as Casimir and the others with the German troops
arrive in the States, Henry Sidney, who is coming from Ireland, will
go over with ten thousand men. I wrote to your Majesty on the
12th that they had sent for him, in order to give him the queen of
Scotland in keeping, but as Scotch affairs are not to be taken in
hand at present, they think it will be well not to make this change.
They will not send so many men to Flanders as to deprive themselves
of sufficient force to deal with Scotch affairs when the time comes.
They are in great fear about them, as their designs can only be
frustrated from this quarter.
The Queen has sent all through the country fully authorised
officers with powers such as never have been granted before, to seize
and imprison Catholics, without appeal, in consequence of its having
been stated that the queen of Scotland had many adherents on
account of religion. -Most of these officers are pernicious heretical
Puritans and creatures of Walsingham, who is a great supporter of
their sect. Walsingham said the other day to some people, who he
knew would tell me at once, that the Queen knew full well that
your Majesty had made a truce with the Turk, she 1having learnt
this by recent letters from  Constantinople and reports from
France.
I sent to ask for audience as soon as I heard that the troops were


* The countess of Shrewsbury was the celebrated "Bess of Hardwick" whose second
husband had been Sir William Cavendish, the ancestor of the duke. of Devonshire.
O


y 76467.




578


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1578.
being shipped at Gravesend, notwithstanding what had been promised me, but I have been attacked with a very bad tertian ague,
which has prevented me from seeing the Queen personally, and it
was not a business that could be entrusted to a third person, so that
I shall not be able to speak to her about it until I can get out, which
shall be at the first possible moment.
Parliament has been summoned in Scotland for the 10th of June
and great things are to be done. This Queen is sending Henry
Killigrew, Cecil's brother-in-law, to be present.
Walsingham and Leicester have had a conference with Havrey in
consequence of what they heard from Gravelines. Fearing that the
same thing may occur in many other towns, they have decided that
the dykes shall be broken in other places, by which, wherever
possible, land may be isolated.-London, 22nd April 1578.
5 May.   492. BERNARDINO DE MENDOZA to ZAYAS.
On the 22nd ultimo, I wrote to his Majesty and yourself the
letters of which I enclose copies, by which you will learn what
passed at the audience with the Queen. I also sent a separate
letter to the King on another matter which I thought required
attention. I beg you will communicate about this with the King
and the Duke, whom I also address on the subject. If it is his
Majesty's wish to continue this negotiation it will not be bad to
apply to its promotion the jewels or money which you said his
Majesty had signified that I should have brought hither. The
opportunity is a good one, and I have taken much trouble to
forward it as I thought it was desirable.*
The Queen has urged me very strongly to obtain the release of
the men mentioned in the memorial which I send to his Majesty
and, particularly the two especially indicated. Her minister have
also signified that they are desirous of coming to some agreement
with regard to the punishment by the Holy Office of Englishmen who go to Spain to trade. They say that, although the matter
was discussed when Sir John Smith was there, nothing was effected,
and that some of the men are punished for exercising their religion
on board their ships whilst others are not. They therefore desire
to have some settled rule about it, so that it may be laid down what
is legal and otherwise. Your worship may mention the matter to
the King if you think well.
When I left Paris Juan de Vargas gave me a very small cipher
in which to correspond with him as he said he did not use the
general cipher. As my letters were so closely watched here I did
not use it, but wrote to him in the general cipher, giving him a full
account of everything that passed here. He simply replies acknowledging my letter, without referring to any particulars or giving me
an account of affairs in France. I do not know whether this is
caused by my not using his cipher, but I learn from him by a note
of the 5th ultimo, which I received throurgh the French ambassador,
that he was sending an express courier to Domingo de Iralta.t I
* This refers to the plan for bribing the )Queen's ministers.
t The King's Postmaster at Irun on the Spanish frontier.




ELIZABETH.


579


1578.
am very vexed at this as the ambassador's secretary forgot to send
forward a packet of mine for Domingo de Iralta which consequently
remained behind at Calais; this blunder, although it was not my
fault, your worship will please carry to the account of the others
which are committed by a light cavalryman who is a new
ambassador.
The Scotch parliament will open on the 7th July but there are
very few men here upon whom I can depend for trustworthy
information about things in that country, as the Flernings who
reside here are so obstinate that they are the worst enemies I have
and are simply spies for the English, to whom they tell everything
that passes with me, particularly to Walsinghan. It will be
necessary to send some person specially to Scotland, and to have
others in different parts of the country to report what is going on,
which will only be possible at a heavy cost. The same also may be
said with regard to sending my letters, as the only way is by Calais,
and Englishmen cannot be trusted with them at all. I beg your
worship in consideration of this to remind the cofferer (arnica
about the provision for my extraordinary expenditure.
A gentleman of high position living near Milford, the principal
port in this country, whose name is Edward Stradling had an
unsigned letter delivered to his house the other day, saying, "Sir,
" we have regarded you as a good Catholic and worthy gentleman,
"and beg that you will be minded to show yourself as such when
"need shall arise."  He at once brought the letter to the Council
fearing that it might be a trap, although it probably was not.
Walsingham has ordered a man named Smeaton, who is considered
very bold and fit for any daring enterprise, to embark at Rochester
and go to Scotland.
M. d'Havrey left apparently in great contentment and fully
satisfied with the result of his negotiations with the Queen.
Antonio Fogaza has begged me to remind your worship of his
need and long service, respecting which, as your worship is no doubt
very fully acquainted with them, I have nothing more to say. —
London, 5th May 1578.
5 May. 493. BERNARDINO DE MENDOZA to the KING.
I wrote to your Majesty on the 22nd ultimo that I had requested
audience with the Queen but, in consequence of illness, I was
unable to see her until the 29th. At this time Thomas Wilkes had
just returned from his mission to Don Juan, and the first words
she uttered to me were to the effect that she was very sorry that he
had not accepted her mediation. She told me what his Highness
had replied to Wilkes upon the subject, and when I spoke to her
about troops leaving this country to serve the States, she said that
there were so many people leaving and arriving in so large an island
that she could hardly prevent men from leaving without permission,
as these men had done. As regards arms and powder, she said the
Flemish merchants had sent them, and as license had been given to
them to bring merchandise from the Netherlands she could not prevent them from trading in her country, they not being her subjects.
This and other excuses of the same sort she gave with much more
o00




580


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1578.
suavity than seriousness, and afterwards showed me copies of two
letters written by your Majesty to M. de Selles on the 16th of February and 15th of March which had been sent to her by the Archduke
Mathias, and when I had read them she said that the quietude of
the Netherlands depended entirely upon your Majesty's granting
them the edict of pacification.
After this she begged me earnestly to write to your Majesty
asking you to release certain subjects of hers who are in the galleys
of the Inquisition, as they had already served part of their
sentence, and the rest might be respited on account of their being
her subjects and one of them a servant of hers. I enclose the
memorial.
I have tried to convince the merchants of London and other
personages of this country, how prejudicial it may be to the tranquillity of the realm for the Queen to lend so much money to the
States, in which loans Leicester is so deeply interested. I have
pointed out to them also how they personally might suffer to an even
greater extent, as well as the Queen. The whole sum has therefore
not been placed, and if my hints have not been instrumental in
this no doubt the Queen of Scotland's affairs have tended
thereto because, as I wrote, two ambassadors were coming from
Scotland hither and were due here on the 23rd, a servant of
theirs having already arrived to provide lodgings for them here,
when the Queen sent a secret order for them   to stay twenty
miles this side of York, as they had entered her country without
a passport. Some people assert that by the treaties in force no
passport is required for them, and that the reason of their delay is
that one of the ambassadors is ill. The principal cause of their
coming, besides giving the Queen notice of a change of Government,
is to claim the inheritance of the countess of Lennox, grandmother
of the king of Scotland, and when this is obtained the King would
claim to be the heir to this throne. It is asserted that his succession is barred by a law made by Henry III. or Henry IV., and
confirmed by Henry VIII., by which an alien cannot inherit property
here; but as the words used in the Act are " in partibus ultramtarines," it appears that Scotsmen are not debarred, as they are
born in the same island, and the kings of Scotland formerly possessed
the county of Huntingdon.
Jeronimo Gondi* was to have gone to Scotland with an embassy
from the king of France, as well as addressing this Queen on behalf
of the Queen-Mother, as I wrote. The Queen, however, has delayed
seeing him for ten days, and signifies that she will not give him a
passport to go to Scotland, as the treaties she has with France forbid
anly Frenchmen from passing through her country to Scotland without her leave, although the Queen cannot refuse it according to the,reaty if she be asked. It is not known whether Gondi will go to the
lngth of standing upon the letter of the law and demand his passport.
I am told that the duke of Arschot has sent a gentleman to beg
the Queen to succour the States, and an Englishman tells me that
he has seen a letter from Davison in Antwerp, written to Walsing.


* Jerome Gondi, Count de Retz, referred to in a previous note.




ELIZABETH.                        581
J578,
ham officially, saying that Orange had summoned him to tell him how
pressed they were for money and men, which would cause them to
lose Maestrich, notwithstanding that he, Orange, had done everything in his power, even sending thither certain jewels and money
for their help. He said that, in addition to this, it was necessary
to provide for fifty places and begged Davison to write to the
Queen representing to her the state they were in, and her obligation
to help them, as they had undertaken the war on her persuasion.
Davison also said that the Englishmen who had come over had
been placed in a fortress which they could hardly hold, as it was
very large and they were in poor case. They tell me here that this
fortress is Lire, the desire of Leicester and intention of Orange
being to place all the other Englishmen in Antwerp to make sure
of the place. This seems probable as the English have already been
brought into the neighbourhood.
The Queen had fixed the 28th for my audience with her, but
as she was walking in the garden that morning she found a letter
which had been thrown into the doorway, which she took and read,
and immediately came secretly to the house of tie earl of Leicester
who is ill here. She stayed there until ten o'clock at night and
sent word that she could not see me that day as she was unwell.
I have not been able to learn the contents of the letter, and only
know that it caused her to go to Leicester's at once.
M. D'Alengon wrote to the soldiers at Gravelines with great
caresses on hearing that they were in favour of the States, and it
is believed that the same thing has been done with other towns,
as he is in close negotiation with Orange and has a secretary
of his with Lalaing, through whom the communications are carried
on.
After Gondi had been here for ten days the Queen received him,
but with less ceremony then is usual with ambassadors. She told
him loudly in the audience chamber that she know very well lie
had come to disturb her country and to act in the favour of the
worst woman in the world, whose head should have been cut off
years ago, although she was sure that his coming was not by the
wish of the King, but that of some of those who surrounded him;
to which Gondi replied that the queen of Scotland was a sovereign,
as she was, and a kinswomen of her own, who was a prisoner, and
it was not surprising, therefore, that efforts should be made on her
behalf. The Queen answered him angrily that she should never
be free as long as she lived, even though it cost her (Elizabeth)
her realm and her own liberty. The Queen-Mother, she said; must
surely know what she (Mary) had attempted against her.-London,
5th May 1578.
8 May.   494. BERNARDINO DE MENDOZA to ZAYAS.
There are so many changes here from hour to hour that I ought to
be sending despatches all day long to keep pace with the fickleness
of these people in their decisions. Whilst Gondi, who takes these
letters as far as Paris, was taking his leave, the news which I
write in his Majesty's letter arrived, and we have news from




582


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


I - -


Antwerp of the 27th ultimo that Philippeville had surrendered and
Casimir was killed.*
The Queen left yesterday from Greenwich on a progress which
will last about a fortnight, she being about to hunt at various
gentlemens' seats, and will return to Greenwich to stay, as the plague
is increasing here. They are talking at Leicester's house of killing
his Highness under cover of the war and, although there is not
much in the matter, I write about it to Prada.-London, 8th May
1578.
8 May.   495. BERNARDINO DE MENDOZA to the KING.
After I had written the accompanying letter, Gondi took leave
of the Queen, and in the course of a long conversation with him of
over four hours, she told him that the common enemies of his King
and herself were trying to breed discord between them, and asked
Gondi to warn his King not to listen to them or to be drawn into a
war.
The earl of Leicester sent to the French ambassador and to
Gondi before he took leave of the Queen, to say that the earl of
Morton had taken the prince of Scotland out of the keeping of his
opponents and now had him in his own power, and, although it is
not accurately known whether this is true, it is certain that they
(i.e., the Catholic party in Scotland) are much weakened and Morton
in better case than before. He has (as I wrote to your Majesty on
the 22nd ultimo) been temporising until a good opportunity presented itself. This he arranged by incensing the earl of Mar, whose
father had the care of the prince of Scotland from his birth, and on
the late Earl's death, his son being under age, the prince remained
in the hands of the widow until the Government was changed,
when he was confided to Erskine, the uncle of the present Earl,
who is not yet 18 years of age and too young to take charge of him.
By the diligence of Morton, who urged that the Prince was being
alienated from the Earl and his mother, the Earl went in force to
the castle where he was and captured it, a son of Erskine being
strangled in the entrance and the earls of Athole and Argyle taking
to flight, although it is not known for certain yet in whose hands
the prince remains. It is much feared by many Englishmen that if
he is in the power of Morton he will kill him, as orders and money
had been sent by this Queen to Morton.
Six ships of two hundred tons each are ready fully equipped in
the west country, Cornwall, to carry a hundred and fifty seamen each,
with master Stockwell, a servant of the Queen, as Commander.
Rumours says they are going to a certain island discovered by
Stockwell, other than that of which I wrote to your Majesty whither
the twelve ships are going; but I have heard that his real intention
is to rob the ships on their way from your Majesty's Indies. This
may well be true as Stockwell has been on similar voyages before
with other corsairs and his ships are well adapted for this purpose,
and without any of the equipment for discovery such as the other
ships had.-London, 8th May 1578.
* This latter intelligence, of course, was untrue.




1M1Z ABETH.


1578.
16 May. 496. BERNARDINO DE MENDOZA to the KING.
On the 22nd ultimo I wrote to your Majesty and sent the duplicate on the 8th. As regards the voyaoes to be undertaken by
these Englishmen, I am every day getting more information, and I
learn that, although the assays of the ore, which they brought,
have produced large quantities of silver, as has been announced,
they tell me that this has been brought about by those who smelted
the ore putting in a quantity of silver, so as to improve the result.
This may well be believed, as the assays show also the presence of
gold, which it is against reason to believe can be found in such a
cold land as that, so far north as it is. Notwithstanding this, the
ships are being fitted out with great diligence and supplied with
all that is necessary for the expedition.
Humphrey Gilbert, with a son of. Knollys, treasurer of the household and member of the Council, has four ships in the river, which
he has bought with his own money and fully armed, and intends to
take out with other gentlemen. It is said that he is to accompany
master Stockwell with his six ships now ready in the west country,
on a voyage of discovery, but the design of Humphrey Gilbert is
understood to be to land on the island of Santa Genela, and he is
therefore to take with him a man of the Chaldean nation, who
is here and well versed in that navigation and language.-London,
16th May 1578.
16 May. 497. BERNARDINO DE MENDOZA to the KING.
On the 5th and 8th instant I wrote to your Majesty and sent
duplicate by way of Rouen. The rumours of the troops which are
being raised in France with the intention of sending them to the
Netherlands, have moved this Queen to send Lord Cobham, governor
of the province of Canterbury, and Secretary Walsingham, to negotiate with Orange and the States, as she fears that the warm
communications between Orange and Alengon may cause the
former to turn his back on her friendship and bind himself to the
French. This suspicion has been greatly augmented by the fact
that the English who went from here have not been sent into
Antwerp, which had been the design of Leicester and Walsingham
in accord with Orange, in order that the latter might make sure
in any case of keeping the town in his hands and incorporating
that place with the rest of Holland and Zealand. This is all the
more remarkable towards the English, because Orange cannot trust
the others, and the design was not carried out because the burgers
of Antwerp said they would not receive a garrison at all. The
English write also that they have had a very poor reception, in
consequence of which not so many have left here as was expected,
and they fear that it may be all a trap and a piece of deception on
the part of Orange. It is believed that Cobham and Walsingham
will leave on the Queen's return to Greenwich, where she is
expected on the 18th from her hunting visits.
From some time past the murder of his Highness has been
discussed at Leicester's house, the war being an excuse for again
bringing up the question. I have advised his Highness of it and
have told him at the same time that, on the 10th instant, the




584


SPANISH STATE PAPERS,


1578,
Queen released Edmond (Egremont?) Ratcliff, the brother of the
earl of Sussex, who was put into the Tower three years ago for his
participation in Northumberland's rising. He has been secretly
released by the Queen and exiled, and at once decided to go and
serve his Highness. I have advised his Highness that he is a rash
and daring young marn, ready for anything, and his sudden
liberation and decision to serve us may well engender suspicion.
News comes from Scotland that the Prince remains in the hands
of the earl of Mar and his uncle, Lord Erskine, and three other
personages, the castle of Edinburgh being in his possession. The
Queen has sent Hunsdon, governor of Berwick, to his post, and is
dispatching five hundred soldiers thither, where it is stated that a
large force will be gathered in consequence of the flight of the
earls of Argyle and Athole. The ambassadors from Scotland who
were coming hither have returned, partly on account of events in
their country and partly because the Queen stopped them on their
road to prevent them from seeing Gondi.
The Palatine has sent a gentleman to the Queen, accompanying
an Englishman, who had been sent to the Palatine,by her. It is
understood that they are coming about money matters and to ask
for some further security on account of the troops which he has
undertaken to raise, as the hundred thousand pounds of which I
wrote have not yet been entirely provided.
The magistrates at Amsterdam on the 1st instant published a
proclamation, after having received forty shiploads of wheat and
a promise of others the next day, ordering all the inhabitants who
had been exiled and had returned under the treaty of peace, to
take the oath of conformity with their religion.  They refused
and asked for a week's delay that they might inform Orange of
this.  It is said that the Catholics had bought over the three
captains recently elected for the defence of the place. The people of
the Sluys were much aggrieved that the traffic which they enjoyed
had now gone to Amsterdam, and have complained of it to Orange,
whose party they have followed so faithfully to their great
detriment in this.-London, 16th May 1578.
16 May. 498. BERNARDINO DE MENDOZA to ZAYAS.
I learn by your worship's letters, to my great joy, of the happy
delivery of our lady the Queen, and am delighted to know that her
Majesty and the infant are well. I will inform this Queen thereof
on her return to Greenwich, which will be on the eve of
Whitsuntide.
By the letters to his Majesty you will see what is occurring here.
Although I have written many letters to Don Juan, I learn by his
of the 23rd ultimo that he has only received mine of the 11th of
March, and my letters are so long leaving Paris in consequence of
these troublesome passports that I have no facility for advising his
Highness of events by that way, and all others are so insecure that
letters are very uncertain.
Last news from Brussels says that Orange had suddenly gone
thither to meet Alenion's commissioners; Dunkirk was being
fortified with furious haste, and the English were lodged in the




ELIZABETII.


585


1578,
gardens of Antwerp. The wife of Orange, sister of the duke of
Saxony, is dead.
The States have again imposed excessive taxes on everything,
including wine, in addition to the former imposts. They have put
eighteen crowns on every weapon.
As I am closing this I have heard that the people here have held
a Council, and one who was present informs me that it was
resolved that the Queen should dismiss me, as there is no business
of importance which need detain me here. The thing has been
discussed many times and has been pressed forward by Leicester
and Walsingham, in order to take away the last hope entertained
by their opponents in the presence here of a minister from your
Majesty. They have been offended at the opposition they have
met with from their opponents in consequence of the secret
measures I have adopted, and they will, in my absence, be perfectly
free to do as they like about the navigation to the Indies and elsewhere, as well as in furtherance of their own designs. I do not
report this to his Majesty until I have confirmed it, but if you and
the Duke (i.e. of Alba) think well you may tell him, and, if it is
undesirable that our interests here should be abandoned, which is
undoubted, it will be necessary for his Majesty to make some
pretext of business for me as an excuse for my further stay.London, 16th May 1578.
21 May. 499. BERNARDINO DE MENDOZA to the KING.
After writing to your Majesty on the 16th I was informed that
the Queen desired to see me and that I was to ask for audience. I
did so, and it was granted on the 20th. She said that she had
intended to send two members of the Council to me, to inform me
of the negotiations which were being carried on by the French in
the Netherlands, but she was better pleased to see me personally
that she might tell me by word of mouth, the matter being so
advanced that they had already entered Artois. She said she had
informed his Highness of these negotiations by Wilkes, but he said
he did not believe them. She had sent to the king of France to
tell him how badly he was acting in helping his brother to take
your Majesty's dominions, in return for the aid you had given him
to defend himself against his people, and she had told him that, if
the enterprise were proceeded with, she would send to the States
twenty thousand men, which she had ordered to be raised, and
which would be ready in a few days, for the purpose of preventing
it; and if these were not enough for the purpose she would send
over every man left in her country and avail herself of the forces
of all her friends and allies. She also intended next week to send
two Councillors to the States (whose names I mentioned in my last
letter to your Majesty) to request them to fulfil the oath and
promise which they had made not to summon or admit any foreign
prince, but to observe their duty to your Majesty, in respect of
which she had aided them. She asked me to write at once to your
Majesty by special courier, and said much to the same effect
praying to God that his Highness' ambition and high-handed pro



686


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


]578.
ceedings might not spoil the whole business. I answered her that
the proceedings of his Highness were in conformity with your
Majesty's instructions and were the most appropriate, considering
the obstinacy of many of those in the States, who should
not be allowed to oppress the rest. She repeated two or three
times to me afterwards that everything could be remedied if your
Majesty would again grant them the treaty of peace, in the form of
a ratification of the Edict, to which I did not reply excepting that I
would convey to your Majesty what she said. She said she wished
your Majesty was here now, to be an eye-witness of the good offices
she was executing in her desire that your Majesty's dominions should
be peaceful.
I have been informed that Cobham and Walsingham will be
instructed to use every effort to get Don Juan to enter into negotiations with them to this effect, and that they will carry over
fifty thousand pounds sterling which the Queen has ordered to be
paid in the exchequer, and part of which is now ready packed in
cases, twenty-seven thousand pounds being in money and the rest
silver which is to be coined tlhere. She afterwards repeated very
carefilly what had passed with Jeronimo Gondi, who had brought
her a message from the Duke D'Alengon, to which she had replied
that she was astonished that, after two years of absolute silence, lie
should wake up to her existence. She said she was informed that
one of his gentlemen would come to see her within a week; and
she kept me more than two hours in this sort of talk, at the end
of which time, she asked after the health of your Majesty and the
Queen; I told her that God had been pleased to grant the birth of
another Infante, and she seemed much pleased at the news.
Affairs seem quiet in Scotland since the recent disturbances, and
I hear that Lord Herries is coming as an ambassador to this Queen.
I am told that two servants of the earl of Leicester and Captain
Winch (?) are leaving in certain ships for Barbary in order to treat
for peace with the King, who is at war with Portugal, and to
request authority to sell in his country the Portuguese goods they
may capture, in which case they will return in October with two
ships for that purpose.
During the audience the Queen again asked me whether I had
written to your Majesty about the release of her subjects who were
in the galleys. I told her that I had, and she said she was very
anxious for their release, particularly for that of Edward Tayler
and Robert Williams, and asked me to write again.-London,
21st May 1578.
21 May.   500. BERNARDINO DE MENDOZA to ZAYAS.
I wrote on the 16th, and have since informed the Queen of the
delivery of our Queen.  I expect the resolution taken by the
Council on the 16th, to the effect that the Queen should dismiss
me, will not be carried into effect, as there was some difference of
opinion about it. I can certainly assure you that the earl of Sussex
is sincerely attached to his Majesty's interests, and Cecil also,
although not so openly, but if he and Sussex, who is a man of




ELIZABETH..      87
1578.
much valour and understanding, are properly treated, they will
both be favourable, and their good disposition will be much
strengthened when they see it rewarded. It will be necessary, if
they are to be entertained, to give them something more than
jewels. His Highness writes to me on this subject,'as follows: —
I am always assured that it is possible for some of the Queen's
councillors to be won over by money if the matter is treated
dexterously, and as this would be of great importance in every
respect, it will be to his Majesty's interests that you should attempt
to do this by finding some means of gaining them. You will
advise me and his Majesty in order that due provision may be
made."
I have attempted, and am attempting, by every means possible
to manage this, and the present is the best opportunity which has
ever occurred, if his Majesty will be pleased to award something to
Sussex, Cecil, and the Controller.*  I have advised his Highness
of this, as it is very necessary in the present position of affairs not to
miss the chance. You will please speak to the Duke about it, and
I, for my part, cannot help enlarging upon the desirability of doing
this, and will try to carry it through with all my might. It will
be well also to give some jewels or a horse to Leicester, as if it
came from me, in order that he may not feel himself slighted or
treated as an enemy, which would much offend him.
The Queen again spoke to me about the liberation of her subjects,
especially of Edward Tayler and Robert Williams. I beg your
worship at least to favour these two men, as all London is speaking
to me about them, and it is most important to me to keep these
people in a good humour, particularly as the Queen is so anxious
about the matter.
In this audience and the last the Queen treated me with much
consideration, because, in addition to the long interview she gave
me on business, she ordered a seat to be brought for me in the
presence chamber, where dancing was going on, and entertained me
for a long time, saying how pleased she was that I was here on
this occasion, and signified that she did not disapprove of my mode
of proceeding. The presence of trouble, no doubt, has bad something to do with it. The man who is coming from Scotland is
called Montrose, and not Herries; he will be here in three days.London, 21st May 1578.
3 June.  501. BERNARDINO DE MENDOZA to ZAYAS.
I wrote on the 16th and 21st, and have only received your letter
of 29th April which came to hand on the 29th May. The cause of
this delay you will have learnt from my other letters. I am much
grieved that my correspondence is so much delayed, and, although I
never have the pen out of my hand, my efforts are unfortunately of
little use.  As if this were not enough, beside the difficulty of
getting my letters to Paris, Juan de Vargas answers a request of
mine that he should send some special messengers to his Highness,


* Sir James Crofts.




588


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1578.
that I must consider the cost of it, as there are many claims upon
his small means there. I advise you of this as some excuse for the
delay of my letters.
You will see by the letter to his Majesty what is occurring here,
and I can assure you that, if money is provided for me, much may
be effected. If I am kept short of means all my gold mines turn
out to be dross, and, even if there were no chance of winning over
some of the ministers here, affairs are in such a condition that it is
of much importance that his Majesty should have some one here of
position to inform him of the schemes which are hatching. These
are infinite in number, and of considerable importance, mostly
promoted by Leicester and Walsingham.   I have been able to
gauge affairs since I have been here, and already see the results of
my presence, as the English think that as I was sent by his
Majesty, my words will be listened to, and they are therefore more
encouraged to be on our side. I presume to speak thus openly
because it seems desirable for the King's service, and I trust you
will find an opportunity of representing my views to his
Majesty.
Regarding the seizures of property, formerly made in this
country, the settlement arrived at was that whatever goods were
found on either side which had not been registered might be claimed
by their owners, and when their right was proved, the property
should be handed to them. If no claimants appeared, the sovereigns
respectively should take them. In virtue of this, English goods
have been restored to their owners by your Majesty, but I am
informed by an Englishmen that he knows of quantities of money
in the hands of Englishman, which was not declared, and the
owners of which did not appear; the larger part of the money
being in cash. He suggests that your Majesty should claim this
money, promising him a share of it, on his declaring where these
sums are, and he would get the Queen speedily to restore it. If
you think well, you may give an account of this to his Majesty, as
it will be better that the money should be given away than that
it should be kept by those who have stolen it.
I am informed again from Rouen that my wages will only be
paid for six months, and the need I shall be in through this, to his
Majesty's dis-service, obliges me to ask you to inform the King
thereof, and direct Garnica to continue the credit, as well as sending
me another credit for my extraordinary expenses. I do not send
an account of my expenditure herewith for want of time, but it
must not be imagined that I can raise a penny here, or become a
banker. M. de la Motte,* has written asking me to send him some
saltpetre and cross-bow strings from here. I am doing my best to
fulfil this commission. I have also advised him of certain things
hereof which he should know, in the interests of the safety of that
fortress.
I learn nothing fresh from Flanders, excepting about the reduction of Philippeville and the rout of the Frenchmen, but Don Juan
has written to me under date of the 6th ultimo, expressing his
* The King's commander at Gravelines.




ELIZA3BET.                       589
1578.
satisfaction at what I am doing here, and has ordered me to be paid
ill Paris what was owing to me on account or my company until
the end of April.
After sealing this letter I received advices, dated Antwerp, 28th
ultimo, that the people at Mons had arrested M. de Lalaing for
attempting to introduce Frenchmen into the country, whilst in
Amsterdam there had been a great revolt, in which the Protestants
and Anabaptists had got the upper hand of the Catholics, and had
expelled from the country all friars and priests, but there is no
certainty of this.-London, 3rd June 1578.
3 June.  502. BERNARDINO DE MENDOZA to the KING.
On the 21st ultimo I wrote to your Majesty an account of affairs
here, and reported the intention of sending Lord Cobham  and
Secretary Walsingham to the States on behalf of the Queen. I am
now given to understand that this course has not yet been decided
upon definitely for two reasons; the first being that a gentleman
was sent from here last week to Orange in order to ascertain
whether it was at his request that the French were coming, so that
the Queen might resolve what to do. It seems that the answer
sent was that the States were greatly pressed for money and men,
and as she, the Queen, did not openly espouse their cause, they
were obliged to turn to the French, but they would at once desist
from the French connection if she would undertake to find them
the help they needed, by which means the States would remain
friendly with France,* whilst he, Orange, would be in a stronger
position, having Antwerp on his side, which was the point which
principally interested the English.  I have been making great
efforts lately to get to the bottom of this, and it is clear that people
here are not quite able to understand Orange's proceedings, of
which they are suspicious, many people thinking that he is
deceiving them, and is getting to:, closely bound up with the
French, whilst others believe that it is merely an artifice to urge the
Queen to provide the needed succour more liberally and speedily
than hitherto. If the help sent is not quite so grand as they
would like, it is nevertheless sufficient to keep them in hand until
the English can get to the truth of the matter, as men are recently
slipping over in considerable numbers to the States, and the twentyseven thousand pounds sterling which I mentioned have been
taken to Antwerp. From the latter place the Queen has received
news that your Majesty is in agreement with the king of France,
and that the coming of the French troops is a subterfuge. The
second reason for doubt about the going of Cobham and Walsingham
is that the Queen is awaiting the reply of the gentlemen she sent
to the king of France, to explain to him the reasons why she had
not allowed Gondi to go to Scotland, and also to endeavour to
discover whether the departure of the duke of Alenqon. was by
consent of the King and his mother, and what forces he had with
him. If these were so large as to prove that the King had provided
* i.e., with the King and Government of France, in contradistinction to Alengon and
tbe Huguenots,




590


SPANISH STATE PAPrRS.


1578.
them, and that the two brothers had thus taken upon themselves
the war in Flanders, the gentleman was instructed to address the
King in the terms I mentioned to your Majesty in my letter of the
21st. If, however, it turned out that the king of France was not
in league with his brother the gentleman was to approach Alen9on
and the Queen-mother and try to arrange with them to send four
thousand or six thousand infantry and two thousand horse to the
States and no more, this Queen undertaking to send a similar force,
and that together they might thus succour the States, and keep
your Majesty busy. The English ambassador in France is much
alarming the Queen by his reports, some of which have not much
foundation.  The last news he sends is that the going of the
Huguenots to the States had caused the duke of Lorraine, and
Guise and his household, to retire to Lorraine, where they had
raised three thousand horse and a force of infantry.
They say the earl of Leicester will leave this week for Buxton
near Derby, ostensibly to take the baths there, the place being only
twelve miles from where the queen of Scotland is; great suspicion
is engendered here about his going, as Walsingham, who is his
familiar spirit, will be away at the same time, and the abandonment of
business by both of them at once seems to prove that the matter they
have in hand must be one of great importance. All the Councillors
are extremely jealous and distrustful as the design, whatever it is,
is kept closely between the Queen and Leicester. Some of them
even say that she is the person who is being deceived; Cecil being
one of those who is most anxious about it.
The English consul at San Lucar reports that Stukeley had arrived
at that port with ships and men provided by the Pope, it is feared
for the purpose of landing in Ireland. The Queen has ordered six
of her ships and two great ships to be armed, and Frobisher, who
was ready to leave on his expedition to the mines and Cathay, has
been ordered to delay his departure and accompany the rest as far
as Ireland, from where he can start on his voyage if there is no
disturbance there; so that all the ships that are ready will be
dispatched thither. The Queen has also sent to Ireland the earls of
Ormond and Kildare, who has been detained at this Court for a
year.
The ambassador who I said was on his way to Scotland has been
ordered to stop on his way, and the king of France who was about
to send to Scotland a Norman gentleman named Mandeville has
been requested not to do so by his ambassador here. This Queen
sent Sir Orlando York to Casimir ten days ago respecting the
levies of men, and Thomas Randolph is going to the Diet of Germany
with three legists and three Puritans (who are called spirituals) to
assist in the discussion of religious questions.
There are some firms of merchants here who trade in Spain, the
principal of them being George Bond, Alderman, and nephews, who
send three hundred thousand crowns' worth of wax a year to the
coast of Biscay, Whiteman and Hermon, and John Spencer, both of
whom send as much. I understand that they bring back most of
the value in cash, which maywell be the case, as one cargo of wax,
even of one hundred and fifty tons only, will be worth thirty or
y~Vr. \r v~v rLUU~~L~~ MIM ~LI VV~Y  Vlre




ELIZABETH.


591


forty thousand crowns, whilst the whale oil they bring back as cargo
will not be worth more than two thousand crowns, the rest of the
proceeds of the wax being withdrawn in money, with which no one is
trusted unless he be an Englishman. Most of this comes through
Biscay although some of the business is done in Seville.
There is a ship here ready to go to Barbary with a great number
of dogs and well trained horses on board, and some dresses, presents,
for the king of Fez, who is at war with Portugal. The assertion is
made that they are going to bringsback saltpetre, but there is a certain
Julio here who claims to be descended from the princes of Jaranto
and who, it is thought, is a Morisco. He speaks eight or nine
languages beautifully and is closeted for hours every day with
Leicester and Walsingham and sometimes with the Queen. I do
not know what he is up to, but it is believed that he will go in this
ship, and has been heard to say that he will be revenged on your
Majesty.-London, 3rd June 1578.
3 June.  503. BERNARDINO DE MENDOZA to the KING.
On the 16th ultimo I wrote to your Majesty about the ships
which had been fitted out by Humphrey Gilbert, and although it is
given out that he is bound on a different voyage from that undertaken by master Stockwell, it is believed that when they are out
at sea, they will join together and go towards the Indies, unless
there be some disturbance in Ireland or Scotland which should
detain them.  They are taking with them  a Portuguese called
Simon Fernandez, a great rogue who knows that coast well and has
given them much information about it. He has done the King of
Portugal much dis-service in consequence of the large amount of
property which his subjects have lost here through him. When
Champigny was here it was agreed with the earl of Leicester, in his
own chamber, the Queen being present, that the way to be safe from
your Majesty and to injure your prosi crity was to make the Indian
voyage and rob the flotillas, if they could not set foot on the coast
itself, as by this means, they might stop the receipt by your
Majesty of so much money from there. Orange continues to urge
this course, he being of the same opinion.-London, 3rd June 1578.
4 June.- 504. BERNARDINO DE MENDOZA to ZAYAS.
At the last moment a letter from Ghent, dated 1st instant, has
arrived here saying that they have expelled from that place all the
clergy (religiosos) and two sermons had been preached publicly on the
same day. They do not confirm that Lalaing is a prisoner, but that
he had had a difference with the people at Mons and his lieutenant
had gone to see Don Juan.-London, 4th June 1578.
4 June.  505. BERNARDINO DE MENDOZA to ZAYAS.
After writing and sealing the enclosed my spies who are watching
Julio report that he is trying to deceive them, and says that he is not
going in the ship which is sailing for Barbary, but the contrary is
believed to be the case, as the vessel has gone to the mouth of the
river to await fine weather for her departure, and yesterday he
Julio, went down to the shore. The ship is called the "Mignon,"




592                        SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1578.
and if she should touch at a Spanish port and Julio should land, it
would not be undesirable that he should be seized, as he is certainly
plotting some villainy. He is a lean man of healthy appearance, bent,
and of the colour of a Morisco, which he probably is. He usually
looks on the ground with his left eye as he walks.
They tell me also that Orange is to send some ships to the coast
of Spain, but the business is being forged here, so that I do not
think there is very much in it, but I have thought well to mention
it as nothing is lost by vigilance.-London, 4th June 1578.
10 June. 506. BERNARDINO DE MENDOZA to the KING.
Saltonstall and two other merchants, subjects of this Queen, have
had a ship confiscated at San Sebastian in consequence of a certain
sum of money having been seized in her and the ship not being the
property of the master who commanded her. I have been requested
by the Queen to write to your Majesty to beg that you will have
the business disposed of speedily and justice done, as it certainly
will be, by your ministers.-London, 10th June 1578.
10 June. 507. BERNARDINO DE MENDOZA to the KING.
I wrote to your Majesty yesterday, and since then the Queen has
received news of the arrival on the 2nd instant off Bristol of one
of the ships with which Francis Drake sailed from Dartmouth in
November 1577.    There were three ships and two sloops,' the
intention being as I have already told your Majesty, to plunder the
Indies. Various news has been current here with regard to them,
some saying that they were lost and others that they had landed at
Camarones (Camaroons). This ship-master, however, relates that,
after they had victualled for the second time in Barbary, they had
gone to discover the Straits of Magellan, but at the entrance thereto
they experienced so great a tempest that most of the sailors mutinied
and refused to proceed on the voyage. Drake, understanding that
the principal ringleader was an English gentleman on board of his
ship,t arrested him and put him on his trial, the judges being the
sailors themselves, who condemned him to death, but, as none of
them would execute the sentence, Drake himself did so and with
his own hand cut off the man's head and proceeded on his voyage
through the Straits. The tempest increased to such an extent that
this ship could not follow when the other vessels had entered the
Straits. The captain tried to stand by in the hope of continuiug
the voyage when the weather abated, but the sailors refused and
forced him to return to this country. The captain has not yet seen
the Queen, but she and her ministers are much pleased that the
English have succeeded in making this voyage. When he arrives
I will advise your Majesty what I hear.
The three ships which I wrote had left with Fortescue for the
purpose of robbing on the track of the Indian vessels took with them


* The expedition consisted originally of the "Pelican " of 120 tons and 20 guns, the
*" Elizabeth" of 80 tons, a small pinnace, and two sloop-rigged boats of 50 and 30 tone
respectively.
t This was a certain Master Doughty a gentleman adventurer who was acting as
second in command,




ELIZABETH.


1578.
a great pilot named Harper (?) who had been twice before on the
same voyage. The ships have had an encounter with two vessels
of the king of Denmark, one of the latter being burnt whilst the
other one escaped. One of the English ships in which Harper was,
went to the bottom.-London, 10th June 1578.
11 June. 508. BERNARDINO DE MENDOZA to ZAYAS.
I wrote to you on the 3rd and 4th, and you will learn by my
letter to the King the decision arrived at about Antonio de Guaras,
in whose favour I have done everything that I could.
They have informed me that his Highness's servant who was
arrested here had brought for Guaras a credit of a thousand crowns,
which, perhaps, may be the sum which his Majesty requested his
Highness to give him in consideration of his imprisonment. I
wrote to his Highness about it, saying that I had also received a
credit of a thousand crowns for Guaras, and requested instructions.
I have no reply, but Guaras is in such great need that it will be
necessary to give him something for his departure from here. The
Queen sent to thank me for writing so many letters to his Majesty
and to you on behalf of her subjects. Pray pardon me the trouble
I thus give you, as although their requests may not be granted, yet
it is something to please them by willingly giving the letters for
which they ask; and it helps to facilitate matters if I can keep in
their good graces.
With regard to the negotiation about Ramequin, Don Juan instructs me to find out whether there was anything serious in it
and to give him my opinion. I have done so, and have told him
that I do not think there is anything in it at present.*
Four days ago a ship of eldven tons arrived here from the
Indies in a very bad state, another of a hundred tons which was in
her company having been lost. Captain Baker commanded both
of them, and most of the men in the expedition landed and were
lost. If this sort of reception were always extended to them, and
their ships and men sent to the bottom in this way, they would
not be so fond of undertaking the voyage. It is understood that
the Queen has ordered the master to be arrested for not. having
stood by the other ship and crew.-London, 11th June 1578.
11 June. 509. BERNARDINO DE MENDOZA to the KING.
On the 3rd instant I wrote to your Majesty, and on the same
day they carried Antonio de Guaras to the house of the Lord
Keeper, Chancellor, when he was informed, in the presence of
Secretary Wilson and Councillor Walter Mildmay, who had examined him, that the Queen, in the exercise of her clemency,
ordered him to leave the country within ten days, notwithstanding
the offences he had committed against her, as appeared by his own
letters which were exhibited to him, and which were not in any way
privileged, as he had no commission to write as he had done. He
replied that the commission was merely a matter of form, and they


* This refers again to the proposal of certain Englishmen to betray places in the
Netherlands,
P P


y 7646?,




594


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1578.
knew very well that things were not as they said; he retorted on
many points, and, after much altercation, which ended with little
satisfaction for Guaras, he was sent back to prison again, with
orders that neither he nor the two servants of his, who are to be
exiled also, were to communicate with me.
The Queen's agent in Antwerp has informed her that Lalaing is
at issue with the States and is dealing underhand with the French,
whilst he holds the town for your Majesty. This would be most
important, although I have no confirmation of it, and I have only
heard of it from the one quarter. Although the Queen's ministers
sometimes report things which are not true, this matter is making
them suspicious, as they recollect what happened at Gravelines.
The ship which is to take Cobham and Walsingham over has
sailed for Dover, and they will sail as soon as they arrive thither.
Thomas Randolph and Harry Wall (Wallop?), who are Puritans,
accompany them, and I am informed that, if they cannot arrange
with his Highness for your Majesty to concede similar terms of
peace to the former ones, they will urge Orange to destroy the
religion and churches, and so bring things to submission in the same
way as has been done with France.-London, 11th June 1578.
13 June. 510. BERNARDINO DE MENDOZA to the KING.
Since my last, there has arrived here one Cook, master of a ship
which two years and a half ago left for the Indies in company with
another ship, both being commaanded by Master Baker. He says
that some of their men landed on the mainland near the Rio
de la Hacha, where they remained a year and a half about the
Camarones (Camaroons?). It was they who robbed the son of
Don Cristobal de Eraso, their prize, however, being recaptured from
them at once, with twenty thousand crowns more that they had
stolen from other people. This Cook had eighty men on board of
his ship, which was the smaller of the two, of whom only fourteen
have returned, but he can give no account of Baker or the others,
as he, Cook, and those with him escaped from the land in a launch,
as they call it, with which they afterwards captured a little sailing
ship, which brought them to the Scilly Isles off Cornwall. It was
said that the Queen had ordered Cook's arrest for having returned
without his captain and crew, but it is not believed that the arrest
will be carried out, as he is talking of returning in the ships which are
being taken out by Humphrey Gilbert, moved by the hope of gain,
notwithstanding past experience. The Queen has given permission
for Gilbert to sail, and to Frobisher also. I am having this shipmaster shadowed by spies, in order to discover whether he starts
on the voyage, and to know for what purpose Gilbert wishes to
take him. I am very hopeful now of being able to obtain a chart
of Frobisher's voyage.-London, 13th June 1578.
13 June. 511. The KING to BERNARDINO DE MENDOZA.
Since you left here fifteen of your letters have been received, all
of which have been much delayed. From them I learn wliat had
passed with the Queen and her ministers respecting my Netherlands,
and I fully approve of your proceedings in respect thereto, which




ELIZABETH.


595


1578.
were in accordance with your instructions and my wishes. No
further orders can be sent to you other than to continue as you
have begun, and to follow the instructions you may receive from
my brother, Don Juan of Austria, as he, being on the spot, will be
the better able to judge as to what course should be pursued there.
You will, in the meanwhile, continue to deal gently and amiably
with the Queen and her ministers, this being the desirable course
at present. Send me a copy of the instructions given to you by
my brother on your arrival, as he has not sent them, no doubt
believing that you would do so.
In one of your letters were received the three pieces of ore
mentioned therein, and, the assay having been made of them here
by persons of experience, it has been found that what looks like
gold is really marcasite. The other two little black pieces were
nothing at all, so that, bearing in mind what you write of the large
quantity of ore brought and the rich result of the smelting, it is
probable that the person who gave you the three pieces did so in
order to appear complaisant and throw us off our guard here, or
else that, as they brought several different sorts of ore, they have
concealed what was of any value. You will therefore send the
other pieces which you say you have and any more you can get,
so that we may see whether there is any greater value in them
than in the pieces you have sent.
They have not told you the truth either, apparently, about the
navigation, because, if they went to Iceland, which is said to be
in latitude 65, although they afterwards ran down to 62 degrees,
which is the land they call Labrador, it is difficult to believe that
in so cold a region there can be any richness of metal. It is very
necessary for the investigation of this matter that you should get
the chart you speak of, and we urge you much to make every effbrt
to obtain it and send it to us. —The Wood of Balsain, 13th June
1578.
13 June. 512. BERNARDINO DE MENDOZA to ZAYAS.
Since I wrote on the 1lth, the Queen has appointed Lord
Howard to be Admiral of the six ships which are being fitted out,
with Henry (Philip?) Sidney, a nephew of Leicester's, to be ViceAdmiral; the other captains being selected men. It is understood
that these ships will take three standards of infantry raised by the
Guilds or trained-bands of this city, although some suspect that
they will go over to Flanders. Walsingham is going there, and lie
is such a devilish heretic that he constantly favours those like
himself, and persecutes the Catholics, in order to pledge the Queen
more deeply to his way of thinking. I am told that, some months
-ago, he went to examine a Catholic prisoner and asked him if he
held the Queen to be excommunicated.   The Catholic answered
that he did not concern himself with that matter, and did not know
whether she was or not, but Walsingham put down that he (the
prisoner) held her to be excommunicated. He then asked him if,
the Queen being excommunicated, he considered that she ought to be
obeyed as sovereign or not, and the prisoner answered him the same
way as before, but Walsingham put down that he had said that,
PP 2




596


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1578.
being excommunicated, she could not be Queen. He then went
to the Queen with the so-called confession, and told her that this
was a proof of what Catholics in general thought, from which she
could see what it was desirable to do with them.
The Queen came into the presence chamber the other day, and
read a letter from Casimir saying that he offered to serve her on
horse or foot with twenty thousand men, anywhere and for
anything.-London, 13th June 1578.
13 June. 513. BERNARDINO DE MENDOZA to the KING.
I wrote to your Majesty on the 11th what I had heard about the
going of Cobham and Walsingham. I have since learned that
Pelham, Master of the Ordnance to the Queen, who is a sort of
general, is going with them to reconnoitre his Highness' forces
minutely. He is a man who is in their confidence, and they think
he will understand the matter well, being a soldier. He is afterwards to go to Casimir and give him an account of what he has seen,
returning with him to" the Netherlands; Captain Villiers (?) is also
to go, and is subsequently to visit the Landgrave of Hesse, to ask
him to send by him to the States two thousand horse. Peter Aschio
(Haselby? ) is going also to take the two thousand Scotsmen
back again who were in the service of the rebels before, and left
Holland for Sandwich when the peace was made.    Master Lee
is to go for the purpose of bringing Count Swartzenburg's cavalry,
as the Queen wishes to have people of her own in all the forces
which go to the States, so that they may act in conjunction with
the respective commanders, and she may thus be better informed as
to their proceedings. The are also to advise the commanders of
the best road by which to enter the States with safety, in
accordance with Pelham's opinion. As regards this, Pelham will
not be able to give them much guidance as his Highness will not
not remain in one place, but will go where need may call him.
Ernest Brabazon is also going with them.  He has already
served Orange, and knows the language well, his task being to
treat with some of the Germans who serve your Majesty, and
particularly with.....,* and persuade them  to mutiny, and
other things of the same sort. He is also to try to get some of
them to give information to the States and to Orange as to the
movements of the army, and he depends upon his friendship with
some of them and his own cleverness, to get them to do this.
They also say that negotiations are being carried on with the
Prince of Conde for him to send from Gascony and Guienne in the
Queen's ships four thousand Gascons to aid Orange in Zealand, the
ships being sent to that coast on the pretext of taking merchandise,
and bearing the passport of the king of France. Winter of Norfolk
has been appointed to go with the ships, and I am informed that in
addition to what I have already advised, Cobham and Walsingham's
principal instructions are to urge the States toe the St t pl  the English troops
and commanders selected by the Queen into certain fortresses which
she desires to have in her hands in view of eventualities. She


* In original; " Left blank in cipler, as he could not ascertain the name." See page 5'J3.




ELIZABETIH.


597


1578,
thinks by this means that. the fortresses may be held by her
without her asking the States to formally surrender them to her
or appearing distrustful of them. Orange will warmly favour this
and the other things they desire. It is thought that the envoys
will remain over two months there.
The Queen has received news from Ireland that Stukeley's ships
have been sighted, and she has sent with all speed a son of James
Crofts, her Controller, to Sidney, the Viceroy, urging him on all
accounts to bring the earl of Desmond to submit to her favour. I-e
is at present plundering in the mountains with a number of his
people, and she wishes to persuade him by promising that she will
not allow his great enemy the earl of Ormond to leave here, but
that if he will return to her favour she will make it more profitable
to him than if he allows Stukeley or Sir John Fitzmaurice to land.
The latter is an Irish rebel, who has been in exile in France, and is
also reported to have left there for Ireland. Desmond is told what
enemies they are to him, and how they will make war upon him if
they are allowed to land.
The Queen gave Frobisher leave to sail on his voyage, but with
instructions to put into an Irish port, and if he found any
disturbance there, he was not to proceed without further orders.
It is said here that affairs in Scotland are now harmonious, and
Walsingham consequently summoned Morton's agent, and told him
that the Queen was much surprised, seeing that she had done so
much for the peace of Scotland and Morton's own aggrandisement,
that the latter had not communicated his opinions since the
conventions which had taken place.
He (the agent) replied that he himself had not received letters
from Morton for a long while, and as it was only the interior
questions of Scotland which were at issue, he did not wish to
trouble his neighbours with them, which he, the agent, thought was
the reason for Morton's not writing. Parliament is to open there
on the 25th instant, and the King of France has informed his
ambassador here that he will send M. de Pepin thither, although
it is not known whether he will go by sea or through this country
with the Queen's passport.
The Countess of Shrewsbury whose husband is guarding the
Queen of Scotland has come to see the Queen, it is said on private
business, but, it is rather suspected that it is respecting the queen of
Scotland's affairs as Leicester entertained her on the way, and is
lodging her here in his house. He, Leicester, is having a meeting
with his brothers and kinsmen at the place where he is to take the
waters (Buxton).
The French ambassador had audience with the Queen on the
11th, when she complained of the departure of the Guises from his
master's Court, saying that she could not avoid being very
suspicious of it, and that they had gone with the King's consent to
negotiate something with his Highness. He excused it, and said
that children might believe those things, but not a person of her
experience in Council.
As I was dispatching a courier express to his Highness with my
news, Cobham and Walsingham came to see me, and told me that




598


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1578,
the Queen had instructed them to inform me that she was sending
them to his Highness and the States, and she had no doubt that
some badly intentioned persons would tell me that it was for the
purpose of fanning the flame, but they were to assure me that the
only object was to promote peace, and, with this aim, and to
know how they should bear themselves towards his Highness, they
desired to know how they would be received, asking me to give
them my advice and a letter for him, and that they would go first
by the States in order to be sure of their intentions. I answered
with very sweet words, and with as much double dealing as
Walsingham himself, and said that, so far as I knew, I could assure
them that his Highness would receive them very well as ministers
of the Queen, and particularly as they came in the interests of
peace. I said that peace had been, and was still being, constantly
offered to the States by your Majesty, as would be seen by the way
in which his Highness had graciously treated, in your Majesty's
name, those countries which submitted themselves to him with an
acknowledgment of their past errors, and the same treatment
would be meted out to the rest if they opened their eyes and repented
of their misdeeds. We conversed on the subject for nearly two
hours, but I will not trouble your Majesty with a repetition of
what was said. At one time they began to bluster, but I replied
even more loudly in the same strain, which was in accordance with
my instructions from his Highness, and they thereupon trimmed
their sails. I told them that I had sent to request audience of the
Queen, to ask her to order all Englishmen in the States to return,
they having left without her permission, as she herself had confessed
to me; and that, if she did not do so your Majesty would resent it
as being contrary to the alliance and treaties between the two
countries, and they would feel severely the evils which would
result to them for this violation of treaties in thus helping such
contumacious rebels.
They replied that, if they did not prevent it, the French would
take the Netherlands, in which case they then protested they could
not avoid sending aid to the States; to which I replied that I also
would protest very strongly if the Queen did anything of the sort,
as it was a violation of neutrality, but they might be sure that,
the States being your Majesty's dominions, would be retained at all
costs. I said that if they thought of adopting any such course
they would lose much more in France than they would gain in
Flanders, and that the way to checkmate the French was certainly
not to send English troops to the States, but to join forces with
your Majesty, if you needed their help, which you did not. They
always returned to the same point, namely, that the whole business
depended upon your Majesty's conceding to the States the agreement of Ghent, to which I again replied that I believed his
Highness had already replied to the Queen on this point by Beal.
They asked me whether his Highness would be annoyed at
ambassadors being sent to endeavour to bring about peace, to which
I replied that he would not be so, as was proved by his efforts to
avoid hostilities with them.  At their request I gave them the
letter for his Highness, of which I enclose copy. Cobham is only




ELIZABETI.


1578.
going for the sake of appearances, and I am assured that if the
wind change in this country he will not be amongst the worst of
these people, as he is much aggrieved against those who are now
rule, although he does not show it. So far as I could judge, their
principal object in coming was to discover fiom me whether your
Majesty would concede the Ghent agreement and abate the war, as
they said that if you did not do so the States would be lost. They
are making great pardons and promises of favour to the English in
the Netherlands if they will return hither or help them in their
designs. The name of the German captain who is to be approached
is Peter Vanest. I could not learn this before as it was not in the
instructions, but hidden in Walsingham's breast. A courier came
in great haste to the French ambassador on the 11th from the
King. There was no money to give him in Paris, and he had to
take an order on the receiver at Amiens where he waited a day
and a half before he could get any funds. He (the Ambassador?)
went the next morning to a house near to where the Queen is, and
saw the earl of Sussex and Secretary Walsingham. I have not
been able to ascertain what the business is, but have been told that
the king of France desires to know the reason why the Queen is
equipping ships, and requests a passport for an envoy he is sending
to Scotland. It is more probable, however, as I am told, that the
business in hand is concerning Scotland, as the ambassador went
the same evening to a place three miles from here with only his
secretary, which he does not often do, and it is believed that the
French are attempting to get possession of the prince of Scotland,
and take him to France, they having in their interest six of the
Governors, who, however, hate the business.
The Queen dispatched, in a great hurry, on the 11th, Thomas
Brown to France, West to the Prince of Conde, and another
gentleman to Scotland.
I had asked for audience of the Queen for the purposes I have
mentioned, and have just received a letter from his Highness
instructing me to inform her about the success at Philippeville
and other things. I will duly report her reply.-London, 13th
June 1578.
17 June. 514. BERNARDINO DE MENDOZA to ZAYAS.
The irresolution of these people is the cause of the uncertain way
in which I send my letters. I have had some long talks with them,
and the only way for me to keep my temper is to bear in mind
that I am one of the school of the Duke (of Alba) and a soldier of
his. I fancy they have repented of their attempt to bully me,
seeing that the answer I gave, which was such as I thought the
case demanded.
The Queen has ordered seventeen hundred bullocks to be
slaughtered at Portsmouth, and seven hundred here, besides a
like number in the Isle of Wight. Great quantities of biscuits are
being made in the Tower and at Plymouth, and butter and many
other things of the same sort are being got together for the
victualling of the ships. I am  told that in Flushing they were




600


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1578.
arming ships and I therefore sent a man to get information about
it. He says that it is true, and that they said they could get
together a hundred crookstems, and although the number seems
exorbitant yet as they draw but little water, are swift and can bear
cannon, I have thought well to report, in order that, considering
their description, an opinion may be formed as to whether they are
likely to be for the Indies, Barbary, or elsewhere,-London, 17th
June 1578.
17 June. 515. BERNARDINO DE MENDOZA to the KING.
After closing the accompanying letter ready for the courier,
Stafford, whom this Queen had sent to France, arrived here on
the 13th, which was the same day that Cobham and Walsingham
came to see me when they told me they would leave on the following day. His arrival, however, has delayed their departure, and
I have consequently thought well to keep the letter back, particularly as 1 was to have audience with the Queen on the 15th.
When I saw her I gave her an account of the surrender of Philippeville. She said that such successes, being against your Majesty's
own subjects, could give her but little pleasure.  As regards
ordering the English to return from Flanders, she said that they
had left without her permission, and, as they were people of small
account, they would take good care not to return to her country,
and they were not of sufficient importance for her to order them to
do so. I replied that this was quite true with regard to them
personally, and it did not matter about their small forces being
with the rebels, the only important point being that they were
subjects of a sovereign with whom your Majesty had so close an
alliance. We had a long conversation on this point, in accord with
what had passed between Cobham and Walsingham and myself,
although it was carried on with more suavity and less vapouring
than they had employed, as I had treated them in the same way.
I gave the Queen a punctual account of what his Highness had
ordered me to say in his letter of the 7th May and of what he had
said to her ambassador, which in effect was that your Majesty only
asked that the States should submit to you and observe the Roman
Catholic religion in accordance with what they had promised in
their letters of the 8th September, and, if they really and effectually fulfilled this, your Majesty would restore matters to the
same state as in the time of the Emperor; withdrawing foreigners
from the country and restoring to the natives their privileges and
ancient government. I said as this was so just she ought to
endeavour to bring it about, even for her own sake; and, apart
from what I was instructed to say to her, I could not help, I said,
repeating this to her and pointing out how bad it was of her to
support rebellion. As I found her well disposed, I dwelt very
emphatically upon this, as also on the point which his Highness
ordered me to press, namely, that if she were to declare war it
would mean very little more than what she was doing now by
helping the rebels, and I said I might assure her that if your
Majesty aroused your friends to action it would not be to come




ELIZABETH.


601


1578.
hither with a leaky old ship; I having been informed from
Portugal that the vessels brought by Stukeley from Italy were
making so much water that they could not sail any further. To
this she replied that she hoped to God that his Highness' ambition
would not spoil everything, and that she desired nothing but peace,
which would certainly be brought about if your Majesty would
grant to the States the agreement of Ghent. She said that they
were pressing this as Holland and Zealand would separate from
them if it were not conceded, they fearing the carrying out of the
placards respecting religion, and she then said, "What did it matter
to your Majesty if they went to the devil in their own way?" I
said it was not in the power of princes to enlarge or restrict
religion, as the law thereupon had been ordained by God himself,
and your Majesty could not consent on any account to persons
living in your dominions except in conformity with the true
Roman Catholic faith, and reminded her of what was being done
in her own country. She replied that she did not punish the
Catholics except for refusing to acknowledge her as Queen, as in
other things she thought as they did. The people in Holland were
desperate, she said, and she did not want to see them fall into the
hands of the French. I pointed out to her as well as I could that
France was not in a condition of strength which would make this
possible, since your Majesty's power was so great everywhere, and
could prevent their entry into the States, besides the damage you
might do to them by way of Italy, Provence, and Spain, which
well might cause them, the French, to confine their regards to
Scotland, which was of much more importance to them, and where
they were carrying on very lively negotiations, a French ambassador
having recently arrived there by sea. She replied that she knew
that very well, and that his name was Seton. She ended by saying
that Cobham and Walsingham would not go to his Highness unless
they learned that he was willing to treat for peace, which is
different from what they decided before. Their changes, indeed,
are so frequent that I am at a loss to convey any fixed intelligence
to your Majesty, excepting by giving an account from day to day.
Even whilst I am with them they are constantly contradicting me
and never tell the truth even by chance.
The Queen was very glad of Stafford's arrival as he assured her
that the king of France was at issue with his brother about affairs
there, and their disagreement will probably lead to hostilities.
One of the councillors tells me that the matter about which the
French ambassador saw Sussex and Walsingham was, that the
King had sent the courier I mentioned to tell him to urge upon
the Queen forcibly how bad it would be both to France and England for your Majesty to end matters in Flanders by conquest.
Whatever it was, the ambassador has not yet received a reply
although he is very pressing to send off his courier.
The Queen has received news from Portugal that the ships which
Stukeley had brought there were so old and leaky that they could
not go any further, and he had begged the King of Portugal, by
virtue of the Pope's letters, to give him others but he had been
told that the King did not wish to break the friendship between




602


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1578.
himself and this Queen.*    She has consequently ordered the
suspension for a fortnight of the equipment of her ships. I have
just been told that the earl of Leicester has been with the queen of
Scotland for three days, and that she complained bitterly to
him of the treatment extended to her by this Queen. They have
recently kept her more closely than ever.
M. d'Alengon is sending an ambassador hither who will arrive in
a week.-London, 17th June 1578.
20 June. 516. BERNARDINO DE MENDOZA to the KING.
On the 10th instant I gave your Majesty an account of the
arrival of a certain ship on this coast.  The captain has since
arrived here and has been received with extraordinary favour by
the Queen, who was closeted with him alone to hear an account of
his voyage. He has been treated in the same way by the Council
at large and by each member in particular, so that it has been
impossible to get at him yet. The Queen has ordered that both
he and the crew should be very well treated, considering their
having returned without finishing the voyage or bringing anything
back with them, and the execution of the gentleman by Drake is
not to be spoken about until his return.
The captain affirms that he entered the Straits with his ship and
arrived at fifty-five degrees south latitude in the southern sea,
where he found an island with traces of habitation, and a gallows
erected, whereon, it is said, Magellan had executed a man. The
description lie gives of the Straits is similar to that given of
Magellan's discovery, and he says that, at its widest part, it is
about seven leagues across, narrowing in some parts to less than
two. He came across two islands in the Strait itself, one of which
was crowded with birds like geeset and the other had on it a large
quantity of fish,f which came on shore. He said that these stood
him in great good stead for his maintenance. He left Drake ten
months ago and came to the coast of Brazil to victual for his voyage
hither. He captured one of the negroes living there although
some people have tried here to make out that he is from the land
in the South Sea, where Drake told them to rendezvous in case
they were separated from other ships by tempest. This is in fortyseven degrees south latitude in the South Sea. The captain has told
the Council that some of the sailors on the outward voyage sank a
Portuguese ship on the coast of Brazil the whole of the crew being
drowned.-London, 20th June 1578.
517. Document headed "On Tuesday, the eve of St. John, I,
"ANTONIO DE GUARAS, waS examined, by Sir Walter
" Mildmay and Dr. Wilson, on the following points, so far
"as I can remember:"
1. The first point was that I was not a public officer but a private
person, as I could produce no letter from the King to prove that I
* Stukeley was prevailed upon to accompany the young King Don Sebastian on his
ill-fated expedition to Morocco, and was killed, with the King himself, and most of his
followers, at the disastrous battle of Alcazar, on the 4th August 1578.
t Penguins.: No doubt seals, such as now frequent the Straits.




ELIZABETH.


603


1578.
was here on his affairs. To this I replied that I was a public
person and, as such, would answer their interrogations.
2. Had Captain Dyke (?) written a letter to me? To which I
replied Yes; and that I had sent a letter of his to Flanders as he
was desirous of serving his Majesty.
3. Had I received a letter from Captain Cotton respecting certain
grievances suffered by him at Bruges? I replied, Yes; and that a
letter had been sent to hit, for his Excellency, through his Secretary,
in favour of a certain Charles Brown who was also going to serve.
4. Whether I had written that I was afraid they were going
to put me in the Tower? I replied that, to the best of my recollection, they referred to what I had written by the ambassadors
who come from Flanders, and the two despatches which Zweveghem
took, although they denied this. I said that what I had written
was that, as everyone was saying that war would break out, I
begged his Majesty or his Highness not to let me be forgotten.
5. Had I any understanding with the earl of Westmoreland or
any others of those whom they called rebels? I replied that I had
never thought of such a thing, which is true.
6. Whether I had received letters from the queen of Scotland
requesting me to write to the Grand Commander, asking him to
provide for the needs of the earl of Westmoreland? I replied that
I did not recollect such a thing as my memory was a poor one.
7. If I had sent her any letters of my own or from other people?
To which I replied, No.
8. Had I any understandings regarding her release? To which
I replied, I had not.
9. If I had written to the Queen's prejudice and a statement
regarding the ships of war which were plundering in the Channel?
I replied that I had not, and referred them to my letters.
10. They examined me as to who it was that was going to serve
with ten thousand men, giving his son as a pledge? I replied that,
so far as I recollected, it was Colonel Chester.
11. They asked me who was to undertake the service from
Ireland? To which I replied that I had no recollection of such a
business.
12. They asked me what I had written about the money which
was being taken out of Spain? To which I replied that I wrote
generally in consequence of the disorder of things.
13. They told me that his Majesty was poor and consequently
did not provide for me; dwelling much upon my poverty. They
said that his Majesty spent much more than his revenue, and was
full of debts. They asked me how I knew the Queen's revenue
was small? I said that what she had was well known, and that
Ireland cost ler twenty thousand pounds a year to maintain, more
than it was worth to her. When she had spent thirty millions on
war, as his Majesty had irn Flanders, and still had as much again to
settle matters there by the hand of his Highness, they might talk
about her riches. The rental of a single city in Spain, Seville, I
said, was greater than all the revenues of this Crown, for they, at
great length, sought to belittle the King's greatness, but I told him
the truth in a very few words.




604                         SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1578.
14. They asked how I knew that the queen of Scotland and her
ambassador were unjustly imprisoned? I replied that the French
envoys had affirmed it, she having come to this country of her own
free will as to the house of a person who was much indebted to her,
and, in conformity with the arrangement made shortly before by
the two Queens to visit and congratulate each other, for which
visits the liveries had been openly prepared.
15. After having examined me as aforesaid, they insisted upon
my signing the examination, and, on my saying that I, as a public
man, was not called upon to sign it, as it was a matter touching the
sovereign, they replied that they would make me sign it by force;
and the two members of the Council afore-mentioned made a note
thereof at the foot of the confession.
16. I told Dr. Wilson apart that I wished to speak with the earl
of Leicester as question No. 10 concerned his brother-in-law.
Without date, but amongst the papers of 1578.
5 July.  518. BERNARDINO DE MENDOZA to ZAYAS.
I send duplicates of my letters of 11th, 13th, 17th, and 21st
ultimo, as the weather has been very bad for the transmission of
letters lately. I have been a long while without anything from
your worship, which makes me more anxious than I can say, as I
receive no approval of what is being done here nor any reply to my
many letters to his Majesty. My only consolation is that your
worship has so fully instructed me that I cannot go very far wrong,
unless I forget your instructions; but I beg you do not fail to give
me constant light for my guidance, which so new a Minister as
myself urgently needs.
As soon as Walsingham and Cobham arrived at Dunkirk, they
requested M. de la Motte* to come and speak to them, and they
would send hostages for his safety. As he did not accept the
invitation they sent a gentleman to treat with him, to whom he
replied that he would convey the message given to him to Don
Juan. These people are making earnest attempts to continue their
expeditions to the Indies, and, as you will see by my letters to his
Majesty, they are still equipping ships for the purpose. If he
wishes to take away from them their relish for the enterprise, it
would be well for him to order resolutely that any ship of theirs
that is captured should be sent to the bottom and not a soul spared.
If any mercy is extended to them, they will never desist from their
attempts, and, as they take but little force with them, it will not
require great efforts to do as I say. If once they set foot on land
the task will be a much more difficult one.
The Scots have twice recently crossed the border and taken a
hundred prisoners and two thousand heads of cattle, which is a
great haul, as they have not, for a long time past, made these
raids.
Guaras has again been examined since they put him in the
Tower. I will speak to the Queen about his affair at the audience
I am to have with her before she starts on her progress.-London,
5th July 1578.
* The Governor of Gravelines for the King of Spain.




ELIZABETH.


60o


1578.
19 July. 519. BERNARDINO DE MENDOZA to ZAYAS.
Speaks of the difficulty of forwarding letters, and refers to private
letters to and from relatives, &c.
In addition to the difficulties I found on my arrivel here, I am
hindered by Juan de Vargas having written, as I previously
mentioned, saying that sending special couriers was costly and that
he had but little money for such purposes. I sent in my letter of
the 12th of April the communication which I received from Don
Juan on my arrival here with a statement which contained the only
instructions I had, but, I am afraid, from what his Majesty says,
that they will have been lost.
The Queen has been very suspicious of me hitherto, as she has
been assured that I was coming to perform I know not what bad
offices, but she is being undeceived and is turning her eyes now
more towards his Majesty. The same may be said of some of her
ministers, who have begun to get friendly with me, and I can
assure you that, if his Majesty wishes to retain them, I see a way
of doing it. It has been a good deal to bring them so far; seeing
how distrustful they were of ever having any interest taken in
them by his Majesty, because, as they themselves tell me, no
account was made, even of their mistress, much less of them. Any
money that may be given to them will not be wasted. God knows
the trouble I have had in getting her and her ministers even so far
as this towards the condition which you mention, as they always
want to see something substantial beforehand, which is the natural
character of their countrymen. I am told by a person in the Palace
that, even in the matter of giving me audience readily, the Queen
has been considerably influenced by the gloves and perfumes which
I gave her when I arrived.
Before the Queen started on her progress, I spoke to her about
the change made with Guaras. She said that, after she had ordered
him to leave the country, an Irishman had divulged a certain plot
in Ireland in which Guaras was concerned. This having caused her
to send him to the Tower until the matter could be investigated;
and, after that was done, she would send him to his Majesty to be
punished, as his actions had been so much in her disservice and to
the prejudice of her crown.
With regard to the arrested property misappropriated here, about
which I wrote to you, I am pressed by Hatton, the Captain of the
Guard, to claim it, making an arrangement with him to give him a
certain share; upon which, he says he will have the persons who
now hold the property denounced, and will see that justice is done.
I beg you will report this to the King, and get his instructions.
I expect that the amount will turn out to be a large one, as Hatton
is in such a hurry for his share of it, and it would be a pity that
the property should be lost.
On the last day of this month the credit which Garnica sent
expired, and, if I am to remain here, I beg that it may be extended,
as well as the other credit for my extraordinary expenses, since God
has endowed me with no means of my own to meet them. I have
not recovered a penny of the back pay which was owing to me vet,
although Don Juan ordered me to be paid; nor has the Marquis de




606


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1578.
Ayarnonte paid what his Majesty ordered of my revenue. I am
dealing with one of Walsingham's officers and a great man in his
office. He is entertaining my advances, and is giving me some
information already, from interested motives, in the hope also tlhat
his payment will be regular if I stay here.-London, 19th July
1578.
20 July. 520. BERNARDINO DE MENDOZA to ZAYAS.
Since making up the packet I have received yours of the 13th
June; I have nothing to say, excepting that those who are desirous
of claiming the misappropriated property, part of the seizures, are
pressing me again upon the matter, which makes me think, seeing
the hurry they are in, that the sum will be a large one. If we can
get anything out of it the money may, perhaps, be employed in
gaining some of the personages here, without bringing funds from
Spain, besides which, if we let this opportunity slip, we shall never
be able to recover this money, as the people themselves tell me.
I am very sorry the spectacles arrived broken, as your worship
thinks them good. I will send another box in my next packet.London, 20th July 1578.
14 Aug.   521. BERNARDINO DE MENDOZA to ZAYAS.
Speaks at length regarding the delay and difficulty of forwarding
letters, complaining much of the ambassador in France, Juan de
Vargas, to whom some were entrusted for transmission.
This Queen has greatly feasted Alenqon's ambassador,* and on
one occasion when she was entertaining him at dinner she thought
the sideboard was not so well furnished with pieces of plate as she
would like the Frenchman to have seen it; she therefore called the
earl of Sussex, the Lord Steward, who had charge of these things,
and asked him how it was there was so little plate. The Earl
replied that he had, for many years, accompanied her and other
sovereigns of England in their progresses, and he had never seen
them take so much plate as she was carrying then. The Queen
told him to hold his tongue, that he was a great rogue, and that the
more good that was done to people like him the worse they got.
She then turned to a certain North, who was there in the room,
and asked him whether le thought there was much or little plate
on the sideboard, to which he replied there was very little, and
threw the blame on Sussex. When North left the Queen's chamlber,
Sussex told him that he had spoke wrongly and falsely in what he
said to the Queen, whereupon North replied that if he, Sussex, did
not belong to the Council he would prove what he said to his
teeth. Sussex then went to Leicester and complained of the
knavish behaviour of North, but Leicester told him that the words
he used should not be applied to such persons as North. Sussex
answered that, whatever he might think of the words, North was
a great knave, so that they remained offended with one another as
* The Duke D'Alenqon had instructed M. de Bacqueville and M. Quisse, on the 30th
July, to explain to Elizabeth the reasons that had moved him to enter Flanders, to
solicit her advice as to his future proceedings, apparently to ask for a loan of 300,000
vrowns, and to renew the demand for her hand.




ELIZABETH.                        60o
1578.
they had been before on other matters. This may not be of importance, but I have thought well to relate it so that you may see
how easily matters here may now be brought into discord if care
be taken on one side to insure support against eventualities. The
next day the Queen sent twice to tell the earl of Oxford, who is
a very gallant lad, to dance before the ambassadors, whereupon he
replied that he hoped her Majesty would not order him to do so
as he did not want to entertain Frenchmen. When the Lord
Steward took him the message the second time, he replied that lie
would not give pleasure to Frenchmen, nor listen to such a message,
and with that he left the room. He is a lad who has a great
following in the country, and has requested permission to go and
serve his Highness, which the Queen refused, and asked him why
lie did not go and serve the Archduke Matbias; to which he replied
that he would not serve another sovereign than his own, unless it
were a very great one, such as the king of Spain.
I have sent a man expressly to make the voyage in Humphrey
Gilbert's ships, so that if he returns, he will give a full account of
it to me. I have been fortunate in finding a person both faithful
and competent, he being an Englishman, and I beg you will let his
Majesty know of this as I have given him orders if they should
touch in Spain on their return that he is to go straight to Court
and address himself to you.
Francisco de Arriaga has sent to say that he will prolong the
credit to pay me two hundred and forty crowns a month on the
signature of Garnica. I suspect that this is owing to your kind
offices, and I beg you to send me another credit for my extraordinary expenses, as I have no means to provide for them.
I am making every possible effort for the release of Antonio de
Guaras. I enclose herewith his confession and the points upon
which they have examined him and his servant. I have sent to
offer him everything of which he nm;y stand in need, having first
asked the Queen's consent to do so. I am told that there are
many Catholics in the north where the Queen is travelling, and
that on her entering the house of a gentleman where she was to
lodge, her people found an altar with all the ornaments thereupon
ready for the celebration of mass, whilst the gentleman, his wile,
and children received the Queen with crucifixes round their necks.
There is not so much severity against them as usual.
I send your worship herewith a box of spectacles of the same
ages as before, but the workman is so knavish that there has been
much difficulty in getting them. I hope they will arrive better
than the others.-London, 14th August 1578.
522. Document headed "JUAN DE AGUIRRE was examined,on
the 25th of June by the Governor of the Tower, and
"Master Herll, on the following points ":1. Whether, when I was at the Sheriff's house, I had said that
the Queen was heretical and schismatic, and other similar things?
To this I replied flatly that, whoever had accused me of this had
not said the truth, and that I had never said a word against the
Queen, which is true.




608


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1578.
2. Whether I knew one Master Heron? To which I replied yes.
What was the reason that he came so often to my master's house?
I replied that when Pedro de Barrientos, a Spaniard, went to Spain
two years ago, he left a Flemish horse here for Heron to sell,
which he did for twenty pounds. This sum he had to pay to my
master, who asked him for the amount from time to time. He
made light of the demand and came sometimes to dinner, and this
was the whole of the business.
3. Did I know one Master Hare? I replied yes. Why did he
come to my master's house? I replied that he came occasionally
and brought letters for my master to forward to an English friend
of his in Ant, erp. The letters were so forwarded, and when the
post arrived, Hare came to get the letters which came for him in
the same way.
4. Did I know Master Gardiner? To which I replied that I did.
What business had he with my master? I replied that I believe,
so far as I could see, that his only reason for coming was to spy,
as he only came when letters were being written or sealed, and that
he talked so much that my master could not endure him.
5. Did I know one Captain Malbey? I said that I did. What
connection had he with my master? I replied that he came to
ask my master to forward, in some ship going to Spain, three Irish
greyhounds, as I understood, for the King.
6. Did I know one Morgan? I said yes. What business had
he with my master? I said he came but rarely, and I understood
that he came to learn news from Flanders or Spain. Did he come
by night or by day? I never saw him excepting in the daytime.
7. Did I know a person called Master Somerset? To which I
replied that I did not.
8. Who was it that brought news to my master? I said that
all the news he received came through an Easterling, who died
ten months ago, and was a sort of servant whom  he sent to the
west country, Southampton and other places, and when he returned
he and my master discoursed in secret.
9. Whether my master wrote to the queen of Scotland or
received letters from her? To which I replied that I knew nothing
of such a thing.
10. If my master had said anything against the Queen or
Council? To which I replied that I had never heard him say
anything.
11. They asked me what my master had done with his papers
and cipher? To which I replied that, shortly before his arrest one
day, Bautista de San Vitores, Alonso de Basurto, Pedro Martinez,
and Juan de Sansurte, all Spaniards, came to tell him that his
Majesty had ordered the arrest of all English ships, and that the
same step had been taken in this country towards Spaniards, and
that war would surely break out. My master was alarmedt at this,
and fearing that war was coming, burnt all his papers, letters, and
ciphers, as shortly before then hlii Highness had written to himl to
take care they did not get hold of any papers of his, and if he
heard anything disquieting he was to burn them. They told me he
had done no such thing.




ELIZABETH.


609


1578.
12. What was it that my master wrote to his Majesty and his
Highness? To which I replied that I did not know, as I was
unacquainted with the ciphers. My master wrote them and I
copied them. They said I knew very well what he wrote in plain
Spanish. I said yes; sometimes he wrote that money, arms, and
stores were being sent from here for the succour of Orange and the
States, and that ambassadors were being sent thither.
13. Why was Damian sent to his Highness? To which I replied
that as my master was in great need he was sent to beg of his
Highness to provide him with money. Did he take any letters?
No.
14. Would Sancho de Leive come here again? I said I did not
know. Was he acquainted with any of the ciphers? I did not
know for certain, but perhaps he knew some.
15. Whither did my master intend to go if he were ordered to
leave the country? To which I replied that, from what I had
heard, he would go first to your Majesty's Court to beg some favour,
and then would retire to his own house, from which he had been
absent very long.
16. How long had I been with my master? I said nineteen
months. They said that I could say a great deal more if I liked,
and they would make me do so under torture. I replied that they
could do as they liked with me, but I could say no more than I had
done, and if I knew anything more I would have told them.
After saying all this verbally they ordered me to write it clause by
clause in Spanish to show to the Council, which I did, word for
word as is here set down.
19 Aug.  523. BERNARDINO DE MENDOZA to ZAYAS.
I wrote on the 14th by way of France and have since heard that
Horatio Pallavicini, the Genoese who wrote to the King, has some
alum, besides that in Cadiz, at Bayona in Galicia, and has freighted
a ship to bring it hither. It would be well that it should not be
allowed to come. I am sending this hurriedly and can say no more
at present.
As regards the money withheld from the seizures, Hatton, the
captain of the Guard and a member of the Council, is the person
who has reported the matter to me, but he will not divulge the
names of the persons in whose possession the property now is,
unless he is assured of a very large share of it. Not will he tell me
the value of the property illegally detained, as most of it, I suspect,
is in the hands of members of the Council and other men of standing,
from whom he hopes to get it by the Queen's favour, without
which it will be impossible to recover anything. I do not therefore
mean to lose any time in the business nor to let Ilatton cool about it.
He is now very hot on the matter, which makes me think that the
sum is a large one.-London, 19th August 1578.
8 Sept.  524. BERNARDINO DE MENDOZA to ZAYAS,
I have three of your letters, and as you exonerate me from blame
in the delay, I have no more to say on that head, excepting that I
am astonished that my letters should arrive so tardily there, and I
y 76467.                                                Q Q




610


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1 578.
should be very glad to receive orders to forward them by some
other way as I am sure that they will always run the same risk of
delay whilst they go through Juan de Vargas.
The talk of getting rid ot' me here has gone no further, and I now
never see the Queen but she tells me how glad she is for me to be
here. She gives me audience freely and I have her now in an
excellent humour, thank God, whilst the Englishmen in general are
not bad friends with me, as they think I shall not do anything
against them in the event of disturbance.
With regard to your request that I should say what is the amount
of money which we may be able to get from the misappropriated
property from the seizures, as I have told you Hatton, the Captain
of the Guard and a Councillor, is the man who has reported the
matter to me, and he will not declare the names of the persons who
hold the property unless a large share of it is given to him; but I
suspect that it is in the hands of some of the councillors and other men
of position, from whom he expects to get it with the favour of the
Queen, without which nothing can be done. I do not wish to let
Hatton cool in the matter as he is very warm about it now, from
which I conclude that the sum is a large one. The amount obtained
might be applied to lighten the expenses of the journey to Monzon
and, having this in view, you may move his Majesty to instruct me
that as soon as the Queen arrives near here I may ask for audience
and beg that commissioners be appointed in conformity with the
agreement, to enquire about this property. I thank you for prolonging the credit, that for the five hundred crowns for extraordinary
expenses being already exhausted, as you will see by my sixmonthly account enclosed, leaving nearly two hundred crowns
owing to me, which I beg earnestly you will have paid and send
me another credit as I can do nothing here without it.
Antonio de Guaras is still in the Tower. I sent to tell him to
let me know if he needed anything and he asked for two hundred
crowns which were given to him out of the thousand. I never see
the Queen without speaking about his affair.
As his Majesty in my instructions orders me to try to gain over
some of these ministers, I have made some steps towards doing so
with the earl of Sussex, Lord Burleigh, and James Crofts the Controller, and it has been necessary to give them some hopes of
reward. They ask me every day what reply I receive fiom Spain,
especially Sussex, and although I answer significantly, yet it io
difficult to keep them in hand very long with words alone. I am
tmucl confused as I cannot now withdraw from the position I have
taken up, having gone so far, nor can I carry the matter any further
unless means of doing so are sent to nme. If you have a chance
pray mention it to his Majesty, as Don Juan writes that he has
sent to the King about it but has no reply, and in the meanwhile,
orders me to keep the negotiation pending, saying that if he were not
so pressed for money he would send it to me from the Netlerlands.
During her progress in the North the Queen has met with more
Catholics than she expected, and in one of the houses* they found a
great many images which were ordered to be dragged round and.           ~ u.-l.,:ti Il/ll th-t.~t.t.i!L<:  lcvkli,c+ d i'ulil'.




ELIZABETH.


611


1578.
burnt.  When she entered Norwich large crowds of people came out
to receive her, and one company of children knelt as she passed and
said, as usual, "God save the Queen."   She turned to them    and
said, "Speak up; I know you do not love nme here."
A very curious thing has happened here lately. A countryman has
found, buried in a stable, three wax figures, two spans high and
proportionately broad; the centre figure had the word Elizabeth
written on the forehead and the side figures were dressed like her
councillors, and were covered over with a great variety of different
signs, the left side of the images being transfixed with a large
quantity of pig's bristles as if it were some sort of witchcraft.
When it reached the Queen's ears she was disturbed, as it was
looked upon as an augury, and great enquiries have been set on foot
about it, although hitherto nothing has been discovered.
On the 6th instant a ship arrived here from  Barbary which had
left Morocco on the 4th ultimo, and brings a very insolent message
from the new king of Fez to the Queen saying amongst other things
that he hopes to send her Stukeley as a present.*
Walsingham has written to the Queen that the chevallier Lorison
and M. de Bussy,t two of Alen9on's gentlemen, had had a quarrel in
France, and Lorison, to whom the lie had been given, had gone to
Don Juan's camp and from     there had challenged Bussy who was
with his master; the challenge having been accepted, Bussy had
taken a letter from Alenon to Don Juan saying that he placed
these two gentlemen in his Highness' hands so that both of tlhems
might came honourably out of the affair, which Don Juan had
promised and given 400 lances for his escort. I should be glad
indeed to be able to write definitely about Rambouillet's affairs but
I have not been able to do so as my sources of information are
drying up.   I am writing to Juan de Vargas asking him to send
this letter on with more diligence than the others, which I hope to
God he will as I have not written lately.   This Queen has given
Rambouillet two pieces of gilt plate, some people say of the value of
six hundred crowns, and some of a thousand.-London, 8th September 1578.
8 Sept.   525.   BERNARDINO DE MENDOZA to the KING.
I wrote on the 14th ultimo., giving an account of the arrival of
Rambouillet and L'Aubespine. They went on to Norwich two days
afterwards to see the Queen who received Rambouillet.      On the
2nd instant she dined with Rambouillet, Mauvissiere who is the
resident ambassador here, and Bacqueville, at Lord North's house,
and after dinner she was talking with them apart for more than an
hour.   Rambouillet was overheard to say that his master was much
* Stukeley had just been killed whilst fighting against the King's predecessor who
had fallen in the same battle.
t Bussy d'Amboise, the famous duellist who was shortly afterwards sent to England
by Alengon to pave the way for his master's visit. He was the close friend of the
Prince and had fled from Paris at the beginning of the year in consequence of a
quarrel with one of the King's gentlemen named Quelus. A few days afterwards (14th
February) he contrived the escape of Alencon from the capital and accompanied him in
his expedition to Flanders.
$ Rambouillet and L'Aubespine had been sent by Henry III. and Bacqueville and De
Quisse by Alencon to Elizabeth to renew the negotiations for Elizabeth's hand and
arrange for Alengon's visit.
Q 2




612                         SPAlISHt STATE PAPERS.
1578.
surprised to see so many Englishmen in organised regiments in the
Netherlands. The reply was that there were not many there yet,
and there would have been many more if she, the Queen, had not
heard of the large numbers being raised in her country. What
Rambouillet said in reply is not known as he spoke very low, but
the Queen retorted that she knew that long ago. Rambouillet then
said that his master was only dealing truthfully with her, to which
the Queen replied that it was so much the better for both of them.
During the discourse nothing more wvas heard than these words, as
the conversation was carried on in a low tone, but to judge by appearances and hints that have been dropped since, the matter under
discussion is the marriage of Alengon. After the conversation, the
Queen summoned Leicester and went with him into a corner of the
same public chamber, where they were talking apart for nearly an
hour. After this the Queen asked the ambassadors whether they
would like to play at primero, to which they answered that they
would do so if she wished. She said that it would be better tlat
they should take the opportunity of the councillors being there to
speak to them on the dispatch of their business, and they were
accordingly witl the Council until eight o'clock at night, the earl
of Sussex and James Crofts the Controller being absent. When
Leicester was leaving the Council he said to an Englishman,
"suffice it that these Frenchmen want to marry the Queen."  It
seems as if the Queen herself were willing to entertain the matter
as M. de Quissd returned on the 25th, and although he took no
assurance about the loan of 300,000 ducats which Alenqon had
asked of the Queen through Bacqueville, the excuse being that the
merchants of London would not advance the money without security,
he seems to have taken with him some artifices about the alliance
and marriage. I am told that Rainbouillet tried to settle the
matter of the loan to Alenoon by offering that the King would be
surety for his brother and that certain personages would come
hither shortly to represent him and his brother to treat of the
marriage. He also brought instructions to discuss Scotch mntters
with certain pensioners, but as things are settled there lie has not
done so, and his King has sent a gentleman of his from Boulogne to
Scotland by sea.
L'Aubespine has been discussing the arrests of ships from Dieppe
and seizures of French property under letters of marque, but has
come to no decision about it and Bacqueville has not yet obtained
an answer from the Queen.
Junio,* who was governor of Vere in the time of the rebels and
is a native of Antwerp, has come from Casimir to this Queen, it is
understood about the payment to him for having raised troops, she
having ordered twenty-five thousand pounds to be obtained to
send to the Netherlands.
Since the disturbances which I reported in my last as having
happened in Scotland, Morton came in disguise near to Berwick to
ask Lord Hunsdon the governor of the frontier to enter Scotland
with the troops lie had there which Hunsdon refused to do until he
* Dr. Junius de Jongh who had been ageut for the prince of Orange.




ELIZABETH.


618


1578.
received the Queen's orders. Upon this Morton returned, and both
sides laid down their arms and entered into the agreement of which
I enclose a copy. I also send herewith a report of what had passed
at the opening of Parliament there. St. Aldegonde has written to
the Flemish Calvinists who live here and call themselves the new
Church, on behalf of Orange, excusing himself for having given
churches in Antwerp to the Martinists, it having been forced upon
him in order that he might not lose the town, of which he was in
great fear, as when the offer was at first refused the Martinists
joined the Catholics.  He tells these people they must not be
discouraged by this or think that they are changing their opinion.
It is said that the said course will be pursued in Malines, Brussels,
Lille, and other places, until they find themselves more powerful.
He writes also very urgently that certain very rich burgesses of
Valenciennes who are here should be sent to that town in order
that they may use their influence to keep the people in submission
to the States, they being heretics and extremely seditious persons
of the same sort as the refugees who were sent from here to Ghent
in a similar way; the effect of which has been seen. These Calvinists are so led astray by the devil that there is no sovereign in
the world obeyed so implicitly as the two old men that they have
appointed to govern them and their church. Those who are here
have been made to pay large sums of money to succour the heretics
and, poor and rich, they pay it most willingly, obeying the
commands that are given to them with incredible alacrity and
leave behind them wife and children, and everything else, to fulfil
the orders given to them.
The Queen is tarrying on her progress in order not to approach
London where the plague increases daily. It is understood that
she will be at Windsor or Hampton Court on the 20th. She has
not been at all gratified by the people in the North in consequence of the large number of Catholics that there are amongst
them.
Some English gentlemen have recently left here to serve the
King of Portugal taking with them letters from his arnbaasador.
Amongst them are Captain Bensar, Stanley and Lister. Stanley is
considered a Catholic, but the rest are going by order of the
Queen, and with the connivance of Leicester to see what Stukeley
is up to, now that his expedition is at an end.*-London, 8th
September 1578.
9 Sept.  526. BERNARDINO DE MENDOZA to the KING.
Since closing the accompanying letter I have been told by a
member of the Council, through a person I sent to him to find out
about Rambouillet's errand, that the king of France had sent him
to learn whether there was any foundation in the negotiations being
carried on for a marriage between this Queen and his brother, and
if this were so and the Queen were disposed to listen to him,
Rambouillet was to press the matter forward and to promise in the
* The disaster to Portuguese arms in Morocco at the battle of Alcazar on the 4th of the
previous month in which Stukeley and the King were both killed, had apparently not
become known in London at this date.




614


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1578,
King's name anything in his power to bring it about. The Queen
has arranged with him that she will send by Bacqueville and
Quissd in a few days a copy of the conditions which would be
demanded on her part, she having seen those which Alen9on
had sent by Quiss6. The king of France and Alenqon can
then send personages hither to conclude the marriage.  The
business is not a solitary one for they are talking about marrying
Leicester in France if the Queen's marriage is brought about, but,
judging from what has happened hitherto, the matter will no doubt
be long drawn out.-London, 9th September 1578.
11 Sept.  527. BERNARDINO DE MENDOZA to ZAYAS.
As William Bodenham is leaving in a ship for Seville I have
thought it a good opportunity to send his Majesty the enclosed
letter with duplicates of mine of the 8th and 9th sent by France.
Cobham has helped me in his Majesty's interests since I have been
here which I have thought well to signify, and to express my
obligation to him.
I have been informed that the courier Juanin, a great rogue and
a subject of your Majesty, has sold to the prince of Orange three
or four despatches from the King's officers, and particularly one of
great importance from Colonel Mondragon. He is now going with
a merchant to Genoa, and I think of writing to the ambassadors
there (giving an account also to Don Juan) that he may be arrested
and punished as such a scoundrel should be.
There has been a struggle in Bruges lately between the Catholics
and the Calvinists, fifteen or sixteen people being killed therein.
In Malines also, the Calvinists have tried to get up a disturbance,
but were prevented by the governor, who is a Catholic. Orange has
written begging them to have patience for a short time when a
Friesland-man will be sent as governor of the town who will not be
so much opposed to them. Bacqueville has been entertained in this
city by orders of the Queen, and has been taken to see the Tower and
other things, with great ceremony. A present of jewels valued at
five hundred crowns has been given to him as well as some horses
from Leicester. Yesterday by way of France there arrived very
bad news about the king of Portugal's enterprise; God send that it
be not true.*-London, 11th September 1578.
11 Sept. 528. BERNARDINO DE MENDOZA to the KING.
On the 8th and 9th I wrote to your Majesty and send copies
herewith together with the marine chart, which I wrote to your
Majesty that I had procured of Frobisher's voyage, but which I
have not sent before for want of a good opportunity such as now
offers by a safe bearer who goes to Seville by sea. M. de Bacqueville has arrived in London after taking leave of the Queen  He
is going directly to M. D'Alen~on and the negotiations for the
marriage are being taken up more warmly every day by the English.
-London, 11th September, 1578.


* The battle of Alcazar.




ELIZAUETIT.


615


1578.
19 Sept. 529. The KING to BERNARDINO DE MENDOZA.
All your letters have been received up to the 14th of August as
well as a copy of what Don Juan wrote you on the 4th of July,
instructing you as to your proceedings towards the Queen, respecting
the help she is giving to the rebels in the Netherlands and her
communications with them. I am glad that you have informed me
of the way you have carried out these instructions and the reply
given to you, which was simply an excuse, as their actions prove
their words to be false. It is desirable nevertheless to keep matters
in hand and preserve friendship with the Queen as you are doing,
and at the same time cautiously to win over the ministers who
appear favourably disposed to us. You say that in order to pledge
them firmly on our side it will be necessary to treat them liberally,
and it will be well for you to consider how much should be given tb
each one who may be of use to us, and whether it should be in
money or valuables; the cost or amount of the same, how and when
it should be given and what means you have of conveying it.
When we know this and you are quite sure they will act sincerely
and straightforwardly in what they are entrusted with, I will send
orders for the provisions of what may be necessary for the purpose.
I will do this all the more willingly, since I see by. your later letters
that my brother is of the same opinion. It is necessary, however,
that before doing anything, we should have the information now
requested, so as not to cast our seed on the sand nor give money
to people who will cheat and then laugh at us. You will enquire
well into this and report fully.
It would be very appropriate if any money could be got from
the person who, you say, tells you of the unregistered and unclaimed
property now being held which could be recovered by virtue of the
last arrangement made between the Queen and the duke of Alba.
It will be well for you to investigate the matter, and, if you find
there is anything in it, you will inform us here of what is necessary
to be done, in order that the needful instructions may be sent to
you. I shall also be glad for the person who gives you the
information to be properly rewarded.
Your diligence in discovering the object of equipping ships was
very acceptable and useful for the purpose of allowing us to provide
for the safety of the voyage to the Indies. You will continue to
exercise the same vigilance in this respect.
Scotch affairs seem to be getting into an acute stage which makes
it needful to keep the probable outcome of them in view. It has
therefore been well to keep me informed of what you have
heard, and you will try to discover what object is being sought, and
what share the Catholics have in the Government and the care of
the King's person; who is their leader, how they regard their
Queen, and what could be done on my part to benefit her or her
affairs. What is the character and disposition shown by her son
both as to religion and other things. You will advise me fully of
this, so that we may see what it will be desirable to do, but you
will be very cautious about it, so that your object may not be




616


SPANISH STATE PAPERS,


1578.
understood. The report that I had written to the earl of Morton is
an invention.
I notice the persons who have gone to England on behalf of the
States and also on that of the duke of Alenqon as well as the plots
and toils in which they are immersed; all directed, no doubt, to
the raising of distrust and suspicion in accordance with their own
nature. I expect that the talk of the marriage of the Queen and
the duke of Alengon will have all turned to smoke, but no doubt if
Rambouillet and L'Aubespine went back with any decision of importance you will have let me and my brother know. You will not
fail to inform my brother of everything, in order that he may
instruct you, he being much nearer and having the business of the
provinces in his hands.
I observe that Antonio de Guaras is still being severely treated
and, as we should be glad to have him released and sent out of the
country, we enjoin you to continue your efforts with this object and
get him set at liberty as early as possible.
As regards yourself, it is my will that you should remain in
England until I send further orders, endeavouring to keep friendly
with the Queen, and maintaining kindly communications with her
ministers as you have hitherto done.-London, 19th September
1578.
23 Sept. 530. BERNARDINO DE MENDOZA to the KING.
On the 11th I wrote to your Majesty by sea to Seville, and since
then it has been publicly announced that Alengon is to come here
at the beginning of November to see the Queen in anticipation of
the marriage.  In view of this the Queen has ordered great
preparations to be made and magnificent dresses for herself and her
ladies. The king of France and his brother are pressing the matter
with great warmth, and, to judge from the despatches he sends to
his ambassador, it may be concluded that the matter is of great
importance to some design they have in view.
Horatio Pallavicini, a Genoese, in company with Baptist Spinola
who lives at Antwerp, has advanced the money which I wrote to
your Majesty was to be raised for the States, three hundred and
fifty thousand florins, the payment being guaranteed, in defect of
the States, by the city of London.  This has probably been of
enormous service to enable them to strengthen their army. This
money, together with that raised on the alum, and the hundred
and fifty thousand florins supplied by the Ghent people from the
church silver, will enable them to pay the soldiers a month's wages,
without which not a man would have moved. One of the conditions of the loan is that for six years Pallavicini is to have the sole
right of introducing alum into the States of the Netherlands. This
is to the disadvantage of the dominions of your Majesty and the
Papal States whence the alum comes, as the Netherlands is the plac e
where most of it is consumed, and this man thus becomes the
monopolist of the article, and the money for it will come into his
hands and those of the States for the purpose of the prolongation
of the war. Walsingham certainly will not stand in the way or




ELIZABETH.


617


1578.
prevent the security for the money being given in England, as I
am assured that they are making him a present of four thousand
pounds out of this loan. Pallavicini, in order to forestall other
people, has sent for all the alum which he has in various parts,
Milan, Genoa, and other places. From the latter port the ship
"Santa Maria la Incoronada," belonging to Juan Maria Rato with
seven thousand jars has sailed, with the intention of touching at
Alicante to ship some jars that he has there, and perhaps those
belonging to him in Cadiz, which I have already mentioned, also
will be shipped. If they come hither they certainly will enable
the States to prolong the war against your Majesty.
M. de Quisse, who has been residing here for Alen9on, and the
prince of Beam, and is a great man amongst the Flemish heretics
here, has left for the Netherlands. Junio who came from Casimir
to the Queen is still negotiating about his payment.
This Queen has written to her ambassadors, Cohham and
Walsingham, telling them that, notwithstanding her instructions to
them to return, they are to remain there until they see the result
of the negotiations now being carried on between the ambassadors
of the Emperor, the States, and Don Juan.-London, 23rd
September 1578.
531. EXTRACTS from LETTERS 'from BERNARDINO DE MENDOZA
to ZAYAS, dated London, 23rd September and 7th and
11th October 1578.
Great payment and prizes have been promised in Ghent to all
the ministers and secretaries who will go to the University and
colleges which they are establishing for the maintenance of their
new religion, so that the bait has had the effect of drawing all the
ministers and schoolmasters away from here, and none now remain.
Amongst them has gone Hermanus, a famous heretic who was
thought much of in Antwerp, and preached there in Madam's time,
and is now a minister at Norwich.
Letters from Antwerp of the 18th report that the States and
Mathias have written to the people of Valenciennes telling them to
obey Lalaing, both as regards billetting troops in the town and
neighbourhood and in other matters.
By my letters to his Majesty you will see what passed with the
Queen, and the discussion she raised about the ministers. I suspect
that the object of his discussion was to learn from me what sort of
reception her representatives would meet with in Spain, as it is
stated here lately that when Cobham and Walsingham return she
will send some one there. I replied to her in general terms, as you
will see, and she afterwards said that if I were a " gaglioffo "* (for
she likes to use such terms as these in Italian) I should not have
remained here so long. She praised my mode of proceeding in
affairs, and of conducting myself here, and said that, if I had lived
here years ago, things would not have arrived at such a strained
condition as they had, mentioning Don Guerau de Spes' proceedings
which she has not forgotten yet. She also spoke about the release
* Gaglioffo, a worthless knave.




618


SPANISH STATE PAPERS


1578.
of Guaras, replying to my reference thereto, and told me that she
had promised me before she left on her progress that she would
deal with the matter on her return, as the men who were expected
from Ireland to clear up the matter would then have arrived.
Harry Sidney the Governor of Ireland has arrived, summoned
by the Queen, and, no doubt his cominlg will enable us to learn
what are the charges made against Guaras in this particular. I am
doing the best I can for his release.
The Ghent people have hanged president Hessels to a tree outside
of the town, and they say that Champigny was very near accompanying him. Hessels was a good Catholic and a faithful subject
of the King, and as such, he boldly addressed the people of Ghent
when they were about to execute him.*- London, 23rd September,
7th and 11th of October 1578.
7 Oct.  532. BERNARDINO DE MENDOZA to the KING.
On the 11th ultimo I wrote to your Majesty by way of Seville,
sending a marine chart of the voyage made by the English. The
ships with Frobisher their captain have already returned from the
voyage. They say he discharged at Portsmouth, for which reason
I have not been able yet to get particulars of the success of the
voyage, and have received no news of the man I sent with the
expedition. All that I learn is what Frobisher, who has arrived
here, himself relates, which is that he went in a very short time
from Ireland to that coast which they call Cathay, which he found
colder than when they were there two years ago, and he lost a
ship in the ice and another was prevented from following him by
tempest, and returned to this country bringing with it most of
the wood destined for, the building of houses. He went forty
leagues higher up the Strait than on his former voyage, and
without leaving any men behind him on shore, lie simply loaded his
vessels with the same sort of ore as he had previously brought.
They are not much pleased with his return, nor are the merchants
interested in the business satisfied with the voyage, although
Frobisher promises great things in the voyage he says he must
undertake thither next summer.-London, 7th October 1578.
7 Oct.  533. BERNARDINO DE MENDOZA to the KING.
On the 23rd ultimo I wrote to your Majesty, and on the 28th I
saw the Queen at Richmond; in the first place because she had
approached so near here, and in the next, because I was told she
was much surprised she had not seen me for so long, and thought
that I must have gone back to Spain, from which I gathered that
she wished to see me. After having welcomed me with much
warmth and kindness, she gave me to understand that she was
much grieved at what Don Juan had told her ambassador, namely,
that he had orders from your Majesty not to treat for peace with
anybody excepting the Emperor, and although it was right and
* The rising of the Calvinists against the Walloon and Catholic Flemings at Ghent,
at which Councillor Hessels and Ex-Procurator Visch were hanged, took place on the
4th October.




ELIZABETH.


619


1578.
proper, seeing the Emperor's position, that other princes should
place their affairs in his hands, yet she had made so many efforts
that she thought she deserved at least to be adopted as one of the
mediators. I replied in conformity with his Highness' instructions
of the ith of May, which said, " As regards the intervention of the
"Queen as mediator when peace negotiations are commenced,
"nothing of the sort must be entertained, as it is not desirable on
"any account; but on this matter you must act but not speak."
I told her that as it was some time since I had letters from his
Highness I could not say anything decided upon the point, but I
pretended to have heard from private sources that the States themselves had desired the commissioners who had been appointed and
that his Highness would willing]y approve of them, and by this
means justify more than ever, the cause of your Majesty, since a
father never quarelled with a son, nor a prince with his subjects,
who was not willing to refer the matter to a judge of their own
choosing, the more plainly to demonstrate their error. I told her
she might be assured that the States were not dealing so straightforwardly as some of her ministers tried to persuade her. She
told me that I was right, as she received the same information
about the commissioners, and she was sure I was telling her the
truth.  She said that she was convinced of this, moreover, from the
mode of procedure of the States, and by the documents which were
being divulged, particularly by a letter written to St. Aldegonde.
She said that some of her Council were very much surprised that
she allowed me to remain here, as vour Majesty did not admit an
embassy from her in your Court. To which I replied that I myself
was there when she had sent Wilkes and that your Majesty had
admitted him as ambassador, as also you had done with Cobham
and Smith. She said that she took no notice of what they said on
this point as she knew me and liked my manner of proceeding,
which did not inspire her with suspicion, and if a favourable peace
were made in the Netherlands, by any means, she would have been
quite content not to have been a mediator in the matter, being
perfectly satisfied with my explanations.
After this she turned the conversation on to the marriage with
MI. D'Alengon, and when I asked her when it was to be, she said
she did not know, but asked me whether I thought she ought to
marry him. I replied that I thought in this business, as in everything else she had done, she would act with prudence, as she had
so many reasons for knowing that the French were trying to
prevent the aggrandisement of her crown and the quietude of her
realm. She thanked me for judging of her actions so favourably,
and said that she hoped that I would approve of them when I saw
the end. I gathered from this conversation that what had passed
between the Queen-mother and the prince of Bearn* had aroused
* Catherine de Medici, despairing of overcoming the Huguenot nobles by force of arms,
had set out for the south of France shortly before this under the pretext of escorting
her daughter Margaret to the house of her husband, Henry of Navarre. She was accompanied by what she called her " flying squadron " of one hundred and fifty beautiful maids
of honour, by whose aid she hoped to soften the rigidity of the Bearnese Court. In this
she had partly succeeded, and had won over her son-in-law to her side, the treaty of Nerac




620


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1578.
some suspicion in her mind, as twice within the last few days she
has refused to see the French ambassador, on the excuse that she
was ill, although she went to dine with the earl of Leicester.
The French and Flemish heretics here have received letters from
those at Rochelle and elsewhere telling them of the suspicions
aroused there by the treaty, and the fears entertained that the
going of the Queen-mother to the prince of Bearl would cause war
to break out, as the king of France had written to his brother to
hold himself in readiness to return to France if necessary, and sent
him for this purpose three hundred thousand francs which the
Paris merchants had given for the purpose of building a certain
bridge.  He was to pay with this money ten thousand of the
troops he had with him, and was warned not to undertake any
enterprise of importance from which he could not extricate himself
easily.
M. de Quisse, who I wrote to your Majesty had gone to
Flanders, has pressed Casimir, on behalf of the prince of Beam,
to hasten his return in respect of the regiments of French, Gascons,
and Lorrainers who were attached to him. For this reason, and as
Casimir says that he must return to Germany at the end of a
month when his three months are up, it is suspected that he will
go to France, where he expects to make a larger profit with less
risk, having Bearn and the Huguenots behind him. IHe will thus
recover what is owing to him in France. If he does not go there
it is understood that the Frenchmen who are with him will join
Alen:on, although I hope to God that they will not go back again
until they have all tasted turpentine and got their heads well
broken, seeing the vigilance, which they themselves say, is being
displayed by Don Juan.   In accordance with the Queen's instructions, Cobham and Walsingham, seeing that the States were not
coming to terms with his Highness, have returned hither much
dissatisfied with this mode of proceeding and conduct. They have
seen the Queen, but have not yet given a formal account of their
embassy to the Council.   I am told that Walsingham    has come
back much elated because some of the churches in the States were
knocked down whilst he was there. They say there are very few
English and Scots now serving in the States, on account of many
having returned in consequence of their bad treatment and a number
having died of the plague.-London, 7th October 1578.
11 Oct.   534. BERNARDINO DE MENDOZA to the KING.
Since I wrote to your Majesty on the 7th, this Queen has sent
orders to Dover and the neighbouring l)orts for the Englishmen
with their baggage, who wish to go over to Gravelines, to be
allowed to do so. I have heard that Captain Jones has nearly
being signed in February 1579, the following year. Agrippa D'Aubigne, the historian,
thus refers to this episode: "The court of the king of Navarre was renowned for its
" brave nobility and virtuous ladies. Idleness attracted vice to it as heat draws serpents.
" The queen of Navarre took the rust off their wits, and let it gather on their arms.
"She taught the King, her husband, that a cavalier was without a soul when he was
"without an amour." The pages of Brantome also are full of references to the moral
deterioration of Henry and the Huguenot nobles by such means as those suggested.




ELIZABETH.                        62i
1578.
three hundred men ready and ships at Rochester to take them
across, which he will do on the 13th. I have thought well to
advise his Highness of this by a special courier, as it is suspicious
for so many Englishmen to be going to the town at once, particularly as they are of a sort not much to be depended upon and
the force a considerable one. I knew some time ago that Captain
Moffet had gone over with some men, but that was done quietly,
and the present expedition is of more importance. I have let
M. de la Motte know, and wrote to him some time ago, telling him
that Orange was sending soldiers to him dressed as countrymen
that he might enlist them, and that prying Englishmen were leaving
here under the pretence of being Catholics to take wages from us.
He replied saying that your Majesty thought it was a good thing
that this should be so, as the place had to be reinforced with
troops, and it was impossible that they should be Spaniards, and
undesirable that they should be all Walloons or other natives of
the States, so that the natives who were in the fortress might be
counterbalanced by foreigners.  Although these men may not
be admitted into the citadel, still, as these captains who are going
over and their men are not dependent upon anyone whom I know
or have any confidence in, it may be feared that some plot is
brewing, either in Gravelines or elsewhere, since nothing is planned
here excepting to your Majesty's prejudice. My suspicions have
been aroused moreover by the fact that the Queen did not mention
the matter to me for communication to your Majesty, together with
the sudden opening of the passage in this way, whereas previously
gentlemen were arrested after they had embarked with the intention of going to France on the mere suspicion that they were on
their way to serve your Majesty. The people who are going
across now are of a kind open to any sort of plot, and I can assure
your Majesty that Englishmen come to me every day, men who I
know to have served the rebels, offeiing to hatch plots in the rebel
towns, whilst others ask for license to capture the Flemish traders
who come across in their vessels and ransom them in your Majesty's
dominions, saying that they will by these means take some good
prizes, for the one idea of these people is to seek means of making
money at any cost. I write to M. de la Motte generally, and to
Alonso de Curiel privately, in cipher about the going of these
Eng]ishmen, telling him to keep his eyes open and let his Highness
know what is going on. If M. de la Motte thinks well to have
English troops and will let me know, as he has done on other
matters, I could see that the men who went were people in whom
some trust might be placed, which is not the case with those who
are now going.
M. D'AlenCon has written to the French ambassador here that
he is going to send M. de Simier to the Queen about the marriage,
and asks him to assist him as he did Bacqueville, and, if necessary,
to supply him with funds in the same way.-London, 11th October
1578.
15 Oct.  535. The KING to BERNARDINO DE MENDOZA.
Your letters and duplicates have been received, and also the
plarine chart you sent by William Bodenham through Seville, and




622


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1578.
Zayas has also informed me of soml details which you have written
to him not contained in my letters. I am glad to hear everything,
but have nothing particular to answer, except to enjoin you to
continue in every respect as you have begun, both as regards
Flemish affairs and Scotch. It is very advantageous in all respects
that the Queen and her ministers should have desisted from their
intention of seeking your recall, as it is highly desirable that you
should remain there until they bid you be gone, which I do not think
they will do, considering.the favourable way in which you bear
yourself towards them.
Notwithstanding all the show they may make about the marriage
of the Queen and the Duke D'Alenqon, it may be certainly concluded that it is nothing but pastime, and that she is not in earnest
about it and will never take a husband. Nevertheless it is well
that you should be on the alert to hear what their plans are, both in
this respect and in the many other subterfuges which are taking
place there every day.
This letter is taken by Gombal de Guaras, who is going to try
to obtain his brother's release. As you know how sincerely I
have desired this, I shall be very glad if you will help and favour
the bearer with this object to the best of your ability.-Madrid,
15th October 1578.
81 Oct.  536. The KING to BERNARDINO DE MENDOZA.
By your letters recently received I learn of the return to England
of Frobisher's ships from the coast of Cathay, and the particulars
you have obtained of the voyage. I have been glad to learn them,
as I shall be to receive any statement respecting the voyage which
may be brought to you by the man whom you sent in the expedition,
if he should have returned.
Having regard to what you write respecting the arrangement
made by Horatio Pallavicini with the people in the States, founded
on the importation of alum, the conditions of which contract are
manifestly prejudicial to my interests, I have ordered the detention
of the ship at Cadiz, and that which is coming from Genoa to toucih
at Alicante, as well as the alum at Cartagena. I have also ordered
the cargo books to be examined, and have caused the same steps to
be taken at Milan, advising his Holiness to a similar effect, in
order that he may take such measures with regard to the alum in his
dominions as he may consider necessary, which, no doubt, will be
the same as I have taken, as being those most advantageous
to the service of God and the weakening of the enemies of his Holy
name.
I note what passed between you and the Queen at Richmond
on the 28th September respecting her regret that she had not been
included by me in the agreement with the States, and you replied
conveniently thereto. You will adopt the same course if she again
refers to the subject, saying that if I had placed the matter in the
hands of any other sovereign but the Emperor she would have had
reason to complain, but as I look upon the Emperor as ily son,
and he being so prudent a prince, I have no doubt she will see that
she has no ground for comp!aint or grievance.
I also see what she said to you in the same audience respecting




ELIZABETH.


623


1578.
her marriage with the Duke D'Alencon, to which also you replied
very discreetly, and, although I feel certain that the present
negotiations are merely feigned as before, you do well to keep your
eye on them to see what will be the outcome, advising me always
of what is being done so that we may adopt such measures as may
be desirable.
You will act similarly with regard to Scotch affairs, and will
let me know whether the treatment accorded to the queen of
Scotland gets better or worse. You will also inform me what
communication the Queen has with her son and those who have
charge of him, and how the dissensions amongst them have ended,
as Juan de Vargas reports from France that they had come to an
agreement.
It was very necessary for you to advise M. de la Motte of the
troops who were going over to Gravelines ostensibly on my service
in order that he might not place too much trust in them. I have
no doubt he will follow your advice and act straightforwardly,
but if anything grave in this matter should occur) you will report
it to me and to my nephew the prince of Parma, who, as I wrote
on the 14th, has been entrusted by me with the office filled by my
late brother.*
I have been able to obtain from a trustworthy source the
substance of the instructions taken by the ambassadors whom the
Queen sent to the States, and I have ordered a copy thereof to be
sent to you that you may understand the more clearly their intention, and the underhand and unworthy manner in which they
have proceeded there. This is in conformity with the opinion I
have always formed of ler (the Queen), but it was of the greatest
importance that we should have this additional proof, and you may,
if occasion demand, make use of the information without letting
them know that you have the paper, but only signifying that you
have your intelligence from a good quarter.-Madrid, 31st October
1578.
20 Nov. 537. ZAYAS to BERNARDINO DE MENDOZA.
I wrote to you by Gombal de Guaras, and as I have no fresh
letter from you I now only write to enclose the letters which go
herewith, and to inform you that such steps have been taken in
these dominions, in Milan, and by the Pope about the alum, in
conformity with your information, as I have no doubt will produce
the desired effect. In the meanwhile keep your eyes on the matter
there, so as to let us know as much about it as possible. Death has
been busy with us, and their Majesties are deeply touched at their
losses, but are bearing them with Christian resignation.-Mad:rid,
20th November 1578.
8 Dec.  538. BERNARDINO DE MENDOZA to ZAYAS.
I wrote to you on the 22nd ultimo. The queen of Scotland's
affairs are in such a critical condition, what with the doubts and
suspicions of these people, that it is very difficult to discuss them
without the greatest caution and care, as any false step might
jeopardise the 1ife of the poor lady. For this reason I cannot
* Don Juan had died shortly before the date of this letter,




624


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1578.
advise his Majesty of the decisions arrived at with so much
promptitude as I should like. They tell me that the queen of
Scotland has been much grieved at the death of Don Juan, and for
two days after she heard the news was almost without food.
I am doing my best for the release of Antonio de Guaras, but
his brother wants to take up the matter in a French fury, notwithstanding all I have said to him, to the effect that these people
are not to be dealt with in this manner. I fear that unless he
desists from discussing his brother's business with so many people,
he will make matters worse for him than before. His coming has
been of no advantage hitherto, since the talk on the Exchange is
that he is a man worth two hundred thousand ducats, and has
come to release his brother, and this has caused some of them to
be on the alert to make some money out of the business, of which
they had not the slightest hope before, or even that they would be
paid what was owing. As this is a thing which appeals even to
the highest people here, I am afraid that it will cause a delay rather
than otherwise.
The spectacles which you request for an age of seventy years are
sent herewith, although only eight pairs, as the workman has made
no more.-London, 8th December 1578.
13 Dec.  539. BERNARDINO DE MENDOZA to ZAYAS.
As the secretary to the French ambassador who takes this packet
as far as Paris is leaving hurriedly, I have only time to say that I
wrote on the 8th instant, and that since then, Leicester, whom I
had addressed on the matter of Antonio de Guaras, sent to tell me
that he had spoken to the Queen and I was to ask for audience
respecting it, which would be granted on Sunday when she would
come to a decision. I have done so, and God knows how glad I
shall be to get the matter over. I have had to deal with it very
cunningly, as I will fully explain to you when Guaras is clear out
of the country, which I hope will be soon.
Leicester is very careful to oblige me in all matters that he can,
and, for my part, I lose no opportunity of thanking him and
gaining his goodwill, so as to use him for more important things.
It has been said lately that Drake, the pirate that went to the
Indies, was coming home with valuable prizes, and certain news
has now arrived from him at Court. When he arrives I will be on
the alert.-London, 13th December 1578.
31 I)ec. 540. BERNARDINO DE MENDOZA to the KING.
I wrote to your Majesty on the 13th and sent duplicate via
France on the 22nd. The English ambassador in France writes to
the Queen that a bastard brother of the earl of Morton had arrived
there from Scotland and had been warmly welcomed and entertained by the King. He says that, pending the reason of his visit
being discovered, it would be desirable that the Queen should send
some one to the king of France to make an excuse for M. de Simier's
coming being delayed. She has therefore sent Philip Sidney, which
has had the effect of stopping Simier, who is understood to have
arrived at Calais. The ambassador has also writtenu several times
and now confirms it, that the King of France is one of the




rELIZABETIH.


625


1578.
sovereigns who have entered into the league formed by your
Majesty and the Pope and this news greatly disturbs the Queen.
He also tells her that a gentleman has departed very secretly
from the court of France to Germany, in order to hasten the levy
of four thousand horse for this spring to assist M. D'Alengon, if he
keeps a footing until then, in the States. She emphatically insists
upon this, although some of her Council think that these forces
may be required by the King on account of affairs in his own
country, where indications are directly pointing to another appeal
to arms.
As I have already reported, the Queen has sent to her ambassador in Scotland telling him to endeavour to have ready for the
spring four thousand Scots to send to the help of the Netherlands.
He tells her that the Scotch nobles are opposed to this and
do not wish troops to leave the country, which has greatly
annoyed her and her ministers, particularly as Morton's brother is
in France at the same time, and her suspicions, which were already
great, have thus been increased that the French and Scots may
become closer friends. Hunsdon, the commander of the frontier
also advises her from Berwick that Morton and the Scots are not so
friendly with him as formerly.
Parliament, which was to have opened on the 22nd of January,
has now been further prorogued until March, in order that Simier
may come first, as it is said that it will be better for Parliament to
meet after the marriage and alliance have been arranged. Signs are
evident, both on the part of the Queen and ministers, that they
desire to carry the matter through, although it is difficult to
believe, for other reasons, that it will result in anything. A house
has been prepared where the Queen will entertain Simier and his
people, and he will be served by the Queen's own household.
They will be much feasted as the Queen has ordered the Lords and
gentlemen of the kingdom to be at Court during the time.
I spoke to the Queen on the 14th about the release of Antonio
de Guaras, when she promised me that the business should be
promptly disposed of.  She afterwards asked me with great
earnestness if I thought that peace would be made in the Netherlands. I replied that I could not give her any certain assurance in
the matter, only that some of the people in the States were saying
that her ambassadors had not advised them to agree to it, as their
reconciliation with their enemy would be that of the lamb with the
wolf. I repeated this and other points of the instruction which
your Majesty sent me and she changed countenance when she heard
me, and said that the rogues who espoused the French cause were
always making up something of this sort to excuse their own
tricks, but that she was not fit to discuss similar matters then as
she had a very bad cold. I made no reply to this, thinking that
what I had said would be enough, and she then, in the course of
conversation upon other points said that we Spaniards knew how
to put what we wanted to say very cleverly. She has ordered her
people to be armed in the manner which you will see by a copy of
her instructions which I send herewith.
The merchants of London are opposed to the Hamburg people
f4O67.                                                   R 1H




626


SPANISHI STATE PAPERS.


1578.
who reside here enjoying the privileges which they have, and similar
steps have been taken in Hamburg towards the English residents
there, and the effect aimed at is, apparently, to stop them froin
having any business in those towns at all. The Council are trying
to settle the matter although they have not yet been able to do s'
The Flemish merchants resident here are being much pressed for
the payment of a certain imposition, and, in order to escape therefrom, they have given an account of the matter to the Archduke
Mathias and the States, requesting that they will send someone
here to settle the question. This was done but the man has
returned without effecting anything, and they are now asking that
a person of more importance should be sent to assist them  in the
matter.-London, 31st December 1578.
1579.
8 Jan.   541. ZAYAS to BERNARDINO DE MENDOZA.
Your letters of 8th and 13th ultimo, with duplicates, were duly
received, and none have been lost.    Your information about
Portugal is so important that you did well in sending it by
special messenger. It will be well to be on the alert, and throw
out nets on all sides to gain information of what is done in this
particular.  Your informant was quite right about Miguel de
Mora, as we had heard the same here, but it is necessary to
dissemble, as he is in high favour and credit with his master.
The extraordinary diligence of Leicester in trying to oblige and
please you is significant, and, if possible, it would be advisable to
discover what his object is, what he is aiming at, and what service
he can render to our master. If it means more than mere words
and compliments, I understand that he may well be given something more substantial than the horses and harness you mentioned
in your recent letters.
We note your remarks about the caution with which the affairs
of the Queen of Scotland and her country should be treated, and
thoroughly approve of them, as a contrary course would certainly
ruin her. The (Scotch) ambassador resident iu France has been
recently persuading Juan de Vargas* that, if his Majesty would
assist the Queen's adherents, a great effect would be produced in
her favour, and, what is of more importance, in favour of the
Catholic religion. If the aid were in the form of money, he says
that a sum  sufficient to maintain 4,000 foot for three or four
months would be enough, and, although his Majesty is very well
disposed towards the business, nothing has yet been decided,
because, in good truth, the matter could only be undertaken on
very safe grounds, and with the assurance that the effect would be
produced, as otherwise it would be " oleum ed operamn perdere."
Look into the matter and send your opinion upon it.
You do well in sending to us all the news you get from
Flanders, as, although we sometimes learn the same thlings direct,
there are other points of which we know nothing; as was the
case with your intelligence from Antwerp of the 10th ultimo, and
* Juan de Vargas Mejia, Spanish Ambassador in Ffance.




tLIZABETfi.                         627
1579.
Orange's printed paper, which certainly contains some very strange
things, evidently dictated by the evil one, who loses no opportunity
of helping his own.
What you write about M. de la Motte rather puzzles us, as
the letters we get from Flanders exalt him to the skies, as the
origin of all the favourable events that have begun there, and it
has been under discussion to reward his services with an order (of
knighthood), although nothing has yet been decided about it, and
you had better not mention it to anyone. It will be well, therefore,
for you to get to the bottom of the intelligence you send and
communicate the result.
I thank you warmly for so stoutly helping Antonio de Guaras,
and for the hope you give me of his release. I at once informed
his wife, for her consolation, of which she was much in need. She
is a lady of very good position.
The accountant Mendibil tells me you need a clerk. If this is
so, and you will let me know, I think I can supply you with one
that will suit.
I duly received the box of spectacles for the age of 70 years,
with which you have made Jacobo de Trezo* a rich roan. In his
name and my own I thank you sincerely for them. Those for
Castillo have been given to him.
There is no   news here.   Their Majesties have   passed the
Christmas holidays at St. Lorenzo (the Escurial) in good health,
notwithstanding the cold.-Madrid, 8th January 1579.
15 Jan.  542. BERNARDINO DE MENDOZA to the KING.
I wrote to your Majesty on the 31st ultimo a letter, duplicate
of which was forwarded by way of Rouen on the 3rd instant.
M. de Simier and the other Frenchmen arrived here on the 5th,
and saw the Queen on the 11th. She had, a few days previously,
had a consultation of doctors to decide whether she could hope for
progeny, in which the doctors found no difficulty; bult she, nevertheless, received the Frenchmen with no great cordiality, and the
people at large show no joy at their coming.   She told Simier
that Alenlon could not be so eager as they professed, since he had
delayed three months in sending him, without discussing any point
of the business. If other negotiations are attempted under cover
of the marriage, since affairs in France are so disturbed that it
appears probable that peace may be broken, which is the Queen's
object, she will give ear readily enough to them, whilst letting the
marriage question drag.   If, as some people think    probable,
Alengon asks her for help against his brother, I am assured that
she would give it.
Simier brings with him ten or twelve thousand crowns worth of
jewels to give away. I have requested audience for the purpose of
* Giacomo Trezzo was a celebrated Milanese sculptor and lapidary, who executed the
splendid high altar and tabernacle of the cathedral of St. Lorenzo at the Escorial, and
much other fine work there. The street in Madrid in which he lived and died has
always been called after him, the Calle de Jacometrezo. He was between forty and fifty
Tears of age at the time this letter was written.
Rn 2




628


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1579.
pointing out to the Queen how bad it would be for her, apart
from the marriage, to give ear to other advances from the
French, who are carrying on such active negotiations in Scotland,
to her manifest prejudice, as both they and the Scots are the
ancient enemies of this crown.   In order to arrange for this
audience and put matters in a desirable way I saw Walsinghain
four days ago. He gives me an account of the news that the
Queen receives from France and elsewhere, and I wished to
ascertain whether what I had heard was true. I said I was much
astonished that the Queen should feast the Frenchmen in this way,
seeing that Morton's son had gone to the king of France, who had
also sent secretly two persons to Scotland who had landed at Leith,
and, as the Scots themselves declared, would make great promises
and offers in his name. He replied that the Queen had heard as
much from both sides, and this again proved clearly how desirous
your Majesty was of preserving friendship with England, as I
did not conceal from them a matter which touched them so closely
as this. The Queen had been informed of it by her ambassador in
Scotland, who assured her that Morton was becoming every day
more closely attached to the French, from whose greed nothing else
could be expected.
The Queen-mother is urging very warmly the marriage of her
grand-daughter, the daughter of the duke of Lorraine, with the
king of Scotland. In order to bring it about, she and the king (of
France) offer to the heir of the house of Hamilton, who claims the
succession, that in default of the king (of Scots) they will
favour him and endeavour to get him recognized as heir in the
next Parliament, whilst great promises are held out to others
with the same end. Both matters are causing anxiety to this
Queen, as well as the news she gets from France to the effect that
a marriage is being discussed between Guise and the daughter of
the prince of Beam.
Parma has ordered the execution of the two Englishmen who, as
I wrote to your Majesty on the 16th May, left here in order to
murder the late Don John. When the Queen received the news
she told Walsingham very angrily that this was the outcome of
the advice that he and others had given her, and that he had
brought her to the present pass.   Walsingham  was so much
affected by these words that he came here from the Court next
day in a high fever.
He has sent to Ghent one Rogers,* the man who went to
Germany to arrange with Casimir for the raising of cavalry, on
pretence of taking him a gold mounted sword from Leicester. The
object of his present journey is to incite the Ghent people to
persevere in the war, in which he will help them as he is a great
heretic, and a very fit person to arrange matters of this sort with
other heretics, without appearing openly. He is to represent to
the malcontents that, whereas this is the time for them to liberate
their country, they are ruining it by their private quarrels.
* Daniel Rogers, son of John Rogers the Martyr. He is said to have been
"the most accomplished gentleman of that time, a very good man and excellently
" learned."




ELIZABETH.


629


1579.
Junio (Junius de Jongh), who came here from Casimir about the
payment from the Queen, took back 8,0001. in cash and 14,0001. in
bills of Benedict Spinola and other Genoese residents here. Two
or three vessels loaded with cloth left here on the 5th for Antwerp,
in connection with the same business, although until I learn of the
distribution of the cargoes, I do not know whether they are sent
on account of the Queen, or by the merchants to cover the amount
of their bills.
From your Majesty's Court the Queen has received news that
the prince of Parma had offered to renounce in your Majesty's
favour the rights of his son to the crown of Portugal, but the
person who told me this had not time to see the signature of the
person who had written the letter.*     The Queen has ordered
certain lawyers of hers to look into the pedigree of the Portuguese throne, and has sent Fortescue thither by sea with a secret
despatch.
The Portuguese ambassador here continues his efforts to impress
upon the Queen and her ministers that your Majesty wishes to be
adopted as the heir to the crown, and to point out how bad it will
be for England to lose the friendship of Portugal, directly your
Majesty may declare war against them. He urges upon them the
good treatment which Portugal extended to them at the time of
the embargoes, when they could not carry on trade with any of
your Majesty's dominions.
The person of whom I wrote on the 26th October last, who is a
faithful servant of the Queen of Scotland, has not yet given me an
answer about the steps he himself promised to take with certain
Scots. I suspect that, in view of the negotiations they are carrying
on with France, he has not found the matter so feasible as he
expected.-London, 15th January 1579.
15 Jan.   543.   BERNARDINO DE MENDOZA to ZAYAS.
By my letter to the King you will see how I bore myself with
Walsingham, to feel the way as to the best course to take about
the coming of the Frenchmen, and to satisfy myself that I was not
being deceived by one of his own people, with whom I carry on some
communications. By God's help I have managed to get on such
terms with these folks, that even Leicester and Walsingham, who
were the most strongly opposed to my being here, are now trying to
get another house for me, as my present one is not healthy or well
placed. I am afraid the execution of the Englishmen by the prince
of Parma may delay the release of Antonio de Guaras, which I had
already carried so forward, as I wrote to you. I addressed myself
to Walsingham about it, but did not find him so well disposed as
he had been recently; and was told by him that he was awaiting
* Note in the handwriting of the King: "It will be well to write to Portugal about
" this, in order that they may see to it. Write to him (Mendoza) also to endeavour
" to discover who wrote from here about it." Alexander Farnese, prince of Parma,
had married Marie of Portugal in 1565 (see Calendar of State Papers, Spanish,
1558-67). On the loss of the young King Dom Sebastian, in August 1568, the aged
and childless Cardinal King Henry had succeeded, and during his short reign Philip
and the other claimants were busily intriguing for the succession.




630


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1579.
the receipt of certain despatches from Ireland before the matter
could be settled, and they were sometimes delayed for two months
in the winter tine. I cannot get Guaras' brother to believe me,
and he acts in the most impatient manner, notwithstanding everything T can say to him to show him that the absurdities he commits
every day only delay his own object. It is quite impossible to
bring him to reason, or make him understand the proper way to
expedite the business. They write from Scotland that the earls of
Mar and Argyll had words about who was the best horseman, which
at last ended in blows, and thirty on one side and forty on the
other were killed or wounded in the quarrel. As the cause of
dispute was so trifling and the blood shed so great, there were
doubtless prior grounds of quarrel between them.
Casiodoro, who is one of the friars that fled from St. Isidro at
Seville many years ago, has come to this country again, after having
escaped from here in disgrace, as he was accused of an abominable
crime. He comes now with letters from John Sturmius* one of
the heresiarchs of Germany, in consequence of which he is being
favoured by some of the principal people here. He wants to be
allowed to preach in one of the so-called churches here to be set
apart for Spaniards, as the heretics of other nations have churches.
One of my men has returned from Holland and gives me the
enclosed information about the sects there.
The special despatch I sent on the 8th ultimo met with very bad
weather, twelve days of tempest, and I had given up the courier
for lost, but now hear that he arrived in Paris on the 23rd.
The Queen has ordered her house here to be got ready for her
and intends to come in a week.
Ten days since the Queen gave orders that after this month no
whale oil is to be allowed to enter this country, where nearly
2,000 tons of it was yearly consumed, most of it coming from
Biscay. They have resolved in future to manufacture their cloths
and soap with rape oil which, if it answers, will not fail to injure
Biscay, as the whale oil will not be in so great a demand as hitherto.
I am told that one of the reasons for this order is to prevent the
free export of money on the excuse of buying whale oil, which
gave a greater profit than the oil itself.
On the day that Simier saw the Queen, Leicester invited him to
supper, in order that he might afterwards be present at the ball,
which was a very grand one with an entertainment in imitation of
a tournament, between six ladies and a like number of gentlemen,
who surrendered to them. She (the Queen) did not order Simier
to be covered. I am told that he gave the Queen a small casket,
which, no doubt, is the token in exchange for the salamander she
sent him (Alenqon) by Bacqueville.
The Vidame de Chartres must have gone with some great offer
from the Ghent people, as the king of France a few months ago,
ordered all his property to be sold as that of a proclaimed heretic.




* John Sturmius the famous reformer, who was Queen Elizabeth's agent at
Strasburg.




ELIZABETH.                       631
1579.
He passed through Amiens in a carriage on the 8th, accompanied
by twenty horse.
I suspect that the protest made by this Queen was caused by
the fact that the affairs of the States have not been benefited by
this step, although she herself was anxious to bring it about
when Walsingham went thither.-London, 15th January 1579.
15 Jan.  544. BERNARDINO DE MENDOZA to ZAYAS.
Since closing the accompanying letter, I have received yours of
20th November and 11th ultimo. The present is only written
hurriedly to acknowledge receipt of them, and to say, shortly, as
regards the matter of the embargoes, about which I will write at
length in my next, that it will be unnecessary for any commissioners
or documents to be sent from Flanders to deal with the matter, since
I am here in his Majesty's name. According to the agreement,
there will be two or three Englishmen appointed by the Queen and a
like number of foreigners chosen by me, and I am assured by those
who have the matter in hand, and by Leicester who is helping us,
that the persons chosen on both sides shall be to my satisfaction.
I am pressing the Queen nearly every day to have the matter
commenced, the sooner the better, as those whom I have mentioned
are so warm about it, besides which the property will dwindle by
delay.-London, 15th January 1579.
19 Jan.  545. BERNARDINO DE MENDOZA to ZAYAS.
I wrote to his Majesty and your worship on the 15th that I was
in hopes of being able to see the Queen, which I did yesterday,
and I gathered from my conversation with her and also with the
earl of Sussex, who is a worthy gentleman, that the Frenchmen
will prolong their stay here, and that all the plans they are hatching
are against the Netherlands, with a view to their own interests.
The English are saying that, although the French are their mortal
enemies, it is meet they should join hands with them in this way
and get the Queen married. News has arrived that Casimir will
be at Dunkirk on the 17th for the purpose of coming over to this
country, and he is therefore expected here hourly  All this, as
well as Orange's desperate plots, and the Vidame's journey to
France, prove the correctness of the above, but I have no time
to elucidate the matter as I write this in great haste and send it
under cover of some merchants by a secretary of Alenson's, who
accompanied Simier hither, and is being hurriedly sent off by him.
In order to get to the bottom of it all, I have delayed seeing Cecil
and the other ministers, to whom, as I have written to his Majesty,
presents should be given, until the decision as to its being done
reaches me. I have taken care to hold out hopes to them and have
done all else in my power to hinder these negotiations, and will
give full information to his Majesty as I obtain it, sending particulars of what passes with the Queen, by special courier. M. de
Simier returned hither on the 16th and the Queen will be here in
four daN s. The French envoys are the guests of the Ambassador.
Simier said that Alen~on would go to Malines.




632


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1579.
The Queen is sending Leicester's nephew, Philip Sidney, to meet
Casimir.-London, 19th January 1579.
27 Jan.  546. BERNARDINO DE MENDOZA to the KING.
I wrote to your Majesty on the 15th, and sent a duplicate next
day by sea to Bilboa, saying that I had requested audience for the
18th.*  When I saw the Queen on that day, she began by saying
how glad she was to see me, and regretted that cirumstances had
prevented her from doing so before, in order to learn news of your
Majesty's health, as she had been much pained at the many recent
deaths in your family, and, in order not to reopen your grief, she
had refrained from writing her condolences hitherto, but would do
so very shortly.
She then asked me whether peace had been made in the Netherlands, to which I replied that I had not received news from the
Prince of Parma for some time, but that advices from Antwerp said
that he had refused to grant the forty days suspension of hostilities,
which had been requested by the States. She said that was well,
and her wish was that a good peace should be made. I told her
that your Majesty had referred the questions at issue there to the
Emperor, and the rest that your Majesty ordered me to convey to
her in your's of the 2nd November. She received it very well, and
did not renew her previous complaints on the subject. I then remarked upon the want of harmony in the States, and said that, as
they had not confidence in each other, they could hardly expect
others to have confidence in them, a fact which some of her ministers
would wish to hide from her. I then went on to say that the reason
of my desiring audience was to inform her that I had received news
from France of the visit of Morton's son to the king of France, and
the other Scotch news, which I wrote to your Majesty in my previous
letters; and how the Scots were carrying on very lively negotiations
there, and the hopes which were founded thereon. I said that,
although she would certainly get the intelligence from other quarters,
I thought it my duty, as your Majesty's representative here, to
inform her of it. She replied that, notwithstanding my zeal in
doing so,-she having already received the information,-she had
also been advised that your Majesty was carrying forward, to its
conclusion, the league, which has been mentioned in my former
letters, between the Catholic princes, at the instance of the Pope;
which, she said, would certainly not be to her advantage, and, of
which, for various reasons, she could not help being suspicious;
particularly as M. de la Motte had told an ambassador of hers two
years ago, that the duke of Alba had sent him, at the time of
duke of Norfolk's rising, to reconnoitre the coasts of this country,
with the object of landing 5,000 Walloons, in case the disturbances
continued.
As regards the league, I asked her whether she did not refer to that
which your Majesty had effected with the Pope and the Venetians
in one tame of Pius V., against the infidels, when certain other


* Note in the King's haudwriting: " To judge from this, she cannot be so bad as they
said."




ELIZABETH.


633


1579.
Princes requested to be admitted into the arrangement, as I had
never heard of any other league having been formed. I was, however, certain that some of her ministers would like to arouse her
suspicions by saying that something of the sort was being done, as
they wished to break her alliance with your Majesty and the house
of Burgundy, and attach her to the French. Besides which, her
Ambassador in France persists in his news about such a league, as
he is a great heretic, and is inspired by certain people of the same
sort here.
In answer to her assertion about M. de la Mlotte, I said that I,
myself, was in the Netherlands at the time in question, although
not engaged in State affairs, and I knew M. de la Motte very well
as a gallant soldier and a good subject, as his deeds have proved him
to be, but he was then only a captain of infantry, and certainly not
in a position for the duke of Alba to give him charge of such a
force, but that I did not desire to enter into past questions as it
was of more importance to deal with the present circumstances.
She then asked me whether the reason for my giving her this Scotch
news was not to divert her from the marriage with M. D'AlenDon,
as she well knew that the Queen-mother was desirous of marrying
him to one of the Infantas, she having herself sent to tell her so;
and she (Elizabeth) expressed her surprise, under the circumstances,
that Simier should have been sent to continue the negotiations that
De Bacqueville had commenced. The Queen-mother had replied that
she was quite sure she (Elizabeth) never meant to marry, whatever
she might say, and there was, therefore, nothing surprising in her
(the Queen-mother's) desire that her son should be wedded. She
said that, although she had received this reply, she could not help
confessing to me that she would not marry a private gentleman,
and that Alengon might yet be king of France, and she believed
he did not dislike her. I said it was not for me to discuss her
marriage, but I could not avoid saying that, although, as a general
rule, it was a matter which depended upon the individual feelings
of the persons interested, yet with princes it was not so, as they
had usually to consider the interests of their dominions and place
on one side their personal inclinations. I was, however, convinced
that she would behave with her usual prudence in the matter.
She then changed the subject to that of Scotland, and said that
the King had sent to inform her that offers of marriage were being
made to him, but he would accept none without consulting her, as
he had hitherto done. For this reason, and in view of the good
offices she had performed for those who had governed the kingdom
during the King's infancy, she was under no great anxiety as
regards Scotch affairs. I replied that matters of this sort were not
usually regulated by considerations of past events, but rather as
great physicians treated a patient, namely, to consider carefully the
present condition of the body before applying a remedy, although
their experience showed them that a certain medicament had
benefited;the patient previously. I said that, even though the
means she had hitherto adopted had kept Scotland tranquil, different
methods would have to be employed in future, as the circumstances
were entirely changed, the King completing h;s fourteenth year in




634


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1579.
May and his marriage being already under discussion, as well as his
heirship to her throne, as she had hitherto refused to have a
successor proclaimed. Either of these two facts was of great
importance, seeing the many point arising out of them, and she
would not underrate them, even if her Ministers were so forgetful
of her interests as to neglect to place them before her as a matter
which touched the preservation of her crown. It had been evident
for a long time that the French had sought every opportunity of
getting a footing in Scotland, some of which attempts I pointed out
to her, particularly that of the year '60, and the efforts your
Majesty had made. I said that this opportunity of marrying the
(Scotch) King to their liking would certainly not be neglected by
them, and they were straining every point to manage it. The greed
of Morton and Scots in general was such as would prompt them to
open their arms to anyone, let alone the French, with whom they
had such ancient alliances; both nations being equally inimical
to the English, of which fact fresh proofs were forthcomiing every
day.
She pricked up her ears at this, and said I was speaking the
truth and was confirmed by the Governor of Berwick and her
ambassador in Scotland, who had come hither to tell her so. (I was
informed of his coming before she told me). When I saw she was
softening in this way, I pressed the matter home very emphatically,
enlarging as much as possible upon it, profiting by the opportunity
of her inviting me to be seated by her side. She even raised her
farthingale in order that I might get closer to her and speak
without being overheard, and I assured her, in your Majesty's name,
that your only object was to preserve friendship, as she could see
by my mode of proceeding. She replied that, even if we had planned
anything against her, however secretly it was done she would
hear of it in time to frustrate it, to which I said that when your
Majesty wished to break with her, you would not do it with deceit
and trickery, like some people, but openly and in a way that, for
her own sake, I should be very sorry for her to learn by experience
the power of your Majesty's sword, which she had never yet seen
unsheathed. She gave no answer to this but thanked me for the
news I had given her. I was with her for over three hours. When
the audience ended, the earl of Sussex came up to me, with wholn
I had a conversation, and I subsequently spoke with Lord Burleigh
and other Ministers, giving them  a partial account of what had
passed with the Queen. I said that, though it was not my business
to discuss the Queen's marriage, I had briefly mentioned to her the
formation of a new alliance with France and would enlarge more
fully upon the matter with them, in order that they might convey
my remarks to the Queen when occasion arose. I said it must be a
matter of grave consideration for them that, during the time
England had been in alliance with the House of Burgundy and at
enmity with France, the House of Burgundy had added to its
dominions Spain, Naples, the State of Milan, Frisia, Utrecht, the
Duchy of Gueldres, and other States, whilst England, instead of
becoming more powerful had decayed; Calais, their only footing on
the continent, having been lost, as well as their friendship with




EIIZABETH.


635


1579.
Brittany, Normandy, and other places, by the aid of which they
were able to undertake their various enterprises against France,
when the latter was engaged in civil war or was being attacked by
the House of Burgundy. Normandy andBrittany were now in the
hands of their enemies, and it must be clear to them that they
could trust no one but your Majesty. They could not fail to see
the importance of maintaining friendship with you, since in times
when the Houseof Burgundy had not so much power as it has now.
it had been consider necessary for England to count upon its aid, by
means of which this country could not only resist, but attack, its
enemies. I said, moreover, though the French might offer to
combine the marriage with an alliance for the purpose of conquering
the Netherlands, I should like to know whether they thought
England would be benefited by seeing that country in the hands of
the French, or any other Prince or people, rather than in those of
your Majesty, with whom the English had been connected for so
many years.
It was all very well, I said, for the French and Netherlanders to
press upon them the importance of not missing the opportunity of
seizing upon Artois, Holland, and Zealand respectively, which
provinces were favourable, in the assurance that, once in possession
of them the rest of the country could easily be won; but there
were plenty of Englishmen and Frenchmen, on the other hand, who
thought it was just as important that England itself should be
captured, in order that the wars in the Netherlands and France
should be crushed and the provinces joined to the other States. It
no doubt appeared a great offer, that some of the States made to the
Queen, to hand themselves over to her, but it really was nothing of
the sort, as they had no intention whatever of fulfilling their
promise; as was proved by the way they treated Alengon and his
Frenchmen, of whom they merely made use and would never
consent to his getting a footing in the country, even turning him out
of Mons when he wished to have possession of the town.
Even though the Queen and her Ministers shut their eyes to
all these facts, for the sake of making an alliance with France, I
said I did not see what advantage they could expect from it, as
France itself is so disturbed, and the King, to judge from his
actions, so incapable of tranquillising the country or uniting its
forces. I used other arguments of this sort, and said that I had
no doubt that these negotiations for the French alliance had not
been commenced by their (the Councillors') wish, but had originated
from the personal designs and ambition of other persons. This I
pressed upon each one of them separately, in accordance with the
degree of ermity they bore to Leicester and his party, who, as they
understood better than I, were for the most part the kind of men
that Cataline wished for in order to disturb the republic, namely
both needy and vicious.
Sussex replied that I had specified the points well. As regards
the marriage, the Queen could follow her own inclinations, but I
might look upon him as the most unworthy person in the world if,
by his consent or advice, the marriage were effected on condition of
depriving your Majesty of the Netherlands. Ie could say this the




636


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1579.
more openly, as his aim was not solely to gratify the Queen, but to
preserve and strengthen her throne. He would hold the same
opinion, even though your Majesty might make light of the
friendship, since you refused to receive a Minister in your Court,
and had sent no reply to what she (the Queen) had asked me to
write on the 5th May last to your Majesty.
Lord Burleigh said that, touching the marriage, he had told
M. de Simier that one of his principal arguments in favour of the
marriage, namely, that his master (Alenqon) might be king of
France, had turned him (Cecil) against it, as he considered that
would be a disadvantage for England; whereupon Simier had complained to the Queen of him. As to the rest, his desire had always
been to see her married to a Prince of the House of Austria, with
which it was well to be in alliance, but, since their old friends cast
them off, and your Majesty had refused to confirm the treaties
which had existed with this country at the time of the Queen's
accession, when Lord Montague was sent to your Majesty, it was
necessary for them  to seek new friends, particularly as your
Majesty refused to receive a Minister in your Court, of which they
all complain to me.-London, 27th January 1579.
27 Jan.  547. BERNARDINO DE MENDOZA to the KING.
M. de Simier saw the Queen on the 11th, and gave her three
letters, one from M. D'A]enqon and the other two from the King
and his mother containing credences and general expressions. The
King's letter gave an assurance that he would agree to any alliance
or treaty the Queen wished, in order to bring about his brother's
marriage. They were at Richmond with the Queen until her
return here on the 17th, audience being given to them every day,
although on some occasions Simier went alone without the resident
ambassador. Nothing was decided, but grand promises were held
out that, if Alenqon himself came, the business would be carried
through, and those who are here for him quite persuade themselves
that this will be so, as do those who surround Alengon in Flanders.
They point out to him tihat his absence alone stands in the way,
and dwell upon the Queen's affection for him, and the warmth and
cordiality with which she receives his emissaries; all of which
revives his desire to see her and reminds him of the oath he swore
to his people and they to him when he left the French Court, that
none of them would ever return whilst his brother reigned, who
treated him with so little dignity. His coming would not be
opposed by the King, particularly with the hopes held out here of
an alliance for the war in the Netherlands, which would divert the
trouble in his own kingdom.
Simier sent to Paris on the 19th a secretary of Alenqon's, who
came hither with him, for the purpose of negotiating the coming of
his master, and Simier and those with him say they will not leave
here until the question of the marriage is decided one way or the
other. They are bravely pushing on the idea of the alliance, which
they say will be the only means of curbing your Majesty's power
and preventing you from adding the crown of Portugal to your
own. When Simier spoke in this sense to the Queen, she replied,




ELIZABETH.


687


1579.
" I am so friendly with my brother the Catholic King that when I
"wrote requesting him to release a subject of mine from the galleys
"he refused to do it."*
The Queen has been warned by the king of France to be very
careful of the queen of Scotland, as certain Englishmen in league
with your Majesty were trying to liberate her with the aid of.Scots
of her party, which is another proof of the lively negotiations which
they (the French) are carrying on in Scotland. In the Parliaments
in that country there are three orders or votes; first the earls or
nobles, second the ecclesiastics, and third the lairds, who are most
numerous and have the largest following. The first two orders are
in favour of marrying the King in France, and the third order or
lairds oppose it.
This Queen has written to the people in the States that she thinks
their treatment of Alengon very strange, as he had gone thither
to help them in the war, not only wvith his troops but with his own
person, which should be greatly esteemed, he being a brother of the
king of France.
It is said that Casimir has been secretly summoned that he may be
reconciled with the king of France and his brother, this being done
at the instance of Orange, in order that the alliance for the Netherlands may be effected on conditions that neither the Queen nor the
heretics of France or the Netherlands shall have anything to fear.
The plan is for the French Huguenots to continue their warlike
preparations, and the King may then raise an army, which they
say is being got ready in Germany, without arousing the suspicions
of your Majesty r causing you to declare war, and then, when all
are armed, the King may have not only his own forces but those of
the Huguenots as well with the prince of Bearn and, if they do not
choose to attack Spain, they may join the troops of this Queen and
Casimir in the Low Countries, and form a force so strong as to defy
your Majesty's troops and overawe tl:e Catholics. By this means
the Huguenots will also be assured, as they will be in such great
numbers that even your Majesty and the king of France combined
would not be able to deal with them. All sorts of great things are
promised from this combination, although there are always difficulties in carrying such tiings into effect. Orange hopes for much
in the division of the States, and as his people are getting tired
of his mode of procedure and incline to peace, he is losing no
opportunity of diverting them to avoid his downfall.
Leicester and Walsingham have favoured the plan of bringing
Casimir here to reconcile him with the French, and the day after
his arrival here, where he was received with great applause,
Leicester, Lord Hunsdon, and many other gentlelnen, went to see
the Frenchmen before dinner, and, I am told, asked them whether
they would meet Casiniir and dine with him  one day, to which
they gave no decided reply. Notwithstanding all this, it is asserted
that the Queen did not know of his coming, which people believe,
because it was kept quiet until he arrived at Dunkirk, an artful
move on the part of Orange, as it appears he started on his journey
* Note in original; "He was condemned to them by the Holy Office."




638


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1579.
accompanied by only five men, and even at Dunkirk did not make
himself known, but shipped in disguise on board a fishing boat.
The object of this is that, if the Frenchmen refuse to receive him,
his voyage may appear to be made for another reason. Indeed the
day after he left Ghent the people were disturbel, and he gave o t
that he was only coming over to see this country, and his absence
would be to the advantage rather than the injury of the States.
He gratified the Archduke Mathias by saying he would oppose the
match with Alenqon, in which direction he himself had some pretensions, as he had sent the Queen his portrait, and she had told
me how pleased she was with it, anl with him; which she had
directed her agent in Antwerp to tell him.
On the morning of the 18th certain books printed in French
were found in the Queen's chamber and others, dedicated to the
Queen and admonishing her to avoid attaching herself to the French
or having any dealings with them. Strict orders were given for
all the books to be sent to her, but only five of them appeared.
Great efforts are being made to discover where they were printed.
In conversation in his own room, Casimir said it was of great
importance to him, and to the Protestants, that the renunciation,
which the archbishop of Cologne was to make in favour of the son
of the duke of Bavaria, with your Majesty's approbation, should not
take effect, as he had been advised that there had been a disturbance in Cologne about it, and your Majesty's troops, and many
Spaniards amongst them, entered the city freely.
In addition to the steps I have taken with the Queen and her
Ministers, I have adopted means to instil into the minds of the
common people the idea of how prejudicial to them these negotiations
will be, as they can only result in more money being demanded of
them, and other inconveniences will be caused, to the injury of
their trade and prosperity.-London, 27th January 1579.
27 Jan.  548. BERNARDINO DE MENDOZA to ZAYAS.
I wrote to you so hurriedly on the ] 9th that I could not reply to
the points contained in your letters of 20th November and 1lth
ultimo. With regard to the seizures, when the commissioners met
here to discuss a settlement they found a great difficulty on both
sides, particularly those who represented his Majesty; namely, that
it was impossible in so short a time as that fixed, for the necessary
claims and declarations to arrive, setting forth the losses sustained
by his Majesty's subjects. In view of this, and of the fact that it
would be almost equally prejudicial to delay a settlement until these
documents could be received, an agreement was arrived al on the
basis of the documents and claims already presented, with the
introduction of a clause in the agreement, by virtue of which, if
any omission of declaration or concealment of goods should take
place on either side, at the striking of the balance the same may be
claimed by the subjects of either clown, to whom they rightly
belong. In order that justice in this matter may be done rapidly, it
was agreed that on a request being made, to either sovereign for
the appointment of commissioners to deal with the new clause, they
are to be so appointed and are to have summaryjurisdiction, without




ELIZABETH.                        639
1579.
recourse to the ordinary procedure, which is far from rapid here;
with their long vacations. In accordance with this agreement, solie
Englishmen have gone to petition his Majesty to restore certain
goods, which were not set forth in the declarations which he ordered
to be made, and similar petitions are to be made, by our people
to this Queen, but as they have not yet found any minister to
assist them in their claim they have not presented it, as it would
be an interminable affair, if it were not dealt with under authoritative countenance. It would seem from this agreement, that
any owner could claim his property if it had not been declared,
or had been concealed, and might demand the appointment of
commissioners for its restoration, if it had not been included in the
general account of goods seized. I therefore wrote to ask whether
it was his Majesty's wish, in the case of his subjects establishing
their claim to such goods before the Commissioners, that the property
should be handed to the owners themselves, or be added to the
rest of which his Majesty had laid claim, as it is clear that,
if no owner establishes his claim, it must come into his Majesty's
hands. From what I have said, you will see that it is unnecessary
for commissioners to come from Flanders, or anywhere else, to look
after the business, which I have tried to make as clear as possible,
in order to banish any doubts that may arise, although really it is
rather a strange matter for a light cavalry man to llave to manage.
I must confess that I am not sorry that you in Madrid have had
an evident proof of the way I am treated in the way of news and
remittance of letters by our people in France, by seeing how long
I was kept in ignorance of Don Juan's death. This is much to his
Majesty's disadvantage, as I know nothing of what passes there,
except by chance,private advices (Juan de Vargas merely writing
me generalities in his letters) and occasional intelligence received
by this Queen, which I get from a man who sees her letters. Besides
this, I only get a very rare letter from the prince of Parma, and to
keep pace with the thousand circumstances which occur here, I have
to invent my news and furbish up the scraps I get from Antwerp
and elsewhere, as need requires. Even such bits of news as I can
pick up in this way are only obtained with much trouble, as the
Flemings are generally so ill meaning.
It looks as if every sheet of paper that passes through Juan de
Vargas' hands for me must be buried, seeing the long delay in
forwarding them. Some time ago you wrote me that you had sent
a letter from the King for me to Juan de Vargas, with directions
for him to forward it by special courier, if no other means were
ready. I could not find out who brought the letter, but I learnt
that it was wandering about from one tavern to another in London
for two days whilst its bearer was getting drink on the strength of
the postage, which was six crowns. Again, on the I th November,
Vargas wrote saying that he had a packet for me, which had been
delayed on the road, but which he woul l forward at once by an
express, as I asked. I learn from the man who provided the money
for his journey, that the express was not dispatched until the 16th.
I do not write this by way of complaint, but in order to prevent
complaint being made of me if I cannot serve his Majesty as I ought,




640


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1579.
good as my will is (as it should be with all of us) to sacrifice all for
his service. By your orders I changed my method of forwarding
letters, sending the despatches through Isardo Capelo, the correspondent of Domingo de Iralta. The latter now asks me to beg you
to send him an order for the postage and couriers to be paid on the
King's account, so that none of them shall be paid twice over, as I
have accounts with so many of them. By this means I shall be
able to get couriers at once sent off when I want them, as those sent
by sea are so long delayed. The orders given by his Majesty in the
affair of Horatio Pallavicini and commensurate with the disservice
he has done, and if the Financial Council had been energetic they
might have prevented him from getting the 30,000 ducats he has
made out of the first two ships, which there was time to have
stopped. He is offended with me at the steps taken by his Majesty,
and affirms that he has had no negotiations with the Queen, as will
be proved, he says, by his documents; but I am certain that
Walsingham  and others will get the documents drawn up as he
and his partners desire, for their security, as it is all "ad
caztelam," and the whole affair was arranged with the States,
who were to have the disposal of the money, the recompense to
him for his kindness being the privilege he obtained. The fact
of his Majesty influencing the action of the Court of Rome in
this matter will have great effect in preventing Pallavicini, and
others, from encouraging the States and the rebels with devices of
this sort.
The absurdities committed by Gombal de Guaras in the affair of
his brother, cause me to write to you about it in the way I am
obliged to do. As an instance of his foolish treatment of the matter,
the day upon which I last saw the Queen, I pressed her very much
to release his brother and she told me that she expected a despatch
from Ireland in about a week, for which she was waiting before
dispatching the business. When the audience was ended and she
was leaving she turned to Gombal' de Guaras and publicly said: " A
"good advocate indeed have you and your brother in the ambassa"dor, who has been addressing me about your business."  After
being thus honoured by the Queen, and I myself had repeated to
him what she had privately told me, in the presence of two or three
gentlemen who accompanied me he burst out in a violent and
furious fashion: —"All this talk is of no good if my brother is
"to remain in prison. I said it would be useless for me to go to
the Court;"-and much other nonsense of the same sort. If his
Majesty Lad not ordered this affair to be taken in hand, and you
yourself were not anxious for its settlement, this man's absurdities
would have exhausted my patience, and I should forget my
consideration for Antonio de Guaras and his wife, rather than have
anything more to do with it.
After some discussion with the ministers here about the appointment of an English minister in Madrid, the Queen asked me
whether such ambassador and his servants would be assured of
not being troubled or arrested by the Inquisition, if they avoided
all occasion for scandal. I replied, as I always have done on the
point, to the effect that I could give them no assurance, as I had




ELIZABETH.


641


1579.
only been in Spain when Wilkes was there. I gather from their
conversation that, on the pretext of the Queen writing to his Majesty,
someone will be sent to see what sort of reception he will get. There
has arrived here an impudent knave of an Englishman who went to
Spain with letters from the Queen and me, about the release of his
father-in-law, who is in the galleys at the instance of the Inquisition.
He assures the Council, and has published all over the place, that
when you had read the Queen's letter and mine, you threw them
away and he picked them up from the ground, and two days afterwards, one of your servants came with fair words and obtained from
him the letter the Queen had written to his Majesty. With respect
to this, the Queen used the expression I write to his Majesty. I
have assured them what a great falsehood and wicked invention it
is, but the man asserts that he has shown my letters to the people
here and to the Council, in which I say that the Queen was tiring
me, which expression they interpret as being a very contemptuous
one. I mention this to show you what sort of people I have to deal
with. On the same morning that the five books I have mentioned
were found at Court, another manuscript book in English was
discovered in the Queen's apartment, admonishing her to the effect
that, if she did not abandon her claim to be head of the Church,
God would punish her within the year. The handwriting is said
to be that of a Puritan, as they believe that a woman cannot be the
spiritual head.
The Queen had intimated to the Londoners that she was coming
hither by land and would enter the city by London Bridge, which
she has only done once since her accession. The entry was to be
very ostentatious, in order to impress Casimir, and great rejoicings
were arranged to take place. They came to nothing, as, the night
previous, she sent a courier to the Lord Mayor and Aldermen, saying
that there was to be no great crowd, and half-an-hour afterwards,
came another messenger, ordering the citizens not to receive the
Queen armed. He was shortly afterwards followed by another man
to say that the whole affair was to be suspended, and she would
come by water. It will be seen by this how little confidence these
rulers have, even in their own people, and that many are watching
for an opportunity of shaking off the yoke. The presentation which
the Londoners are going to make to Casimir has been managed by
Walsingham for his own interests.
Antonio Fogaza has told me something of the negotiations being
carried on by this Portuguese ambassador, of which also I had heard
from another quarter. He (Antonio Fogaza) has given me a letter,
which I forwarded to you, saying that he gives information, and as
he is in great need and trouble I am forced to beg of you to give
him what help you can.
The French ambassadors were cursing Casimir, but Simier went
again yesterday to see the Queen alone and afterwards visited
Casimir.
The bearer of this despatch will tell you verbally why I have
sent him with it. I have every confidence that he will push on, as
he has been about with me very much and speaks many tonguesj
and I therefore beg you to favour me through him and send him
y 76467.                                                   s S




642


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1579.
back with the first despatch, as I greatly need him.-London, 27th
January 1579.
7 Feb.   549. BERNARDINO DE MENDOZA to the KING.
As I have had no safe opportunity until now I have not previously sent the chart and ore, about which I wrote on the 15th
November, when speaking of Frobisher's voyage. I now forward
them with specimens of all the kinds of ore he brought. They are
of but little value, as the Englishmen and assayers themselves
confess, and no matter what heat is employed they cannot smelt
them satisfactorily, owing to their great crudity, which is a certain
sign they are not rich. To remedy this, it occurred to the Germans*
who are managing it, that it would be advantageous to mix the
ore with powdered pyrites, of which they ordered a cargo from
Plymouth.   This proves conclusively that the assays last year were
exaggerated in order to increase the fame of the business. It is
not thought much of now as the sailors have not been paid, and
the merchants who took shares in it have failed, so that people are
undeceived.t The ships which, I wrote on the 8th December, had
been taken out by Humphrey Gilbert and Knollys, have been
driven by bad weather into Ireland, where they are victualling to
continue their voyage.-London, 7th February 1579.
7 Feb.   550.   BERNARDINO DE MENDOZA to ZAYAS.
There is a German silversmith here who has hit upon the idea
of making drinking vessels of novel designs. The vice of drinking
appears to be so firmly established, that men are not contented now
by satisfying it with the variety of their liquors, but must need
further excite their appetites by new caprices in the cups themselves. The one I now send, in the form of an owl, has taken my
fancy, as it is so natural and may please you. I beg you will
accept it, with the goodwill with which it is sent, and I shall be
delighted if I have succeeded in my choice. It has a further
peculiarity, namely, that the maker being so cunning an artificer,
I asked him whether he was a Catholic, whereupon he answered
that he had not heard mass for fifteen years, and believed nothing,
except that God was in heaven and the devil in hell. —Iondon, 7th
February 1579.
8 Feb.   551. BERNARDINO DE MENDOZA to the KING.
Since I wrote to your Majesty on the 27th ultimo, Casimir has
informed the Queen of the reason of his visit, and the details of
his commission, but he has done nothing hitherto towards reconciling himself with the Frenchmen, although Leicester and
Walsingham   brought the matter forward, they being the only
* Jonas Schutz was the German metallurgist who conducted the works. His assay
of the gold and silver in 2 cwt. of ore brought by Frobisher is in the Record Office.
See Calendar of State Papers (Domestic), March 1579.
t Several of the adventurers were unable to pay the amounts guaranteed by them,
and there is much recriminatory correspondence in the Record Office on the subject,
containing many accusations of bad management and malversation on the part of
Frobisher and Mr. Lock, the treasurer of the venture. See Calendar of State Papers
(Domestic), 1579.




tLIZABETtH.


643


1579.
persons with whom Casimir is negotiating. The Frenchmen, however, did 'not reciprocate, and in view  of their lukewarmness
Leicester and Walsinghan conferred with the Queen about it, and
said how important it was that they should be brought together.
She thereupon sent to Simier, by the earl of Leicester, a ring as a
token, to request that he would be friendly with Casim'ir and visit
him often. She said it would be a proof of M. D'Alenqon's regard
for her if he accepted her friends as his own. Simier had audience
of the Queen next day, and afterwards went to visit Casimir at an
hour when he was not at home.: As Simier was to go next day
with Leicester to see some of the Queen's houses, where he was to
be entertained with hunting, he and the ordinary! ambassador
returned to Casimir's lodging in the morning, where they were kept
waiting for a long time in the garden, on the pretext that Casimir
was not up. I have not been able to discover whether this was
done on purpose or not, but the Frenchmen did not pay the visit
very willingly and were much annoyed at it, so that the interview
they had with Casimir was very short, as also was the conversation
they had when they were together with the Queen, witnessing
some jousts. I cannot hear that anything passed except generalities,
and to judge from appearances, when anything important has to be
discussed, it will he done privately with Alen9on himself, because,
although Simier is the guest of the ambassador here, they do not
agree very well, and Simier has sent off despatches without informing
the ambassador. Casimir had the Queen informed that I was
arranging with M. de la Motte* to have him captured on his return
if possible, which the French ambassador would not hinder, as he
had come to see me secretly with a single servant. The Queen
replied that, so far as I was concerned, she had nothing to complain
of, as I was acting well, but she would never trust M. de la
Mauvissiere and the French again, seeing that they had treated
him (Casimir) so kindly in her presence, and yet tried to injure
him when be left her country. She said that she would do her
best to prevent such a thing being done, and complained bitterly to
the ambassador about it.
Casimir delivered a letter to the Queen from Orange in credence
of the States of Holland, Zealand, Flanders, and Brabant, setting
forth the need in which they were, by reason of their separation
from the rest on the question of religion, and that they could not
even hold their own unless she aided them   next month with
100,0001. to pay foreign troops to protect their towns, as the
burghers themselves could not be trusted. As a security for the
proposed loan and the advances previously made, they offer to
deliver to her Bruges, Neuport, Dunkirk, aud all that coast as far.  s Gravelines. They also ask to be allowed to put a tax of 40 reals
on every piece of cloth entering Flanders from England, which,
they say, would not prejudice her subjects at all, as they would sell
the cloth so much the dearer to those who used it. With this tax
and the 100,0001. loan, they say they can continue to provide for
the war, and that your Majesty, unable to carry it on, will be


* The Spanish governor of Gravelines.


3S 2




644


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1579.
obliged to give way to them, not on the point of religion alone but
also on the rest of their claims. No reply or decision has yet
been given to this proposal, because, although Leicester and Walsingham alone have been appointed to deal with Casimir's affairs,
one of the questions now broached touches the Treasury, and the
other point will have to be communicated to the merchants here,
so that they cannot be kept very secret. After the audience in
which Casimir discussed the above points with the Queen, he had
another audience almost secretly, the same councillors being present.
He then told her that the States had not completed the payment
to him of the three months' wages which she had guaranteed, and
begged her, in view of the want his troops were suffering, to take
steps to have him paid. She replied that if he did not get the
money from the States she would not fail to fulfil her promise.
All the bishops in the country have been summoned, it is believed,
for the purpose of raising money in some way, by taxing their
property and that of the ecclesiastics, as they call them here.
The Queen is conferring the garter on Cassimir, and it is said
that the ceremony will take place to-day, and that he will get a
pension. The amount will not be known until he departs, which
will be soon.*
The Frenchmen are having many audiences, and the whole
burden of their negotiation is the coming hither of Alenqon, which
they announce, and the more to carry conviction they assert that
he will soon be out of the Netherlands, which news also comes from
there. He had again taken an oath to the Frenchmen that follow
him that he would never return to the Court of France whilst his
brother lived. The secretary despatched by Simier has not yet
returned, but is expected every day.
Some of the lords have spoken to the Queen about the marriage,
and she replied that, although M. d'Alen9on. might well come
hither, she would give them her word she would not marry him.
Of that they might be sure. The Queen is daily growing more
suspicious about Scotch affairs, and Thomas Randolph has been
appointed to go thither to find out what the French are about,
and to negotiate, if necessary, for Scots troops to go this summer
to serve in the Netherlands.-London, 8th February 1579.
8 Feb.   552. BERNARDINO DE MENDOZA TO ZAYAS.
I wrote on the 27th by a servant of mine, and consequently have
not thought necessary to send a duplicate.
Richard Light (or Tighe), the English gentleman respecting
whose release I wrote to his Majesty as soon as I arrived here, has
now arrived in London, with two other Englishmen who were im.
prisoned with him. Their arrival at the present time has been
very pleasant to me for several reasons, and especially because it
has given the lie to what that importunate scamp has been saying;t
as the Englishmen themselves assert that, when they embarked on
* A full and very interesting account of the arrival, reception, and entertainment of
the Duke Hans Casimir will be found in Nichols'" Progresses of Queen Elizabeth."
T See page 641,




ELIZABETH.


645


1 579.
an English ship at Cartagena, they heard of the efforts you had made
to get them released, which I learnt of by chance before they arrived
here, and as it was a business in which Sussex and other councillors were interested, I had it announced, so that it might reach
their ears, that you had written to me and that they would soon
arrive. The day after they arrived, Richard's mother, who is a
person of position and wealth, sent to me, to say that your worship
had well fulfilled your promise, and her son had come home.
Although the Catholics here are dreadfully persecuted, there are
still in this country many whom God has not abandoned, such
is the rejoicing with which they go to martyrdom or lifelong imprisonment for His sake with His name and faith upon their lips.
Amongst others in the Tower is the archbishop of Armagh and
another priest, and many faithful ones in other prisons, who confirm
the others in the faith by their exhortations and their writings.
They are, however, in dire need, and I pray you, since the work is
so pious a one, to ask his Majesty to grant them some alms; for,
verily, those who are here, suffer in their own persons many of
the persecutions of which we read in the lives of the Saints of the
primitive Church. The English nuns, who were in Bruges and
Malines, whence they were expelled, were at once cast into prison
when they arrived here.
There is an Englishman named Walker at San Lucar, dressed as
a merchant, who is a servant of Leicester's, by whose orders he is
there to report what happens; and they have in Madrid a
Florentine called Juan Bonius who was here two years ago. These
men are salaried as spies, and lose no time in advising what they
learn. Such an enormous quantity of snow has fallen here in the last
five days as has never been seen by anyone living. The city is
consequently quite isolated, and the people from the neighbouring
villages, even, cannot come in. The loss of cattle in the country
is estimated at a great sum, as the snow has been general.
We are without news from Flanders for some time, owing to
the bad weather, but a sloop has managed to run over in two days,
in which, fortunately, one of my men came, bringing the enclosed
intelligence.-London, 8th February 1572.
Postscript: Casimir was not far wrong in what he conveyed to
the Queen,* for certainly, if he had not been so well attended on
his way over some attempt would have been made to shoot him,
without the French knowing anything about it. The scamp took
the step he did in order to get the escort.
I have just heard that Alen9on has passed near Rouen on his
way to Alengon, which confirms the news received from Antwerp.
Begs for another clerk, as Segasti, his secretary, wants some
months' leave of absence, owing to the death of his mother. Begs
for favour for Segasti, in return for his good services with his
(Mendoza's) brother, Don Antonio, in Lorraine and Genoa.
8 Feb.  553. BERNARDINO DE MENDOZA to ZAYAS.
I have to thank you for your three letters of 28th December and
10th and 14th ultimo, received together on the 29th, and am much
* Seepage 643.




646


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1579.
pleased with the favour shown to William Bodenham, who well
deserves it. I am anxiously awaiting his arrival, as he is bringing
the present of needlework from the duchess of Alba to this Queen.
This is both a favour to me, and will make it easier for me to
negotiate with the Queen in his Majesty's interests.
Leicester was extremely opposed to me when I first arrived here,
not only in the private councils, but also in the conferences where
I was present. He made no secret of it, but I did not think proper
to resent it, as he is the manager of affairs, and I thought best not
to irritate him more than necessary, but to proceed by suavity. I
therefore signified to some of his people how sorry I was that his
occupations did not allow me to meet him and assure him how great
was my desire to serve him. With this and similar lenitives I
softened him, so that he came twice to speak to me at Court,
instead of running away from me, as he formerly did, to avoid
doing so. I made much of him and accepted all his excuses, and
the result of it was that he gave me to understand that he wished
to have a long interview with me, and to prove by his acts how
mistaken was his Majesty in the bad opinion he had formed of him
from  interested information.  I, nevertheless, consider it very
difficult to bring him round or hold him for any great length of
time, however muclh we may give him, unless he is forced by
circumstances.  In the meanwhile, I will entertain him   with
trifles.
He has given me some hints about the matter of the seizures,
and, as I understand, has already told the Queen that if the
question is to be dealt with it should go through his hands; a sure
sign that he does not intend to take them out empty.
As to what Juan de Vargas wrote to his Majesty and his communications with the Scotch Ambassador, whom I know well,
although the zeal and fidelity of the latter may give good hope of
success in the business, it is nevertheless so important, that these
qualities are not of themselves sufficient, and I am therefore surprised that Juan de Vargas has made so much of it to his Majesty,
without going more closely into the details, respecting which I will
give my opinion as requested.
In the first place, it must be considered whether the 4,000 soldiers,
whose pay for three or four months has to be provided, are to be
foreigners or not, because, if they are, certainly this number will
not be sufficient. If foreigners are sent into the country under
any pretext, other princes will impede it, and we shall be obliged
to break with them. Many examples to prove this, and the
probable inconveniences which will arise, might be adduced even in
times when the affairs of Scotland were not in their present state,
and the point is of the highest importance, from the probability of
the present king or his mother uniting the two crowns.
If Scotch soldiers are to be paid, it would be necessary to learn
whether their leaders are persons of influence or not, and what
security would exist, not only for them, but for the people in
general, as they are naturally fickle and faithless, and might go
over if a larger price than ours were offered on the other side. It
would be well also to know, for certain, what they expect to do in




ELIZABETH.                         647
1579.
the time named, and their mode of operation, and whether they
have the assurance of obtaining any important places or ports
which would be necessary for success.
It is also of importance to be quite sure whether the claims and
intentions of all parties are identical, and whether they are moved
by simple zeal,for the Catholic religion, which must be the first
motive, and the second the release of the Queen. If this is not so,
and they are not completely united, little success can be expected.
From what I have seen since I have been here of the action of the
Scotch lords and the information I have obtained, it is difficult to
believe that they would be so, because in the various meetings and
parliaments they have held they have hitherto made no effort for
the exercise of the Catholic religion or for the release of the Queen.
When they proclaimed her son as King without any need, as he
was not of age, there was no one who made a protest on her behalf,
or alleged that she, as legitimate sovereign, could not be deposed
except ad interim in consequence of her being a prisoner and
unable to administer the government, and that, if power was given
to her son, it should only be to endow him with greater influence to
seek her release. It will be seen from this that the party opposed to
Morton, even though they may be much the more numerous, with
whom the ambassador wishes to act, are not united for one end,
but that some wish for the Catholic religion, some for the release
of the Queen, and others simply to satisfy their own private rancour,
and revenge themselves upon their enemies.
In addition to these points, and until we know also that the
Catholics are more numerous than the Protestants, there are many
other difficulties. The ambassador himself is a good Catholic and
faithful to his mistress, but, as he is paid and entertained by the
French, it is a great drawback that the matter should be arranged
through him, as he will, of course, inform the French, and they will
either help or hinder, as they think best for themselves, although
it is most probable that they will oppose the matter with all their
strength, as they have been always inimical to the power and
grandeur of Spain. They also show little desire to preserve the
Catholic religion, even in their own country, much less to aid its
establishment elsewhere.  Indeed, in my judgment, one of the
greatest difficulties presented by this poor lady's affairs is that she
is so given up to the French connection, that nothing can be done
without their hearing of it. To get over this difficulty, I can
assure you that the only way will be to manage to unite her friends
here with those in Scotland, so that together they may arrange to
release her, and make her mistress of both crowns when the opportunity may arise. If his Majesty will consider this point, which is
of so great an interest to his service, it would be well that these
people should be very carefully and gently approached without
delay, and should be given hopes of aid when necessary, and
entertained in the meanwhile with some reward. We must work
with muffled tools, as otherwise the whole affair will be ruined and
the Queen's life sacrificed.
Donna Anna has written to me that you have been good enough
to promise your help in my private affairs at Milan. I thank you




648


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1579,
for this, although the man who has them in hand is pressing upon
the Marquis (Ayamonte) the carrying out of his Majesty's order to
pay me the 500 and odd crowns due before my pension was transferred. I beg you will, if necessary, mention it to his Majesty that
he may speak of the matter in his official letters to the Marquis, to
whom I have continued to write news from here, but from whom I
have received no reply,
You were very good to inform me of the departure of the Duke
from Court. It was the first news we had received in this country
for a fortnight, but the intelligence has since reached here with
other glosses. I am much grieved that anything connected with
the Duke should have caused his Majesty to take such a step, but
I am all the a iore certain of the reward that God reserves for him
in the life to come, as, in this world, where the sons usually suffer
for their father's sins, he, the Duke, has been an exception, and is
assailed by all sorts of troubles through his son. God rescue him
from them  all, and send him long life.*-London, 8th February
1579.
18 Feb.  554. BERNARDINO DE MENDOZA to the KING.
I wrote to your Majesty on the 8th and sent a duplicate by Rouen
on the 13th. Casimir left here on the salne day, the Queen having
given him the Order of the Garter on the 8th in the evening,
handing him the collar with her own hand. He was knighted by
Leicester and has been granted a pension of 1001. a month under
the Great Seal which is an assurance here for pensions being duly
paid.
In addition to the oath of the Order, he has sworn as a pensioner of the Queen never to take up arms against her or any
sovereign of these realms. He undertakes to serve her against any
prince but the Emperor, the king of Denmark, the dukes of Bavaria
and Saxony, the Landgrave, and certain other rulers with whom he
has treaties in Germany.
He has also renewed the agreement entered into by this Queen
when he took his troops to the Netherlands at her instance, in case
of opportunity arising.
Leicester has done all he could by means of caresses to confirm
the friendship which had been formed between them by their letters,
and all his friends have done the same, making him many presents,
as they thought it well, not only that he should be a pensioner of
the Queen, but that he should belong to the Leicester party, although
the other side are well aware of it. When the Queen was in Council
the other day she twice asked for Leicester and was told that he
was with Casimir. When he came she said: "You have quite
" forgotten us all and business too, apparently, since we cannot get
" you here for the discussion of it;" words which were not at all
displeasing to Sussex and Cecil, who smiled at them.
The meeting of bishops which I mentioned in former letters has
been held, thirteen of them meeting here and thirteen in Norwich,
* This refers to the disgrace and banishment of the aged duke of Alba in consequence of the disobedience of his son, Don Fadrique, respecting a marriage which had
been arranged for him, and other misbehaviour.




ELIZABETH;......... —...


649


1579,
the country being divided into'two provinces.  The precedent
observed has been the meeting held when Montgomeri came hither
for the succour of Rochelle when the ecclesiastics, as they call them
gave over thirty thousand pounds. Nothing has yet been fixed
upon, and I am assured that, apart from the jewels, Casimir does
not take more than five thousand pounds in money, given to him by
private people for their own satisfaction and to please the Queen.
The man who made the boxes assures me of this as he saw the
money put into them.  He takes twenty barrels of powder and
twenty of bullets, and having informed the Queen that there was
need of victuals in Flanders, she has ordered an examination to be
made in the province of Norwich of the quantity of wheat there is,
in order to discover how much may be sent to Flanders.
She has also secretly ordered that, on no account, may any victuals
or munitions be sent to Gravelines, and that all Englishmen going
thither to serve are to be seized. On the night of the 8th instant
a great search was made in London by her orders to discover letters
said to have come from Spain to certain Catholics and people of
position. It was suspected that some of these letters were for Lord
Montague.
Her agent in Antwerp advised her some time ago of the disunion
amongst the States. He wrote lately that some of them wish to
submit to your Majesty and told her the way they spoke of her
which has greatly annoyed her. Speaking of it in the Council she
said that if that was the way the States thanked her for what she
had done she was determined she would not help them any more.
She would get back what she had lent them when she could.
She had said similar things before to cover up her real intentions,
but she will not fail to help Orange and the Ghent people if they
are opposed to peace.
These States -as a whole and certain towns have, on different
occasions, purchased quantities of cloth from the English merchants,
undertaking to pay for it. As the sunls to be paid by some of the
towns were over-due the English seized certain Flemings here at the
time of M. d'Havrey's visit. He spoke to the Queen about it and
she released them, assuring him that no more should be seized for
similar debts.  They have now again seized certain property
belonging to Flemings in English ships on account of these obligations, and the Flemings have addressed a complaint to the Queen,
to which no reply has been given. They have also written to the
States and request that some one should be sent to aid them with
this Queen, they would prefer Buiscot, Fiscal of the Chancellerie of
Brabant, to represent them, both in the matter of this seizure and
of the tax, which I wrote they are now making them pay.
The French continue to assert the coming of Alengon, now that
he has left the Netherlands, and have agreed that, if the marriage
is effected, it shall be on the same conditions as were settled when
the match was discussed with the king of France, before his accession,'the principal points being, first, that he and his household
shall exercise the Catholic religion; that the style shall be
Elizabeth and Francis, Queen and King of England; if there should
be children they will succeed to the crown, the father being protector and governor of the realm, In case of the Queen's death




650


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1579.
without children, Alengon is to leave the country, receiving a
pension for life of twenty thousand pounds (livres?) a year, and if
Alengon should die without children the Queen is to have a hundred
thousand crowns a year. After these terms were settled the French,
not being very hopeful of the business and wishing to avoid delays
and the great expense which would be incurred if Alengon came,
they determined to speak to the Queen and try to get her to agree
that if he came the marriage should take place on the conditions
arranged. They colmmunicated with those who are favourable to
the business who told them that, on no account should they attempt
such a course as it would spoil the whole thing, and they ought to
be satisfied with what had been done. If Alenlon came, they could
always find an excuse to avoid the marriage on the ground of
religion if the parties were not pleased with one another. It is
all procrastination, because, after their terms are agreed upon, there
is still the difficulty of the coming of the suitor; and, after that, the
marriage itself.
They are very sorry here at the services rendered to your Majesty
by M. de la Motte whom they have tried to put wrong with the
States, and to thwart in various ways, as they look upon him as the
principal instrument that has prevented the Ohent people from
carrying out their resolution. Walsinghamn and others have lost no
opportunity of trying to separate them from M. de la Motte and
they have agreed with the Fleming here called Pascasio, a great
heretic born near Flushing where he has a brother-in-law, to get up
a plot in that town (i.e. Gravelines) as follows. Certain large and
small ships of light draught are to come from Flushing and are to
approach as near to shore as they can at high tide. Their arrival
(at Gravelines) will cause an alarm and a call to arms, and during
the confusion they may kill M. de la Motte with a musket shot, and
will then appeal in the name of Orange and the States to certain
soldiers who are now being won over by this man's brother-in-law,
whose name I will discover, who is authorised to spend a thousand
pounds for the purpose. Even if they do not get possession of the
town, they say, at all events, they will be able in the confusion to
save the man who fires the shot, and he will therefore be all the
more ready to do it. They think of carrying out this plan in the
month of March, and although it will be a difficult thing for them
to take the place in the way they have planned, they might easily
kill La Motte whose person is so important just now for your
Majesty's service. I sent a special messenger to him at once giving
him notice of it, and reminded him of the coming and going of the
Englishmen who serve in the place and have secret connections with
Walsingham, which is a sufficient indication, together with the
present plan, that they are up to some wickedness, particularly as
they are the same men who conceived the plan of laying hands on
Don Juan. I recommend him to be careful of his own safety, and
as for that of the fortress, I need say nothing to one who is so good
a soldier as he.
News comes from Scotland that the earls of Miar and Argyll, who
are those that have control of the person of the King, are very
friendly.
The Portuguese ambassador is continuing the efforts I mentioned




ELIZABETH.


661


1579.
before, both with the Queen and her ministers, particularly Leicester
and Walsingham, to prevent the union of that country with your
Majesty's crown.-London, 18th February 1579.
22 Feb.  555. BERNARDINO DE MENDOZA to ZAYAS.
I do not know whether it is my unluckiness or that of Antonio
de Guaras that every day some fresh obstacle appears to prevent
the settlement of his business. Casimir's visit was a great hindrance,
and as soon as that was ended I saw Leicester to ask him to have
the business dispatched. He promised me that it should be settled
without fail in two days, as Secretary Walsingham and Wilson were
going to see him the same day. They themselves sent me word to
the same effect, and said that if he (Guaras) was not his own
enemy he would be fiee on the morrow. The result of the visit,
however, has been that he is kept more strictly than before. I told
his brother of this and sent him to speak to him alone, and tell
him the best course to pursue. He has been with him from nine
o'clock this morning until now, seven at night, and says that they
have administered an interrogatory of twelve points to him, copy of
which will go in my next. They have changed his guards and
threaten to proceed against him with the utmost rigour. You may
judge from this the state in which he is, and I beg you not to fail
to favour him as usual, advising me with all speed if it is advisable
for me to take any fresh steps. So far as I am able to judge, and
to the extent of my power, no efforts shall be wanting.
Postscript: This letter was written in the presence of Guaras's
brother. I can assure you I am doing every thing in my power to
help the man, but the coming of this brother of his, as I have said
before, has been of no service to him, with the renown of his being so
wealthy. He has taken it into his head lately to go about offering
money to people to release his brother.-London, 22nd February
1579.
22 Feb. 556. BERNARDINO DE MENDOZA to ZAYAS.
You will have seen by mine of the 18th what I wrote about
Antonio de Guaras's business at the request of his brother, who
came raving to me, crying out they would certainly cut off his head
if I did not help him. He said Antonio Guaras had told him to
assure me of this, as he knew it by the questions they had put to
him. Although I could not believe it I sent to ask audience of the
Queen to obtain information. I saw her on the 21st, and when I
asked her again to release him, and conversed with the ministers,
I gathered that the affair would speedily and favourably be disposed
of.  The Queen was very gracious to Gombal (de Guaras).   I
have thought well to advise you of this, and again to assure you
that the only effect of his brother's stay here is to delay his release.
The man commits ten thousand absurdities and has lately gone
about offering money to people to get his brother out of prison,
begging them at the some time not to let me know. All this only
hinders matters, because the money is offered in such a way and in
such small sums that people think that, by delaying my operations,
they will put the screw on more. I am doing my best, and was
much aided by the fact that the Queen asked me about the punish



652                        SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1579.
ment of the Englishmen at Namur, and gave that as a reason for
the prompt release of Guaras, which she promised me, and I have
no doubt that we shall very shortly see him at liberty. Of the
other points touched upon in the audience, and the reasons I had
for requesting it, apart from the matter of Guaras, I cannot inform
his Majesty in this letter, as it is being taken by a French merchant
who is leaving hurriedly.-London, 22nd February 1579.
26 Feb.  557. BERNARDINO DE MENDOZA to ZAYAS.
The haste with which I wrote on the 22nd prevented me from
giving an account of what passed in my audience with the Queen,
which I now write to his Majesty. She was as gracious as usual
with me, caressing me much and entertaining me for three hours,
during which I did not fail to repeat my approaches to her on many
subjects, as she was so very friendly and gave me opportunities to
do so.
A matter has come into my hands lately in so strange a fashion
that, for this reason alone, it would seem that it might be successful.
On the 23rd in the morning a man came and told me that he
brought a letter for me from Calais written by a very well known
Spanish merchant there named Baltasar de Burgos, to the following
effect. "The bearer of this is a gentleman of this country who
"has informed me of certain things of great importance to the
"service of God and the King, and has asked me to address him to
"a person with whom he can speak more fully. I have told him to
"do so with your Lordship. Calais, 20th February 1579."
When I had read this letter the bearer told me that he desired to
speak with some Spanish minister of his Majesty about a business
which was of importance to the King, and particularly he desired
to address a person who wished the Flemish war to be ended,
which was not the case with every one. He begged me to promise
that I would communicate his business to no one who did not desire
this. When I had promised him he said that he had wished to see
me for some time, but that the bad weather had hitherto prevented
him, and he had brought the letter in order that I might see that
his sole object in coming was to speak to me and return, which
could be confirmed by Baltasar de Burgos, to whom he would bear
a reply to his letter. The service he was resolved to do, in union
with three friends of his who were fully prepared, was to kill or
poison the prince of Orange. I replied that his Majesty was so
great, christian, and powerful a prince, that it was not necessary for
him to punish rebels in that way. He replied that he knew that
very well, and that the only reason why he came and told me was
to declare his intention in order that I might bear witness to that
effect, and he asked me to give him a token, so that when the
business was done he could produce in. He intended to carry out
the plan within two months and did not seek any payment or
reward until it was done, in the confidence that I would afterwards
advocate his being fitly rewarded for the service. I had a long
conversation with him and he showed me four or five letters from
the abbot of Gertrudenberg, whose signature and seal I know.




ETLIZABBTH.


653


1579.
From their tenour, although the words themselves were unintelligible, I take him for a man whom Orange and the States kept
in the court of France to advise them of what went on. He is in
their confidence and well understands French and Flemish affairs.
He informed me of things on both sides, and about the negotiations
which the French have been carrying on with the States, and also
those of this Queen. He speaks French and Italian (as he said
he was a Savoyard) as well as Latin, all of them very fluently.
He is a gentlemanly person, although dressed as a merchant. After
I had talked for a long while with him, I deferred the matter until
the following day and set spies on him who found that he lived
where he had told me and confirmed his statements as to the persons
with whom he associated, as well as the subject of his discourse. I
ended by cutting a Spanish pillar-real into three pieces, giving him
two and keeping one myself, as a token that I could not deny that
he had informed me of his intentions. He then took his leave,
asking me to write to the prince of Parma to the effect that if a
mnan with two pieces of a real asked him by that token for favour,
or some man whom he could trust, that he should entertain him
until I could confirm, by the description, if he was the same man
as had addressed himself to me.
The poison which he intended to employ, he told me, was a
certain thing he could get in Paris, which, if it were concealed in
the hat or cap, would dry up the brain so as to finish a man in ten
days; and at the waxing of the moon much more rapidly. Even if
they opened the body no indications of poison are found. He said
he knew that various people had been put out of the way in France
by this means, and from my discourse with him I cannot believe that
he intended to deceive me, although he may try to get credit for
what others may attempt. When he left he said that he thought
he should he forced to post in England and he had not brought
more money than he actually needed and consequently was short of
four or six crowns for his return journey. I gave him very little
more, but many fair words, encouraging him in his good intentions
to which extent he may have deceived me.
He assured me that Orange had poisoned Bossu because he
understood he was going to declare himself on the side of the Artois
people, and that he had tried to arrange the escape of the Count de
Buren as a Francisian friar, for which purpose he had sent people
to Spain and had a forged order from the 'General. The heretic
Spaniard called Casiodoro, of whom I wrote, has been boasting, I
am told, of having brought hither a number of Spanish bibles he
has had printed in Germany to send to Spain.   I will try to
discover in what ships they go.
The Lord Keeper, chancellor, is dead. The interests of the
Catholics and of his Majesty will not suffer by this as he was a
great Protestant.
I shall suffer great loss from another person who has just died
here, as he kept me punctually informed of what was going on,
with double assurance as he was a Catholic. As a certain proof of
this he besought me to send my chaplain at night to confess him,
but he died before he could arrive, to my great grief, in 4he interests




664


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1579.
of his Majesty, as I shall never find another so intelligent and
faithful as he. He was employed in Walsingham's office.
Casimir left Dover, but the wind changed so that he could not
arrive at Flushing and would not trust himself into Dunkirk, which
shows that he does not trust the Flemings over much. He awaits
fair weather at Dover. M. de la Motte writes me that lie was
fitting out a galley and a galliass to give him a shot or two.
Besides the ships, which I said were to come from Flushing for him,
he is accompanied by a well-armed ship belonging to the Queen, but
M. de la Motte will have taken fitting steps as I have kept him
advised.
Humphrey Gilbert and Knollys have returned to this country
with all their ships and one of them is at Court. They have been
content with capturing a French ship with merchandise. They
have dismantled their ships and the man I sent with them has
returned.
Antoino de Guaras's business was not settled on the day of St.
Matthew, as Leicester was not at Court, but he sends to say that it
shall be dispatched by Sunday. I am ashamed of all this delay,
but it is the way these people proceed.-London, 22nd February
1579.
26 Feb,  558. BERNARDINO DE MENDOZA to KING.
I wrote to your Majesty on the 18th. I sent to ask for audience
of the Queen, first because she intimated that she desired to see me,
and, secondly, because a gentleman who had been dispatched by
Alenqon had arrived for M. de Simier, and I thought it would be a
gcod opportunity of finding out whether Alengon's departure from
the Netherlands had made any difference in their negotiations here.
I saw her on the 21st and she received me very well, saying how
sorry she was that her many engagements in coming hither had
prevented me from seeing her before. I replied that her engagements were necessarily such pleasant ones, as they related to
marriage, that I did not wish to interrupt them. She answered
that it was a fine idea for an old woman like her to talk about
marriage, and assured me that the hopes she had expressed to me of
being able to effect the marriage with Alenqon had caused him to
leave the States, which she had desired, as she did not want to see
them in the hands of the French, although the Netherlanders did
not deserve her care, seeing what they said about her. I pressed
this view, pointing out how divided they were, which she much
regrets. She assured me that nothing would be settled about the
marriage until Alengon came.  The French speak more coolly
about it since they have learned of the Duke's arrival at Alen9on,
and they give out that nothing would be determined upon until
fresh advice from the Queen-mother, whom Alen9on perhaps may
meet.
She then touched upon the Scotch negotiations, saying that
one of the two men I had told her were being sent by the king of
France with letters had had some of them taken from him by a
Scotsman, who had brought them to her and she had seen that I
was well informed. She said that the king of Scotland had written




t L IZ A B E T A


655


1579.
to her, saying that, although they were talking to him much about
marriage, the match that would be most pleasant to him would be
the one that she arranged for him, because the nobles of his country
wanted to sell him like a bullock to the highest bidder. She dwelt
much in connection with this, upon his wit, and said they were his
own words. Although the King may have written thus, she does
seem very much assured, because, not only does she keep the queen
of Scotland as closely as I have written, but lately so much care is
taken that any person who comes within three miles of where she
is, is imprisoned and examined unless he be known.-London, 26th
February 1579.
5 Mar.   559. BERNARDINO DE MENDOZA to ZAYAS.
I received yesterday your letter of the 21st January, and
rejoiced much to hear news of his Majesty's health, as you may be
sure that the news of the catarrh and gout had been finely
exaggerated by the time it arrived here. God protect him and
preserve the health also of the Duke and Donna Anna.
There is no news here since my last, except that Simier and the
French Ambassador were much feasted on the occasion of the
Carnival, and, on one of the days they were entertained at a great
banquet given to the Queen by Hatton, the captain of the Guard.
The last night they were at a grand ball in which there were
comedies and many inventions.
Simier and the Ambassador do not agree, although they try to
conceal the fact, but the signs are clear to everyone, as they have
even divided their expenses, Simier paying for the dinner, he
laving taken a separate lodging, and the Ambassador paying for
the supper. They say that Simier is seeking money and is offering
in pledge some of the jewels he brought. Some of the gentlemen
who came with him have gone back. The Queen makes great show
of favour to him in order to promote the idea that the marriage
may be effected.
Alengon's coming is now promised in April, and Simier says that
he is daily expecting the arrival of the Secretary sent by his
master, who, however, never comes. The Queen told Simier a few
days ago that he would perhaps soon come now, because she had
herself received a letter from Alengon, informing her that he was
sending him.
Casimir was obliged by contrary winds to anchor at Blancnez, on
the coast of France, and was so sea-sick that he resolved to go
ashore dressed as a cook and prepare supper for the rest. On his
departure, Captain Breton, who came hither with Simier, spoke
with him, and Casimir told him to inform the king of France that
he had been in his country and had made good cheer there. He
landed at Flushing where he learned the trouncing his cavalry
had got after the affair of the 15th.
The English merchants, in view of the disturbances in Antwerp,
have resolved not to send any more goods thither. and to bring away
those that they have at Middleburg.
The congregation of Flemings resident here sent a man to
Flushing on the 27th ultimo with three hundred pounds in cash
and two hundred in bills for the purpose of fitting out eight crookl




656


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1579.
stems to scour the canals and give help where necessary on the
approach of our troops, and also to give orders that, if a revolution
should be feared in Antwerp in consequence of our proximity, the
ships they have there should be withdrawn.
These people are putting me off about the release of Guaras. I
cannot imagine what can be the reason, other than that which I have
written.-London, 5th March 1579.
11 Mar. 560. BERNARDINO DE MENDOZA to ZAYAS.
On the 5th and 7th I wrote to you by way of Rouen. These
councillors are very divided respecting the appointment of Lord
Chancellor, some of them desiring the post and a change of offices.
For your Majesty's interests and those of the Catholics no man
could be appointed worse than the last one.
The Portuguese Ambassador requested audience, announcing that
it was to take leave of the Queen, but the result of it was that she
refused to allow him to depart until he had seen her again. If he
were not such a vain lying fellow, one might suspect that it was
only a pretext for the purpose of entertaining them until the arrival
of his successor, so that he might bring him into touch with
Leicester and Walsingham, through whom he acts, to hinder us in
Portugal.
M. de Pruneaux, who was Alengon's agent in Antwerp, is still
lingering there, in correspondence with his friends here, but I do
not hear that the States have again entertained his advances.
I am losing no time in sending men to Holland and Zealand, and
getting natives of the Provinces here to write how bad it would he
for them to undertake war again. The Flushing people have sent
here to treat with two Spanish ships which came with oranges, for
them to go with merchandise to that town. They offered them
sureties, both for the merchandise and the good treatment of the
men. They let me know and I told them to reply to the representatives of the Flushing corporation that nothing could be
arranged between private citizens without the intervention of a
minister. This was done without my appearing, and was so far
satisfactory to them that they said they agreed and would consult
the corporation. I took this step in order that an excuse might
arise for their communication with me, and I doubt not, according
to the information of natives whom I have sent there, that they
greatly desire this as they are heartily opposed to war, unless
Orange's stories change their minds. I have obtained a letter
which St. Aldegonde wrote when Orange was going to Ghent, by
which you will see the plots they are weaving. I have sent copies
to Holland and elsewhere that they may understand bow little
Orange really desires peace.
They are putting me off for hours now instead of days, as before,
about the release of Antonio de Guaras.*-London, 11th March
1579.
* A monograph on the subject of Antonio de Guaras, detailing the whole of the
proceedings against him so far as they are known, has recently been published, the
work of Richard Garnett, LL.D., of the British Museum.




tLIZABETII.


657


1579.
11 Mar. 561. BERNARDINO DE MENDOZA to the KING.
On the 26th ultimo I wrote to your Majesty, and on the 6th
instant news arrived here of the action that had taken place near
Antwerp. The Queen related it in great glee to the French
ambassadors, and said that if the whole of them were to be burnt
it would not avenge the evil done by the townspeople in introducing
discord amongst the States. With regard to the arrest of goods
belonging to Flemings resident here, on account of monies owing
by the States and certain towns to Englishmen, the Queen replied
that, as her subjects' property had been taken, it must be paid for,
The greater part of these Flemings are heretics and their congregation has always helped the rebels against us, there being only
four or six of them faithful subjects of your Majesty who help me
all they can; and it would therefore appear that the Queen intends
to carry out her resolution of helping the States no more.
The English merchants here have also resolved to withdraw
their merchandise from Antwerp, and transfer the trade to Embden,
that with Hamburg having ceased. The intention is to confine
trade to Embden, as in the time when connection was prohibited
with your Majesty's dominions, and to avoid the evasion of this by
the Flemings here sending English cloths to Antwerp and bringing
goods from there, which would be cheaper than merchandise passing
through Embden; they intend to forbid all commerce, excepting
through the latter place, on pain of forfeiture. If this is carried
out, the Flemings will have to leave the country, and the English
will monopolise trade, which is just what they desire. Signs are
evident that they do not wish to have any communication with the
States until they submit to your Majesty, for these Flemings were
formerly favoured because they aided the States.
Dissensions have recently broken out in Scotland again, and it was
said that the King was to be removed from Stirling to Edinburgh,
but it is not known whether this will be done before the meeting
of Parliament on the 1st of May.
M. de Simier and the French Ambassador still continue their
audiences with the Queen and have recently again postponed the
coming of Alenqon, who, they say, will be accompanied by the
prince of Conde. They are in high hopes of the marriage, fromn
what the Queen tells them, it not being necessary to call Parliament
together for the purpose, permission for her marriage having been
granted in the first parliament of the reign. From the suspicions
of the king of France that his brother is plotting with the Bretons,
and the Gascons being still disturbed, it may be surmised that the
Queen will be the better pleased that the French should be kept
busy in their own country, and consequently not be able to concern
themselves with Scotch affairs, about which she is still anxious..London, 11th March 1579.


* Note in the King's handwriting: " According to this, the matter cannot be settled
'* as they told Juan de Vargas the other day. This is most likely to be the truth as it
" comes more direct."


y 76467.




658


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1579.
21 Mar.  562. BERNARDINO DE MENDOZA to ZAYAS.
I wrote last on the 11th. The conference at Utrecht which I
mentioned, has resulted in the formation of a league between those
present, in the form set forth in the enclosed paper, containing really
abominable things, especially about liberty of conscience.  The
confederates do not include the lordship of Griininghen, by which
it will be seen that the townspeople there have kept to their good
resolve.
The French ambassadors are expecting hourly the return of
Alenson's secretary whom they had dispatched. They say that
he will certainly bring the decision with regard to the Prince's
coming. As far as can be judged by appearances and the Queen's
own actions, nothing more certain can be imagined than that she
will marry Alen;on if she can, and you may convey this to his
Majesty.
Hatton and Leicester have become friends in order to forward
the business, and are quite agreed about the appointment of a Lord
Chancellor. They are going to help a great heretic into the place,*
whilst Sussex and Cecil are opposed thereto.
The Queen gave orders on the 19th that no ships were to leave
for Germany until further orders. It is believed that this is in
consequence of the dissensions which exist between the Easterling
merchants and those of London, who are more divided than ever.
As I was closing this Alengon's secretary arrived.-London,
21st March 1579.
31 Mar.   563. BERNARDINO DE MENDOZ& to ZAYAS.
By William Bodenham I received your letter of 30th December
and the needlework sent by my lady the duchess (of Alba), which
work is such as might be expected from such hands.
The Portuguese ambassador is still about his departure for
France, and, although he returned a second time to see the Queen,
Leicester invited him, and the next day told him the Queen wished
to see him again. They tell me the object of all this is to put him
in accord with the man they are to send to Portugal, who will be
some creature of Leicester's. They have also managed for him to
confer with the ambassador they are sending again to France,t the
present resident bling about to return. The object is to arrange
for Alengon to aid in preventing the crown of Portugal from
falling to his Majesty. They could thus keep friendly with that
country, and trade, even though they were at war with Spain.
If, as you say, another man is to come from  Portugal, it is just
as well that this man should linger here as he knows so little.
In the sermons preached before the Queen they speak very
violently about this marriage.  The preacher on the first Sunday
in Lent said that marriages with foreigners would only result in
ruin to the country, as was proved by what happened when the
sainted King Edward died and was succeeded by Mary, who
* Sir 'Thomas Bromley, who succeeded Sir Nicholas Bacon in the Chancellorship, an(l
was himself succeeded eight years later by IlItton.
t Henry Cobham, who was tn replace Sir Amvas Paulet.




ELIZABETH.


659


1579.
married a foreigner, and caused the martyrdom of so many persons,
who were burnt all over the country. When the preacher finished
the subject, hut not the sermon, the Queen rose, which was
considered a great innovation.  They are also attaching much
importance to the fact that preachers are constantly saying this
to the Queen and that she takes no steps, from which it mlay be
inferred that they are inspired from high quarters.
Leicester and Hatton have become great friends in view of the
marriage with Alenqon, which they openly favour, and are pushing
forward Bromley for Lord Chancellor, against the wishes of all the
rest. He has gained them both completely by promising them large
pensions if he gets the place.
The gentleman sent by Alen9on with letters dated the 23rd,
says that on the way to and from Paris he privately saw the
English ambassador, and from his saying to his brother that he
would be back again within a fortnight in Paris, it was understood
by many to mean that he (Alen9on?) would again set up his
household there, and he (the Secretary?) would try to get Bussy
d'Amboise's place. Sitmier and Rochetailld are much grieved at this.
Sore people say that the warm- negotiations of these Frenchmen
for the marriage are only a plan of the Queen-mother to forward
Alenvon's marriage with one of the Infantas.
A Breton gentleman tells me that Alen9on had sent orders to the
Isle of Chaussey, near Granville, in Brittany, that if any pirates
go thither they are to be well received and have facilities for disposing of their prizes. This no doubt is to benefit Bacqueville,
whom he made Admiral recently, although he (Alenqon) has no ports
in his dukedoms. He has also ordered pirate ships to be fitted out
for the voyage to the Indies.
Horatio Pallavicini, I am informed, received advices from Alicante
that the ship which was to bring the alum was being looked out for,
and he therefore wrote that the cargo was to be sent in English
ships. A note of these ships is enclosed in case any of them should
touch at a Spanish port.
There is a French captain here with whom I have been in cominunication for the last six months, and who appears to me to be
a resolute and sensible man. I am told that the king of France
is displeased with him because he was one of the malcontents wio
served with Alen(on against him, and he is looked upon as being
the harbinger of any disturbance. He las on many occasions told
nm that he wishes to render some service to his Majesty which
would fix him permanently in his employment.*  He is a brave
man, and, although he offered to go and serve in the Netherlands
when Alen(on was there, I did not think at the time that it would
be safe or prudent until the French had left. He now tells me
that he is determined to go to Antwerp with letters for Orange,
and to see M. de la Noue and discover what service he can render
according to circumstances. He assures me that he will have
sufficient credit amongst the French gentlemen to win them over,
and will attempt to get possession of some fortress, if his services
* Note in the King's handwriting; "I should think so, indeed."
T t 2




660


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1579.
are accepted, for the purpose of surrendering it to us. I have
praised his determination, as I thought no harm could come of it,
nor did I see any objection to his getting one of the towns into his
hands, so long as Alengon was not there. I advised the prince of
Parma in case he should think it advisable to carry the matter
forward. It will be needful to supply him with money in such
case to win over the captains, and it may be advisable to point out
some particular fortress upon which he might keep his eyes.
I do not fail on every occasion to impress upon the ministers,
and other important people, how prejudicial it would be for the
French to get any power in this country, whence it will be almost
impossible to expel them  even though the Queen were to die,
having in view their close friendship with Scotland. They listen
to me, but their answers are lukewarm, like people who expect
something more than mere words. I shall continue these offices,
which I think most necessary, as his Majesty has said nothing to
the contrary. If it be true than Juan de Vargas has arranged
what is said with the king of France, it surely would be better for
him to advise me of it direct before I hear it from another quarter;
but he doubtless thinks differently.-London, 31st March 1579.
3 1 March. 564. BERNARDINO DE MENDOZA to the KING.
I wrote to your Majesty on the 11th and sent duplicate on the
15th. M. de Simier and the ambassador continue their constant
audiences with the Queen respecting the marriage, and she seems,
by all appearances, to very willingly listen to them. In the course
of the negotiation it was suggested that, if the marriage be effected,
Alengon might be appointed King of the Romans. This was well
received by the Frenchmen, who had letters from their King at the
time telling them to keep the matter in hand until he got a decided
reply, which he expected from Spain and Roime; and, as soon as it
came, Alencon's secretary should be sent back with the decision.
The Queen's ambassador in Paris advised her at the same time that
preparations were being made for Alen(on's visit, which appears to
be true.
The ambassadors thereupon again began to treat with Leicester
about Alen;on's preparation for the visit, but said that it would not
be advisable for him to come until the business was confirmed,
Nwiich opinion they said they were conveying to the Queen and
asked him to support them. Leicester replied that this course was
most undesirable, and that when Alencon came, Parliament would
be sitting when lie (Leicester) and his friends would endeavour that
all the country, through the mouth of Parliament, should beg the
Queen to marry Alenqon, which she could not then refuse, even
th(ougl1 she were not so truly desirous of it, as she is. This kept
the Frenchmen in play which wits the object aimed at.
On the 19th Alen9on's secretary arrived with letters from the
King dated 16tl, both to Leice.ster and the Queen, in which he
assured lel that his brother would be here in the lmonth of May
and begged her that the conditions should be fixed with necessary
precision, for the satisfaction of both parties. He said that the
ambassador at l1'ome had, at your Majesty's instance taken stepi




ELIZABETH.


661


1579.
with the Pope to hinder the marriage, and that your Majesty had
written to him begging him to divert his brother from it; the
same being done by the Nuncio in Paris on behalf of the Pope and
by Juan de Vargas in the name of your Majesty, but that he (the
king of France) still wished that it should go on. As regards the
question of religion, he could assure the Queen that his brother
would conduct himself in a way which should cause no scandal ill
the country.
He assured Leicester on his word of honour that his authority
and position should not be injured in any way by the marriage, as
he would be the guide and friend of his brother.
After the coming of the secretary with these letters, which gave
a fresh impulse to the business, the Queen received three despatches
from Paris within two days, sent with great speed in forty-five
hours, advising her of the arrival there of Alengon and the duke of
Guise, and of the applause with which he had been received.
This disburbed her greatly, as it was unexpected and she is
suspicious about Scotland, and considers that there must be some
great mystery behind this, because Alenqon had concealed his
intention to visit his brother even from his closest friends and
advisers.
The ambassador also informed lier that the Nuncio had declared
to Alenqon in the name of the Pope that he would excommunicate
him if he cime to this country, and the people of Paris publicly
said that, if he married the Queen, they would never accept him as
king of France, if he should succeed to the throne. Nevertheless,
he shows signs of his intention to marry her and says that he
will look upon as his enemy any person who advises him to the
contrary.
M. de Simier saw her on the 26th and gave her a letter written
by Alen9on himself, dated the 23rd, telling her not to be surprised
at his visiting his brother, who had received him as such; the cause
of it having been his desire to contradict those who asserted that
they were at issue. He also asked her not to consider it strange
that the gentleman who had come with Simier should return to
accompany him (Alenqon) on his journey. The Queen was very
gracious to Simier and detained him ro long that she made him
stay to supper with Lady Howard, who heads the table of the
ladies of the Privy Chamber. She sent him the supper from her own
table, although I had taken care that she was informed that the
letters dated the I 6th, from the king of France to her and Leicester,
had not been written in France at all, but in London. This was
seen from the fact that the handwriting was that of the secretary
of the French ambassador here. When I heard of it I had the earl
of Leicester told, without its being known that the information
came from me. No doubt the secretary of Aleneon brought these
signatures in blank with orders to fill up the letters in the way that
seemed best.
The close confinement of the queen of Scotland continues and the
permission given by the Queen to the secretary to visit the King
on her behalf was shortly afterwards revoked.
With regard to the pressure being put upon Flemings here to




662


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1579.
cease trading with Antwerp, and to confine their commerce with
Embden the Archduke Mathias and Orange have written suggesting
that trade might be done at Aliddleburg which would cause no loss
to them. The English have not replied, nor have they decided yet
to fix their trade in Embden, although they are greatly at issue
with the Maritime towns of Dantzic and Hamburg.
Orange has promised to carry on the war against your Majesty
in the States at a very small cost, the intention being to draw it
out and make it offensive (defensive?) merely, by keeping possession
of the towns only, and sustaining no army in the open.-London,
31st March 1579.
8 April.  565.  BERNARDINO DE MENDOZA to the KING.
I wrote to your Majesty on the 31st ultimo, and on the 23rd
M. de Rochetaille (Rocatallada) left here carrying fresh terms about
the marriage; the principal points of which are understood to be
in conformity with my letter of the 18th of February, although
some people say that they have added a provision to the effect that,
if the Queen dies, Aleneon is to bear the title of duke of Lancaster
and York.
These councillors met Rochetaille (Rocatallada), as he was
leaving the next day, but they detained him three days longer,
continually in council with him day and night. They sent the
secretaries out of the room, which is a very unusual thing, and is
only done when matters of the greatest importance are discussed in
secret. The result of these meetings and of Rochetailld's departure
has been that the Queen is now arranging the persons who have to
go and meet Alenqon, and the ships which have to escort him,
whilst many of the great people here, including the councillors, are
having new clothes and other things made for the occasion,* as
they believe that the matter is as good as settled if the French
accept the terms, which they consider very reasonable.
With respect to giving hostages for the coming of Alenron, it is
proposed that the earls of Surrey and Oxford and Lord Windsor
should be chosen, because, although they are only youths, their
houses are very ancient and of high rank.
The Queen has had two letters from Alen9on in his own hand,
delivered to her by Simier, and I am assured that she replied in the
same way without showing her letters to the councillors and
particularly not to Leicester, who the French are informed is
acting falsely in the business, and who, with Sussex, is their
principal opponent. Although I wrote to your Majesty on the
27th of January what he told me, I find him lately very cool. He
publicly talks of the advantage it would be to the Queen to effect
this marriage, however, and the Queen has favoured him by telling
the Frenchmen to treat of the matter with him. Lord Burleigh is
not so much opposed to it as formerly, but I cannot discover
* As an instance of this, there is a letter from the earl of Leicester to Secretary
Davison in the Netherlands, asking him to secure for him 4,000 crowns worth of
rimson, black, and other coloured velvet satin and silk, with 4001. worth of gold and
Tilver tissue " or such like pretty stuffs.' See Calendar of State Papers, Domestic,
25th April 1579.




ELIZABETH.


663


1579.
whether Sussex and Burleigh have changed their minds, because
they thi thn  that they may thus bring about the fall of Leicester,
and avenge themselves upon him for old grievances, and for having
advanced to the office of Chancellor, which Sussex wants, an enemy
of Sussex and Burleigh. Their reason may, however, be perhaps
the hope that if Frenchmen should come hither the country may
rise, in which case, it is believed, Sussex would take a great
position.
By my former letters I have fully advised all that was occurring,
and I have nothing more to say excepting that the matter of the
seizures is now being treated lukewarmly, and I am afraid nothing
will be done.
Great efforts were being secretly made by Orange with the
corporation and guilds of Antwerp, to obtain the entry of that
town in the league of Utrecllt.-London, 8th April 1579.
8 April. 566. BERNARDINO DE MENDOZA to the KTNG.
As the Portuguese ambassador, who is at last tearing himself
away from this country to reside in France, tells me that lie is
sending a courier to Madrid as soon as he arrives at Calais, I take
the opportunity of enclosing this despatch in the packet he is
forwarding.
The present that the Queen gave him was 1,200 English
crowns worth of silver-gilt plate and a jewel worth 300 for his
wife.
At his last audience with her she gave him a ring from her own
finger, no doubt as a keepsake, for slie is very clever at such little
witcheries as these, when she thinks she can gain a point by them
and disarm those with whom she is dealing. I fancy she has fully
succeeded in this with the ambassador, who has said nothing about
the ring.
Everybody here is full of the marriage and the coming of
Alenqon, and the English speak of it more openly than hitherto.
Many people who were wont to smile at it now see that appearances
are all in favour of its taking place and believe it. To divert the
Queen from it, certain persons told her that, in the office of the late
Chancellor, of whom the Queen thought very highly as a councillor,
there had been discovered some papers sent to him two years ago
from France, at the time that the matter was under discussion before,
saying that the object of the coming of the French to England
would only be the ruin of the country, the death of the Queen, and
the consequent release of the Queen of Scotland, whose cause they
were promoting. She said the papers could not be very important
as they had not mentioned them to her for so long, and with that,
dropped the subject.
I am feeling more keenly every day the loss of the man I wrote
about, as, in addition to his knowledge of Walsingham's affairs,
which was absolutely trustworthy, he heard n;mny things that went
on in the Queen's chamber through a lady, with whom it is now
almost impossible for me to communicate, so that I have to lose
much time in finding out what goes on, and have, so to speak, to go
about begging for intelligence




664


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1579.
An Englishman who went with Casimir returned hither yesterday
in great haste. The reason of his coming is not known, but, all
booted and spurred as he was, they made him enter the Council
Chamber, where he remained for a long time. They say that the
States were to hurriedly meet at Antwerp, and also that Maestricht
was being battered with 23 cannons.
Alen9on has intimated to M. de la Noue and Pruneaux that they
are to make ready to come hither. They have themselves written
this news to Simier and the ambassador.
If Hans has not left when this arrives, pray send him to me.
The Scotch Parliament has met at Stirling, but it appears they
could do nothing as they were not agreed. It is said that the
Parliament may be prolonged and may sit at Edinburgh. It is
understood that this Parliament here will also be prorogued.London, 8th April 1579.
11 April. 557. The KING to BERNARDINO DE MENDOZA.
From various letters received from you, the last of which is
dated the 5th ultimo, I learn particulars of events there, which it
was fitting that I should know. You have done well in advising
me and will continue to do so, keeping the Queen friendly, in the
way you have been doing, in order to divert her thoughts from
connection with Flanders. This is not only demanded by our old
friendship, but also, if she will only see it, because the only fruit
she will get from it will be to have spent her money upon my rebel
subjects and such like mean fellows. With this end in view you
will direct all your conversations with her whenever an opportunity
offers.
I have always looked upon the idea of a marriage between the
Queen and Alen9on* as a mere invention, and this is evident from
the present position of the affair, as he is already perfectly reconciled
with his brother. But still the steps you took in the matter were
appropriate, and you will continue, whenever necessary, to hinder
the business.
For reasons which have occurred here, I have not ordered the
provision of the money and jewels which you said might be given
to the Queen's ministers to bring them to look with favourable
eyes upon my affairs. As things may now have changed, it will
be well for you to again consider what might be done for each one,
according to their disposition and influence, and you will send me a
memorandum about it, in order that I may decide what to do in the
matter.
With regard to the alum and what has been done here and in
Italy about it, I may say that very little more will be sent, but you
will still keep your eyes on Horatio Pallavicini, advising me of
anything that may happen.
The marine chart was received, and was so good that your
diligence in obtaining it is approved of. With it came the pieces


" Marginal note in the King's handwriting: " Add this: I nevertheless believe they
" will continue to discuss it, and even perhaps may become reconciled for the purpose,
" but. believe that she herself is the person who will refuse,"




ELIZABETH.


665


1579.
of ore, of which an assay has been made and they have been found
of little value. Still, it was well to send them, and if anything
else should occur in the matter, which it may be necessary that
you should know, you shall be informed.
I think that little result will now be attained by the negotiations about the seizures, but nevertheless, in accordance with
your information, a letter from me to the Queen in your credence
will be enclosed, so that you may use it if you think advisable.
Zayas tells me that you wrote to him lately that it was probable
that Antonio de Guaras would shortly be released, but I have
thought well to write to the Queen the enclosed letter in his
favour, so that you may address her on the subject on my behalf
in accordance with the state of the business, in the hope that the
affair may be speedily settled, of which we should be glad.
The Scotch Ambassador resident in France has informed Juan
de Vargas that it would be advisable for me to send some message
to the Catholic party, but as from day to day things change there,
and it is no good to do anything without some hope of a profitable
result, I wish you to consider the matter, and advise me about
it, since it is not a business which can be decided upon at the mere
request of the said ambassador, who is naturally influenced by his
own desires.
It may be greatly suspected that at this time the Portuguese
will try to increase their friendship with the English, and it is
desirable for you to keep your eyes open, and learn everything that is done in this matter, informing me of it by every
opportunity.
For this purpose I believe Antonio de Fogaza will be useful if he
is acting straightforwardly, and I should be pleased for you to
inquire, as if of your own accord, the grounds he has for requesting
the reward, about which he has written to my confessor and to
Zayas, and advise me what you learn, and your own opinion upon
the matter.-Madrid, 11th April 1579.
12 April. 568. BERNARDINO DE MENDOZA to ZAYAS.
Since my last of the 8th instant, Antonio Guaras's business has
been settled in the following way. The Council has ordered him
to pay his debts before he leaves the Tower, whereupon he shall be
released. I understand that they will first take him before some
of the councillors, and I have sent to ask him to have more
patience than lie had with the Keeper. Although the matter is in
this state, I cannot believe that it is at an end until I see him
across the sea, considering that this brother of his has already
caused so much delay by his absurdities.  I am not the only
person who says so, for Gombal himself confesses that Guaras told
him he should have been free months ago if he had not come, and
at much less cost than now.  Notwithstanding all this, I can
assure you that Gombal is going on more furiously than ever, and
may well cause still more delay, which God forbid, and I hope
Guaras's wife will pass a better Easter than she did a Christmas,
with the news I sent her of what Leicester said.
An Englishman hls arrived here by sca to tell the Queen that




666


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1579.
his Majesty had ordered the stopping          of all ships on the Biscay
and western coasts, and that Dr. Sanders and a brother of the earl
of Desmond, James Fitznmaurice, Irishmen, were fitting out ships.4
This has aroused some suspicion, because she has seized a letter written
by some of the principal people in Ireland          to James Fitzmaurice,
telling him how glad      they will be for him     to come, and assuring
him  that he will find a welcome there.           The letter is not signed,
and Walsingham      sent it to Captain Sir John Malbey, who is under
orders to go to Ireland to hasten his departure.
* There is in the British Museum a highly interesting series of original papers
(Add., MSS. 28,420), dated in the autumn of this year, giving minute particulars of
the aid sent by Philip to this enterprise. The first document is a long letter from the
Papal Nuncio in Madrid to the King, written on the 5th September, giving an account
of the landing and progress of James Fitzmaurice in Ireland, and the alarm caused
thereby to the Queen of England. He begs Philip to send further succour to Ireland,
and, in a subsequent paper, sets forth the promises made by Fitzmaurice, in the event
of his being successful, although, as he says, Philip had not thought proper that these
promises should be embodied in a formal document.    This second document is
copiously annotated in the margin in Latin, apparently in the handwriting of Cardinal
de Granvelle, the notes in several cases being extremely sarcastic and characteristic of
the writer. Another communication from the Nuncio (bishop of Piacenza) states the
amount of succour which he wishes Philip to give, including a levy of 600 infantry, and
60 Italian veterans; and on the 8th November, the King's decision is given, in the
form of a memorandum to the Nuncio, detailing the aid to be sent. As this document
is extremely interesting and has, I believe, never yet been published, I transcribe it
it full.
B. M.     Document headed, "That which his Majesty has ordered to     he
Spanish,       " firnished of the succour requested by the Pope's Nuncio for
Add. 28,420.     " Ireland, in conformity with his memorial, namely."
The Nuncio is to appoint an ecclesiastic to go to Biscay to see after
this provision, and Juan Martinez de Recalde, who serves his Majesty
on that coast, is to be written to in the King's name, ordering him to
help the expedition, a similar order being also sent to the officers of
justice in the province, authorising them to raise 400 men, but without
drum beat or standard.
Besides the 100 pikes already ordered for the expedition 100 more
are to be sent-200 pikes in all.
Besides the 100 harquebusses already ordered 30 more are to be sent
-130 harquebusses, or muskets, in all.
Besides the 200 swords ordered another 100 are to be given-300
swords in all.
Instead of 25 or 30 barrels of powder as ordered, 30 full barrels
are to be given, and some saltpetre, sulphur, and "artificial fire."
The warrant for 200 quintals of Gallician biscuit is to be returned,
and another will be given for 400 quintals, on the Biscay coast.
In addition to the biscuit a proportionate quantity of wine and other
victuals will be given on his Majesty's account.
Besides the 5 pieces of iron ordnance already given from Santauder
5 more similar pieces are to be provided, as well as some necessary
appurtenances.
Two ships may be taken from the coast of Biscay, and his Majesty
will pay the wages of the crews, and the cost of the ships for four
months. The ships to be of 300 tons each.
All the persons who are to undertake the raising and conveying the
troops are to be Italians, appointed by the Nuncio, and a list of the
persons now in Madrid available for this is now enclosed. (A list of
three Italian captains is attached.)
As regards the 50,000 ducats requested, although his Holiness
makes the request that they should he taken from the Toledo payment, his Majesty orders that the sum of 25,000 ducats from this
source in two instalments, is to be given to the Nuncio, and the other
25,000 ducats will be provided by him, so that the 50,000 may be sent
in succour as desired.  All the munitions, victuals, ships, &c.,
mentioned are to be on his Majesty's account. —8th November 1579.




ELIZABETH.


667


1579.
She has also news that Sweden and Denmark are sturdily
preparing their sea forces.
M. de Simier is invited on Thursday to attend the ceremony
of the washing of feet, which the Queen performs. She summons
him nearly every day, and goes for two or three hours together to
see the works on some tennis courts she is having built, under the
pretext that they are for Alengon.-London, 12th April 1579.
27 April. 569. BERNARDINO DE MENDOZA to ZAYAS.
I wrote on the 12th informing you of the position of Antonio
Guaras's affair, namely that he had to pay his debts before he was
liberated. With all this talk about his brother's wealth they are
disinterring so many old claims, and even pressing him to pay the
bishop of Aquila's debts, that I am afraid some time will be spent
in the investigation of them.
Alengon's secretary, who had returned to treat of his master's
affair, has had a great squabble with Simier and the Ambassador.
He told them he should leave, whereupon Simier replied that if he
remained, since they were not discussing the matter of the marriage
properly, lie (Simier) should go. He keeps vapouring about leaving
in less than two days, but he still remains.
The heretics they call Puritans have been more open lately than
they formerly were, and this Easter one of them, preaching before
the Lord Mayor and Magistrates of London, spoke so violently to
the effect that the Queen could not be the head of the Church and
that the Bishops were not doing their duty, that they had to seize
him at once to avoid the scandal.
The discord between the London merchants and the Easterlings
resident here, regarding the privileges of the latter, is still unsettled,
but it is.proposed that the Easterlings should continue to enjoy
their privileges for six months, on condition of their giving security,
and if, during that time the English are not granted similar privileges, they, the Easterlings, shall pay like any other strangers the
dues upon the goods they may have sent. The Easterlings have
not yet accepted the proposal.
News comes from Antwerp that Maestricht has been assaulted,
and although our people received some loss and did not succeed in
entering, there was little hope of the place holding out.*-London,
27th April 1579.
27 April. 570. BERNARDINO DE MENDOZA to the KING.
The Queen's amlassador in France writes to her that secret orders
lhave been given there to arm thirty ships, and the Council here
have therefore resolved that seven of her ships shall put to sea,
although the order has not yet been published, nor have they begun
to make ready more than two, which they say are to go out to clear
the channel of corsairs. The arming of these (French) ships is causing
fears about Scotland, and they have recently discussed the bringing
of that Queen (Mary) to the Tower of London. If this should be done
it would be a proof that they have fallen out with the French,
although the Queen in her behaviour to Simier, has not shown any
* It held out for two months longer and was surprised and captured on the 29th June.




668


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1579.
signs of it, excepting once, on the 21st, when she was so rude to
him that it was noticed by everyone. It is said that a new condition
has been demanded on the part of Alenqon. It was arranged that
the style should be Francis and Elizabeth, King and Queen of
England, and that in the question of dower, the law of England
should be followed, but he now wishes to be crownsd with her on
their marriage, which, it is generally believed, the English will not
agree to. This has given rise to the idea that the French wish to
raise differences, and together, with the arming so many ships, is
another reason for their alarm, which is added to by this news
about your Majesty having stopped all ships on the Biscay and
western coasts, and the coming to Spain by sea of the infantry
from Naples. They are also disturbed by the intelligence th:,t
certain Irishmen are preparing in Biscay and that 1,500 Scots
Highlanders have gone over to Ireland. The only steps they have
taken hitherto have been to send thither some captains who have
experience of the country.
Parliament has been prorogued in Scotland in consequence, it is
said, of dissensions, respecting which this Queen ordered her ambassador to come hither and give her an account. He has not done
this in consequence of the prorogation, nor has Morton lost his
power, although they are disagreed. Parliament here is deferred
until the 25th of May.-London, 27th April 1579.
3 May.   571. BERNARDINO DE MENDOZA to the KING.
I wrote to your Majesty on the 27th, and on the same day
received the letter containing your Majesty's orders about this
Queen's ministers. I have found them very cool during the last
two months, particularly Sussex, who has never seen me without
asking me if I had any letters from your Majesty, in such a way
and in such terms as to try to force from me some declaration with
regard to the fulfilment of the hopes I had held out to him in return
for the attachment he has shown to your Majesty's interests. I
have always adopted the course of making much of his services in
general terms, and impressing upon him how advantageous it was
for the quietude of the country and the authority of the Queen
that he should continue his good offices, whilst at the same time it
would not be less so for his own private interests, and to strengthen
him against his rivals. Nevertheless, it will be necessary to give
him, and the others about whom I wrote, namely, Lord Burleigh,
James Crofts, the Comptroller, and Hatton, Captain of the Guard,
all of whom are cooling, something to keep them in our favour,
because, otherwise, not only shall we lose the chance of gaining
them, but shall offend them altogether, and they will take the same
line as the others. They are all of them being much solicited by
the French, who think that no sooner will Aleneon set foot in the
country than they will be sure both of England and Scotland as
well; because, when this Queen dies, the Queen of Scotland, for
her own interests, will be obliged to receive him with open arms.
They are equally sure that your Majesty will not hinder them
from becoming masters of both countries, as they say that this will
be the only way to bring them to submit to the Pope and the




'ELIZABETH.


'669


1579.
Catholic religion. It is of great importance that we should begin
to pledge these ministers to us in the way I previously mentioned,
namely, by giving jewels to the value of 3,000 crowns or more
each to Sussex and Buuleigh, to the Comptroller 2,000 crowns in
money, as he faithfully serves your Majesty, and is in great need
in consequence, and because, being a Catholic, the Queen has not
paid him as she does the others, and his enemies are seeking to
undo him. Hatton, although he is attached to your Majesty's
service, has joined Leicester in the French affair, so that, if your
Majesty thinks fit, a jewel worth 1,500 may be sent and he may be
entertained until we see how he goes on. The others, if in the
meanwhile they should not forget themselves, should receive their
gifts from my own hands very secretly, and with the hope held
out that this is merely a sample of the favours your Majesty will
constantly show them. If your Majesty thinks well it would be
desirable to give something handsome to Leicester, just to make
him think we have not found him out.
The Queen and the City of London have not yet paid Horatio
Pallavicini the part of the funds he advanced, which was due at
the end of February. He is expecting eight English ships which
he freighted to bring the alum  from Genoa; note of which
ships I sent some time ago to enable your Majesty, if it should
please you, to seize the alum in case the ships touched in a Spanish
port.
I have continued on every opportunity my endeavours to divert
the Queen from the marriage with Alencon in the way I previously
mentioned, setting forth to her privately and alone how great was
the risk to her life if it were carried through. Although she has
listened to this, and similar things I have had conveyed to her by
her own subjects, she expresses to Simier such a strong desire to
marry that not a Councillor, whatever his opinion may be, dares
to say a word against it. When she was leaving to visit a house
of Leicester's, six miles off, she took Simier and the ambassador
with lier, telling them that she would there decide the business
definitely. She requested each member of the Council to give her
his opinion in writing, but not one of them would declare himself
openly. They merely stated the objections on both sides, which
she read privately and alone.
The French ambassador has returned, leaving Sirier with the
Queen, and a secretary of Simier is being dispatched with the
Queen's decision. As Alencon's secretary is not taking it, although
lie said that was the only thing for which he was waiting, it is
concluded that the answer is not a definite one. Indeed, some
people think that all this intimacy is only with the object of
agreeing to prevent the joining of the crown of Portugal to that
of Spain, this being the reason for the arming of the French ships
and the decision to send seven of the Queen's ships to help them
if' necessary, the Portuguese being artled. The disturbance in the
Marquisate of Saluzzo was said to have been raised with the same
end, to prevent the withdrawal of the forces you have ordered
frolm Milan to Spain. They are dissembling in consequence of the
Queen's mistrust of the French about Scotland, where there is




670                        SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1579.
however no disturbance, as Morton keeps his place, and his
opponents, the Queen's friends, have not courage enough to turn
him out of it. Although the Scotch ambassador in France may
persuade Juan de Vargas that great things can be done if your
Majesty will help them, they have not hitherto, so far as I call
observe, proceeded in a way which would justify the undertaking
of so great an enterprise, with no other foundation than that
which he proposes. The gentleman, who was a faithful adherent
of the queen of Scotland, about whom I wrote on the 26th of
October, has seen me again and given me the reply to the proposal
that they (i.e., the Queen's party) should communicate with me, for
the reason that your Majesty favoured the cause of the Catholic
religion and the release of the Queen, which were their objects, and
that I should therefore be their best intermediary. They replied
that they did not know me and had no reason to communicate with
me, and went no further into the matter.
Morton has 24 or 26 lords on his side, by reason of the pensions
paid to them through him by this Queen. Amongst those who
favour the queen of Scotland, they say that the man who is most
influential is the bishop of St. Andrews, although it may be
doubted whether he is a Catholic, seeing that he acts as a bishop
after the manner of the rest. If the matter is not first settled
with the friends of the Queen (of Scotland) I think it will be
difficult to manage it entirely through the Scotch ambassador in
France, in a way which will prevent the French from hindering
it if they see that it is in favour of your Majesty's interests.
Not only have they (the English) abandoned the lnavigation to
Cathay, but they have been so sickened by the little profit produced from their last year's voyage that not a man or a sailor has
been paid his wages.
I will speak to the Queen as ordered about the seizures, but I
am doubtful whether the matter will turn out so brilliant as it was
painted.
The Queen says that as soon as Guaras has paid his debts she
will let him go, and I have therefore suspended the delivery of your
Majesty's letter until I see whether she will do so. Both she and
the Council promised the same.
Antonio Fogaza came to this country by order of' the Cardinal
who is now King to negotiate affairs at the time when differences
existed with Portugal. Before he left Portugal he conferred with
Don Hernando Carrillo, your Majesty's ambassador there, who
gave him letters for Ruy Gomez de Silva; and, as lie tells ilme
himself, lie spoke also to Secretary Zayas. When lie arrived hler
he discussed with these ministers an agreement with his sovereign,
and in the meanwhile, there arrived in England a certain Francisco
Giraldi. He being considered rich, and being a brother-in-law of
Don Francisco de Portugal, inspector of the King's treasury, with
his support and that of Don Miguel de Mora, began to take part in
affairs here, which he managed to settle in consequence of the
English being pressed, by reason of your Majesty's having prohibited them from trading in your dominions. When Antolio
Fogaza saw that the agreement thus arrived at would be pre



ELIZABETH.


671


1679,
judicial both to this Queen and your Majesty, he tried to hinaer
it, and advised Ruy Gomez the reason why he did so, saying
at the same time that if, when your Majesty desired to come
to terms with England, Portugal also did not agree, he himself
would appear before his King and confess the' steps he had taken
to impede the settlement, moved by his zeal for the Catholic
religion and your Majesty's interests. During all this time he
continued to write accounts of everything that happened here to
the Duke of Alba in the Netherlands and to Secretary Zayas, who
requested him to continue in the course he had commenced.
Certain letters from the Duke in reply to letters from him came
here enclosed to Antonio de Guaras, who opened them, and seeing
that he was writing to the Duke, he showed the letters to Giraldi,
who was at that time the acknowledged agent of the king of
Portugal here. Giraldi wrote to Portugal saying that Fogaza was
in correspondence with ministers of another Prince, and other
things of the same sort, which caused them to cease correspondence
with him and withdraw his allowance, without giving any reason
for their doing so. He continued to give advices to the ministers
of your Majesty, and, in the absence of the duke of Alba, when I
came hither in the year 1574, the Grand Commander (Requesens)
gave me a letter for him, and he helped me very much. He was
well able to do so at the time, because he was in close connection
with an officer of the Queen's Council, whom he kept out of his
own pocket, and who told him everything. He now petitions that
the sum thus spent, and other sums for similar objects should be
paid to him, amounting in all, according to the statement sent to
Zayas, to 1,200 crowns. The allowance to him from Portugal
being stopped, he fell into difficulties and was imprisoned here for
debt, although lie never failed to advise your Majesty's ministers
of what went on. When I arrived here he also supplied me with
valuable information, and particularly with certain intelligence
about Portugal, which I sent to your Majesty. He has been
extremely zealous, so far as I have been able to learn, in your
Majesty's service, and I believe he will still continue to give me
valuable intelligence if any negotiations are carried on with
Portugal.
The English captains in the States have sent hither for men to
recruit their companies, but when the men were ready to sail from
Gravesend, the Queen ordered them to be stopped.-London, 3rd
May 1579.
3 MAay.  572. BERNARDINO DE MENDOZA to ZAYAS.
I thank you sincerely for your letters of the 12th and 2nd
ultimo which were very welcome as I had been so long without
them. If the owl were more valuable, instead of being merely
curious, I would beg you to accept it as a present. I thank you
much for the frankness with which you treat me, and for having
sent Hans to whom it was very necessary for you to give the order
that his costs should be put down to the extraordinary expenses,
especially as he arrived here in debt, the postmaster-general only
having given him 160 crowns.




672


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1579.
I am sorry to hear of the death of the prior Don Antonio,* but
he lived in a way which may well inspire emulation.
The spectacles for his Majesty are being made with the greatest
speed, but as they are to be very fine, it will not do to hurry the
maker too much.
Leicester has spoken to me twice about the seizures, asking me
why I did not request the appointment of Commissioners, which is
another sign that all is not gold that glitters.
Sussex has complained to me, although indirectly, because he had
been addressed about an affair that had taken place with his brother
at Namur, saying that, although he was his brother, he did not
recognise him as such,t and related to Segasti+ the whole story of
their dissension.  I am fully armed with a reply to him if he should
open the subject when I see him again. This has been partly the
reason of his colness towards me.
The close intimacy of the Queen      with the French is plainly
directed towards Portugese affairs and what I wrote about it is now
confirmed.
The Ambassador who is coming hither from Portugal is ordered
to see the man who left, whose secretary is still here, although he
is not entrusted with anything of importance as I have a person
near him to advise me if any such thing is entered upon.
The Queen has chosen to send to Portugal Edward Wotton, a
young man of great learning and knowledge of languages, who hlas
been in Italy and is a creatuire of Walsingham's.  I cannot discover
what are his religious views.  He will leave in a fortnight.-London,
3rd May 1579.
4 May.    573.   BERNARDINO DE MENDOZA to ZAYAS.
After having written to you yesterday, [I have had a clearer
understanding with Antonio Fogaza and have tried to bring him
round by a thousand blandishments to the service desired of him.
After much pro and con, he said that if his Majesty will speedily
show him favour, in consideration of his eight years service, lie will
continue to work with    his former zeal, and will show me this by
acts and results.  He says his object is not self interest but to be
more useful, and he seeks present aid in order theat the new
Ambassador may not find him         a prisoner for debt, the List
ambassador having left him    in an inn, where he is in danger of
again being seized by his creditors.  If the new Ambassador finds
him, he says, in such a position, he will give him but little credit,
and in this he is quite right.  So sure am I of this, that out of pure
* Probably Don Antonio de Toledo, brother of the duke of Alba.
t This doubtless referred to the suspicions and rumours which rvere rife at Namiur
at the time that Sussex's brother, Egremont Ratcliff, had had a hand in poisoning D)o
John of Austria. There is an original letter in the British Museum (Add. MISS. 26,702)
from Sir Francis Englefield in Madrid to Philip enelosing the translation of a long lctt,-r
he had received from an Englishman resident at Namur, named Gabriel )enys, the date
of the letter being the 16th August. Amongst other things I)cnys says that an envoy
is about to be sent from England to Spain, he fears with object of trying to poison the
King, and, to justifiy his suspicion of English methods, he points out that Don John was
never well from the time Egremont Ratcliff had access to him, and strongly hints that
he poisoned him.
3  lMendoza's secretary.
+ I~LUUI   C~CLZLT




ELIZABETH.


673


1579.
pity, I have given him enough to maintain him where he is and
will see with what zeal he helps me.
This will be an extremely convenient way of learning what the Portuguese may negotiate here, and although there may be no important
matter now in hand, yet as the man is so willing, and in consideration
of past services, his Majesty might conscientiously order him to be
paid 1,200 sun-crowns, which will not be very much considering
the circumstances and, as the saying is, "there is no wedge so good
as that of the same wood."  He has begged that whatever may be
done for him may come through my hands, and, in his Majesty's
own interests, I urgently beg that a decision may be shortly arrived
at, as it is most important to keep him satisfied and prevent these
people from again returning to the Giraldi agreement. They have
received news to-day that the king of Portugal has forbidden stores
to be supplied in his country to Fitzmaurice and an Irish bishop.
They are much pleased at this, and it confirms the idea that there
is some negotiation going on. They say that the man they are
sending to Portugal will be accompanied by Sir Harry Cavendish,
a son of the countess of Shrewsbury, who was the leader of the
English that went over to the Netherlands last year, and of whom
a friend of his said to some Englishmen who were discussing his
good parts and regretting that they were not utilized, that very
shortly he would do something by which they would be displayed.
It may therefore be inferred that his journey to Portugal will be to
offer troops.
All the Councillors, they tell me, have been sitting since two
o'clock this afternoon and it is now nine at night. This is considered
strange, and I think that the meeting is about Portuguese affairs.
I send this despatch to catch the courier who left yesterday.London, 4th May 1579.
8 May.   574. BERNARDINO DE MENDOZA to ZAYAS.
On the 5th they took Antonio Guaras before the Treasurer, who
told him that, notwithstanding his bad offices and dis-service to the
Queen, she, with her accustomed clemency, was pleased to release
him in consideration of his brother's solicitations. After they had
dwelt upon this they summoned Gombal to whom, in his brother's
presence, they said the same. Gombal went to-day to thank the
Queen for having released his brother. She received him graciously,
and the Treasurer promised to send him a passport to-morrow. I
am glad to send you this news, both because you were interested
in the matter yourself and for other reasons. I will send particulars
later, and only now hurriedly write, in order that you may give
his wife the good news.-London, 8th May 1579.
14 May. 575. BERNARDINO DE MENDOZA to ZAYAS.
I sent letters on the 3rd and 4th, and on the 8th instant I wrote
giving you an account of what had passed between the LordTreasurer and Antonio de Guaras. They promised him a passport
in two days, and he has had it since the 11th, authorising him to
embark at Dover; but as he has not been able to fulfil the promise
of paying his debts, and wishes to sell his house, he has not yet
y 74C7.                                                 tU




674


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1579.
taken advantage of it. I am very anxious that he shall lose no
time in enjoying the favour the Queen has granted him, to save
his wife from the trouble in which she is until she sees him. His
creditors have lost no opportunity of pressing him until he pays to
the last farthing, thanks to all this talk about his brother's wealth.
It is true the coming of Gombal may have delayed the business,
but this may well be pardoned him, and his brother has much to
thank him for, because, besides all the trouble he has taken, he is
finding money to pay part of his debts and making himself
responsible for the rest, which all brothers would not do.
The spectacles for his Majesty are finished, but are not sent
with this despatch because the man who carries it as far as Paris
made it a condition that the packet should be small. They will
go with the next.
His Majesty's decision about these ministers will be most important, and I personally beg you particularly to press forward the
granting of the Comptroller's share as he very faithfully serves and
helps me all he can. He is in such need that he has sent to tell me
decidedly, that if his Majesty will not help him it will not be possible
for him to remain at Court, he being at the end of his resources.
You may be assured that this is really the case and not mere
vapouring. If he goes we shall lose much, and I shall not be
able to get the information that I now do, which is of great
importance.
These folks have been considering whether they should send
their ambassador to Portugal by sea or through Spain, and have
decided to send him at once to sea. I am told that he takes
orders to address himself to, and stay for some time with, Don
Antonio, the Grand Prior,* for whom he is taking some things as
presents.
To-morrow, God willing, I hope to see the Queen and hand her
the letter about the seizures. I will give an account to his Majesty
of her answer. An Englishman has told me that he knows where
there are certain things concealed in Spain, to the value of nearly
3,000 crowns, and he will discover them if a share is given to him.
He has not told me where the treasure is, but that it is money
which can be made at once available. I have thought well to
write this as I am assured it is true, and if you think fit you might
ask his Majesty to grant it as a first instalment of the grant in aid
towards recovering the rest.-London, 14th May 1579.:14 May.  576. BERNARDINO DE MENDOZA to the KING.
I wrote on the 3rd that the Queen had ordered the members of
the Council to give her their individual opinions about the marriage
with Alengon, which papers she read whilst she was staying in
Leicester's house at Wanstead. When she returned hither, notwithstanding that she had referred the business to Sussex, Leicester,
* This was Don Antonio, the Prior of Crato, who became one of Philip's rivals for
the Portuguese succession on the death of the Cardinal-King Henry. His claims were
supported for many years by France and England, and the disastrous English naval
expedition to Lisbon in 1589 was undertaken ostensibly in his interests.




ELIZABETH6


675


1579,
Burleigh, and Walsingham, she ordered the whole Council to discuss
it. They did so two or three times, remaining in session from two
in the afternoon to two at night. The new councillor as first
speaker, pointed out how bad this talk of marriage was both for the
Queen and the nation, since no succession could be hoped from
it, and great confusion might be caused by the coming hither of
Catholics, and above all Frenchmen, who were their ancient enemies.
He pointed out many other great objections, and the rest of them
all agreed with him except Sussex, who said that it was fitting the
Queen should marry, and as there was no other Prince but Alengon,
she was obliged to marry him. After the Queen had been informed
of the resolution of the Council, they summoned Simier to it and
set forth how exorbitant were Alen9on's new conditions: first, that
he should be crowned King, that he should have the duchies of York
and Lancaster, and the patronage of half the offices in the country;
that he should receive 60,000 pounds (livres?) for his travelling
expenses and the delivery of a port into the hands of the French;
that 3,000 French foot soldiers should be admitted to guard this port
and for his own safety. Such things have never been proposed by
any Prince who had treated for marriage with the Queen.
Simier was much annoyed, and answered that they had not
spoken in this way before. He then rose very hurriedly and
angrily, and although Sussex endeavoured to approach him he was
not quick enough to do so before Simier reached the door, which he
slammed after him in a great fury. He went to the Queen who
received him with much graciousness and many expressions of sorrow
that her councillors disapproved of her marriage, which she desired
so much. She not only expressed this to Simier, but she has been
so melancholy since, that they have adopted the course of sending
for some ladies of whom she is fond to entertain her, giving them
lodgings at Court, which is looked upon as a new thing. She twice
said when she was retired in her chamber " they need not think that
it is going to end in this way; I must get married."  Simier and
the French ambassador immediately sent off Alen9on's secretary,
who was here, with the answer they had received. Two day after
he had left by way of Calais, M. de Rochetaille arrived via Boulogne,
and his arrival has once more set the matter afoot, although coldly.
Alengon sent to Leicester by Rochetaille two Spanish horses, and
gave orders to Simier that he was to use every possible means to
attract and satisfy the lords and gentry of the kingdom, for which
purpose, he assured him, money should be forthcoming. Simier has
begun to do this already and has given two grand banquets this week
to the Council.
The Queen has received news from Scotland of the death of the
earl of Athol, which happened so suddenly that they think it must
be from poison. They had opened the body in the presence of five
doctors, three of whom said he had been poisoned and two that he
had not. One of the latter, to assure them that he was right by
proof, took some of the contents of the stomach on his finger and
put it into his mouth. The effect was that in a few hours he was
thought to be dying. It is not known whether the order to
poison him came from Morton or some private person.




676


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1579.
The King is trying to seize the estate of the Harniltons, who are
the next heirs to the Crown, on the pretext that the present head of
the house is an idiot and incapable. Many persons of importance
were disturbed at this and it was feared that they would have
recourse to arms.-London, 14th May 1579.
26 May. 577. BERNARDINO DE MENDOZA to ZAYAS.
Antonio de Guaras left of the 26th to embark at Rye which is
thought to be a safer passage than through Calais. I am told that
he is in very good health, considering his long imprisonment and
his age, and it is no small favour which God vouchsafes him that
this should be so. He also has to thank you for having interested
his Majesty on his behalf, and I need not beg you to extend your
help to him, as you know with what zeal he has served here. His
brother has not only helped him by his personal efforts but has
found large sums of money for him.
The Queen, when I saw her, said not a word about the matter
nor has any of her ministers done so, and, as those who released
Guaras assured his brother that the Queen had liberated him
entirely on his account, I have not thought fit to thank them as
they would not give him up to his Majesty. This seenls a just
retribution, because there was nothing Guaras desired so much
as to be considered a minister here, which, indeed, was the reason
they sent him to the Tower. I am delighted to see him gone as
the business has been full of annoyances to me, and after I had
settled it two or three times it was upset.
Seven out of the eight ships loaded with alum, which I said
were to sail from Genoa, have arrived here. The English sailors
say they touched at Alicante where the Mayor sent to summon the
masters and gunners, saying that he had to speak to them on a
subject which would not endanger their persons or ships. They
and some of the sailors went ashore, when a Spaniard came to them
and told them to fly or, otherwise, they would be arrested by the
Inquisition and their ships confiscated. They thereupon fled, leaving
twenty-five men on shore, who were arrested. They were after.
wards informed that the Mayor only wished to seize the alum, and
when they arrived here they refused to deliver their cargoes to
Horatio, until he had given security that the men who had been
arrested should be released and recompensed for the damage they
had received, it being a matter which concerned the merchandise
only and not their persons or vessels. He (Horatio Pallavicini) has
caused the Queen to speak to me about the release of these men,
and some of the ministers have warmly pressed me to beg his Majesty
to liberate thenl. I replied that I had no knowledge of the cause
of their imprisonment, but if it was, as the men themselves say,
through their own disobedience in flying from the port without
giving the account which was demanded of them, they deserved
punishment. The alum, which has arrived for Horatio, consists of
14,000 jars, worth 60,000 crowns, and I believe that he las ordered
two of the ships to go to the Netherlands, but the weather has
prevented them. It may well be supposed, that when they are
there, if the rebels want to make use of them, he will do as he has




ELIZABETH.


677


1579.
done before. When they were being loaded in Genoa, the Am.
bassador sent to his (Pallavicini's) father to ask whether the alum
was for the Netherlands, to which he replied, that it was not, and
consequently the ships were allowed to leave. As soon as the ships
go I think of informing Don Pedro de Mendoza* in order that he
may see how this father (of Horatio Pallavicini) has behaved, and,
if you think fit, you might inform his Majesty of it and tell him
that the man who favours Pallavicini's business there (in Madrid?)
is Lorenzo Spinola.
I have also heard that a packet of letters was seized in Paris,
addressed to Horatio, amongst which was one, I had written thither
and other private letters. 'As a person had been asking for letters
of mine, probably for the purpose of sending them to Horatio, a
friend of mine cunningly got hold of the packet. He is another
Genoese, called Pedro Spinola, and I have written to him to investigate the matter thoroughly, as, coming after other events, it
is not fitting that we should overlook the fact of a private person
huuting about for another man's letters, and above all those of a
minister.
M. de Simier received news of the landing of his master's secretary,
in poor health, and at once set out to meet him, but the Queen sent
word that he was not to go. When he received the papers brought
by the secretary, he sent one of his relatives to stay with the latter
at Canterbury, but thieves attacked him on the way and ill-treated
and wounded him; upon which Simier addressed very strong
complaints to the Queen.
Certain English and French pirates intend, I am told, to go out
and await the Indian fleet in latitude 40~ near to the Isle of Corbo
by which they come.
The man who is to go to Portugal, has lived for three or four
years in Naples amongst the Spanish residents. He sends to tell
me secretly by Segasti, my secretary, with whom he has had some
long conversations, that he is leaving in four days and is delighted
to have received orders to pass through Madrid. He says that,
after his own mistress's interests, there are none to which he is so
much attached as those of his Majesty. I expect that this means,
that if the wind does not favour him, he will land on the coast of
Biscay or Galicia, and would like to learn what is passing in Spain
before he goes to Portugal. This is in accordance with his conversations with me, as he has thrown out many feelers upon the
subject. If he should go, pray have him well received. With
regard to his religion there is some idea that he is a Catholic, as
although he is completely attached to Walsingham, he makes no
profession of being a Protestant. For this reason, and because I
think it well that his Majesty should know what is passing in
Scotland, where great disturbances are feared, I write to Juan de
Vargas that, if no opportunity offers in three days, he had better
send this despatch by special messenger to Domingo de Tralta, who
will forward in the same way.
The councillors send word that they will appoint commissioners
* The Spanish ambassador to the Seigniory of Genoa.




678


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1579.
about the seizures. As soon as they have done so I will act in the
matter.-London, 26th May 1579.
9 June. 578. BERNARDINO DE MENDOZA to ZAYAS.
I thank you sincerely for the news you send me that the Duke's
(of Alba) business is in a good way. There are few things 1 could
hear with more pleasure.
The man who goes to Portugal has tarried here, as you will see
in the letter to his Majesty, and Cavendish will not now accompany him. He will, however, take with him a Florentine called
Pedro Caponi, who is one of the outlaws concerned in the Duke's
conspiracy, and has taken refuge here.
I am told that Edward Wotton will remain a short time in
Portugal, in order to give an account of the state of things there,
for their guidance here, although some of these councillors are of
opinion that, if his Majesty takes the matter in hand vigorously, no
one will be able to hinder him. Notwithstanding this, I have
no doubt that both they and the French will do so as far as they
are able, as they are raising doubts and suspicions wherever they
can. It is my belief that this is one of their principal reasons for
their reviving the talk about the Queen's marriage.
Horatio Pallavicini has made great efforts to get them to send
this ambassador through Madrid, in order that he may treat of his
affairs, and particularly about the Englishmen who were arrested in
Alicante. Although Wotton told me that he was going that way, I
am afraid they have changed his instructions.
With regard to the English arrested in Alicante, the Queen has
asked me a second time to write to his Majesty, and as the intermediary is a person I wish to please, I have been obliged to give
letters for the King and you, although I beg you that they may not
be looked upon in any sense as an intercession, as Horatio behaves
in a manner which does not merit any consideration, and he has
given sureties to release the Englishmen safe and sound, so that it
would not be bad to condemn them in a pecuniary punishment for
disobedience, as Horatio would have to pay it. He said in conversation the other day that his Majesty's officers tried to catch
him, but they were too late.
The Queen has appointed the Commissioners whose names are
enclosed, for the matter of the seizures. I am told that four of
them will meet every day for the dispatch of the affair, they having
power even though the rest be absent.
I send enclosed account of the extraordinary expenditure, which
has consumed 1,000 ducats of the credit sent me. Pray send me
another, and, if necessary, please advise Dona Anna, in order that
she may get some one to solicit it.
The Englishman who is going (to Spain) on behalf of the
merchants is a person recommended to them by Lord Burleigh, to
whom they wish to refer the whole business. I suspect that one of
the reasons why he was chosen was because he was a fit man to
inform them as to what was passing there, and by his stay could
kill two birds with one stone.




ELIZABETTH.


679


1579.
Rochetailld, Alengon's equerry, leaves to-day for France, without
any particular mission but to return to his master.-London, 9th
June 1579.
10 June. 579. BERNARDINO DE MENDOZA to ZAYAS.
As I wrote at length yesterday I now only enclose the letter for
the King.
Rochetailld has tarried until to-day, but they say he is certainly
now leaving. I believe he is taking some hackneys back in return
for the Spanish horses he brought.
Amongst the ships which left in October to plunder on the way
to the Indies I have discovered that there was a very small vessel
belonging to one of the Queen's Councillors, a tremendous rogte
and a terrible Puritan, who has been just appointed as one of the
commissioners. His sole reason for fitting out the ship was to
send in her a minister who spoke the Spanish tongue. I have not
been able to find out the name of this preacher, but will endeavour
to do so with all diligence, as it is most important that such a
pestilence as this should be prevented from entering those countries.London, 10th June ]579.
20 June. 580. BERNARDINO DE MENDOZA to ZAYAS,
I have received to-day your letter of the 5th ultimo about the
imprisonment of the English. The men who came hither said they
were not imprisoned in respect of the alum, which they had been
assured by the people in Alicante.  The Queen and Ministers
therefore, when they spoke to me about it, did so very gently, by
way of petition that I would beg for their release. I sent to tell
them that they had been liberated, and they are very grateful. I
will also refer to it when I see the Queen. In conversation with
Horatio, I plainly saw from what he said about the help given to
him by Lorenzo Spinola in his business that this alum had plenty
of protectors. The two ships about which I wrote to the King
were not detained in Cadiz, as you say, in consequence of the
opinion of the financial authorities. The alum in the ship sent by
Horatio to Middleburgh Aias, I am told, gone to Amiens, where it
will be employed like the rest.
The Queen sent a man to Denmark to apologize for the burning
of the ship I mentioned in my last by the English corsairs.
They do this because their ships are obliged to pass through that
country as through a turnstile, and they do not wish to offend
them.
Another Englishman has gone to Barbary to treat with the king
of Fez about the fulfilment of the agreement between the English
and his brother, in accordance with his promise. He was to pay in
saltpetre for the arms and munitions sent from here, but the King
now does not wish the saltpetre to be exported.*
James Fitzmaurice, the Irishman, is now said to be on the coast
of Cornwall with a ship of 800 tons and two small ones, with


* A copy of the letter of the king of Fez, in answer to this embassy, dated 22nd
AugUt 1579, will be found in Nichols' Progresses of Queen Elizabeth."




GSO


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1579,
which he has captured a Bristol vessel, throwing all the crew into
tlhe sea.  In consequence of this, Humphrey Gilbert, who was
robbing on the coast, has been ordered to go in pursuit of the
Irishman, who, although he has so few ships, is causing them some
anxiety.
The Queen and Council have kept Rochetaille here from day to
day, giving him constant audiences. It is confidently stated that
Alengon is coming, and that the arrangements for the visit are
being discussed. It is said in Paris that his mother has provided
him with money for the voyage. It is well that time should
undeceive him, as a fresh turn is given to the business every day.
As regards Santa Cecilia and his pardon, pray do not forget it,
as I am extremely anxious about it in order to save his soul, as he
also is to find himself on the right path, and will willingly give up
his pension from the Queen.-London, 20th June 1579.
24 June. 581. BERNARDINO DE MENDOZA to the KING.
I wrote on the 20th, and on the following day M. de Rochetailld
left here. The Queen and Council kept him here about ten days,
telling him constantly that they would decide about Alenqon's
coloing. It appears that the decision he bears is a passport for
AlenDon, drawn up in the form of a grant, as they call it, under the
Great Seal, which is the strongest security they can give, unless
hostages are sent. Although there is no binding undertaking about
the marriage, the Queen gives every sign of being most anxious
for it, and affirms that she will never marry a man whom she has
not previously seen.  She is burning with impatience for his
coming, although her councillors have laid before her the difficulties
which might arise, the other side, having her support, has carried
the day. She herself is largely influenced by the idea that it
should be known that her talents and beauty are so great, that
they have sufficed to cause him to come and visit her without any
assurance that he will be her husband. Those who wish to please
her tell her this, and ask her what harm can come from his visit,
since the French offer to come according to the conditions laid
down for them here, and it -is of great advantage to her, they say,
to be friendly with them, at this time, in order to embarrass your
Majesty about Portugal, which the French desire to do as much as
the English; and also to hinder the agreement in the Netherlands
by means of Alenqon's people there.
Some are of opinion here that Alen9on's coming may cause
disturbances in this country, as the people are not favourable to
the affair, and, indeed, they generally hate it. The talk in this
direction, however, is so lacking in courage that there is but little
hope of its being efficacious. I do not fail to encourage them,
pointing out to them the dangers that may arise from the match,
in accordance with his Majesty's orders.
They say that if Alen9on decides to come they will bring the
queen of Scotland to London, which they consider safer as she has
so few adherents here, being a Catholic. The earl of Shrewsbury
they say, has built especially for her the new house he has here,
aild lhas spent large sums upon the work, which is considered a




ELIZABETH.


681


1579.
sign that the Queen will be brought hither, as the earl is a man
who prefers to keep his dollars rather than spend them   on
buildings.-London, 24th June 1579.
24 June. 582. BERNARDINO DE MENDOZA to ZAYAS.
Although the coming of Alenqon hither would be a great
absurdity, as you will see by the letter to the King, yet his having
been foolish enough to go to the Netherlands must be my excuse
for begging you (if the news of this new folly is confirmed from
France) to have me advised as to the conduct I am to observe. I
have hitherto not seen or visited M. de Simier, in consequence of
his having arrived here when his master was in arms against his
Majesty, and, although the business is a long and difficult one, yet
the French are treating it in such a way as may lead them to
undertake this folly with the same levity with which they have
committed others, and, in such case, I should find myself in great
embarrassment if I did not know how to bear myself towards him.
Respecting Santa Cecilia, I beg you to have the matter despatched,
as I greatly desire to save this soul. Pray also get the decision
about the controller, as he is being driven by necessity more and
more. He suffers it all in his Majesty's interests, and I am obliged
to give him fair words and good hopes, as I see how sincerely he
works for all that concerns us.-London, 24th June 1579.
6 July.  583. BERNARDINO DE MENDOZA to the KING.
In my former letter I advised your Majesty that this Queen
had given leave to the Queen of Scotland to send one of her
secretaries to visit her son, accompanied by an English gentleman
appointed by this Queen. When they passed Berwick the English
gentleman went on and tola the King that the Secretary was coming
to visit the Prince of Scotland. He was told that, if anyone dared
to come with such a mission as that, he would either at once have
his head off or expel him from the kingdom. The Council then
met and ordered the Secretary to immediately return to Berwick,
and would not allow him to sleep in Scotland. The visit was
therefore not paid. It is understood that the whole business was
settled by this Queen and Morton, to comply with the promise
made to the queen of Scotland, and also to put fresh pressure on
the house of Hamilton, some of the principal members of which
have fled to the mountains of Argyll. Morton, in order to avenge
himself upon them, has caused the King to confiscate the estates of
Hamilton on the ground of idiocy and incapacity of the owner, and
has proclaimed that any claimants for them should appear and
make good their claims, by which means Morton and his friends
think they can get rid of them all, and that they will fall into his
hand without his taking up arms against them. The son of the
earl of Athol professes to be much offended at the death of his
father, but he has not armed to avenge him, nor have any members
of his party.
The Queen is daily awaiting a reply from France to the passport
granted for Alen9on. The passport was given against Leicester's
wish, and he is so much offended that he has retired to a house of




682


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1579.
his five miles away where the Queen has been to see him, and
where she remained two days because he feigned illness.     She
afterwards returned secretly to London.*  A sister of Leicester's,
of whom the Queen was very fond, and to whom she had given
apartments at Court, retired at the same time as her brother,London, 6th July 1579.
26 July.  584. BERNARDINO DE MENDOZA to ZAYAS.
By the letter to the King you will see what passed in the audience
I had with the Queen, mentioned in mine of the 17th. As she
replied to me so graciously and promised me that the Spaniardst
should leave on the first opportunity, she having charged the guild
of merchants trading with Spain to entertain and lodge them, I
thought it well not to press their departure until I had fresh orders,
particularly as the merchants themselves assured me that they will
be sent back on the first safe opportunity at their (the merchants')
cost.
The 2,000 jars of alum which I said Horatio Pallavicini had sent
to Germany have already been consigned to the States. I do not
know whether this is to balance the old account or is a new one,
but such is the need in which they are, that anything out of which
even a little money may he made will be welcome to them.
An English gentleman named Morgan left this country four
months ago, on the pretext that he was going to recover the wages
owing to him as one of his Majesty's gentlemen, the Queen having
given him license to be absent for four or five months. He returned
a few days ago, saying that his Majesty had ordered him to be paid,
and although I knew that he had permission to go, he did not tell
me anything of his going, nor has he sent me word on his return.
If the queen of Scotland wrote recommending him, I still would
like to say that these people here are very fond of giving her permission to write, and by paying a little money to a servant of
Walsingham, such letters are easily obtained, as the poor lady is
pleased to give them  rather than offend people.  I suspect that
Guaras's long stay in Paris was in consequence of his carrying
letters from her, and, as I gathered from him here, he did himself a
great deal of injury in this way.
The Commissioners appointed by the Queen, as I wrote, were in
my opinion, as well as their own, so numerous that the Queen
ordered that a Committee of four should be appointed to manage
the affair. There is a Spaniard here who has been naturalized, and
who was so good natured as to tell the Council that the action of
the commission should only be with the object of allowing the proprietors or their agents, alone to claim the goods. They were very
pleased to hear this and worded the reference accordingly. When
* The writer was apparently unaware of the principal reason for the breach between
Leicester and the Queen, namely, the disclosure of his marriage with the countess of
Essex (Lettice Knollys) by Simier.
t The letter referring to the Spaniards is missing, but they appear to have been some
Galicians captured by an English ship and brought hither. As will be seen in subsequent letters, they seem to have formed very friendly relations with their captors,
and were sent back to Galicia with every consideration.




ELIZABETH.


683


1579.
the Judge of the Admiralty,* who is one with the Commissioners,
told me this, I replied that they could not have read the terms of
the agreement and the letter from his Majesty, which I had delivered
to the Queen. After we had disputed the point and consulted the
documents themselves, he was quite convinced, and when I sent
Segasti the next day to Court about it, Walsingham told him that
I had been misinformed to the effect that the commission had been
despatched. This, he said, had not been done in consequence of the
absence of the man to whom the Queen had entrusted its drafting,
thus glossing over the folly they had committed. This has delayed the
business until the present, and as the vacations have now commenced,
the matter cannot be dealt with until the middle of September.
Although I have been assured since the 6th, that Maestricht was
taken on the 31st of July, I have no letter from the Prince (of Parma)
nor from Juan de Vargas, by which you will see how much my
correspondence has been enlivened by past remonstrance.
The Queen has ordered Simier to be lodged at Greenwich, so as
to save him the trouble of going backwards and forwards. She is
so constantly with him, that I am told that Leicester and Hatton
are getting much annoyed.-London, 26th July 1579.
10 Aug.  585. Tie KING to BERNARDINO DE MENDOZA.
I have been gratified at receiving the news contained in your
various letters, particularly respecting the bargaining about which
they have been so busy, relative to the marriage of Alengon and
the Queen. Whatever may be said, I do not believe that it will
take place, as there can be on either side no great desire for it, but
on the contrary a large amount of pretence. If, however, it should
be effected and Alengon should become King, you will, of course,
bear yourself towards him in the same way as you do towards the
Queen.
Your remarks in the letters of 10th and 20th June, respecting
the voyage of Drake, will be fully understood by the light of the
enclosed statement, extracted from letters recently received from
my Viceroys of Peru and New Spain, and also from the Government
of Tierra Firme; which certainly disclose a very strange affair.
It is therefore necessary for you to be on the alert, and learn
everything you can about it, and especially what they may have
brought or may bring home. I wish to know, also, whether there
is any intention of undertaking an enterprise on the Spanish coast,
in order that I mnay, if necessary, take measures of precaution. It
is to be supposed that if Drake has escaped he will have sailed
with his booty to England and you will advise me minutely about
all this, both in the present and the future.
Edward Wotton, sent by the Queen to Portugal, passed through
here on his way back and delivered me a letter from the Queen
but did not touch upon any business. I replied similarly, and
despatched him at once, as the King, my uncle had done, he having
been informed that he is a very great heretic. Don Cristobal de
Mora wrote me that, although he spoke about current affairs there,


* Pr. David Lewis,




684


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1679.
he bore no special commission. You will, nevertheless, be very
vigilant to learn anything that is being done in the Portuguese
affairs.
The person you mentioned as being sent from the Queen, at the
instance of the company of merchants, to ask me to grant them
certain privileges set forth in the memorial you sent, has not yet
arrived here. When he does so the matter shall be duly considered.
I also note the Commissioners appointed by the Queen about the
arrests. I do not think that much will now be gained from it, as.no doubt the property is all consumed, but it will be well for you
to continue to press the matter forward.
There is nothing fresh to say about the alum, except that you
will keep your eye on Horatio Pallavicini, and you will also report
to me how Benedict Spinola and Paul Grimaldo are behaving, as I
am told they are not very well affected towards me.
If Santa Cecilia is sincere in his desire for conversion, it is quite
right that he should be encouraged, but as you know that this
question of religion concerns the Pope in general, and the Inquisitor
General in this country, it will be well that he should write what
he wishes the Holy office to do for him, which I will order to be
recommended. In the meanwhile you may encourage him, so that
he shall not lose hope, as he knows that God and the Church have
always arms open to pardon and embrace those who sincerely
renounce their errors and return to the path of truth.
As you have so often assured me that the controller acts straight
forwardly in my interests, it is just that he should be rewarded,
and you may say in your next letter how much money should be
given to him, and whether it can be done without the knowledge
of the Queen or his rivals. As soon as we get this I will decide.
You will also advise me what things, and to what amount, should
be given to other ministers, who should, however, be people who
will be grateful and serviceable.
I note what you say about the queen of Scotland and her son.
As I so sincerely desire her release, my sorrow at her troubles may
be imagined. You will console her in every possible way, and
continue to report to me all you learn of her affairs, and those of
Scotland.
Although we know about Irish affairs here, you will still write
all you can learn. I thank you for your diligence in Antonio de
Guaras' affairs, and, if you think necessary, you may thank the
Queen.-San Lorenzo, 10th August 1579.
11 Aug.  586. The KING to BERNARDINO DE MENDOZA.
The sole object of the present is to say that the Queen, my sister,
having sent Edward Wotton, a servant of hers, to congratulate my
uncle the king of Portugal upon his accession, ordered him to visit
me on his way, which he did, and delivered to me a letter from his
mistress, a copy of which is enclosed. I fully appreciate this compliment, and have ordered an answer to be given in the terms you
will see by the copy of my letter now sent you, in order that you
may be duly acquainted with the matter and be able to reciprocate
the compliment in due form, and assure the Queen that my good



ELIZABETH.


685


1579.
will toward her affairs remains the same as always.-San Lorenzo,
11th August 1579.
15 Aug.  587. BERNARDINO DE MENDOZA to the KING.
I wrote on the 30th the news this Queen had received from
Ireland; and, since then, it has been reported that John Desmond,
a brother of the earl of Desmond, who is now in Ireland, and whom
she formerly kept in prison and released on the word of an English
captain named Davell, had murdered the latter in his, Desmond's,
own house. The captain and his Englishmen had gone thither to
tell )esmond of the landing of these forces,* and to say that if
Desmond was sincere in his desires to serve the Queen, now was
the time for him to show it, and so to banish past suspicions. He
replied that he would discuss the matter on the morrow, but at
midnight he entered the chamber and told Davell he must prepare
to die. Davell replied that he surely could not mean that, as he
had been so good to him, and had been the principal means of
saving his life. Desmond answered, that it was enough for him
that he was an Englishman, and, at the same time, stabbed him to
death, and the other Englishmen, with the exception of one who
escaped with the news to the Viceroy, were also murdered. The
loss of this captain has been a great blow to them, in the first place
because he was murdered in consequence of his being an Englishman, which makes them think that there must be a general plan
for a rising; and, in the second place, because he was a good
soldier and was very popular with the Irish. The earl of Desmond,
as soon as he learned this, came to the Viceroy with ten soldiers
only, saying that he wished to serve the Queen to the extent of
his powers, that is to say, with his own person, as all the rest of
his people had gone over to his brother, to the number of 3,000,
besides many more who were joining him. It is said they had
defeated three companies of English who had pursued them, besides
two other bodies towards the north.
The Viceroy reports that he had gone sixty miles inland, to
throw himself into a strong place called Maryborough, and that
the principal people of the country were not joining the Queen's
side, as he had expected. As he is therefore ehort of soldiers, it
will be necessary to send him the reinforcements with the utmost
speed, particularly as 3,000 Scots, Highlanders, have gone over to
help the Irish, the object being to bring the Island to submit to
the Catholic religion.
Five thousand men have been ordered to muster, and six of the
Queen's ships, besides six sloops, are being armed, and will be accompanied by eight merchant ships with stores, the Admiral being Sir
John Parrett, wvho was Governor of the province where the trcops had
landed. The London merchants have ordered the raising, on their
account, of 400 soldiers to guard these ships, and four more vessels
are to be armed by them at Bristol. All the corsairs and pirates,
of whom there are many, are ordered to unite with these forces,


* i.e., the expedition from Spain led by James Fitzmaurice and Dr. Sanders.




686


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1679.
and will be commanded by Captain Horsey, the Governor of the
Isle of Wight.
As one of the Englishmen who landed in Ireland from the ships
tells them that they were accompanied by certain Englishmen
who were declared rebels by this Queen, they are all the more
alarmed at the passage of the Scots to Ireland, and have given
orders for the garrison of Berwick to be re-inforced, as they are
suspicious on that side also, as well as of the people in the north
and at Norwich, as there are so many Catholics there.
Dover also has been ordered to be fortified, and Cobham has
authorized to spend 10,000/.* upon it. Notwithstanding these
preparations the Council have sent instructions to the Viceroy to
make terms with the rebels, and if he can do it in no other way
he is to publicly allow the Catholic religion to be exercised, if they
will submit to the Queen on these terms. This was agreed to by
the Council because they thought it would be best to pacify them
at once, without giving time for those in this country to rise, of
which they are in great fear. This is very cvident, as since the
news arrived they have given orders that no one should walk in
the streets of London after 10 o'clock at night under pain of death,
and no pistol is allowed to be carried in any part of the country,
whilst there must be no musket shot fired within two miles of
where the Queen is. All the foreigners in the country are to be
registered and their names and occupations stated.
I was with the Queen recently, and after she had made much of
me, she told me that she had been informed that, amongst the
rebels who had arrived in Ireland, there were some Spaniards, but
she could not believe it, or that your Majesty wished to make war
upon her. I replied that I lhad not heard of any Spaniards being
there, and if any had gone she might be certain that it was not
with your Majesty's orders. I said that if your Majesty went to
war with her it would not be with insignificant forces like this,
and it was not wonderful that her rebellious subjects should try
to disturb her in this way, particularly as the man who had gone
to Ireland had been imprisoned in France. She replied that she
did not believe your Majesty would encourage the rebels, but she
could not help being surprised at the fact that your Majesty had
raised so great a force by sea and land, without any one being able
to discover its destination, some saying it was for the Netherlands,
some for Barbary, and some for Portugal. I replied that it was
true your Majesty had raised an immense fleet, but its object was
hidden in your own breast. I said, however, that her ambassador
in France would doubtless inform her what was being discussed in
Paris.-London, 15th August 1579.
15 Aug.  588. BERNARDINO DE MENDOZA to the KING,
As soon as the Queen heard of the landing in Ireland she
despatched the Scotch gentleman, whose arrival here I reported on


* The estimate given by Cobhaim and other officers of the sum to be spent on the
defence of Dover on the 18th of August was 21,000/. See Calendar of State Papers
(Domestic).




ELIZABETH.                       687
1579.
the 26th ultimo. She fully acceded to the request he brought, to
the effect that the treaties between the two countries, as regards
robberies, should be fulfilled; and, as to the 4,0001. which Morton
asked should be lent to the King, the Queen said that she would
make him a present of 4,0001. A Scotch lady came hither at the
same time, having left Scotland for the purpose of going to France
to serve her Queen there; this Queen had granted her a passport
for that purpose, but with this trouble in Ireland wished to revoke
it, suspecting that the lady's real object was to inform her mistress
of certain Scotch matters which are still rankling, but it was too
late to stop her, as the lady had arrived.
M. de Simier has recently despatched several secret couriers
without informing the French ambassador, and is constantly with
this Queen.  It is thought the subject discussed is Alengon's
business. With regard to Orange's plan to get the prince of Beam
to go to the Netherlands at the request of the people of Antwerp
and Ghent, different opinions are now prevalent, as the French
replied that Bearn could not come nor raise troops without the
consent of Alengon; for which reason it would be better to recall the latter to the Netherlands, and in such case his brother
would help him with 20,000 foot and 4,000 horse, the Queen giving
her aid to him at the same time. There are no signs of this, however, as the English captains in the States had sent hither for men
to recruit their companies, which were much exhausted; but when
the men were raised and ready to leave they were detained in view
of the Irish business, whilst the Flemings resident here are ordered
to leave the country if they object to pay the taxes imposed upon
them for the trade they do.
English pirates continue to capture the property of Spanish
merchants every day, and the merchants send powers to their
agents resident here to recover the goods. For this purpose and
their own gain they come to terms with the pirates, the owners
despairing of any other course. This is a direct incentive to the
pirates, because when your Majesty's representatives request that
the pirates should be punished, they are told there is no one to
complain of them, as they have come to terms. It would be therefore advisable to order that no subject of yours should demand his
property from the pirates, except through your representative, as
otherwise it is certain that they will never cease their depredations,
knowing that, happen what may, they will be left in possession of
a great part of their booty.-London, 15th August 1579.
15 Aug. 589. BERNARDINO DE MENDOZA to ZAYAS.
On the 7th I was delighted to receive yours of the 26th ultimo,
as it is so long since I heard from you. Many thanks for the good
news you give me about the business of the duke (of Alba) and
Don Fadrique. Please God that it may all end soon happily for
both.
I should be very glad to have his Majesty's decision about these
people and I earnestly beg you to expedite the giving of some
reward to them. I certainly should not be doing my duty if I did




688


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1579.
not urge that such men should be kept in hand by payment, which,
under the present circumstances, is most important.
I am glad that you should think that the delay in replying to
my letters does not cause any prejudice to my action here, particularly as regards warlike movements and French affairs, because I
did not learn of the taking of Maestricht and the illness of the
Prince until the second instant, and I got nothing from Juan de
Vargas until that day. With such correspondence as this, you will
see that I have to live from hand to mouth and shall be delighted
when Don Juan de Idiaquez arrives.
M. de la Motte sent to ask me for a credit of 3,000 crowns until
the arrival of Don Alonso Sotomayor, who was bringing him bills.
He said he was in such need that he feared a revolt in the town,
and although I understood that he could raise money as well as I
could, I was'determined to do my best to prevent any trouble that
might arise, and wrote asking him how lie wished the bills to be
drawn, as coin could not be sent, and I would send him the amount,
thanks to two merchants here, one of whom, a Fleming, is a perfect
jewel; but he has not even answered me, as Don Alonso had passed
through Calais. Although he is ready enough to ask for my help
in his need, he is not so ready to tell me when he grants permits to
Englishmen to capture Flemish goods; which I think well to
mention as intercourse with Spain is not yet prohibited. As soon
as I arrived here I told Don Juan how I was beseiged by English
men for permits to capture Flemish prizes. Even if there is war in
Ireland there will be plenty of ships for this purpose.
Simier received letters yesterday, saying that Alenonl had left
Paris for Normandy, on the pretext of a hunting expedition,
although there are people here who say it is to come hither. —
London, 15th August 1579.
20 Aug. 590. BERNARDINO DE MENDOZA to the KING.
On the 15th I wrote that Simier was despatching couriers
without the knowledge of the ambassador, and that the subject of
the despatches was the coming of Alen9on, who, as your Mlajesty
will have learnt, left Paris on the 3rd. He had sent a gentleman
to Simier and the Queen from there, saying that he would soon
arrive in this country. Both the Queen and Simier tried to keep
this secret, but, as the news came by France, and Alengon was
detained by bad weather at Boulogne, it became known.  As soon
as I learnt that he had landed I requested audience of the Queen,
as the last time I had seen her she was very gracious, and said she
was sorry that opportunities did not arise for her to see me very
often. I had no particular business with her, but wished to lose no
time in discovering her disposition, in view of Alengon's arrival, anc
to remind her again how harmful' it would be for her to effect this
marriage. I therefore invented a pretext in order that my visit
should appear to be more in her interests than in ours, and consequently made the excuse of wishing to tell. her some news I had
* For details of Alenqon's visit to England, see 'Memoires de Castelnau de la
*tanvissiere," and also his published correspondence.




ELIZABETH.


689


1579.
heard some time ago, rather than appear to be pestering her at this
juncture with matters of our own. I told her of the intelligence
about M. de la Roche, the Breton gentleman, and I said that,
although the public reason for my audience with her was to ask
her to punish the pirates and restore some booty taken from your
Majesty's subjects, the real object of it was to inform her of certain
facts which I did not wish on any account should pass through her
Ministers, in order that they should not say that I was led to convey
them by her close intimacy with the French, or that I desired to
raise doubts and suspicions at the present time. I called her to
witness, whether the information I gave her was not of the greatest
importance to her. She thanked me very warmly for speaking to
her so plainly, which, she said, she highly appreciated. I then said
that M. de la Roche was making ready ships in Brittany to aid the
people who had gone to Ireland. He was a close friend of FitzMaurice and had arranged with him that their children should
marry each other. I told her that this news not only came by
France, but had been brought to me by Biscay sailors, who had
come with goods from Brittany, and who had seen the ships in port.
She replied that my news was correct, and she had sent to the king
of France asking him not to allow the said ships to sail, and he had
done as she requested. I said the king of France would doubtless
make a show of friendliness, but it must not be forgotten that his
subjects did not all of them obey him, and I could assure her that
I had seen men who had left Brittany only a week ago, and who
had seen the ships being quietly fitted out to go to Ireland. This
troubled her and revived her suspicion, and she then prolonged the
conversation, in a way which I was convinced was not false or
artificial, because she took me apart into a corner of the room and
flew into a violent passion because the people were making a noise.
I afterwards told her that the French who were with La Noue
in the States were about leaving, as she knew, and I was infolrmed
that some of the leaders had said that they would go by sea. I said
it was no good for them to go to Holland or Zealand, as Orange
himself was withdrawing his troops from there to take them to
Flanders and Brabant, and it was equally evident that they were
too few and had not adequate ships for going to Portugal, so that
it was undoubted that, if they did go by sea it could only be for the
purpose of going over to Scotland, where I heard that things were
not so quiet as formerly. I said that she would be fully informed
upon this and could confirm the truth of my warnings; to which
she replied that she was aware that the French were always
desirous of taking possession of Scotland, and she treated the
subject in a way that showed me that my hints had been appropriate. She gave me many thanks and begged me, whenever her
health did not allow her to receive me, to write to her, without
fail, all such intelligence as I might obtain. She said that, if my
secretary brought the letter, she would always admit him, that he
might deliver it into her own hands. Although nothing certain can
be said about this thoughtless visit of Alengon, coming in the way
he does, I must confess that I saw no indications in the Queen of
the approach of such a marriage. It is said by some of her coun.
7 y6467.                                                   X ^




690


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1579.
cillors that Parliament will have to sanction it to prevent disturbance
in the country. The people generally show no pleasure at Alengon's
coming. There is apparently nothing in the discussions with regard
to the Netherlands, as there are signs of disagreement between the
Queen and Orange and the Antwerp people. This is shown by the
enclosed letter which she has had printed. There are no indications
moreover, of any agreement about Portugal, and the whole affair
looks like a boyish trick of Alengon's who, the English say, has
come in disguise, because he could not afford to bring his household
with him. As soon as the Queen went to Greenwich she gave a
key of her chamber to Simier, who always entered by the closet
door, and as soon as she heard of Alengon's coming, she moved
Simier into some rooms in the garden, and I am told that on the
17th Alengon dined in Simier's room with the Queen, who only had
one lady with her. It would seem that he will return in disguise
as he came. The Queen denied to me that he was here, but she
led the conversation in such a way as to convey to me a contrary
meaning, saying that if he had not come yet he soon would, and
with few attendants, as she wished. She and Simier think that
-this is the best way of concealing the day of his departure, and
with this object, also, certain Frenchmen  entered the French
ambassador's house on the night of the 17th, and are shut up in a
room, under the pretence that it is Alen9on who is there. They
gave out that he had arrived in Calais, and that M. de Jordan
would not let him pass by order of the king of France. I send this
by special messenger.
News comes from Ireland that the people who had landed there
have fortified the port where they disembarked, which has caused
the Queen to fit out ships and raise more troops.*
The Ghent people have sent urgently begging the Queen to
prevail upon Casimir to return with his troops to their aid. They
say they will become responsible for the payment of them, if she
will only request him, as her pensioner, to undertake the expedition.
No answer has been given as yet.-London, 20th August 1579.
20 Aug. 591. BERNARDINO DE MENDOZA to ZAYAS.
The memorial you request from Santa Cecilia was sent, and I am
keeping him, and the rest of them, in hand, as best I can with
hopes, but they all are turning their backs upon me except the
Controller, who sends to say that, as no decision has come from his
Majesty in all this time, he desires to send some one who may
convey a verbal message to him, and to learn directly from the King
whether he is willing to accept his services.
I have thought well, in view of Alen9on's coming, to dispatch the
bearer, who I think will be as diligent as heretofore.  I am
employing the courier in other things, and if I send a man to
Juan de Vargas with a despatch for him to forward, he will take a
thousand years in doing so.
If Alengon were to disclose himself I would not fail to see him,
* This was the news which, when it was sent by Dr. Sanders to the Papal Nnncio in
Ppain, gave rise to the series of documents referred to in the Note to page 666,




ELIZABETH.


691


1579.
as I think that would be my duty since, as you say, they are not
the King's enemies. There is nothing certain about his departure,
but he cannot remain concealed here very long, and will consequently disappear one of these days. It seems the English will
not venture to detain him, in order not to get themselves into more
trouble than at present in Ireland.
I have had the great good fortune of being able to propitiate
this good lady, so that she willingly gives ear to what I say, to
the great disgust of some of her councillors. They tried to delay
my last audience, but she would not allow it, and insisted that it
should be on the following day, as I had requested. She caressed
me more than I can describe, and I will try, as you will see, by
every artifice, to feel my ground and keep her friendly.
The Spaniards here from Corunna have been ordered to embark
on their return for some time past, but the weather has not served.
I write by them to the President of the Chancery (of Galicia?) that,
if the English there are still prisoners, I beg him to release them,
unless the King has ordered otherwise. These Spaniards have been
treated excellently here, and, the master and sailors of the ship (i.e.,
the ship which captured them?) having been arrested the other day,
their wives and many of these merchants came to me with so many
tears and entreaties, that I thought, as the Queen and her Council
had not dealt out, at once, the punishment they deserved, it would
be as well to prevent the matter now from going any further. I
therefore requested their release, to the great contentment of the
English.
The merchants trading with Spain had resolved, as I wrote, to
send to Spain some person of higher rank than the one they had
appointed, and to whom they had already given money for his preparations. When they went to the Queen to ask for letters, they
were told that she might entrust their envoy with some business of
hers, and consequently she wished them to send a lawyer. They
therefore appointed the person recommended to them, paying him
six crowns a day. As they have now received letters from Seville,
telling them of the King's new prohibition of the export of
money, which is very appropriate, they have deferred   their
request for the privileges they desired, although they have put
into execution their project of ships only leaving here in flotillas.
I am told that they have written to the man they sent to Portugal,
instructing him to tarry there until he can discover what is the
design of his Majesty's fleet.
With regard to what I wrote about the two thousand odd crowns
concealed in Spain, part of the seizures, the man who gave me the
information has again spoken to me, and says that something ought
to be done, or the money will be lost. I have kept him in hand
until I write to you again, as he declares he will not disclose it
unless he is certain of his share.
Fogaza is in great distress and, in consideration of his zeal and on
account of what I wrote to his Majesty, I am keeping him from
starvation and prison, until I hear what his Majesty desires.
I send Hans with this, because none of the couriers here will
go unless they get 500 crowns for the round journey, and I do not




692


SPANISH STATE PAPEAS.


1579.
wish to attract attention by seeking them. As the account of
extraordinary expenses has been dispatched I write to Donna Anna
to pay Hans for his journey there and back, if you are willing for
this to be done, without his needing to go to the PostmasterGeneral for it. Pray send him back as soon as you can.-London,
20th August 1579.
22 Aug.  592. BERNARDINO DE MENDOZA to ZAYAS.
As a man is leaving for Paris, I have thought well to let you
know what has happened since Hans left. The Queen was very
angry at the gossip that was going about Alengon's coming, and she
formally ordered that the matter should not be spoken of. Two of
her ladies, the countess of Derby and a daughter of the earl of
Bedford, have been arrested for talking about it, and importance is
attached to what the former says, as she and her husband are
claimants to the Crown.
They have been lodged in the house of a gentleman in London.
The councillors themselves deny that Alengon is here, and in order
not to offend the Queen, they shut their eyes and avoid going to
Court, so as not to appear to stand in the way of her interviews
with him, only attending the Council when they are obliged. It is
said that if she marries without consulting her people she may
repent it. Leicester is much put out, and all the councillors are
disgusted except Sussex, who has led the dance in order, as he says,
to upset Leicester and deprive him of French support. The people
at large are so displeased, that, if Alen9on stays here, they say it
is very likely trouble will come of it, above all if they are urged on
to it by others. I lose no opportunity of doing this. From all
indications it may be concluded that this visit is not connected with
any affairs of greater weight than the interviews between Alengon
and the Queen, but it is a matter which it is hard for her to guide,
it being such a great piece of folly, and yet it cannot have been
undertaken without his mother's good will. Besides which La Noue
saw Alen9on both in Paris and in Boulogne, and five couriers have
come from his brother the King since he has been here; Secretary
L'Aubespine also arrived last night. It is said that the latter will
leave on Monday, from which it would appear that Alengon's departure may be delayed. They have sent for the jewels brought by
Simier which were here.-London, 22nd August 1579.
25 Aug.  593. BERNARDINO DE MENDOZA to the KING.
Since my letter of the 20th Secretary L'Aubespine arrived here,
sent by the king of France, and as his coming at this juncture is
important I have tried to discover its object. It is to request the
Queen, on his master's behalf, to join with him to assist the
Portuguese and prevent the union of that Crown with your own.
This negotiation is warmly pressed by the Queen-mother, and it
was by her advice that L'Aubespine was sent hither whilst Alen9on
was here, which seemed the best time for bringing the Queen to
consent. It is said that for this purpose a brother of L'Aubespine's,
a lawyer and a councillor much esteemed in France, accompanied
hin. It will not require much   persuasion to convince these




E LIZABETfI.


693


1579.
people, as I have seen their tendency in this direction for some time
past.
The Queen is delighted with Alengon, and he with her, as she
has let out to some of her courtiers, saying that she was pleased to
have known him, was much taken with his good parts, and admired
him more than any man. She said that, for her part, she will not
prevent his being her husband. The French say the same thing,
although I have not heard that any resolution has been arrived by
the councillors, as they have not yet been formally consulted, it
having all hitherto been managed between her and Alen9on, with
perhaps the intervention of Sussex.
Leicester, who is in great grief, came hither recently, and when
he came from his interview with the Queen, his emotion was
remarked. A meeting was held on the same night at the earl of
Pembroke's house, there being present Lord Sydney and other friends
and relatives. They no doubt discussed the matter, and some of
them afterwards remarked that Parliament would have something
to say as to whether the Queen married or not. The people in
general seem to threaten revolution about it.
On Sunday the 23rd there was a grand ball where the Queen
danced much more than usual, Alen9on being placed behind a
hanging, and she making signals to him. She sent the Admiral and
Captain Winter with those who are fitting out the ships to go to
Scotland in consequence of the Irish business, but the real object
is for them to prepare a ship for Alengon's voyage, because on his
passage across one of M. de la Motte's ships fired three or four
cannon shots at him.
I learn that one of the charges against the countess of Derby,
besides talking about the marriage, is that she tried to discover by
means of witchcraft (and there are a great number of witches here)
whether the Queen would live long. They have not yet dared to
put her into the Tower, although orders had been given to that
effect, but a large number of men and women have been arrested
on the charge of witchcraft.-London, 25th August 1579.
25 Aug. 594. BERNARDINO DE MENDOZA to ZAYAS.
I can assure you I had no little trouble to obtain the information
contained in my letter of the 22nd, as you will see by the letter to
the King. This is owing to the fact that I am so short of men.
It is necessary to pay something to those who can bring intelligence, besides the care with which such people have to be
managed to prevent them from bringing us lying reports. As this
marriage affair is being conducted by the Queen herself, we can
only judge by appearances and her own words. If she is really
resolved to marry she has been very dexterous in bringing the matter
to its present form, and has managed to deceive many of her own
ministers.
A close friend of Leicester's tells me he is cursing the French,
and is greatly incensed against Sussex, as are all of Leicester's
dependents. I have been desirous of meeting him and the councillors, but as.they are all disturbed they avoid me, in order not to
arouse suspicion. Notwithstanding this I take care to let them




694


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1579,
know, through other persons, the distrust they have of each other,
in order, if possible, to set them all by the ears; but they are people
of scant courage, and have so little constancy, that even the countess
of Derby was accused by her most confidential servant.
On the 23rd two French gentlemen arrived for Alengon,
bringing news that Bussy d'Amboise had been killed in Anjou, and
two others of his mignons arrested. If it be not a fiction to hasten
his departure you will hear of it.-London, 25th August 1579.
27 Aug. 595. BERNARDINO DE MENDOZA to ZAYAS.
As this is sent by a courier who is going in great haste, and
under cover of another persons name, I only report that M. D'Alen9on
goes to-day to Dover, and that they have placed coach horses on
the road in order that he may drive post thither, where a Queen's
ship awaits him. Further news in my next.-London, 27th August
1579.
5 Sept.  596. BERNARDINO DE MENDOZA to ZAYAS.
Since my last I have learnt of some of the presents made by
M. D'Alenqon.  He gave the Queen a diamond ring worth, the
French say, 10,000 crowns, which he handed to her when he bade
her farewell at Cobham. The parting was very tender on both
sides, and the Queen presented Alenqon with another jewel. He
gave Leicester a cord for his cap, consisting of precious stones
worth 3,000 crowns, and to Sussex a diamond ring of similar
value. Lady Stafford and other ladies received jewels from the
stock brought by Simier, who remains here to continue the
negotiations for the marriage and the other French plans, with
which object he is winning over the councillors in every possible
way.
The Queen has received news from Ireland that James Fitzmaurice has been killed in a skirmish. He was the leader of those
who landed there, and the Queen is so pleased at the news that she
has ordered that the cavalry shall not be sent and only part of the
infantry, as now that the chief is dead it is believed the rest may
easily be put down.
Two days since there arrived here an express courier, dispatched
on the 3rd August from Seville by the merchants, announcing the
arrival of the despatch caravel from the Indies with news that
Drake, about whom I wrote, had passed through the Straits of
Magellan, and had stolen in the southern sea gold and silver worth
200,000 ducats belonging to his Majesty, and 400,000 the property
of merchants. The adventurers who provided money and ships for
the voyage are beside themselves for joy, and I am told that there
are some of the councillors amongst them. The people here are
talking of nothing else but going out to plunder in a similar way.
Although the courier was sent specially with this news alone I do
not believe it, as in a matter of this importance, if it were true,
some steps would have been taken by his Majesty ere this. I am
making every possible effort respecting the prizes taken by English
pirates from his Majesty's subjects, although I only get to know




ELIZABETH.


695


1579,
of the cases through Englishmen, as the owners themselves do not
tell me. In some cases indeed, like that which took place near
Corunna lately, and the landing of Humphrey Gilbert in Galicia,
where he sacked the hermitage, they themselves confess, and in
these cases I think of requesting the Queen to punish them. At
the same time, if I see an opportunity, I will try. to divert her from
her negotiations with the French, as I do generally when I speak
to her or her councillors, but until they see what you wot of (i.e.,
money) it is like hammering cold iron. This Seville courier also
reports that his Majesty announces his intention of undertaking
the Algiers expedition in person, which banishes their anxiety
about the destination with the fleet. One of these ministers of
theirs (i.e., clergymen) has heen convicted of the dreadful and
nefarious crime of consorting with his own daughter, and, although
the affair is public, all they have done is to put him for a little
while in the pillory. You can judge by this how they would
punish other smaller peccadilloes.-London, 5th September 1579.
7 Sept.  597. BERNARDINO DE MENDOZA to ZAYAS.
Just as this courier was leaving hurriedly for Paris, an English
courier sent by Wotton delivered to me his Majesty's letter of the
18th ultimo, and three from you of the same date. I knew of
the arrival of this English courier on the 5th, but was not aware
that he had any letters for me. No doubt they kept them back,
as I was to have audience of the Queen the next day, so that I
might not have them until after I had seen her. I will report
what passed with her in my next, and have only time now to send,
with all speed, the documents you request. I have had them for
some time to study them, and to be.the better able to treat if
occasion should arise. I will send to Antwerp for some more as
there are none here, and will send them by next opportunity.
I now send the " Perpetual edict," the "Pacification of Ghent," and
the decree and proclamation of the same.-London, 7th September
1579.
13 Sept. 598. BERNARDINO DE MENDOZA to the KING.
I saw the Queen on the 6th, and she told me she had received
letters from Edward Wotton, and was glad to hear that your
Majesty and the Queen were well. Although at the time I had
not seen your Majesty's letter, I replied in generalities as ordered.
The conversation turned to the matter of the pirates, and, so far
as I could gather from her expressions to me, I judge that the
negotiations for union with the French are proceeding very
warmly. She kept dwelling upon Alen9on's good qualities and
praising the Queen-mother, whom she formerly abominated, saying
how cleverly she had brought France to its present good order.
Even if the marriage do not take place, it is probable that a binding
union with the French may be effected-all in disservice of your
Majesty-from the very evident signs to be seen on all hands.
Amongst other indications is the fact that all these ministers are
turning their backs upon me, except the Controller, who helps me




696


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1579,
and lets me know what is going on. The burden of talk of the
rest is that, if your Majesty persists in the Portuguese business,
you will lose the Netherlands and have a war in Italy. I again
represented to the Queen the evils that might result from failing to
maintain the alliance with your Majesty, without entering into
particulars, as this marriage is so far advanced and she is so
enamoured of it. I lose no opportunity of pressing this point and
others similar, and take care to spread abroad certain aspects of the
matter, which it is important that Parliament and the people should
foresee, particularly what may be the effect of the French getting
a footing here. The Queen said that your Majesty wished to take
Portugal, and had made great preparations with that object. I
replied that I had already told her several times that your Majesty
had collected a powerful fleet, but I did not know where you
would be pleased to employ it. If it were used in Portugal it
would not be for the purpose of taking the country, but simply
to enable you to enjoy your rights, as being, on the death of the
King, the nearest legitimate heir, which I said I had no doubt
the Portuguese understood. She replied that every one did not
agree with this, and your Majesty could not take Portugal as there
were those who would prevent it. I answered (to show her that
I knew about the French negotiations) that, however much certain
princes might unite for that purpose, it would be useless, because
not only had God given you these rights to the Crown, but had
endowed you with forces powerful enough to maintain them. I
could not believe, I said, that she would mix herself up in any
unjust attempt to frustrate this, to which she made no reply, but
changed the subject, and said that the Netherlands were again in
treaty to hand themselves over to the French. 1 answered that
these suspicions and plots were now of very little importance, as
experience had shown last year how well they agreed, and that
they could not endure the French when they had got them there.
There was less chance for them now than then, as Hainault and
Artois had submitted to your Majesty. Certain English pirates
who landed in Galicia (where they lifted some cattle and sacked a
hermitage) have arrived here and boasted much of their exploits.
Although I had no advice of it from your Majesty or any of your
officers, but only learnt of it from the coast of France, I thought fit
te speak to the Queen on the subject, and to beg her to punish
the men. I said I had received letters from the President of
Galicia, who said he was also giving an account of the matter to
your Majesty in order that steps might be taken. She at once
ordered the men to be arrested, and assured me they should be justly
punished.
The Queen has received news from Ireland saying that the earl of
Desmond had fled from the Viceroy, offended that so little importance
was attached to him. They, therefore, fear he will go to the other
side; in which case they (the rebels) would hold much of the
island. Another ship had arrived there with foreigners, and the
Viceroy was treating with the O'Neil for a pacification.-London,
13th September 1579,




ELIZABETH.


697


1579.
13 Sept. 599. BERNARDINO DE MENDOZA to ZAYAS.
Yesterday I was visited by the principal merchants who trade
with Spain, to thank me, in the name of the Council, for the
release on surety by his Majesty, of the Englishmen who were
imprisoned at Corunna; which news had been conveyed to them
by letters dated 19th ultimo, and which they had been informed
was due to certain letters written by me. They were much gratified
at this. Those (i.e., the Spaniards) who went from here, although
I was in a hurry to get them gone, have had such contrary weather
that they have been much delayed.
After the news of Drake's robberies arrived, these merchants
went to the Council and said that they feared that his Majesty
might retaliate by seizing the property of Englishmen in Spain;
and, as it was now the season for them to despatch their ships,
they could not do so unless they were assured they should not lose
them. The Council replied that Drake had gone on a voyage of
discovery, and if he had plundered it was not their fault, nor did
they think that his Majesty would seize English property in consequence. I have thought well to report this, that you may see
that their own conscience is now pricking them, and some of the
merchants have paid as much as 4 and 5 per cent. premium of
insurance against seizure on their goods in Spain. His Majesty's
letter to me mentions the enclosure of copy of the Queen's letter to
him. This must have been forgotten, as I only received copy of
the King's letter to her. 1 am informed from Milan of the new
obstacle raised there to paying me the five hundred odd crowns
due previous to the transfer (i.e., of his pension there). This is the
order given by his Majesty that debts due for more than a year
should not be recoverable. Pray write about it, for what with this
and the fact that they now owe me 16 months pay for my company,
I can hardly make both ends meet here.
The Queen left Greenwich on the 9th* to make a short progress,
hunting at various gentlemen's seats until early next month, when
she comes to London for the Parliament.-London, 13th September
15'79.
Postscript: Since closing this letter I have learnt that a gentleman from Alengon has arrived with letters for the Queen, informing
her that he has had an interview with his brother in Paris.
17 Sept. 600. BERNARDINO DE MENDOZA to ZAYAS.
I am sending this duplicate by Calais, and take the opportunity
of saying that, an hour after the letter had left, I was informed
that the French gentleman who had arrived reported the taking of
Fuentarrabia, which has greatly delighted these people as it has
distressed me. They are getting closer every day with the French,
and since this man arrived there are couriers coming constantly
from France, both for the Queen and the ambassadors, who are
now staying with her at the earl of Sussex's house, where all is
feasting, dancing, and toasting the good news. I believe they are


* Full particulars of this short progress will be found in Nichols' "Progresses of
Queen Elizabeth,"




698


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1579.
pressing for money for Beam, for which purpose they will sell his
mother's jewels, which are now here in pawn; and if, by God's
grace, these people or the French do not run out of funds, they
will certainly attempt some wickedness against his Majesty's
grandeur, as I have so often said, or try to prevent the success of
our fleet. This proves what I have so constantly urged-the need
of gaining over some of these councillors-which will not now be
easy. We never think we shall want anyone's help until the time
comes. Some oar-galleys have gone from here for M. de la Motte,
and some English ships also have gone to serve him, but I have a
very poor opinion of them, seeing things as they are. I have constantly warned him of this, and I recently sent a courier to him to
let him know that they will attempt some mischief in that direction,
as not a man leaves here without these councillors knowing of it,
and indeed, in some cases, they speak to them before they go.
There has just sailed a ship fitted out by a gentleman of the chamber
to the Queen, with a quantity of ordnance on board, on the pretext
of going to serve him (M. de la Motte), which causes me all the
more suspicion, and I have consequently sent a special messenger
to inform him.-London, 17th September 1579.
25 Sept. 601. BERNARDINO DE MENDOZA to the KING.
Intelligence has been received of the publication of your Majesty's
decree prohibiting the export of all goods, except salt, from Spain
in foreign ships, which has caused much annoyance, not only to
the merchants trading with Spain but to all the nation. The
London merchants have addressed the Queen and Council (who are
as much grieved as the rest) setting forth the great damage it will
cause to the country, which profits so much by this trade, and is
so largely interested in it. This will be seen more clearly by the
detailed statement I send to your Majesty of the voyages they
make, and the Queen has consequently written to your Majesty on
the subject, as well as sending to me with many entreaties that I
should do the same. As some ships have already left, and they think
the business is urgent, they have decided to send the letter by a
person who is to travel with all speed. I send to your Majesty the
heads of their letter, so far as I have been able to learn them, as
the importance they attach to the matter persuades me that it will
be to your Majesty's interest that this letter should arrive before
theirs. In addition to saying that the decree is in contravention of
the treaties between the countries, they threaten that, as so many
ships and sailors will be thrown out of employment, they will make
plundering voyages to the Indies; which may well be believed,
as they do so already. Their pride and insolence are so great that
the very sailors who are going now (i.e., to Spain) are saying that
if they cannot get freights back they must rob on the coast to
make up for them. If your Majesty thinks well, notice might be
sent to the ports and places where they may attempt this. With
the same object in view, the owners of the ships (who are the most
interested) have petitioned the Council that the masters may be
allowed to punish any sailor without being called to account for
it here.




ELIZABETH.


699


1579.
The Queen has also assured the merchants that, if your Majesty
refuses permission for them to load their ships, she will at once
order that no Spanish goods shall enter her country except in
English bottoms, which will prevent Flemish ships carrying on
the trade, and they think there are not enough Spanish vessels for
the purpose.
When the Queen was told of the decree, she said your Majesty
would break friendship with her, and when you wanted her friendship perhaps you would not get it. They also believe that, even if
your Majesty does not grant them the concession, they will be able
to load their freights in Spain, and it would be very advisable; if
your Majesty for some good reason allows them to take merchandise for this once, that they should be made to understand
how great a boon and favour you are granting them, out of your
mere grace, when you have the power to oppress them, even
without going to war. I am aware that it is extremely bold for
me to say this, but I humbly beg for pardon, as my great desire
to serve efficaciously makes me write in this way to the best of
my understanding. Although the English have so many places
whither to send their ships they actually despatched a man some
time ago to Constantinople to try to establish a trade there. He
returned recently with a Turk, bringing a letter from his master to
the Queen, full of endearments, and offering unrestricted commerce in his country to Englishmen if she, on her part, will give
the same privileges here to his subjects. I will endeavour to get
copies of the letter and their reply to send to your Majesty.
The States have issued a proclamation in Antwerp saying that
no goods are to be shipped there, except in ships belonging to the
Netherlands, and in execution of this they have taken some cargo
out of an English ship in which it had been loaded.-London, 25th
September 1579.
25 Sept.  602. BERNARDINO DE MENDOZA to the KING.
On the 13th I wrote saying that, on that day, a gentleman had
arrived from Alengon to give an account of the interview of the
latter with his brother, and the pillage of Fuentarrabia.* The
great rejoicing about this did not last long, as they afterwards
learnt of the grief it had caused in Paris that occasion should arise
for war with your Majesty. This later news has troubled them
and people are saying that it was a planned affair that Monseigneur
Aigremont and Duras should have appeared on the frontier at the
time; the object being to make people believe that some treaty
had been entered into, and that the country at large would
willingly join in a war against your Majesty. It was part of the
plan to convey to the Governor of Bordeaux the news he sent to
the king of France, in order to make the thing look the more
encouraging, and to animate people with the belief that, now they
had a pledge in their hands, they could commence war with
advantage, the negotiations being carried on here being part of the
* Note in the handwriting of the King,: " Juan de Vargas has written nothing about
this, unless his present letters mention it,"




700


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1579.
arrangement. The Queen continues to regale in an extraordinary
way the three (French) ambassadors who are with her. They
have all been lately at the house of the earl of Sussex, where the
Queen and they have been grandly entertained. The rest of the
councillors treat them in the same way, inviting them to their
houses, and feasting them to such an extent that they may now be
looked upon as all one people, although the general public show
little pleasure at this friendship.
A printed book has recently been published here setting forth the
evils arising from a union with the French.*  Many arguments and
reasons are adduced, and examples are given of what has happened
on other occasions.   As soon as it was published the Queen
prohibited its possession under pain of death, and great efforts
were used to collect all the copies, and to discover the author,
in order to prevent the circulation of the facts before Parliament
meets.
I wrote that the earl of Desmond had fled from the Viceroy and
had gone over with his brothers in opposition to the Queen. She
has now ordered both the cavalry and the infantry, which had
been raised, to go to Ireland, and more troops are to be recruited,
for whom it is said, victuals will have to be sent from England, as
there are none to be got by them in the revolted country. For this
reason, and because the place is a hotbed of disturbance, and the
country a very humid one, they fear they will not finish the
business so easily.-London, 25th September 1579.
29 Sept.  603.   BERNARDINO DE MENDOZA to ZAYAS.
The enclosed proclamation, which there has been no time to
translate, has been published by the Queen, prohibiting the book
which had been issued against her marriage, and refuting certain
points of it. As the proclamation was only dated two days before its
promulgation (which was carried out with great ceremony) people
are attaching a good deal of importance to it, and are saying that
it was advisable to cut short the sensation caused by the book, in
order to effect the marriage.t You will see by the proclamation
how far advanced the matter is, and how Alengon is flattered by
saying that it was through him that the Portuguese had been kept
in France, which will not much please the Catholics or the people
of Paris.-London, 29th September 1579.
29 Sept.  604. BERNARDINO DE MENDOZA to ZAYAS.
I take this opportunity of repeating what I said on the 25th,
and also of saying that, as the Englishmen who were to take the
* This was Stubbs' famous book called" The discovery of a gaping gulf, wherein
"England is like to be swallowed by another French marriage, if the Lord forbid not
"the banns by letting her see the sin and punishment thereof." The author, who
was a Puritan and a friend of the poet Spencer, had his right hand smitten off as a
punishment. The fierce proclamation against the book, which was characterized
as " lewde and seditious," was dated two days before this letter was written, the Queen
being at the time on a visit to Giddie Hall, Essex. See " Calendar of State Papers
(Domestic)."
f This proclamation is in the Record Office, see previous note.




1MlIZABET11.


70


1579.
Queen's letter (i.e., to Spain) were leaving, news came from the
West that Francis Drake had arrived. I suspect that this was
the reason why they delayed their departure until the present;
the news now being known to be untrue, as these merchants are in
great alarm lest his Majesty should order the seizure of English
property in retaliation of the robberies committed by Drake. I
sent a man to Plymouth, a Spaniard residing near there, to inform
me of his arrival, as it is believed that unless he is driven elsewhere by weather, he will make for that port. This man has now
returned, and tells me that he had heard, very secretly, from the
wife of one of the justices there, that these councillors, who have a
share in the venture, have sent orders to all the justices and
governors to help him (Drake) to land and place his plunder in
safety, and I therefore fear that it will be difficult to recover it,
if anything of value reaches the country, especially as it is not
desirable for me to speak to the Queen about it until it arrives.
If I did so, it would be a confession that there were no forces
there (i.e., the Spanish Indies) to punish these men. Those who
are well informed on the subject do not expect Drake to arrive
before January, as he has to return through the same Straits
(of Magellen), and he cannot do this until November, which is
summer in those parts, as the council of the Indies will know, if
true.
Alengon's gentleman has been despatched by the Queen, with a
cap-cord worth, as they say, 3,000 crowns, and a chain worth
300 for himself, by which you will see how warmly the affair is
proceeding, since they are not satisfied with the tokens they
exchanged in person. To judge by the constant couriers being
sent by these French ambassadors, the indisposition of their
master has not sufficed to cool the negotiations. The people in
general are much displeased, and, in addition to the book which
was published, two pasquins were recently posted on the Lord
Mayor's door, saying some very brutal things about the marriage,
amongst which was, that when the marriage was attempted, there
would be 40,000 men collected and ready to prevent it.
One of the Englishmen who are going (i.e., to Spain) is married
in the Canaries, and is called Richard Graveton. He says he is
glad to accept the mission, in order to convey certain information
in his Majesty's interests, respecting the French negotiations,
about the adventurers who fitted out Drake's expedition, and about
the voyages undertaken by the English. He asked me to give
him letters to ensure him a hearing from you, and although I am
not very sure about him, from the fact of his having been chosen
for the mission and certain things I hear, yet I have given him
the letter, because no harm can come from hearing what he has to
say, and he assures me is not far wrong in the matter of the
voyages. —London, 29th September 1579.
3 Oct.  605. BERNARDINO DE MENDOZA to ZAYAS.
The Englishman who I said was to accompany Richard Graveton
(to Spain), I am informed is being sent at the express instance of
Walsingham, who proposed to the merchants to send him. They,




702


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1579.
knowing him for a great rogue, said the cost would be very heavy,
and they were told that they would of course be reimbursed for
his expenses (by the Council). He is instructed to return at once
hither and bring an account of what he can learn, and I am told
that he has been to Spain three times this year for the same purpose; this being how he gets his living. No doubt, to worm out
something there, he will speak frankly about matters here. I have
thought well to report this, although I am sure, after what I have
said, that he will be treated with caution.
A Spanish ship from Santona with wool for Calais, was driven
by storm into Sandwich, where it was at once seized and advice
sent to the Council, which gave orders that she should be discharged to see what she brought, and, if she contained no prohibited
goods, she should be llowed to sail. This is quite a new departure
and a breach of the treaties with his Majesty, for which reason I
have resented it, and they now say she was seized in error; but,
in this and other things, I plainly see their bad intentions. There
have been terrible storms here for the last fortnight which have
cast many ships upon these coasts and those of Brittany.-London,
3rd October 1579.
16 Oct.  606. BERNARDINO DE MENDOZA to the KING.
The proclamation I sent on the 29th, instead of mitigating the
public indignation against the French, has irritated it and fanned
the flame. Another book confirming the arguments of the former
one has been issued and the Queen thereupon summoned the whole
of the Council to again give her their opinion with regard to the
marriage. They met many times, and, on the 7th instant, were in
session from eight o'clock in the morning until seven at night, without stirring from the room, having sent the clerks away, which, as I
have told your Majesty, is very rarely done, and only when something very secret and important is being discussed. Their decision
was that, on no account, ought the Queen to marry Alengon or any
other personage of the House of France; this being the opinion of
all, with the exception of Sussex and Burleigh. They appointed
the Lord Chancellor and the earl of Arundel to give an account of
their decision to the Queen, to whom they said that, after having
met and considered the subject on many occasions, they were of
opinion that, for the security of her person, the tranquillity of her
realm, and the preservation of her Crown, it was not fitting that
she should marry any member of the House of France. They
pointed out the many objections to the entrance of Frenchmen into
the kingdom, they being ancient enemies; as well as the danger
from the Scots who were the same. If she were to die, as night be
feared if the French were to obtain control of her person, they
would take possession of the country, with the aid they would get
from Scotland, without the English being able to prevent it. They
set forth also the other things that might occur, and showed how
much opposed public opinion was to the marriage, although she
had been so popular with her subjects in consequence of her actions
during the years she had reigned, whilst on this matter they
showed such bitter hatred. They said that, even if she did not




ELIZABEIH.


703'o


1579.
desire to foresee the evil results which they placed before her, and
insisted upon marrying Alengon, it was nevertheless their duty to
cast themselves at her feet and die there, as they believed she
would die if she did this thing. To these words she gave no reply
but was moved in a way that made them pause a little, and they
added afterwards that, in consequence of the general dislike of the
people to the coming of the French, they thought Parliament should
not be summoned yet, in order to avoid disturbance and sedition,
but should be delayed until later. If she still desired to marry,
they should have time to persuade the people of the country to
agree to it before Parliament was summoned. She said she would
prorogue it without fixing a date, as she wished to reserve the
latter point for her own decision. She remained extremely sad
after the conversation and was so cross and melancholy that it was
noticed by everyone who approached her. Many documents have
been sent to her lately dissuading her from the business. This has
been managed by Leicester and Hatton through whose hands most
of the papers have reached her. They (the documents) gave her
to understand that when she proposed to marry, Parliament would
urge her to declare an heir to the Crown, as the people did not
wish, in case of her death, to find themselves in the present position
with their enemies within their own gates. She has been greatly
alarmed by all this, as she has been given to understand that as
soon as a successor is appointed they will upset her. It is understood that the Chancellor, who is considered a great orator, was
instructed to press this point very warmly, knowing her pusilanimity
and fear in any adversity.
Simier has announced that he has leave from his master to depart.
The Queen favours him as usual but he is very discordant with the
Ambassador, in consequence of something which he said about him
to the Queen. The negotiations for an alliance with the French to
impede your Majesty in Portugal and to break up the conference
of Cologne, still continue and most of the heretics are agreed to
this. They meant to have sent the Garter to the king of France
but have deferred it owing to his indisposition.
Alenqon's agents are making great efforts with the people of
Ghent, Antwerp, and the States, &c., to get them to recall him
thither, and with this object have spread abroad the writing which
I enclose, and also that which the States that met at Utrecht have
published, prohibiting the reading of the clauses for the treaty of
peace which had been discussed at Cologne; the reason of this being
that the States saw that the majority of the country were inclined
to accept the conditions.
The Queen's viceroy in Ireland* has died of sickness and the
ships that carried over the reinforcements have returned. A letter
of the 3rd from there reports the capture of the fort erected by the
men who landed,t they having retired with the Irishmen to the


* This was Sir William Drury who has frequently been mentioned in this calendar as
Knight Marshal of Berwick. He had been appointed Lord President of Munster in
1575, and had succeeded Sidney as Viceroy of Ireland about a year before his death.
t Smerwick.




?04


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.S


1579.
woods. The earl of Desmond had left them and again joined the
the Queen's side.-London, 16th October 1579.
16 Oct.  607. BERNARDINO DE MENDOZA to ZAYAS.
The Queen has received a special swift post from Antwerp,
reporting that his Majesty had ordered the arrest of all the English
vessels, and orders have been consequently given here "in all the
ports that no ships are to leave without further orders. The
Antwerp heretics, for the purpose of arousing the indignation of
those here, write that we were not content with seizing the ships
in Spain, but we clapped all the crews into the galleys. This is no
doubt to divert the Hollanders from agreeing to the peace, as they
are inclined to do.
As I was closing this, I was informed that the Queen is greatly
irritated with anyone who opposes the marriage, saying not once,
but many times, that she had never broken her word yet and she
will keep it now. Speaking to Walsingham about it she told him
begone and that the only thing he was good for was a protector of
heretics. Knollys who is a great heretic and the treasurer of the
household, married to her first cousin, asked her how she could
think of marrying a Catholic, she having forbidden Protestants to
do so. To this she replied that he might pay dearly for the zeal he
was displaying in the cause of religion, and it was a fine way to
show his attachment to her; who might desire, like others, to have
children. She had another squabble about it with Hatton, and he
was a week without seeing her. It is difficult to see whether all
this is artifice or whether God intends to blind her in order to bring
her to submission.-London, 16th October 1579.
11 Nov. 608. BERNARDINO DE MENDQZA to the KING.
After having closed the accompanying letter, I was informed
that on the 9th instant, after having heard of the arrival of
Captain Breton with a despatch from Alengon to Simier; on the
occasion of Simier entering her private chamber, the Queen said
that he must excuse her for detaining him so long, and as soon as
she had finished one other matter, she would give him leave to
depart. He was with her for many hours, and afterwards despatched the same Captain. The Queen summoned the principal
councillors to her chamber on the 10th, and told them that she
had determined to marry and that they need say nothing more
to her about it, but should at once discuss what was necessary for
carrying it out. If this is put into execution it may be undoubtedly
looked upon as a divine provision to reduce this country to the
Catholic religion, and punish it by means of an intestine war, to
judge by present indications, for having separated therefrom.London, 11th November 1579.
28 Nov. 609. BERNARDINO DE MENDOZA to the KING.
These people change so constantly in whatever they take in hand,
that it is difficult to send your Majesty any definite information,
because, although they may do a thing with all deliberation, they




ELIZABETH.


705


1579.
alter it in a moment. On the 12th at nightfall they sent a courier
here to prorogue Parliament, which had been summoned for the
24tb, and two hours afterwards came another with orders to write
the letters of summons for them to meet, after which, at midnight,
fresh orders arrived that it should stand over until the 2(th of
January. The Queen sent an order to Stafford at Dover, who, as I
wrote on the 1]th,"  was going to Alen9on, for him to return.
After she had said to her councillors what I reported in my last,
she ordered each one individually to give her his opinion in writing.
When Sirier heard this he told her that, the business being in its
present state, he thought it was not fitting that such a course should
he taken. She asked him who told him so, and he replied that
it was Cecil, whereupon she retorted very angrily, "surely it is
possible for my councillors to keep a secret; I will see to this," She
then entered another room without saying anything more. She
afterwards told the Council to write a letter from all the members,
urging Alencon to expedite his coming, whereupon they replied that
it was not for them but for her to do that, and they also told her
that it was befitting her dignity that some one of greater standing
and authority than Simier should come to settle the capitulations.
As soon as Simier heard this he booted and spurred and went to
take leave of the Queen. She pacified him by means of great
caresses, and retained him until the 29th, when he left, and Stafford
accompanied him. They are agreed as to the terms, which I have
frequently written to your Majesty, and have now conceded to
Alengon the right for all Frenchmen and servants who are with him
to attend his chapel freely, without specifying any number. The
former demand was that a number was to be fixed. If the agreement
was ratified in France, some personage will come with the signed
confirmation of the king of France and his brother, whereupon
another personage will leave here to arrange for his coming. This
is so much desired by the Queen that some people think that all
this delay is unnecessary, but the object of her councillors in thus
drawing it out is to divert the Queen, if possible, from it, in view
of the hatred towards the marriage shown by the people at large,
and if they cannot succeed in this, at least to mitigate the discontent
of the people and prevent a rising.
She gave jewels and pearls to Simier valued at eight thousand
crowns, and to the councillor who was with him five hundred
crowns worth of silver plate, the other gentlemen having chains
worth two hundred. Manly of her pensioners went with him, and
Lords Howard and Seymour were to accompany him to France,
whilst six gentlemen were to go with him as far as Montreuil. Tl;e
two Lords will have to await their return with the ships. This is
greatly surprising the English as such extraordinary ceremony as
this has never been performed with any ambassador.
This Queen has received another letter from the Turk by way of
France, which, in addition to many other offers, promises a favourable reception of Englishmen who come to his country, either by
land or sea; both on account of his desire for her friendship as for
* This letter is missing.
y 76467,                                                  Y y




706


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1579.
that of the-king of France, with whom he requests her to be as
friendly as she can. He says that, by reason of his friendship to the
king of France, he will be pleased to hear of her marriage with his
brother, from which it may be seen that the French have made it
their business to write to him about it. The Turks are also desirous
of friendship with the English on account of the tin which has been
sent thither for the last few years, and which is of the greatest
value to them, as they cannot cast their guns without it, whilst the
English make a tremendous profit on the article, by means of which
alone they maintain the trade with the Levant. Five ships are
ready to sail thither now, and I am told that, in one of them, they
are sending nearly twenty thousand crowns worth of bar tin, without
counting what the rest of them take. As this sending  tin to the
infidel is against the apostolic communion, and your Majesty has
ordered that no such voyage shall be allowed to pass the Messina
light, to the prejudice of God and Christianity, I advise the viceroy
of Sicily of the sailing of these ships as I understand that they
will touch at Palermo, where the tin can be confiscated.
The earl of Desmond has risen in Ireland for the third time and,
although the Queen had not hitherto declared him a rebel, she has
done so now, moved, as I am told, by the fear that the earl of
Kildare may do the same. Letters have been given to her written by
Dr. Sanders to the Irish Barons who have risen, urging them not
to lose heart, but to continue what they have begun, as most of the
nobles of England and Scotland will help them, as well as foreirgn
princes.  She has appointed various men to go to Ireland as
Viceroys, but they have refused, as they think that this rising is
more serious than the previous one.
The Parliament of Scotland was discussing the giving of the
title of earl of Lennox to M. d'Aulbigny,* and have postponed until
next Parliament the appointment of an heir to the Crown.-Londn,
28th November 1579.
27 Dec.   610. BERNARDINO DE MENDOZA to the KING.
The Queen received an express post on the 2nd, fiom the Magistrates of Nuremburg, and from her agent in that place, advising
her to make ready, as they were sure that your Majesty's fleet was
being armed for the purpose of coming to this country. She, at
once, sent to ask them to tell her by what means they had learned
this, and on the same day, after nine at night, she sent to me by
the earl of Sussex to say that, although there might be no matters
which obliged her to see me, yet she would be glad to do so. I
had been purposely holding off from her for some time, without
requesting audience, because I was told she wished to see me, and
I thought that, as she was so close with the French, it would be
best to make her jealous by raising tle idea that it did not concern
us to take any notice of the marriage, of which attitude of ours
* This was tile celebrated Esmin Stuart who thenceforward exercised so strong an
influence over the young King, an(d was subsequently created duke of Lennox. He was
the son of a brother of the earl of Lennox (the Regent) and consequently a first cousin
of Darnley.




ELIZABETH.


707


1579.
she had, and still has, very great mistrust. I went to see her the
next day, being informed beforehand of the letter she had received,
which, as I understood, was the reason she summoned me, and she
confirmed this by her conversation. She began with many caresses
and endearments, and complaints that she had not seen me for so
long, after which all her talk was directed towards discovering from
me particulars of the fleet. She repeated the various news and
discourses she heard about it, trying to find out whether I knew
anything, to all of which I replied as commanded, and, so far as I
could judge, she was more distrustful about it at the end of the
interview than she was before. I am told that the advices received from Italy by certain Genoese residents here confirmed the
news from  Nuremburg, and the Queen has therefore ordered the
Governors of Provinces and the Marches to be at their posts in
four days, and to exercise much vigilance to prevent disturbance.
Although the excuse for this step is the news about the fleet,
many people believe that it is caused by fears about the marriage.
I had been assured that she sent a verbal message by Simier to
Alen9on, to say that, although the conditions might be looked upon
in France as a little hard, he was not to be distressed about that,
as she would remedy it. I suspect this was for the purpose of
undermining what she heard the opposing councillors had said, to
the effect that they should be very much surprised if the French
accepted the conditions which they had sent. I got her to converse
upon the subject, and she referred to it so tenderly as to make it
clear how ardently she desired it.
The Portuguese ambassador has arrived here, and saw the Queen
on the 29th. All the talk was of how glad she was to learn that
your Majesty had agreed with his King,* since there were no
preparations for defence in Portugal, and if your Majesty should
wish to take the country by force they could not help it. This is
the means which, since Wotton's return, she and her Council have
adopted, as they have failed in the other suggestions tichy made to
the king of Portugal to listen to the desires of England rud France.
They think that by this means they can the better move the
Portuguese themselves, saying that they do not hinder only because
they are not able. The ambassador replied that the arrangement
was founded on justice, and he did not believe, therefore, that your
Majesty, being so Christian a Prince, would need to appeal to
arms.
News has arrived here that Don Antonio had fled from Portugal,
and as soon as the Queen heard it she publicly said that she would
be glad to receive him in her country to entertain him and give
him what help she could, which was listened to by the fickle
Portuguese who were here, and who have written it to Portugal.
Morton insisted in the Scotch Parliament that they should
* Don Cristobal de Mora, 'hilip's ambassador in Portugal, finding it impossible to
prevail upon the Portuguese Cortes to adopt his master as heir to the crown, had
influenced the aged Cardinal-King to defer the whole question of succession, which was
a decided point gained for Spain, as it gave Philip time to prepare and dispose of a
force which could, when the moment arrived, effectually prevent the Portuguese from
formally adopting any other pretender than himself.
Yy ~




708


SPANISH STATE PAPERS.


1579.
confirm the decrees published against the House of Hamilton,,lnd
as soon as the Queen knew this, she sent a person to dissuade the
King from it, as she learned that it would cause disturbances in the
country and that the French might aid the Hamiltons.     The
business was therefore settled in the following way: the property
of the Hamiltons is to be confiscated until they have cleared themselves of the murders laid to their charge, without the matters
being made a crime of high treason. By this means, tle Queen
and Morton get their way, as they keep the Hamiltons oppressed,
and yet wit   hopes of  ecoveing teir estate with  e  f re er   tr ette  tout taking up
arms or being driven to desperation. The queen of Scotland has
been given more liberty than she had recently. I have not been
able to learn whether this is by order of this Queen or at the
pleasure of the earl of Shrew sbury, although some consider it very
strange at the present juncture.-London, 27th December 1579.
28 Dec.   611. BERNARDINO DE MENDOZA to the KING.
I handed your Majesty's letter of 11th April, about the seizures,
to the Queen on the 10th of May, and she, in conformity therewith
and in fulfilment of the treaty of Bristol, ordered a commission to
be issued, that your Majesty's subjects might claim their property,
which by fraud and deceit had been concealed. The issue of this
commission was delayed from day to day for two months, until the
vacations, so that nothing could be done until the middle of
October. I lodged a request with the commissioners that they
should hear my claims, which they did, acknowledging your
Majesty as Plaintiff, and I then demanded that the offenders should
be brought up. They summoned them     and gave them copies of
my charges, which, in due course, were replied to, and the case
proceeded with. When the decision was to be given, the colllmissioners informed my lawyers that they were not to present any
more documents, since the property could not be claimed by your
Majesty but only by the owners. I therefore addressed the Council,
saying I was astonished, after they had seen your Majesty's letter,
and the Queen had issued the commission and the commissioners
had heard my claim, by virtue of such appointment, that when
sentence had to be delivered this answer should be given.  I
desired to know if the agreement of Bristol was valid or not.
They replied in general that they knew nothing of the commission,
nor when it was issued, but they would mnake inquiries and give a
reply. They did so a month afterwards, and, after recapitulating
many of the pros and cons of the case, they said that the goods
could not be demanded in your lMajesty's name. To this I replied
tlhat your Mtajesty had made the agreemnent with the Queen;
property on both sides laving been seized froml your respective
sulbjects, and no )particular owner was mentioned. It was therefore
clear tlhat, if any fraud or deceit had been practised, it was only to
the prejudice of the parties to the agreement. Even if this were not
so, they well knew that " Gcdtiai4 pj',ilce),s *..at'ritU ex, Rex pJLubltic(,
" Pl'te"  sl(:i;lor,.l  s.ormv,'' andt also, " Qiuod interes p.inci)ii,  s
" e subditi perda(ct   bont stCa," and your Majesty had ordered me
to deal with this business iu answer to the complaints of your




ELIZABETH.


709


1579.
subjects, out of consideration for them, to prevent their having to
come here, losing their time and money, to claim their property
which had been concealed. I said that this would have happened
was proved from the fact that they had delayed the matter with me
for eight months, and I should like to know how a private person
would have got on, since they were so tardy even with me, a minister.
I said the owners, moreover, could not claim their goods specifically,
as they had all been bulked here, the packages undone, and the marks
lost. They replied that this was all very well, but they had no
security that the owners themselves would not come and claim the
property delivered to me, and it was necessary that I should have
special power in addition to your Majesty's letter. Your Majesty
will pray send me instructions.*
What I understand is that they are seeking to delay as much as
they can, because of the impossibility of bringing to book those
who are interested, namely, the principal councillors.  Leicester
and Hatton started the matter and assured me that justice should
be done, but as they are now in disgrace, especially Leicester, the
rest of them are terribly hard upon them. They think, moreover,
that I might unite all the claims which have been ascertained
during the delay and might continue to produce fresh      ones.
Seeing, however, how  cautiously they proceeded I ordered only
two clear and distinct demar:ds to be made until I saw their mode
of proceeding. This is the ordinary mode of never telling the
truth, for the same men who told me, when I delivered your
MaTjesty's letter, that the commission should be issued, afterwards
said they knew nothing about it, besides which the commissioners
twice contradicted themselves before the Council, and I proved
them to have lied by their own documents. The design of them
all is to make profit in any possible way, and when they say they
will do justice it is only with this object. I presented proofs that
Knollys, a kinsman of the Queen, had taken a Spanish ship and
put his plunder in one of the Queen's castles, where he sold it, and
they told me that when this was established, they would have the
property returned to the merchants; and yet afterwards they said
it was necessary to prove the facts again, with the sole object of
frightening away the witnesses, and making this an excuse for
keeping the property.   As the councillors themselves are the
principal supporters of the pirates they have anticipated the
arrival of Drake by appointing men in every port in England to
assist him in concealing his booty, if he arrive safely with it.London, 28th December 1579.
28 Dec.   612. BERNARDINO DE MENDOZA to the KING.
As soon as the prince of Conde came to La Fere,t in Picardy, he
informed the Queen of it, and her ambassador in France, Paulet,
* The opinion of the English Commissioners to this effect is in the Record Office. It
was sent on the 10th December to the Council by Dr. D. Lewis, Judge of the Admiralty,
in a letter to Secretary Wilson. See Calendar of State Papers (Domestic) of that
date.
t La Fere had been seized by the prince of Conde' on the 29th November, acting
independently of his cousin, Henry of Navarre.




710                         SPANISH STATE PAPERS.
1579,
arrived at the same time. He is not only a heretic, as I have said
before, but a terrible Puritan; who, although lie publicly said that
the king of France and his brother were so disagreed that he
thought they would break with each other, secretly impressed
upon the councillors, and particularly upon Walsinghaml, how
advantageous it was to have brought Conde' there to embarrass your
Majesty, and to have again encouraged the war in the Netherlands
by means of the troops who went to the aid of La Noue and the
succour of Ghent, which, he said, would give plenty to do to the
people of Hainault and Artois, even though the States were to help
them, and De la Motte would soon have less reason for satisfaction.
The councillors were particular in their inquiries, in the presence
of Paulet, from some Englishmen whom they had brought over,
from serving at Gravelines. They were especially anxious to learn
whether the river which divides that place from  France could be
forded, and if boats were necessary, what sort they should be, and
whether they could be found there or would have to be sent; with
other questions of the same sort. From this it may be gathered
that they had designs in that part and I have sent a special post
to De la Motte to inform him thereof.
Besides the ships I advised, there have recently left the west
coast for the Levant, ships with great quantities of planks, and
another, called the " Providence," of two hundred tons, which goes
direct to the Isle of Chios carrying bell-metal and tin to the value of
twenty thousand crowns.
A ship has left Zealand for Portugal witl four thousand gun
flints and some powder. And several other ships are going to the
same place with powder shipped by Flemings. I have not been
able to discover whether these munitions are for the King or for a
private person.
The Portuguese ambassador is negotiating with the Queen and
ministers respecting the confirmation of the agreement entered into
three years ago, which expired on the 15th ultimo. The principal
point of it is that the English are prohibited from voyaging to the
Mina. I do not hear that he is authorised to treat on any other
matter, but he has letters ordering him not to see Don Antonio if
lie comes hither, and to ask the Queen not to receive him.
The Scotch Parliament ended. without giving to M. D'Aubigny
tie earldom of Lennox, but they conferred an abbey upon him
which belonged to the Hlamiltons, and was the richest in the
country.
The number of Catholics, thank God, is daily increasing here,
owing to the college and seminary for Englishmen which your
Majesty ordered to be supported in Douai, whence there has come
in the last year (and from the college of Rome) a hundred Englishmen who have been ordained there.* by which means a great
number of people are being converted, generally persons who have
never heard the truth preached before. These priests go about
disguised as laymen, and although they are young men, their good
* The French historian Martin asserts that Pope Gregory XIII. sent a hundred
J.suit priests to England from Rome alone in this year.




ELIZABETH.                        711
1579.
life, fervency, and zeal in the work, are admirable. They exercise
their duties with great good sense and discretion, in order not to
give the heretics a chance to impede them.  God's grace is clearly
witnessed in the way they are led on by His hand in this ministry;
and in the joy and fortitude with which they offer themselves for
martyrdom, whenever they are called upon to suffer it for the
Lord's sake. Some have suffered thus with invincible firmness and
ineffable content, following in the footsteps of so many of their
predecessors. Of the old ones very few now remain, and they are
imprisoned strictly. This was a cause for the great decay of
religion, as there was no one to teach it, and none professed it,
excepting those who had special grace given to them to persevere
in it out of pure zeal. This is being remedied by means of those
who have recently come hither, who pray continually for your
Majesty; recognizing that God has been pleased to make you His
principal instrument in this great work. During the last three
months they lhave converted five of these (Protestant) preachers,
which conversion they believe will bear rich fruit, as they (the
converts) have begged to be sent where they may study and
confirm themselves in the faith, in order to return hither and preach
it. God give them grace to do so.-London, 28th December 1579.


_








714
GENERAL INDEX.


A,
Aberdeen, 355.
Acufna, Juan dc, 104.
Admiral, the, see Clinton........ of France (Coligny), 16, 72n, 134,
242, 249-50, 253, 258, 262, 280, 320,
329, 342, 348, 358-9, 389, 395, 402-3,
404-5; killed at St. Bartholomew, 409.
412-15, 423.
Admiralty, Judge of (see also Lewis, Dr.
David), 176, 191, 289, 294 —5, 546, 683,
709n.......... Court, 249, 286.
Aguilon, Secretary, 360, 374, 379.
Aguirre, Juan de, letters from, 549, 549, 552............., Secretary to Guaras, his examination in the Tower, 607-8.
Agur, Cape, in the Kingdom of Fez, 171,
see also Arguim.
Aigremont, M., 699.
Alava, Don Frances de, Spanish Ambassador
in France, 18, 31, 65, 68, 69, 71, 74, 76,
77, 89, 96,156, 196, 240, 254, 278, 308,
319, 357.............., statement to him by the English
Ambassador in France about the
seizures and the arrest of Don Guerau
de Spes, 114-22.........,...... relation by him of a conversation with Sir Henry Norris, 369.
Alba, Duke of, 1, 8, 15, 18, 21, 22, 27, 31, 42,
46, 51, 53, 55, 59, 62, 63, 64, 65, 66,
67, 69, 70, 72, 75, 76, 78, 79, 81, 83, 84,
85, 88, 89, 91, 94, 95, 96, 97, 98, 99,
101-4, 105, 106-7, 109, 110, 112, 113,
114-22; D'Assonleville's report to,
concerning the seizures, 122-32. 133-7,
138, 144, 145, 146, 147, 151, 152, 153,
154, 155, 156, 160, 161, 164, 166-7,
170, 176-7, 179, 181, 185, 188-9, 190,
191, 192, 195, 197, 199, 201, 203, 205,
207-8, 211-12; on the policy towards
England, 215-24. 226, 232, 235-6,
237, 239, 241, 244, 250, 255, 259, 264,
266-7, 270, 274, 282, 284, 286, 288,
292, 293, 294, 296-7, 301-2, 304, 307,
312, 316, 319-20, 322-3, 326-7, 329,
331, 333, 335-6, 337, 340, 345, 349,
357, 360; on the expulsion of De Spes,
361-2. 363. 366-7,371,377,379,385-6,
389, 390, 394-7, 400, 410, 418-19, 432,
435, 451-2, 455-6, 462-3, 470, 474,
478, 482-3, 506; his answer to Cobham
in Madrid, 510. 521, 537, 578, 585,
599, 615, 632-3; his disgrace and
banishment, 648. 655, 671, 678, 687.


Alba, Duke of, letters to, 71, 82, 90, 90, 91, 98,
110, 150, 156, 156, 168, 169, 171, 177,
183, 183, 184, 188, 193, 196, 201, 209,
213, 215, 217, 219, 259, 266, 270, 347,
356, 360, 365, 379, 389, 397, 400, 404,
407, 408, 410, 413, 415, 417, 421, 422,
426, 430, 431, 434, 435, 437, 440, 444,
446, 448, 448, 451, 453, 456, 459, 460,
462, 464, 465, 467, 467-8, 469........,  letters from, 04, 106,109, 132,
141, 141, 149, 159, 160, 163, 168, 171,
175, 186, 187, 190, 196, 196, 206, 215,
217, 361, 361....,......,.., his proclamation prohibiting
trade with England, 142, 143, 149,
157..........,....., his alleged plot to kill Elizabeth,
379.........., Duchess of, present from, to the
Queen, 646.
Albornoz, secretary of the Duke of Alba, 78,
458..........,......, letter from, 208................ letter to, 373.
Alderney, 480, 544.
Aldersey (Alderson?), Thomas, 415, 441.
Alderson, William, 132.
Alen(on, Duke of, 389, 403; proposed
marriage with a daughter of Orange,
497; proposed marriage with an Infanta, 546. 554; his flight from Paris,
560. 560n, 561, 564, 570-1, 572, 575,
581; intrigues with Orange, 583-5.
586, 589-90; at issue with Henry III.,
601. 611; requests a loan from the
(Queen, 612. 620, 625, 631-2; design
to marry him to an Infanta, 633.
636-7; to leave the Netherlands, 644;
retires to Alencon, 645. 649, 654-5;
suspicious of Henry III., 657; suggested
appointment as King of the Romans,
660; his intrigues to be re-called by
the States, 703.............. negotiations for his marriage
with Elizabeth, 403, 406, 497, 516-19,
523, 528, 575, 602, 606, 611-13, 614,
616; coming  to England, 616-17.
619, 621-23, 625, 627-8, 630-1, 633-4,
636, 644;' proposed conditions, 649-50.
654-5, 657-64, 667-69, 674-5, 679-81,
683, 687; his arrival in England, 688 -90, 692-94; presents given by him in
England, 694. 695, 697, 699-704, 707.
Alenqon marriage, the, its unpopularity in
England, 680, 690, 692, 700; Stubbs'
book, 700n. 701-2, 703.
Alengon, 645, 654.




714


GENERAL INDEX.


Alicante, 617, 622, 659; seizure of Englishmen in, 676.
Alleyn, see Dulin.
Aloin, M. d', 282.
Alum, trade in, 609; monopoly in the States
given to Pallavicini for a loan, 616-17.
622-3, 640, 659, 664, 669; seizure and
rescue of a cargo at Alicante, 676-79.
682, 684.
Anmidis, reference to, in an offensive letter
from Guerau de Spes, 105.
Amiens, 631, 679.
Amonte, Cristobal de, 204.
Amsterdam, 475-6, 584........... revolt in, 589.
Anabaptists, 49.
Anabaptist Flemings burnt, 500, 500n.
Andalucia, 286, 295, 410, 456, 518.
"Andrew," the, an English ship embargoed
at Cadiz, 538.
Anguilliere, M. d', a Huguenot from Rochelle,
465, 474.
Anjou, Duke of, see also Henry III., 69,
110, 155, 158, 159, 173, 226, 241, 457,
477n..............., proposals for marriage with
Elizabeth, 282, 288, 290-1, 293, 295,
2951z, 302-3, 306-7, 309, 318-19, 320,
325-6, 328-34, 337, 339-42,359, 365 -6.
Anna Dona, 647, 655, 678, 692.
Anne of Austria, fourth wife of Philip II.,
246-7, 252, 256, 259, 262, 272; her
accouchment, 354. 584, 586.
Antonio, Prior Don, 672.........., Don, prior of Crato, pretender to the
Portuguese Crown, 674, 707, 710.
Antwerp, 62, 76, 78, 79, 81, 83-4, 88, 90, 93-4,
99, 101-4, 127, 143, 209, 228, 233
241, 259, 277, 293, 300, 347, 356, 363,
395, 407, 413, 422, 432, 452, 460, 464,
467-8, 470, 472, 475, 481, 526, 532, 534,
542; taken by the States, 545. 555,
565, 577, 581-5, 589, 594, 612-13,
616-17, 629, 632, 639, 645, 649;
disturbance at, 655-7.  659, 662;
pressed by Orange to join the league
of Utrecht, 663. 667, 687, 690, 699,
703, 704.......... sacking of, damage to English subjects,
536..........  Mint, a  treasurer of, flies to  England,
420.
Aquila, Bishop of, his debts and revenues, 10,
667................. his conduct in  England, 29,  98,
254.
Aragon, comparison between Aragon and
Holland, 521.
Aranjuez, 37, 150.
Archelaus, Cecil compared to by Guerau de
Spes, 105.
Arches, College of, the members pressed to
take the oath of supremacy, 2, 3, 4, 5,
6, 10, 44.


Archiniega, Captain Sancho de, 506.
Arguim, Cape, 230, 236.
Argyll, Earl of, 11, 225, 474, 486, 495, 575,
582, 584, 630, 650............... his sister married to O'Neil, 27..........,......, offers assistance to Mary on her
escape from Loch Levin, 32.......... mountains of, 681.
Aries, Bishop of, 71, 72.
Armagh, Archbishop of, imprisonment of, 3,
12, 16, 58, 226, 229; his release, 241;
his sufferings in the Tower, 645.
Armaments for Ireland, 685-6, 700, 703-4....... for the Netherlands, see also Naval
preparations, 361, 372, 379, 385, 393,
396, 398-9, 400, 403-4, 405, 411-12,
414-16, 426, 432, 450, 453-4, 470, 4 73 -4, 477, 479-80, 494, 497, 502-3, 507,
509, 521-25, 528, 537, 539, 570, 575,
577, 584, 595-6.......... for Scotlandiand the North, 242, 255 -6, 264, 266, 268, 355, 421-2, 466-7,
473, 575.
Arschot, Duke of, 544; account of his escape,
547. 548, 580.
Arran, isle of, 11.
Arriaga, Francisco de, a Spanish banker, 607.
Artois, the French enter, 585; submits to the
Spaniards, 696. 710.
Arundel, Earl of, 34, 35, 36, 83, 97, 111, 112,
1:36, 138, 142, 145, 146, 147, 151, 152,
155, 156, 157, 158, 164, 166, 179, 183,
185, 187; placed under arrest, 197-8.
200, 201, 204, 208, 212, 224, 236;
his release, 240.  249, 274, 282, 322;
under arrest at Nonsuch, 339. 352;
his liberation, 450. 455, 702.
Aselier, Philip, a Flemish Protestant, 294,
411, 413, 427, 432, 445.
Athole, Earl of, 486, 488, 575, 582, 58;
suspicious death of, 675..............., the younger, 681.
Augustinian creed, 49, 147, 152, 158, 274,
287.
Aumale, Duke d', 253.
Avila, Sancho de, Spanish general in Flanders,
530.
Ayamonte, 304.........., Marquis of, Governor of Milan, 606,
648.
Azores, 138, 154, 156, 453, 464.
B.
Bacqueville, de, Alencon's envoy, 606, 611,
614; entertained in the City of London,
614. 621, 630, 633, 659.




GENERAL INDEX.


715


Bacon. Sir Nicholas, 42, 52, 58, 79, 80, 8,
145, 199, 202, 204, 206, 219; speech
of, 247. 254, 259, 271, 290, 298, 330
-1; speech to the Corporation of
London respecting the Ridolfi plot,
345; described by dc Spes, 364. 384,
460, 493-4, 501, 519, 593; his death,
653; his successor, 656; his opinion
of a French match, 663.
Baily, Charles, Secretary of the Bishop of
Ross, arrested, 307, 312n, 322, 328,
346, 405.
Baker (Barker?), Captain, his voyage to the
Spanish Indies, 593-4.
Balfour, Colonel, 484, 517, 530-1.
Balnaves, Henry, 76.
Baltasar de Burgos, a Spanish merchant in
Calais, 652.
Bannister, Duke of Norfolk's Secretary, 406.
Bar country, 96.
Barajas, the English ambassador in Spain
(Man) sent thither, 30, 59.
Barbary, 154, 339, 450, 476, 481, 483, 486,
490, 493, 499, 586, 591, 611, 679.
Barberino, Rafael, 213, 215.
Barker, Duke of Norfolk's Secretary, 406.
Barlemont, M., 504.
Barnet, 64.
Barque of Boulogne, the, a Queen's ship, 499.
Barrientos, Pedro de, 265, 532, 608.
Basing, 188, 189.
Basurto, Alonso de, a Spaniard in London,
608.
Bavaria, Duke of, 648.
Bayon, Bartolome, a Portuguese pilot, 239,
241, 243, 246, 255, 257, 259, 261,
263-4, 265-6, 268, 272, 274-5, 278-9,
284, 292, 294, 297, 300, 304, 306, 326,
334.
Bayona, isles of (Galicia), 351-2, 410, 609.
Bayonne, 68, 388-9.
Bazan, Alvaro de, 194, 330.
Beal, Secretary of the Council, 531, 544-5,
598.
Beam, Princess of, see Marguerite de Valois.
Beam, Prince of, see Navarre.
Beaton, Andrew, 320, 320n, 337.
Beaton, bishop of Glasgow, Scots ambassador
in France, 69, 155, 626; his plan for
the subjection of England opposed by
Mendoza, 646-7. 665, 670...............  his brother, 75, 76.
Beaton, 378.
Beaumaris, 261.
Bedford, Earl of, 5, 26, 36, 42, 112, 200, 202,
204, 246, 263, 265, 278; described by
de Spes, 364. 384, 396, 429, 476 —7,
485, 491,497, 539.
Bedford, iAl of, his daughter arrested for
'gossiping about Alencon's coming,
692.
Bensar, Captain, goes to serve the king of
Portugal, 613.
Bergen-op-Zoom, 272, 385, 526-7


Berroes, Miguel de, 83.
Berwick, 22, 25-6, 32,:36, 57, 60, 77, 235,
243-4, 252, 256, 266, 268, 272, 355,
401. 404; Northumberland's execution
at, 407. 411, 416, 457, 459, 466, 487,
516, 575, 584, 612, 625, 634, 681, 686.
Berwick, captain of, see also Drury, —, 198.
Bingham, Captain, his offers to betray
Flanders to the Spaniards, 478, 483-5,
494, 496-7, 502, 545.
Bilbao, 90.
Birago (Rene de Biragues, Chancellor of
France), 401, 427, 442.
Biron, 241.
Biscay, 78, 81, 190, 234; unpreparedness of
the Spanish fleet at, 480. 590; trade
in whale oil with, 630........... & c.,   e x p o r t   o f   f o o d   t o,   2 3,   2 7,   3 2,   3 6,
37, 40.
Bishops, meeting of, to raise funds for the
Flemings, 644, 648-9.
Bivero, 305.
Blackness Castle, 465.
Blancnez, 655.
Blanco, Cabo, 483.
Bochetel de la Forest, French ambassador in
England, 10, 18, 47, 60, 62, 64-5, 72,
73-4, 76.
Bodenham, William, of Seville, 614, 621, 646,
658.
Bois le Due, 69.
Boison de, an envoy from Orange, 441.
Boisot, Admiral, 504..........., Governor of Zealand,. killed, 504,
507.
Bolton, 137.
Bomel, 484.
Bond, George, and nephews, an English house
trading with Spain, 590.
Bond, William, citizen of London, complaint
against the Inquisition, 535n, 537.
Bonius, Juan, a Florentine, an English spy in
Madrid, 645.
Bordeaux, 68, 388, 456, 519, 530, 560........... President of, 76.
Borghese, steward of de Spes', accused of
plot to poison Cecil, 373, 375.
Bossu, Count, 385; capture of Sparen, 468.
470; alleged to have been poisoned
by Orange, 653.
Bothwell, Earl of, 15, 48................, in Denmark, 26, 76.
Boulogne, 70, 348, 446, 688, 692.
Bourbon, Cardinal, 69.
Bourdeille, M. de, 134-5.
Bourman, Simon, an Englishman in Spain,
537.
Boyd, Lord, 76.
Brabazon, Ernest, to accompany Walsingham's mission to the States, 596.
Brabant, 415.
Bradham, the Court at, 505.




716


GENERAL INDEX.


TBrandenburg, Marquis of, 401, 404, 446, 465,
482.
Brazil, 352, 354, 480, 602.
Breadstuffs for Biscay and Asturias, &c.,
23, 27, 32, 36, 37, 40, 137.
Brederode, the bastard of, 188, 190, 192, 303,
306, 317, 325.
Bremen, 147.
Breton, Captain, 655, 704.
Bribes to English ministers, &c., see also
Fiesco, Suygo, and Lumley, 172-3,
176, 183, 206, 209, 578, 586-7, 588,
605, 610, 615, 664, 668-9, 674, 681,
684, 687-8, 690, 693, 695.
Bridewell, Spaniards in, 111, 113, 132, 136.
Brille, 366, 385-6, 390-1, 392, 394, 396, 398,
401, 410-11, 433, 441, 443-4,447-8,
452-3, 454, 461, 469-71, 517, 525........... Scotch  soldiers for, 529.
Brissac, 154.
Bristol, 173, 233, 299, 410, 480, 482, 685,
708.
Britanny, 470; fitting out of a Guise fleet in,
570. 702.
Britanny, the President of, a Huguenot, 268.
Bromley, Sir Thomas, Lord Chancellor, 658n,
659, 663, 702-3.
Brouage, 329, 339, 388.
Brown, Charles, 603........., Lady, 22, 44........... Thomas, despatched to France, 599.
Brucel, Juan, see Brug.
Brug, John, of Amsterdam, 81, 176, 183, 188.
Bruges, 69, 74, 112, 127, 216, 374, 398, 422,
474-5, 487, 563, 577, 603, 614, 643.........., English nuns expelled from, 645.
Brussels, 69, 95; plan to blow up the Cathedral of St. Gudule, 348; heretical
hymns sung in the Cathedral, 536.
542, 544-5, 584, 613.
Buchanan, George, his book; A detection of
the doings of Queen Mary, 347.
Bnckhurst, Lord sent to France to congratulate Charles IX., 287, 288, 294, 300,.330, 336, 350.
Buiz, Paul, envoy from Orange, 516-17, 522.
Buiscot, Councillor de, an  envoy  from
Requesens in England, 500-1, 506.
Bull, papal, against Elizabeth, 229, 245, 247,
251, 254-5, 257, 261, 266, 269, 274.
Buren, 495, 498.
Buren, Count de, 15, 18; his escape attempted
by Orange, 653.
Burgiam, Tadei, brings intelligence of the
Ridolfi plot, 336.
Burgos, 302, 560.
Burleigh, Lord, see Cecil.
Burleigh Iouse, 393.
Burton, John, an Englishman in Bilboa, 247.
Bussy d'Amboise, duel with Lorison, 611,
659; killed in Anjou, 694.
Buxton, Derbyshire, 590, 597.


0.
Cadiz, 237-8, 351, 519, 609, 617, 622, 679.
Cambre, prior of, near Corunna, insults Queen
Elizabeth, 535.
Calais, 13, 106, 206, 215, 274, 286, 353, 357,
370, 392,39., 409, 473, 486, 493, 518,
561-3, 579, 624, 675, 690, 702.......... plot to recover, 15, 274, 277........... captain of, 138, 562-3.
Calvinists, 49........... in Bruges and Ghent, 614, 618.
Calvos, Francisco, 174.
Camara, Baptista de Ia, al ex-friar, 248.
Camaroons, 592, 594.
Canaries, isles, 1, 94, 154, 480-1, 497.
Canterbury, 70, 202, 300, 306; de Spes sent
thither, 357, 370, 677..........., Archbishop of, Parker, 3, 5, 6, 10,
204........... See   of, 3.
Cape Clear, Ireland, 569.
Capel, an Englishman on the Spanish side in
Flanders, 511.
Capelo, Isardo, 534, 539, 540, 541, 610.
Caponi Pedro, a Florentine to accompany
Wotton to Portugal, 678.
Cardinal, the, afterwards King Henry of
Portugal, 24, 24n, 670.
Carew, Arthur, 97.........., Sir Peter, 421.
Carey, captain, an Englishman serving Philip
in Flanders, 499, 507.
Carlisle, 40, 48, 56, 62.
Carillo, Fernando de, Spanish ambassador in
Portugal, 224, 236, 670.
Carlos, Don, his arrest, 4, 6, 7, 8, 9, 21................  his  death, 70, 72.
Cartagena, 622.
Cashel, Archbishop of, 16, 210, 217, 308-9,
315.
Casimbrot, an envoy from Orange, 401, 407,
415, 456, 463, 464.
Casimir, Duke Hans, 179-80, 197, 227-8, 231 -2, 234, 259, 385, 474, 502, 536, 544-5,
577, 582, 590, 596, 620, 628, 631-2;
visit to England, 637-8. 641; attempted reconciliation with the French,
642-4. 348-54; adventure on his
homewvard voyage, 655. 657, 664, 690.
Casiodoro, a Spanish Protestant priest, 630,
653.
Caspian, sea, 280.
Castelnau de la Mauvissiore, French ambassador in England, 448, 501, 540,
544, 551, 570, 582, 599, 601, 611, 616,
620-1, 631, 641, 643, 655, 657, 667,
675, 700, 703.
Castle of Comfort, ship, 325, 351, 481, 515.




-''~ier


GENERAL iNDEX.


717


Catharine de Medici, Queen Mother of France,
7, 69, 73, 89, 290, 294, 302, 306, 320,
359, 423, 427, 448, 476; "no friend
to the Queen of Scots," 489. 497,
554, 561, 581, 589-90, 619, 619n, 620,
628, 633, 654; alleged plan to marry
Alencon to an Infanta, 659, 692, 695.
Cathay, 567, 618, 622, 670.
Catholic league, the, 8, 9, 13, 15, 21, 30, 42,
276, 316, 401, 403; renewed fears of,
in England, 425. 428; intrigues of
Cardinal Ursino, 431.  433, 445;
Elizabeth's alann of, 446. 452-3, 546,
570-1, 574, 577, 625, 632.
Catholics in England, 10, 16, 17, 22, 26, 44,
46, 51, 95, 109, 111,113, 135, 139, 148,
157, 179-80, 185, 199, 208, 209-10,
212-13, 218, 224, 225, 229, 241,245-6,
247, 250, 252, 255, 257, 261, 274, 277,
279, 282, 293, 302, 309, 322-3, 327-8,
335, 345, 412, 416, 433, 455, 460, 468,
470, 474, 477, 486; interrogatories administered to, 488-9. 490, 526, 572;
renewed persecution of, 577. 595,
607; reception of the Queen in Norfolk, 610.  611-13; their sufferings,
645, 665, 710-11.
Cato, the, a Queen's ship, 499.
Caunfer, 397-8, 414, 449, 456.
Cavalcanti, 156.........., Estriota, 163, 167, 169..........., Guido, 291n, 302, 304, 306,320, 334,
339-40, 346, 357, 359.
Cavannes, M. de, 192.
Cave, lady, 22, 44.
Cavendish, Sir Harry, 575, 577; to accompany
Wotton to Portugal, 673. 678.
Cecil, Sir William, successively Secretary and
Lord Treasurer, 1, 5, 6, 9, 12, 18, 19,
23, 24, 26, 27, 28, 31, 32,35, 37, 38, 39,
41, 52, 53,54, 57, 58, 59, 60, 64, 65, 75,
79, 80, 82, 83, 84, 85, 88, 91, 93, 95, 96,
97, 98, 99, 102, 106, 107, 110, 111,
112, 113, 117-22,122-32, 133-7, 138,
140, 142, 143, 145, 155, 156, 157,
158, 163, 164, 166-7, 169, 172, 174-5,
176, 180, 183,184, 185, 188-9,192, 196,
197, 199, 200,202, 205-6,209,219,223,
227-8,229,236,238,242,244, 246, 249,
254, 256; his alarm at Spanish armaments, 263-4, 265. 268, 270-1, 273,
280-1, 286, 290; is created Lord
Burleigh, 295. 297, 299, 302-3, 304,
306, 321-2, 325, 327-8, 330, 331, 334
-5, 337, 340-1, 345-6, 348, 350, 355-6,
357-8; description.of him by de Spes,
364. 370, 373-4; his interview with
Guaras, 376-84. 386, 389-90, 392,
394, 395-6, 397; made Lord Treasurer,
399. 402-3, 405, 412-13, 414; interview with Guaras, 417-26. 429, 432
-39, 440, 412, 444, 446-7,448-9, 451-2,
453, 455, 458, 460-2, 464, 467, 473,
483, 487, 493-4, 498, 501, 511 —12,
519-21, 524, 544, 565-6, 570-2, 573;
attached to Spanish interests, 586-7.
590, 610, 634, 636, 648; opposed to
the Alencon match, 658. 662-3; to be
ribed, 668-9. 673,674-5, 702, 705.




Cecil, Sir William, plot to overthrow, 145-6,
152, 155, 156, 166-7, 177......................  mnarriage of his daughter,
358-9.................. Lord Burleigh, letter to, from
Guaras, 472.
Cerralvo, Marquis of, an Irish page to, 247,
273.
Ceuta, 483.
Chamberlain, Lord (Howard), 24, 25, 26, 91,
97, 185, 204, 330, 384...,..................   m a d e   L o rd   P riv y   S e a l,
399.
Chambers, a Scots Councillor, offers his
service to Spain, 505.
Champerknowne, 481.
Champigny, M. de (Perennot), an envoy from
Requesens, 519-30, 539, 591...............   joins the rebels after the
' Spanish fury," 545, 551, 591................. n a r r o w   e s c a p e   f r o m   t h e   C a l -
vinists at Ghent, 618.
Chancellor, see Bacon, Sir Nicholas.
Chancellor, Lord, dissension with regard to appointment, 656, 658, 663.
Chantonnay, Spanish ambassador to the Emperor, 6, 11, 12, 14, 147.
Chapelle, la, 241.
Chapin, Vitelli, 156, 163, 191n.,.........,.letters from, 201, 219................, his  mission  to  England  respecting the seizures, 190, 192, 193,
196, 200-3, 205-7, 209, 211, 212-13............., his expulsion, 214-24, 230,262,
364, 380, 387.
Charite, La, 283........., lie, of Hlavre de Grace, 237.
Charles, Archduklle, negotiations for the
Queen's marriage with, 1, 2, 3, 13, 14,
15, 16, 18, 21, 24, 37, 180, 259, 273,
283, 288, 290...,,,......  159. his projected marriage
with the daughter of the Duke of
Bavaria, 465.
Charles V., Emperor, 38, 53, 66, 556.
Charles IX., King of France, 8, 11, 13, 15, 18,
23, 31, 42, 47, 56, 60, 69, 77, 89, 93,
95, 108, 112, 143, 145, 158, 173, 192,
226, 228; begs Elizabeth not to help
the Huguenots, 231. 241, 251; his
intercession for the Queen of Scots, 258.
264, 280-1, 285, 287, 290, 292, 294;
illness of, 318.  320, 325, 329, 331,
1 334; intercedes for Mary, Queen of
Scots, 34(. 350, 359, 371, 389, 392,
395-6, 401-2, 403, 4(5, 407, 412, 416,
425-6, 427, 440, 442, 445-6; threatens
to intervene in Scotland, 447-8. 452-3,
457-8, 463, 466, 476, 487.
Chartres, Vidame de, 145, 151, 180, 230, 278,
280, 291, 345, 413, 420, 426, 429,
432-3, 445, 447, 450, 452, 457, 459,
474, 486, 488, 497, 630-1.
Chateatu Portut, a Hluguenot, Vice-Admiral of
France, 82.




718


GENERAL iNDEX.


Chatelherault, 374........... Duke of, 15, 137, 139, 148, 231, 233,
235, 244, 271,400, -31, 628, 676, 681..............,,his  bastard  brother  killed,
320................, second   son  of, goes  to France
without permission of Murray, 11.
Chatillon, Cardinal (Odet de Coligny), 71;
his arrival and reception in England,
72, 74, 77, 88, 93, 108, 134, 138, 139,
140, 143, 157, 161, 174, 179-80, 185,
190, 192, 193, 200, 228, 231-2, 233-4,
235, 238-9, 241, 242, 244, 246, 250,
253, 256, 258, 262, 268, 275-6, 278,
280, 283, 284-5, 290-1, 293, 294; his
death, 300. 341, 363, 387............,... is wife and children arrive in
England, 75, 239.
Chatillons, the, 89.
Chaussey, Isle of, Britanny, 659.
Chester, 261.
Chester, Colonel or Captain, 397, 473, 483-4,
494, 498, 501, 503, 507, 514-15, 517,
525, 530-1, 539, 603................ a brother of, 498.
Chester of Bristol, 497.
Chile, 567.
Chios, Isle of, 710.
Cipres, Secretary to de Spes, 270-1.......... Juan, 504.
Cleys, Dietrich, a 1,rivatecr, 3)25.
Clinton, Earl of Lincoln, Lold Admiral, 97,
98, 117-22, 122-128, 112, 115, 153,
181, 202, 204, 218, 223. 210, 266,
269, 273, 276-7, 300, 331, 36!; described by de Spes, 364. 366, 390,
393, 456, 464, 479, 491, 498-9, 512,
693.
Clyde, river, 11.
Cobliam, the Queen takes leave of Alenyon
at, 694.
Cobhan, IIenry, accompanies Sussex to
Germany, 6, 14................,26,  213..e......,......, sent to salute Aniec of Austria,
270, 272........,......  hlis  embassy  to  the  Emlperor.
273, 283, 287, 290/n..,............, his missions to Spain, 298-9,
301-2, 304; report of the D)uke of
IFeria on, 307-8,:309-16; conversation with Feria, 31:3,:16-18; his
arrival in England, 321.  324, 326;
again to be sent to Spain, 367. 487,
492, 494, 495-6, 499; knighted, 499.
502; Philip's reception of him, 506;
reply from Alba, 510. 514, 518-19;
to be sent to Requesens, 527-8. 537,
543...........  Lord,  55, 71,  201,  206, 281,  3:39;
arrested, 310.  31;,:9:)3,  526,  56:;
sent with Walsingham to the States,
583. 585-6, 589, 594, 596, 597-9, GO6
-1, 604, 617, 620, 686.


Cobham, Thomas, sent to the Tower, 136;
substitutes other papers for those captured on Charles Baily, 322; arrested,
340. 353, 393.
Cobham's brother, 254.
Colchester, 226, 471, 482.
Colebrook, 201-2, 206-7, 221.
Collins, of Gravesend, 492.
Cologne, 512, 638.........., Conference of, 703.
Comlbe, John, authorised to coin base money,
483.
Commissioners  from  Scotland,  sec  also
Livingstone and Galloway, &c., 290-1,
293, 295, 297-8, 302-3.
Colmmissioners from  the States of Iolland,
455-6, 462-3, 477, 479, 482.
Conde, Prince of, 13, 16, 17, 19, 29, 60, 76,
79, 90, 91, 93, 94, 134, 138, 139, 143,
164, 408-9, 427, 482, 488, 495, 497,
502-3, 504, 575, 596, 599, 657, 709-10.
Conquet, 283.
Constantinople, 699.
Conversion of England, proposed address to
the (Quecn by Guerau de Spes, 85.
Cook, a pirate, 75.........., a sea  Captain, 212................. Isli  premature return' from
Barker's voyage, 593-4........... Sir Anthony, 79.
Copley, a Catholic gentleman, 50, 52, 58.
Corbett, Mrt., his mission to lequcsens, 509-10,
513-14, 518.
Corbo, island of, 677.
Cordova, 224.
Cordoba, Antonio de (a courier), 83.
Cork, 170.
Cornelius Hadria (the Captain of the smack
conveying Dr. Storey), 277.
Cornwall, a piratical fleet fitted out at, 582.
Corporation of London, 340, 315, 408, 667,
669.
Corunna, 691, 697
Cosse, Marshal de, 253.
Cotton, Captain, an  Englishmlan  serving
Philip in Flanders, 499, 507, 603.
Council, the, disposition of, 3, 4, 7, 36, 29, 63,
95, 97, 110, 111, 163, 164, 17:1, 174,
196, 206, 211, 256,291, 320, 1356, 384,
387-t8, 418, 423, 436, 451, 462, 47;6,
505, 535, 537, 544, 572-3, 590, 619,
668-9, 694-5.................,  their  action   respecting  the
Alenqon marriage, 644, 674-5, 692-3.
702, 704-5................, letter to, 105.
Courtney, an English pirate, 83, 88, 102.
Courvoisier, M., a privateer, 339.
Coventry, 213.
Cowes, 508.
Crawford, Earl of, 570.
Christmas, his slip seized by the lorltuguese,
282, 8341.




GENERAL INDEX.


719


Cristobal, a Portuguese in London, 353.
Croc, M. de, French Ambassador to Scotland,
379, 396-7, 400; his arrest, 401-2;
his release, 405.  413, 415-16; his
reception by Elizabeth, 431.  432
suspected of poisoning Mar, 441. 447;...,..., de, his son-in-law, 405, 413, 415-16.
Crofts, Sir James, Controller, 227, 241, 244,
248, 364, 384; to be bribed, 587.
610, 612; to be bribed, 668-9. 674,
681, 684, 690, 695......................  a  son  of, sent to Ireland,
597.
Culdenburg, Count, 515-16.
Cumberland, Earl of, 158, 183, 199, 211.
Curiel, Alonso de, 621.
Curiel, Geronimo de, 78, 105, 106.
D.
Dacre, Leonard, Lord, 232, 235; his defeat
and flight, 237. 255, 268, 275, 355,
414n......... Lord, Norfolk's stepson, 158, 167.
Dalbene, Alfonso, a Florentine, 336.
Dale, Dr., English ambassador in France,
453, 458, 467-8, 494.
Daniel (Rogers?), 467.
Dantzig, 499, 662.
D)'Anville, M., 306, 502.
Darnley, death of his sister, 530.
Dartmouth, 194, 504, 592.
D'Assonlevillc, Dr., 69; despatched to England about the seizures, 104, 106, 109,
110, 112-114, 122-32; result of his
mission, 141. 150, 151, 161, 178, 215,
364, 387.........., his statement to the Duke of
Alba, 122-32.................. his interview with the Queen
and Cecil, &c., 123-31..........,.... letter from, to Queen Elizabeth,
106................., placed under arrest in England,
106, 107, 134.
D'Aubigni, Baron, an envoy from Requesens,
his reception by the Queen, 472-73..............., his mission from the States,
533, 536.
D'Aubigny (Esrns Stuart), 706, 710.
1)auphine, 253.
Davell, Captain, murdered  by John of
Desmond, 685.
Davison, sent from the States to Orange, 542,
580-1, G62 n.
D e Castro de la Loo, Juan, 75.
De dela Damian, 265, 609.
Delft, 385, 456, 463, 484, 490, 498.
Delfthaven, 385.


Dembise, M., 190.
Denmark, 15, 147, 325, 348........., apologies to,  for  the  turning  of  a
ship, 679.
Denmark, King of, 26, 261, 511; an encounter with his ships, 593. 648, 679.
Derby, Countess of, arrested for gossiping
about Alenqon's coming, 692.................  also  accused  of  witchcraft,
693-4........... Earl of, 158, 183, 199, 229, 270-1,
274, 286...............,  his death, 436................ his sons, 436................. two sons of, see (also Stanley,
393.
Derby and Lancashire, Catholic conspiracy
ill, 277, 279, 281.
Desmond, Earl of, 210, 279, 292, 294, 597,
666, 685; flight of, 696. 700; returns
to the English side, 704; again rebels,
706............., a brother of, 279, 666; see
also Fitzmaurice, James........... J o h n   o f,   b r o t h e r   o f   t h e   E a r l,   m u r d e r
of Captain Davell, 685.
Deux Ponts, Duke of, 145, 153, 164, 227.
Diaz Francisco, 137, 154.
Dieppe, 15, 65, 108, 354, 404, 453, 460,
612........, plot to capture, 110.
Diest, 415, 563.
Dingle, Kerry, a fort surrendered to the
French, 289, 292, 294, 295, 2951.
Dolain, M. de, 81.
Dombibres (?), castle of, in Irel.nd, 97.
Donato, a banker in London, 213.
Doncaster, 223.
Doria Manuel, envoy from   the King of
Portugal, 300.
Dormer, Sir William, father of the Duchess
of Feria, his death, 493.
Dortrecht, 479, 498, 501, 503, 514.
Douay, Seminary of, 710.
Doughty, Master, his execution by Drake,
592, 602.
Douglas, George, the Queen of Scots' desire
to marry him, 26................ sent by Mary on a mission to
France, 50.......... M r.,   a r r e s t e d   i n   c o n n e c t i o n   w i t h   t h e
1idolfi plot, 336.
Dover, 15, 70, 91, 197, 206-7, 258, 272-3
276, 302-3, 306, 325, 328, 330, 341,
347-8, 353, 404-5, 426-7, 432, 446,
451, 459, 473, 494, 504, 507, 509,
562-3, 575, 620, 654, 673, 686, 694,
705.
Downs, the, 15, 170, 214, 237, 250, 268, 320,
325, 341, 353, 428-9, 464, 473.
Drake, Francis, 545, 569; description of first
portiol) of his voyage, 592-3.  602,
624, 683; his depredations, 694-5. 697;
reported arrival in England, 701. 709.




720


G:N E R A L INIDE x-.


Drinkingp cup, lpresent of, from, Mendoza to
Zayas, 642, 671.
1)rury, Sir William, Mahsile of Berwvick, 77,
7 7n, 1 80, 31I9, 3 55, 3 5 8, 4 94............3death    of,  in  Ireland,
7(13.
Dublini, 186, 246, 275, 4423, 492.
Dulin (Alleyn?), a Secretary of Cecil, 96, 97,
137, 143.
Dumbal (?), a llugiieot., 6.
Dumbarion, Il1, 22, 32, 36, 43, 90, 173, 17-7,
187, 235, 242, 264, 268; arrival of
Ships at, 281. 302-3, 304.
Dunbar, 575, 577~.
Dulnkirk, 95, 132, 206, 297, 481, 5070-8, 510,
526, 535, 542, 581, 604, 631, 637, 643.
Dupin, ML dle, 190, 213-11, 227, 233.
Dinras, ML, 699.)
Durham, 21 1.
1Durham Place, 297.
Ihuveland, 50-4.
Dyke, Captain, 6)3.
E.
Easterling~ merchanits, complaints of, 188,
3169-71, 376, 6,58, 6671.
Easternings in Enigland, 2 121, 46 i, 626), 658,
6 67.
Ediribuingh Castle, 243, 2,14, 1331, 3036,:338,
372. 400-1. 461, 465-6; snrrcnders to
Mlortoni, 470). 5F4, 6,57.
ELgmont, Conitess of; begs Elizabethi to intetr
cede for her husband, 13, 14.......YCount., 43......  1...~ his  execution,  51..  '111, 52,
387..........servants of, 114.
Elizabeth, Queen, letter to, 5' 2, 106, 15(1, 1 96,
541..,....Y....  letters  f ro ml, 22 1, 5049.. 5         3her  in1ovclm iits, 6,1-,,2  1, 25, 50
51, 57, 64, 70,  149, 151,17-,  180, 181,
1 89, 1 92, 1 9 3,  228, 239'I, 2 9 5,  35 5;'  oe ns
P-arliament 1572,:390. 1393, 399, 41.3,
417-18, 435, 467; conversation with
Guaras, 4191. 492, 497, 498, 503, 533,
576, 582-3, 607, 613, 618, 669; visits
Leicester at;Waustead, 674. 682, 697..h....I....~ler   -attitude  toward1s  Mary
Queen of Scots, 36, 42, 43, 44, 47, 48,
56, 57, 60, 633, 7-3, 155, 168, 180, 183,
187, 191, 1942, 19.3, 206-7, 231, 24F4,
262, 21187, 340, 4,56......., her Violenit spueci to (~londi,


Elizabeth, Queen, her aid to Flemish andi French
Protes,-tants, 4, t;, 7, 13, 16, 17, 53, 54,
55, 6 1, 6:1, 7 6, 7 7, -79, 891., 92, I112, 1 22,
1410, 143, 1-57, 16-1, 179-81), 186, 192,
2904-5, 207, 227, 231, 234, 23-5, 241-2,
244-6, 248-9, 250, 287-8, 289, 296,
298-9, 32F8, 338, 366, 385. 6, 387-8,
3191-4, 396-71, 399., 401, 405, 407,
410-11, 413-15, 420, 425, 4271-8, 43(1,
433; recall of Eniglishmen fronm
Holland, 435-6. 440-1, 445-6, 44 7,
449-50, 452-31, 4.54-6, 457, 459-6(1),
463; her excuse for allowing" aid to
go~ to lRochelle, 463-4. 465, 468, 471),
473-5. 476, 4719, 483, 494-6, 501, 5013,
51-)6  Englfishmen in Flanders to he
recalled, 507. 508, 511, 512-13, 514 -15, 520-5, 526, 528-9, 535-6,.537-9.
542, 545-6, 548, 5551, 557, 562-1-6, 570,1
572-3, 574, 579-81, 584, 586; demands
of the States, 589. 598, 600-1, 6119,
612, 615; Scotch troops to be raised,
625. 634-6; loaa demanded by thme
States, 643. 648-9, 664...... her negotiations for marriage
wvit'i the Archdukec Charles, 1, 2, 6, 7,
1 3, 1 4, 1 5, 24, 3 7, 18 0, '2 59, 2 73, 2 83,
288, 291n., 315..,....... suggestions for her marriage
with D~on Juan of Akustria, 369..,....... proposals for her miarri-age with
the Dunke of Anjou, 288, 290-1, 292,)
295n, 31)2-3, 306-7, 318-121, 320,
324-5, 326, 328-34, 337, 13319, 34(1-2,
3 49, 3 59, 306 5.......suggested       marcriae  w ith
Leicester, 546.
I........., inegotiationis for her marriage
Nmthi the D)nke of A~enQOD, 41..13,
40..6, 516-19, 52:1, 528, 57.5, 602-6,
61 1.2-I3,  611 15; preparations  for
\Jcencon's visit, 616. 619, 621 1  hlihp's
dis~blit&fif in  thmi match, 622.  621'  6' 7 N-4
(33 1, 636- 7;books lit French tw oust
the match, 6i38; lrolposed condituions
6 19 o0. 65,45,6157-6-4, 667-9~ 674-5
677, t679 81, 683, 687, 688; her reception ot Alen~on, 690. 692-4; present
fioin Alenqon, 694. 695; her entertainment of the French envoys, 700'-2
ad ress of the Council, 702- 3; her
decterimination to efficct the marriage,
704-5.....5illness of, 2, 23, 27,25,3,.118. -121), 4121, 4120, 4190..,her character given by- G arac~s.l2-r a.larmu atASpanish arnmimnien~;
25"6, 26 1 2 "631 266 270 177; at thu.
Spanish fleet for F landers, 480. 50:1,
537   at Stukeley's exl editioni,.561.
570  at  the, (atliolme, leagrue,  625;  at
French intriaiuc in 'ottlme, 6341. 134.,
66 1 (66 -8;-it the mising in Ireland,
686.  689; at  J'hilip'  fleet,  706-7.her poverty, 113; coinpared
vitfl Phlihp hs (,u~mas, 603........... hIbm  inter views  w ith  Guaras,
381-2 30)




GENERAL INDEX.


721


Elizabeth, Queen,- scoffs at the Papal 1Bull,
252............., her proclamation against seditious libel, &c., 284..........,......,  her  religions  attitude,  6, 51,
485-6,   601;   anonymous   protest
against her assumption of the headship
of the Church, 641; arrest of a Puritan
preacher for preaching to the same
effect, 667................, proposed address to her by
Guerau de Spes on the reversion of
England to Catholicism, 85, et seq.......,..,.......  her  justification  for  seizing
Spanish property in England, 98-9,
100, 101..........,......, her reception of the news of
St. Bartholomew, 408-9, 412-13, 416 -17,426................, invited to stand sponsor for the
daughter of Charles IX., 440, 458-9..........,...... offers her mediation in the
Netherlands, 436, 452, 462, 487, 509,
511, 527, 528; Sir John Smith's mission
to Spain, 533. 535, 537; approaches
made to Guaras, 534; Philip's reply,
541; Wilkes' mission, 549. 558-9,
565-6, 571, 574, 579, 585-6, 589,
618-19, 622, 632................, her opposition to French interferenee in the States, 497, 501, 503,
506, 516, 520, 531, 538, 564, 570-1,
574, 583, 585-6, 589, 598, 601, 619,
632, 654................, her audiences of Mendoza,
564-6, 572-3, 574; her distrust of him,
575. 578-80, 585-7, 600, 601, 617-18,
625, 628; his attempt to arouse jealousy
against the French, 631.  632, 641,
652, 654, 686, 688-690, 695-6, 707.........., her disagreements with Orange
and the States, 532, 619, 657, 690.,...,.....,  attempted assassination of, at
Kenilworth, 498, 500..............., her alleged  daughter by
Leicester, 491.,.....,....... compared to Joan of Naples by
de Spes, 290.
Elizabeth of Austria, wife of Charles IX.,
283.
Elizabeth of Valois (third wife of Philip II.),
1.............,   her deatl, 89.
Ellis, Captain (Villiers?), 484-5, 486q, 502,
596.
Embden, 67, 193, 227, 496-7, 513........, trade with, 55, 56, 107, 145, 657,
662.
Embden, Count of, 55, 56,
England, statements of de Spes respecting,
157, 363-6............. of de Guaras respecting, 421,
424-5, 439, 474.
]nglefield, Sir Francis, 46, 46n, 62, 82,
672n.


English Amnlltassador expelled from Madrid,
see Man................ in France, see Walsingham,
Dale, and Paulet.......... occupation of the Netherlands, projected, 494-507, 511, 514; offers from
Orange, 515-33. 634-6.........., offers to serve Philip in Flanders,
484-5, 496, 499, 502, 505, 507, 514,
529; proposal to betray Flushing, 531.
543-4, 546, 548, 571; to betray Ramequin, 593; volunteers for Gravelines,
620. 623, 671, 698, 710.......... interests abroad, protection of, by the
Government, 499.
Englishmen accused of plotting to murder
Don Juan, 628-9, 672n.......... in Spain, 22, 38, 39, 40, 77, 105, 127,
142, 168, 176-7, 194, 251, 321, 335,
419-20, 424, 435, 472, 491, 496, 498,
519; Cecil's complaints, 521; cornplaints of their treatment, 535-6.
537-8, 543, 578, 580, 586-7, 636, 641,
644-5; crew of an alum ship at Alicante,
captured, 676-9.  697, 704.
Enriquez, Martin de, his punishment of
Hawkins in New Spain, 110, 141.
Eraso, Cristobal de, his son plundered by
Barker, 594........... Franco de, 560.
Erskine, Lord, 575, 582, 584..............., son of, strangled in the capture
of James VI. by Morton, 582.
Escorial, the, 59, 71, 627.
Esperance, the, of Quiloit, 237.
Espinosa, Cardinal, President of the Council
of Castile and Inquisitor General, 37,
67.
Essex, Countess of, 511....,....,....., her marriage with Leicester,
682 n........., Earl of, see also Hereford, 487......,.... his feud with Leicester, 511..........,...... offered  the conimand  in
Holland, 516.
Etienne, Robert, French Protestant printer,
a book by him, 140.
Eton College, Arundel confined therein,
208.........,   t h e   M a r q u is   d 'I l a v r e y   l o d g e d   t h e r e,
548.
Exeter, Earl of, 183.
Eyde, the (ship), 79.
F.
Fadrique (le Toledo, son of the duke of Alba,
402, 468, 648, 687.
Falcon, the, a Queen's ship, 502.


y 76467.




722


GENERAL INDEX.


Falmouth, 91, 93, 243, 250, 265, 429, 434,
439, 515, 526.
False money, 375, 483, 490, 529.
Felton, John, 251, 266-7.
Fenner, a privateer, 429-30, 434, 464.
Fere la, Picardy, 709.
Feria, duke of (Gomez Suarez de Figueroa),
19, 34, 35, 41, 46, 62, 67, 105;
his report on Cobham's mission, 307.
313-316; negotiates with Fitzwilliams
about Hawkins' offer, 333; his death,
336. 377.,.........  h is   so n,   3 58..,..........., letter to Zayas on Cobham's
mission, 308.........,. statement of conversation with
Henry Cobham, 313......., duchess of, 35, 46, 62n, 62, 67, 313,
496.,,,......, her English relatives, 67, 105..............., death of her father, 493.
Fernandez, Simon, a Portuguese pilot, 591.
Fernando, infant son of Philip, 11, 354-5,
362, 371-2.
Fez, kingdom of, 230, 248, 488, 591; insolent
message from the King, 611. 679.
Fiesco, Thomas, a Genoese merchant in
Antwerp, 163, 168, 172, 175, 178, 184,
186, 188, 196, 206, 209, 220, 227, 230,
234, 235, 312, 318, 324, 331, 333, 339,
348, 350, 353, 355, 356-7, 361-2, 365,
371-3, 379, 387..........,.......  letter  from,  to  Secretary
Albornoz, 372.
Fil Bernard, merchant of London, 538.
Finance, money raised, borrowed, and lent by
the Queen, 11, 79, 83, 85, 90, 94, 143,
153, 213, 240, 242, 248, 252, 262, 415, i
450, 454, 459, 494, 512; the question
of usury, 512-3. 561, 576, 580, 612;
money   borrowed  by   the  States
guaranteed in England, 616-17. 640,
643, 669.
Finistcrre, Cape, 399.
Fitzgarret, 170.
Fiitznraurice, 154, 159, 328.........., Sir John (James), 597.,........  James,  leaves  Ireland  for  France,
289, 328...,..h,.....,  his expedition to Ireland, 666,
666n,  668, 673,   679-80, 685-6.
689-90.,,,......,....... killed in a skirmish, 694...,....., sece also I)esmond.
Fitzwilliamns, Commissioner to Flainders respectiug the seizures, 264, 267, 269,
270-1.,......... George, offrs to Spain on behllf of
Hlawkins, 317-18, 322-3, 326, 329,
333, 335-6, 346, 355, 370, 374, 496.
flanders, trade with, 113, 136, 142-4, 145,
190, 209-10, 214-24, 324, 443, 471,
475-6, 493, 495, 579, 649, 655, 657,
662, 699.


Flanders, troubles in, 18, 21, 22, 27, 51, 53,
55, 56, 61, 63, 69, 70, 78, 83, 112, 227,
389-95, 400-5, 413-16, 418-19, 425;
see also Netherlands and States.......... Protestants in, 22, 53.
Fleming, Lord, 41, 42, 43, 44, 47, 48, 50, 52,
62, 304, 372.
Flemish rebels, 57, 81, 244, 250, 354, 385,
391-4, 410, 433.......... refugees in England, 27, 28, 33, 46,
52, 53, 54, 55, 56, 57; 58, 59, 60, 61,
63, 64, 140, 232-3, 234, 238, 244, 258,
297, 329, 338, 385, 390, 391-4, 40],
410; their great number, 429. 450,
457, 470, 473, 479, 482, 504, 507-8,
572, 579, 613, 620; seized for debts
owing by the States &c., 649. 655,
657, 662, 687.
Florence, Duke of, 157, 334; divulges the
Ridolfi plot, 335-6. 337, 345, 349, 405........., news from respecting Stukeley, 561.
Florian, a courier, 114.
Florida, 68, 69, 108, 135, 236, 257, 261, 277.
Flushing, 385-6, 390-1, 392, 394, 397;
Elizabeth's offer to hold it for Philip,
397-8. 400, 402, 404, 407, 410-11,
412,425, 427,432-3, 439, 440,443, 447,
449-50, 452-3, 454, 456, 460, 464-5,
467-8, 469-71; Bingham's offer to
betray, 484. 486, 492-3,504,507, 508,
510, 514-15, 516, 518, 525; statement
of a soldier from, 526; offer to betray,
530-1. 332-3, 599, 650, 654-56.
Fogaza, Antonio, 192, 193, 200, 224, 236, 239,
241, 250, 257-8, 261, 275, 282, 300,
319, 334, 331 351n,352, 400, 455,478,
482; Iis services and need, 540. 579,
G 1, 665; statement of his career,
670-1. 672-3, 691..........,....., letters from, 351, 395, 397,
400, 404, 407, 411, 413, 415,-421, 426,
430, 434, 440, 446, 448, 453, 456, 459,
460, 464, 465, 467, 467, 469, 474, 475,
-176, 477, 78, 479, 480, 482, 539.
Foix, M. de, 329, 330-4, 337, 339-42, 365,
386; interview  with Burleigh, 395.
396, -102, 426, 440.
Foreigners in london, to be registered, 686.
Fortescue, Captain, ai privalcc, 592.......... -, sent to Portugal, 629.
Fortini, Baptista, 156.
Foster, Sir John, General of the MIarchels,
498.
Fourquevault, M. de, French allbassador in
Spain, 321.
Foxall, John, merchanlt of,ondon, 538.
France, events in, 2, 7, 10, 11, 13, 15, 22, 23,
24, 60, 63, 175, 206, 408-10, 430, 4i5;
rising of the "Politici:ans" 477. 4H0;
defeat of the lReiters, 507. 527, 657.
Franchot, Captain, 156.
Frankfort, 83, 94, 143.
Frelon, a Gueux leader, 385.




GENERAL INDEX.


723


French alliance, negotiations.for, 290-2, 295n,
302-3, 306-7, 318-20, 324-6, 328-34,
337, 339-42, 345-7, 349-50, 351, 357 -8, 359, 365, 371, 379, 385-6, 390, 395 -7, 398; remonstrances against it by the
Pope, Philip, Venice, and the Emperor,
401-2. 403, 406, 409, 412, 418, 423;
fresh approaches to the English after
St. Bartholomew, 426.   436, 440;
Elizabeth's distrust, 446. 492; renewed
negotiations, 501. 516-19, 576; fresh
approaches consequent on Alengon's
advance on the Netherlands, 590. 611,
616, 630, 633-36; his retirement,
644-5, 649; renewed distrust of Elizabeth, 661. 667, 692-3; Spanish fears
of, 695. 700-4.
French, the, in Flanders, 588-90, 601, 620,
625, 631, 635-6, 637; retirement of
Alengon, 644-5, 649, 689, 696.......... envoy to Scotland, 25, 40.......... captain's proposal to betray Flemish
fortresses, 659-60.......... ambassador, see Bochetel, La Mothe
and Castelnau.
Friars, attacked by pirates, 154, 172.
Frias, Hernando de, 183.
Friesland, 56, 62, 63, 64, 69.
Frobisher, Captain Martin, 341, 469; offers to
serve the Spaniards in Flanders, 503;
description of his first voyage to
Hudson's  Bay   567-9;  his second
voyage, 576; assays of ore brought by,
583. 590, 594-5, 597, 614-15; return
from his second voyage, 618. 622, 642,
664-5, 670.
Fuentarrabia, alleged capture of, by Huguenots,
699.
Fugger, 545.
Fuggers (bankers), of Cologne, 564.


Geneva, 431.
Genlis, IIuguenot General at Mons, 520.
Genoa, trade with, 157, 617, 622, 669, 676-7.
Genoese, the, 83, 93, 512.
George, Captain, 297.
Germany, 27, 90, 96, 107, 147, 195, 197, 207,
209, 211, 223, 224, 226-7; English
envoy to, 442. 446, 449; raising of
mercenaries in, 450. 452, 454, 456,
461, 464, 494-6, 502, 505, 513.........., Protestant princes of, 289, 292, 334,
339, 349, 390, 401, 428, 433, 482.
Ghent, 398; the Catholic clergy expelled, 591,
613; loan on the church plate, 616;
Protestant University in, 617; rising of
the Calvinists, 618, 628; the Vidame's
mission from Ghent to France, 630.
638, 649-50, 656, 687; begs Casimir to
return, 690. 703, 710.
Ghent, the agreement of, 598-9, 600-1, 695.
Giacomo, Pascual, Spinola's partner in Antwerp, 93.
Gilbert, Sir Humphrey, enters Flushing,
397-8, 412, 436; return to England,
439. 443, 583, 591, 594, 607, 654, 680;
his raid in Galicia, 695-6.
Giles Grey, the, a ship, 153.
Gineta, the (ship), 79.
Giraldi, Chevalier, Portuguese agent in
England, 376, 476, 478, 481, 483, 487,
490, 507, 557, 670, 673.
Glamis, Lord, Chancellor of Scotland, 570.
Godofredo, foreign master of the posts elect,
75.
Goigni, M. de, 545.
Gomera (island of), 1, 352.
Gomez de Silva, Juan, 351-2.
Gondi, Jerome, Count de Retz, a French
envoy, 576; sent on a mission to Scotland, passport refused, 580; unfavourable reception by Elizabeth, 581-2.
584, 586.
Gonzaga, Octavio, pursues the Duke, of
Arschot, 547.
Gonzales, Montano, Reginaldo, his book on
the Inquisition, 50.
Gonzalo de Illescas, Dr., his book upon Pontifical history containing objectionable
references to the Queen, 32, 33, 37, 43,
46, 64, 70, 79, 80, 178.
Gracian, Secretary of Philip II., 308, 506.
Granvelle, Cardinal de, 191; said to be
intriguing with the rebellious Flemings,
539. 666.
Gravelines, 399, 451; an attempt to be made
upon, 509. 535, 542, 578; intrigues of
Alencon in, 581. 604, 620; suspicions
of treachery at, 621. 623, 643, 649;
plot to capture, 650. 710........, bugler sent thither to stay Chapin
Vitelli, 199, 200, 206.........., Captain of, see La Motte.
Gravesend, 370-1, 402, 404, 416, 517, 563-4,
577-8, 671


G.
Galicia, 303, 410, 432, 456, 675-6.
Galloway, Bishop of, Commissioner to the
Queen of Scotland, 287.
Garde, M. de la, envoy from Orange, 517.
Gardiner, Master, 608.
Garnica, Philip's treasurer, 588, 605, 607,
Garonne, 68.
Garret, Sir Thomas, 353..........., a Catholic gentleman, 325........,, Master, captain of the pensioners,
196.
Gascony, 449, 454, 596.
Gassot, Secretary Jules, 554.
Gate, M. de, Flemish envoy from Philip II.,
551, 554-5.
Gemblours, battle of, 560, 560 n.
Geneta, the, of Havre de Grace 237.




724


GENERAL INDEX.


Graveton, Richard, sent to Spain by the
London merchants, 679, 684, 691, 698,
700-2.
Greenwich, 21, 25, 31, 37, 149, 151, 155, 202,
295, 355, 467, 564, 576, 582, 583;
Simier lodged there, 683. 690, 697.
Gregory XIII., Pope, 401, 403, 421, 428, 431,
433, 445, 466, 574, 590, 601, 622-3,
625, 632; threatens to excommunicate
Alengon if he marries Elizabeth, 661;
his aid to James Fitzmaurice, 666n.
684, 7 10n.
Gresham, Thomas, 72, 74, 85, 90; his negotiations with Dr. )'Assonleville, 122-132.
213, 331, 353; to be sent to Iolland,
413; accident to, 420. 5-17.
Grey, Lord, sent to Ir'eland, 297..........?...... to  ro to the Netherlands, 548.,.,......, Lady Catharine, Coluntess of Hertford, her death, 4, 4A, 12, 429.............., her sons, 4, 85, 229, 249,
325, 328, 383, 393, -129, 485, 490, 491.
Greynvil, 170, 481.
Grimaldo, Paul, an Italian merchant in London, 684.
Grindal, Bishop of London, translated to
Ycrk, 241.
Grote, Francis, a secretary, 544.
Grininghen, 658.
G uaras,'Antoniode, letters fiom, 193, 203, 249,
255, 260, 262, 265, 266, 268, 269, 269,
272, 272, 276, 376, 379, 384, 384, 389,
390, 397, 408, 410, 417, 417, 422, 422,
431, 435, 437, 444, 444, 450, 451, 455,
462, 472-3, 474, 478, 483, 484, 485, 486,
487, 490, 491, 491, 492, 493, 493, 495,
496, 497, 499, 501, 502, 503, 505, 506,
508, 508, 510, 510, 512, 514, 517, 519,
519, 522, 523, 523, 525, 527, 528, 529,
530, 531, 533, 534, 534, 536, 538, 542,
545, 547, 548, 550................  letter from, to Burleigh, 472................, letters to, 500, 506, 534..........,....,26, 70, 119, 148, 206; his pro.
posals for putting down piracy, 250.
351n, 353, 376, 376n; his interview
with the Queen, 381-2; interviews with
Cecil, 417-26; being deceived, 427.
435-9; interview with Cecil, 451-2.
458, 462, 469, 471; his suggestion for
injuring England allnd Ireland, 474; his
action towards Fogaza, 478.  489;
interview  with the Queen, 505; conversation with Cecil, 520-1. 542, 545;
his suggestions for attacking England,
546. 549; his petition for reward, 553.
671..............., his house attacked, 148............... his arrest andl imprisonment,
549-52, 557, 563, 573, 574, 593; his
altercation with the Councillors, 593-4;
his examination, 602-4, 605, 607;
Aguirre's examination, 607-8. 610,
616-18, 624-5, 627, 629, 640, 651, 654,
656, 665; his release, 665. 667, 670,
673-4; sails for SIpn;m, 67(;; his stay
in Paris, S62.


Guaras, Gombal de, 622-3, 624, 630, 640, 651,
G65, 667, 673-4, 676.
Gueldres, 27, 394.
Guernsey, 413, 417, 429, 432, 442, 474, 476,
480.
Gucux, the, 385-6, 401-2, 490.
Guiennc, 449, 454; proposed cession of, to
England, 455. 466, 470, 48(, 596.
Guildford, 185.
Guildhall, London, 340, 345, 468, 472.
Guilds of London, their trained bands, 595.
Guinea (voyages to), 1, 18, 22, -1, 80, 215,
236, 243, 254, 258, 353-4.
G(inelo (?), M. de, 545.
Guise, Duke of, 69, 416; his massacre of the
people of Mons, 425. 427, 44-1, 487,
545; (liscontented in Paris, 570. 590;
proposedl marriage with Princess of
Beam (Catharine), 628.
Guise, Cardinal, 69.
Guises, the, 13, 89, 359, 396, 416, 427, 441-2,
540.
Guzman de Silva, 81,82,105; his good conduct
in England, 119, 221.........., begs to be recalled, 10, 21, 45.........., his departure, 65, 66-69, 71, 72........... sent as ambassador to Venice, 31, 45,
65.........., his action regarding the match with
Archduke Charles, 12, 15........., his ilterviews with the Queen, 1, 4,
5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 13, 14, 15, 18, 21, 24,
25, 27, 29, 33, 34, 39, 41, 47, 48, 49,
53, 55, 56, 57, 64, 65, 66, (7, 178........., letters to, 3, 18, 30, 33, 36, 44, 59...,....., letter from him to Queen Elizb)eth,
52....,..., letters from, 1, 2, 4, 5, 6, 8, 10, 11,
12, 13, 16, 17, 21, 23, 25, 26, 29, 31,
32, 33, 35, 37, 4(, 40, 41, 42, 43, 43,
-146, 50, 59, 61, 62, 63, 64.
H.
Haarlem, 463, 468, 470, 472, 513, 528.
Hacha, Rio de la, 594.
IIaddon, D)r. (Master of Requests), 24.
I-ainhault, 696, 710.
Ifamn House, 76, 239.
I-amberton,: nephew of the Vice-Admiral,
79.......... (Harrington?), George, a kinsman of
tle Duchess of Feria, 2 1S
lamburg, 147, 287, 456, 461, 481........... the merchants of, 407, 415, 449,
t454.




GENERAL INDEX.


725


Hamburg, trade with, 107, 113, 135, 136, 138,
142, 143, 144, 145, 147, 152, 153, 154,
155, 158, 165, 170, 176, 182, 185, 187-8,
189, 190, 193,205,227,232,237,241-2,
244, 249, 250, 280, 286, 331, 341, 346,
481, 532, 626, 662.
Hamilton, the heir of, see Chatelherault.........., the house of, 11, 22, 24, 48........,     seizure of their estates by
Morton, 676, 681, 708, 710.........., John, 189........... the murlerer o Mrry, 231-2, 233,
234.
Hamilton Castle, 32.
Hampton, Bernard, Secretary, 83, 93, 121,
142, 248,340. ~
Hampton Court, 81-2, 95, 192, 193, 228, 231,
240, 290, 393, 4351, 515, 533, 550,
613,
Hare, Master, 608.
Iarper, a pilot, 593.
Harrington, 31, 81; see also Hamb-rton.
Harrington, George (?), 218.
Hartlepool, 215, 218.
Harwich, 145, 154, 155, 272, 486.
Haselby, Captain, his offer to betray the
Prince of Orange, 483, 485.........,,to be sent to the Landgrave,
596.
HIastings, -, an envoy to Orange, 510, 514-15,
517.
Hatfield, 64.
Hatton, Sir Christopher, 472, 492, 524, 527,
529, 546, 570, 572, 605, 609-10, 615............, his banquet to Castelnau and
Simier, 655................, friendly with Leicester, 658-9............... to be bribed, 668-9................. opposed to Simier's proceedings, 683................ words with the Queen about
the AlenQon match, 704, 709.
Havering, 57.
Havre de Grace, 13, 108, 388, 398, 486.......... plot to capture by the Huguenots,
76.
Havrey, Marquis d', a brother of the Duke of
Arschot, envoy from the States, 544,
545-6; his conversation after dinner,
547; entertains the Council at Eton
College, 548. 564-5, 570-1,573, 576-7,
578-9, 649.
Hawkins, John, 83, 88. 102, 249, 273, 277,398,
414, 456, 459-60, 463................ his voyages to the Indies
&c., 1, 17, 21, 73, 80, 108, 110, 135,
138, 141, 194, 224, 236, 241, 245, 248,
251, 253, 257-8, 261, 263, 265,'266-7,
268, 272, 274, 294, 492, 499-500, 569..............., his  offer  of  services  to  Spain,
317-19, 322-3, 326, 329, 332-3, 335-6.
346, 348-9, 351, 355, 366, 370, 374,
379, 389........, James, 249.


Hawkins, a prisoner of the Inquisition, 519,
551.
Ieidelberg, 231, 497.
Heneage, Sir Thomas, 302.
Henry III., King of France, 482, 485; plot to
kill him, 487; to be given the Garter,
492. 496; threatens Spain, 501. 502,
506; rejects Elizabeth's intercession for
the Huguenots, 517. 540, 543, 545;
his interview with Mendoza, 561-3.
570, 571-2;    alleged  intrigues in
Ireland, &c., 574-5. 589-90, 597;
his intrigues in Scotland, 601; fresh
approaches to Elizabeth, 610-13. 614,
616, 620; intrigues with Morton, 624.
625, 628; plots in the Netherlands,
631; advances to Elizabeth, 636-7.
654, 657, 660, 661, 692;     meets
Alengon on his return from England,
697. 699, 703-5, 706, 710.
Henry, King of Portugal, 673, 683, 707.
Henry VIII., 38, 53, 580.
Herbert, Dr., a brother of the Earl of
Pembroke, 434.
Hereford, Viscount, see also Essex, 198,
214.
Herll, 536, 607.
Hermanus, a Flemish preacher, 514, 617.
lernando, Prior, 183.
Heron, 487.
Heron, Master, 608........... Sir George, 498.
Ilerries, Lord, 41, 42, 43, 44, 47, 56, 57, 60,
76, 233, 457, 586-7.
Hessels, Councillor, murdered by the Calvinists
of Ghent, 618.
Hispaniola, island of, 254, 258, 300.
Hofman, Giles, a servant of Rodensanger of
Antwerp, 420.
Hogan, see Huggins.
Holland, see Netherlands.
Hood, John, a servant of Murray, 50.
Hopperus, 150, 177.
Hopton, Captain, 502........., Ralph, 494.
Horn, Count, execution of, 51, 52.............., servants of, 114.
Horne, Henry, English envoy to Germany,
&c., 446-7, 449, 452-3, 462, 464-5.
Iorses, English, improvement of the breed of,
429.
Horsey, see Wight, Isle of, Governor.
Howard, Lord, 492; to command a fleet of
six ships, 595. 705......., Charles, sent to salute the passage
of Anne of Austria, 276, 277, 330........... Lord  William, Lord Privy Seal,
see also Chamberlain, 399..........  Lady, 661.
Hoyos, Captain Hernando de, taken prisoner
at Rye, 526, 528.
Huddon (?), son-in-law of the Lord Chancellor,
498.




726


GENERAL INDEX.


Huggins, Robert (or Hogau), an English spy
in Spain, 247, 260, 273, 275, 319, 332,
358, 487, 489.
Hugruenots, the, 13, 15, 16, 17, 22, 23, 24,
25, 60, 63, 71, 72, 74. 77, 83, 89, 179,
190, 192, 193, 197, 228, 231-2, 233,
235, 241-2, 244, 249, 253, 257-8, 262,
268; peace made with the King, 270.
276, 280; discontent of the Cotholics
with the peace, 281. 283, 318n, 334,
357-8, 359, 387-9, 395-6, 102; St.
Bartholomew, 408-9. 412; flight of,
to England, 413. 416-17, 423, 426,
431-2, 433, 440, 442; collection in
London for, 443. 445, 447-8, 449-50,
454, 457, 460, 466, 474, 479, 482, 488,
501-2, 517-19, 540, 544; their advance
on Flanders, 590; renewed suspicions
of Henry III., 620. 637, 689.
Hume, Lord, 225, 319, 336.
Hume Castle, 249.
Humphreys, Dr. Lawrence, his death at
Oxford, 542.
Hunsdon, Lord, 202, 223, 235; defeats Dacre,
237. 355, 401, 404, 494, 547, 584, 612,
625, 637.
Huntingdon, Earl of, 12, 183, 195, 197, 198,
201, 205, 212, 214, 227, 229, 358.
IHuntingdon, county of, rights of the Crown
of Scotland over, 580.
Huntly, Earl of, 11, 148, 154, 173, 235, 355,
404, 431, 442, 457-8, 575................, his brother, Adam  Gordon,
sent on a secret mission to the Guises,
427, 457-8.
Hutt, Captain, 517.
T.
Iceland, 567, 595.
Idiaquez, Don Juan de, 688.
Illescas, Dr., see Gonzalo de Illescas.
Inquisition in Spain, 38, 105, 127, 142, 177,
194, 251,419,420, 491-2. 497-8, 519,
520-1; Sir John    Smith's mission
respecting, 535-6. 537, 541, 551, 578,
580, 636-7, 640, 641, 676-9, 684..............., books upon, 50. 496.
Ipres, I. d', 257.
Ipswich, 283, 471.
Iralta, Domingo de, King's postmaster at
Irun, 560, 578-9, 640, 677.
Ireland, troubles in, 1, 5, 32, 97, 154, 165;
grants of land to London merchants,
165. 170, 173, 186, 188, 209, 225-6,
230, 236, 261, 275, 318, 328, 358, 440,
442,449, 474,476, 487, 539, 668, 685-6,
689-90, 694; flight of the Earl of
Desmond, 696. 704..,....., Catholics in, 16, 159, 186, 209-10,
217, 226, 252, 256-7, 259, 275, 388-9.


Ireland, Stukele's attempts against, 159, 226,
252, 257, 260, 275, 278-9, 281, 286
293, 297-8, 299, 304-5, 330, 389, 561,
590, 597, 601.........., Fitzmaurice's attempt against, 666,
666nz, 668, 673, 679-80, 685-6, 689;
death of Fitzmaurice, 694.......... granted to Philip II. by the Pope,
293.........., revenue from, 291........... Vice-royalty  refused  by several men,
706.
Irish Bishop from Italy, capture of. 186.
Irun, 560.
Italy, signs of Protestantism in, 22.
J.
Jacques, Postmaster of Bruges, 68.
Jacques de Boulogne, the, a privateer, 338.
James VI. of Scotland, 28, 148, 158, 239;
Elizabeth demands his surrender, 249.
279, 285, 298-9, 319, 328, 33S, 430,
442, 449, 456-8; seized and rescued,
459. 461, 464, 467, 470, 485, 488,,491,
495, 497,.503, 530; alleged plot of
Drake to seize him, 545-6. 562, 575;
captured by Morton, 582. 584; an
alleged French plot to seize him, 599.
615, 633-4, 637; his letter to the
Queen about his marriage, 654-5. 657,
661, 676; repulse of his mother's messenger, 681................. project to send him to Spain,
107, 137, 148, 160, 189................., proposal to marry him to the
eldest Infanta, 474, 484-5, 546, 575..........,....., French proposal to marry him
to a daughter of the l)uke of Lorraine,
628, 633.
Jarnac, battle of, 138.
Jarvis, Arthur, his statement respecting the
Prior of Cambre's insult to the Queen,
5351.
Jeneye, an Englishman sent to Germany,
481.
Jerez, 259.
Jesus of Lubeck (ship), 1.
Joan of Naples, Queen Elizabeth compared to
her by de Spes, 290.
John, Captain, an Irishman living in the
Indies, 526.
Jolis, Captain, a French privateer, 277, 422.
Jones, Captain, 138, 154, 156, 620.
Jongh, Junius de, agent for Conde and the
Palatine, 91, 92, 94, 612, 617, 629.
Jordan, M. de, Captain of Calais, 690, see
also Calais.
Jordan de Cuellar, Captain, killed in France,
68.




GENERAL INDEX.


727


Juan, Don, of Austria, 316, 350, 353-4, 359,
361, 369, 388, 484, 509; his arrival at
Luxemburg, 534. 537; alleged plot
against him, 543-5, 545; his alleged
designs against England, 546-7. 548,
551; statement of his actions in the
Netherlands made by the King to
Mendoza, 554-9. 560-1, 563, 564-6,
570-4; alleged plot in Leicester's house
to kill him, 582-4. 585-6, 588, 593,
598-9; pressed for money, 610. 617 -20; death of, 623n. 639, 650............., his negotiations with the States,
538-9, 541, 543, 545-6, 554-60, 564-6,
574, 579, 585-6, 598-9, 600-1, 617-19..............., letter to, 539.....,...... his intrigues with the Guises,
570-1.
Juanin, a dishonest courier, 614.
" Julio," a suspected Morisco, 591-2.
Junglo, Dr., a Flemish lawyer accompanying
Chapin Vitelli to England, 191, 196,
202, 205, 209, 221.
Justiniana, the, a Venetian ship, 218, 227.
K.
Keeper, Lord, see Bacon, Sir Nicholas.
Kenilworth, 214, 233.........., the Queen entertained there, 498.
Kent, Captain, 497, 498.
Kent, Earl of, Reginald Grey, 371.
Kildare, Earl of, imprisoned, 493, 496, 590,
706.
Killigrew, Sir Henry, 334, 337, 339, 341, 345;
sent to France, 346-7. 350; sent to
Scotland, 414, 416; sent to Flanders,
428; his mission to Scotland to
obtain possession of James VI., 430;
frustrated by de Croc, 431. 433, 441,
449, 453, 457-8, 459, 488 490-1, 495,
497-8, 546, 578........., John, sent to Germany, 107, 147, 195,
197, 207,209, 211,223-4, 226-7.
Kilwinning, Abbot of, 76, 76n.
Kingston, 201-2, 249, 253.
Knollys, Vice Chamberlain, 2, 5, 52, 75, 96,
137, 181, 204, 241, 290, 331, 384, 421,
511, 704, 709.........., son of, 583, 654, 709.........., Henry, 97, 356, 358, 370.
Knyvett, Lord, 97.
Kuldenburg, Count, see Culdenburg.


L
Labrador, 481, 567, 595.
La Goleta, Spanish defeat at, 487.
Lalaing, M. de, a Flemish commander, 545,
589, 591, 594, 617.........., M., a secretary of Alencon, 581.
Lambeth, 179-80.
La Motte, Governor of Gravelines for the
King of Spain, 440, 444, 445, 588, 604,
621, 623, 627, 632-3, 643, 645, 650,
654, 688; one of his ships fires at
Alencon on his way to England, 693;
English volunteers for, 698. 710.
La Mothe, Fenelon, French Ambassador to
England, 32, 74, 80, 85, 95-6, 98, 107,
113, 135, 140, 143, 145, 156, 174, 180,
189, 192, 213, 226, 239; begs for the
surrender of the Scotch border castles,
249. 253, 255, 258, 270, 275, 277,280,
285, 290n, 291-2; intercedes for the
Queen of Scots, 294. 306, 319, 321,
330-4, 341, 345, 357, 402, 405, 407,
410-11,413; his reception by the Queen
after St. Bartholomew, 416. 426, 430,,
440, 447-8, 450, 455-6; remonstrates
against Killigrew's intrigues in Scotland, 458-9; remonstrates against help
being given to the Huguenots, 460.
461, 463, 467, 501, 516, 518, 523.
Lancaster, duchy of, Catholics in, 12, 274,
277, 279, 281, 287.
Lancaster and York, Duke of, proposed title
for Alengon, 662, 675.
Lancelot, Brederode, see Brederode, the
bastard of.
Landgrave of Hesse, 596................. his son, 468, 648.
Lane, Ca'ptain, 387, 469.
Lange, M. de, acco,.lpanies Cardinal Chatillon
to England, 71.
Languedoc, 253, 442, 449, 454, 457.
La Noie, M. de, 659, 664, 689, 692.
L'Archant, M., sent to negotiate the Anjou
match, 320, 324.
Laredo, 90, 192, 195, 275, 301.
Lastanosa, Father Pedro Juan de, 33.
Latimer, Lord, 229.
L'Aubespine, French envoy, 611-12, 616,
692.
Lebrela, the (a ship), 73.
Lee, Sir Harry, sent to salute Don Juan of
Austria, 534, 596.
Leicester, Earl of, Robert Dudley, 2, 6, 10,
12, 14, 21, 22, 24, 36, 37, 51, 61, 84,
91, 93, 102, 138, 142, 154, 156, 166-7,
169, 171, 176, 180, 1-83, 185, 189, 190,
196, 200, 202, 204, 206, 209, 213, 214,
219, 227-8, 233, 244, 246, 265, 268,
283, 287, 290-1, 297, 299, 303, 305,
306, 320, 325, 327-8, 330-1, 337, 341,
345-6, 350, 355, 359; described by de
Spes, 364; his attachment to the
French, 384. 386, 390, 395-6, 403,405,




728


GENERAL INDEX.


Leicester, Earl of-cont.
412, 420-1, 423, 429, 432, 436, 440,
447-8, 449, 158, 483; his alleged
daughter by the Queen, 491; entertains
the Queen at Kenilworth, 498; his
relations with the Countess of Essex,
511. 512, 519, 544; invited by the
States, 545-6; his entertainment of
l)'Havrey, 547. 565-6, 570, 572-3,
575-6, 578, 580; visited by the Queen,
581. 582-3, 585, 588, 590-1, 597;
visits Mary of Scotland, 602. 604
words with Sussex, 606-7. 612-13
proposed marriage in France, 614.
620, 623, 624, 626, 628-9, 631, 635,
637, 642-4, 646, 648, 651, 654, 656,
658-9, 660-3; to be bribed, 669. 672,
674-5; displeased at Alenton's coming,
682-3. 692t; in great grief, 693. 694,
709.........., letters to, 484, 490............... buys Paget house, the residence of dle Spcs, 156..........,......  his  new  year's  present to  the
Queen, 290.
Leicester, a. sister of (Lady Sidney?), 682........., 213-14.
Leighton, Captain, 36, 201-2................, ill-treated by his own soldiers,
218.
Leiva, Alonso de, 154.
Leive, Sancho d(e, a servant of Guaras, 534,
609.
Lennox, Earl of, 235; appoinlted Rleguet, 260.
263, 261-5, 268, 271, 282, 289, 291,
303-1, 331; his death, 337-8........... Earldom  of, demanded by  1)'Aubligny,
710.
Leonardo ''adeo, a Florentine, 76.
Lepanto, battle of, 350, 353-4, 359.
Lethington, Maitland, Laird of, 76, 233.
Levant trade, 706, 710.
Levin river, 11.
Lewins, 494.
Lewis, Dr. D)avid, 472,.
Libino, Ortino, 538.
Light (or Lighe), Richard, a prisoner of the
Inquisition, 641-5.
Lignerolles, 77.
Lille, 613.
Lincoln, 223, 240.
Lincoln's Inn, 52.
Lindsay, Lor!I, 76.
Liquilston, 496.
Lirre, 581.
Lisbon, 114, 280.
Lisleburg, 304, 306.
Lister, Captain, goes to serve the King of
Portugal, 613.
Lidngstone, Lord, Commissioner to the
Queen of Scotland, 287.
Lizy, M. de, a Huguenot bishop, 193, 193.
Lochinvar, Laird of, 76.
Lochlevin, 232.


Lodron, Count, 116-17, 123-8.
Lomond, loch, 11.
London, 53, 59.........., proposed state entrance of the Queen
into, abandoned, 611.........., great fall of snow in, 645.........., no person to walk in the streets after
10 p.m., 686.......... disturbance in, against the Spaniards,
95......... merchants of, raise troops for reland
685.........., foreigners in, 686........., Corporation, sunmmoned to hear an
account of Ridolfi's plot, 340, 345...,...... summoned to resist Stukeley's
expedition, 562; see also Lord Mayo(r........... Bishop of, Grindal, 72. 80..............., Sandys, 442, 464, 468.......... merchants trading with Spain, 590,
697.
Longueville, Dukle de, 335..............., a relative of his escapes to
England, 429.
Lord Mayor, the, 80, 132, 310, 345, 486, 641,
667.........., pasquins against the Alenqon marriage posted on his door, 701; sec
also Corporation of Londoln.
Lorison, Chevalier, duel with Bussy- d('Amn
broise, 611.
Lorraine, 502.
Lorraine, Cardinal, 22, 25, 64, 65, 69, 340,
412, -46, 455, 458, 463, 466................,alleged plot to lurder hil, 475.........., Duke of, 590, 628.
Lotini, Captain, 275, 286.
Louvain, English Catholics in, 17, 50-2, 58,
327, 414...,...., collection of money for the English
Catholics in, 17, 50, 52, 58.
Lucca, trade with, 157.
Ludovic of Nassau, 55, 56, 56n, 57, 61, 6.n,
28-, 288-9, 290, 292, 296, 298, 303,
306, 317, 324-5, 329, 332, 348, 402,
404, 412, 418, 464, 468, 474, 520.
Lulnay, see Marque.
Lumibres, M. de, 219, 282, 284, 293, 295,
302-3, 332, 335, 338, 341, 346-7, 348,
353, 470.
Luniley, Lord, 146, 148, 152, 1:7, 158, 173;
placed under arrest, 197-8. 200, 201,
204, 212, 224, 236, 238, 274, 282, 322
sent to the Tower. 339, 352, 393, 4.55.
Lungatre, MA. le, (cf Artois, his plan for
taking the Sluys, 348.
Lusies, see Lewins.
Lynn, 200.
Lyons, 455.




GEXE11AL INDEX.


729


M.
MacGill, Sir James, 76, 294.
Macpes, Allen, 486.
Madariaga, Pedro de, 103.
Madeira, 1, 156, 480, 482.
Madrid, British Ambassador in, see Man.........., Little, in  Paris, 69,
Maestricht, 27, 68, 79, 581, 667, 683, 688.
Magellan, Straits of, 243, 264, 481, 592:
Winter's description, 602. 694.
Malbey, Captain, 346, 608........... Sir John, 666.
Maldesen, Dr., envoy from Orange, 517.
Maleri, Melchisedec, a spy in Flanders, 399.
Malines, 94, 411, 414-15, 425, 434, 577,
613-14, 631........... English nuns expelled from, 645.
Man, John, Dean of Gloucester, English Ambassador in Spain, his treatment there,
9, 10, 18, 19, 20, 28, 29, 30, 31, 33, 34,
35, 37, 38, 39, 40, 41,42, 43, 45, 46, 59,
62, 64, 66, 67, 68, 70, 72, 73, 76, 77, 79,
80, 98, 105, 112, 116-22, 129-30, 142,
178, 316, 356-7, 361, 365, 370, 374,
510.
Mandeville, his mission from Henry III. to
Scotland stayed, 590.
Mansfeldt, Count, 218, 228, 235, 545.
Mar, Earl of, 234, 238, 338, 355, 400-1, 411;
death of, 439-40; Croc suspected of
poisoning him, 441. 445.............,, the younger, 582, 584, 630,
650.........., Countess of, 338.
March, Mr., English Consul in Antwerp,
183; connived at the kidnapping of
Dr. Storey, 278. 415.
Marco, Antonio Colonna, 316.
Margaret, Lady (Lennox), 76, 229, 260, 485;
marriage of her son with a daughter
of the Countess of Shrewsbury, 491.
546, 580.
Margate, 165, 208, 276.
Marguerite de Valois, 554, 561.
Maria, Infanta of Portugal, wife of Alexander
Farnese, 25, 25n.
Markinfield, 232, 414n.
Marque, de la, 249, 339, 341, 348, 353, 385,
396, 401-2, 444, 449, 452, 461, 542.
Marque, letters of, see Piracy.
Marron, a Secretary of Guerau de Sips, 116 -22.
Marseilles, loss of Spanish galleys in, 165.
Martin, Sir Roger, Lord Miayor of London,
80, 80n.
Martinez, Pedro de, a Spaniard in London,
103, 608.
Mary, Queen of Scots, 13, 22, 40, 41, 64, 65,
76, 81, 109, 159, 160, 243.,, ~......,.., her imprisonment in Scotland,
5, 10, 11, 17, 21, 22, 23, 25, 27, 28,
31, 57.
y 76467.


Mary, Queen of Scots, her suggested marriage
with George Douglas, 26......,.......   her proposed marriage with
Lord Moffat, 22, 23, 25, 26......,.........., h e r   p r o je c te d   m a r ria g e   in   S p a in,
159.........., s u g g e s ti o n s   f o r   m a r ri a g e   w i t h
Leicester, 227-8, 306..................... with  Mbrton, 486.................,...... with  Anjou, 226, 282..........,.............  w it h   H e n r y   o f   N a v a r r e,
330..................... with Don Juan of Austria,
388, 484, 489, 537............, her complicity in Darnley's
murder, 2, 5, 43, 44, 48, 84..............., her attempted escape from Loch
Levin, 26............... her escape, 31, 32, 33................., in England, 35, 36, 40, 41, 42,
43, 44, 47, 48, 50, 52, 56, 57, 62, 63,
64, 70, 71, 74, 75, 80, 84, 85, 90, 96,
107, 113, 137, 147, 148, 154, 155, 158,
159, 165, 167-8, 171, 173, 180, 184,
187, 189, 192, 193, 195, 197, 198-200;
conveyed from Wingfield to Tutbury,
198. 201, 204, 206, 208, 209-10, 211,
213, 214,224, 225, 226, 227-8, 231, 232;
proposal to capture and convey her to
Spain, 236; plot for her release, 237.
238, 239; French intrigues, 244, 248;
Elizabeth's terms for her release, 249.
254-5, 258, 260, 264, 271, 273-4, 276,
279-80, 281, 285, 287, 288, 293-5,
297-8, 299, 302, 306, 312, 317, 320,
322, 327-8, 337; her daughter in
England, 338-9; Elizabeth's irritation
against her, 340. 342-4, 346-7, 348 -50, 354-5,359,365, 386-7; proceedings
against her in the English Parliament,
391-4. 405, 407, 409, 412, 417, 432,
441-2, 446, 448-9, 456, 458; book in
her favour printed in Paris, 460-1.
473, 475-6, 484; sent to Pomfret, 485,
486, 489-90; to be brought to the
Tower, 491; rumoured rescue, 495.
497, 503, 505, 509, 530, 537, 539, 544,
546, 562, 575, 577-8, 580; failure of
Gondi's mission in her favour, 581.
597, 602, 603-4, 624, 626; alleged
Spanish plot to liberate, 637; Beaton's
plans, 646-7. 661, 667, 670, 680; rce
pulse of her messenger to James VI.
681. 682, 684, 687, 708........,....,her communications with Spanish
ministers, 44, 47, 48, 50, 52, 63, 64, 65,
69, 71, 74, 75, 80, 81, 83, 89, 90, 92, 94,
95, 96, 97, 107, 137, 141, 148, 154, 159,
160, 166, 172, 175, 176, 177, 187, 189,
192, 197, 206, 208, 210, 212, 217, 223,
226, 227, 230-1, 232, 236, 237, 239,
244, 253, 255, 274, 284, 292; sends
lidolfi to the King of Spain, 297.
299, 300, 317, 322-3, 327, 329, 335-6,
238, 346-7, 379, 407, 483, 489, 492,
496, 505, 546-7, 551, 603, 608; grief
at death of Don Juan, 624. (26, 625
637, 646-7, 670, 682, 684.




730


GENERAL INDEX.


Mary, Queen, 82, 263.
Maryborough, Ireland, 685.
Mathias, Archduke, Governor chosen by the
States, 559, 559n, 565, 580, 607, 626,
662.
Matthew, a servant of Hogan's, 247, 260, 273,
275.
Mauvissiere, M. de, see Castelnau.
Maximilian II., Emperor, 6, 8, 14, 15, 18, 42,
147, 259, 281, 288; dissuades Charles
IX. from  the English alliance, 401.
413, 416, 421, 429, 439, 445, 465, 548,
574, 617-19, 622, 648.
Maxwell, see Herries.
Mazagan, 483.
Meda, the (ship), 79.
Medina-Celi, Duke of, 316, 349-50, 349n,
358, 361-2, 370-1, 394, 463..........,......,letters to  (from  Philip II.), 349,
354, 375.,.........., letter to (from Alba), 361.
Medina del Campo, some letters directed to
merchants of, stolen, 173.
Medinal, Juan, a courier, 397, 400.
Meghen, Count, reported defeat of, 68.
Melendez Pero, Spanish Admiral, 257, 453,
569.
Mellica, Martin de, a shipmaster, 85.
Melvin (Sir Robert Melvil), 65.
Mendez de Prado, Garcia, 154.
Mendibil, the accountant, 627.
Mendoza, Bernardino   de, Spanish   Ambassador  in  Eugland,  483, 485;
instructions to, 553-60; his journey
through  France, 560-3; arrival in
London,   564;  audience  of  the
Queen, 564-6. 570-4, 578-80; his
expulsion from  England considered,
585-6. 587; his means, 588; his representations to the Queen respecting
the States, 600-601; conciliates the
Queen, 605. 610, 617, 622, 631; his
efforts against the French alliance,
634-8; gains favour with Leicester,
646; opposed to Beaton's plan for
raising Scotland, 646-7; proposal to
nurder the Prince of Orange, 652-3;
his efforts to dissuade the States fromn
war, 656; dissuades the lQueen from the
Alen(,on llmatch, 669; distrust of the
French alliance with England, 669.
672; his despatches misalpropriated,
677; his difficulty in obtaining news,
688; on the coming ofAlenqon, 688-9;
on good terms with the Queen, 691;
his conversation with Elizabeth on the
Portuguese succession, 696; his means,
697; his endeavours to alarm   the
Queen, 706-7.......,,.........,,...  letters  from,,  484  490
5G(, 560, 561, 562, 563, 563, 564, 567,
570, 571, 573, 575, 57(6, 576, 577,
578, 579, 581, 583, 533,;584, 585, 586,
587, 8, 8, 91, 591,591,  5!, 592. 592, 593,
59:3, 594, 595, 596, 599, 600, 602, 604,
605, 606, 606, 609, 609, 611, 613, 614, i
614, 616, 617, 618, 618, 620, 623, 624, I


Mendoza, Bernardino de —cont.
624, 627, 629, 631, 631, 636, 638, 642,
642, 642, 644, 645, 648, 651, 651, 652,
654, 655, 656, 657; 658, 658, 660, 662,
663, 665, 667, 667, 668, 671, 672, 673,
673, 674, 676, 678, 679, 679, 680, 681,
681, 682, 685, 686, 687, 688, 690, 692,
692, 693, 694, 694, 695, 695, 697, 697,
698, 699; 700, 700, 701, 702 704, 704,
704, 706, 708, 709................, letters  to, 594,  615, 621,
622, 623, 626, 664,683........... Don Juan de, kidnapped by Hawkins,
139; imprisoned in Dublin Castle,
275.........., Pedro de, Spanish Ambassador at
Genoa, 677.
Merchants' memorial to the King respecting
the seizures, &c., 143,
Merrick, William, 190, 191, 192, 195.
Meru, M. de, 494, 497. See also Montmorenci.
Meuse, the, 78.
Michaels of Antwerp, 329.
Middleburg, 386, 398, 427, 470, 473, 475, 486,
514, 527, 655, 662, 679.
Middleton, sent to Scotland to reconcile
Murray and the Queen, 57.
Mignon, the, one of Hawkins' ships, 1, 592.
Milan, alum from, 616-17, 622-3.
Mildmay, Sir Walter, 122, 137, 204, 280-1,
297, 384, 393, 602.
Milford, 579.
Mitchel, Dr., arrested on religious grounds,
22.
Moffat, Lord, proposed as husband for Mary
of Scotland, 22, 23, 25, 26.
Mole, M. de la, a French envoy, 402-3, 405,
407 8, 410, 412.
Mondragon, Colonel, 614.
Monlue, M. de, 231.
Mons, HIainlhault, 92, 389, 397, 403, 405, 412,
415; capture of, 418-21. 425, 428,
434, 589, 59!.
Montague, Viscount, offer made by his brotherin-law, 83, 143.......... Lord,  158,  167, 183, 214, 218, 242,
274, 393, 636, 649.
Montalban, 442.
Montano, l)r. Arias, 31, 32.
Montbrun, M. de, 389.
Montgoneri; escapes to Guernsey after St.
Bartholomew, 413.  417, 420, 429,
432-3, 442, 445, 447-8, 449-50, 452,
454-6, 457, 460, 463-4, 465-7, 468,
470, 474, 476; his defeat, 480-1.
Montigny, 114.
Montmorenci, Marshal, 306, 320, 324, 331,
359, 365, 385, 390-1, 393, 395-6, 397,
399, 402-3, 405, 408, 412, 426, 440..........,......   fliglit of, 453............, is brother M. de Meru, 494.,Mottniortin, M. de, seut by the King of France,
Charles IX., to intercede for Mary of
Scotland, 1568, 41, 46, 47, 50.




~GlNE1lAL tNDEX.


7T81


{ontreuil, 70.
Mora, Don Cristobal de, Spanish Ambassador
in Portugal, 688, 707........., Miguel do, Portuguese Ambassador,
626, 629, 650, 656, 658, 663, 670.
Morbee, Baron de, 76.
More, Dr., arrested on religious grounds, 22.
Morgan, Captain, enlists troops in London for
Flanders, 391, 439, 444, 447, 469, 471,
498, 525........., 608.........., Walter, 478.,........, Captain John, 502.............. Thomas, 575, 577........., an English pensioner of Philip, 682,
Moriscos, rising of, in Granada, 139, 145,149,
165, 211, 219, 224, 245, 247, 248, 251,
259, 270, 316.
Morley, Lord, 158, 183; escapes to Flanders,
247. 414.........., Lady, arrested whilst hearing mass,
477.
Morocco, 483.
Morton, Earl of, Regent, 76, 233-4, 243, 293,
295, 298, 302, 306, 400-1, 406, 411,
416, 430, 439, 442, 445, 453; proclaimed Regent, 456-7. 458-9, 461,
465-6, 470, 485-6, 488, 495, 498, 529,
575, 582,597,612-13, 616; approaches
made to the French King, 624-5. 628,
632, 647, 668, 670, 675, 681, 687,
707-8.
~*..r,,*..,.... a bastard brother of, sent as an
envoy to France, 624, 628, 632.
Mouy, M. de, 81.
Muisan, M. de, 560.
Mundt, Dr. Christopher, English agent in
Germany, 90, 227.
Munster, 328.
Murray, Earl of, 2, 5, 15, 17, 22, 25, 26, 28,
32,3 6, 42, 43, 52, 57, 60; comes to
York, 75. 76-7, 90, 137, 139, 147,
148, 153, 158, 165, 173, 180, 184, 187,
189, 225, 226-7,'229, 231; his murder,
231-2. 234.
Murses, Captain, 332.........., Thomas, 332.
Muscovite, the, Randolph sent as Ambassador
to, 43, 44.
Muscovy, trade with, 158, 188, 280, 286.
Muscovy Company, the, 44, 569.
N.
N;amur, 27, 545, 554-5,,564, 652, 672, 672n.
Naval preparations, 11, 15, 18, 83, 96, 97,
157, 193, 205, 235, 237, 242, 261, 262,
264-5, 267,268, 270,272,274,276,283 -4, 297, 299, 330, 361, 372, 379, 385,
393, 896, 898-9, 400, 404-5, 407, A




Naval preparation —cont.
414, 420-1, 426, 429, 480, 433, 449,
454, 459; remonstrance of Charles IX.
respecting, 460.  473, 477, 479-80,
482, 494-5, 498-9, 503, 514, 522-5,
530-2, 533, 542; against Stukeley's
expedition, 562.  575, 591, 595-6,
599-600, 667; against Fitzmaurice,
685.
Navarre, Spanish Viceroy of, 389.
Navarre, King of, 246, 250, 257, 385; the
Huguenot hopes from  his wedding,
402. 409; attends mass every day,
427; his flight from Paris, 525. 543,
617, 619-20, 637, 687; pressing for
money in England, 698.
Navarre, Protestant preaching in, 15, 16.
Navarre, Queen of (Jeanne d'Albret), 74, 145,
170, 173, 179, 192, 204, 219, 230, 256,
268, 283, 320, 385; her jewels pledged
in England, 698.
Nemours, Duke of, 69, 262.
Nesle, Count de, 518.
Netherlands, proposed partition of, 388-9,
395, 516, 634-35.
Netherlands the, events in, 389, 391-5, 400-2
404, 413-16, 418-19, 425, 428, 430,
432-5, 443, 451-2, 454; proposed
cession to England, 455-6. 464, 467-9,
470-5, 476, 478-9, 490; projected
English occupation of, 494-7. 502-41
Scotch troops for, 507; fears of a
rupture between England and Spain
respecting, 513. 514-31; oppressive
treatment of the English by Orange,
532. 536, 538-52; described in Mendoza's instructions, 554-60. 564-6,
570-4, 576; Alen9on's intervention,
583-6(; the coining of the French, 589.
596, 614, 617-18, 620; death of Don
Juan, 623. 632-3; offers of Artois,
Zealand, &c., to Elizabeth, 634-5;
separation of the Catholic States, 643.
649, 654-56, 667; re iremnent of La
Noue, 689. 704; fresh rising, 710.
Neuport, 509, 535, 542, 643.
Nevers, Duchess de, proposals for marriage
of, with Leicester, 330.
Newbury, 71, 72.
Newcastle, 242, 473.
Newfoundland, 567.
Newport, Isle of Wight, 85, 508.
Nombre de Dios (Panama), 500, 569.
Nonsuch, 185, 339.
Norfolk, 450; disturbances feared in, 474........... Catholics in, 412........... risings in, 179, 181, 225, 241, 256,
258, 262, 276.........., Duke of, 36, 50; receives the Queen
in his house, 51. 58, 72, 74, 76, 83,
97, 111, 112, 113, 136, 138, 142, 145,
146, 147, 151, 152, 155, 156, 157, 158,
164, 166-7, 179-80, 181-2, 183, 187-8,............. his attitude towards the match
with Archduke Charles, 1, 12, 14, 16............., his relations with Leicester, 2,
12,                       *
8sA




'732


GENERAL INDEX.


Norfolk, Duke of, his projected marriage with
Mary of Scotland, 167, 183, 184, 185,
189, 191, 192, 193, 195; his rising,
196.  198-9; is arrested, 199-200.
201-5, 208, 209-10, 211-12, 224, 225,
236, 240, 241, 241-5, 249, 254, 256,
258, 262-3, 264, 266, 268, 273-4,
276-7, 282; sends Ridolfi to the King
of Spain, 297. 300, 306, 319,322-3,
327, 333; capture of his secretary,
334-5; placed in the Tower, 335-6,
337; his prosecution, 338-9. 340-1;
news letter regarding his plot, 342-4.
346-9, 350, 352, 354-5, 364, 370; his
trial, 371. 374, 377, 386-7, 390, 393;
actount of his execution, 394. 405-6;
account of his trial, 406. 415, 632.
Norman, Captain, an envoy from Orange,
509, 510.
Normandy, 470, 474, 476; defeat of Montgomeri, 480-1.
Norris, Sir Ienry, English ambassador in
France, his interview with Frances de
Alava, 369.
North, the rising in, 195-6, 199-201, 208,
211-14, 217-18, 223-4, 225, 228, 233,
235-6; book published in France respecting, 239. 241, 254, 264, 509-10,
584.
North, Lord, his mission to France, 487................, his quarrel with  Sussex, 606-7.
Northampton, 12.......... Marquis of, 112, 122, 134, 204, 219,
290.
Northumberland, 486.........., Countess of, 414.,.......,Earl  of, 96, 147, 158, 167,  183; his
rebellion, 195, 196, 199, 200, 201, 208,
211-12, 218; his flight, 225, 227, 229,
2:31; his capture, 232, 235, 242, 249,
254-5, 265, 268, 276, 323,:364, 387;
lis surrender to the English, 394; his
trial at Berwick, 404, 406; executed at
BIerwick, 407, 409, 411, 584.
North West Passage, attempted discovery of:
See Frobisher.
Norton, the brothers, 2:33, 250.
Norwich, 53, 138, 610-11, 686.
Nottingilam, 198.
Nufiez, 1)r., 234, 304, 326, 353.
Nuremburg, 12, 90; alarming news from, to
Elizabeth, 706.
0.


Olano, I)omingo de, of Deva, Guipuzcoa, 73,
75.
Olivier (Villiers?) Captain, 469.
O'Morc, John, 170.
O'Neil, married to a sister of the Earl of
Argyll, resists the partition of Ulster,
27, 487.........., in treaty for peace, 696.
O'Ncils' country, invaded by Scotsmen, 5................,  partition  of, 26.
O'Neil, John, 58.......... a son of John O'Neil, 170, 226.
Orange, Prince of, 18, 57, 61, 78, 81, 90, 94,
95, 231-2, 234, 236, 246, 248, 250,
256, 280, 282, 296, 325, 329, 353, 366,
386-7, 393-4, 401, 404-5, 407, 411 -12; enters the Netherlands, 413-15;
his defeat and flight, 418-20. 427-8,
429, 432-4, 436, 440-1, 445-6, 447,
450-2, 453, 455-6, 462-3, 464-5, 468,
470, 473-5, 479-80, 482; proposal of
English captains to betray him, 483;
refuses to employ Englishmen, 484-5.
487, 490, 494, 497; offers his daughter
in marriage to a French prince, 497.
498, 501; offers Zealand to Elizabeth,
501. 503; in extremity, 504-5. 507,
511-12, 513-32; offers the ports to
Elizabeth, 539. 542, 543-5, 581, 591,
594, 613-14, 626-7, 637, 649-50; proposal to murder him made to Mendoza,
652-3. 656, 659; his new plan of campaign, 662. 663; his plan for Navarre
to be inv.ited to the Netherlands, 687.
689-90..............., his negotiations with the
French, 497, 501, 503, 506, 511, 516,
520, 531, 538, 564, 574, 581, 583-4,
585, 589, 596, 631, 634-5, 637, 696................, his embassy to offer Holland
to Elizabeth, 515-20, 522-30, 539.
Orange, I'rincess of, her death, 585.
Oriana, Queen, Queen Elizabeth so called by
Guerau de Spes, 105.
Orkney, bishop of, Bothwell, 77.
Ormond, Earl of, 180, 226, 476, 590, 597................, brothers of, 226, 230, 236, 252.
Osorio, Bishop of, 24.
Ostend, 426-7, 432, 535.
Oudenarde, 415, 427, 432.
Oxford, Earl of, marries Cecil's daughter,
358. 49! 1; refuses to dance before
Alenon's envoys, 607 i proposed
hostage for Alenuon, 662.
Oxford, strange sickness at, 541-2, 572.
P.


Oatlands, 1,1-2, 1i4.
Ochon, Jual., d(t MTongina, captured
plundered by  Englishmen  in
Channel, 94.
O'Donnell, 27,


and
the


P-acheco, Captain Isidro, 385........... Cardinal, 43.
Paget, Lord, his house in the      parish  of
St. Clement's Danes, 65.




GENERAL INDEX.


'733


Paget House, 169,
Palatine, Count, 13, 17, 91, 93, 96, 159, 180,
226, 230, 236, 263, 264, 339, 401, 404,
433, 446, 464-5, 466-7, 468, 482, 497,
502, 516, 5,36, 584.
Palermo, 706.
Pallavicini, Horatio, a Genoese merchant in
London, 609, 616, 622-3, 640, 659,
664, 669, 676-9, 682, 684.
Palma, Mark de la, 407.
Palmas, the, of Middleburg, 390.
Panama, plunder from, 500.
Pantoja, Alonso, 66.
Pardo Diego, 228.
Paris, 69, 402; St. Bartholomew, 408-13.
442, 480, 502, 509; flight of Navarre
from, 525; flight of A lencon, 560, 561,
588,620; welcomes the I)lke of Guise,
661; departure of Alencon from, 688.
692.
Parliament, proceedings in, 294 —5, 302, 304,
306-7, 320-1, 327, 383, 390-4, 406,
430, 433, 449, 485, 490, 518, 523;
privileges of, 524. 525-6, 527, 529,
576, 613, 625, 657, 660, 693, 703.
Parliament of Scotland; approves of imprisonment of Queen of Scots on the ground
of her complicity in Darnley's murder,
2; its proceedings, 578-9, 597, 628,
637, 657, 664, 668, 706-8, 710.
Parma,   Prince  of, Alexander Farnese,
Governor of the Netherlands, 623, 628,
629, 629n, 632, 683.
Parret, Sir John, 318, 685.
Pascasio, a Fleming in London, 650.
Patrick, a Scotsman in Madrid, 308.
Paulet, Sir Amyas, English Ambassador in
France, 561-2; his alarming reports
of the French advance on Flanders,
590. 624, 633, 659-60; reports the
fitting out of a French fleet, 667.
686, 710.
Paz, Luis de, 187-8, 204, 2.5; arrested, 348,
353.
Pearce, Captain, 398.
Pelham, Sir William, Master of the ()rdnance, 398-9, 400, 402, 414, 421,
596.
Pembroke, Earl of, 154, 183, 185, 197, 198,
200, 201, 204, 208, 212, 224, 227, 236..........., his death, 239.............. meeting of ILeicester's friends
in his house, 693..............., the younger, 495.
Pepin, M. de, to be sent to Scotland by
Henry III., 597.
Percy, Henry, brother of Northumberland,
229, 348, 445.
Pereira, Don Francisco, Portuguese Ambassador in Spain, 33.
Perez, Dr. Juan, Spanish reformer, his
Christian Doctrine," 140.........., Juan, de Torreblanca, 182.
Persian Gulf, 89.
Peru, 388.


Peru, Viceroy of, sends an account of Drake's
depredations, 683.
Pesaro, 240.
Philip II., letters to, from Guzman de Silva,
1, 2, 4, 5, 6, 8, 11, 12, 13, 16, 17, 21,
23, 25, 26, 29, 31, 32, 35, 37, 40, 40,
41, 42, 43, 43, 46, 50, 59, 61, 62, 63,
64............., from the Duke of Alba, 104.
106, 132, 141, 141, 149, 159, 160, 163,
168, 177, 183, 186, 187, 190, 196, 206,
214, 217..........,..... from Guerau de Spes, 68, 69,
70, 71, 72, 74, 77, 78, 80, 81, 82, 83, 83,
88, 93, 95, 106, 112, 133, 141, 144, 151,
155, 156, 164, 166, 169, 169, 172, 173,
174, 174, 178, 180, 181, 183, 184, 185,
187, 187, 188, 190, 191, 192, 195, 196,
197, 198, 200, 201, 205, 207, 211, 214,
218, 223, 223, 225, 228, 228, 230, 231,
231, 233, 2 3, 234, 237, 238, 240, 242,
243, 244, 245, 246, 253, 258, 263, 267,
271, 273, 275, 277, 278, 279. 280, 281,
283, 285, 286, 287, 288, 289, 290, 290,
293, 294, 294, 296, 297, 299, 300, 302,
302, 303, 305, 306, 312, 317, 319, 320,
321, 322, 324, 327, 329, 330,.32, 334,
335, 337, 338. 339, 345, 346, 346, 350,
355, 357, 370, 374, 374, 376, 378, 379,
384, 386, 386, 388............... from  Don Bernardino  de
Mendoza, 561, 564, 567, 570, 571, 573,
575, 576, 576, 577, 579, 583, 583, 585,
589, 591, 592, 592, 593, 594, 596, 600,
602, 611, 613, 614, 616, 618, 618, 620,
624, 627, 636, 642, 642, 648, 654, 657,
660, 662, 663, 667, 668, 674, 680, 681,
686, 688, 695, 698, 699, 702, 704, 704,
706, 708, 709................, from Juan de Salvatierra, 468................, from the Bishop of Ross, 206........,   from Queen Elizabeth, 220,549.......).... from Antonio de Guaras, 376,
384, 384, 390, 395, 417, 444, 450,
500.,.......,...... from Sir John Smith, 540.......... memorial to, from merchants on the
English depredations, 144.........., letters from, 3, 18, 28, 30, 33, 36, 44,
59, 71, 77, 81, 82,94,105,108, 109, 122,
137, 150, 150, 175, 177, 208, 209, 217,
224, 230, 240, 254, 259, 278, 292, 304,
318, 323, 325, 326, 333, 336, 348, 349,
354, 354, 374, 375, 375, 500, 506, 534,
541, 594, 615, 621, 622, 664, 682, 684..,......, his policy towards England, 150, 159,
210,217,224,240,254, 255, 259,297-8;
Duke of Feria's opinion upon, 309.
323, 326-7, 333, 340, 345; instructions
to the Duke of Medina Celi, 348-51.
354, 359, 375, 401, 403, 419, 433,
451-2, 465, 485, 490, 506; Egremont
Ratcliff's statement, 509. 514; his
reply to Sir John Smith, 537-8. 541;
his unfavourable reception of Thomas
Wilkes, 552-3; his instructions to
Mendoza, 554-9. 562, 564, 574, 577,
594-5, 615, 633-5; presses the Pope




734


GENERIAL INDEX.


Philip II.-cont.
to hinder the Alencon match, 661;
his disbelief il tile match, 664; his aid
to Fitzmaurice, 666n. 668, 669,698-9;
arrest of English vessels, 704; rumoured
intention to invade England, 706........... reported plots to assasinate, 90, 94,
96, 137........., his  attitude   tow ards  M ary   of  Scotland,
32, 42, 48, 49, 50, 71, 109, 199,
209-10, 212, 217, 224, 254-5, 292,
304, 319, 323, 326-7, 333, 348-51,
489, 496, 615, 622, 626, 646-7, 670.......... his death  foretold, 530........... his  treatment  of  the  English  Ambassador, 9, 10, 18, 19, 20, 28, 29, 30,
31, 33, 34, 35, 37, 38, 39, 40, 41, 59;
sce also Man, John........., his descent from Edward III., 158........... his  projected  visit  to  Flanders,  1,  3.......... is reception of Cobham, 506.........., spectacles for, 672, 674.
l'hilip tle lhandsome, 216, 216I.
Philileville, surrender of, 582, 588, 599 —
60(.
Phcenix, the, of Ilavre de Grace, 237.................. (ship), 79.
Picardy, 470.
Pieterhook, on the isle of Platen, 526.
Piracy, 73, 75, 79, 82, 83, 84, 88, 89, 92, 94,
96, 102, 107, 108, 114, 135, 138-9,
141, 154, 157, 164, 175-6, 182, 183,
184, 188, 190, 192, 195, 200, 214-15,
218, 219-24, 227-8, 231-2, 237, 239,
243, 245; proclamation against, 246.
249-50, 253, 256-7, 258, 260-1, 263,
265-6, 268; EngIlish sailors withdrawn,
272.  276, 282-3, 284, 286, 288-9,
291-3, 295; Elizabeth's orders for its
suppression, 296. 298, 302-3, 305-6,
313, 317, 319-20, 323-4, 325, 329-30,
338-9, 341, 346-7,350-1,353,354, 361,
363,376,379,387,413,421-2,426,429,
432-3, 438, 450, 459, 461, 464-5, 473,
480-1, 488, 492-3, 500, 517, 534, 582,
586, 592, 603, 612, 677, 679, 687.......... question of the validity of Orange's
letters of marque against Spain, 430,
432, 434, 438.,......., proposed Spanish letters of marque to
Englishmen against Flanders, 688.
Pitcairn, Abbot of Dunfermlline, 285.
P'ins V., Pope, 8, 15, 17, 19, 28, 29, 42, 158,
229, 239, 245, 251, 280, 304, 322-3,
336-7, 340, 344, 387, 394..............,   grants  Ireland,to  Philip  II.,
293, 316.
Plague in London, 193, 197, 202, 262, 264,
270-1, 613.
Plymouth, 83, 84, 85, 91, 93, 108, 142, 145,
194, 245, 248, 253, 257, 263, 265, 268,
272-3, 277-8, 289, 302, 329, 335,
351-2, 3, 3,    411, 421, 4419, 459, 463,
48!,S, 500, 504, 510, 523, 534, 599,


Plymouth, seizure of Spanish property in; see
Specie, &c.
Poigny, M. 'de, French Envoy to intercede
for the Queen of Scots, 260, 262,
264, 266, 270.
Pointz, Ferdinand, a London merchant, 391,
394, 427, 441, 447, 464.
Poitiers, 179, 193, 560.
Poland, trade with, 158.
Pole, arrested in connection Ridolfi's plot,
353.
Pole, Cardinal, nephews of, 229.
Pool, Captain, his offer to betray the Prince
of Orange, 483.
Porte, M. de la, an Envoy froin the King of
France, 516, 518, 522.
Iortents seen in the sky, 327, 449, 486,
537.
Portinario, a Florentine engineer in Elizabeth's service, 399.
Porto Santo, isle of, 482.
Portsmouth, 66,-72, 82, 212, 239, 283, 294,
352, 414, 420, 429-30, 432, 437, 449,
505, 507, 509, 599, 618.
Portulal, i)on Francisco dc, 670.
Portugal, negotiations with, 18, 22, 24, 25, 26,
33, 40, 41,46, 62, 81, 84, 89, 94, 192,
193, 200, 236, 239, 241, 244, 250, 255,
257-8, 260-1, 269, 275, 278, 282, 300,
319, 333, 376, 444, 455, 476, 481, 483,
487, 490, 507, 673, 710.........., trade with, 165, 186, 197, 192, 237,
300, 444, 455, 586.........., Philip's  claim   to  the crown  of, 626,
629, 636, 650, 656, 658, 665, 669,
672-3, 678, 680, 683-4, 690, 692, 696,
7 03, 707.
Portuguese Ambassador (Manoel Alvarez),
see also Mora, Don Miguel, 18, 22, 24,
25, 26, 33, 40, 41, 46, 80, 81, 89, 94........................,   c e l e b r a t i o n   o f   M a s s   i n   h i s
house, 80, 81.................707, 710.......... Indies, 18, 22, 40, 89, 243, 261, 300,
710.......... Jews in Antwerp, 187.
Postmastership in London, 73, 79.
Prada, one of Don Juan's officers, 582.
Prilberton (?), Captain, 399.
Premorus, M. de, 385.
Primrose, the, a Queen's ship, 502.
Printemps, the (ship), 351.
Privy Seal, Lord, 240, 242, 456; see also
Howard.
Prophesy respecting Queen Elizabeth, 539.
Providence, the, 710.
Provost, the Lord, 76.
Pruneaux,  M. de, Alen(on's agent    in
Antwerp, 656, 664.
Puritans, the, 7, 11, 12, 43, 49, 307, 410, 446,
492, 577, 590, 641, 667, 710.




GENERAL INDEX.


735


Q.
Queenborough, 267.
Qliss6, de, Alenqon's agent in London, 606,
612, 614, 617, 620.
R.
Rale John, a shipmaster, 486.
Rambouillet, M. de, a French envoy, 258, 611 -13, 614, 616.
Ramequin, 530, 544, 593.
Ramua, 391.
Randalson, supercargo of the English ship
Andrew, 538.
Randolph, Master of the Posts, 75, 306........., Mr., his embassy to Scotland, 234,
242; retires to Berwick, 243. 570, 575,
577; to go to the German Diet, 590.
594, 634, 644........., his embassy to Russia, 43, 75, 189.
Ratcliff, Egremont, 509-10; suspected design
to kill Don Juan, 584; disclaimed by
his brother Sussex, 672.
Ratisbon, 12.
Reading, 50, 72, 74, 332.
Recalde, Juan Martinez de, Philip's Commissary at Bilbao, 3, 68, 81, 104, 190,
236, 500, 508, 510, 521, 525.
Red Sea, 89.
Refuge, M. de, 385.
Reid, Captain, 137.
Rennes, Bishop of, brother to the French
ambassador, 73.
Requesens, Don Luis de, Grand Commander
of Castile, letter to, from  Guaras,
474......................., from  Fogaza, 474, 475,
476, 477, 478, 479, 480, 482.
r........, 281,  469, 472, 499-500,  510,  518,
522; death of, 529, 551, 566.
Residential qualification for Members of Parliament, 273.
Restitution of the seizures and re-opening of
trade, negotiations for, 149, 150, 151,
152, 155, 156, 159, 160, 161-3, 164,
166-7, 168-9, 170; Fiesco's mission,
172. 173, 174-5, 176-7, 178, 186, 191,
192, 193, 196, 200-3, 205-7, 209, 211,
213, 214-24, 227-8, 230, 235, 240-1,
244, 250, 254-5, 257, 259, 267, 278-9,
281-2, 292, 294-5, 296, 297; Zweveghem's mission, 298-9. 301-3, 304-5,
307-8; Cobham's mission to Spain
respecting, 309-16. 318, 320, 324,
328-9, 331, 334, 336-7, 339, 350, 353,
361-2, 365; de Spes' proposed plan,


Restitution,of the seizures and re-opening of
trade-cont.
368. 371; Fiesco's statement, 372;
Guaras' negotiations, 376-84.  387,
390, 408, 417-26, 431-2, 434-9, 443-4,
446, 448-9, 451-2, 454-5, 462-3, 466;
confirmation of the agreement for reopening trade, 472. 481, 553, 615;
proposed recovery of concealed property, 631. 638-9, 646, 665, 670, 672,
674, 678, 682-3, 684, 708-9.
Retz, Count de (Gondi) his brother's mission
to Scotland, 488, 490.
Reveillematin des Franqais, a book against the
Queen of Scots, 495.
Revolution projected in England, see Norfolk, Arundel, &c.
Ribera, 275..........., P e d r o   d e,   p l u n d e r e d   b y   p i r a t e s,   2 7 7.
Richmond, 178, 180-1, 182, 491, 618, 622,
636.
Ridolfi, a Florentine merchant, 85, 111, 133,
143, 145, 147, 149, 156, 163, 164,
166-7, 168, 169, 172-3, 204: commissioned by the Pope to aid the
northern Earls, 245, 254, 282, 319,
405.........., his mission from Norfolk and Mary,
297, 299, 300, 302, 304, 306, 322;
arrival in Madrid, 323, 326-7, 328-9,
331, 333, 335-6, 337,340; newsletter
regarding his plot, 342-4. 346-9, 359,
394, 405-6.
Ridolfi's plot, the prisoners on account of,
350, 353, 355, 393, 445.
Rio del Oro, 264.
Rivers, Captain William, 138.
Robbers on the Scotch border, 28.
Robert, the, of Havre de Grace, 237.
Robles, Ximenez, Martin de, 66.
Roche, Captain La, occupies Dingle in Kerry,
295.,.......,......, aids Fitzmaurice, 689.........., Courier, 44.
Rochefort Count, a Huguenot, 60.
Rochefoucauld, Prince de la, 253.
Rochelle, 69, 76, 81, 83, 84, 137, 138, 140,
143, 145, 147, 152, 170, 173, 179-80,
193, 197, 204, 230, 231, 240, 248-9,
257-8, 275, 277, 280, 283-4, 287-8,
289, 291, 296, 303, 306, 320, 324-5,
329, 342, 348, 352, 386, 388, 402, 416,
421, 426, 430, 442; deputation from,
in London, 445. 447-8, 449-50, 452,
456-7, 459-60, 463-4, 465-7, 468, 470,
479, 481, 510, 515, 542, 620.
Rochester, French courier robbed at, 197.........., 202, 237, 241, 246, 299, 398, 400,
433, 436, 494-5, 621.........., Bishop  of, 156.
Rochetaill6, M. de, an envoy from Alen9on,
659, <662, 675, C79-80.
Rodensaniger, of Antwerp, 420.
Rogers, a servant of Orange, 490, 501, 517,
536, 626,




GENERAL INDEX.


Rogers, I)aniel, sent to Ghent, 628.
Rolls, Master of, 204, 546.
Rome, 442.
Romero, Julian, Spanish General, 297, 315,
367, 367n.
Roper, son-in-law of Sir Thomas More, 50,
52, 58.........., Margaret, 50, 52.
Ross, Bishop of, 76, 81, 83, 90, 96, 97, 113,
137, 148, 154, 155, 158, 166, 168, 181,
187, 189. 195, 197, 198, 19.9, 204,
207-8, 212, 227, 229-30, 231; his
arrest, 233. 236, 237, 239, 241, 248-9,
253, 256, 271, 273-4, 279-80, 282-3,
287, 290, 298, 302-3; imprisoned, 312.
320, 322, 327, 343, 34;6-7, 353, 365,
393, 405-6; taken from the Tower, 407.
432, 449, 473..........,  letter from, 206................, his book in defence of Mary of
Scotland, 303-4................., arrest  of  his  servant,  see
lBaily.
Rotendal, 294.
Rothes, Earl of, Chancellor of Scotland, 400-1,
431.
Rotterdam, 385, 478, 484.
Rouen, 189, 285, 392, 408, 409, 450, 588.
Rouenville on the Loire, 253.
Rozas, las, 305.
Rugala, Pedro de, an Asturian sailor, 138.
Russell, Sir Francis, son of the Earl of Bedford,
498.
Rutland, Earl of, 288.
Ruy Gomez de Silva, Prince of Eboli, 19, 34n,
35, 35n, 45, 247, 478, 670-1.............., letters to, 351, 395.
Rye, 253, 363, 404, 526, 528, 676.
S.


St. Marie, M. de, 455.
St. Sebastian, 247,2273, 510, 592.
St. Severin, M. de, 196.
St. Simon, M. de, 145.
St. Vincent, Cape, 224, 236, 399.
Salamanca, 37.
Salazar, Cristobal de, 65, 66.......... married to an Englishwoman in
Madrid, 309.
Salinas, Dona Maria de (Lady Willoughby
d'Eresby), 485.
Salt, seized and sold in Cadiz by the Inquisition, 538.
Saltonstall, his ship confiscated at San Sebastian, 592.
Saluzzo, disturbances at, their object, 669.
Salvago Hieronimo, a Genoese, 347.
Salvatierra, Juan de, letter to Philip II.,
468.
Salzburg, 12.
Sampson, Thomas, Dean of Christchurch
181. 181n.
Sanders, Dr., his expedition to Ireland, 666,
666n, 673, 687n.................. writes encouraging the Irish
barons, 706..........statement  to  him  of  a  miraculous
plague at Oxford, 542.
Sandwich, 53, 54, 192, 237, 402, 596, 702.
San Juan de Ulloa, 267.
San Lucar, English Consul at, reports
Stukeley's arrival there, 590.
Sanserre, 179, 253.
Sansurte, Juan, a Spaniard in London, 608.
Santa Celia, Antonio, 248, 362; his recantation, 680-1. 684, 690.
Santa Cruz, Morocco, 483.
Santa Genela, island of, 583.
Santa Maria la Incoronada, a ship loaded with
alum, 617.
Santander, 277, 504.
San Thome, 480.
Santiago, island of, 288.
Santisteban, Hernalde  and  Cristobal de,
Spanish officers at Hispaniola, 73.
Santo, Domingo, island of, 352.
Santofia, Spain, 702.
San Vitores, Juan Baptista de, 26, 245, 249,
608.
Sarria, Marquis of, his servant accompanies
John Man to England, 70, 76.
Saxony, Duke August of, 147, 230, 263, 287,
289, 401, 413, 416, 428, 446, 464-5,
468, 482, 648.
Schonvall, M. de, a Flemish privateer, 249,
254, 285, 347, 353, 426-7, 432.
Schoonoven, 502-3.
Schutz, Jonas, his assay of the ore brought by
Frobisher, 642n, 665.
Schwartzenburg, Count, 596.
Scilly Isles, 295, 483, 530, 594.


Sadler, Sir Ralph, 77, 204, 223, 384, 393, 398
400, 402.
Sagasti, see Segasti.
St. Albans, 267-8, 271.
St. Aland, 528.
St. Aldegonde, 515-18, 522-5, 527-8, 529,
551, 613, 619, 656.
St. Andrews, Archbishop of (Hamilton), 17.................,....., beheaded, 304................  (Jam ieson), 670.
St. Bartholomew, 408-9, 410, 412-13, 416,
445.
St. Jean de Luz, 165, 186, 189, 215, 247,
304.
St. Omer, 399.
St. Quintin, battle of, 287.........., 385.




GENERAL INDEX.


737


Scotch affairs, 3, 5, 7,11,15,17,21, 23, 25, 26,
31, 36, 42, 43, 47, 48, 57, 60, 81, 232-3,
234-5, 237-9, 242, 243-5, 249; fears of
French intervention in, 252-3. 255-6,
258, 264-6, 268, 270-1, 272, 276-7,
287, 288, 290-1, 293, 297-8, 319, 336,
338, 355, 378, 396-7, 404,413-14, 416;
a Guise expedition, 427. 432, 442-3,
447, 449, 457-8; seizure and recovery
of the King, 459-61. 488, 495-6,498,
570, 575, 577, 580, 582, 584, 599; raid
into England, 604. 612, 615,623, 630,
632 —3; French intrigue, 634. 641;
Beaton's plan for rebellion, 646-7. 654,
657; disturbance feared, 677. 687;
alleged French designs on Scotland,
689. 708........., rising against Murray, 7, 11, 31, 32.
Scotland, Queen Dowager of (Mary of Guise),
487.
Scots, Highlanders, incursion of, into Ireland,
668, 685.
Scrope, Lord, Mary of Scotland to be taken to
his house, 62, 235.
Sebastian, King of Portugal, 24n, 33, 46, 81,
255, 300, 334, 403, 428, 481, 590-1,
601; killed at the battle of Alcazar,
602n. 613-14.
Segasti (or Sagasti), Secretary to Mendoza,
645, 672, 677, 683.
Seizure of English property in Flanders and
Spain, 90, 91, 92, 93, 94, 95, 96, 97,
98, 99-101; Guerau de Spes' proclamation respecting same, 102-4. 104, 107,
109, 111, 114-22; D'Assonleville's
statement, 122-32; Guerau de Spes'
report to the King, 133-37. 145, 194,
203, 206, 214-24, 234, 251,301, 307-8;
Cobham's mission to Spain, 310-16.
674.
Seizures of Spanish property in England, see
Specie, &c.
Selles, M. de, Philip's envoy to the States,
556, 565, 580.
Selliger, the Duke of Norfolk confined in his
house, 199.........., the Earl of Desmond confined in his
house, 279, 284........... Thomas, 199.........., Wareham, 166, 170, 246.
Seminary priests in England, 710-11.
Senegal, river, 300.
Sermons against the Alengon match, 658-9.......... against the assumption of headship of
the church by the Queen, 667.
Seton, Lord, 544................ sent to Scotland from France,
601.......... See also Beaton, page 378, and
Errata.
Seurre, M. de, French ambassador to Scotland,
243.
Seville, 73, 107, 140, 224, 239, 279-80, 348,
351, 590, 614.


Seymour, Lord, 705.
Shrewsbury, Earl of, 195, 197, 198, 201, 205,
212, 226, 248; Lord Steward at Norfolk's trial,371. 393, 412, 448, 477,491,
497, 575; said to have built a new house
in London to receive the Queen of
Scots, 680. 708..............., the sons of, 274........... Countess  of,  491,  577, 577n, 597,
673.
Sibarson, John, a privateer, 325.
Sidney, Sir Henry, Viceroy of Ireland, 2, 7,
52, 58, 73, 154,226, 295,328, 442, 474,
487, 575; to command the English
forces in Flanders, 577. 597, 618;
respecting Fitzmaurice's expedition,
685; to make terms with the rebels,
686. 693, 696........... Philip, projected marriage with the
sister of Orange, 575; appointed a
Vice-admiral, 595; sent to stop Simier,
624; sent to meet Casimir, 632.......,....... h i s   a c c o u n t   o f   F r o b i s h e r ' s
voyage, 569.
Sierra, Lope de la, 90, 91, 92, 93, 95, 103, 104,
108, 111,114-22, 133-7, 139, 182, 194,
363, 469, 490.
Silver plate, the Queen's wrangle with Sussex
respecting, 606-7.
Simier, M. de, to be sent by Alencon, 621,
624; to be splendidly entertained, 625;
his reception in London, 627. 630-1,
636,641; attempted reconciliation with
Casimir, 642-4. 655,657-64, 667, 669,
675, 677, 679, 681, 683, 687-8, 690,
692-3, 694, 703-4; presents and ceremony at his departure, 705, 707................, a relative of his robbed and
maltreated, 677.
Simonson, John, a privateer, 325.
Sion House, 76.
Sluys, the, 95, 96, 348, 469, 471, 474;
English project to seize, 476. 481, 535,
584.
Smeaton to go to Scotland, 579.
Smith, Sir John, his mission to Spain, 533,
535-6, 537, 541, 543, 555, 578.........., Secretary, 339, 350; sent to France,
355, 371; made principal Secretary
of State, 399,403.........., Captain, 515......... Sir John, letter from, to Philip II.
540................., letter to, from  Zayas, 541.........., of Antwerp, 183, 297, 503.
Smyth, Sir Thomas, 472n.
Somers, 96, 99.
Somerset, Duchess of, 429.........., Master, 608.
Sophi, the, 280.
Sores, Captain, 76, 212, 237, 239, 243, 245,
248, 263, 265, 275, 277, 281, 422.
Sotomayor, Don Alonso, 688.
Southampton, 53, 85, 90, 91, 113, 179, 191,
193, 407, 421, 432, 507, 608.




738


GENERAL INDEX.


Southampton, Mayor of, 91........... specie, &c., seized  in, see  Specie........... Earl of, 214, 218, 249, 253, 256,
274. arrested, 348, 393, 455.
Southwell, John, a Catholic sent to jail, 22.
Spain, trade with, 93, 107, 113, 136, 142,
143-4, 154, 157, 168, 171, 181, 182,
186-7, 190, 196, 214-24, 233-4, 237,
238, 241, 258, 286, 288-9, 292, 294,
295, 301, 319, 324, 366, 373, 410, 427,
435, 438-9, 443-4, 455-6, 548-9,
590-1; whale oil, 630; envoy sent to
Spain by the London merchants, 691;
prohibition of exports from Spain in
foreign bottoms, 698-9, 702, 704........., negotiations for re-opening trade with,
see Restitution, &c., Chapin Vitelli,
Zweveghem,   Guaras,  Fiesco, and
Trade..........., principal English merchants trading
with, 590.........., Protestants  in, 22, 38, 348........... New, Viceroy of, sends accounts of
Drake's depredations, 683.
Spaniards in England, 108, 111, 113, 132, 136,
148, 575; Galicians captured, 682.
691, 697.
Spaniards in France, treatment of, 68.
Spaniards in London, 95, 353.
Spaniards in Flanders, 27, 227, 511, 520-1,
523, 527, 533, 535- 6, 548, 570, 574,
600, 637.
Spanish Protestant preacher in Bridewell, 132,
136, 140......... Indies, voyages to, 1, 17, 21, 80, 137.
212, 236, 239, 241-3, 246, 247-8, 251,
257, 259, 263-5, 267,274-5,277-8,280,
286, 288-9, 292, 294-5, 297-8, 306,
324-5, 328, 353-4, 386-8, 453, 464,
480-1, 492, 500, 526, 567-9, 582-3,
591-3, 604, 659, 677, 679, 698, 701.......... forces for the Netherlands, 500,
502-3, 570.......... fleet, arrival of, in England, 500, 503,
507-8; unfavourable reception of, 510.
Specie, &c., seized by the English, 83, 84,
88, 90, 91, 92, 93, 94, 95, 96, 97,
98; proclamation in justification of,
99-101; reply thereto by Guerau de
Spes, 102-4. 107,108-9,110, 111, 112;
English ambassador's statement concerning same to Don Frances de
Alava, 114-22; D'Assonleville's statement, 122-32; Guerau de Spes' report
to the King, 133-7. 139, 141, 142;
Memorial of the merchants to the
King, 143-4.  146, 147, 149; letter
from  Philip II. to the Queen, 150.
152, 153, 155, 159, 160, 161-3, 168-9,
170, 172, 174-5, 176-7, 178-9,180, 183,
184-5,186, 194, 196,203, 204, 206, 211,
214-24, 230, 234, 238, 251, 257, 298,
307; Cobham's mission,to Spain, 308 -16. 331, 353, 355, 363, 372, 376, 379,
385-6, 387, 399, 408-9, 411, 415, 417 -26, 481; proposal of Hatton to divulge


Specie, &c. —coat.
some concealed property, 588. 605-6,
609-10, 615, 631, 638-9, 646, 665, 670,
672, 674, 678, 682-3, 684, 708-9.
Speke, Sir George, 169, 172, 176, 178-9, 180,
181, 182, 184, 190.
Spencer, John, English merchant trading with
Spain, 590.
Spes, Guerau de, letters from, 68, 69, 70, 71,
72, 74, 77, 78, 80, 81, 82, 83, 83,
88, 90, 90, 91, 93, 95, 98, 106, 110,
112, 133, 138, 141, 144, 151, 155, 156,
156, 164, 166, 168, 169, 169, 169, 171,
172, 173, 174, 174, 174, 175, 178, 180,
181, 183, 183, 184, 184, 185, 187, 187,
188, 188, 190, 191, 192, 195, 196, 197,
198, 200, 201, 205, 207, 211, 213, 214,
215, 218, 223, 223, 225, 228, 228, 231,
231, 233, 233, 234, 237, 237, 238, 240,
242, 243, 244, 245, 246, 253, 258, 259,
263, 264, 267, 270, 271, 271, 273, 275,
278, 279, 280, 281, 283, 284, 285, 286,
287, 288, 289, 289, 290, 290, 293, 293,
294, 294, 296, 297, 299, 300, 301, 302,
302, 303, 305, 306, 312, 316, 317, 319,
320,321, 321, 322, 324, 324, 327, 327,
329, 330, 332, 334, 335, 337, 338, 339,
345, 345, 346, 346, 347, 350, 355, 356,
357, 359, 360, 361, 370, 374, 374, 376,
378, 379, 384, 386, 386, 388..........,......, letters to, 77, 81, 94, 105, 108,
122, 171, 175, 208, 208, 224, 230, 240,
254, 259, 278, 284, 292, 304, 305, 318
323, 325, 326, 333, 336, 348, 354, 374
375................ 66n, 66, 67, 82, 93, 206, 210,
478, 496, 617..........,......,  sent to  England, 31, 45,  46,
59, 62, 63, 64, 65..........,......, Instructions to, 66..........,....., letter from, to the Council
explaining his insolent letters, 105-6.................. his  proposals for  the  subjugation of England and Ireland, 147, 150,
153, 157, 158, 159, 167, 172, 192, 215,
219, 236, 246, 281, 286, 290, 293, 328,
364-5, 366, 388-9................. his proclamation respecting the
seizures, 101-04..........,...... placed under arrest in England,
106, 109, 111, 112, 113, 114, 122;
D'Assonleville's statement respecting
it, 122-32; report to the King, 133-7.
139, 151, 155-68, 169; his release, 172.
175, 177, 259; is summoned before the
Council, 267. 268; refuses to attend,
269. 270; is not considered an
Ambassador, 270; disturbance before
his house, 293. 301; his recall requested
by Cobham, 313. 339, 348; suspicions
of arrest, 352. 354; notice to quit
England, 356; accused of encouraging
rebellion, 357-8. 360-1, 362; his
expulsion, 370-4..........,..... his interviews with the Queen,
67, 73, 79, 84, 89, 92, 93, 94, 102-4,
133, 178, 181, 183, 184-5, 187-8.




GENERAL INDEX.


Spes, Guerau de, complaints of his conduct,
97, 98, 114, 122; a greater papist than
the bishop of Aquila, 254. 264-5, 267,
270, 309,316, 321,366; his expulsion
advocated by Cecil, 339. 356-7; his
expulsion  from  England,   358-62,
366-7, 370-74............... offensive letter from, to the
Duke of Alba, 98-9, 105; his explanation of same, 105-6; statement of
English ambassador in France concerning same, 114-22..................   offensive  letter  from,  to
Geronimo de Curiel, 105; his explanation of same, 105-6; statement of the
English ambassador in France concerning same, 114-22.................. his letter of introduction of
Ridolfi to the King, 300.........,.... his property in England, 321,
359-60...............,  his proposed address to the
Queen on the conversion of England
to catholicism, 85, passim.............., formal complaint presented
against him by the Council, 366............,   his draft proposal for a treaty
of restitution and re-opening of trade,:368-9............., his relations respecting English
affairs, 363-66, 386-88.
Spinelli, Julio, 233, 237.
Spinola, Baptist, of Antwerp, 616.........., Benedict, 84, 90, 93, 131, 143, 149,
163, 170, 171-2, 185, 206, 213, 281,
347, 353, 363, 399, 408-9, 427, 475-6,
629, 684........., Lorenzo, 677, 679........... Pedro, 677.
Spires, 283.
Stafford, Captain, 502............ sent to France, 600-1, 705.
Stanley, Thomas, second son of the Earl of
Derby, 274, 287-8, 325, 328, 335,
353........., Captain, a catholic, goes to serve the
King of Portugal, 613.
States, of Holland, &c., 455, 511; hereditary
claim of Elizabeth to, 528. 533, 536.
542-3, 544, 545; negotiations with
England, 548; their action set forth
in Mendoza's instructions, 55.1-60;
invitation to Alenon, 564. 565, 566,
571-4, 580-1; Walsingham and Cobham's mission to, 583. 585-6, 589,
594-7, 598-9; Don Juan's conditions
of peace, 600; money borrowed of
Pallavicini, 616-17. 622-3, 625, 631;
negotiations for peace with the Prince
of Parma, 632; their letter to the
Queen, 643-4; disunion of, 649. 656-7,
682, 696, 699, 703, 710.
Stirling, 338, 657, 664, 657.
Stockwell, Master, to command a fleet for
the plunder of ships from the Indies,
582-3, 591,


Storey, Dr., is kidnapped and brought to
England, 272-3, 276-7; put to torture,
288. 296; condemned to death, 312.
322; execution, 326.
Storey's wife, 327.
Stradling, Edward, 579.
Strange, Lord, 202, 229.
Strasburg, 227.
Strozzi, Philip, 174..........,Pedro, 416, 421.
Stuart, house of, 26, 76.
Stukeley, Thomas, 159, 165, 170, 226, 246,
247, 252, 257, 260, 275, 279, 286, 293,
257-8, 299, 301, 304; dismissed by
Philip, 305. 308, 315; sends a ring to
Mary of Scotland, 317. 330, 367, 378,
496; leaves Civita Vecchia, 561. 590;
reported off the Irish coast, 597; his
arrival in Portugal, 601; killed at
the battle of Alcazar, 602n.  611,
613................, a servant of his captured and
tortured, 330, 332, 348.
Sturmius, John, reformer, 630.
Subsidies for the Flemish and French protestants, 54-5, 57, 60-4, 81, 85, 234-5,
407, 412, 415, 420, 427-8, 441,
447-8, 449, 452, 454, 461, 468, 470,
473,482-3, 494-5, 503, 512, 525, 535,
546, 564, 573, 580, 586, 629, 643-4,
648-9.
Suffolk, 225, 241, 450, 471.........., pl6t to kill catholics in, 179.........., disturbances in, 179-81, 183.......... Duchess of, 485.
Surrey, Earl of, proposed hostage for Alengon,
662................  204.
Sussex, coast of, 429.
Sussex, Earl of, Thomas    Ratcliff, 16,
37, 51, 58, 72, 76, 83, 204, 211,
225, 234-5, 237, 238, 239; desires
the post of Lord Steward, 240; with
his army on the Border, 242; enters
Scotland, 243;  holds the Border
castles, 249. 252, 264, 275-7, 287, 290,
297-8, 331; in danger of arrest, 346.
364, 384; made Lord Steward, 399.
418, 505, 536, 566, 570-1; favourable
to Spanish interests, 586-7. 599, 601;
his quarrel with North, 606-7, 610,
612, 631, 634-6, 648; opposed to the
Alengon match, 658. 662-3; to be
bribed, 668-9. 672, 674-5; favours
Alen;on as a means of overturning
Leicester, 692. 693, 694; entertains
the Queen, 697. 700, 702, 706.. *..|,...............  his negotiations in Germany respecting the marriage with the
Archduke Charles, 1, 2, 6, 7, 11, 12,
13, 14, 15, 21, 24, 37........................,  his  Vice-Royalty  of
Ireland, 2.
Suygo, John, a Milanese, 145, 146, 148,
156, 164, 166-7, 173.




740


GENERAL INDEX.


Sweden, King of, 212, 576.
Swinfield, a spy in Spain, description of, 273,
275.
T.
Taffin, 536.
Tagus, the, 197.
Tangier, 483.
Tassis, Leonardo and Antonio, King's postmasters in Flanders, 183, 347, 400,
404, 411, 413, 417, 435, 437, 448, 451,
476.
Taxation and parliamentary grants (see also
Finance), 2, 11, 79, 153, 262, 274;
revenue from Ireland, 291. 306-7,
450, 453, 529, 586.
Tayler, a prisoner of the Inquisition, 519,
551,586-7.
Tenerife, 1, 339, 353.
Tenths, the, taxes in Flanders, 345.
Ter-Goes, see Tregus.
Ter-Woort, Hendrik, a Dutch Anabaptist
in London, 500n.
Texel, isle of, 227, 302.
Throgmorton, Nicholas, 42, 50, 60, 63; his
arrest, 200. 201, 204.
Tirznach, 106, 141, 150, 177.
Tongeren, 78.
Torbay, 338.
Tour, Secretary Jacques de la, 196, 202, 205.
Treasurer, the, Marquis of Winchester, 57,
60, 204.
Tregus (or Ter-goes), 398, 404, 415, 425,
432-3; relief of, 434. 439, 443, 528.
Tremaine, Secretary, 374.
Tremelius, John Emmanuel, 17, 17n.
Trent, the, 214, 355........... Council of, 433, 445, 489.
Treport, 70.
Treslong, Louis de, Lieut.-Governor of
Antwerp, 545n.
Trezzo, Jacobo de, 627, 627n.
Tseraets, Jerome, equerry of the Prince of
Orange, 248-9, 253.
Turk, the, negotiations for peace with, 466;
intention to attack Sardinia, 490. 633.
Turkey, Sultan of, communications with, 699,
705-6......... exports of tin to, 706, 710.
Tusan, Courier, 389-90.
Tutbury, 42, 107, 137, 198, 199, 201, 206,
213, 226.
Tyrwitt, 50.
Tzuits, Secretary, envoy from Orange, 516.


U.
Ugarte, Don Lope de, 148.
Ursino, Cardinal sent to France by the Pope,
431, 440, 442, 446, 453, 458, 466.
Ushant, 504.
Utrecht, 69........... conference of, 658, 663, 703.
V.
Valdes, Don Pedro de, Spanish Admiral, 500,
504-5, 507, 508, 513.
Valenciennes, 388, 613, 617.
Valery, St., 60, 63, 64.
Vandenberg, a Flemish privateer, 237, 239,
279.
Van-Est, Peter, a German captain in Flanders
to be bribed, 596, 599.
Vargas Mejia, Juan de, Spanish ambassador
in France, 554, 555, 558, 561; Mendoza's complaints of, 578-9.  587-8,
605, 610-11, 623, 626, 639, 646, 660;
presses Henry III. to forbid the
Alengon match, 661. 665, 670, 677,
683, 688, 690.
Vargas, the licentiate, 193.
Vasconcellos, Luis de, his voyage to Brazil,
352.
Vaughan, Captain of the " Castle of Comfort,"
514.
Vela, Cape de la, 264.
Velutelli, a London banker, 213, 293.
Vendome, Duchess of, see Navarre, Queen
of..........., Duke of, see Navarre.
Venetians, the, 401, 403, 561, 632.
Venice, trade with, 149, 153, 154, 157, 165,
170, 195, 197, 208, 218, 230, 231, 239,
240, 561........., the Seignory of, 561.
Ventura, the, of Havre de Grace, 237.
Verac, M. de, French ambassador in Scotland,
336, 465.
Verd, Cape de, 288, 289, 480.
Vere, a place in the Netherlands, 612.
" Vergi," the, a Venetian ship, 228.
Vielleville, M. de, 69.
Vienna, 11.
Vigo, 186 239 352.
Ville, a privateer, 325.
Villiers, Captain, see Ellis.
Viscounts, the army of the, 253.
Volrad, Count, 218, 228.
Voorn, isle of, 385.
Vulcob, nephew of Bochetel de la Forest, 10,
72, 72n.




GENERAL INDEX.


F741


w.
Walcheren, isle of, 530.
Wales, 147.
Walker, of San Lucar, a spy of Leicester's,
645.
Wall, see Wallop.
Wallop, Sir Harry, 495; accompanies Walsingham to the States, 594.
Walsingham, Sir Francis, 77, 271-2, 281;
sent to France, 288. 297, 320, 334,
339, 371, 401, 405, 411-2, 416, 426,
431; requests his recall, 441. 442, 445,
447, 453, 457; Secretary of State, 487.
519, 548, 566, 570, 572-3, 577-8, 579 -81, 583, 585-6, 588-90, 591, 594; "a
devilish heretic," 595. 596, 597, 598-9,
616, 620, 628-9, 637, 640, 642-4, 650-1,
656, 663, 666. 672, 675, 677, 682-3,
704, 710................. mission to the States, 583, 585-6,
589, 594, 596-9, 600-1, 604, 617, 620,
623, 625, 631................, one of his clerks a spy of Mendoza's, 654.
Wanstead, Leicester's house there, 674, 682.
Warwick, Earl of, Ambrose Dudley, 12, 213,
218, 225, 398, 546, 547-8, 575.
Waterford, description of, 165.
Wentworth, Peter, M.P. for Tregony, 524,
524n.
West, sent to Conde, 599.
Westminster, 355, 356.
Westminster Hall, 247.
Westmoreland, Earl of, 183, 199, 211, 218;
his flight, 225. 227, 229, 231, 232,
235; his raid into England, 238;
accidentally wounded, 242. 247, 249,
254-5, 263, 268; in arms in Scotland,
276. 323, 387, 414; plot to murder,
434. 442, 448, 537, 551, 603.........., Countess of, 240.
Weston (?), an English envoy to Germany,
401, 428, 441, 453, 464, 467.
Whiteman and Hermon, an English house
trading with Spain, 590.
Wielmacker, Jan, a Dutch Anabaptist burnt
in London, 500n.
Wight, Isle of, 70, 85, 145, 189, 195, 243,
245, 258, 263, 264-5, 268, 270, 272-3,
275-6, 277, 283-4, 285, 288, 293, 295,
320, 325, 329, 352, 354,-407, 421, 430,
456, 465, 470, 503-4, 507-8, 514-15,
599................, Captain of the (Horsey), 90,
103, 111, 114-22, 267, 287-8, 352,372,
420, 536, 546-7, 687.
Wilkes, Thomas, his mission to Spain, 550,
558-9, 561-2, 564, 571................   sent to Don Juan, 573, 576,
579, 585, 619, 641,


i
II
I
Ii


Williams, Robert, a prisoner in the galleys of
the Inquisition, 586-7.
Wilson, Sir Thomas, Secretary of State, 339,
565, 593, 602, 651, 709n........ Dr., Master of Requests, 486; sent to
Flanders, 487, 490, 517, 534, 536;
his asserted plots against Don Juan,
543-4. 545-6........... formerly English Ambassador in
Portugal, 61, 80.........., a Catholic priest, 17, 50, 52, 58.
Wilzen, 78.
Winch, Captain, his voyage to Barbary, 586.
Winchester, Bishop of, his house occupied by
the Spanish Ambassador, 169, i71,
172, 174................. has the care of the Bishop of
Ross, 407................., his nephew Henry Horne, 446,
453...............,   p e titio n s   th e   Q a e e n   to   h e lp   th e
French and Flemish Protestants, 468.
Windham, Dr., arrested on religious grounds,
22.
Windsor, 72, 73, 74, 89, 189, 195, 197, 202,
214, 413, 435-6, 447, 547, 613.
Windsor, Lord, 515; proposed hostage for
Alengon, 662.
Windsor Castle, dinner in the Great Hall
given by Leicester to D'Havrey, 547.
Wingfield, 198, 199, 201, 206.
Winter, William, 81, 82, 83, 84, 103, 111,
112, 114-22, 135, 138, 142, 185, 186,
190, 249, 254, 264, 275, 277, 282, 294,
300, 339, 353, 398, 505, 531, 693.......... Captain, his premature return from
Drake's voyage, 592, 602.......... George, 94........... of Norfoltk, 596..........,  Young, 2, 5...........212.
Winter's brother, 173.
Witchcraft, the finding of effigies of the
Queen and Councillors, 611.
Wolschart, Peter, the King of Poland's agent
in Madrid, 140.
Woodhouse, Father, martyrdom of, 471.
Worcester, Earl of, 249, 274; represents the
Queen at the baptism of the daughter
of Charles IX.,458; attacked by pirates,
459. 465, 467............., his son marries Huntingdon's
sister, 358.
Wotton, Edward, English envoy to Portugal,
672-3, 674, 677-8, 683, 684-5, 691,
695, 707.
Wyatt, John, an English pirate, 258.
Wyatt's, Thomas, ship, 304.




742


GENERAL INDEX,


Xaintes, 179, 253.
Y.
Yarmouth, Isle of Wight, 245.
Yerobi, Miguel de, of Renteria, Guipuzcoa,
534.
York, 211, 223, 408; Northumberland's head
exposed at, 411, 580..........., Archbishop of (Young), 58............  (Grindal), 241..........., province  of, Sussex  made  President,
58.........., Sir Orlando, 590.........., George, Captain, 575..........., Meeting  of the Conference on  Scotch
affairs at, 71, 73, 74, 75, 76, 80, 81, 83,
84, 113.
Youghal, 31.
Z.
Zabalaga, Nicolas de, his ship seized in England, 534.
Zantron, 78.
Zayas, Secretary Gabriel de, 16, 34, 37, 41,
59, 68, 69, 85, 278, 302, 308, 317, 478,
622, 641-2, 644-5, 665, 670.




Zayas, Secretary, letters to, 255, 260, 262, 264,
265, 268, 269, 269, 272, 272, 276, 289,
293, 301, 316, 321, 327, 345, 359, 422,
455, 486, 487, 490, 491, 491, 492, 493,
493, 494, 495, 496, 497, 499, 501, 502,
503, 505, 506, 508, 508, 510, 510, 512,
514, 517, 519, 519, 522, 523, 523, 525,
527, 528, 529, 530, 531, 533, 534, 534,
536, 538, 542, 545, 547, 548, 549, 549,
550, 552, 560, 560, 562, 563, 563, 578,
581, 584, 586, 587, 591, 591, 593, 595,
599, 604, 605, 606, 606, 609, 609, 614,
617, 623, 624, 629, 631, 631,638, 642,
644, 645, 651, 651, 652, 655, 656, 658,
658, 665, 667, 671, 672, 673, 673, 676,
678, 679, 679, 681, 682, 687, 690, 692,
692, 693, 694, 694, 695, 697, 697, 700,
700, 701, 704................ letters  from,  305,  541,  623,
626.
Zealand, 366, 386, 388, 398, 422, 432, 434,
459, 463, 468, 474-5, 478, 482, 487;
offered to Elizabeth, 501. 507, 511;
in dismay, 513. 515-20; 530, 533, 583,
596, 689, 710.
Ziericsee, 504, 510, 513-14, 515, 518, 525;
statement of a soldier respecting, 526.
528.
Zubiar, a Spanish emissary to England, orders
to, 469.
Zufiiga, Alonso de, 66........... Don Diego de, Spanish Ambassador
in France, 389, 405, 408, 430, 442, 447,
478........., Don Juan de, letter to, 28, 28n.
Zweveghem, M. de, sent by Alba to negotiate
for restitution and re-opening of trade,
298, 299, 302-3, 304-5, 318, 347, 350,
353, 358-60, 361-2, 365, 371, 372,
373-5, 381-4; ordered to leave England, 386-7. 389-90, 472n; his second
mission, 486.................. his  niission  from   the  States,
536, 539, 544, 546, 603.
Zwiebriicken, Duke of, see Deuxponts.




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CONTENTS.
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CALENDARS OF STATE PAPERS, &C.                -            -  3
PUBLIC RECORD OFFICE, LISTS AND INDEXES  -          -         8
CHRONICLES AND MEMORIALS OF GREAT BRITAIN AND IRELAND DURING
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ENGLAND.
CALENDARS OF STATE PAPERS, &c.
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CALENDARIUM GIENEALOGICUM; for the Reigns of Henry III. and Edward I,
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Vol. I.-1307-1313.       I    Vol. II. —1313-1318.
U 80070. Wt. 1201.                                  a 2




4


CALENDAR OF LETTERS AND PAPERS, FOREIGN AND DOMESTIC, OF THE REIGN OF
HENRY VIII., preserved in Her Majesty's Public Record Office, the
British Museum, and elsewhere in England. Edited by J. S. BREWER,
M.A., Professor of English Literature, King's College, London
(Vols. I.-IV.); and by JAMES GAIRDNER, an Assistant Record Keeper
(Vols. V.-XtI.). 1862-1892.
Vol. I. —1509-1514.  (Out  of     Vol. VIII.-1535, to July.
print.)                         Vol. IX.-  1535, Aug. to Dec.
Vol. II. (in two Parts)-1515-     Vol. X.-   1536, Jan. to June.
1518. (Part I. out of print.)   Vol. XI.-1536, July to Dec.
Vol. III. (in two Parts)-1519-    Vol. XII., Part 1.-1537, Jan. to
1523.                             May.
Vol. IV.-Introduction.            Vol. XII., Part 2.-1537, June to
Vol. IV., Part 1.-1524-1526.        Dec.
Vol. IV., Part 2.-1526-1528.      Vol. XIII., Part 1.-1538, Jan. to
Vol. IV., Part 3-1529-1530.        July.
Vol. V.-1531-1532.                Vol. XIII., Part 2.-1538, Aug.
Vol. VI.-1533.                     to Dec.
Vol. VII.-1534.
CALENDAR OF STATE PAPERS, DOMESTIC SERIES,' OF THE REIGNS OF EDWARD
VI., MARY, ELIZABETHI, and JAMES I., preserved in the Public Record
Office. Edited by ROBERT LEMON, F.S.A. (Vols. I. and II.), and by
MARY ANNE EVERETT GREEN (Vols. III.-XII.). 1856-1872.
Vol. I.-  1547-1580.              Vol. VII.- Addenda, 1566-1579.
Vol. II.- 1581-1590.              Vol. VIII.-1603-1610.
Vol. III.-1591-1594.  (Out  of    Vol. IX.-  1611-1618.
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Vol. V.-  1598-1601.                         Addenda, 1603-1625,
Vol. VI.- 1601-1603, with         Vol. XII.- Addenda, 1580-1625.
Addenda, 1547-1565.
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F.S.A. (Vols. XIV.-XXII.). 1858-1893.          I
Vol. I.-   1625-1626.         I   Vol. XII.-   1637-1638.
Vol. II. —  1627-1628.            Vol. XIII.-  1638-1639.
Vol. III.- 1628-1629.             Vol. X1V.-   1639.
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Vol. VII.- 1634-1635.             Vol. XVIII.-1641-1643.
Vol. VIII. —1635.                 Vol. XIX.-   1644.
Vol. IX.-    1635-1636.           Vol. XX.-    1644-1645.
Vol. X.-   1636-1637.             Vol. XXI.-   1645-1647.
Vol. XI.-  1637.                  Vol. XXII.- 1648-1649.
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preserved in the Public Record Office. Edited by MARY ANNE EVERETT
GREEN. 1875-1885.
Vol. I.-  1649-1650.              Vol. VIII.-1655.
Vol. II.-  1650.                  Vol. IX.-  1655-1656.
Vol. III.- 1651.                  Vol. X.-   1656-1657.
Vol. IV.- 1651-1652.              Vol. XI.-  1657-1658.
Vol. V.-  1652-1653.              Vol. XII.- 1658-1659.
Vol. VI.- 1653-1654.              Vol. XIII.-1659-1660.
Vol. VII.-1654.
CALENDAR OF STATE PAPERS:-COMMITTEE FOR THE ADVANCE OF MONEY,
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1888.
CALEiNDAR OF STATE PAPERS:-COMMITTEE FOR COPrOUNvDI-G, &c., 1643 -1660. Edited by MARY ANNE EVERETT GREEN.    Parts I.-V., 1889 -1892.




CALENDAR OF STATE PAPERS, DOMESTIC SERIES, OF TIIE REIGN OF CHARLES IL,
preserved in the Public Record 'Office. Edited by MARY ANNE
EVERFTT GREEN. 1860-1893.
Vol. I.-  1660-1661.           Vol. V.-    1665-1666.
Vol. II.- 1661-1662.           Vol. VI.-   1666-1667.
Vol. III.-1663-1664.           Vol. VIT.- 1667.
Vol. IV.-1664-1665.            Vol. VIII.-1667-1668.
CALENDAR OF HOME OFFICE PAPERS OF THE REIGN OF GEORGE III., preserved
in the Public Record Office. Vols. I. and II. Edited by JOSEPH
REDINGTON an Assistant Record Keeper, 1878-1879. Vol. III.
Edited by RICHARD ARTHUR ROBERTS, Barrister-at-Law. 1881.
Vol. I.-1760 (25 Oct.)-1765.   Vol. III.-1770-1772.
Vol. II.-1766-1769.
CALENDAR OF TREASURY PAPERS, preserved in the Public Record Office.
Edited by JOSEPH REDINGTON, an Assistant Record Keeper. 1868 -1889.
Vol. I.-  1557-1696.           Vol. IV.-17C8-1714.
Vol. II.- 1697-1702.           Vol. V.- 1714-1719.
Vol. III.-1702-1707.           Vol. VI.-1720-1728.
CALENDAR OF STATE-PAPERS relating to SCOTLAND, preserved in the Public
Record Office. Edited by MARKHAM JOHN THORPE. 1858.
Vol. I., the Scottish Series, 1509-1589.
Vol. II., the Scottish Series, 1589-1603; an Appendix to the
Scottish Series, 1543-1592; and the State Papers relating to
Mary Queen of Scots.
CALENDAR OF DOCUMENTS relating to IRELAND, in the Public Record Office,
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Vol. I.-  1171-1251.           Vol. IV.-1293-1301.
Vol. II.- 1252-1284.           Vol. V.- 1302-1307.
Vol. III.-1285-1292.
CALENDAR OF STATE PAPERS relating to IRELAND, OF THE REIGNS OF
HENRY VIII., EDWARD VI., MARY, and ELIZABETH, preserved in the
Public Record Office. Edited by HANS CLAUDE HAMILTON, F.S.A.
1860-1890, and by E. G. ATKINSON, 1893.
Vol. I.-  1509-1573.           Vol. IV.-1588-1592.
Vol. II.- 1574-1585.           Vol. V.- 1592-1596.
Vol. III.-1586-1588.           Vol. VI.-1596-1597.
CALENDAR OF STATE PAPERS relating to IRELAND, OF THE REIGN OF JAMES I.,.
preserved in the Public Record Office, and elsewhere. Edited by the
Rev. C. W. RUSSELL, D.D., and JOHN P. PRENDERGAST, Barrister-atLaw. 1872-1880.
Vol. I.-  1603-1606.           Vol. IV.-1611-1614.
Vol. II.- 1606-1608.           Vol. V.- 1615-1625.
Vol. III.-1608-1610.
This series is in continuation of the Irish State Papers commencing
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are not confined,to those in the Public Record Office, London.
CALENDAR OF THE CAREW PAPERS, preserved in the Lambeth Library.
Edited by J. S. BREWER, M.A., Professor of English Literature,
King's College, London; and WILLIAM BULLEN. 1867-1873.
Vol. I.-  1515-1574. (Out      Vol. IV.-1601-1603.
of print.)          Vol. V.-   Book of Howth;
Vol. II.- 1575-1588.                       Miscellaneous.
Vol. III.-1589-1600.           Vol. VI.-1603-1624.
The Carew Papers are of great importance to all students of Irish
history.




6


CALENDAR OF STATE PAPERS, COLONIAL SERIES.    Edited by W. NOEL
SAINSBURY, an Assistant Record Keeper. 1860-1892.
Vol. I.-America and West Indies, 1574-1660.
Vol. II.-East Indies, China, and Japan, 1513-1616. (Out ofprint.)
Vol. III.-,,,,,,     1617-1621. (Out ofprint.)
Vol. IV.-,,,             1622-1624.
Vol V.-America and West Indies, 1661-1668.
Vol. VI.-East Indies, 1625-1629.
Vol. VII.-America and West Indies, 1669-1674.
Vol. VIII.-East Indies and Persia, 1630-1634.
Vol. IX.-America and West Indies, 1675-1676, and Addenda,
1574-1674.
These volumes deal with Colonial Papers in the Public Record Office,
the India Office, and the British Museum.
CALENDAR OF STATE PAPERS, FOREIGN SERIES, OF TIIE REIGN OF EDWARD VI.,
preserved in the Public Record Office. 3547-15s3.   Edited by
W. B. TURNBULL, Barrister-at-Law, &c. 1861.
CALENDAR OF STATE PAPERS, FOREIGN SERIES, OF THE REIGN OF MARY, preserved in the Public Record Office. 1553-1558. Edited by W. B.
TURNBULL, Barrister-at-Law, &c. 1861.
CALENDAR OF STATE PAPERS, FOREIGN SERIES, OF THE REIGN OF ELIZABETH,
preserved in the Public Record Office, &c. Edited by the Rev. JOSEPH
STEVENSON, M.A. (Vols. I.-VII.), and ALLAN JAMES CROSBY, M.A.,
Barrister-at-Law (Vols. VIII.-XI.). 1863-1880.
Vol. I.-  1558-1559.     f     Vol. VII.- 1564-1565.
Vol. II.- 1559-1560.           Vol. VIII.-1566-1568.
Tol. III.-1560-1561.           Vol. IX.-  1569-1571.
Vol. IV.- 1561-1562.           Vol. X.-   1572-1574.
Vol. V.-  1562.                Vol. XI.-  1575-1577.
Vol. VI.- 1563.
CALENDAR OF LETTERS, DESPATCITES, AND STATE PAPERS, relating to the
Negotiations between England and Spain, preserved in the Archives
at Simancas, and elsewhere. Edited by G. A. BERGENROTH, (Vols. I.
and II.) 1862-1868, and DON PASCUAL DE GAYANGOS (Vols. III. to VI.)
1873-1890.
Vol. I.- 1485-1509.              Vol. IV., Part 2.-1531-1533.
Vol. II.-1509-1525.              Vol. IV., Part 2.-1531-1533.
Supplement to Vol. I. and            continued.
Vol. II.                       Vol. V., Part 1.- 1534-1535.
Vol. III., Part 1.-1525-1526.    Vol. V., Part 2.- 1536-1538.
Vol. III., Part 2.-1527-1529.    Vol. VI., Part 1. —1538-1542.
Vol. IV., Part 1.-1529-1530.
CALENDAR OF LETTERS AND STATE PAPERS,> relating to ENGLISH AFFAIRS,
preserved principally in the Archives of Sirmancas.   Edited by
MARTIN A. S. HUME, F.R.Hist.S. 1892-1894.
Vol. I. 1558-1567.         I     Vol. II. 1568-1579.
CALENDAR OF STATE PAPERS AND MANUSCEmPIS, relating to ENGLISII AFFAIRS,
preserved in the Archives of Venice, &tc. -Edited by RAWDON BROWN.
1864-1884, and by RAWDON BROWN and the Right Hon. G. CAVENDISH
BENTINrCK, M.P., 1890.
Vol. I.-  1202-1509.           Vol. VI., Part I.-  1555-1556.
Vol. II. — 1509-1519.          Vol. VI., Part 1I.- 1556-1557.
Vol. III.-1520-1526.           Vol. VI., Part III.-1557-1558.
Vol. IV.- 1527-1533.           Vol. VII.-         1558-1580.
Vol. V.-  1534-1554.
CALENDAR of entries in the PAPAL REGISTERS, illlstrating the history of
Great Britain and Ireland. Edited by W. I. BLISS, B.C.L., Papal
Letters. Vol. I. —1198-1304. 1893.
REPORT OF THE DEPUTY KEEPER OF THE RECORDS AND TIIE REV. J. S. BREWER
upcn the Carte and Carew Papers in the Bodleian and Lambeth
Libraries. 1864. Price 2s. 6d.




7


REPORT OF THE DEPUTY KEEPER OF THE RECORDS upon the Documents in the
Archives and Public Libraries of Venice. 1866. Price 2s. 6d.
GUIDE TO THE PRINCIPAL CLASSES OF DOCUMENTS IN THE PUBLIC RECORD
OFFICE. By S. R. SCARGILL BIRD, F.S.A. 1891. Price 7s. [Reprinting.]
ACTS OF THE PRIVY COUNCIL OF ENGLAND, New Series. Edited by JOHN
ROCHE DASENT, M.A., Barrister-at-Law. 1890-93. Price 10s. each.
Vol. I. -1542-1547.           Vol. V. -1554-1556.
Vol. II. -1547-1550.          Vol. V.    -1556-1558.
Vol. III.-1550-1552.          Vol. VII.-1558-1570.
Vol. IV.-1552-1554.
In the Press.
DESCRIPTIVE CATALOGUE OF ANCIENT DEEDS, preserved in the Public Record
Office. Vol. II.
CALENDAR OF THE PATENT ROLLS OF THE REIGN OF EDWARD I. Vol. II.
CALENDAR OF THE PATENT ROLLS OF THE REIGN OF EDWARD II. Vol. I.
1307-1313.
CALENDAR OF THE PATENT ROLLS OF THE REIGN CF RICHARD II. Vol. I.
1377-1381.
CALENDAR OF THE CLOSE ROLLS OF THE REIGN OF EDWARD II. Vol. III. 1318 -1323.
CALENDAR OF LETTERS AND PAPERS, FOREIGN AND DOMESTIC, OF THE REIGN OF
HENRY VIII., preserved in the Public Record Office, the British
Museum, &c. Edited by JAMES GAIRDNER, late an Assistant Record
Keeper. Vol. XIV.'
CALENDAR OF LETTERS, DESPATCHES, AND STATE PAPERS, relating to the negotiations between England and Spain, preserved in the Archives at
Simancas, and elsewhere.   Edited by DON PASCUAL DE GAYANGOS.
Vol. VI., 1538-42, Part 2.
CALENDAR OF STATE PAPERS, relating to ENGLISH AFFAIRS, preserved in the
Archives of Venice, &c. Edited by HORATIO F. BROWN. Vol. VIII.
CALENDAR of entries in the PAPAL REGISTERS, illustrating the history of
Great Britain and Ireland. Edited by W. H. BLISS, B.C.L. Papal
Letters. Vol. II. 1305-1341.
CALENDAR OF STATE PAPERS, DOMESTIC SERIES, OF THE REIGN OF CHARLES II.
CALENDAR OF STATE PAPERS, DOMESTIC SERIES, OF THE REIGN OF WILLIAM III.
CALENDAR OF INQUISITIONES POST MORTEM, Henry VII.
ACTS OF THE PRIVY COUNCIL OF ENGLAND, New Series, Vol. VIII. Edited by
JOHN ROCHE DASENT, M.A., Barrister-at-Law.
-In Progress.
CALENDAR OF ANCIENT CORRESPONDENCE, Diplomatic Documents, and the
like, preserved in the Public Record Office.




8


PUBLIC RECORI) OFFICE.
LISTS AND INDEXES.
The object of these publications is to make the contents of the Public
Record Office more easily available. In conjunction with the Calendars,
they will, in course of time, form a catalogue of the National Archives, as
explained in the Fifty-first Report of the Deputy Keeper of the Records
(page 10).
No. I. Index of ANCIENT PETITIONS of the Chancery and the Exchequer.
9s. 6d.
No. II. List and Index of the DECLARED ACCOUNTS from the Pipe Office
and the Audit Office. Price 15s.
In the Press.
No. III. List of volumes of STATE PAPERS (Great Britain and Ireland),
A.D. 1547-1760.
List of PLEA ROLLS.
List and Index of MINISTERS' ACCOUNTS. Part I.
List and Index of CoURT ROLLS.
Index of CHANCERB PROCEEDINGS, Series II., A.D. 1558-1579.


In Progress.
Index of EARLY CHANCERY PROCEEDINGS.




THE CHRONICLES AND IMEItORIALS OF GREAT
BRITAIN AND IRELAND DURING TIE MIDDLE AGES.
[ROYAL 8vo. Price 10s. each Volume or Part.]
On 25 July 1822, the House of Cdmmons presented an address to the
Crown, stating that the editions of the works of our ancient historians
were inconvenient and defective; that many of their writings still
remained in manuscript, and, in some cases, in a single copy only. They
added, "that an uniform and convenient edition of the whole, published
"under His Majesty's royal sanction, would be an undertaking honour"able to His Majesty's reign, and conducive to the advancement of
"historical and constitutional knowledge; that the House therefore"humbly besought His Majesty, that He would be graciously pleased togive such directions as His Majesty, in His wisdom, might think fit,
"for the publication of a complete edition of the ancient historians.
of this realm."
The Master of the Rolls, being very desirous that effect should be given
to the resolution of the H:use of Commons, submitted to Her Majesty's
Treasury in 1857 a plan for the publication of the ancient chronicles and
memorials of the United Kingdom, and it was adopted accordingly.
Of the Chronicles and Memorials, the following volumes have been
published. They embrace the period from the earliest time of British
history down to the end of the reign of Henry VII.
1. THE CHRONIcLE OF ENGLAND, by JOHN CAPGRAVE.      Edited by the Rev.
F. C. HINGESTON, M.A. 1858.
Capgrave's Chronicle extends from the creation of the world to the year 1417. As.
a record of the language spoken in Norfolk (being written in English), it is of considerable
value.
2. CHRONICON MONASTERII DE ABINGDON. Vols. I. and II. Edited by the
Rev. JOSEPH STEVENSON, M.A., Vicar of Leighton Buzzard. 1858.
This Chronicle traces the history of the monastery from its foundation by King Ina.
of Wessex, to the reign of Richard I. The author had access to the title deeds of thehouse, and incorporates into his history various charters of the Saxon kings, of great importance as illustrating not only the history of the locality but that of the kingdom.
3. LIVES OF EDWARD THE CONFESSOR     I.-La Estoire de Seint Aedward Ie
Rei.   II. —Vita Beati Edvardi Regis et Confessoris.     III.-Vita.Aduuardi Regis qui apud Westmonasterium      requiescit. Edited by
HENRY BICHARDS LUARD, M.A., Fellow and Assistant Tutor of Trinity
College, Cambridge. 1858.
The first is a poem in Norman French, probably written in 1245. The second is an.
anonymous poem, written between 1440 and 1450, which is mainly valuable as a specimen of
the Latin poetry of the time. The third, also by an anonymous author, was apparently
written between 1066 and 1074.
4. MONUMENTA FRANCISCANA. Vol. I.-Thomas de Eccleston de Adventu
Fratrum Minorum in Angliam. Adae de Marisco Epistolse. Registrum  Fratrum   Minorum Londonie. Edited by J. S. BREWER, MA.,
Professor of English Literature, King's College, London. Vol. II.De Adventu Minorum; re-edited, with additions. Chronicle of the
Grey Friars. The ancient English version of the Rule of St. Francis.
Abbreviatio Statutorum, 1451, &c. Edited by RICHARD HOWLET,,
Barrister-at-Law. 1858, 1882.
The first volume contains original materials for the history of the settlement of the
order of St. Francis in England, the letters of Adam de Marisco, and other papers. The
second volume contains materials found since the first volume was published.




10


5. FASCICULI ZIZANIORUM MAGISTRI JOHANNIS WYCLIF CUM TRITICO. Ascribed
to THOMAS NETTER, of WALDEN, Provincial of the Carmelite Order
in England, and Confessor to King Henry the Fifth. Edited by the
Rev. W. W. SHIRLEY, M.A., Tutor and late Fellow            of Wadham
College, Oxford. 1858.
This work gives the only contemporaneous account of the rise of the Lollards.
6. THE BUIK OF THE CRONICLIS OF SCOTLAND; or, A Metrical Version of the
History of Hector Boece; by WILLIAM STEWART. Vols. I., II., and
III. Edited by W. B. TURNBULL, Barrister-at-Law. 1858.
This is a'metrical translation of a Latin Prose Chronicle, written in the first half of the
16th century. The narrative begins with the earliest legends and ends with the death of
James I. of Scotland, and the " evil ending of the traitors that slew him." The peculiarities
of the Scottish dialect are well illustrated in this version.
7. JOHANNIS CAPGRAVE LIBER DE ILLUSTRIBUS HENRICIS.           Edited by the
Rev. F. C. HINGESTON, M.A. 1858.
The first part relates only to the history of the Empire from the election of Henry I.
the Fowler, to the end of the reign of the Emperor Henry VI. The second part is devoted
to English history, from the accession of Henry I. in 1100, to 1446, which was the twenty.
fourth year of the reign of Henry VI. The third part contains the lives of illustrious men
who have borne the name of Henry in various parts of the world.
8. HISTORIA   MONASTERII S. AUGUSTINI CANTUARIENSIS, by          THOMAS OF
ELMHAM, formerly Monk and Treasurer of that Foundation.           Edited
by CHARLES HARDWICK, M.A., Fellow        of St. Catharine's Hall, and
Christian Advocate in the University of Cambridge. 1858.
This history extends from the arrival of St. Augustine in Kent until 1191.
9. EULOGIUM (HISTORIARUM SIVE TEnMPORIS): Chronicon ab Orbe condito
usque ad Annum      Domini 1366; a monacho quodam Malmesbiriensi
exaratum. Vols. I., II., and IHI. Edited by F. S. IIAYDON, B.A.
1858-1863.
This is a Latin Chronicle extending from the Creation to the latter part of the reign of
Edward III., and written by a monk of Malmesbury, about the year 1367. A continuation
carries the history of England down to the year 1413.
10. MEMORIALS OF HENRY THE SEVENTH: Bernardi Arldrea Tholosatis Vita
Regis Henrici Septimi; necnon alia qumadam          ad eundem    Regem
spectantia. Edited by JAMES GAIRDNER. 1858.
The contents of this volume are-(1) a life of Henry VII., by his poet Laureate and
historiographer, Bernard Andre, of Toulouse, with some compositions in verse, of which he
is supposed to have been the author; (2) the journals of Roger Machado during certain
embassies to Spain and Brittany, the first of which had reference to the marriage of the
King's son, Arthur, with Catharine of Arragon; (3) two curious reports by envoys sent to
Spain in 1505 touching the succession to the Crown of Castile, and a project of marriage
between Henry VII. and the Queen of Naples; and (4) an account of Philip of Castile's
reception in England in 1506. Other documents of interest are given in an appendix.
11. MEMORIALS OF HENRY TIIE FIFTH. I.-Vita Henrici Quinti, Roberto
Redman-no auctore. II.-Versus Rhythmici in laudem Regis Henrici
Quinti. III.-Elmhami Liber Metricus de Henrico V. Edited by
CHARLES A. COLE. 1858.
12. MUNIMENTA     GILDIIALLEA  LONDONIENSIS; Liber Albus, Liber Custumaram, et Liber Horn, in archivis Gildhallae asservati. Vol. I.,
Liber Albus. Vol. II. (in Two Parts). Liber Custumarum. Vol. III.,
Translation of the Anglo-Norman Passages in Liber Albus, Glossaries, Appendices, and Index. Edited by HENRY THOMAS RILEY,
M.A., Barrister-at-Law. 1859-1862.
The Liber Albus, compiled by John Carpenter, Common Clerk of the City of London in
the year 1419, gives an account of the laws, regulations, and institutions of that City in the
12th, 13th, 14th, and early part of the 15th centuries. The Liber Custumarum was compiled in the early part of the 14th century during the reign of Edward II. It also gives an
account of the laws, regulations, and institutions of the City of London in the 12th, 13th,
and early part of the 14th centuries.
13. CHRONICA JOHIANNIS DE OXENEDES. Edited by Sir HENRY ELLIS, K.H.
1859.
Although this Chronicle tells of the arrival of Hengist and Horsa, it substantially begins
with the reign of King Alfred, and comes down to 1292. It is particularly valuable for
notices of events in the east ern portions of the Kingdom.




11
14. A  COLLECTION OF POLITICAL POEMS AND SONGS RELATING TO ENGLISH'
HISTORY, FROM THE ACCESSION      OF EDWARD     III. TO THE REIGN      OF
HENRY VIII. Vols. I. and II. Edited by THOMAS WRIGHT, M.A. 1859 -1861.
15. The " OPUS TERTIUM," " OPUS MINUS," &c. of ROGER BACON. Edited by
J. S. BREWER, M.A., Professor of English Literature, King's College,
London. 1859.
16. BARTHOLOM^EI DE COTTON, MONACHI NORWICENSIS, HISTORIA ANGLICANA;
449-1298; necnon     ejusdem   Liber de Achiepiscopis et Episcopis
Angliam.   Edited by HENRY      RICHARDS   LUARD, M.A., Fellow      and
Assistant Tutor of Trinity College, Cambridge, 1859.
17. BRUT Y TYWYSOGION; or, The Chronicle of the Princes of Wales.
Edited by the Rev. JOHN WILLIAMS AB ITHEL, M.A. 1860.
This work, written in the ancient Welsh language, begins with the abdication and
death of Caedwala at Rome, in the year 681, and continues the history down to the
subjugation of Wales by Edward I., about the year 1282.
18. A COLLECTION OF ROYAL AND HISTORICAL LETTERS DURING TIE REIGN OF
HENRY IV.    1399-1404. Edited by the Rev. F. C. HINGESTON, M.A., of
Exeter College, Oxford. 1860.
19. THE REPRESSOR OF OVER MUCH BLAMING OF THE CLERGY. By REGINALD
PECOCK, sometime Bishop of Chichester. Vols. I. and II. Edited by
the Rev. CHURCHILL BABINGTON, B.D., Fellow of St. John's College,
Cambridge. 1860.
The " Repressor " may be considered the earliest piece of good theological disquisition
of which our English prose literature can boast. The author was born about the end of the
fourteenth century, consecrated Bishop of St. Asaph in the year 1444, and translated to the
see of Chichester in 1450. His work is interesting chiefly because it gives a full account of
the views of the Lollards, and it has great value for the philologist.
20. ANNALES CAMBRIlE. Edited by the Rev. JOHN WILLIAMS AB ITHEL, M.A.
1860.
These annals, which are in Latin, commenced in 447, and come down to 1288. The
earlier portion appears to be taken from an Irish Chronicle used by Tigernach, and by the
compiler of the Annals of Ulster.
21. THE WORKS OF GIRALDUS CAMBRENSIS. Vols. I.-IV.           Edited by the
Rev. J. S. BREWER, M.A., Professor of English Literature. King's
College, London.     Vols. V.-VII.     Edited by the    Rev. JAMES F.
DIMOCK, M.A., Rector of Barnburgh, Yorkshire. Vol. VIII.         Edited
by GEORGE F. WARNER, M.A., of the Department of MSS., British
Museum. 1861-1891.
These volumes contain the historical works of Gerald du Barry, who lived in the reigns
of Henry II., Richard I., and John. His works are of a very miscellaneous nature, both
in prose and verse, and are remarkable for the anecdotes which they contain.
The Topographia Hibernica (in Vol. V.) is the result of Giraldus' two visits to Ireland,
the first in 1183, the second in 1185-6, when he accompanied Prince John into that country.
The Expugnatio Hibernica was written about 1188, and may be regarded rather as a great
epic than a sober relation of acts occurring in his own days. Vol. VI. contains the Itinerarium Kambrice et Descriptio Kambrice; and Vol. VII., the lives of S. Remigius and
S. Hugh. Vol. VIII. contains the Treatise De Principum Instructione, and an Index to
Vols. I.-IV. and VIII.
22. LETTERS AND PAPERS ILLUSTRATIVE OF THE WARS OF THE ENGLISH IN
FRANCE DURING THE REIGN OF HENRY THE SIXTH, KING OF ENGLAND.
Vol. I., and Vol. II. (in Two Parts). Edited by the Rev. JOSEPH
STEVENSON, M.A., Vicar of Leightcn Buzzard.      1861-1864.
23. THE ANGLO-SAXON CHRONICLE, ACCORDING TO THE SEVERAL ORIGINAL
AUTHORITIES. Vol. I., Original Texts.    Vol. II., Translation. Edited
and translated by BENJAMIN THORPE, Member of the Royal Academy of
Sciences at Munich, and of the Society of Netherlandish Literature at
Leyden. 1861.
There are at present six independent manuscripts of the Saxon Chronicle, ending in
different years, and written in different parts of the country. In this edition, the text of
each manuscript is printed in columns on the same page, so that the student may see at a
glance the various changes which occur in orthography.




12


24. LETTERS AND PAPERS ILLUSTRATIVE OF THE REIGNS OF RICHARD III. AXD
HENRY VII. Vols. I. and II. Edited by JAMES GAIRDNER.              1861 -1863.
The principal contents of the volumes are some diplomatic Papers of Richard III.;
correspondence between Henry VII. and Ferdinand and Isabella of Spain; documents
relating to Edmund de la Pole, Earl of Suffolk; and a portion of the correspondence of
James IV. of Scotland.
25. LETTERS OF BISHOP GROSSETESTE. Edited by the Rev. HENRY RICHARDS
LUARD, M.A., Fellow and Assistant Tutor of Trinity College, Cambridge. 1861.
The letters of Robert Grosseteste range in date from about 1210 to 1253, and relate to
various matters connected not only with the political history of England during the reign
of Henry III., but with its ecclesiastical condition. They refer especially to the diocese of
Lincoln, of which Grosseteste was bishop.
26. DESCRIPTIVE CATALOGUE OF MANUSCRIPTS RELATING TO THE HISTORY OF
GREAT BRITAIN AND IRELAND. Vol. I. (in Two Parts); Anterior to the
Norman Invasion. Vol. II.; 1066-1200. Vol. III.; 1200-1327. By
Sir THOMAS DUFFUS HARDY, D.C.L., Deputy Keeper of the Records.
1862-1871.
The object of this work is to publish notices of all known sources of British history,
both printed and unprinted, in one continued sequence. The materials, when historical (as
distinguished from biographical), are arranged under the year in which the latest event is
recorded in the chronicle or history, and not under the period in which its author, real or
supposed, flourished. Biographies are enumerated under the year in which the person
commemorated died, and not under the year in which the life was written. A brief
analysis of each work has been added when deserving it, in which original portions are
distinguished from mere compilations. A biographical sketch of the author of each piece
has been added, and a brief notice of such British authors as have written on historical
subjects.
27. ROYAL AND OTHER HISTORICAL LETTERS ILLUSTRATIVE OF TIHE REIGN OF
HENRY III.    Vol. I., 1216-1235. Vol. II., 1236-1272.      Selected and
edited by the Rev. W. W. SHIRLEY, D.D., Regius Professor of Ecclesiastical History, and Canon of Christ Church, Oxford. 1862-1866.
28. CHRONICA MONASTERII S. ALBANI.-1. THOMA^           WALSINGHAM HISTORIA
ANGLICANA; Vol. I., 1272-1381: Vol. II., 1381-1422. 2. WILLELMI
RISHANGER    CHRONICA    ET ANNALES, 1259-1307.        3. JOHANNIS DE
TROKELOWE ET HENRICI DE BLANEFORDE CHRONICA ET ANNALES, 1259-1296;
1307-1324; 1392-1406. 4. GESTA ABBATUM MONASTERII S. ALBANI, A
THOMA WALSINGHAM, REGNANTE RICARDO SECUNDO, EJUSDEM ECCLESIE
PR:ECENTORE, COMPILATA; Vol. I., 793-1290: Vol. II., 1290-1349:
Vol. III, 1349-1411. 5. JOHANNIS AMUNDESHAM, MONACHI MONASTERII
S. ALBANI, UT VIDETUR, ANNALES; Vols. I. and II. 6. REGISTRA
QUORUNDAM ABBATUM MONASTERII S. ALBANI, QUI SAECULO XV"o' FLORUERE;
Vol. I., REGISTRUM ABBATIE JOHANNIS WHETHAMSTEDE, ABBATIS MONASTERII SANCTI ALBANI, ITERUM SUSCEPT^E; ROBERTO BLAKENEY, CAPELLANO,
QUONDAM ADSCRIPTUM: Vol. II., REGISTRA JOHANNIS WHETHAMSTEDE,
WILLELMI ALBON, ET WILLELMI WALINGFORDE, ABBATUM             MONASTERII
SANCTI ALBANI, CUM     APPENDICE, CONTINENTE     QUASDAM3  EPISTOLAS, A
JOBANNE WHETHAMSTEDE        CONSCRIPTAS.    7. YPODIGMA    NEUSTRIAE    A
THOMA    WALSINGHAM, QUONDAM        MONACHO    MONASTERII S. ALBANI,
CONSCRIPTUM. Edited by HENRY THOMAS RILEY, M.A., Barrister-at-Law.
1863-1876.
In the first two volumes is a Histcry of England, from the death of Henry III. to the
death of Henry V., by Thomas Walsingham, Precentor of St. Albans.
In the 3rd volume is a Chronicle of English History, attributed to William Rishanger,
who lived in the reign of Edward I.: an account of transactions attending the award of
the kingdom of Scotland to John Balliol, 1291-1292, also attributed to William Rishanger,
but on no sufficient ground: a short Chronicle of English History, 1292 to 1300, by an
unknown hand: a short Chronicle Willelmi Rishanger Gesta Edwardi Primi, Regis Anglive,
with Annales Regum Anglize, probably by the same hand: and fragments of three
Chronicles of English History, 1285 to 1307.
In the 4th volume is a Chronicle of English History, 1259 to 1296: Annals of Edward II.,
1307 to 1323, by John de Trokelowe, a monk of St. Albans, and a continuation of Trokelowe's Annals, 1323,1324, by Henry de Blaneforde: a full Chronicle of English History, 1392
to 1406; and an account of the Benefactors of St. Albans, written in the early part of the
15th century.
The 5th, 6th, and 7th volumes contain a history of the Abbots of St. Albans, 793 to
1411, mainly compiled by Thomas Walsingham: with a Continuation.
The 8th and 9th volumes, in continuation of the Annals, contain a Chronicle, probably
bly John Amundesham, a monk of St. Albans.




13


The 10th and 11th volumes relate especially to the acts and proceedings of Abbots
Whethamstede, Albon; and Wallingford.
The 12th volume contains a compendious History of England to the reign of Henry V.,
and of Normandy in early times, also by Thomas Walsingham, and dedicated to Henry V.
29. CHRONICON ABBATIA      EVESHAMENSIS, AUCTORIBUS      DOMINICO    PRIORE
EVESHAMLE ET THOMA DE MARLEBERGE ABBATE, A FUNDATIONE AD ANNUM
1213, UNA    M C CONTINUATIONE AD ANNUM 1418. Edited by the Rev.
W. D. MACRAY, Bodleian Library, Oxford. 1863.
The Chronicle of Evesham illustrates the history of that important monastery from
about 690 to 1418. Its chief feature is an autobiography, which makes us acquainted with
the inner daily life of a great abbey. Interspersed are many notices of general, personal,
and local history.
30. RICARDI DE CIRENCESTRIA     SPECULUM   HISTORIALE DE    GESTIS REGUM
ANGLIE. Vol. I., 447-871. Vol. II., 872-1066. Edited by JOHN E. B.
MAYOR, M.A., Fellow of St. John's College, Cambridge. 1863-1869.
Richard of Cirencester's history, in four books, extends from 447 to 1066. It gives
many charters in favour of Westminster Abbey, and a very full account of the lives and
miracles of the saints, especially of Edward the Confessor, whose reign occupies the fourth
book. A treatise on the Coronation, by William of Sudbury, a monk of Westminster, fills
book ii. c. 3.
31. YEAR BooKs or THE REIGN OF EDWARD THE FIRST. Years 20-21, 21-22,
30-31, 32-33, and 33-35 Edw. I; and 11-12 Edw. III. Edited and
translated by ALFRED JOHN HORWOOD, Barrister-at-Law. Years 12-13,
13-14, 14, 14-15, and 15, Edward III. Edited and translated by LUKE
OWEN PIKE, M.A., Barrister-at-Law. 1863-1891.
The "Year Books" are the earliest of our Law Reports. They contain matter not
only of practical utility to lawyers in the present day, but also illustrative of almost every
branch of history, while for certain philological purposes they hold a position absolutely
unique.
32. NARRATIVES OF THE EXPULSION OF THE ENGLISH FROM NORMANDY, 1449 -1450.-Robertus Blondelli de Reductione Normannia: Le Recouvrement de Normendie, par Berry, HI6rault du Roy: Conferences between
the Ambassadors of France and England. Edited by the Rev. JOSEPH
STEVENSON, M.A. 1863.
33. HISTORIA ET CARTULARIUM MONASTERII S. PETRI GLOUCESTRIA. Vols. I.,
II., and III. Edited by W. Hi. HART, F.S.A., Membre correspondant de
la Societe des Antiquaires de 2Normandie. 1863-1867.
34. ALEXANDRI NECKAM DE NATURIS RERUM          LIBRI DUO; with NECKAM'S
POEM, DE LAUDIBUS DIVINi      SAPIENTIAE. Edited by THOMAS WRIGHT.
M.A. 1863.
In the De Naturis lerum are to be found what may be called the rudiments
of many sciences mixed up with much error and ignorance. Neckam had his own views in
morals, and in giving us a glimpse of them, as well as of his other opinions, he throws much
light upon the manners, customs, and general tone of thought prevalent in the twelfth
century.
35. LEECHDOMS, WORTCUNNINGr, AND STARCRAFT OF EARLY ENGLAND; being a
Collection of Documents illustrating the History of Science in this
Country before the Norman Conquest. Vols. 1., II., and III. Collected and edited by the Rev. T. OSWALD COCKAYNE, M.A. 1864-1866.
3b. ANNALES MONASTICI.      Vol. I.:-Annales     de  Margan, 1066-1232;
Annales de Theokesberia, 1066-1263; Annales de Burton, 1004-1263.
Vol. II.:-Annales Monasterii de Wintonia, 519-1277; Annales
Monasterii de Waverleia, 1-1291. Vol. III.:-Annales Prioratus de
Dunstaplia, 1-1297.    Annales Monasterii de Bermundeseia, 1042 -1432. Vol. V.:-Annales Monasterii de Oseneia, 1016-1347; Chronicon
vulgo dictum Chronicon Thomea Wykes, 1066-1289; Annales Prioratus
de Wigornia, 1-1377. Vol. V.:-Index and Glossary. Edited by
HENRY RICHARDS LUARD, M.A., Fellow and Assistant Tutor of Trinity
College, and Registrary of the University, Cambridge.    1864-1869.
The present collection embraces chronicles compiled in religious houses in England
during the thirteenth century. These distinct works are ten in number. The extreme
period which they embrace ranges from the year 1 to 1432.




'14


37. MAGNA VITA S. HUGONIS EPISCOPT LINCOLIIENSIS. Edited by the Rev.
JAMES F. DIMOCK, M.A., Rector of Barnburgh, Yorkshire. 1864.
This work is valuable, not only as a biography of a celebrated ecclesiastic but as the
work of a man, who, from personal knowledge, gives notices of passing events, as well as of
individuals who were then taking active part in public affairs.
38. CHRONICLES AND MEMORIALS OF THE REIGN OF RICHARD THE              FIRST.
Vol. I.:-ITINERARIUM PEREGRINORUM ET GESTA REGIS RICARDI. Vol.
II.:-EPISTOLM CANTUARIENSES; the Letters of the Prior and Convent
of Christ Church, Canterbury; 1187 to 1199. Edited by the Rev.
WILLIAM   STUBBS, M.A., Vicar of Navestock, Essex, and Lambeth
Librarian. 1864-1865.
The authorship of the Chronicle in Vol. I., hitherto ascribed to Geoffrey Vinesauf, is
now more correctly ascribed to Richard, Canon of the Holy Trinity of London.
In letters in Vol. II., written between 1187 and 1199, had their origin in a dispute which
arose from the attempts of Baldwin and Hubert, archbishops of Canterbury, to found a
college of secular canons, a project which gave great umbrage to the monks of Canterbury.
39. RECUEIL, DES CRONIQUES ET ANCHIENNES ISTORIES DE LA GRANT BRETAIGNE
A PRESENT NOMME ENGLETERRE, par JEHAN DE WAURIN. Vol. I. Albina
to 688. Vol. II., 1399-1422. Vol. III., 1422-1431. Edited by WILLIAM
HARDY, F.S.A. 1864-1879. Vol. 1V., 1431-1447. Vol. V., 1447-1471.
Edited by Sir WILLIAM HARDY, F.S.A., and EDWARD L. C. P. HARDY,
F.S.A. 1884-1891.
40. A  COLLECTION OF THE CHRONICLES AND ANCIENT HISTORIES OF GREAT
BRITAIN, NOW CALLED ENGLAND, by JOHN DE WAURIN. Vol. I., Albina
to 668. Vol. II., 1399-1422. Vol. III., 1422-1431. (Translations of
the preceding Vols. I., II., and III.) Edited and translated by Sir
WILLIAM HARDY, F.S.A., and EDWARD L. C. P. HARDY, F.S.A. 1864 -1891.
41. POLYCHRONICON RANULPHI HIGDEN, with Trevisa's Translation. Vols. I.
and II. Edited by CHURCHILL BABINGTON, B.D., Senior Fellow of St.
John's College, Cambridge. Vols. III.-IX. Edited by the Rev. JOSEPH
RAWSON LUMBY, D.D., Norrisian Professor of Divinity, Vicar of St.
Edward's, Fellow of St. Catharine's College, and late Fellow of
Magdalene College, Cambridge. 1865-1886.
This chronicle begins with the creation, and is brought down to the reign of
Edward III. It enables us to form a very fair estimate of the knowledge of history and
geography which well-informed readers of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries possessed,
for it was then the standard work on general history.
The two English translations, which are printed with the original Latin, afford interesting illustrations of the gradual change of our language, for one was made in the
fourteenth century, the other in the fifteenth.
42. LE LIVERE DE REIS DE BRITTANIE E LE LIVERE DE REIS DE ENGLETERE.
Edited by the Rev. JOHN GLOVER, M.A.. Vicar of Brading, Isle of
Wight, formerly Librarian of Trinity College, Cambridge. 1865.
These two treaties are valuable as careful abstracts of previous historians. Some
various readings are given which are interesting to the philologist as instances of semiSaxonised French.
43. CHRONICA MONASTERII DE MELSA AB ANNO 1150 USQU E AD ANNUM 1406.
Vols. I., II., and III.  Edited by EDWARD AUGUSTUS BOND, Assistant
Keeper of Manuscripts, and Egerton Librarian, British Museum.
1866-18(;8.
The Abbey of Meaux was a Cistercian house, and the work of its abbot is a faithful and
often minute record of the establishment of a religious community, of its progress in forming an ample revenue, of its struggles to maintain its acquisitions, and of its relations to
the governing institutions of the country.    <
44. MATTH2E PARISIENSIS HISTORIA ANGLORUM, SIVE, UT VULGO DICITUR, HISTORIA MINOR.     Vols. I., II., and III. 1067-1253. Edited by Sir
FREDERICK MADDEN, K.H., Keeper of the Manuscript Department
of British Museum. 1866-1869.
45. LIBER MONASTERII DE HYDA: A CHRONICLE AND CHARTULARY OF HYDE
ABBEY, WINCHESTER, 455-1023. Edited by EDWARD EDWARDS. 1866.
The " Book of Hyde" is a compilation from much earlier sources which are usually
indicated with considerable care and precision. In many cases, however, the Hyde




15


Chronicler appears to correct, to qualify,.or to amplify the statements, which, in substance,
he adopts.
There is to be found, in the " Book of Hyde," much information relating to the reign of
King Alfred which is not known to exist elsewhere. 'The volume contains some curious
specimens of Anglo-Saxon and mediseval English.
46. CHRONICON SCOTORUM: A CHRONICLE OF IRISH AFFAIRS, from the earliest
times to 1135; and SUPPLEMENT, containing the Events from 1141 to
1150. Edited, with    Translation, by WILLIAM MAUNSELL HENNSSY,
M.R.I.A. 1866.
47. THE CHRONICLE OF BIERRE DE LANGTOFT, IN FRENCH VERSE, FROM THE
EARLIEST PERIOD TO THE DEATH OF EDWARD I. Vols. I. and II. Edited
by THOMAS WRIGHT, M.A. 1866-1868.
It is probable that Pierre de Langtoft was a canon of Bridlington, in Yorkshire, and
lived in the reign of Edward I., and during a portion of the reign of Edward II. This
chronicle is divided into three parts; in the first, is an abridgment of Geoffrey of Monmouth's' Historia Britonum; " m the second, a history of the Anglo-Saxon and Norman
kings, to the death of Henry III.; in the third, a history of the reign of Edward I. The
language is a curious specimen of the French of Yorkshire.
48. THE WAR OF THE GAEDHIL WITH THE GAILL, or THE             INVASIONS OF
IRELAND BY THE DANES AND. OTHER NORSEMEN. Edited, with a Translation, by the Rev. JAMES HENTHORN TODD, D.D., Senior Fellow of
Trinity College, and Regius Professor of Hebrew in the University of
Dublin. 1867.
The work in its present form, in the editor's opinion, is a comparatively modern version
of an ancient original. The story is told after the manner of the Scandinavian Sagas.
49. GESTA REGIS HENRICi SECUNDI BENEDICTI ABBATIS.       CHRONICLE OF THE
REIGNS OF HENRY II. AND RICHARD I., 1169-1192, known under the
name of BENEDICT OF PETERBOROUGH. Vols. I. and II.      Edited by the
REv. WILLIAM STUBBS, M.A., Regius Professor of Modern History,
Oxford, and Lambeth Librarian. 1867.
50. MUNIMENTA ACADEMICA, OR, DOCUMENTS ILLUSTRATIVE OF ACADEMICALI
LIFE AND STUDIES AT OXFORD (in Two Parts). Edited by the Rev.
HENRY ANSTEY, M.A., Vicar of St. Wendron, Cornwall, and lately
Vice-Principal of St. Mary Hall, Oxford. 1868.
51. CHRONICA MAGISTRI ROGERI DE HOUEDENE.       Vols. I., II., III., and IV.
Edited by the Rev. WILLIAM STUBBS, M.A., Regius Professor of Modern
History, and Fellow of Oriel College, Oxford. 1868-1871.
The earlier portion, extending from 732 to 1148, appears to be a copy of a compilation
made in Northumbria about 1161, to which Hoveden added little. From 1148 to 1169-a
very valuable portion of this work-the matter is derived from another source, to which
Hoveden appears to have supplied little. From 1170 to 1192 is the portion which corre'
spends to some extent with the Chronicle known under the name of Benedict of Peterborough (see No. 49). From 1192 to 1201 may be said to be wholly Hoveden's work.
52. WILLELMI MALMESBIRIENSIS MONACHI DE GESIIS PONTIFICUM ANGLORUM
LIBRI QUINQUE. Edited by N. E. S. A. HAMILTON, of the Department
of Manuscripts, British Museum. 1870.
53. HISTORIC AND MUNICIPAL DOCUMENTS OF IRELAND, FROM THE ARCHIVES
OF THE CITY OF DUBLIN, &C. 1172-1320. Edited by JOHN T. GILBERT,
F.S.A., Secretary of the Public Record Office of Ireland. 1870.
54. THE ANNALS OF LOCIi Ci. A CHRONICLE OF IRISH AFFAIRS, FROM 1041 to
1590.   Vols. I. and II.    Edited, with a Translation, by WILLIAM
MAUNSELL HENNESSY, M.R.I.A. 1871.
55. MONUMENTA JURIDICA.      THE BLACK BOOK OF THE ADMIRALTY, WITH
APPENDICES, Vols. I.-IV. Edited by SIR TRAVERS TWIss, Q.C., D.C.L.
1871-1876.
This book contains the ancient ordinances and laws relating to the navy.
56. MEMORIALS OF THE REIGN OF uENRY VI.:-OFFICIAL CORRESPONDENCE OF
THOMAS BEKYNTON, SECRETARY TO HENRY VI., AND BISHOP OF BATH AND
WELLS.     Edited by the Rev. GEORGE WILLIAMS. B.D., Vicar of Ringwood, late Fellow of King's College, Cambridge.       Vols. I. and II.
1872.




16.57. MATTHAI PARISIENSIS, MONACHI SANCTI ALBANI, CIIRONICA MAJORA.
Vol. I. The Creation to A.D. 1066.  Vol. II. A.D. 1067 to A.D. 1216.
Vol. III. A.D. 1216 to A.D. 1239. Vol. IV. A.D. 1240 to A.D. 1247.
Vol. V. A.D. 1248 to A.D. 1259. Vol. VI. Additamenta. Vol. VII.
Index.  Edited by the Rev. HENRY RICHARDS LUARD, D.D., Fellow of
Trinity College, Registrary of the University, and Vicar of Great St.
Mary's, Cambridge. 1872-1884.
-58. MEMORIALE FRATRIS WALTERI DE COVENTRIA.-THE HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS OF WALTER OF COVENTRY.  Vols. I. and ZI.  Edited by the Rev.
WILLIAM STUBBS, M.A., Regius Professor of Modern History, and
Fellow of Oriel College, Oxford. 1872-1873.
The part relating to the first quarter of the thirteenth century is the most valuable..59. THE ANGLO-LATIN SATIRICAL POETS AND EPIGRAMMATISTS OF THE TWELFTH
CENTURY. Vols. I. and II. Collected and edited by THOMAS WRIGHT,
M.A., Corresponding Member of the National Institute of France
(Academie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres). 1872.
60. MATERIALS FOR A HISTORY OF THE REIGN OF HENRY VII., FROM ORIGINAL
DOCUMENTS PRESERVED IN THE PUBLIC RECORD OFFICE.  Vols. I. and II.
Edited by the Rev. WILLIAM CAMPBELL, M.A., one of Her Majesty's
Inspectors of Schools. 1873-1877.
61. HISTORICAL PAPERS AND LETTERS FROM THE NORTHERN REGISTERS. Edited
by the Rev. JAMES RAINE, M.A., Canon of York, and Secretary of the
Surtees Society. 1873..62. REGISTRUM PALATINUM DUNELMENSE.   THE REGISTER OF RICHARD DE
KELLAWE, LORD PALATINE AND BISHOP OF DURHAM; 1311-1316.    Vols.
I.-IV. Edited by Sir THOMAS DUFFUS HARDY, D.C.L., Deputy Keeper
of the Records. 1873-1878.
63. MEMORIALS OF SAINT DUNSTAN, ARCHBISHOP OF CANTERBURY. Edited by
the Rev. WILLIAM STUBBS, M.A., Regius Professor of Modern History,
and Fellow of Oriel College, Oxford. 1874.
'64. CHRONICON ANGLLE, AB ANNO DOMINI 1328 USQUE AD ANNUM 1388,
AUCTORE MONACHO QUODAM3 SANCTI ALBANI. Edited by EDWARD MAUNDE
THOMPSON, Barrister-at-Law, Assistant Keeper of the Manuscripts in
the British Museum. 1874.
65. THOMAS SAGA ERKIBYSKUPS. A LIFE OF ARCHBISHOP THOMAS BECKET,
IN ICELANDIC.  Vols. I. and II.  Edited, with English Translation,
Notes, and Glossary by M. EIRfKR MAGNJSSON, M.A., Sub-Librarian of
the University Library, Cambridge. 1875-1884.
66. RADULPHI DE COGGESHALL CHRONICON ANGLICANUM. Edited by the Rev.
JOSEPH STEVENSON, M.A. 1875.
67. MATERIALS FOR THE HISTORY OF THOMAS BECKET, ARCHBISHOP OF CANTERBURY. Vols. I.-VI.   Edited by the Rev. JAMES CRAIGIE ROBERTSON,
M.A., Canon of Canterbury. 1875-1883. Vol. VII. Edited by JOSEPH
BRIGSTOCKE SHEPPARD, LL.D. 1885.
The first volume contains the life of that celebrated man, and the miracles after his
*death, by William, a monk of Canterbury. The second, the life by Benedict of Peterborough; John of Salisbury; Alan of Tewkesbury; and Edward Grim. The third, the life
by William Fitzstephen; and Herbert of Bosham. The fourth, anonymous lives, Quadrilogus, &c. The fifth, sixth, and seventh, the Epistles, and known letters.
68. R:ADULFI DE DICETO DECANI LUNDONIENSIS OPERA HISTORICA.     THE
HISTORICAL WORKS OF MASTER RALPH DE DICETO, DEAN OF LONDON.
Vols. I. and II.  Edited by the Rev. WILLIAM STUBBs  MI.A., Regius
Professor of Modern History, and Fellow of Oriel College, Oxford.
1876.
The abbreviationes Chronicorum extend to 1147 and the Ymagines Historiarum to
1201.




17


69. ROLL oF THE PROCEEDINGS OF THE KING'S COUNCIL IN IRELAND, FOB A
PORTION OF THE 16TH YEAR OP THE REIGN OF RICHARD I. 1392-93.
Edited by the Rev. JAMES GRAvEs, A.B. 1877.
70. HENRICI DE BRACTON DE LEGIBUS ET CONSUETUDINIBUS ANGLL    LIBRI
QINQUE IN VARIOS TRACTATUS DISTINCTI. Vols. I.-VI. Edited by SB
TRAVERS Twiss, Q.C., D.C.L. 1878-1883.
71. THE HISTORIANS OP THE CHURCH OF YORK, AND ITS ARCHBISHOPS.  Vols.
I. and II. Edited by the Rev. JAMES RAINE, M.A., Canon of York,
and Secretary of the Surtees Society. 1879-1886.
72. REGISTRUM MALMESBURIENSE. THE REGISTER OF MALMESBURY ABBEY;
PRESERVED IN THE PUBLIC RECORD OFFICE. Vols. I. and II.  Edited by
the Rev. J. S. BREWER, M.A., Preacher at the Rolls, and Rector of
Toppesfield; and CHARLES TRICE MARTIN, B.A. 1879-1880.
73. HISTORICAL WORKS OF GERVASE OF CANTERBURY. Vols. I. and II. Edited
by the Rev. WILLIAM STUBBS, D.D.; Canon Residentiary of St. Paul's,
London; Regius Professor of Modern History and Fellow of Oriel
College, Oxford; &c. 1879, 1880.
74. HENRICI ARCHIDIACONI HUNTENDUNENSIS HISTORIA ANGLORUM.       THE
HISTORY OF THE ENGLISH, BY HENRY, ARCHDEACON OF HUNTINGDON, from
A.D. 55 to A.D. 1154, in Eight Books. Edited by THOMAS ARNOLD, M.A.
1879.
75. THE HISTORICAL WORKS OF SYMEON OF DURHAM. Vols. I. and II.
Edited by THOMAS ARNOLD, M.A. 1862-1885.
76. CHRONICLE OF THE REIGNS OF EDWARD I. AND EDWARD II.   Vols. I. and
II. Edited by the Rev. WILLIAM STUBBS, D.D., Canon Residentiary of
St. Paul's, London; Regins Professor of Modern History, and Fellow
of Oriel College, Oxford, &c. 1882,1883.
The first volume of these Chronicles contains the Annales Londonienses and the
Annales Paulini: the second I.-Commendatio Lamentabilis in Transitu magni Regis
Edwardi. II.-Gesta Edwardi de Carnarvan Auctore Canonico Bridlingtoniensi.
III.-Monachi cujusdam Malmesberiensis Vita Edwardi II. IV. —Vita et Morn
Edwardi II., conscripta a Thoma de la Moore.
77. REGISTRUM EPISTOLARUM   FRATRIS JOHANNIS PECK HAM, ARCHIEPISCOPI
CANTUARIENSIS. Vols. I.-III. Edited by CHARLES TICE MARTIN, B.A.,
F.S.A., 1882-1886.
78. REGISTER OF S. OSMUND. Edited by the Rev. W. H. RICH JoNES, M.A.,
F.S.A., Canon of Salisbury, Vicar of Bradford-on-Avon. Vols. I. and
II. 1883, 1884.
This Register derives its name from containing the statutes, rules, and orders made or
compiled by S. Osmund, to be observed in the Cathedral and diocese of Salisbury.
79. CHARTULARY OF THE ABBEY OF RAMSEY.       Vol1. I.-III.  Edited by
WILLIAM  HENRY HART, F.S.A., and the Rev. PONSONBY ANNESLEY
LYONS. 1884-1893.
80. CHARTULARIES OF ST. MARY'S ABBEY, DUBLIN, WITH THE REGISTER OF ITS
HOUSE AT DUNBRODY, COUNTY OF WEXFORD, AND ANNALS OF IRELAND,
1162-1370. Edited by JOHN THOMAS GILBERT, F.S.A., M.R.I.A    Vols.
I. and II. 1884, 1885.
81. EADMERI HISTORIA NOVORUM IN ANGLIA, ET OrUSCULA DUO DE VITA SANCTI
ANSELMI ET QUIBUSDAM MIRACULIS EJUS. Edited by the Rev. MARTIN
RULE, M.A. 1884.
82. CHRONICLES OF THE REIGNS OF STEPHEN, HENRY II., AND RICaARD I
Vols. I.-1V. Edited by RICHARD HOWLETT, Barrister-at-Law.   1884 -1890.
Vol. I. contains Books I.-IV. of the Historia Rerum Anglicarnmt of William of Newburgh. Vol. II. contains Book V. of that work, the continuation of the same to A.D. ]298
and the Draco Normannicus of Etienne de Rouen.
U 80070.




18


V~ol. III. contains the Gesta Stejfhani RBegis, the Chronicle of Richard of Hexham, the
Relatio de Standardo of St. Aelred of Rievauli, the poem of Jordan Fantosme, and the
Chronicle of Richard of Devizes.
Vol. IV. contains the Chronicle of Robert of Torigni.
83. CHRONICLE OF THE ABBEY OF RAMSEY.      Edited by the Rev. WILLIAM:
DaUs MACLAY, M.A., F.S.A., Rector of Ducklington, Oxon. 1886.
84. CHRONICA ROGERI DE WENDOVER, SIVE FLORES HISTORIARUM.     Vols. I.III. Edited by HENRY GAY HEWLETT, Keeper of the Records of the
Land Revenue. 1886-1889.
This edition gives that portion only of Roger of Wendover's Chronicle which can be
accounted an original authority.
85. THE LETTER BOOKS OF THE MONASTERY OF CHRIST CHURCH, CANTERBURY,
Edited by JOSEPH BRIGSTOCKE SHEPPARD, LL.D.    Vols. I.-III., 1887 -1889.
The Letters printed in these volumes were chiefly written between the years 1296 and
1333.
86. THE METRICAL CHRONICLE OF ROBERT OF GLOUCESTER.          Edited by
WILLIAM ALDIS WRIGIT, M.A., Senior Fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge. Parts I. and II., 1887.
The date of the composition of this Chronicle is placed about the year 1300. The
writer appears to have been an eye witness of many events which he describes. The
language in which it is written was the dialect of Gloucestershire at that time.
87. CHRONICLE OF ROBERT OF BRUNNE.       Edited by FREDERICK JAMES
FURNIVALL, M.A., Barrister-at-Law. Parts I. and II. 1887.
Robert of Brunne, or Bourne, co. Lincoln, was a member of the Gilbertine Order
established at Sempringham. His Chronicle is described by its editor as a work of fiction, a
contribution not to English history, but to the history of English.
88. ICELANDIC SAGAS AND OTHER HISTORICAL DOCUMENTS relating to the
Settlements and Descents of the Northmen on the British Isles.
Vol. I. Orkneyinga Saga, and Magnus Saga. Vol. II.        Hakonar
Saga, and Magnus Saga.      Edited by GIDB3RAND VIGFUSSON, M.A.
1887.
89. THE TRIPARTITE LIFE OF ST. PATRICK, with other documents relating
to that Saint. Edited by WHITLEY STOKES, LL.D., D.C.L., Honorary
Fellow of Jesus College, Oxford; and Corresponding Member of the
Institute of France. Parts I. and II. 1887.
90. WILLELMI MONACHI MALMESBIRIENSIS DE REGUM        GESTIS ANGLORUM
LIBRI V.; ET HISTORIE NOVELLE, LIBRI III.      Edited by WILLIAM
STUBBS, D.D., Bishop of Oxford. Vols. I. and II. 1887-1889.
91. LESTORIE DES ENGLES SOLUM GEFFREI GAIMAR. Edited by the late Sir
TIOMAS DUFFUS HARDY, D.C.L., Deputy Keeper of the Records;
continued and translated by CHARLES TRICE MARTIN, B.A., F.S.A.
Vols. I. and 1I. 1888-1889.
92. CIHtONICLE OF HIENRY KNIGHTON, Canon of Leicester. Edited by the
Rev. JOSEPH RAWSON LUMBY, D.D., Norrisian Professor of Divinity.
Vol. I. 1889.
93. CrMONICLE OF ADAM MURIMUTHI, with the CHRONICLE OF ROBERT OF
AVESBURY. Edited by EDWARD MAUNDE THOMPSON, LL.D., F.S.A.
Principal Librarian and Secretary of the British Museum. 1889.
94. CHARTULARY OF THE ABBEY OF ST. THOMAS THIE MARTYR, DUBLIN.
Edited by JOHN THOMAS GILBERT, F.S.A., M.I.R.A. 1889.
95. FLORES HISTORIARUM. Edited by the Rev. H. R. LUARD, D.D., Fellow
of Trinity College and Registrary of the University, Cambridge.
Vol. I. The creation to A.D. 1066. Vol. II. A.D. 1067-1264. Vol. ITI.
A.D. 1265-1326. 1890.




96. MEMORIALS OF ST. EDMUND'S ABBEY. Edited by THOMAS ARNOLD, M.A.,
Fellow of the Royal University of Ireland. Vols. I. and U. 1890.1892.
97. CHARTERS AND DOCUMENTS, ILLUSTRATING THE HISTORY OF THE CATHEDRAL
AND CITY OF SARUM, 1100-1300; forming an Appendix to the Registor
of S. Osmund. Selected by the late Rev. W. H. RIcE JONES, M...,
F.S.A.. and edited by the Rev. W. D. MACRAY, M.A., F.S.A., Rector
of Ducklington. 1891.
98. MEMORANDA DE PARLIAMENTO, 25 Edward I. 1305. Edited by F. W.
MAITLAND, M.A. 1893.
In the Press.
ICELANDIC SAGAS, AND OTHER HISTORICAL DOCUMENTS relating to the Settlements and Descents of the Northmen on the British Isles. Vols.
III.-IV. Translated by Sir GEORGE WEBBE DASENT, D.C.L.
RANULF DE GLANVILL; TRACTATUS DE LEGIBUB ET CONSUETUDINIBUS ANGLI.E,
&c. Edited and translated by Sir TRAVERS Twiss, Q.C., D.C.L.
YEAR BooKs OF THE REIGN OF EDWARD III. Edited and translated by LUKE
OWEN PIKE, M.A., Barrister-at-Law.
CHRONICLE OF HENRY KNIGHTON, Canon of Leicester, to the death of
RICHARD II.  Edited by the Rev. JOSEPH RAWSON LUMBY, D.D.
Vol. II.
THE RED BOOK OF THE EXCHEQUER. Edited by HUBERT HALL, F.S.A., of
the Public Record Office. Parts I., II., and III.
THE HISTORIANS OF THE CHURCH OF YORK, AND ITS ARCHBISHOPS. Vol. III.
Edited by the Rev. JAMES RAINE, M.A., Canon of York, and Secretary
of the Surtees Society.
MEMHORIALS OF ST. EDMUND'S ABBEY. Edited by THOMAS ARNOLD, M[.A.
Vol. III.


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ROTULI DE OBLATIS ET FINIBUS IN TURRI LOND. ASSERVATI, temp. Regis Johannis.
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EXCERPTA E ROTULIS FINIUM IN TURRI LONDINENSI ASSERVATIS.   Henry III.,
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FINES, SIVE PEDES FINIUM; SIVE FINALES CONCORDI2E IN CURIA DOMINI REGIS.
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ANCIENT KALENDARS AND INVENTORIES OF THE TREASURY OF HIS MAJESTY'S
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DOCUMENTS AND RECORDS illustrating the History of Scotland, and Transactions
between Scotland and England; preserved in the Treasury of Her Majesty's
Exchequer. Edited by Sir FRANCIS PALGRAVE. 1 Vol. royal 8vo. (1837). 18s.




21


ROTULI CHARTARUM IN TURRI LONDINENSI ASSERVATI. 1190-1216. Edited by
THOMAS DUFFUS HARDY. 1 Vol. folio (1837). 80s.
REPORT OF THE PROCEEDINGS OF THE RECORD COMMISSIONERS, 1881-1837. 1 Vol.
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REGISTRIM vulgariter nuncupatum "The Record of Caernarvon," e codice MS.
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ANCIENT LAWS AND INSTITUTES OF ENGLAND; comprising Laws enacted under the
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- HANDBOOK TO THE PUBLIC RECORDS. By F. S. THOMAS, Secretary of the Public
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HISTORICAL NOTES RELATIVE TO THE HISTORY OF ENGLAND. Henry VIII.-Anne
(1509-1714). A Book of Reference for ascertaining the Dates of Events. By
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STATE PAPERS, DURING THE REIGN OF HENRY THE EIGHTH: with Indices of Persons
and Places. 11 Vols. 4to. (1830-1852), 10s 6d. each.
Vol. I.-Domestic Correspondence.
Vols. II. & III.-Correspondence relating to Ireland.
Vols. IV. & V.-Correspondence relating to Scotland.
Vols. VI. to XI.-Correspondence between England and Foieign Courts.




22
WORKS PUBLISHED IN PHOTOZINCOGRAPHY.
DOMESDAYBOOK, or the GREAT SURVEY OFENGLAND OP WILLIAM THE CONQUEROR,
1086; fac-simile of'the Part relating to each county, separately (with a
few  exceptions of double counties).     Photozincographed at the
Ordinance Survey Office, Southampton, by Colonel Sir HENRY JAMES,
R.E., F.R:S., &c., DIRECTOR-GENERAL of the ORDNANCE SURVEY, under
the Superintendence of W. BASEVI SANDERS, an Assistant Record
Keeper. 35 Parts, imperial quarto and demy quarto (1861-1863),
boards.
Domesday Survey is in two parts or volumes. The first in folio, contains the counties of Bedford, Berks, Bucks, Cambridge, Chester, and
Lancaster, Cornwall, Derby, Devon, Dorset, Gloucester, Hants, Hereford,
Herts, Huntingdon, Kent, Leicester and Rutland, Lincoln, Middlesex,
Northampton, Nottingham, Oxford, Salop, Somerset, Stafford, Surrey,
Sussex, Warwick, Wilts, Worcester, and York. The second volume, in
quarto, contains the counties of Essex, Norfolk and Suffolk.
Domesday Book was printed verbatim et literatim during the last century,
in consequence of an address of the House of Lords to King George III.
in 1767. It was not, however, commenced until 1773, and was completed
early in 1783. In 1860, Her Majesty's Government with the concurrence
of the Master of the Rolls, determined to apply the art of photozincography
to the production of a fac-simile of Domesday Book.


Title.                            Price.                             Title.                            Price.
I.  _


I


In Great Domesday Book.
Bedfordshire     -      -
Berkshire -      -      -
Buckingham
Cambridge
Cheshire and Lancashire -
Cornwall -       -      -
Derbyshire       -      -
Devonshire       -      -
Dorsetshire      -      -
Gloucestershire
Hampshire        -      -
Herefordshire    -      -
Hertfordshire    -      -
Huntingdonshire -
Kent
Lancashire (see Cheshire
and Lancashire)
Leicestershire  and  Rutlandshire
Lincolnshire     -      -
Carried forward


s.
08
0  8
0  8
0 10
0  8
0  8
0  8
0 10
08
0  8
0 10
0  8
0 10
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0  8


d.
0
0
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0
0
0
0
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Brought forward
Middlesex
Nottinghamshire -
Northamptonshire
Oxfordshire
Rutlandshire (bound with
Leicestershire)
Shropshire
Somersetshire   -
Staffordshire
Surrey  -       -
Sussex  -       -
Warwickshire    -
Wiltshire
Worcestershire -
Yorkshire
In Little Domesday Book.
Norfolk -
Suffolk -
Essex
Total


~ s. d.
7 17 0
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0 10 0
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120
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7 17  0


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I




FAC-SIMILES OF NATIONAL MANUSCRIPTS, from WILLIAM THE CONQUEROR to
QUEEN ANNE, selected under the direction of the Master of the Rolls
and Photozincographed, by Command of Her Majesty, by Colonel
Sir HENRY JAMES, R.E., F.R.S., DIRECTOR-GENERAL of the ORDNANCE
SURVEY, and edited by W. BASEVI SANDERS, an Assistant Record
Keeper. Price, each Part, with translations and notes, double
foolscap folio, 16s.
Part I. (William the Conqueror to Henry VII.). 1865. (Out of
print.)
Part II. (Henry VII. and Edward VI.). 1866.




23:


Part III. (Mary and Elizabeth). 1867.
Part IV. (James I. to Anne). 1868.
The first Part extends from William the Conqueror to Henry VII., and
contains autographs of the kings of England, as well as of many other
illustrious personages famous in history, and some interesting charters,
letters patent, and state papers. The second Part for the reigns of
Henry VIII. and Edward VI., consists principally of holograph letters,
and autographs of kings, princes, statesmen, and other persons of great
historical interest, who lived during those reigns, The third Part contains
similar documents for the reigns of Mary and Elizabeth, including a
signed bill of Lady Jane Grey. The fourth Part concludes the series,
and comprises a number of documents taken from the originals belonging
to the Constable of the Tower of London; also several records illustrative
of the Gunpowder Plot, and a woodcut containing portraits of Mary Queen
of Scots and James VI., circulated by their adherents in England, 1580-3.
FAC-SIMILES OF ANGLO-SAXON MANUSCRIPTS. Photozincographed, by Com-.     and of Her Majesty, upon the recommendation of the Master of the
Rolls, by the DIRECTOR-GENERAL of the ORDNANCE SURVEY, Lieut-General
J. CAMERON, R.E., C.B., F.R.S., and edited by W. BASEVI SANDERS, an
Assistant Record Keeper. Part I. Price 21. 10s.
The Anglo-Saxon MSS. represented in this volume from the earlier portions of the collection of archives belonging to the I)ean and Chapter of
Canterbury, and consist of a series of 25 charters, deeds, and wills, commencing with a record of proceedings at the first Synodal Council of
Clovestho in 74'2, and terminating with the first part of a tripartite
chirograph of the sixth year of the reign of Edward the Confessor.
FAC-SIMILES OF ANGLO-SAXON MANUSCRIPTS. Photozincographed, by Command of Her Majesty, upon the recommendation of the Master of the
Rolls, by the DIRECTOR-GENERAL of the ORDNANCE SURVEY, Major-General
A. COOKE, R.E., C.B., and collected and edited by W. BASEVI SANDERS,
an Assistant Record Keeper. Part II. Price 31. 10s.
(Also, separately. Edward the Confessor's Charter. Price 2e.)
The originals of the Fac-similes contained in this volume belong to the
Deans and Chapters of Westminster, Exeter, Wells, Winchester, and
Worcester; the Marquis of Bath, the Earl of Ilchester, Winchester
College, Her Majesty's Public Record Office, Bodleian Library, Somersetshire Archeological and National History Society's Museum in Taunton
Castle, and William Salt Library at Stafford. They consist of charters
and other documents granted by, or during the reigns of, Baldred,
_Ethelred, Offa, and Burgred, Kings of Mercia; Uhtred of the Huiccas,
Ceadwalla and Ini of Wessex; AEthelwulf, Eadward the Elder, /Ethelstan,
Eadmund the First, Eadred, Eadwig, Eadgar, Eadward the Second,
JEthelred the Second, Cnut, Eadward the Confessor, and William the
Conqueror, embracing altogether a period of nearly four hundred years.
FAC-SIMILES OF ANGLO-SAXON MANUSCRIPTS. Photozincographed, by Command of Her Majesty, upon the recommendation of the Master of the
Rolls, by the DIRECTOR-GENERAL of the ORDNANCE SURVEY, Colonel R. H.
STOTHERD, R.E., C.B., and collected and edited by W. BASEVI SANDERS,
an Assistant Keeper of Her Majesty's Records. Part III. Price 6l. 6s.
This volume contains fac-similes of the Ashburnham collection of
Anglo-Saxon Charters, &c., including King Alfred's Will. The MSS.
represented in it, range from A.D. 697 to A.D. 1161,being charters, wills,
deeds, and reports of Synodal transactions during the reigns of Kings
Wihtred of Kent, Offa, Eardwulf, Coenwulf, Cuthred, Beornwulf,.Ethelwulf, AJlfred, Eadward the Elder, Eadmund, Eadred, Queen
Eadgifu, and Kings Eadgar, _Ethelred the Second, Cnut, Henry the First,
and Hcnry the Second. In addition to these are two belonging to the
Marquis of Anglesey, one of them being the Foundation Charier of Burton
Abbey by JEthelred the Second with the testament of its great bellefactor Wulfric.
Public Record Offce,
December 1893.




24
HISTORICAL MANUSCRIPTS COMMISSION.
REPORTS OF THE ROYAL COMMISSIONERS APPOINTED TO INQUIRE WHAT
PAPERS AND MANUSCRIPTS BELONGING TO PRIVATE FAMILIES AND
INSTITUTIONS ARE EXTANT WHICH WOULD BE OF UTILITY IN THE
ILLUSTRATION OF HEISTORY, CONSTITUTIONAL LAW, SCIENCE AND
GENERAL LITERATURE.


--


Date.




_.


1870
(Reprinted
1874.)


FIRST REPORT, WITH APPENDIX
Contents:ENGLAND. House of Lords; Cambridge
Colleges; Abingdon and other Corporations, &c.
SCOTLAND. Advocates' Library, Glasgow Corporation, &c.
IRELAND. Dublin, Cork, and other Corporations, &c.


Size.
f'cap


Sessional
Paper.




1871  SECOND REPORT, WITH     APPENDIX  AND
INDEX TO THE FIRST AND SECOND REPORTS    -      -
Contents:ENGLAND.      House of Lords; Cambridge Colleges; Oxford Colleges;
Monastery of Dominican Friars at
Woodchester, Duke of Bedford,
Earl Spencer, &c.
SCOTLAND. Aberdeen and St. Andrew's Universities, &c.
IRELAND. Marquis of Ormonde;
Dr. Lyons, &c.
1872  THIRD   REPORT, WITH   APPENDIX   AND
INDEX
Contents:ENGLAND. House of Lords; Cambridge Colleges; Stonyhurst College; Bridgewater and otner Corporations; Duke of Northumberland, Marquis of Lansdowne, Marquis of Bath, &c.
SCOTLAND. University of Glasgow;
Duke of Montrose, &c.
IRELAND.   Marquis of Ormonde;
Black Book of Limerick, &c.
1873  FOURTIH    REPORT,   WITH   APPENDIX.
PART I.
Contents
ENGLAND. House of Lords; Westminster Abbey; Cambridge and
Oxford Colleges; Cinque Ports,
ruyte, and oth er Corporations,
M.arquis of Bath, Earl of Denbigh,
&c.


[C. 55]
[C. 441]
[C. 673]


Price.
s. d.
1 6
3 10
[Out of
print.]
6  8


i,


[C. 857]
I




25


Date.                                               Size.   PaSe eral Price.
Date.


1873
1876,
I


1877
1879
1881
1881


FOURTH REPORT, &C.-COnt.
SCOTLAND. Duke of Argyll, &c.
IRELAND. Trinity College, Dublin;
Marquis of Ormonde.
DITTO. PART II. INDEX-         -     -
FIpTH REPORT, WITH APPENDIX. PART I. -
Contents:ENGLAND. House of Lords; Oxford
and Cambridge Colleges; Dean and
Chapter of Canterbury; Rye, Lydd,
and other Corporations, Duke of
Sutherland, Marquis of Lansdowne,
Reginald Cholmondeley, Esq., &c.
SCOTLAND. Earl of Aberdeen, &c.
DITTO. PART II. INDEX -              -
SIXTH REPORT, WITH APPENDIX. PART I. -
Contents:
ENGLAND. House of Lords; Oxford
and Cambridge Colleges; Lambeth
Palace; Black Book of the Archdeacon of  Canterbury;  Bridport,
Wallingford, and other Corporations;
Lord Leconfield, Sir Reginald Graham,
Sir Henry Ingilby, &c.
SCOTLAND. Duke of Argyll, Earl of
Moray, &c.
IRELAND. Marquis of Ormonde.
DITTO. PART II. INDEX (Reprinted 1893)
SEVENTH    REPORT,   WITH    APPENDIX.
PART I. -
Contents:
House of Lords; County of Somerset;
Earl of Egmont, Sir Frederick
Graham, Sir Harry Verney, &c.
DITTO. PART II. APPENDIX AND INDEX.
Contents:Duke of Athole, Marquis of Ormonde,
S. F. Livingstone, Esq., &c.
EIGHTH REPORT, WITH APPENDIX AND
INDEX. PART I.        -      -     -
Contents:List of collections examined,1869-1880.
ENGLAND.    House  of   Lords;
Duke of Marlborough; Magdalen
College, Oxford; Royal College
of Physicians;   Queen  Annc's
Bounty Office; Corporations of
Chester, Leicester, &c.
IRELAND. Marquis of Ormonde, Lord
Emly, The O'Conor Don, Trinity
College, Dublin, &c.
DITTO. PART II. APPENDIX AND INDEX -
Contents: -
Duke of Manchester,


fcap


[C.857i.]
[C.1432]
[C. 1432
i.]
[C.1745]


s. d.
26
70


[C.2102]1 1 10


St


I[C.2340]
[C. 2340
i.]
[C.3040]
[C. 3040
i i]


[Out of
print.]
[Out of
print.]


19




26


Pate.


Size.


Sessional
Paper.    Price.


4881
1883
1884
1884
1883
1888
1889
1892
1885
1885
1885
1885
1885


EIGHTH REPORT. PART III. APPENDIX AND
INDEX
Contents:Earl of Ashburnham.
NINTH   REPORT, WITH   APPENDIX    AND
INDEX. PART I. -      -.
Contents: -
St. Paul's and Canterbury Cathedrals;
Eton College; Carlisle, Yarmouth,
Canterbury, and BarnstapleCorporations, &c.
DITTO. PART II. APPENDIX AND INDEX -
Contents:
ENGLAND. House of Lords, Earl of
Leicester; C. Pole Gell, Alfred Morrison, Esqs., &c.
SCOTLAND. Lord Elphinstone, H. C.
Maxwell Stuart, Esq., &c.
IRELAND. Duke of Leinster, Marquis
of Drogheda, &c.
DITTO.   PART   III.   APPENDIX   AND
INDEX
Contents:Mrs. Stopford Sackville.
CALENDAR OF THE MANUSCRIPTS OF THE
MARQUIS OF SALISBURY, K.G. (or CECIL
MSS.). PART I. -
DITTO. PART II.      -      -     -
DITTO. PART III.     -      -
DITTO. PART IV.      -      -     -
TENTH REPORT
This is introductory to the following:(1.) APPENDIX AND INDEX-   -
Earl of Eglinton, Sir J. S. Maxwell, Bart., and C. S. H. D. Moray,
C. F. Weston Underwood, G. W.
Digby, Esqs.
(2.) APPENDIX AND INDEX
The Family of bawdy.
(3.) APPENDIX AND INDEX -     -      -
Wells Cathedral.
(4.) APPENDIX AND INDEX
Earl of Westmorland; Capt. Stewart;
Lord Stafford; Sir N. W. Throckmorton; Stonyhurst College; Sir
P. T. Mainwaring, Misses Boycott,
Lord Muncaster, M.P., Capt. J. F.
Bagot, Earl of Kilmorey, Earl of
Powis, Revs. T. S. Hill, C. R. Manning, and others, the Corporations


f'cap  [C. 3040
ii.],,    C.3773]
[,,  C. 3773
i.],,   [C. 3773,  ii.]
8vo.  1[C.3777],    [C.5463],,  [IC. 5889
[C.6823],,  [C.4548],,   [C.4575],,   [C. 4576
ii...,,![C.4576]


s. d.
1 4
[Out of
print.]
6 3
1 7
[Out oJ
print.]
3 5
2  1
2 11
o 31
[Out of
print.]
1 4
2 0
3  6




27


Date.                          Siz Sessional
DaSize.  Pape  rice,.Paper.
I                                I    I -.w..                               s. d.
(4.) APPENDIX AND INDEX-COnt.
of Kendal, Wenlock, Bridgnorth,
Eye, Plymoith, and the County of
Essex.
1885, (5.) APPENDIX AND INDEX         -      -   8VO.  [4576 i.J [Out of
The Marquis of Ormionde, Earl of                    print.]
Fingall, Corporations of Galway,
Waterford, the Sees of Dublin and
Ossory, the Jesuits in Ireland.
1887  (6.) APPENDIX AND INDEX                           [C.5242]  17
Marquis of Abergavenny, Lord Braye,
G. F. Luttrell, P. P. Bouverie,
W. B. Devonport, R. T. Balfour,
Esquires.
1887  ELEVENTH REPORT    -     -      -      -         [C. 506    0  3
This is introductory to the following:-.]
1887  (1.) APPENDIX AND INDEX         -                [C.5060]   1 1
H. D. Skrine, Esq., Salvetti Correspondence.
1887  (2.) APPENDIX AND INDEX -       -,    C. 5060   2 0
House of Lords. 1678-1688..                  i.
1887  (3.) APPENDIX AND INDEX-    -         -          r. 5060    1 8
Corporations  of  Southampton and
Lynn.
1887' (4.) APPENDIX AND INDEX -          -     -       C   5060   2  6
Marquess Townshend.                          iii.]
1887  (5.) APPENDIX AND INDEX -       -      -          C. 5060   2  8
Earl of Dartmouth.                           iv.]
1887  (6.) APPENDIX AND INDEX -       -     -           C. 5060   1 6
Duke of Hamilton.                          Lv.
1888  (7.) APPENDIX AND INDEX -             -          [C.5612]  2 0
Duke   of Leeds, Marchioness of
Waterford, Lord Hothfield, &c.;
Bridgwater Trust Office, Reading
Corporation, Inner Temple Library.
1890  TWELFTH REPORT           -                   X   [C.5889]   0  3
This is introductory to the following: —
1888  (1.) APPENDIX     -      -                       [C.5472]   2  7
Earl Cowper, K.G. (Coke MSS., at
Melbourne Hall, Derby). Vol. I.
1888  (2.) APPENDIX      -                             [C-  -.5613]
Ditto. Vol. II.
1889  (3.) APPENDIX AND INDEX -             -          [C. 5889   1  4
Ditto. Vol. 111.
1888  (4.) APPENDIX     -      -      -      -         [5614]     3 2
The Duke of Rutland, G.C.B. Vol. L.
1891  (5.) APPENDIX AND INDEX-        -     -          [C. 5889   2 0
Ditto. Vol. II.
1889  (6.) APPENDIX AND INDEX -       -                 C. 5889   2  1
House of Lords, 1689-1690.                   iii.]




28


Date.                                              Size.  S      al Price.
Paper.


s. d.
1890  (7.) APPENDIX AND INDEX -             -    8vo.  [C. 5889  1 11
S. II. le Fleming, Esq., of Rydal.           iv.]
1891  (8.) APPENDIX AND INDEX -       -,,  [C.6338]  1 0
The Duke of Athole, K.T., and the
Earl of Home.
1891  (9.) APPENDIX AND INDEX -,-  [C. 6338  2  6
The Duke of Beaufort, K.G., the Earl         i.]
of Donoughmore, J. H. Gurney, W.
W. B. Hulton, R. W. Ketton, G. A.
Aitken, P. V. Smith, Esqs.; Bishop
of Ely; Cathedrals of Ely, Gloucester, Lincoln, and Peterborough;
Corporations of Gloucester, Higham,
Ferrers, and' Newark; Southwell
Minster; Lincoln District Registry.
1891  (10.) APPENDIX    -      -      -     -           C. 6338   1 11
The First Earl of Charlemont. Vol. I.        i.]
1745-1783.
1892  THIRTEENTH REPORT        -      -     -,,  [C.6827]   0 3
This is introductory to the following:1891  (1.) APPENDIX           --      -     -          [C.6474]   3
The Duke of Portland. Vol. I.
(2.) APPENDIX AND INDEX.
Ditto. Vol. II.    -     -      -          [C. 6827  2  0
1892  (3.) APPENDIX..]
J. B. Fortescue, Esq., of Dropmore.
Vol. I.   -      -      -     -   8vo.   [C.6660]  2 7
1892  (4.) APPENDIX AND INDEX         -     -          [C.6810]  2 4
Corporations of Rye, Hastings, and
Hereford.  Capt. F. C. LoderSymonds, E. R. Wodehouse, M.P.,
J. Dovaston, Esqs., Sir T. B. Lennard, Bart., Rev. W. D. Macray, and
Earl of Dartmouth (Supplementary
Report).
1892  (5.) APPENDIX AND INDEX.
House cf Lords, 1690-1691 -     -          [C.6822]  2 4
1893  (6.) APPENDIX AND INDEX.
Sir W. Fitzherbert, Bart. TheDelaval       [C.7166]  1 4
Family, of Seaton Delaval; The Earl
of Ancaster; and General LytteltonAnnesley.
1893  (7.) APPENDIX AND INDEX.
The Earl of Lonsdale     -      -          [C.7241.]  1 3
1893  (8.) APPENDIX AND INDEX.
The First Earl of Charlemont. Vol. II.  In the Press.
Stationery Office,
January 1894.




29


ANNUAL REPORTS OF THE DEPUTY KEEPEROF THE PUBLIC IECORDS.
REPORTS Nos. 1-22, IN FOLIO, PUBLISHED BETWEEN 1840 AND 1861, ARE NO
LONGER ON SALE. SUBSEQUENT REPORTS ARE IN OCTAVO.


Number
Number                                             Sessional
Date.      of                 Chief Contents.                 io      Price.
Report.
I  I                              IdI
I  I   -a.


1862
1863
1864
- 1865
1866
1867
1868
1869


23
24


Proceedings


Proceedings


C. 2970
C. 3142
C. 3318


8.
0
0
0


d.
4
78
8


25
26
27
28
29
30


Calendar of Crown Leases, 33-38 Hen.
VIII.-Calendar of Bills and Answers,
&c.,Hen. VIIL-Ph. & Mary, for Cheshire
and Flintshire.-List of Lords High
Treasurers and Chief Commissioners of
the Treasury, from Hen. VII.
List of Plans annexed to Inclosure Awards,
31 Geo. II.-7 Will. IV.-Calendar of
Privy Seals, &c., for Cheshire and
Flintshire, Hen. VI.-Eliz.-Calendar of
Writs of General Livery, &c., for
Cheshire, Eliz.-Charles I.-Calendar
of Deeds, &c., on the Chester Plea
Rolls, Hen. III. and Edw. I.
List of Awards of Inclosure Commissioners.-References to Charters in the
Carta  Antiqum and the Confirmation
Rolls of Chancery, Ethelbert of KentJames I.-Calendar of Deeds, &c., on
the Chester Plea Rolls, Edw. II.
Calendar of Fines, Cheshire and Flintshire, Edw. I.-Calendar of Deeds, &c.,
on the Chester Plea Rolls, Edw. III.
Table of Law Terms, from the Norman Conquest to 1 Will IV.
Calendar of Royal Charters.-Calendar
of Deeds, &c., on the Chester Plea
Rolls Richard II.-Henry VII.-Durham
Records, Letter and Report.
Duchy of Lancaster Records, Inventory.
-Durham Records, Inventory.-Calendar of Deeds, &c. on the Chester Plea
Rolls, Hen. VIII.-Calendar of Decrees
of Court of General Surveyors, 34-38
Hen. VIII.-Calendar of Royal Charters.
-State Paper Office, Calendar of Documents relating to the History of, to
1800.-Tower of London. Index to
Documents in custody of the Constable
of.-Calendar of Dockets, &c., for
Privy Seals, 1634-1711.-Report of the
Commissioners  on   Carte  Papers.Venetian Ciphers.


C. 34921 0    7


C.3717      1  6


C. 3839
C. 4012
C. 4165


0 10l
0 9
3 0




30


Number
Date.     of               Chief Contents.              Nol     Price.
Report.


1870
1871
1871
1872
1873
1874
1875
1876


31
32


33
34
35
36
37


Duchy of Lancaster Records, Calendar of
Royal Charters.-Durham Records,
Calendar of Chancery Enrolments;
Cursitors' Records.-List of Officers of
Palatinate of Chester, in Cheshire and
Flintshire, and  North Wales.-List
of Sheriffs of England, 31 Hen. I. to
4 Edw. III.
Part I.-Report of the Commissioners on
Carte Papers.-Calendarium Genealogicum, 1 &   2 Edw. II.-Durham
Records, Calendar of Cursitor's Recordq,
Chancery Enrolments.-Duchy of Lancaster Records, Calendar of Rolls Of the
Chancery of the County Palatine.
Part II.-Charities; Calendar of Trust
Deeds enrolled on the Close Rolls of
Chancery, subsequent to 9 Geo. II.
Duchy of Lancaster Records, Calendar of
Rolls of the Chaneery of the County
Palatine.-Durham Records, Calendar
of the Cursitor's Records, Chancery
Enrolments.-Report on the Shaftesbury Papers.-Venetian Transcripts.Greek copies of the Athanasian Creed.
Durham Records, Calendar of the
Cursitors' Records, Chancery Enrolments.-Supplementary Report on the
Shaftesbury Papers.
Duchy of Lancaster Records, Calendar of
Ancient Charters or Grants.-Palatinate
of Lancaster; Inventory and Lists of
Documents transferred to the Public
Record Office. - Durham Records,
Calendar of Cursitors' Records, Chancery Enrolments.-Second Supplementary Report on the Shaftesbury Papers.
Durham Records, Calendar of the Cursitor's Records, Chancery Enrolments.Duchy of Lancaster Records; Calendar
of Ancient Charters or Grants. —Report
upon Documents in French Archives
relating to British History.-Calendar
of Recognizance Rolls of the Palatinate
of Chester, to end of reign of Hen. IV.
Part I. —Durham Records, Calendar of
the Cursitor's Records, Chancery Enrolments.-Duchy of Lancaster Records,
Calendar of Ancient Rolls of the Chancery of the County Palatine.-List of
French Ambassadors, &c., in England,
1509-1714.


[C. 187]
[C. 374]
[C. 374
I.]
[C. 620]
[C. 728]
[C. 1043]


s. d.
[Out of
print.]
2  2
5 6
1 10
1 9
1 6


[C. 1301]  4 4


[C. 1544]    1  2




31


Number                                           Sessional
Date.     of                Chief Contents.                 PNo
Report.
Sessi                                       o n  a  I


1876
1877
1878
1879
1880
1881
1882
1883


I
I


38
39
i
X,!








I


i


40
41
42
43




Part It. —Calendar of Recognizance Rolls
of the Palatinate of Chester; Hen. Y.Hen. VII.
Exchequer Records, Catalogae of Special
Commissions, 1 Eliz. to 10 Vict., Calendar of Depositions taken byCommission,
1 Eliz. to end of James I.-List of Representative Peers for Scotland and
Ireland.
Calendar of Recognizance Rolls of the
Palatinate of Chester, I Hen. VIII.11 Geo. IV. -Exchequer Records,
Calendar of Depositions taken by Cormmission, Charles 1.-Duchy of Lancaster
Records; Calendar of Lancashire Inquisitions post Mortem, & c.-Third Supple.
mentary Report on the Shaftesbury
Papers. —List of Despatches of French
Ambassadors to England, 1509-1714.
Calendar of Depositions taken by Commission, Commonwealth-James II.Miscellaneous Records of Queen's
Remembrancer in the Exchequer.Durham Records, Calendar of the
Cursitor's Records, Chancery Enrolments. —Calendar of Duchy of Lancaster Patent Rolls, 5 Ric. II.-21 Hen. Vl.
Calendar of Depositions taken by Commission, William and Mary to George I.
-Calendar of Norman Rolls, Hen. V.,
Part I.-List of Calendars, Indexes,
&c. in the Public Record Office on 31st
December 1879.
alendar of Depositions taken by Commission, George II.-Calendar of Norman Rolls, Hen. V., Part II. and Glossary.-Calendatof Patent Rolls,lEdw.I.
Transcripts from Paris.
CQlendar of Privy Seals, &c., 1-7 Charles I.
— Duchy of Lancaster Records, Inventory of Court Rolls, Hen. III.-Geo. IV.,
Calendar of Privy Seals, Ric. II.Calendar of Patent Rolls, 2 Edw. I.Fourth Supplementary Report on 'the
Shaftesbury Papers.-Transcripts from
Paris.-Report on Libraries in Sweden.
-Report on Papers relating to English
History in the State Archives, Stockholm.-Report on Canadian Archives.
Calendar of Patent Rolls, 3 Edw. I.Durham Records, Cursitors' Records,
Inquisitions post Mortem, &c.-Calendar of French Rolls, 1-10 Hen. V.
-Report from    Venice.-Transcripts
from Paris. —Report from Rome.


[


[C. 1544
[C. 1747]
[C. 2123]


'C.




s.  d..
4 4
4 3,
[Out of
print.]
3 0


2377]


I


[C. 2658]1 4 s




I
I


[C. 2972]
[C. 3425]


4 0
3 10


I




44


[C. 3771]




32


Date.


Number
of
Report.


Chief Contents.


Sessional
No.


Price.


1884
1885
1886
1887
1888
1889
1890
1891
1892
1893


46
47
48
49
50
51
52
53
54


Duchy of Lancaster Records, Inventory of
Ministers' and Receivers' Accounts,
Edw. I.-Geo. III.-Durham Records,
Cursitors' Records, Inquisitions post
Mortem, &c.-Calendar of Diplomatic
Documents.-Transcripts from Paris.Reports from Rome and Stockholm.Report on Archives of Denmark, &c.Transcripts from Venice.-Calendar of
Patent Rolls, 4 Edw. I.
Presentations to Offices on the Patent
Rolls, Charles II.-Transcripts from
Paris.-Reports from  Rome.-Second
Report on Archives of Denmark, &c.Calendar of Patent Rolls, 5 Edw. I.Catalogue of Venetian Manuscripts
bequeathed by Mr. Rawdon Brown
to the Public Record Office.
Transcripts from Paris.-Third Report
on Archives of Denmark, &c.-List
of Creations of Peers and Baronets,
1483-1646.-Calendar of Patent Rolls,
6 Edw. I.
Calendar of Patent Rolls, 7 Edw. I.Calendar of French Rolls, Henry VI.
— Calendar of Privy Seals, &c., 8-11
Charles I. —Calendar of Diplomatic
Documents. - Schedules of Valueless
Documents.
Calendar of Patent Rolls, 8 Edw. I.Index to Leases and Pensions (Augmentation Office).-Calendar of Star
Chamber Proceedings.
Calendar of Patent Rolls, 9 Edw. I.
Proceedings           -


[C. 44253 4 3 d


[C. 4746]1 2 10


[C. 4888]
[C. 5234]
[C. 5596]
[C. 5847]
[C. 6108]
[C. 6528]


2 2
3 0
33
12
0  2
0  1i
o  21
o  1 -I
40
20


Proceedings
Proceedings
Proceedings


[C. 6804]


[C. 7079]


Indexes to Printed Reports, viz.: -
Reports 1-22 (1840-1861),,  23-39 (1862-1878)  -


Public Record Office,
January 1894.




SCOTLAND.
CATALOGUE OF SCOTTISH RECORD PUBLICATIONS
PUBLISHED UNDER THE DIRECTION OF
THE LORD CLERK REGISTER OF SCOTLAND.
[OTHER WORKS RELATING TO SCOTLAND WILL BE FOUND AMONG THE PUBLICATIONS OF THE RECORD COMMISSIONERS, see pp. 21-22.]
1. CHRONICLES OF THE PICTS AND SCOTS, AND OTHER EARLY MEMORIALS OF
SCOTTISH HISTORY. Royal 8vo., half bound (1867). Edited by WILLIAM
F. SKENE, LL.D. (Out of print.)
2. LEDGER OF ANDREW HIALYBURTON, CONSERVATOR OF TIE PRIVILEGES OF
THE SCOTCEI NATION IN TIIE NETHERLANDS (1492-1503); TOGETHER WITH
THE BOOKS OF CUSTOMS AND VALUATION OF MERCtANDISES IN SCOTLAND.
Edited by COScMO INNES. Royal 8vo., half bound $867). Price 10s.
3. DOCUMENTS ILLUSTRATIVE OF THE HISTORY OF SCOTLAt') FRO1M THE DEATH
OF KING ALEXANDER THE THIRD TO THE ACCESSION OF ROBERT BRUCE,
from original and authentic copies in London, Paris, Brussels, Lille,
and Ghent. In 2 Vols. royal 8vo., half bound (1870). Edited by the
Rev. JOSEPH STEVENSON. (Out of print.)
4. ACCOUNTS OF THE LORD HIGH TREASURER OF SCOTLAND. Vol. I., A.D.
1473-1498. Edited by THOMAS DICKSON. 1877. Price 10s.
5. REGISTER OF THE PRIVY COUNCIL OF SCOTLAND. Edited and arranged by
J. H. BURTON, LL.D.    Vol. I., 1545-1569.  Vol. II., 1569-1578.
Vol. III., A.D. 1578-1585. Vol. IV., A.D. 1585-1592. Vol. V., 1592 -1599. Vol. VI., 1599-1604. Vol. VII., 1604-1607. Vol. VIII., 1607 -1610. Vol. IX., 1619-1613, Vol. X., 1613-1616. Vol. XI. (In the
press.) Edited by DAVID MASSON, LL.D., 1877-1887. Price 15s. each.
6. ROTULI SCACCARII REGUM   SCOTORUM.   THE  EXCHEQUER   ROLLS OF
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Edited by JOHN STUART, LL.D., and GEORGE BURNETT, Lyon King of
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1460-1469.  Vol. VIII., A.D. 1470-1479.   Vrol. IX., 1480-1487,
Addenda, 1437-1487. Vol. X., 1488-1496. Vol. XI., 1497-1591.
VoL XII., 1502-1507. Vol. X[II., 1508-15-13. Vol. XIV., 1513 -1522. Edited by GEORGE BURNETT, 1878-1893. Price 10s. each.
Vol. XV. (in progress).
7. CALENDAR OF DOCUMENTS RELATING TO SCOTLAND, preserved in the
Public Record   Office.  Edited by JOSEPr  BAIN.  Vol. I. (1881).
Vol. II., 1272-1307 (1884). Vol. III., 1307-1357 (1887). Vol. IV.,
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8. REGISTER OF THE GREAT SEAL OF SCOTLAND. Vol. 1., A.D., 1306-1424
(see p. 21). Vol. II., A.D. 1424-1513. Vol. III., A.D. 1513-1546. Vol.
IV, A.D. 1546-1580. Vol. V., A.D. 1580-1593. Vol. VI., A.D. 1593 -1609. Vol. VI., A.D. 1609-1620. Vol. VIII. (In the press.) Edited
by JAMES BALFOUR PAUL and J. M. THOMSON, 1882-1890. Price 15s.
each.
9, THE HAMILTON PAPERS. Letters and Papers illustrating the Political
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in the possession of the Duke of Hamilton, now in the British
Museum. Edited by JOSEPH BAIN, F.S.A. Scot. Vol. 1, A.D.1532 -1543 (1890). Vol. 2, A.D. 1543-1590. Price 15s. each.
10. BORDER PAPERS. Calendar of. Vol. I. (In the press.)
FAC-SIMILES OF THE NATIONAL MSS. OF SCOTLAND. Parts I., II., and III.
(Out of print.)
Stationery OQfice,
Decermber 1893.


U- 80070.


c




34


IRELAND.
CATALOGUE OF IRISH RECORD PUBLICATIONS.
1. CALENDAR OF THE PATENT AND CLOSE ROLLS OF CHANCERY IN IRELAND.
HENRY VIII., EDWARD VI., MARY, AND ELIZABETH, AND FOR THE IST TO
THE 7TH YEAR OF CHARLES I. Edited by JAMES MORRIN. Royal 8vo.
(1861-3). Vols. I., II., and III. Price 11s. each.
2. ANCIENT LAWS AND INSTITUTES OF IRELAND.
Senchns Mor. (1865-1880.) Vols. I., II., III., and IV. Price 10s.
each. Vol. V. and VI. in progress.
4. Abstracts of the Irish Patent Rolls of James I. Unbound. Price 25s.,,,,,,              With Supplement.
Half morocco. Price 35s.
5. ANNALS OF ULSTER. Otherwise Annals of Senat; a Chronicle of Irish
Affairs from A.D. 431 to A.D. 1540. With a translation and Notes.
Vol. 1, A.D. 431-1056. 600 pp. Half morocco. Price 10s.
6. CHARTT, PRIVILEGIA ET IMMUNITATES, being transcripts of Charters
and Privileges to Cities Towns Abbeys and other Bodies Corporate.
18 Henry II. to 18 Richard II. (1171 to 1395). Printed by the Irish
Record Commission, 1829-1830. Folio, 92 pp. Boards (1889). Price 5s.
FAC-SIMILE, OF NATIONAL ]MANUSCRIPTS OF IRELAND, FROM      THE EARLIEST
EXTANT SPECIMENS TO A.D. ]719. Edited by JOHN T. GILBERT, F.S.A.,
M.R.I.A. Part I. is out of print. Parts II. and III. Price 42s. each.
Part IV. 1. Price 51. 5s. Part IV. 2. Price 41. 10s.
This work forms a comprehensive Palaographic Series for Ireland. It
furnishes characteristic specimens of the documents which have come
down from each of the classes which, in past ages, formed principal
elements in the population of Ireland, or exercised an influence in her
affairs. With these reproductions are combined fac-similes of writings
connected with eminent personages or transactions of importance in the
annals of the country to the early part of the eighteenth century.
The specimens have been reproduced as nearly as possible in accordance with the originals, in dimensions, colouring, and general appearance.
Characteristic examples of styles of writing and caligraphic ornamentation are, so far as practicable, associated with subjects of historic and
linguistic interest. Descriptions of the various manuscripts are given
by the Editor in the Introduction. The contents of the specimens are
fully elucidated and printed in the original languages, opposite to
the Fac-similes-line for line-without contractions-thus facilitating
reference and aiding effectively those interested in palaographic studies.
In the work are also printed in full, for the first time, many original
and important historical documents.
Part I. commences with the earliest Irish MSS. extant.
Part II.: From the Twelfth Century to A.D. 1299.
Part III.: From A.D 1300 to end of reign of Henry VIII.
Part IV. 1.: From reign of Edward VI. to that of James 1.
In Part IV. 2.-the work is carried down to the early part of the
eighteenth century, with Index to the entire publication.
ACCOUNT OF FAC-SIMILES OF NATIONAL MANUSCRIPTS OF IRELAND. In one
Volume; 8vo., with Index. Price 10s. Parts I. and II. together.
Price 2s. 6d. Part II. Price Is. 6d. Part III. Price Is. Part IV. 1.
Price 2s. Part IV. 2. Price 2s. 6d.
Stationery Ofice,
l)ecember 1893.




35


ANNUAL REPORTS OF THE DEPUTY KEEPER
OF THE PUBLIC RECORDS, IRELAND.


Number
Date.    of
Report.




1869
1870
1871
1872
3873
1874
1875
1876
1877
1878
1879
1880 i




1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12




Chief Contents of Appendices.     Sessional.N o
Contents of the principal Record Repositories [C. 4157]
of Ireland in 1864.-Notices of Records
transferred from Chancery Offices. —Irish i
State Papers presented by Philadelphia
Library Company.
Notices of Records transferred from Chancery, [C. 127]
Queen's Bench, and Exchequer Offices.Index to Original Deeds received from
Master Litton's Office.
Notices of Records transferred from Queenis [C. 320]
Bench, Common Pleas, and Exchequer
Offices.-Report on J. F. Furguson's MS6.
-Exchequer Indices, &c.
Records of Probate Registries  -      - [C. 515]
Notices of Records from  Queen's Bench I[C. 760]
Calendar of Fines and Recoveries of the
Palatinate of Tipperary, 1664-1715.-Index j
to Reports to date.
Notices of Records transferred from Chancery, [C. 963]
Queen's Bench, and Common Pleas Offices.
-Report   respectinl  " Facsimiles  of
National MSS. of   Ireland."-List  of
Chancery   Pleadings  (1662-1690) and
Calendar to Chancery Rolls (162-1713)3
of Palatinate of Tipperary.
Notices of Records from  Exchequer and [C. 1175]
Admiralty Offices. —Calendar and Index to
Fiants of Henry VIII.
Calendar and Index to Fiants of Edward VI. [C. 1469]
Index to the Liber Munerum   Publicorum  [C. 1702]
Hibernia.- Calendar and Index: to Fiants
of Philip and Mary.
Index to Deputy Keeper's 6th, 7th, 8th, 9th, [C. 2034]
and 10th Reports.
Calendar to Fiants of Elizabetl: (1558-1570) [C. 2311]
Calendar to Fiants of Elizabeth, continued [C. 2583]
(1570-1576)l
Calendar to Fiants of Elizabeth, continued [C. 2929]
(1576-1583).






Price,


s. d.
2 3
1 0
2 0
0 21
0 8
0 7
1 3
[Out of
prinm.]
0 3
1 4
1 3


1881




13




1 5




36


' Number
Date.    of
jReport.


Chief Contents of Appendices.


Sessional P
No.


1882    14


~SS:3


15


1884     16
1885     17
188G     18
18S7     19
ls85     20
1889     21
1890:   22


s. d.
Report of Keeper of State Papers containing [C. 3915]  0  6-.
Catalogue of Commonwealth Books transferred from Berminghaml Tower.
Calendar to Fiants of Elizabeth, continued [C. 3676]  1 0
(1583-1586). —Index to Deputy Keeper's
11th, 12th, 13th, 14th, and 15th Reports.  I
Calendar to Fiants of Elizabeth, continued [C. 4061, 1 6
(1586-1595).
Report on0 Iron Chest of attainders following [C. 4487]  1 6 -after 1641 and 1688.-Queen's Bench
Calendar to Fiants of Elizabeth, continued
(1596-1601).
Calendar to Fiants of Elizabeth, continued [C. 4755]  1  1
(1601-1603).-Memoranduml    on  Statements (1702) and Declarations (1713-14)
of Huguenot Pensioners.


Notice of Records of Incumbered and Landed [C. 5185]
Estates Courts.-Report of Keeper of State
Papers, containing Table of Abstracts of
Decrees ot Innocence (1663), with Index.
Galendar to Christ Church Deeds in Novum  [C. 5535]
Registrum, 1174-16S4. Index to Deputy
Keeper's 16th, 17th, 18th, 19th, and 20th 1
Reports.
Index to Calendars of Fiants of the reign of [C. 5835]
Queen Elizabeth. Letters A — C.
Catalogue of Proclamations, 1618-1660  - [C. 6180]1


0 6
0 8q
1 0


0  2.
2!


i
i


Index to Fiants of Elizabeth. D-Z.    - [C.
1891    23     Catalogue of Proclamations, 1661-1767.-  [C.
Calendar to Christ Church Deeds, 1177 -1462.-Schedule of Places of Custody of
Parish Registers.
1892     24    Catalogue of Proclamations, 1767-1875. Con- [C.
tents of the Red Book of the Exchequer.
Calendar to Christ Church PDeeds, 1462 -1602.
1893     25    Regulations respecting State Papers.  In- [C.
structions for Parochial Custodians. Index
I  to Twenty-first to Twenty-fifth Reports.!        Ii


6180   2 0
i.]
6504]1 1 1
I
6765]  0 9.
i
717o0]  0 3
I




Pu blic Record Office of Irelan d,
December 1893.




I




I
THE UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN
GRADUATE LIBRARY


DATE DUE




UN4IVERSITY OF MICHIGAN
3 9015 02859 1322


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