THE
ORATIONS
OF
DE  MO S T HE NE S
ON THE CROWN
AND ON THE'EMBASSY.
TRANSLATED, WITH NOTES, &c.,
BY
CHARLES RANN KENNEDY.
IN TWO VOLUMES.
VOL. II.
NEW YORK:
HARPER & BROTHERS, PUBLISIHERS,
FRANKLIN SQUARE.
1857.








PREFACE.
THE delay in bringing out this volume has been chiefly
owing to the labor bestowed upon the Oration for the
Crown, in which after all I feel I have but imperfectly
succeeded. He is indeed a confident man who can satisfy himself upon such a task. The previous translations
which I have consulted, I should rather say which I have
constantly had before me, are those of Leland, Francis,
Lord Brougham, Spillan, Auger, Jacobs, and Pabst.' I
believe there are some others, which I have not seen.
These, however, I have carefully perused and compared;
and to all the translators I am indebted for their assistance, but especially to Jacobs, of whose valuable notes
and dissertations I have made ample use. It is a pity
that his labors have been confined to the political speeches
of Demosthenes.
Shilleto's edition of the Oration on the Embassy was
unfortunately not put into my hands until I had completed
the first half of the translation. The author has proved
himself to be one of the profoundest of English scholars.
His plan of writing critical notes in Latin, and explanatory in English, is novel, but not unattended with advantage.








CONTENTS.
PAGE
PREFACE.............................................  iii
ORATIONS:On  the  Crown...............                    1
On the Embassy....................................... 116
APPENDICES:I. The Sacred War................................. 223
II. Orators and Statesmen........................... 319
III. The Council of Areopagus........................ 342
IV. The Council of Five Hundred.................. 3..  45
V. The Popular Assembly.................. 349
VI. The Opinion of Polybius................. 354
VII Revision of Laws...................3...........   58
VIII. Affairs of Peloponnesus.......................... 363
IX. Chseronea................................,3 76
X. Whether Ctesiphon broke the Law................ 413








THE
ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
THE ORATION ON THE CROWN.
THE ARGUMENT.
This has justly been considered the greatest speech of the greatest orator in the world. It derives an additional interest from the circumstance that it was the last great speech delivered in Athens. The
subject matter of it is virtually a justification of the whole public
policy and life of Demosthenes; while in point of form it is a defense
of Ctesiphon for a decree which he proposed in favor of Demosthenes, B.C. 338, not long after the battle of Chveronea.
When the news of that disastrous battle reached Athens, the people
were in the utmost consternation. Nothing less was expected than
an immediate invasion of Attica by the conqueror; and strong measures were taken, under the advice of Hyperides, to put the city in a
posture of defense. One of the most important was the repair of the
walls and ramparts. Demosthenes at this time held the office of
conservator of walls, having been appointed by his own tribe at the
end of the year B.c. 339. The reparation, which had been commenced before, but suspended during the late campaign, was now
vigorously prosecuted. He himself superintended the work, and expended on it three talents of his own money, beyond what was allowed out of the public treasury.
The fears of the people were not realized. Philip, -while he chastised
the Thebans, treated the Athenians with moderation and clemency;
restoring their prisoners without ransom, burying their dead upon
the field, and sending their bones to Athens. He deprived them indeed of most of their foreign possessions, but even enlarged their
domestic territory by the addition of Oropus.
It seemed that the whole foundation upon which the credit and influence of Demosthenes had rested was overthrown. The hopes which
he had held out of successful resistance to Philip, of re-establishing
Athenian ascendency, or maintaining the independence of Greece,
were now proved to be fallacious. The alliance of Thebes, his last
great measure for the protection of Athens, appeared to have been
the immediate cause of her defeat and disgrace. The very moderation
VOL. II. —A




2            THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
with which Philip had used his victory looked like a reproach to the
orator, who had so often denounced his cruelties before the Athenian
assembly, and warned them of his deadly hostility to Athens.
The {Macedonian party considered that the time was come for the humiliation of their adversary. They assailed him with prosecutions.
The peace which Athens concluded with Macedonia was the signal
for war against Demosthenes. But his enemies were nmistaken in
their reckoning, when they supposed that the people would feel resentment against him as the author of their misfortunes. The Athenians took a juster and nobler view of the matter: they judged not
of his counsels by the result, but by their own intrinsic merit. Demosthenes came clear and triumphant out of every prosecution; and
while Lysicles the general was condemned to capital punishment
for his misconduct of the war, Demosthenes received from his countrymen a signal proof of their esteem and confidence, being appointed to pronounce the funeral oration in honor of the citizens who had
fallen at Chmronea.
About the same time, and not many months after the battle, Ctesiphon
introduced a bill to the Council of Five Hundred, proposing to reward
Demosthenes for his gifts of money to the public, and for his general
integrity and good conduct as a statesman. It is not unlikely that
the very object of this measure was to stop the attacks upon Demosthenes, and to give him the opportunity, in case it should be opposed,
of justifying the whole course of his political life. With that view
was inserted the clause eulogizing his general character as a statesman. The Macedonian party naturally regarded this clause a3 a
reflection upon themselves, and a virtual condemnation of the policy
which they had for so many years espoused. They felt themselves
therefore compelled to make a stand against it; and they resolved
upon a course, which was open to them according to the Athenian
laws, of indicting Ctesiphon as the author of an illegal measure. His
bill, having been approved by the council, and then brought before
the popular assembly, was passed in the shape of a decree, by which
it was declared to be the will of the council and people of Athens,
" that Demosthenes should be presented with a golden crown, and
that a proclamation should be made in the theatre, at the great
Dionysian festival, at the performance of the new tragedies, announcing that Demosthenes was rewarded by the people with a
golden crown for his integrity, for the good-will which he had invariably displayed toward all the Greeks and toward the people of
Athens, and also for his magnanimity, and because he had ever both
by word and deed promoted the interests of the people, and been
zealous to do all the good in his power." This decree, as the opposite
party conceived, was open to three objections, two of which were
chiefly of a legal nature; the other, while it equally assumed a legal
form, called in question the real merits of Ctesiphon's motion. An
indictment, embodying all the objections, was preferred before the
archon, the chief magistrate of Athens, to whose cognizance a criminal proceeding of this kind appertained.  The prosecutor was
~Eschines, the second of Athenian orators, the deadly enemy of
Demosthenes, who would not only be considered by his party as the




ON THE CROWN.                           3
fittest person to conduct the cause, but was stimulated to it by every
motive of rivalry and revenge. The indictment, after reciting the
decree, alleged that it violated the Athenian laws in three points, as
follows:First, because it was unlawful to make false allegations in any of the
state documents:
Secondly, because it was unlawful to confer a crown upon any person
who had an account to render of his official conduct; and Demosthenes was both a conservator of walls and the treasurer of the theoric
fund:
Thirdly, because it was unlawful to proclaim the honor of a crown in
the theatre at the Dionysian festival, at the performance of the new
tragedies; the law being, that if the council gave a crown, it should
be published in the council-hall; if the people, in the pnyx at the
popular assembly.
The first of these points raised the substantial question at issue —viz.,
whether the decree of Ctesiphon had stated a falsehood, when it assigned the virtue and patriotism of Demosthenes as reasons for conferring public honor upon him. The other two, while they were
mainly of a technical character, were strongly relied on by Aischines
as affording him the means of securing a verdict.
Notice of intention to indict had probably been given at the time when
the decree was passed. The bill was actually preferred on the sixth
of Elaphebolion, BI.c. 338, eight months after the battle of Chlronea,
and a few days before the Dionysian festival, at which the honor
conferred upon Demosthenes was to have been proclaimed. It had
this immediate consequence, that the decree of Ctesiphon could not
be carried into effect till after the trial; and thus one end, at least,
was gained by ZEschines and his party,-the satisfaction of having
suspended their adversary's triumph. But whether they were deterred by the failure of other prosecutions against Demosthenes, or
whether they judged from the temper of the people that they had
but little chance of success, the indictment of Ctesiphon was suffered
to lie dormant for more than seven years, and was not brought to
trial till the year n.c. 330. It may seem strange that the law of
Athens should have allowed a criminal prosecution to hang over a
man for so long a period; but it must be borne in mind that the proceeding against Ctesiphon not only involved a charge personally affecting him, but had the further, and ostensibly the more important,
object of maintaining the purity of the law itself, and preventing an
unconstitutional decree from being recorded in the public archives.
It is probable, however, that the case would never have been revived, but for the occurrence of political events which seemed to afford a favorable opportunity.
Within two years after his victory at Cheeronea, Philip had perished by
the hand of an assassin. The hopes that were excited in Greece by
the news of his death were quickly dispelled by the vigorous measures of his successor. Notwithstanding the efforts of Demosthenes,
it was found impossible to concert any feasible plan for a union of
the Greek states against Macedonia. The rash revolt of the Thebans
was punished by the extirpation of their city, which struck terror




4            THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
into the very heart of Greece. Athens, suspected of aiding the insurgents, hastened to appease the conqueror by humble submission;
and when he insisted on the delivery up of their principal orators,
including Demosthenes, it was with difficulty that he was prevailed
upon to accept a less severe measure of satisfaction. The debate
which took place in the Athenian assembly upon this demand of
Alexander shows that Demosthenes must still have been in high
esteem at Athens. The feelings of the people, notwithstanding their
fears, were against the delivery of the orators: and Phocion's counsel, urging them to surrender themselves for the public good, was not
well received. Alexander in the year following (B.C. 334) passed
over into Asia, and commenced his career of conquest. Meanwhile
Greece had a breathing time. The states that sighed for freedom
looked with anxious expectation for every intelligence from the scene
of war, as if all.their hopes depended on the fate of one man. The
farther lhe penetrated into Asia, the better chance there seemed to
be of his being overwhelmed by the force of the Persian empire.
While he was yet in the defiles of Cilicia, it was confidently asserted
by Demosthenes at Athens, that his army would be trampled under
foot by the cavalry of Darius. The battle of Issus belied this prophecy; yet it was still believed that the Persian monarchy had resources in itself sufficient to prevail in the war: and the length of
time that Alexander was occupied in Phcenicia and Egypt, while
Darius was collecting the strength of his empire in the East, seemed
to favor these sanguine views.
About the time that Alexander was marching to-fi0ght his last and decisive battle against the Persian king in Mesopotamia, Agis, king of
Sparta, put himself at the head of a confederacy;:which comprised the
greater part of the Peloponnesian states, and prepared to throw off
the Macedonian yoke. Taking his opportunity Iwhile Antipater was
engaged in suppressing a Thracian insurrection,'he raised his standard
in Laconia, and declared war; but, after gaining some successes and
laying siege to Megalopolis, which refused to join the league, he was
defeated in a hard-fought battle by Antipater, and died fighting with
the valor of an ancient Spartan. This was in the beginning of the
year B.C. 330. The confederacy was dissolved, and the Xoicc of freedom was again changed to that of submission.
Athens had taken no part in the last movement. Th-e cause of her
neutrality is not quite clear, though it is probably to be attributed to
a want of proper concert and preparation. Had the Athenians sent
their forces to assist Agis in Pel'oponnesus,- they would have been
exposed to the first attack of the enemy, and the dread of this may
have restrained them from rising. A Macedonian garrison was maintained in the Cadmea, which would gain speedy intelligence of any
movement on the part of the Atllenians, and the people of the
Bceotian towns were friendly to Macedonia.  It is not quite clear
either what part Demosthenes took upon this occasion. iEselhines
represents him as boasting that he had kindled the.flames of wvar in
Peloponnesus; and both Plutarch and Dinarchus intimate that he
exerted himself for that purpose: yet Eschines accuses him also
of neglecting so good an opportunity for engaging Athens in the




ON THE CROWN.                           5
contest. Demosthenes may in prudence have abstained from plunging the Athenians into a war, for which he saw they were ill prepared; and at the same time he might have encouraged the Peloponnesians to malke an effort of which, in the event of success, his own
country would equally have reaped the benefit. So timid a policy
he would not certainly have adopted eight years before; but under
existing circumstances it could hardly be a reproach to him, especially when he observed the timid and temporizing spirit which
was gradually gaining ground among his countrymen. Presents of
Persian spoil had been sent to Athens, to decorate the Acropolis.
Phocion corresponded with Alexander as a friend; and it was generally represented by all who belonged to his party, that resistance
to him was hopeless.
If such feelings prevailed to a great extent before the defeat of Agis,
they must have been greatly strengthened after that event. Aiacedonian arms were every where triumphant. Alexander had seated
himself on the throne of Darius; Antipater, his viceroy, was irresistible in Greece: Macedohian ascendency, which Demosthenes had
exerted himself all his life to oppose, seemed now to be completely
secured. Athens was not what she was even at the time of Chilronea,
for sixteen years before that disastrous battle, the voice of Demosthenes had been continually resounding in the assembly, instructing,
animating, improving, elevating the minds and hearts of his hearers;
exerting such an influence over them, that he may be said to have
raised up, by the force of his own eloquence, a new generation of
patriots. But in the eight years that followed it was very different:
his voice in the cause of freedom and glory had been little heard;
and besides that the people were cowed by the events which had
occurred, a lethargy had fallen on their spirit, for want of some one
to rouse them.
This was the time chosen by iEschines for bringing to an issue the longsuspended cause. The aspect of affairs both at home and abroad
seemed favorable to the undertaking; and he summoned up all his
force and resolution for the contest. It was to be not only a trial of
strength between the contending parties at Athens, —the favorers of
Macedonian power, and those that regretted the loss of independence,
-but a final and decisive struggle between two rival statesmen,
exasperated against each other by a long series of hostilities. It was
manifest that Ctesiphon was but the nominal defendant; the real object of attack was Demosthenes, his whole policy and administration.
The interest excited was intense, not only at Athens, but throughout
all Greece; and an immense concourse of foreigners flocked from all
parts to hear the two most celebrated orators in the world. A jury
(of not less than five hundred) was impanneled by the archon; and
before a dense and breathless audience the pleadings began.
As the speeches of both the orators are preserved to us, we have the
means of comparing one with the other, and forming our opinion of
their respective merits. The world in general have decided as the
people of Athens did, not only upon the oratorical merits of the two
rivals, but upon the principal questions at issue between them. The
accuser, who thought to brand his opponent with eternal infamy, has




6  THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
only added to the lustre of his renown. Independently of the internal
evidence furnished by this and other orations of Demosthenes, which
have carried to the hearts of most readers a conviction of his patriotism, we can not fail to be strongly influenced by the judgment of the
Athenians themselves, whom neither their own past misfortunes, nor
the terror inspired by the late victory of Antipater, could deter from
giving a verdict, by which, while they acquitted Demosthenes from
all blame, they in effect declared their approbation of his measures
in opposition to Macedonia.
The reader who carefully examines the speech of ~schines will not fail
to observe, that he betrays a consciousness of weakness in that part
of his case where he attacks the political character of his rival. lie
seems to feel also that he is speaking in opposition to the general
feeling of his hearers. His own character as a politician had been so
dubious, his conduct so open to suspicion, that while he most bitterly
assails his adversary, he is constantly under the necessity of defending
himself. On the whole life, public and private, of Demosthenes, he
pours a torrent of invective; to this the greater part of his speech is
devoted: yet he seems to have been impelled to it rather by hate and
revenge, than by any calculation of advantage. On the other hand,
when he deals with the legal parts of his case, commenting on those
specific violations of Athenian law which Ctesiphon's measure was
charged with, it is evident that his strength lay there; lie handles
his subject temperately, skillfully, and carefully, laboring to make
every point clear to the jury, and to impress them with the conviction that to uphold the laws was the sure way to maintain constitutional government. On these points he mainly relied, hoping by this
means to secure a verdict, which would give him a triumph over his
enemy, and carry the general opinion over Greece, that the credit
and influence of Demosthenes were extinguished.
Demosthenes, feeling his weakness as to the legal questions, dexterously
throws them into the middle of his speech, and passes lightly and
rapidly over them, while he devotes his greatest efforts to the vindication of his own merits as a patriot and a statesman. Refusing to
comply with the insidious demand of zEschines, that he should take
the questions in the same order as his accuser, lie insists upon his
legal right to conduct his defense as he pleases. Opening with a
modest exordium, to conciliate the favor of the jury, he launches
gradually into the history of his own conduct and measures: presenting first a general view of the condition of Greece when he entered
public life, and of the difficulties under which the Athenians labored
in their contest with Philip; then setting forth his own views, plans,
and objects, and showving that he had advised a course of action which
both the circumstances of the time and the honor of the country
required. He apologizes for the self-praise mixed up with his speech,
on the ground that he was driven to it by his opponent. Entering
on the Sacred War, and the peace of B.C. 346, he labprs to exculpate
himself fiom all share in the errors then conmmitted, imputing them
chiefly to the negligence of the other embassadors, and to the treachery of Philocrates and ~Eschines, who, by the false hopes which they
excited at Athens, prevented the people from assisting the Phocians.




ON THE CROWN.                            7
Coming to the events which brought on a renewal of the war, he
shows how Philip's ambitious projects and encroachments in every
part of Greece made it necessary to oppose him, especially for the
Athenians, who were menaced at home as well as abroad by his
aggressions in Thrace, Eubcea, and AMegara. IIe pursues these topics
until he has carried with him the feelings of his hearers, which must
have been strongly oin his side when he dilated on t]he glorious issue
of the campaigns in Eubcea and the Propontis,. and read to them the
decrees of the Byzantines, Perinthians, and Chersoiesites, in honor
of Athens, all which were due to the vigorous measures of his own
administration. Having thus secured the good-will and symlpathy of
his judges, he proceeds to discuss the legal charges against Ctesipihon.
Dwelling on them but for a short time, he plunges into a personal
attack upon _Eschines, holding up to ridicule the meanness of his
birth and parentage, and retorting on him the same coarse and opprobrious language which had been used toward himself. The bitterness of his invective is only to be excused on the ground of strong
provocation, added to an assurance that his more grave charges of
corruption and treason were well founded. Those charges, so often
advanced before, he here repeats, denouncing more particularly the
conduct of AEschines upon his mission to Delphi, n.c. 339, to which the
disaster of Ch.eronlea Nwas attributable. The account which iEschines
had given of this affair he shows to be false, and enters upon a ninute
examination of the proceedings which caused Philip to be appointed
Amphictyonic general, and to march with an invading army, nominally against the Anmplissian Locrians, really against ]3ccotia and
Attica. A graphic description is given of the consternation at Athens
on hearing that Philip had seized Elatea. The rneeting of the people,
the advice of Demosthenes to them, his embassy to T1hebes, the success of his negotiations, and the conclusion of the alliance between
Thebes and Athens are briefly recounted, Demosthenes forciblv pointing out the advantage of his measures, contending that they werle not
to be judged by the imere event of the battle, and that it was far
more glorious fdr his country to be defeated in a struggle for the
independence of Greece, than it would have been to keep aloof fr'om
the contest. Here he makes that noble adjuration, which has in all
ages been admired, appealing to his countrymen by the deeds of their
ancestors,of whom they would have acted most uinworthilv, had they
without a struggle abandoned the post of honor bequeathed to them.
He himself as a statesman would have deserved execration, hald he
advised such a course. TJie failure of their arms was not to be imputed to the minister, who had done all he could to insure their success, but rather to the commanders, or to evil fortune. As ~schines
had said so much about the ill fortune which attenmded him, lie draws
a comparison between the different fortunes of himself and his rival, first, of their early life and education, next, of their career as
public men. ~Eschines from the beginning had taken a part which
put him in opposition to the true interests of Athens, which caused
him to rejoice at her disasters, to quail and tremble at her successes.
He never came forward to assist her by his counsels when she needed
them, but only to censure others who had given their honest advice,




8            THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
because it had not turned out as well as was expected. It was a signal
proof of his malignant disposition, that he had expatiated on the
late disastrous events as if they were a subject of triumph to him,
without shedding a single tear, without any faltering in his voice,
without betraying the least emotion or symptom of grief. In reply
to the challenge of yEschines, to say for what merit he claimed the
reward of a crown, Demosthenes boldly declares, for his incorruptibility, by which he was distinguished not only firomra.Eschines, but
fronm the multitude of venal orators in the Grecian world. HIad there
been but a few more like himself in other states, Macedonia could
never have risen to greatness upon their ruin. He had done all that
was possible for a single man; and Athens, while she shared the misfortune of all the Greeks, had the consolation of reflecting, that she
had striven gallantly and bravely to avert the common calamity.
aEschines had lauded the great men of a by-gone age, drawing an
invidious contrast between Demosthenes and them. This, says Demosthenes, was not a fair way of judging him: lie should be tried by
reference to his own acts, as compared with those of his contemporaries. Yet even from the former comparison he did not shrink; for
he had acted on the same principles as the statesmen of olden time,
striving always to maintain the honor and dignity of Athens. Attachlment to his country, and earnest anxiety for her welfare, had
been his constant and abiding motives of action: throughout his
whole life, in the day of power, in the hour of trial and adversity,
those feelings had never deserted him: that was the test of a good
and honest citizen; by that lie ought to be judged.
Such is, in substance, the argument of this celebrated Oration, as far
as relates to the main question in the cause. Some remarks on the
legal points will be found in an Appendix. The effect produced by
the speech upon an Athenian audience can be but faintly imagined
by us who read it at this distance of time. Although Athens was not
then what she had once been; although she was humbled by defeat,
shorn of her honors, stripped of her empire and dependencies, without allies, without resources, without means of resistance to that iron
power under which all Greece had succumbed; there was still the
remembrance of the past, not yet extinguished by habitual servitude;
there were still vague hopes of future deliverance, and a fire of smothered indignation burning in the hearts of the people, ready to burst
into a flame at the first favorable opportunity. That such were their
feelings is proved by what occurred seven years afterward upon the
death of Alexander; when Athens made one convulsive effort for
freedom, ere she finally submitted to her fate. Demosthenes stood
before his countrymen, representing all which remained of Athenian
dignity and glory. If any man could help them, it was he. His advice had always been steady and constant; his warnings should have
been earlier attended to; but even yet there might be need of him.
He was their consolation for the past, their hope for the future.
During the progress of his address, such thoughts rushed upon their
minds with greater and greater force, till they were elevated above
themselves, and all the spirit of their ancestors was for the moment
regenerate within them.




ON THE CROWN.                           9
They could forgive him all his egotism  and self-praise. It was the
praise of a life devoted to their servi(e. Where he lauded his own
acts most strongly, he identified them with the glories of his country. Whatever good results might have accrued firom his measures,
le ascribed the merit less to himself than to the fortune of Athens, or
to the gods, of whom he was but the humble instrument in a righteous cause.  His own eloquence would have been of no avail, had
it not touched the true chord of Athenian feeling. Throughout his
whole political career he had been supported by the judgment and
convictions of the people. Thus le argued, and the people felt it
was impossible for them to find him guilty, without passing sentence
upon themselves, without condemning the policy which Athens had
for a long series of yeals consistently pursued. The genius of Athens
protected her from such disgrace; and by an overwhelming majority, which left the accuser no choice but to retire into exile, a verdict
was given for the defendant.
I BEGIN, men of Athens, by praying to every God and Goddess, that the same good-will, which I have ever cherished toward the commonwealth and all of you, may be requited to
me on the present trial.  I pray likewise-and this specially
concerns yourselves, your religion, and your honor-that the
Gods may put it in your minds, not to take counsel of my opponent touching the manner in which I am to be heard-that
would indeed be cruel!-but of the laws and of your oath;
wherein (besides the other obligations) it is prescribed that
you shall hear both sides alike. This means, not only that
you must pass no pre-condemnation, not only that you must
extend your good-will equally to both, but also that you must;allow the parties to adopt such order and course of defense as
they severally choose and prefer.
Many advantages hath 2Eschines over me on this trial; and
two especially, men of Athens. First, my risk in the contest
is not the same. It is assuredly not the same for me to forfeit your regard, as for my adversary not to succeed in his inQuintilian commends the modest opening of this oration, which he
attributes to a cautious timidity. Cicero thus remarks upon it in the
Orator:"Ilic, quem prmstitisse diximus czeteris, in illA pro Ctesiphonte oratione long, optima, submissus a primo; deinde, dum de legibus disputat, pressus; post sensimr incedens, judices ut vidit ardentes, in reliquis
exultavit audacius."
It was not unusual -with the ancient orators to commence with a
prayer. Thus Lycurgus begins his speech against Leocrates; and Cicero his defense of Murena. Also, in the defense of Rabirius, (near the
beginning,) there is an appeal, like this of Demosthenes, to all the
Gods and Goddesses.
A. 2




10          THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
dictment.  To me-but I will say nothing untoward' at the
outset of my address. The prosecution however is play to
him.2 MIy second disadvantage is, the natural disposition of
mankind to take pleasure in hearing invective and accusation, and to be annoyed by those who praise themselves. To.Eschines is assigned the part which gives pleasure; that
which is (I may fairly say) offensive to all, is left for me.
And if, to escape from this, I make no mention of what I have
done, I shall appear to be without defense against his charges,
without proof of my claims to honor: whereas, if I proceed to
give an account of my conduct and measures, I shall be forced
to speak frequently of myself. I will endeavor then to do so
with all becoming modesty: what I am driven to by the necessity of the case, will be fairly chargeable to my opponent
who has instituted such a prosecution.3
I think, men of the jury, you will all agree that I, as well
as Ctesiphon, am a party to this proceeding, and that it is a
matter of no less concern to me.  It is painful and grievous
to be deprived of any thing, especially by the act of one's
enemy; but your good-will and affection are the heaviest loss,
precisely as they are the greatest prize to gain.
Such being the matters at stake in this cause, I conjure
and implore you all alike, to hear my defense to the, charge
in that fair manner which the laws prescribe-laws, to which
their author, Solon, a man friendly to you and to popular
rights, thought that validity should be given, not only by the
recording of them,4 but by the oath of you the jurors: not that
1 Auger: sinistre. Jacobs: anstmssiges. Leland: ominous. There
is a reference, of course, to the fear of an evil omen, which causes the
orator to suppress what he would have said.
2 Because he can afford to be beaten; he has not much to lose. He
possesses not, like me, the esteem and affection of the people; and
therefore has not the loss of these to fear. It is difficult to translate
the phrase pointedly. Auger: "il m'accuse sans avoir rien a perdre."
Spillan: "he accuses me without any risk."  Brougham: "he brings
his- charge an unprovoked volunteer."  Jacobs: er klagt mnich aus
Mluthwillen an.
3 Upon this Quintilian remarks: " Neque hoc dico, non aliquando
de rebus a se gestis oratori esse dicendum, sicut eidem Demostheni pro
Ctesiphonte: quod tamen ita emendavit, ut necessitatem id faciendi
ostenderet, invidiamque omnem in eum r egereret, qui hoc se coegisset."
Leland and Spillan are wrong in translating rp ypdciat " by enacting;" and Lord Brougham, who has rendered it "by engraving on
brazen tablets," has been unjustly and ignorantly censured. The only




ON THE CROWN.                       11
he distrusted you, as it appears to me; but, seeing that the
charges and calumnies, wherein the prosecutor is powerful by
being the first speaker, can not be got over by the defendant,
unless each of you jurors, observing his religious obligation,
shall with like favor receive the arguments of the last speaker, and lend an equal and impartial ear to both, before he determines upon the whole case.
As I am, it appears, on this day to render an account both
of my private life and my public measures, I would fain, as
in the outset, call the Gods to my aid; and in your presence
I implore them, first, that the good-will which I have ever
cherished toward the commonwealth and all of you may be
fully requited to me on the present trial; next, that they may
direct you to such a decision upon this indictment, as will conduce to your common honor, and to; the good conscience of
each individual.
Had Aischines confined his charge to the subject of the
prosecution, I too would have proceeded at once to my justification of the decree.' But since he has wasted no fewer words
in the discussion of'other matters, in most of them calumniating me, I deem it both necessary and just, men of Athens, to
begin by shortly adverting to these points, that none of you
may be induced by extraneous arguments to shut your ears
against my defense to the indictment.
To all his scandalous abus'e of my private life, observe my
plain and honest answer.  If you know me to be such as he
alleged-for I have lived nowhere else but among you-let
not my voice be heard, however transcendent my statesmanship! Rise up this instant and condemn me! But if, in
your opinion and judgment, I am  far better and of better
descent than my adversary; if (to speak witlhout offense) I
am not inferior, I or mine, to any respectable2 citizen; then
fault of such version is, that it has too many words.  Ihe probably followed Auger, who has "de les graver sur l'airain;" which, in fact, is
the meaning. Jacobs and Pabst are right. The ordinary meaning of
ypapat v6/uovg, "to propose laws," is here manifestly inapplicable. I
may here also observe that the censure of Lord Broughiaml for joining
6eKaiof with cdcodaaL is equally absurd. The Germlans both have it as
he has; nor is it possible, with such a collocation of the words, to take
it otherwise.
1 The decree of the Senate procured by Ctesiphon ill favor of Demosthenes.
2 Jacobs: der rechtlichen Biirger. Auger: "aucune famille estimable."




12           TIE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
give no credit to him for his other statements-it is plain
they were all equally fictions —but to me let the same goodwill, which you have uniformly exhibited upon many former
trials, be manifested now.  With all your malice, lEschines,
it was very simple to suppose that I should turn from  the
discussion of measures and policy to notice your scandal. I
will do no such thing: I am  not so crazed.  Your lies and
calumnies about my political life I will examine forthwith;
for that loose ribaldry I shall have a word hereafter, if the
jury desire to hear it.
The crimes whereof I am accused are many and grievous:
for some of them  the laws enact heavy-most severe penalties.  The scheme of this present proceeding includes a combination of spiteful insolence, insult, railing, aspersion, and
every thing of the kind; while for the said charges and accusations, if they were true, the state has not the means of
inflicting an adequate punishment, or. any thing like it.]  For
Two ways of explaining this difficult passage have occurred to me.
The first is as follows: —The whole scheme of the prosecution shows
that it was instituted to gratify private enmity, not for the good of the
public. If the charges of ~schines against me were true, you could
not sufficiently punish him (iAgschines) for preferring them in such a
manner. Why? Because he prefers them by way of insult and slander, and would not let me be heard in answer to themn, if he could
have his way; a course which is most unjust and unconstitutional. He
ought to have made such charges against me directly, and at the time
when the offenses were committed; not to have assailed me through
Ctesiphon so long after the time.
The second method has been partly indicated by a German critic,
cited by Jacobs, and is thus:-The whole scheme of the prosecution
bears the marks of private enmity and malice, while, if the charges were
true, the prosecutor does not put you in a situation to punish me according to my deserts. Why?  Because he does not prosecute me
directly for the crimes which he lays to my charge. The penalties of
the law for such crimes could not be enforced by means of the present
prosecution, which is a collateral proceeding, not against me, but against
a third party. The charges in question are made incidentally, and by
way of slander and abuse. The very proposal of_ Eschines, that I should
not be allowed to speak freely in defense of my political conduct, proves
that his attack upon me is not for the public good; for he must know
that you could never punish me for the crimes of which I am accused,
without giving me a proper and full hearing. No such thing is allowed
by the law, or could be tolerated on any principle of justice. His attack
on me, therefore, can have no good object; it is manifestly dictated
by personal hatred and malice, &c.
The latter method, I think, is preferable.




ON THE CROWN.                       13
it is not right to debar another of access to the people and
privilege of speech; moreover, to do so by way of malice and
insult-by heaven! is neither honest, nor constitutional, nor
just.  If the crimes which he saw me committing against the
state were as heinous as he so tragically gave out, he ought
to have enforced the penalties of the law against them at the
time; if he saw me guilty of an impeachable offense, by impeaching and so bringing me to trial before you; if moving
illegal decrees, by indicting me for them.  For surely, if he
can prosecute Ctesiphon on my account, he would not have
forborne to indict me myself, had he thought he could convict me.. In short, whatever else he saw me doing to your
prejudice, whether mentioned or not mentioned in his catalogue of slander, there are laws for such things, and punishments, and trials, and judgments, with sharp and severe
penalties; all of which he might have enforced against me:
and had he done so-had he thus pursued the proper method
with 1me, his charges would have been consistent with his
conduct.  But now he has declined the straightforward and
just course, avoided all proofs of guilt at the time,1 and after
this long interval gets up, to play his part withal, a heap of
accusation, ribaldry, and scandal.  Then he arraigns me, but
prosecutes the defendant. His hatred of me he makes the
prominent part of the whole contest; yet, without having
ever met me upon that ground, he openly seeks to deprive a
third party of his privileges.  Now, men of Athens, besides
all the other arguments that may be urged in Ctesiphon's behalf, this moethinks, may'very fairly be alleged-that we
should try our own quarrel by ourselves; not leave our private dispute, and look what third party we can damage. That
surely were the height of injustice.
It may appear from  what has been said, that all his
charges are alike unjust and unfounded.in truth.  Yet I wish
In translating rov'g 7rap' av-ra ri- 7rpdyya ra  E'.yXovg, as just above
in the expression lrap' av-ra rdd(tcKuarta,   I adhere to the interpretation
of Wolf and Reislie, which is followed by Leland, Brougham, Spillan,
and others. And so Pabst: ist der Rifge gegen mich auf frischer That
aulsgewichen. Taylor, however, understands 7rapd in the sense of " according to:" 7'trlutpa irapd r7 d6iKa li he renders, pena juxta fornzam
criminis.'E2etyXor rapd r70 srpdy21a would thus be "a proof applicable
to the fact," "a proof by evidence." Jacobs has: statt den Beweis aus
wirklicheen Thatsachen zu fiihren.




14         THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
to examine them  separately, and especially his calumnies
about the peace and the embassy, where he attributed to me
the acts of himself and Philocrates.  It is necessary also, and
perhaps proper, men of Athens, to remind you how affairs
stood at those times, that you may consider every single
measure in reference to the occasion.
When the Phocian war' had broken out-not through me,
for I had not then commenced public life-you were in this
position: you wished the Phocians to be saved, though you
saw they were not acting right; and would have been glad
for the Thebans to suffer any thing, with whom for a just
reason you were angry; for they had not borne with moderation their good fortune at Leuctra. The whole of Peloponnesus was divided: they that hated the Lacedernonians were
not powerful enough to destroy them; and they that ruled
before by Spartan influence were not masters of the states:
among them, as among the rest of the Greeks, there was a
sort of unsettled strife and confusion.2  Philip, seeing this —it
was not difficult to see-lavished bribes upon the traitors in
every state, embroiled and stirred them all up against each
other; and so, by the errors and follies of the rest, he was
strengthening himself, and growing up to the ruin of all.
But when every one saw that the then overbearing, but now
unfortunate, Thebans, harassed by so long a war, must of
necessity have recourse to you; Philip, to prevent this, and
obstruct the union of the states, offered to you peace, to
them succor.  What helped him then almost to surprise you
in a voluntary snare?  The cowardice, shall I call it? or
ignorance-or both —of the other Greeks; who, while you
were waging a long and incessant war-and that too for their
common benefit, as the event has shown-assisted you neither
with money nor men, nor any thing else whatsoever. You,
being justly and naturally offended with them, lent a willing
ear to Philip.
The peace then granted was through such means brought
about, not through me, as,Aschines calumniously charged.
The criminal and corrupt practices of these men during the
See Appendix I.
2 The very words here seem to be borrowed from Xenophon, where
he describes the result of the battle of Mantinea.'AKptaia Kay tapaX?
trll 72teov /UETA T'), [xT 7 Ey'vero ij irpu0Oev [v vr,'E?2&d&.




ON THE CROWN.                     15
treaty will be found, on fair examination, to be the cause of
our present condition.  The whole matter am I for truth's
sake discussing and going through; for, let there appear to be
ever so much criminality in these transactions, it is surely
nothing to me. The first who spoke and mentioned the subject of peace was Aristodemus the actor: the seconder and
mover, fellow-hireling for that purpose with the prosecutor,'
was Philocrates the Agnusian2 —your associate, ZEschines, not
mine, though you should burst with lying.  Their supporters
-from whatever motives-I pass that by for the presentwere Eubulus and Cephisophon. I had nothing to do with it.
Notwithstanding these facts, which I have stated exactly
according to the truth, he ventured to assert-to such a pitch
of impudence had he come-that I, besides being author
of the peace, had prevented the country making it in a general council with the Greeks.  Why, you-I know not what
name you deserve! —when you saw me robbing the state of
an advantage and connection so important as you described
just now, did you ever express indignation? did you come
forward to publish and proclaim what you now charge me
with?  If indeed I had been bribed by Philip to prevent
the conjunction of the Greeks, it was your business not to
be silent, but to cry out, to protest, and inform the people.
But you never did so-your voice was never heard to such a
purpose, and no wonder; for at that time no embassy had
been sent to any of the Greeks-they had all been tested long
before; and not a word of truth upon the subject has 2Eschines spoken.
Besides, it is the country that he most traduces by his
falsehoods. For, if you were at the same time calling on
the Greeks to take arms, and sending your own embassadors
to treat with Philip for peace, you were performing the part
of an Eurybatus,3 not the act of a commonwealth, or of honest men. But it is false, it is false. For what purpose could
METri(I TOrTOV is wrongly referred by most translators to Aristodemus.
2 I e. of the d&lyoc, or township of Agnus. A brief account of the
orators and statesmen of the period will be found in Appendix II.
3 This name, having once belonged to a notorious thief and trickster,
had passed into a by-word of reproach. See the comment of Eustathius
on the Odyssey, T. 247. Suidas mentions a Zei) E~vpvfiaroc, who changed
himself into all manner of shapes. XEschines had in his speech compared Demosthenes to Eurybatus.




16         THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
ye have sent for tlnm aft that period?  For peace?  They all
had it. For war?  You were yourselves deliberating about
peace. It appears therefore, I was not the adviser or the author of the original peace; and none of his other calumnies
against me are shown to be true.
Observe again, after the state had concluded the peace,
what line of conduct each of us adopted. Hence you will
understand who it was that co-operated in every thing with
Philip; who that acted in your behalf, and sought the advantage of the commonwealth.
I moved in the council that our embassadors should sail
instantly for whatever place they heard Philip was in, and
receive his oath: they would not however, notwithstanding
my resolution.t What was the effect of this, men of Athens?
I will explain. It was Philip's interest that the interval
before the oaths should be as long as possible; yours, that it
should be as short.  Why?  Because you discontinued all
your warlike preparations, not only from the day of swearing
peace, but from the day that you conceived hopes of it; a
thing which Philip was from the beginning studious to contrive, believing —rightly enough-that whatever of our possessions he might take before the oath of ratification, he
should hold securely; as none would break the peace on such
account. I, men of Athens, foreseeing and weighing these
consequences, moved the decree, to sail for whatever place
Philip was in, and receive his oath without delay; so that
your allies, the Thracians, might be in possession of the
places which 1Eschines ridiculed just now, (Serrium, Myrtium, and Ergisce,) at the time of swearing the oaths; and
that Philip might not become master of Thrace by securing
the posts of vantage, nor provide himself with plenty of
money and troops to facilitate his further designs. Yet this
decree he neither mentions nor reads; but reproaches me,
because, as Councilor, I thought proper to introduce the
embassadors. Why, what should I have done?  -Moved not
to introduce men who were come for the purpose of conferring with you? or ordered the Manager2 not to assign
1 It is implied that the motion was carried. It then became a resolution of the senate, on the motion of Demosthenes, and may be called
his resolution.
2 The adpXti-Cir&v was the lessee of the theatre, who undertook to keep




ON THE CROWN.                        17
them places at the theatre?  They might have had places for
their two obols, if the resolution had not been moved.. Was
it my duty to guard the petty interests of the state, and have
sold our main interests like these men?  Surely not.  Take
and read me this decree, which the- prosecutor, knowing it
well, passed over. Read.
THEI DECREE. 1
" In the Archonship of Minesiphilus, on the thirteenth of
Hecatombseon, in the presidency of the Pandionian tribe, Demosthenes son of Demosthenes of Psmania moved:-WVhereas
Philip hath sent embassadors for peace, and hath agreed upon
it in repair and proper order, he himself taking the profits. The entrance fee of two obols was paid to him.
Demosthenes, as member of the council, had introduced the Macedonian embassadors, Parmenio, Antipater, and Eurylochus, and moved
that they should be invited to seats of honor at the Dionysian festival.
This was no more than a necessary act of civility, due to the eminent
ministers whom Philip had sent to treat with the Athenians; and there
could not be a more fit person to make the motion than Demosthenes,
who had been one of the ten embassadors to Philip, and (it seems) the
only councilor among them. Nor did he confine himself to these formal acts, but during their stay at Athens hospitably entertained them
at his own house, and on their departure accompanied them a part of
the way on horseback. For these attentions he was reproached by
Eschines, as if he had overacted his part, and either sought to curry
favor with Philip, or to make an idle display of his wealth and importance.
I In this, as in most of the documents quoted in the first half of the
present speech, there are found serious difficulties, which have led
critics to the conviction that it is not genuine. In the first place, the
name of the archon for the year B.c. 347 was not Mnesiphilus, but
Themistocles. Secondly, not five, but ten ernmbassadors, were sent to
receive the oath of Philip; and indeed the same ten who had been on
the previous embassy. Thirdly, it is called a resolution of the senate
and people, whereas that which Demosthenes refers to -was a resolution
of the senate alone. Fourthly, the ten embassadors were sent to receive
Philip's oath only, not to take the oath on behalf of their country,
which had been done before. These and some other discrepancies have
led to the conclusion, that the decree (which is not found in all the
manuscripts) is an interpolation; and B6ckh, in a treatise De Archontibus Pseudepoynymis, suggests the following way of accounting for the
error. I-e supposes that the decree in the text was found in some ancient collection by the interpolator; that he mistook the name of the
rppayarevf, or secretary of the council, -which was usually appended
to decrees, for tlie name of the archon; and that, for want of due attention to times and circumstances, he mistook one document for another.
Thus, in the endeavor to supply the defect of his manuscript, he cor



18          THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
articles of treaty, it is resolved' by the Council and People
of Athens, in order that the peace voted in the first assembly
may be ratified, to choose forthwith from the whole body of
Athenians five embassadors; and that the persons elected do
repair, without any delay, wheresoever they shall ascertain
that Philip is, and as speedily as may be exchange oaths with
him, according to the articles agreed on between him and the
Athenian people, comprehending the allies of either party.
For embassadors were chosen, Eubulus of Anaphlestus, ZEs-,chines of Cothocidm, Cephisophon of Rhamnus, Democrates of
Phlya, Cleon of Cothocide."
Notwithstanding that I had passed this decree for the advantage of Athens, not that of Philip, our worthy embassadors so little regarded it, as to sit down in Macedonia three
whole months, until Philip returned from Thrace after entirely
subjugating the country, although they might in ten days, or
rather in three or four, have reached the Hellespont and saved
the fortresses, by receiving his oath before he reduced them:
for he would never have touched them in our presence, or we
should not have sworn him; and thus he would have lost
the peace, and not have obtained both, the peace and the
fortresses.
Such was the first trick of Philip, the first corrupt act of
these accursed miscreants, in the embassy: for which I avow
that I was and am and ever will be at war and variance2 with
rupted the text of the author; but gave up the Iunprofitable work
when he had got half through the speech: and so it happens that the
latter half is free from such interpolation,
Jacobs, who concurs with this view of B6ckh, appears to agree with
him also in another conjecture, viz., that the peace referred to in this
decree is the same which is stated by Diodorus (lib. xvi. 77) to have
been concluded between the Athenians and Philip after his unsuccessful siege of Byzantium. Other writers have doubted the fact of such a
peace having ever been made.
The ddS6XOa depends in construction upon ere, " moved that it be
resolved."  Such was the style in which a decree was dirawn up.
a Lord Brougham charges Leland with an anti-climax in translating
werole/iezv icac 6taoppeaOat, " war and opposition." But he has an incorrect
notion of the meaning of d(taopopat, whichl he says " indicates a constant
agitation-a restless enmity."  The truth is, that dtac~poyat is not a
strong word, but means simply-" I differ with-I dispute with-I am
at variance," or the like. People not familiar with a language may be
misled by etymology; for example, the common meanings of versari,




ON THE CROWN.                        19
them. But mark another and still greater piece of villainy immediately after.'When Philip had sworn to the peace, having secured Thrace through these men disobeying my decree,
he again bribes them not to leave Mlacedonia, until he had got
all ready for his expedition against the Phocians.  His fear
was, if they reported to you his design and preparation  bor
marching, you might sally forth, sail round with your galleys
to Thermopylm as before, and block up the strait: his desire,
that, the moment you received the intelligence fiom them, he
should have passed Thermopylm, and you be unable to do any
thing. And in such terror and anxiety was Philip, lest, notwithstanding he had gained these advantages, if you voted succor before the destruction of the Phocians, his enterprise should
fail; he hires this despicable fellow, no longer in common with
the other embassadors, but by himself individually, to make
that statement and report to you, by which every thing was
lost.
I conjure and beseech you, men of Athens, throughout the
trial to remember this; that, if 2Eschines in his charge had not
traveled out of the indictment,l neither would I have spoken
a word irrelevant; but since he has resorted to every species
both of accusation and qalumny, it is necessary for me to reply briefly to each of his charges.
What then were the statements made by 2Eschines, through
conversant, prevaricate, discourse, would not be discovered from the
mere derivation of the words. Familiarity only makes you acquainted
with the conventional usages of language, with the ordinary meanings
of wvords, and all their niceties and peculiarities. Lord Brougham was
partly deceived by the lexicon, which gives hinc inde'jactor as one
of the meanrigs of dtaoipofuaL, and partly by his assuming that Demosthenes himself would never have been guilty of an anti-climax. I
have myself observed that the ancients were not so particular about
climaxes as modern writers are. But it is further to be observed, that
the force of the passage greatly depends upon the words r6re Kat rvy
Kat  del, which are. applicable to both the verbs; and also, that the war
which Demosthenes denounces is only a political war, and, so understood, it does not in effect amount to more than political opposition
or enmity.
Jacobs expresses 6dai'peaOat by Zwist, Pabst by Zwiespalt, Auger by
opposition.
1 A lawyer-like phrase is suitable here; and I have adopted the one
furnished by Lord Brougham's reviewer in the Times. Leland's version, "if Eschines had urged nothing against me foreign to his cause,"
is not so good. Jacobs wenn nicht,Eschines iiber die Grenzen der.Klage ausgeschritten wdre.




20           THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
which every thing was lost? That you should not be alarmed
by Philip's having passed Thermopylae —that all would be as
you desired, if you kept quiet; and in two or three days you
would hear, he was their friend to whom he had come as ah
enemy, and their enemy to whom he had come as a friendit was not words that cemented attachments, (such was his
solemn phrase,) but identity of interest; and it was the
interest of all alike, Philip, the Phocians, and you, to be
relieved from the harshness and insolence of the Thebans.
His assertions were heard by some with pleasure, on account
of the hatred which then  subsisted  against the Thebans.
But what happened directly, almost immediately, afterward 
The wretched Phocians were destroyed, their cities demolished; you that kept quiet, and trusted to ZEschines, were
shortly bringing in your effects out of the country, while
IEschines received  gold; and  yet more - while  you got
nothing but your enmity with the Thebans and Thessalians,l,
Philip won their gratitude for what he had done. To plrove
what I say, read me the decree of Callisthenes, and the letter
of Philip, from both of which these particulars will be clear
to you. Read.
THE DECREFE.2
"In  the Archonship  of Mnesiphilus, an  extraordinary
assembly having been convened by the Generals, with the
sanction of the Presidents3 and the Council, on the twentyThe truth of the matter is a little warped by: the verbal antithesis
of the orator. It is not strictly true, that the enmity with the Thebans
and Thessalians was caused by these proceedings; it existed before, the
Athenians having all along favored the Phocians; though it was certainly increased by their display of ill-will upon the occasion referred
to, as Demosthenes says in the Oration on the Embassy, 7rTv t'Opav rO7v
rrp6o O3paiovf geio iTE~roitclev (368). The verb yevreOat applies well
to the latter clause, but not to the former; as is frequently the case.
2 This decree, like the last, appears to be spurious. Not only the
name of the archon, but the date and other circumstances are incorrect.
The assembly held after the news of the conquest of Phocis was not in
the month here stated, but at the end of Scirrophorion (June). And
the contents of the decree vary from those which Demosthenes himself
mentions in the Oration on the Embassy (359, 379).  Winiewski
thinks that there may have been two decrees on the motion of Callisthenes, similar in character, but on different occasions.
3 To explain the constant references to the 7rpv'rdvetf,'rp6oEpot, &c.,
&c., a brief account is given of the two Athenian Councils in Appendixes III. and IV., and of the Popular Assemblies in Appendix V.




ON THE CROWVN.                        21
first of M{eemacterion, Callisthenes, son of Eteonicus of Phalerum, moved:-No Athenian shall on any pretense sleep in
the country, but all in the city and Piromus, except those who
are stationed in the garrisons; and they shall every one keep
the posts assigned to them, without absenting themselves by
night or day.  Whosoever disobeys this deciee, shall be
amenable to the penalties of treason, unless he can show
that some necessity prevented him: the judges of such necessity shall be the General of Infantry, and he of the Finance
department,1 and the Secretary of the Council. All effects
shall be conveyed out of the country as speedily as may be;
those that are within a hundred and twenty furlongs into
the city and Pirasus, those that ire beyond a hundred and
twenty furlongs to Eleusis, and Phyle, and Aphidna, and
Rhamnus, and Sunium.  On the motion of Callisthenes of
Phalerum."
Was it with such expectations you concluded the peace?
Were such the promises this hireling made you? Come, read
the letter which Philip sent after this to Athens.
The duties of the generals were more numerous and varied in the
time of Demosthenes than in the early period of the republic. Formerly
(as mentioned in vol. I. p. 66, note 3) the ten generals were sent out
all together on wvarlike service. But this practice was discontinted, as
the wars of Athens began to be more frequent and on a larger scale.
One, two, or three only were then put in command of a single armament.
The generals had also various duties of a civil nature assigned to them,
which required the presence of some of them at home. Such were the
superintendence of all warlike preparations, and the collecting and
dispensing of the military funds. The management of the propertytax was confided to them, on account of its being peculiarly a warimpost. (See Appendix IV. vol. I.) Like other Athenian magistrates,
they had judicial functions to perform in matters under their administrative control; as in questions arising oust of the property-tax assessments, and charges for breach of military duty. The power of convoking extraordinary assemblies of the people was given to them, as being
the persons peculiarly intrusted with the defense of the city and commonwealth. In the time of Demosthenes it would seem that their
functions were divided, probably for convenience; so that one commainded the infantry, o6 ri r(v 6os2awv, or 6or2?-Sv, another the cavalry,
o  rwT SDv imTr-Eav, another took charge of the military chest and fund,
6 n-i r$r9 6totpahEc. Perhaps others had other tasks assigned to them.
See the page above referred to in vol. 1. Reiske thinks 6 n-t rSv on-Xsv
is simply " the general in military command." Jacobs renders it, der
befehlfiihrende Strateg.




22          THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
THE LETTER OF PHILIP.
"Philip, king of Macedonia, to the Council and People of
Athens, greeting. Ye know that we have passed. Thermopyle,
and reduced Phocis to submission, and put garrisons in the
towns that opened their gates; those that resisted we took by
storm, and razed to the ground, enslaving their inhabitants.
Hearing however, that ye are preparing to assist them, I have
written unto you, that ye may trouble yourselves no farther
in the business. For it seems to me, ye are acting altogether unreasonably; having concluded peace, and nevertheless
taking the field, and that too when the Phocians are not comprehended in our treaty.  Wherefore, if ye abide not by your
engagements, ye will gain no advantage but that of being the
aggressors."
You hear how plainly, in his letter to-you, he declares and
asserts to his own allies-" all this I have done against the
will of the Athenians, and in their despite; therefore if ye
are wise, ye Thebans and Thessalians, ye will regard them as
enemies, and put confidence in me;" not writing in such
words, but meaning so to be understood.  And by these
means he carried them away with him,1 insomuch that they
had neither foresight nor sense of the consequences, but suffered him to get every thing into his power: hence the misfortunes under which those wretched people at present are. The
agent and auxiliary who helped to win for him such confidence
-who brought false reports here and cajoled you —he it is
who now bewails the sufferings of the Thebans, and dilates
upon them so pathetically,2 le himself being tie cause both
of these calamities, and those in Phocis, and all the rest which
the Greeks havesustained. Truly must you, AEschines, grieve
at these events, and compassionate the Thebans, when you
hold property in Boeotia and farm their lands; and I rejoice at
a wor]k, whose author immediately required me to be delivered
into his hands.3
1 That is, "he won them completely over —he got them entirely
under his influence, so that they had scarce a will of their own." The
metaphorical use of our -word transported is not dissimilar. Jacobs:
er Jene mtit sich fortriss. Pabst: er diese ganzfiir sich eisnnahm.
2 " Describes at length how pitiable they are."
3 After Thebes had been taken by Alexander, the Athenians, on the
motion of Demades, sent embassadors to congratulate him. He sent
them a letter, demanding that Demosthenes, and eight others (or nil;e




ON THE CROWN.                       23
But I have fallen upon a subject which it may be more convenient to discuss by-and-by. I will return then to my proofs,
showing how the iniquities of these men have brought about
the present state of things.
When you, had been deceived by Philip through the agency of these men, who sold themselves in the embassies, and
reported not a word of truth to you —when the unhappy
Phocians had been deceived and their cities destroyed-what
followed?  The despicable Thessalians and stupid Thebans
looked on Philip as a friend, a benefactor, a saviour: he was
every thing with them-not a syllable would they hear from
any one to the contrary.  You, though regarding his acts
with suspicion and anger, still observed the peace; for you
could have done nothing alone. - The rest of the Greeks,
cheated and disappointed like yourselves, gladly observed the
peace, though they also had in a manner been attacked for a
long' time.  For when Philip was marching about, subduing
Illyrians and Triballians and some also of the Greeks, and
gaining many considerable accessions of power, and certain
citizens of the states (2Eschines among them) took advantage
of the peace to go there and be corrupted; all people then,
against whom  he was making such preparations, were attacked.  If they perceived it not, that is another question, no
concern of mine. I was for ever warning and protesting, both
at Athens and wheresoevet I was sent.  But the states were
diseased; one class in their politics and measures being venal
and corrupt, while the multitude of private men either had
others, according to Diodorus) of the principal orators end statesmen
of the anti-M3acedonian party, among whom were Chares, Hyperides,
and LycurguLs, should be delivered up to him. Phocion advised that
they should be given up, and even urged them to surrender themselves
for the good of their country. Demosthenes recited to the people the
fable of iEsop, where the wolf required the sheep to give up their dogs.
After some discussion Demades offered to intercede with the conqueror.
He was sent on an embassy for that purpose, and by his entreaty
Alexander was prevailed upon to withdraw the demand as to all but
Charidemus.
That Demosthenes was obnoxious to Alexander can hardly be wondered at. 2Eschines relates that, on Alexander's first march to Thebes,
Demosthenes was sent on an embassy to him from Athens, and went as
far as Cithmron, where, apprehending danger to himself, he invented
an excuse for turning back. There is no doubt that both then and
afterward he had been concerting measures-to shake off the yoke of
Macedonia.




24           THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
no foresight, or were caught with the bait of present ease and
idleness; and all were under some such influence, only they
imagined each that the mischief would not approach themselves, but that by the peril of others they might secure their
own safety when they chose.  The result, I fancy, has been,
that the people, in return for their gross and unseasonable
indolence, have lost their liberty: the statesmen, who imagined they were selling every thing but themselves, discovered
they had sold themselves first; for, instead of friends, as they
were named during the period of bribery, they are now called
parasites, and miscreants, and the like befitting names.: Justly.  For no man, O Athenians, spends money for the traitor's
benefit, or, when he has got possession of his purchase, employs the traitor to advise him in future proceedings: else
nothing could have been more fortunate than a traitor.  But
it is not so-it never could be-it is far otherwise!  When
the aspirant for power has gained his object, he is master also
of those that sold it; and then-then, I say, knowing their
baseness, he loathes and mistrusts and spurns them.1
1 In this, as in the passage a little below, I have in my version made
no distinction between ~iedv and  ovwv, simply because the English
language does not furnish me with the means. 7EVoL (in the sense here
used) are absent friends, who would be f Aot, if they dwelt in the same
place, but being separated, can only correspond, or occasionally visit
each other and exchange hospitality. The relation that exists between such persons is called fetia, but we have not in our language
any word which expresses that mutual relation; nor indeed any which
expresses the relation between host and guest, as I have before observed. (Vol. 1. p. 97, note 2.) Leland here renders Devo', guest, (which
is but half the sense,) and below, intimate, and fevfa, intimacy. Spillan makes 5evoo, friend, and felog, intimate. Brougham has guest for
fivor, and hospitality for fevia. Francis the same. But hospitality
will not bear the enlarged sense necessary for 4evia.  The Gastfreund
of the German unfortunately can not be imitated in English. Auger
(like Leland) is inconsistent. In the first passage he has " d'htes et
d'amis;" in the next, "ami" for both. The true meaning of PvotI is
fully expressed by a paraphrase in the following passage of Shakspeare:
"Sicilia can not show himself over-kind to Bohemia. They were
trained together in their childhood, and there rooted between them
then such an affection, which can not choose but branch now. Since
their more mature dignities and royal necessities made separation of
their society, their encounters, though not personal, have been royally
attornied, with interchange of gifts, letters, loving embassies; that they
have seemed to be together, though absent, shook hands, as over a
vast, and embraced, as it were, from the ends of opposed winds."Winter's Tale, Act I.' Scene 1.




ON THE CROWN.                       25
Consider only-for, though the time of the events is past,
the time for understanding them is ever present to the wise:
Lasthenes was called the friend of Philip for a while, until he
betrayed Olynthus-Timolaus for a while, until he destroyed
Thebes-Rudicus and Simus of Larissa for a while, until they
brought Thessaly under Philip's power.  Since then the world
has become full of traitors, expelled, and insulted, and suffering every possible calamity.1 How fared Aristratus in Sicyon?
how Perilaus in Megara?  Are they not outcasts?  Hence
one may evidently see, it is the vigilant defender of his country, the strenuous opponent of such men, who secures to you
traitors and hirelings, _Eschines, the opportunity of getting
bribes: through the number of those that oppose your wishes,
you are in safety and in pay; for had it depended on yourselves, you would have perished long ago.
Much more could I say about those transactions, yet methinks too much has been said already. The fault is my
adversary's, for having spirted over me the dregs,2 I may say,
of his own wickedness and iniquities, of which I was obliged
to clear myself to those who are younger than the events.
You too have probably been disgusted, who knew this man's
venality before I spoke a word.  He calls it friendship indeed;
and said somewhere in his speech-" the man who reproaches
me with the friendship of Alexander." I reproach you with
friendship of Alexander!  Whence gotten, or how merited?
Neither Philip's friend nor Alexander's should I ever call
you; I am not so mad; unless we are to call reapers and
other hired laborers the friends of those that hire them. That
however is not so-how could it be? It is nothing of the
1 I agree with the German translators, who join the participles ERavvoievcov, &c. with irpodor'Sv, not referring them to the persons above
mentioned.'H oilcov/LEvrj, as Schaefer truly remarks, is intended for
Greece only; yet it is proper to translate it "the world."  In like
manner we use such expressions as "all the world says," "all the world
knows," &c., when they apply to a very small portion of it.
With respect to the reproaches cast by Demosthenes on these men,
there is an interesting passage in Polybius, which the reader will find
in Appendix VI.
2 Jacobs: die schmutzigen Helen iiber vmich ausqeschiittet Iat. Pabst:
den ganzen Bodensatz ausgegossen. Leland and Spillan: " disgorged the
foulness."  Brougham: "poured out the crapulous remains."  Auger:
"qui s'est decharg6 sur moi de ses iniquites, qui m'a souille de ses propres noirceurs."
VOT. II.-B




26           THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
kind.  Philip's hireling I called you once, and Alexander's I
call you now.  So do all these men.  If you disbelieve me,
aslk, them; or rather I will do it for you.  Athenians! is
IEschines, think ye, the hireling, or the friend of Alexander?
You hear what they say.'
I now  proceed to my defense upon the indictment itself,
and to the account of my own measures, that _scehines may
hear, though he knows already, on what I found my title both
to these which have been decreed and to far greater rewards.
Take and read me the indictment itself.
THIE INDICTMENT.
"In the archonship of Choerondas, on the sixth of Elaphebolion; IEschines son of Atrometus of Cothocidse preferred
before the archon  an indictment against Ctesiphon son of
Leosthenes of Anaphlystus, for an illegal measure:2 for that
he proposed a decree against law, to wit, that it was right to
A1 uger remarks upon this as follows: "Apres que les Ath6niens
ont rdpondu tout d'une voix qu'Eschine est un mercenaire, Demosthine reprend, en lui adressant la parole A lui mme:' Vous enstendlez
ce qu',ils disent?' Il falloit etre bien sur de son eloquenee et de son
pouvoir sur les auditeurs, pour risquer une telle interrogation. Remarquons neanmoins quo l'orateur ne se basarde a la leur faire, que
quand il a enflammd et embrasd leurs ccurs par la sortie la plus vive
contre les traitres, et que par-Ia il les a disposes a  ripondre suivant son
disir."
Leland has the following note:" Commentators seem surprised at the
boldness and the success of this appeal. Some tell us, that the speaker
was hurried into the hazardous question by his impetuosity; some,
that his friend Menander was the only person who returned the answer
he desired; others again, that he pronounced falsely on purpose, and
that the assembly intended but to correct his pronunciation, when they
echoed back the word /LaGOCrSg, hireling. But the truth is, he was too
much interested in the present contest to suffer himself to be really
transported beyond the strictest bounds of prudence and caution; he
was too well supported to rely upon a single voice, if such could be at
all heard in the assembly; and lie had too much good sense to recur to
a ridiculous and childish artifice. The assembly to which he addressed
himself was of a quite different kind from one of our modern courts of
law, where order and decorum are maintained, Tilhe audience were not
at all concerned to suppress the emotions raised in them by the speaker:
and Demosthenes had a large party present, who, he was well assured,
would return the proper answer loudly."
The event seems to prov.e that Demosthenes could safely hazard tjlo
question.
2 See Appendix VII.




ON THE CROWN.                        27
crown Demosthenes son of Demosthenes of P  ania with a
golden crown, and to proclaiml in the theatre at the great
Dionysian festival, at the exhibition of the new tragedies,
that the people crown Demosthenes son of DIemosthenes of
Poeania with a golden crown, on account of his virtue, and of
the good-will which he has constantly cherished toward all
the Greeks as well as toward the people of Athens, and of
his integrity, and because he has constantly by word and
deed promoted the advantage of the people, and is zealous to
do whatever good he can: all which clauses are false and
illegal; the laws enacting, first, that no false allegations shall
be entered in the public records; secondly, that an accountable officerl shall not be crowned (but Demosthenes is a conservator of the walls, and has charge of the theoric fund);
thirdly, that the crown shall not be proclaimed in the theatre
at the Dionysian festival, on the new exhibition of tragedies,
but if the council confer a crown, it shall be published in
the council-hall, if the people, in the Pnyx2 at the assembly.
All magistrates and public officers at Athens, whether civil or military, including the members of the two councils, were.obliged, at the
expiration of their term of office, to render an account to the people of
the manner in which they had performed their duties. Thirty days
was allowed for that purpose, and any citizen was at liberty to come
forward within that period, and prefer an accusation against them.
The scrutiny was not confined to pecuniary questions, but embraced an
inquiry into their whole conduct and administration. It will easily
however be understood, that with respect to general matters the accounting must in the first instance have been of a negative character,
the magistrate having only to defend himself in case any charge was
preferred; while, with respect to pecuniary transactions, lie would have
to give a positive account of all public moneys that had been received
by him, or passed through his hands. There were officers specially appointed to superintend this business: Aoytctat and EvOvvot, Auditors
and Scrutineers, ten of each, and one for every tribe, elected by the
council of five hundred. The auditors had a court under their jurisdiction, to which all charges for embezzlement, bribery, and malversation,
as well as more general accusations for official misconduct, were referred by them to be tried by a jury. The scrutineers assisted the auditors, and were subordinate to them.
The importance attached by the framers of the Athenian laws to the
institutions of the EO~Bv?7, which secured the responsibility of all functionaries to the people, is apparent from this law, which IEschines made
the foundation of his indictment, as well as from divers other passages
in the speeches of both the rival orators.
2 The place where the assemblies of the people were commonly held.
See Appendix V.




28          THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
Penalty, fifty talents.  Witnesses to the summons,1 Cephisophon son of Cephisophon of Rhamnus, Cleon son of Cleon
of Cothocid."
The clauses of the decree which he prosecutes are these,
men of Athens. Now from these very clauses I think I shall
immediately make it clear to you, that my whole defense will
be just; for I shall take the charges in the same order as my
adversary, and discuss them all one by one, without a single
intentional omission.
With respect to the statement, " that I have constantly by
word and deed promoted the advantage of the people, and am
zealous to do whatever good I can," and the praising me2 on
such grounds, your judgment, I conceive, must depend on my
public acts; from an examination of which it will be discovered whether what Ctesiphon has alleged concerning me is
true and proper, or false.  As to his proposing to give the
crown without adding "when he has passed his accounts,"
and to proclaim the crown in the theatre, I imagine that this
also relates to my political conduct, whether I am worthy of
the crown and the public proclamation, or not. HIowever, I
deem it necessary to produce the laws which justified the defendant in proposing such clauses.
Thus honestly and simply, men of Athens, have I resolved
to conduct my defense. I now-proceed to my own actual
measures. And let no one suppose that I wander from3 the
These were persons who accompanied the prosecutor when he summoned the defendant to appear before the magistrate. Anciently they
were sureties also for the proper carrying on of the cause, like our
ancient pledges to prosecute. In later times they were mere servers of
the citation or summons; but the plaint, or bill of indictment, always
had their names subscribed.
2'E7ratveiv is connected with rTO, and not governed by ypa/iat, as
Schaefer thinks. Toe ypdieat depends in construction upon cpilctV. In
the clause below, I make arepavoi v dependent on KEaEicat. Spillan
connects it with r6. Jacobs joins it with 7rpocypda'avra.
3 Literally: "Disconnect my speech from the indictment."  Leland
had a wrong idea when he translated it, "that I am suspending the diseussion of this cause." So had Francis, who renders it: " that I propos-e to evade the force of the indictment."
With lrespect to the anxiety shown by the orator to justify this line of
defense, Lord Brougham remarks as follows: "The extreme importance
to Demosthenes' case of the skillful movement, so to speak, by wvhich he
availed himself of iEschines' error, and at once entered on the general
subject of his whole administration-thus escaping the immediate




ON THE CROWN.                       29
indictment, if I touch upon Grecian questions and affairs: he
who attacks that clause of the decree, "that by word and deed
I have promoted your good" —he who has indicted this for be-.
ing false —he, I say, has rendered the discussion of my whole
policy pertinent and necessary to the charge. Moreover, there
being many departments of political action, I chose that which
belonged to Grecian affairs: therefore I am justified in drawing niy proofs from them.
The conquests which Philip had got and held before I commenced life as a statesman and orator, i shall pass over, as I
think they concern not me. Those that he was baffled in from
the day of my entering-on such duties, I will call to your recollection, and render an account of them; premising one thing
only —Philip started, men of Athens, with a great advantage.
It happened that among the Greeks-not some, but all alike
-there sprang up a crop' of traitors and venal wretches, such
as in the memory of man had never been before.  These he
got for his agents and supporters: the Greeks, already illdisposed and unfriendly to each other, he brought into a still
worse state, deceiving this people, ralking presents to that,
corrupting others in every way;, and he split them into many
parties, when they had all one interest, to prevent his aggrandizenlent.  While the Greeks were all in such a conditionin such ignorance of the gathering and growing mischief-you
have to consider, men of Athens, what policy and measures it
became the commonwealth to adopt, and of this to receive a
reckoning from me; for the man who assumed that post in
the administration was I.
Ought she, 2Eschines, to have cast off her spirit and dignity, and, in the style of Thessalians and Dolopians, helped to
acquire for Philip the dominion of Greece, and extinguished
the honors and rights of our ancestors?  Or, if she did not
charge, to which he had no answer, and overwhelming his adversary
by a triumphant defense on ground of his own choosing-requires that
he should again and again defend this movement., whlich he here does
very carefully."
1 I have adopted Lord Brougham's -word. Leland and Spillan: stpplyf. Francis: hzarvest. Jacobs: Fiille. Pabst: ein reicklicher NVachwuchs. Reiske: proventus.
The same expression is used by Diodorus, in reference to the corruption of Greek statesmen at this time. (XVI. 54.) He evidently liad the
words of Demosthenes before his eye.




30          THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
this-which would indeed have been shameful-was it right,
that what she saw would happen if unprevented, and was for
a long time, it seems, aware of, she should suffer to come to
pass?1
I would gladly ask the severest censurer of our acts, with
what party he would have wished the commonwealth to side
-with those who contributed to the disgraces and disasters
of the Greeks, the party, we may say, of the Thessalians and
their followers-or those who permitted it all for the hope of
selfish advantage, among whom we may reckon the Arcadians,
Messenians, and Argives?  But many of them, or rather all,
have fared worse than ourselves.  If Philip after his victory
had immediately marched off and kept quiet, without molesting any either of his own allies or of the Greeks in general,
still2 they that opposed not his enterprises would have merited some blame and reproach.  But when he has stripped all
alike of their dignity, their authority, their liberty-nay, even
of their constitutions, where he was able —can it be doubted
that you took the most glorious course in pursuance of my
counsels?
But I return to the question-What should the commonwealth, IEschines, have done, when she saw Philip establishing
an empire and dominion over Greece? Or what was your
statesman to advise or move?-I, a statesman at Athens? —
for this is most material-I who knew that from the earliest
time, until the day of my own mounting the platform, our
country had ever striven for precedency and honor and renown, and expended more blood and treasure for the sake of
glory and the general weal than the rest of the Greeks had
expended on their several interests? —who saw that Philip
himself, with whom we were contending, had, in the strife for
power and empire, had his eye cut out,3 his collar-bone fracPabst is the only translator who has rendered rTEputezv yWyv6#Eva
accurately: aber das, was er bevorstehen sah, wenln Niemanzd lidclerstaond
leistete, utlnd was er lanlge voraus erkannte, tungehinde it qeschehen lassen?
2'O/1oC and ovic are omitted in some manuscripts. Without them,
the sense is: "If Philip had quietly withdrawn after his victory, some
blame might have fallen on you for opposing him; because it would
then have appeared that he had no evil designs."
3 Philip lost his eye at the siege of Methone. (See vol. I. Appendix I.)
The other wounds were inflicted on his return fromn Scythin, in a battle with the Triballi, B.c. 340.




ON THE CROWN.                          31
tured, his hand and leg mutilated, and was ready and willing
to sacrifice any part of his body that fortune chose to take,
provided  he could live with  the remainder in honor and'
glory?. Hardly will any one venture to say this-that it became a man bred at Pella, then an obscure and inconsiderable
place, to possess such inborn magnanimity, as to aspire to
the mastery of Greece and form the project in his mind, while
you, who were Athenians, day after day in speeches and in
dramas reminded of the virtue of your ancestors, should have
been so naturally base, as of your own free-will and accord
to surrender to Philip the liberty of Greece. INo man will
say this!
The only course then that remained was a just resistance
to all his attacks upon you.  Such course you took frim
the beginning, properly and becomingly; and I assistedl by
Lord Brougham's reviewer censures him for translating OErop,/uat
" spectacles," taking it in the more general sense of "every thing which
you see," which is in accordance with Schaefer's opinion. Undoubtedly
it would make very good sense, if Demosthenes referred to every thing
which might be seen in Athens reminding the people pof their ancient
glory, such as their public buildings, their walls, the Paithenon, Propylnea, and the like. But Oerdpya is more commonly used to signify a
theatrical spectacle or exhibition; and perhaps in connection with
opwSl one rather expects a word of a confined signification. I am therefore inclined to prefer Lord Brougham's version,which agrees with those
of Jacobs, Pabst, Spilland, Leland and Auger. A6yot and 0ewpiuara are
aptlyjoined together; the " public harangues," and the " dramatic exhibitions."  In such dramas as the Persm, the Supplices, the HIeraclidce,
Athenians were constantly hearing the praises of their ancestors.
Lord Brougham  has been censured likewise for translating Opadl
"contemplate."  No doubt he did so purposely, in order to avoid the
use of a verb which would not suit;o6yotf. And lie was right. The
application of a word to two clauses, which strictly is applicable to one
only, is a Greek idiom, but not an English. It might be rendered,
" having before you."  I have given it a turn, for brevity's sake.
The same critic, correcting Lord Brougham's version of  tltri-wr
xrapaXwoppaat, " surrender to Philip," (which I have adopted,) proposes,
" let slip out of your own keeping into that of Philip;" which shows
that he does not even understand the true sense of 7rapa;Xopeiv, which is,
"to yield to another by retiring, or stepping out of the way," loco
cedere. A yet more amusing essay at translation is the following:
ovMd' dv ei Ta-cTra ponEev, "that no man would have dared to assert."
In this, which the critic designates as a literal and verbatim translation,
there is one pleonasm and one gross error, vwhich any good school-boy
will point out. Lord Brougham certainly has committed the same error, but then he does not set it up as a verbatim and literal version.




32         THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
motions and counsels during the period of my political life:
I acknowledge it. But what should I have done? I put this
question to you, dismissing all else: Amphipolis, Pydna,
Potidea, Halonnesus-I mention none of them: Serrium,
Doriscus, the ravaging of Peparethus, and any similar wrongs
which the country has suffered-I know not even of their occurrence.  You indeed said, that by talking of these I had
brought the people into a quarrel, although the resolutions
respecting them  were moved by Eubulus and Aristophon
and Diopithes-not by me, you ready utterer of what suits
your purpose! Neither will I speak of these now. But I
ask-the man who was appropriating to himself Eubcea, and
making it a fortress against Attica, and attempting MIegara,
an4 seizing Oreus, and razing Porthmus, and setting up
Philistides as tyrant in Oreus, Clitarchus in Eretria, and
subjugating the Hellespont, and besieging Byzantium, and
destroying some of the Greek cities, restoring exiles to others
-was he by all these proceedings committing injustice,
breaking the truce, violating the peace, or not?  Was it meet
that any of the Greeks should rise up to prevent these proceedings, or not?  If not-if Greece was to present the spectacle (as it is called) of a Mlysian prey,1 while Athenians had
life and being, then I have exceeded my duty in speaking on
the subject-the commonwealth has exceeded her duty, which
followed my counsels-I admit that every measure has been
a misdeed, a blunder of mine. But if some one ought to have
arisen to prevent these things, who but the Athenian people
should it have been? Such then was the policy which I espoused. I saw him reducing all men to subjection, and I opposed him: I continued warning and exhorting you not to
make these sacrifices to Philip.
It was he that infringed the peace by taking our ships: it
was not the state, ZEschines. Produce the decrees themselves,
and Philip's letter, and read them one after another. From
an examination of them, it will be evident who is chargeable
with each proceeding. Read.
A proverbial expression applied to a people in an utterly helpless
and defenseless state. It was derived, we are told, fiom the times of
the Trojan war, when the MIysians were exposed to the enemy by the
absence of their king Telephus.




ON THE CROWN.                        33
THE DIECREE. 1
"In the archonship of- Neocles, in the month Boedromion, an extraordinary assembly having been convened by the
generals, Eubulus son of Mnesitheus of Cytherus2 moved;
Whereas the generals have reported in the assembly, that
Leodamas the admiral, and the twenty vessels dispatched
with him to the Hellespont for the safe-conduct of the corn,
have been carried to Macedonia by Philip's general Amyntas,
and are detained in custody, let the presidents and the generals take care that the council be convened, and embassadors
to Philip be chosen, who shall go and treat with him for the
release of the admiral, vessels, and troops: and if Amyntas
has acted in ignorance, they shall say that the people make
no complaint against him; if the admiral was found wrongfully exceeding his instructions, that the Athenians will make
inquiry, and punish him as his negligence deserves: if it be
neither of these things, but a willful3 trespass on the part of
him who gave or him who received the commission, let them
state this also,4 that the people, being apprised, may deliberate what course to take."
This decree Eubulus carried, not I. The next, Aristophon:
then 1H-egesippus, then Aristophon again, then Philocrates,
then Cephisophon, then the rest. I had no concern in the
matter. Read the decree.
1 The archon mentioned in this and the two following decrees is incorrect. Nicomachus was archon of that year. For an account of the
events, see Vol. 1. Appendix III. p. 293.
2 Cytherus was one of the 67luot of Attica. The common reading is
Kv'-rptLo. Reiske seems to think that Eubulus might be called a Cyprian, though a citizen of Athens, if he had been educated or long resided at Cyprus. HIowever that may be, such would not be his description in a state paper.
3 The term willful applies to Philip as well as Amyntas.  "In his
own person," or "on his own account," would hardly be suitable to
Philip. The student should notice the use of the plural dyvo/uovoclzv,
followed by the disjunctive clauses. It is perhaps an expression of the
following thought: —" If it be a trespass on the part of the captors,
whether committed by Amyntas on his own account, or under the
special orders of Philip."
4 The clause /ca roijero ypdiuat 2iyev depends on eltev, and is to be
construed thus: ypdbat, " to insert an order in the decree," E'yetv, "for
the embassadors to state," &c.
B 2




34          THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
THE DECREE.1
" In the archonship of Neocles, on the last day of Boedromion, at the desire of the council, the presidents and generals
introduced their report of the proceedings of the assembly, to
wit, that the people had resolved to appoint embassadors to
Philip for the recovery of the ships, and to furnish them with
instructions and with the decrees of the assembly; and they
appointed the following: Cephisophon son of Cleon of Anaphlystus; Democritus son of Demophon of Anagyrus; Polycritus son of Apemantus of Cothocidm.  In the presidency of
the Ilippothoontian tribe, on the motion of Aristophon of
Colyttus, committee-man."
Now then, as I produce these decrees, so do you, lEschines,
point out what decree of my passing makes me chargeable
with the war.  You can not find one: had you any, there is
nothing you would sooner have produced.  Why, even Philip
makes no charge against me on account of the war, though
he complains of others.  Readl Philip's own letter.
THE LETTER OF PHILIP.
"Philip, king of Macedon, to the Council and People of
Athens, greeting.  Your embassadors, Cephisophon, Democritus, and Polycritus, came to me and conferred about the
release of the galleys which Laomedon commanded. Upon the
whole, I think you must be very simple, if you imagine I do
not see that those galleys were commissioned, under the pretense of conveying corn from the Hellespont to Lemnos, to
relieve the Selymbrians, whom I am besieging, and who are
not included in the friendly treaty subsisting between us.
We have seen that by the last decree the people had ordered a
meeting of the council to be convened, to elect embassadors to Philip.
The presidents and generals, to whom that task was intrusted, convene
the council accordingly, and lay before them the business for which
they were called-(Xp7yarzirtv is the usual word, signifying "to introduce the topic of discussion, the business of the day"). The council
proceed to execute the order of the people, and elect the embassadors.
That is their pj~La/La, the senatorial decree containing their appointment of embassadors, pursuant to the decree of the popular assembly.
The document has perplexed commentators, but really has no difficulty.
Schumann explains it in his treatise "De Comitiis" (94). As to 7rpoedpoc, which I translate " committee-man," see Appendix IV.




ON THE CROWN.                     35
And these instructions were given, without leave of the
Athenian people, by certain magistrates and others who are
not now in office, but who are anyways desirous for the
people to exchange our present amity for a renewal of war,
and are far more anxious for such a consummation than to
relieve the Selymbrians. They suppose it will be a source of
income to themselves: however, I scarcely think it is for
your advantage or mine. Wherefore I release you the vessels
carried into my port; and for the future, if, instead of allowing your statesmen to adopt malignant measures, you will
punish them, I too will endeavor to maintain the peace.
Farewell."
Here is no mention by him of Demosthenes, or any charge
against me. Why then, while he complains of the others,
makes he no mention of my acts? Because he must have
noticed his own aggressions, had he written aught concerning
me; for on these I fixed myself-these I kept resisting. And
first I proposed the embassy to Peloponnesus,l when into
Peloponnesus he began to steal; next that to Euboea,2 when
on Euboea he was laying his hands; then the expedition (no
longer an embassy) to Oreus, and that to Eretria, when he
established rulers in those cities. Afterward I dispatched all
the armaments, by which Chersonesus was preserved, and Byzantium, and all our allies; whence to you there accrued
the noblest results-praises, eulogies, honors, crowns, thanks
from those you succored; while the people attacked-those
that trusted you then obtained cldeliverance, those that disregarded you have had often to remember your warnings, and
to be convinced that you were not only their friends, but wise
men also and prophets: for all that you predicted has come
to pass.
That Philistides would have given a great deal to keep
Oreus-Clitarchus a great deal to keep Eretria —Philip himself a great deal to have these vantage-posts3 against you, and
1 This was the embassy referred to in the thiird Philippic, which prevented the advance of Philip into the Peloponnese, B.c. 843. For a brief
account of Philip's proceedings in Peloponnesus, see Appendix VIII.
2 As to Euboea, see vol. I. pp. 107, 128, 150.
3 Or perhaps simply "these advantages." Jacobs: un diese VTortheile geyen Euch zu erhalten. Pabst: um dieses alles geyen Euch auszufrhren.




36           THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
in other matters to avoid exposure, and any inquiry into hi's
wrongful acts in general-no man is ignorant, and least of all
you.  For the embassadors who came here then from Clitarchus and Philistides lodged with you, AEschines, and you were
their host.  The commonwealth regarded them  as enemies,
whose offers were neither ljust nor advantageous, and expelled
them; but they were your friends. None of their designs
then were accomplished;1 you slanderer —who say of me,
that I am silent when I have got something, and bawl when
I have spent it!2  That is not your custom.  You bawl
when you have something, and will never stop, unless the
jury stop you by disfranchisement to-day.3
When you crowned me then for those services, and Aristonicus drew up the same words that Ctesiphon here has now
drawn up, and the crown was proclaimed in the theatre-for
this now is the second proclamation in my favoi' —XAschines,
being present, neither opposed  it, nor indicted the mover.
Take this decree now and -read it.
TIHE DECREE.
"' In the archonship of Chbmrondas, son of Hegemon, on the
twenty-fifth of Gamelion, in the presidency of the Leontian
1 The argument is-Philistides and Clitarchus were unable to accomplish their purpose, and that chiefly through my opposition. Yet
it is notorious, they would have given a large bribe to have obtained
powerful support at Athens. Then what becomes of your charge of
corruption against me?
2 AEsehines, defending himself against the reproach of having retired
fiom public affairs, said that his own habits were so simple, and his
desires so moderate, that he was not compelled to speak in public for
lucre's sake-Demosthenes, on the contrary, never opened his mouth
but when he was hired. The words here referred to are: cav 6' oe/at
Xapf'v [lyv aeoiy/l/ca,, dvaMrJcaa  6 tcicpayaf.
Many idle stories to the same effect were circulated against Demosthenes, besides the celebrated charge in the affair of Harpalus. There
is one told by Aulus Gellius, that he had been bribed by the Milesian
embassadors to withdraw his opposition to them in the assembly, and
afterward, hearing from Aristodemus the actor that he had received a
talent for his performance-" I," said he, "have received more than
that for being silent."
3 If the prosecutor failed to obtain a fifth part of the votes, besides
a fine of a thousand drachms, he incurred a partial disfranchisement,
which incapacitated him to prefer a similar charge in future.
4 Tovrov means " this of Ctesiphon."  So Schaefer rightly explains
it. Pabst's version is: so doss dies schon die zweite Verkiindigung dieser Ehre fier misch ist. I have adopted the turn of Leland.




ON THE CROWN.                       37
tribe, Aristonicus of Phrearrii moved: Whereas Demosthenes
son of Demosthenes of POeania hath rendered many important
services to the people of Athens, and to divers of her allies
heretofore, and hath also on the present occasion aided them
by his decrees, and liberated certain of the cities in Euboea,
and perseveres in his attachment to the people of Athens, and
doth by word and deed whatever good he can for the Athenians themselves and the rest of the Greeks: It is resolved
by the Council and People of Athens, to honor 1Demosthenes
son of Demosthenes of Peania with public praise' and a
golden crown, and to proclaim the crown in the theatre at
the Dyonysian festival at the new tragedies, and the proclamation of the crown shall be given in charge to the presiding
tribe and the prize-master.2  On the motion of Aristonicus
of Phrearrii."
Is there one of you that knows of any disgrace falling on
the state by reason of this decree, or any scorn or ridiculeconsequences which this man now predicts, if I am crowned?
It is when acts are recent and notorious that, if good, they
obtain reward, if the contrary, punishment; and it appears
that I then obtained reward, not blame or punishment. So,
up to the period of those transactions, I am acknowledged on
all occasions to have promoted the interests of the state —because my speeches and motions prevailed in your councilsbecause my measures were executed, and procured crowns for
the commonwealth and for me and all of you-because you
have offered sacrifices and thanksgivings to the gods for their
success.
When Philip therefore was driven out of Euboea, with
arms by you, with  counsels and decrees-though  some
persons there' should burst!3-by me, he sought some new
The epithet "public" seems necessary in our language to express
the distinction conferred upon Demosthenes; though indeed we say
"to praise God," in the sense of "to glorify:" and Shakspeare has,
I come to bury Cmesar, not to praise him.
Leland has: "pay public honors." Brougham: "signalize." Spillan:
"bestow honors."  Auger: "accorder publiquement des louanges."
Jacobs: Lob zu ertheilen. Pabst: beloben.
2 The person who adjudged the prizes in the various contests during
the festival.
3 Demosthenes is fond of this expression. Compare Virgil, Eclog.
vii. 26.
Invidia rumpantur ut ilia Codro.




38          THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
position of attack upon Athens.1  Seeing that we use more
foreign corn than any people, and wishing to command the
passage of the corn-trade, he advanced to Thrace; the Byzantines being his allies, he first required them to join in the war
against you, and when they refused, saying (truly enough)
that they had not made alliance on such terms, he threw
up intrenchments before the city, planted batteries, and laid
siege to it.  What course hereupon it became you to take, I
will not ask again; it is manifest to all.  But who was it
that succored the Byzantines, and rescued them? who prevented the alienation of the HlellespOnt at that crisis?  You,
men of Athens. WVhen I say you, I mean the commonwealth.
But who advised, framed, executed the measures of state,
devoted himself wholly and unreservedly to the public business?-I!-Vhat benefits thence accrued to all, you need
no further to be told; you have learned by experience. For
the war which then sprang up, besides that it brought honor
and renown, kept you in a cheaper and more plentiful supply
of all the necessaries of life than does the present peace,
which these worthies maintain to- their country's prejudice in
the hope of something to come.  Perish such hope! [Never
may they share the blessings for which you men of honest
wishes pray to the gods, nor communicate their own principles
to you!
Read them now the crowns of the Byzantines, and those of
the Perinthians, which they conferred upon the country as a
reward.
THE BYZANTINE DECREE.
"In the Presbytership2 of Bosporichus, Damagetus moved
Leland: "he raised another engine against this state."  Spillan
follows him. Francis has " battery." So has Auger. Jacobs: ve'rsuchte
er einen Angriff andrer Art gegen die Stadt. Pabst: andlere Sclhutzwehr zunz ]uampf. Brougham: "some new mode of beleaguering our
state." A critic in the Times suggests: " another mode of annoyance."
That, no doubt, is the general meaning; but in the translation we
should not lose sight of the strict signification of xr-LetXtaz0uv. The
occupation of Byzantium would be, in reference to the corn-trade, what
the occupation of.Euboea might have been for the purpose of a more
direct attack upon Athens. See my observations in the Preface to the
First Volume, p. 5.
2 Hieromnemon (the word in the original) appears to have been the
name of the chief magistrate at Byzantium, whose term of office furnished the date of the year, as the archon did at Athens. The name




ON THE CROWN.                       39
in the assembly, having obtained permission of the Council:
Whereas the people of Athens have ever in former times been
friendly to the Byzantines and their allies, and to their kinsmen the Perinthians, and have rendered them  many signal
services, and also, on the present occasion, when Philip of
Macedon attempted by invasion and siege to exterminate the
Byzantines and Perinthians, and burned and ravaged their
country, they succored us with a hundred and twenty ships
and provisions and weapons and soldiers, and rescued us from
grievous perils, and preserved our hereditary constitution, our
laws, and our sepulchres: it is resolved by the people of Byzantium and Perinthus to grant unto the Athenians the right
of intermarriage, citizenship, purchase of land and houses, the
first seat at the games, first admission to the Council and People after the sacrifices, and exemption from all public services
to such as wish to reside in the city: and that three statues
of sixteen cubits be erected in the harbor,l representing the
People of Athens crowned by the People of Byzantium  and
Perinthus:2 and deputations sent to the general assemblies
of Greece, the Isthmian, Nemean, Olympian, and Pythian,
to proclaim the crowns wherewith the people of Athens hath
been honored by us, that all the Greeks may know the virtue
of the Athenians, and the gratitude of the Byzantines and
Perinthians."
Now read the crowns given by the people of Chersonesus.
THE DECREE OF THE CI-IERSONESITES.
" The Chersonesites, inhabitants of Sestus, Eleus, Madytus,
and Alopeconnesus, crown the Council and People of Athens
with a golden crown of the value of sixty talents,3 and build
(which was held by the magistrates of some other Dorian states) im.
ports the performance of some priestly or religious duties. As it sounds
harsh in English, I have ventured to translate it at the risk of cavil.
With respect to the Amphictyonic deputies so called see Appendix I.
Such, perhaps, is the meaning of tv r5 Boaropix.. Others would
~read Boearpo.
2 Statues of countries and people are often mentioned. Thus, Pausanias saw in the Pirm us a statue of the Athenian Demus by Leochares,
and another by Lyson. (Lib. i. c. 1 and 3.) Polybius mentions a statue
of the Rhodian People crowned by the Syracusan, which Hiero and
Gelo erected in the great square of Rhodes. (Lib. v. 88.) And there
wvas a celebrated one of the Athenian by Parrhasius.
3 According to Gronovius, Bclkh, and Jacobs, we are not to suppose




40         THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
an altar to Gratitude and the Athenian People, because that
People hath helped the Chersonesites to obtain the greatest
of blessings, by rescuing them  from  the power of Philip,
and restoring their country,e their laws, their liberty, their
sanctuaries: and in all future time they will not fail to be
grateful, and do what service they can. Decreed in general
Council."
Thus the saving of Chersonesus and Byzantium, the preventing Philip's conquest of the Hellespont, and the honors
therefore bestowed on this country, were the effects of my
policy and administration; and more than this-they proved
to all mankind the generosity of Athens and the baseness of
Philip. He, the ally and friend of the Byzantines, was before
all eyes besieging them-what could be more shameful or outrageous?-You, who might justly on many grounds have reproached them for wrongs done you in former times, instead
of bearing malice and abandoning the oppressed, appeared as
their deliverers; conduct which procured you glory, good-will,
honor from all men. That you have crowned many of your
statesmen, every one knows; but through what other person
(I mean what minister or orator), besides myself, the commonwealth has been crowned, no one can say.
To prove now the malignity of those calumnies, which he
urged against the Euboeans and Byzantines, reminding you
of any unkindness which they had done you —prove it I shall,
not only by their falsehood, which I apprehend you know
already, but (were they ever so true) by showing the advantages of my policy-I wish to recount one or two of the noble
acts of your own state, and to do it briefly; for individuals, as
well as communities, should ever strive to model their future
conduct by the noblest of their past.
WVell then, men of Athens —when the Lacedamnonians had
the empire of land and sea, and held the country round
Attica by governors and garrisons, Euboea, Tanagra, all
Boeotia, Megara, EAgina, Cleonoa, the other islands; when
our state possessed neither ships nor walls; you marched out
that a crown was given of the actual weight or value of sixty talents,
but that six drachms of gold are (by a form of speech usual in some
cases) called a talent. A similar crown of a hundred talents, given by
the Carthaginians to Demareta, the wife of Gelo, is mentioned by
Diodorus. (Lib. xi. 26.)




ON THE CROWN.                         41
*to Haliartus, and again not many days after to Corinth;
albeit the Athenians of that time had many, causes of resentment against both Corinthians and Thebans for their acts in
the Decelean war:2 but they showed no resentment, none.
And yet neither of these steps took they, XAschines, for benefactors, nor were they blind to the danger; but they would
not for such reasons abandon people who sought their protection; for the sake of renown and glory they willingly exposed
themselves to peril; just and noble was their resolve! For
to all mankind the end of life is death, though one keep one's
self shut up in a closet;3 but it becomes brave men to strive
always for honor, with good hope before them,4 and to endure
courageously whatever the Deity ordains.
Thus did your ancestors, thus the elder among yourselves.
For, though the Lacedaemonians were neither friends nor
benefactors, but had done many grievous injuries to our state,
yet when the Thebans, victorious at Leuctra, sought their
destruction, you prevented it, not fearing the power and reputation then possessed by the Thebans, nor reckoning up the
merits of those whom  you were about to fight for.  And so
you demonstrated to all the Greeks, that, however any people may offend you, you reserve your anger against them  for
other occasions; but should their existence or liberty be imperiled, you will not resent your wrongs or bring them into
account.
This was n.c. 395, at the breaking out of the war, in -which Athens,
Thebes, Corinth, and Argos, combined against Lacedramon. (See vol. I.
p. 64.) The battle of Corinth, in which the Laced,-monians defeated
the allies, took place in the year following the siege of fHaliartus.
2 The latter part of the Peloponnesian war, so called from the occupation of Decelea, a fortress in Attica, fifteen miles from Athens, nre.
413. By means of this post the enemy got the command of the territory round Athens, and reduced the Athenians to great distress by cutting off supplies of corn and provisions.
Spillan, Jacobs, and Pabst render olcfcilc "a cage," Kifich; an interpretation found in Harpocration.  Compare the lines of Propertius:
Ille licet ferro cautus se condat et -re,
Mors tamen inclusum protralhit inde caput.
4 I have here taken r'poipaXZ2o/ vovC in the simple sense of " proposing
to themselves," or "having before their eyes." So Spillan has it. And
Jacobs: gmitfroher HOfrnZung vor Augen. But Reiske understood it in
the more ordinary sense of "putting before them as a defense."  And
so Leland renders it: "armed in fair hopes of success."  And Pabst:'sicl dazeu nit demn Schilde der gute IIoifz ung waffnen.




42          THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
And not in these instances only hath such been your temper.  Again, when the Thebans were taking possession of
IEuboea,1 you looked not quietly on-you remembered not the
wrongs done you by Themison and Theodorus in the affair of
Oropus,2 but assisted even them.  It was the time when the
volunteer captains3 first offered themselves to the state, of
whom I was one; —but of this presently.  However, it was
glorious that you saved the island, but far more glorious that,
when you had got their persons and their cities in your power,
you fairly restored them to the people who had ill-used you,
and made no reckoning of your wrongs in an affair where you
were trusted.
Hundreds of cases which I could mention I pass oversea-fights, land-marches, campaigns, both in ancient times and
in your own, all of which the commonwealth has undertaken
for the freedom and safety of the Greeks in general.  Then,
having observed the commonwealth engaging in contests of
such number and importance for the interests of others, what
was I to urge, what course to recommend her, when the question in a manner concerned herself?-To revive grudges, I
suppose, against people who wanted help, and to seek pretenses for abandoning every thing. And who might not justly
have killed me, had I attempted even by words to tarnish any
of the honors of Athens?  For the thing itself, I am certain,
you would never have done-had you wished, what was to
hinder you? —any lack of opportunity? —had you not these
men to advise it?
I must return to the next in date of my political acts; and
here again consider what was most beneficial for the state.  I
saw, men of Athens, that your navy was decaying, and that,
while the rich were getting off4 with small payments, citizens
1 As to the war in Eubcea, see vol. I. pp. 114, 275.
2 Themison and Theodorus were the rulers of Eretria, who seized
upon Oropus, B.c. 366. See vol. I. p. 210.
3 The exertions of these voluntary trierarchs enabled the Athenians
to ship off theii troops in three days. The orators frequently boasted
of this expedition: for example, Demosthenes in the speech against
Androtion; -Eschines in the speech against Ctesiphon.
4 Schaefer rightly explains drerec, "qui tam pauca contribuerent,
nihil ut dare viderentur." My translation expresses this by a vernacular phrase. We might say, "escaping with." Brougham has "escaping
all taxes by paying an insignificant contribution." Leland: "purchase




ON THE CRPOWN.                        43
of moderate or small fortunes were losing their substance,
and the state, by reason thereof, missing her opportunities of
action.  I therefore proposed a law, by which I compelled
the one class (the rich) to perform their duty, and stopped
the oppression of the poor; and-what was most useful to
the country-I caused her preparations to be made in time.
And being indicted for it, I appeared on the charge before
you, and was acquitted; and the prosecutor did not get his
portion' of the votes.  But what suns, think ye, the chief
men2 of the Boards, or those in the second and third degrees,
offered me, first, not to propose that law, secondly, when I
had recorded it, to drop it on the abatement-oath?3  Such
sums, men of Athens, as I should be afraid to tell you.  And
no wonder they did so; for under the former laws they might
divide the charge between sixteen, spending little or nothing
a total exemption from public taxes at the expense of a trifling contribution."  But they should have avoided a reference to any other payments than what relate to the trierarchy.: The fifth part, to save him from the penalty.
2 According to Ulpian, the first three hundred among the SymmoriaW
were called d/yeo6veg. See as to this subject, vol. I. Appendix V.
3'Tr/jtaczta commonly meant an oath or affidavit sworn by a party
to a cause, in order to obtain some adjournment or delay. But, according to the explanation of Julius Pollux, it was applied also to the oath
sworn by a person who threatened another with a ypat' 7crapavd/zov or
indictment for an illegal measure. Any citizen was at liberty to indict
the author of a decree, though passed by the popular assembly, within
a twelvemonth after the passing; and it became void, if the indictment
succeeded. He gave notice of his intention to prosecute by a public
declaration, supported by oath, that he believed the decree in question
to be illegal or unconstitutional; and this had the effect of suspendhilag
the validity of the decree until after the trial. Therefore, as Schlmann
observes (Doe Comitiis, 159), this oath, which had the effect of adjourning a law, was so called by analogy to the legal oath. See the Appendix to this volume on the ypap  irapavoawov.
In none of the translations do I find any explanation of c'arapaL6aovTra.
I take it to mean, "having entered it in the public register," i. e. in the
temple of the Mother of the Gods, Ev n. Morph9, where the records of
all decrees were kept. (See Schbmann, De Comitiis, 129.)
Demosthenes, after carrying his measure in the assembly, and depositing it according to custom in the public archives, might have
abandoned the defense of it, had lie chosen to compromise the matter
with his opponents; as Wolf rightly explains it-" Quo pacto impune
tulisset Demosthenes pr lvaricationemi istam? Si collusisset cum adversario, is actionem non persecutus esset, ac Demnosthenes, anno elapso,
indemnis fuisset."




44           THiE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
themselves, and grinding down the needy citizens; whereas
under my law every one had to pay a sum  proportioned to
his means, and there was a captain for two ships, where before there was a partner with fifteen others for one ship; for
they were calling themselves not captains any longer, but
partners. They would have given any thing then to get these
regulations annulled, and not be obliged to perform  their duties.  Read me, first, the decree for which I appeared to the
indictment, then the service-rolls, that of the former law, and
that under mine.  Read.
THE DECREE.1
" In the archonship of Polycles, on the sixteenth of BoeclroMion, in the presidency of the Hippothoontian tribe, Demosthenes son of Demosthenes of Pmeania introduced a law for
the naval service,2 instead of the former one under which
there were the associations of joint-captains; and it was
passed by the council and people.  And Patrocles of Phlyus
preferred an indictment against Demosthenes for an illegal
1 Schlmann, in his chapter on Decrees (De Comitiis, 130), after
mentioning the ordinary signification of the word?tr~zeoa, viz., "a law
passed by the people in assembly," and "a bill or decree of the council,"
proceeds to say, that it has a third and more extended mleaning. "By
that name," he says, "the Athenians designated those public records
which did not contain the actual bill or decree, but merely an account
of the circumstances connected with the proposal or adoption thereof,
or a statement of the measures passed in consequence by the people.
The object of this was, to have at hand always, in case they should be
wanted again, authentic documents of the whole transaction."  In support of his assertion, he refers to this and some other of the records
cited in the Oration on the Crown. Their genuineness, however, has
been questioned. In this one, as well as in others, the name of the
archon is false. I doubt whether the sword ever bore the extended
meaning assigned to it by Schdmann. Suppose the record in the text
could be called pttlaia,'it could hardly be the i/zOucta caOe' o " elcrOov
Tiv y7par)v, which Demosthenes requires to be read, but of which it
contains only a short recital. It is possible, indeed, that Demosthenes,
though he calls on the clerk to read the decree, produced in fact only
the document which is preserved to us, and which might answer his
purpose quite as well, and even better, because it contained a memorial
of his ownl acquittal, and the consequent establishment of his decree.
2 Reiske understands (dpxeov. Taylor translates it "for the admii
ralty."  Schaefer adopts Stephens' explanation, that r0' 7'ppupXtLCbv is
nothing more than rooa rp7lppdpXovc. Then it means "a law for the
regulation of the trierarchs."




ON THE CROWN.                        45
measure, and, not having obtained his share of the votes, paid
the penalty of five hundred drachims."
Now produce that fine roll.
THE ROLL.
"Let sixteen captains be called out for every galley, as
they are associated in the companies,' from the age of twentyfive to forty, defraying the charge equally."
Now for the roll under my law.
THE ROLL.
"Let captains be chosen according to their property by
valuation, taking ten talents to a galley: if the property be
valued at a higher sum, let the charge be proportionate, as far
as three ships and a tender; and let it be in the same proportion for those whose property is less than ten talents, joining
them in a partnership to make up ten talents."2
Think ye I but slightly helped the poor of Athens, or that
the rich would have spent but a trifling sum to escape the
doing what was right?  lI glory, however, not only in having
refused this compromise, and having been acquitted on the
indictment, but because my law was beneficial, and I have
proved it so by trial.  For during tle whole war, while the
armaments were shipped off according to my regulations, no
captain ever appealed to you3 against oppression, or took
sanctuary at lMunychia,4 or was imprisoned by the clearingofficers;5 no galley was lost to the state by capture abroad,
Literally, " according to the associations in the companies." AoXot
here are the same as cavypopiat, according to Wolf.
2 The ten talents, which are made the basis-of this regulation, are
the ratable value of the property, as B6ckh explains it, which would
be one-fifth of the whole for the highest class, if the valuation of B.c.
379 was in force; so that a man possessing fifty talents would have
the charge of one ship, a hundred talents, of two ships, a hundred and
fifty talents, of three ships; and a tender would have to be found in
addition for a certain sum beyond, which is not specified. Higher the
charge was not carried. Those who had less than ten talents of ratable capital clubbed together for one ship, but the rating was in a lower proportion. See Vol. I. Appendixes IV. and V.
3'IKETYpi avOeZvat is literally, ito deposit (at the altar or elsewhere) an
olive bough wrapped with wool," which was the symbol of supplication.
4 In a temple of Diana in the port of Munychia.
5 The dwoarote7 f were ten officers, whose business it was to expedite
the equipment of the fleet, and its clearance out from port-a Board
of Dispatch.




46           THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
or left behind from unfitness to go to sea. Under the former
laws all these things happened-because: the burden was put
upon the poor, and therefore difficulties frequently arose. I
transferred the charge from the poor to the wealthy, and then
every duty was done. For this itself too I deserve praise,
that I adopted all such measures as brought glory and honor
and power to the state: there is no envy, spite, or malice in
any measure of mine, nothing sordid or unworthy of Athens.
The same character is apparent in my home and in my foreign policy.  At home, I never preferred the favor of the
wealthy to the rights of the many: abroad, I valued not the
presents or the friendship of Philip above the general interests
of Greece.
I conceive it remains for me to speak of the proclamation
and the accounts: for, that I acted for the best-that I have
throughout been your friend and zealous in your service-is
proved abundantly, methinks, by what I have said already.
The most important part of my policy and administration I
pass by, considering that I have in regular course to reply to
the charge of illegality; and besides-though I am  silent as
to the rest of my political acts-the knowledge you all have
will serve me equally well.
As to the arguments which he jumbled together about the
counter-written laws,' I hardly suppose you comprehend
them —I myself could not understand the greater part.
However I shall argue a just case in a straightforward way.
So far from saying that I am not accountable, as the prosecutor just now falsely asserted, I acknowledge that I am  all
The laws alleged to have been violated were copied out and hung
on a board side by side with the impugneddecree, as -Eschines clearly
describes it in his speech against Ctesiphon (82). "2arrEp yp Ev rO?
TrEKTOvtIC7/, 5rav el'6vac povd,/eOa rb 6pO8v Kac TcO  iA, Trv icra6va Trpoa~gpoczev, dtaytcv6eac-rat, odre Kac lv ga7C ypapacif tac  rSv rrapavouwOv
7rapalletrat Icavdv ro a dicitov rovi r 7b l ca)icov /cci 7' $'otc/a    Kcai oi wirapay7yppac/gEvot v6iot. Compare Demosth. cont. Aristoc. 640. There is no
doubt of this being the true meaning; the only difficulty is to translate
7rapayeypape/vot neatly. Spillan has: "the transcribed laws." Francis
the same. Leland: "authentic transcript."  Brougham: "his comparative exhibition of the laws;" which expresses the meaning more
fully. The German translators would seem to have followed Wolf's
interpretation. Jacobs has iiber den Widerspruch reit den Gesetzen.
Pabst: fiber die Gesetzwidrigkeiten. Perhaps we might render it, "contrasted;" or, " put in counterview."




ON THE CROWN.                    47
my life accountable for what as your statesman I have undertaken or advised; but for what I have voluntarily given to
the people-out of my own private fortune, I deny that I am
any day accountable-do you hear, AEschines?-nor is any
other man, let him even be one of the nine archons.' For
what law is so full of injustice and inhumanity as to enact,
that one who has given of his private means, and done an act
of generosity and munificence, instead of having thanks, shall
be brought before malignants, appointed to be the auditors
of his liberality? None. If he says there is, let him produce it, and I will be content and hold my tongue. But there
is none, men of Athens. The prosecutor in his malice, because I gave some of my own money when I superintended
the theatre fund, says-" the Council -praised him before he
had rendered his account."  Not for any matters of which I
had an account to render, but for what I spent of my own,
you malignant!
"Oh, but you were a Conservator of Walls!" says he. Yes;
and for that reason was I justly praised, because I gave the
sums expended and did not charge them. A charge requires
auditing and examiners; a donation merits thanks and praise:
therefore the defendant made this motion in my favor.
That this is a settled principle in your hearts as well as in
the laws, I can show by many proofs easily. First, Nausicles
has often been crowned by you for what he expended out of
his own funds while he was general. Secondly, Diotimus
was crowned for his present of shields; and Charidemus too.
Again, Neoptolemnus here, superintendent of divers works,
has been honored for his donations.  It would indeed be
cruel, if a man holding an office should either, by reason of
his office, be precluded from giving Ihis own money to the
state, or have, instead of receiving thanks, to render an account of what he gave. To prove the truth of my statements, take and read me the original decrees made in favor
of these men.
A DECREE.2
"Archon, Demonicus of Phlyus.  On the twenty-sixth of
Boedromion, with the sanction of the council and people, Call The archons were not only liable to the etOzvj1, but to an examination by the council previous to admission to their office.
2 The event referred to in this decree seems to have taken place




48           THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
lias of Phrearrii moved: That the council and.people resolve
to crown Nausicles, general of foot, for that, there being two
thousand Athenian troops of the line in Imbrus, for the defense of the Athenian residents in that island, and Philo of
the finance department being by reason of storms unable to
sail and pay the troops, he advanced money of his own, and
did not ask the people for it again; and that the crown be
proclaimed at the Dionysian festival, at the new tragedies."
ANOTI-HER DECREE.I
" Callias of Phrearrii moved, the presidents declaring it to
be with the sanction of the council: Whereas Charidemus,
general of foot, having been sent to Salamis, he and Diotimus, general of horse, after certain of the troops had in the
skirmish by the river been disarmed by the enemy, did at
their own expense arm the young men with eight hundred
shields: It hath been resolved by the council and people to
crown Charidemus and Diotimus with a golden crown, and
to proclaim  it at the great Panathenaic festival, during the
gymnastic  contest, and  at the Dionysian  festival, at the
exhibition of the new tragedies: the proclamation to be
given in charge to the judges,2 the presidents, and the prizemlasters."
during the Social WVar, B.c. 355, when the Chians, Rhodians, and Byzantines made a descent upon Lemnos and Imbrus. In that year Callistratus was archon. The heading'Apcwov, instead of eri' ApXovrof, is
noticed by Jacobs as unusual. Nausicles is frequently mentioned by
Lschines and Demosthenes in terms of praise. H-e commanded an
Athenian force in the Sacred War, s.c. 352.
1 As this decree was moved by the same person as the precedingone, it is perhaps referable to the same period. Winiewski has conjectured that, while Nausicles was sent to Imbrus, some hostile neighbors, perhaps the Megarians, took the opportunity of invading Salamis.
Reiske understands it of the Cyprian Salamis; but this is not so probable. The Charidemus here mentioned is not to be confounded with
Charidemus of Oreus, but is the person who, with Demosthenes and
others, was demanded by Alexander after the taking of Thebes, and
thereupon fled to the court of Darius, by whom he was afterward put
to death. (Diodorus, xvii. 30.) Diotimus also was one of the men demanded by Alexander.
2 Such is the name which I give to the six junior archons, to avoid
the uncouth title of Thesmothetes. It does not indeed (any more than
Thesmothetes itself) convey a perfect idea of the official duties which
they had to discharge; yet it is by no means inappropriate, seeing that
the most important part of them -were of a judicial character.




ON THE CROWN.                        49
Each of these men, IEschines, was accountable for the office
which he held, but not accountable fbr the matters in respect
of which he was crowned.  No more then am I; for surely I
have the same rights, under the same circumstances, as other
men.  Have I given money?  I am praised for that, not being accountable for what I gave.  Did I hold office?  Yes;
and I have rendered an account of my official acts, not of my
bounties. Oh, but I was guilty of malpractices in office!
And you, present when the auditors brought me up,l accused
me not?
To show you that he himself bears testimony to my having
been crowned for what I had no account to render of, take
and read the whole decree drawn up in my favor.  By the
portions of the bill which he never indicted it will appear that
his prosecution is vexatious.  Read.
THE DECREE.2
"In the archonship of Euthycles, on the twenty-second of
Pyanepsion, in the presidency of the (Eneian tribe, Ctesiphon
son of Leosthenes of Anaphlystus moved: Whereas Demosthenes son of Demosthenes of Plmania, having been superintendant of the repair of the walls, and having expended on
the works three additional talents out of his own money, hath
given that sum  to the people; and whereas, having been' Either before the popular assembly, or before their own court, the
Aoyt7riptlOv. ButI rather think the former. The accounts having been
sent in to the AoyTlTra, and there not appearing to be any pecuniary
deficit, they were passed as a matter of course, unless some accuser appeared; but the law afforded an opportunity for an accusation at the
popular assembly, before which the Aoy0trat were obliged to bring the
parties as a matter of form, and by public proclamation to ask whether
any citizen desired to accuse them. (BEsch. contra Ctesiph. 57.)
Schdmann indeed (De Comitiis, 293) appears to take a different view.
Demosthenes had passed the scrutiny of the Logistse, and had no
charge preferred against him at the close'of his official year. This
however, in point of law. was no answer to his opponent's argument;
for the legality of Ctesiphon's measure was to be tried by reference to
the time when he introduced it, at which time Demosthenes had not
cleared himself of his official responsibility.
2 The name of the archon is wrong here, and the decree is not in all
manuscripts. The terms of it do not agree with the recital in the indictment, though it is the same in substance. It nrry possibly be that
in one we have the wropov62ev/a, in the other the byqLta/ua as sanctioned
by the assembly.
VOL. I.-C




150        THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
appointed treasurer of the theoric fund, he hath given to the
theoric officersl of the tribes a hundred minas toward the
sacrifices, the council and people of Athens have resolved to
honor Demosthenes son of Demosthenes of Paania with public
praise, for the goodness and generosity which he has shown
throughout on every occasion toward the people of Athens,
and to crown him with a golden crown, and to proclaim the
crown in the theatre, at the Dionysian festival, at the performance of the new tragedies: the proclamation to be given in
charge to the prize-master."
These were my donations; none of which have you indicted: the rewards which the council says I deserve for
them are what you arraign. To receive the gifts then you
confess to be legal; the requital ofthem you indict for illegality. In the name of heaven! what sort of person can a monster of wickedness and malignity be, if not such a person as
this?
Concerning the proclamation in the theatre, I pass over
the fact, that thousands of thousands have been proclaimed,
and I myself have been crowned often before. But by the
Gods! are you so perverse and stupid, lEschines, as not to
be able to reflect, that the party crowned has the same glory
from the crown wherever it be published, and that the proclamation is made in the theatre for the benefit of those who
confer the crown?  For the hearers are all encouraged to
render service to the state, and praise the parties who show
their gratitude more than the party crowned.  Therefore has
our commonwealth enacted this law. Take and read me the
law itself.
THE LAW.
" Whensoever any of the townships bestow crowns, proclamations thereof shall be made by them in their several
townships, unless where any are crowned by the people of
Athens or the council; and it shall be lawful for them to be
proclaimed in the theatre at the Dionysian festival."
Do you hear, JEschines, the law distinctly saying-" unless
where any are voted by the people or the council; such may
R1 eiske prefers taking Oewpucoif as the neuter gender, "the theoric
contributions from all the tribes." Schaefer, Jacobs, and Pabst read
oewpof.




ON THE CROWN.                         51
be proclaimed?" Why then, wretched man, do you play the
pettifogger?  Why manufacture arguments?  W~hy don't you
take hellebore' for your malady?  Are you not ashamed to
bring on a cause for spite, and not for any offense?-to alter
some laws, and to garble others, the whole of which should in
justice be read to persons sworn to decide accordirig to the
laws?  And you that act thus describe the qualities which
belong to a friend of the people, as if you had ordered a statue
according to contract, and received it without having what
the contract required; or as if friends of the people were
known by words, and not by.acts and measures! And you
bawl out, regardless of decency,2 a sort of cart-language,3 applicable to yourself and your race, not to me.
Again, men of Athens —I conceive abuse to differ from
I Hellebore was used by the ancients to purge the brain, and cure
people of insanity; and because it grew abundantly in the island of
Anticyra, " to send a person to Anticyra," was as good as saying he was
mad. Horace, Sat. II. iii. 82:Dumn doceo insanire omnes, voyes ordine adite.
Danda est Hellebori nmulto pars maxima avaris:
Nescio an Anticyram ratio illis destinet omnem.
And ibid. 166:Naviget Anticyram: quid enim differt, barathrone
Dones quicquid habes, an nunquam utare paratis?
2 With the expression in the original compare Virgil, AEn. IX. 595: —
Digna atque indigna relatu
Vociferans.
3 Billingsgate, as the Londoners would say.
It was the custom of the Athenian women, in divers solemn processions, especially at the Eleusinian mysteries, when they were conveyed
in open wagons or carts, to amuse themselves by jeering and joking one
another, without the slightest regard to modesty or propriety of language. Hence r. tc rTv Ct/afSv alCj/CTara came to signify licentious
and indecent abuse.  IIopuredetv is used in the like sense, and also
yenpvpiretv, because at a certain bridge over the Cephisus, where the
procession stopped, the bantering of the ladies waxed peculiarly warm.
Leland observes —" The French translator is extremely shocked at this
interpretation, and cn not persuade himself that the Athenian ladies
could so far forget the modesty and reserve peculiar to their sex. But
it is well if this were the worst part of their conduct, or if they were
guilty of no greater transgression of modesty in the course of their attendance on these famous rites."  Dionysius of Halicarnassus, in his
Roman Antiquities (VII. 72), compares this custom of the Athenians
with the license allowed at a Roman triumph, where those who followed the procession were permitted to make fun of the generals and other
men of distinction by squibs and jests.




52           THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
accusation in this, that accusation has to do with offenses for
which the laws provide  penalties, abuse with  the scandal
which enemies speak against each other according to  their
humor.1  And I believe our ancestors built these courts,'not
that we should assemble you here and brine forth the secrets
of private life for mutual reproach,2 but to give us the means
of convicting persons guilty of crimes against the state..iEschines knew this as well as I, and yet he chose to rail
rather than to accuse.
Even in this way he must take as much as he gives;3 but
before I enter upon such matters, let me ask him  one question-Should  one  call you  the  state's enemy, or mine,
Aischines.?  Miine, of course.  Yet, where you might, for any
offense which I committed, have obtained satisfaction for the
people according to the laws, you neglected it-at the audit,
on the indictments and other trials; but where I in my own
person am safe on every account, by the laws, by time, by
prescription,4 by many previous judgments on every point,
by my never having been convicted of a public offense-and
where the country must share, more or less, in the repute of
measures which were her own-here it is you have encountered me. See if you are not the people's enemy, while you
pretend to be mine i
Since therefore the righteous and  true verdict is made
1 Compare Cicero pro Ccelio: " Aliud est maledicere, aliud accusare.
Accusatio crinlen desiderat, rem ut definiat, hominem ut notet, argumento probet, teste confirmet; maledictio autem nilhil habet propositi,
proeter contumeliam; quae si petulantius jactatur, convicium, si facetius, urbanitas nominatur."
2 Literally: " speakl to the reproach of one another secrets from private life;" adhering to Bekker's reading of iKocatc. Jacobs: und schm.dhead die Geheimnisse des Privatlebens gegenseitig aufzzedecken. Pabst,
to the same effect.
3 Lord Brougham justly censures the English translators, who have
not preserved the familiar expression in the Greek, that so well corresponds with our own. They are all upon stilts. He himself has:
" But even in this kind of conflict it is right that he should get as good
as he brings."
" By the Statute of Limitations," as we should say. The ypap)~
7rapavo6/ucv could only be brought within a year after the decree. The
evO6vn was to take place within thirty days after the expiration of the
term of office, and the accuser was bound to appear when the accounts
were rendered, or before they were passed. See my article IpoOeaotia
in the Arch. Diet., also article EbVvv7.




ON THE CROWN.                         53
clear to all;1 but I must, it seems-though not naturally
fond of railing, yet on account of the calumnies uttered by
my opponent —in reply to so many falsehoods, just mention
some leading particulars concerning him, and show who le is,
and from whom  descended, that so readily begins using hard
words-and what language he carps at, after uttering such
as any decent man would have shuddered to pronounce..2Why, if my accuser had been AZEacus, or Rhadamanthus, or!Mlinos, instead of a prater,3 a hack of the market, a pestilent
scribbler, I don't think he would have spoken such things, or
found such offensive terms, shouting, as in a tragedy, "O
Earth! O Sun! O Virtue!"4 and the like; and again appealing to Intelligence and Education, by which the honorable is distinguished fiom  the base: —all this you undoubtedly heard from his lips.  Accursed one!5! What have you or
Leland, following Wolf, infers from this passage that there had
been some acclamation in the court, which Demosthenes affects to consider as the general voice of the jury. I agree with Lord 3Brougham,
that this is not a necessary inference froml the text, -where the connection with what goes before is plain and easy.
2 I have preserved the anacolulthon of the original. In ti-' o1/ c dv
dvuaer I have converted the interrogative, which is ulnsuitable to our
language, into an affirmative. This weakens the sentence, but as a
compensation I strengthen 6crvrie.
3 The.word -rep/toZ6(yog in the same sense occurs in the Acts of the
Apostles, xvii. 18, where our version is "babbler."  The origin of this
meaning is uncertain. IlepGrpFi/ua dyopar describes a low fellow wlio
frequented the market, where loose and dissolute clharacters of all
sorts used to congregate. Jacobs and Pabst render it, _f~arktschreier,
"mountebank," or "blackguard," as we should say.  Aristophanes
says ia the Knights:
7rt;7 0V7opb'f IC1 dyopd  i cel Kati pacCG.
4 This occurs at the end of the speech against Ctesiphon.
5 Lord Brougharm's translation of ccidap/la is —" You abomination;"
upon which his reviewer has the following note --
" It is quite clear that Lord Brougham himself has no notion of the
real meaning of the word. We refer for explanation of it to Mitchell's
edition of the Knights of Aristophanes, v. 708 and v. 1099. He will
there see that tcdOapta was an expiatory victim, offered up to atone for
the guilt, and avert the punishment, of the parties sacrificing. Two
such victims —both men, according to some writers, but a nlale. and
female, according to others —were provided annually by the Athenian
state for this purpose. A feeling of the utmost contempt and horror
was attached to these KaOdapuara. But of all this Lord Broughlam seems
perfectly unconscious. We can not translate, we can only approximate
to the meaning of icadOapea. It is a sort of frozen word, which, as MIr.




54           TiE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
yours to do with virtue? How should you discern what is
honorable or otherwise? How were you ever qualified?
What right have you to talk about education?  Those who
really possess it would never say as much of themselves, but
rather blush if another did: those who are destitute like you,
but make pretensions to it from  stupidity, annoy the hearers. by their talk, without getting the reputation which they
desire.
I am  at no loss for materials concerning you and your
family, but am  in doubt what to  mention first-whether
how your father Tromes, being servant to Elpias, who kept
a reading-school in the temple of Theieus, wore a weight of
fetters and a collar;' or how your mother, by her morning
spousals in the cottage by Hero Calamites,2 reared up you,
the beautiful statue, the eminent third-rate actor!3 —But all
Mitchell remarks on another occasion, requires the warm breath of
comimentatorship to come over it before it can be thawed into life and
animation."
This is a most unfair attack upon his Lordship. There is not the
least objection to his translation, nor does it at all appear that the
meaning of KdSapga was unknown to him. The observation about
frozen words is good enough, but it is misapplied.  Comment is different. from translation. Jacobs renders it: D)e Schandteck.' Pabst:
Scheusal. Auger: "Scele'rat."
VEZOov, according to Reiske, is a round board with a hole in the
middle, put on the necks of thievish slaves, to prevent them from
reaching their hands to their mouths. Or it may be, as Jacobs says,
the stocks; as in the Knights of Aristophanes, v. 702.
Ev 7r C2,   d'aw cE, vj 7bIv ovpavOv.
where the Scholiast interprets Ev zt  r odolcdic,. Or simply a collar worn as
a badge of servitude. Compare Plautus, Captivi, Act II. Sc. 3, v. 107:Di tibi onnes omnia optata afferant,
Cum me tanto honore honestas, cumque esx vinclis eximis.
Hoc quidem haud molestum est jam, quod collus collariAi caret.
2 A Hero of that name is the common interpretation. Schaefer, 1however, referring to the oration of Demosthenes on the Embassy (419),
where Atrometus is said to have taught his boys irp-f 0) r7o "'Hpw rod
tarpoi, thinks that Heros was the name of a physician, who received
the title of Calamites, because lie set fractured bones with splinters of
reeds. Dissen's explanation, to which Pabst inclines, is, that there
was a statue surrounded with reeds, of some unknown hero, a sort of
_Esculapius, to whom the people asclibed a healing.power.
3 A rpLraywotsTaf was an actor of the lowest description. Tile reader
will remember that the characters in an Athenian tragedy were few
in number: the dialogue was never carried on by more than tiree
persons besides the chorus, generally by two only.




ON THE CROWN.                        55
know these things without my telling-Or how  the galleypiper Phormio, the slave of Dion of Phrearrii, removed her
from  that honorable employment.  But, by Jupiter and the
gods! I fear, in saying what is proper about you, I may be
thought to have chosen topics unbecoming to myself.  All
this therefore I shall pass by, and commence with the acts
of his own life; for indeed he came not of common parents,
but of such as are execrated by the people.'  Very latelylately do I say?-it is but yesterday that he has become both
an Athenian and an orator-adding two syllables, he converted
his father from Tromes to Atrometus,2 and dignified his mother
by the name of Glaucothea, who (as every one knows) was
called Empusa;3 having got that title (it is plain) from her
doing and submitting to any thing-how else could she have
got it?  However, you are so ungrateful and wicked by nature, that after being raised through the people from servitude
to freedom, from beggary to affluence, instead of returning their
kindness, you work against them as a hireling politician.
Of the speeches, which it may possibly be contended he has
made for the good of the country, I will say nothing: of the
acts which he was clearly proved to have done for the enemy,
I will remind you.
What man present but knows of the outcast Antiphon,4
who came into the city under promise to Philip that he
Reiske's interpretation is, "okCh 7v elf rtf rSV rvTOV7rov, non enim
est Eschines de genere hominum triviali, vulgari, sed unus illorum'
inventu rarorum hominurn, quos populus per praconem publice devovet." Dissen refers these words to ci PEitKEcv. Schaefer and Jacobs
understand dv Ervxev of the parents of zEschines, but, on the authority
of one manuscript, transpose the clause o6 —icareapdrat immediately
after 2b6yovf. According to my view, there is no necessity for the transposition, the argument running thus-I will pass by this topic: his
parentage was so disgraceful that he himself was ashamed of it; and
so he changed the names of his parents, to escape the shame.
2 Tromes, from Srp/ud, would be a fit name for a slave;'Arp,/urlro9,
"Intrepid," for a freeman. The lengthening of names was often resorted to by the ancients, as it is now, as a device to exalt the dignity
of the party.
3 This denoted a frightful spectre or hobgoblin. According to Aristophanes (Froas, 293), it could change itself into various shapes.
4'Az'oNr7y)tvMecra is, " ousted from the register by the votes of his
fellow-townsmen," &7d6rat. The members of each 6r8hoc, or township,
of Attica occasionally assembled to revise their register, and if any
member was adjudged by a majority of votes not to be a true citizen,
his name was expunged. He might still appeal to a court of justice at




56           TH-IE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
would burn your arsenal? 1  found him concealed in Pir:eus,
and brought him  before the Assembly; when this mischiefmaker, shouting and clamoring that it was monstrous in a
free state that I should ill-treat unfortunate citizens, and enter
houses without warrant,1 procured his release.  And had not
the Council of Areopagus, discovering the fact, and perceiving
your ill-timed error, made search after the man, seized and
brought him  before you, a fellow like that would have been
rescued, would have slipped through the hands of justice, and
been sent out of the way by this declaimer. As it was, you
put him to torture and to death, as you ought this man also.
The Council of Areopagus were informed what IEschines had
done, and therefore, though you had elected himl  for your
advocate on the question of the Delian temple,2 in the same
ignorance by which you have sacrificed many of the public
interests, as you referred the matter to the council, and gave
them  full powers, they immediately removed  him  for his
treason, and appointed I-yperides to plead; for which purpose they took their ballots from  the altar,3 and not a single
Athens; but if the court'affirmed the decision of the townsmen, he was
sold for a slave.
Antipholl (as it would appear) had been thus degraded from his rankl
as a citizen, and, in resentment of such usage, had entered into a treasonable engagement witih the king of Macedon. Plutarch calls this
proceeding of Demosthenes a very arbitrary measure, -o'dpa  dptrTOxpaorlo'v lTOlTrEv/ia. Dinarchus brings it up against himl in the speech
upon his trial, but does not deny the guilt of Antiphon.
Without the authority of the Council.
2 The Athenians claimed the superintendence of the temple of Delos,
-which the Delians disputed with thiem. Tile question was referred to
the decision of the Amphictyonic Council at Thermopylo, and each of
the two states sent a deputy to plead their cause. Some fragments
remain of a speech made by Hyperides on this occasion, entitled Deliacus.
3 This was the most solemn-method of voting. An example is mentioned by Herodotus (VIII. 123), on a memorable occasion, when the
Greek generals met at the Isthmus after the battle of Salamis, to declare what two men had done the greatest service in the war. They
voted standing at the altar of Neptune; and while each awarded the
first place to himself, the great majority concurred in allowing the
second place to Themistocles.
Another example nmay be seen in the speech of Demosthenes against
MIacartatus, 1054.
Compare Cicero pro Balbo, 5: "Athenis aiunt, ci'm quidam apud
eos, qui sanct6 graviterque vixisset, et testimonium public6 dixisset, et,
ut mos Grmcorum est, jurandi causa ad aras accederet," &c,




ON THE CROWN.                       57
ballot was given for this wretch. To prove the truth of my
statements, call me the witnesses.
WITNESSES.
" WVe, Callias of Sunium, Zenon of Phlyus, Cleon of Phalerum, Demonicus of iMIarathon, testify for Demosthenes in the
name of all, that, the people having formerly elected AEschines
for their advocate before the Amphictyons on the question of
the Delian temple, we in council determined that Hypei'ides
was more worthy to plead on behalf of the state, and Hyperides was commissioned."
Thus, by removing this man when he was about to plead,
and appointing another, the council pronounced him a traitor
and an enemy.
Such is one of this boy's' political acts, similar-is it
not?-to what he charges me with.  Now let me remind you
of another. When Philip sent Python' of Byzantium, together with an embassy from all his own allies, with the intention of putting our commonwealth to shame, and proving
her in the wrong, then-when Python swaggered and poured
a flood of abuse3 upon you —I neither yielded nor gave way;
I rose and answered him, and betrayed not the rights of the
commonwealth. So plainly did I convict Philip of injustice,
that his very allies rose up and acknowledged it; while 2Eschines fought his battle, and bore witness, ay, false witness,
against his own country.
Nor was this enough.  Again, some time afterward, he
was found meeting Anaxinus the spy at Thraso's house.4  A
1 It means "a fine fellow," as we say ironically. Jacobs preserves
the original term: desJiinglings. Pabst: Buben. Leland and Spillail:
"this noble personage." Francis: " You have here one gallant instance
of his politics."
2 Probably on the same occasion when the second Philippic was
spoken.
3 With the original wo2/0 peovrt compare I-Iorace, Sat. I. vii. 28:Tumn Prenestinus salso multoque fluenti
Expressa arbusto regerit convicia.
4 Anaxinus was an Orite. The transaction is supposed to have occurred B.C. 342.  EAschines, in his speech (85), asserts that the whole
affair was a contrivance of Demosthenes, to prevent an impeachment
vil;th which he had threatened him; and he reproaches Dernostllenes
with having put a man to the rack, at whose house in Oreus he had
lodged and received hospitality.
C 2




58          THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
man, I say, who had a private meeting and conference with
an emissary of the foe, must himself have been a spy by nature and an enemy to his country. To prove these statements,
call me the witnesses.
WITNESSES.
"Teledemus, son of Cleon, Hyperides son of Callfeschrus,
Nicomechus son of Diophantus, testify for Demiosthenes, as
they swore before the generals, that SEschines son of Atrometus of Cothocida3 did, to their knowledge, meet by night in
Thraso's house, and confer with Anaxinus, who was adjudged
to be a spy of Philip.  These depositions were returned before
Nicias,1 on the third of Hecatomboeon."
A  vast deal besides that I could say about him  I omit.
For thus (methinks) it is.  I could produce many more such
cases, where ~Eschines was discovered at that period assisting
the enemy and harassing me.  But these things are not treasured up by you for careful remembrance or proper resentment. You have, through evil custom, given large license to
any one that chooses to supplant and calumniate your honest
counselors, exchanging the interest of the state for the pleasure and gratification of hearing abuse; and so it is easier and
safer always to be a hireling serving your enemies, than a
statesman attached to you.
That he should co-operate openly with Philip before the
war, was shocking-O heaven and earth! could it be otherwise?-against his country!  Yet allow him if you please,
allow him this. But when the ships had openly been made
prize, Chersonesus was ravaged, the man was marching against
Attica, matters were no longer doubtful, war had begunnothing that he ever did for you can this malicious iambicmouther2 show-not a resolution has lEschines, great or small,
It is uncertain whether this Nicias is the name of a spurious archon,
or the secretary of the council, or an error for Nicomachus, who was
archon B.C. 341..Jacobs translates it: unter dent Nikias. Pabst, Auger,
Leland, and Francis, the same. Spillan is with me.
2 Some of the translators, following an interpretation given by the
grammarians (V53pwtTzr, ot2o2oidopof), take this word as having reference to the acrimonious language of ~Eschines, the Iambic metre having
anciently been the vehicle of satire, as we learn from Horace, Ars
Poet. 79,
Archilochum proprio rabies armavit Iambo.
But it is better to understand the epithet as having reference to the




ON THE CROWN.                        59
concerning the interests of the state.  If he asserts it, let him
prove it now while my waterglass is running.' But there is
none.  I-le is reduced to an alternative;-either he had no
fault to find with my measures, and therefore moved none
against them; or he sought the good of the enemy, and therefore would not propose any better.
Did he abstain from speaking as well as moving, when any
mischief was to be done to you?  Why, no one else could
speak a word.  Other things, it appears, the country could
endure, and he could accomplish without detection: but one
last act he achieved, O Athenians, which crowned all he had
done before; on which he lavished that multitude of words,
recounting the decrees against the Amphissian Locrians, in
hopes of distorting the truth.  But the thing admits it not.
No! never will you wash yourself clean2 from your performances there-talk as long as you will!
In your presence, men of Athens, I invoke all the gods and
goddesses to whom the Attic territory belongs, and P>ythian
theatrical profession of YEschines. Schaefer takes it to signify a person
who spoils the verses by bad pronunciation ("an iambic-gulper"Iamben-verschltucker).  Passow, in his dictionary, explains it of one who
learns by heart and repeats a great number of Iambics. Jacobs follows
Schaefer. Pabst: Iamben-schnapper. Leland: "theatrical ranter."
The Athenians, to prevent the parties from saying more than was
necessary, timed them by a glass, in which water trickled through a
narrow tube, like sand in one of our minute-glasses. The measure of
water was not always the same, and varied according to the importance of the cause. Mention is made of a certain quantity of water being allowed in certain causes; but this gives us no idea of the length
of time, as we do not know the construction of the glass. Our best
evidence of this is the length of the speeches which have come down to
us. Each party was commonly allowed to have two speeches, the defendant having the last reply; and the second speech might be half as
long as the first. If either got a fiiend to plead for him, he gave up so
much of his own time as the friend's speech would occupy. The admeasurement of the water was seen to by the superintending magistrate.
An officer of the court stood by tile glass, and stopped it whenever a
witness was called, or a law or other document was read to the jury.
2 The reviewer of Lord Brougham very appositely quotes the lines
in Macbeth, Act II. Scene 2"Will all great Neptune's ocean wash this blood
Clean from my hand?"
Compare also what Lady Macbeth says, Act V. Scene I"Out! damned spot," ie.




60           THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
Apollo the Father-god1 of our state; and I implore them all!
As I shall declare the truth to you, as I declared it in your
assembly at the time, the very moment I saw this wretch putting his hand to the work-fbr I perceived, instantly perceived
it-so may they grant me favyor and protection!  If from
malice or personal rivalry I bring a false charge against my
opponent, may they cut me off from every blessing!
But wherefore this imprecation, this solemn assurance? Because, though I have documents lying in the public archives,
from which I shall clearly prove my assertions, though I know
you remember the facts, I fear this man may be considered
unequal to the mischiefs which he has wrought; as before
happened, when he caused the destruction of' the unhappy
Phocians by his false reports to you.
The Amphissian war,2 I say-which brought Philip to
Elatea, which caused him  to be chosen general of the Amphictyons, which ruined every thing in Greece-was this
man's contrivance.  I-le is the single author of all our heaviest
calamities.  I protested at the time, and cried out in the assembly-" You are bringing a war, _Eschines, into Attica, an
Amphiictyonic war" -but his packed party3 would not let me
be heard; the rest wondered, and supposed that I was bringing
an idle charge against him out of personal enmity. However,
the real character of those transactions, the purpose for which
they were got up, the manner in which they were accomplished, hear ye now, nmen of Athens, as ye' were prevented then.
You will see that the thing was well concerted, and it will
help you much to get a knowledge of public affairs, and what
craftiness there was in Philip you will observe.
Philip could neither finish nor get rid of the war with
Athens, unless he made the Thebans and Thessalians her
enemies.  Though your generals fought against him without
So called as being the father of Ion, the ancient hing of Athens.
See the Ion of Euripides.
2 See Appendix IX.
3 Literally, "those who liad come on request and wvere sitting tog;ether," i. e. at the special request or invitation of Eschines and his
friends-by appointment or concert.  Pabst has: wzelche der Verabredznsg geneass zusawnmenlhielten. Jacobs: die zufolge de Aoclrderutag
zusaelrnezhi elten, Francis, the only English translator who expresses
the meaning, lias: "some of his party, convened by him for that purpose." But the some is wrong, for ol goes with cvytcaO#fevol.




ON THE CROWN.                       61
fortune or skiil, yet from the war itself and the cruisers he suffered infinite damage.  He could neither export any of the
produce of his country, nor import what he needed.  He was
not then superior to you at sea, nor able to reach Attica, unless the Thessalians followed him and the Thebans gave him a
passage; so that, while he overcame in war the generals whom
you sent out-such as they were-I say nothing about thathe found himself distressed by the difference of your local position and means.l  Should he urge either Thessalians or Thebans to march in his own quarrel against you, none, he thought,
would attend to him: but should he, under the pretense of
taking up their common cause; be elected general, he trusted
partly by deceit and partly by persuasion to gain his ends more
easily.2  He sets to work therefore-observe how cleverly-to
get the Amphictyons into a war, and create a disturbance in
the congress.  For this he thought they would immediately
want him.  Now, if any of the presbyters commissioned by
himself or any of his allies brought it forward, he imagined
that both Thebans and Trhessalians would suspect the thing,
and would all be on their guard; whereas, if the agent were
an Athenian and commissioned by you his opponents, it would
easily pass unnoticed.  And thus it turned out.
How did he effect his purpose?  He hires the prosecutor.
No one (I believe) was aware of the thing or attending to it,
and soe-just as these things are usually done at Atihens-.Eschines was proposed for Pylaan deputy, three or four held
up their hands for him, and his election was declared.  When
clothed with the dignity of the state he arrived among the
Amphictyons, dismissing  and  disregarding  all besides, he
hastened to execute what he was hired for.  Hle makes up a
pretty' speech and story, showing how  the Cirrhman plain
came to be consecrated; reciting this to the presbyters, men
unused to speeches and unsuspicious of any consequences, he
procures a vote from them to walk round the district, which
That is, the position of the countries that Nwere the seat of war, and
the different character of the resources which each of the belligerent
parties possessed. For example, Philip's standing army could not prevent the Athenians annoying hlim with their fleets and crulisers. Jacobs:
durch die N'atur der Oertlichkeit und durch das, was Beiden zu Gebot
stand.
2 Jacobs: so hoJ'e er leichter, hier dor'ch BerikI'ung, clort durch Ueberredung, zum Ziele zu keommen.




62          THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
the Amphissians maintained they had a right to cultivate, but
which he charged to be parcel of the sacred plain. The Locrians were not then instituting any suit against us, or any
such proceeding as.Eschines now falsely alleges.l  This will
show  you-It was impossible (I fancy) for the Locrians to
carry on process against our commonwealth without a citation,  Who summoned us then?  In whose archonship? Say
who knows-point himn out. You can not. Your pretense
was flimsy and false.
When the Amphictyons at the instance of this man walked
over the plain, the Locrians fell upon them  and well-nigh
speared them all; some of the presbyters they carried off
captive.  Complaints having followed, and war being stirred
up against the Amphyssians, at first Cottyphus led an army
composed entirely of Amphictyons; but as some never came,
and those that came did nothing, measures were taken against
the ensuing congress by an instructed gang, the old traitors
of Thessaly and other states, to get the command for Philip.2
And they had found a fair pretext: for it was necessary, they
said, either to subsidize themselves and maintain a mercenary
force and fine all recusants, or to elect him. What need of
many words?  He was thereupon chosen general; and immediately afterward collecting an army, and marching professedly against Cirrha, he bids a long farewell to the Cirrhmans and Locrians, and seizes Elatea.  Had not the Thebans, upon  seeing this, immediately changed their minds
and sided with us, the whole thing would have fallen like a
torrent upon our country.  As it was, they for the instant3
stopped him; chiefly, O Athenians, by the kindness of some
divinity to Athens, but secondly,4 as far as it could depend on
1 AEschines had stated in his speech (70), that the Amphissian Locrians proposed to fine the Athenians fifty talents, for an inscription which
they had put on a golden shield in the temple, commemorating the
alliance of the Thebans with Persia. This he alleged to have been the
cause of his own proceeding against them. See, as to all these details,
Appendix IX.
2 Pabst: wirkten die von den Tlhessaliern u?,vd ants anderz  Stdidtcen,
welche dazu schon angeleitet mud lCeiygst schlecht gesinnt warel, dass Philipp zum Feldherrn erwA/lt ward.
3 Jacobs: hielten Jene ih/l wenigstens veom plitzlichen Vordringen ab.
Pabst: hielten Jenee wenigstens den plotzlichen Andrang aIf.
4 Brougham expresses i-ra by  "under Providence."  Leland had
given the same turn before him. And it is a good one.




ON THE CROWN.                       63
a single man, through me.  Give me those decrees, and the
dates of the several transactions, that you may know what
mischief this pestilent creature has stirred up with impunity.
Read me the decrees.
THE DECREE OF THIE AMPI-ICTYONS.
"In the priesthood of Clinagoras, at the spring congress, it
hath been resolved by the deputies and councilors' of the
Amphictyons, and by the assembly of the Amnphictyons,
seeing that the Amphissians trespass upon the sacred plain
and sow and depasture it with cattle, that the deputies and
councilors do enter thereupon and define the boundaries with
pillars, and enjoin the Amphissians not to trespass for the
future."
ANOTHER DECREE.
"In the prieshood of Clynagoras,2 at the spring congress,
it hath been resolved by the deputies and councilors of the
Amphictyons and by the assembly of the Amphictyons, seeing that the people of Ampihissa have partitioned among themselves the sacred plain and cultivate and feed cattle upon
the same, and on being interrupted have come in arms, and
with force resisted the general council of the Greeks, and have
wounded some of them: that Cottyphus the Arcadian,3 who
hath been elected general of the Amphictyons, be sent embassador to Philip of Macedon, and do request him to come
to the aid of Apollo and the Amphictyons, that he may not
suffer the god to be insulted by the impious Amphissians;
and do announce that the Greeks who are members of the
Amphictyonic Council appoint him general with absolute
powers."
Now read the dates of these transactions.  They correspond
with the time when JEschines was deputy.  Read.
1 As to the constitution of the Amphictyonic Council, see Appendix I.
2 The name of the priest seems to mark the year, as that of the
archon at Athens. As this decree must have been passed at a different congress from the one first cited, it has been conjectured that either
tie name of the priest is wrong, or that d5owpLtvi should be read here
instead of eaptvsg. See Appendix IX.
3 _Eschines calls Cottyphus a Pharsalian. Winiewski supposes he
may have migrated firom Arcadia to Pharsalus. Or 4apcd2tlto' may be
an error for laStidaor.




64           THIE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
DATES.
" Mnesithides' archon, on the sixteenth of the month Anthesterion."
Now  give me the letter which, when the Thebans would
not hearken to Philip, he sends to his allies in Peloponnesus,
that you may plainly see even from this, how the true motives
of his enterprise, his designs against Greece and the Thebans
and yourselves, were concealed by him, while he affected to be
taking measures for the common good under a decree of the
Amphictyons.  The man who furnished him with these handles and pretexts was ZEschines.  Read.
THE IETTER OF PHILIP.
"Philip, king of Macedon, to the magistrates2 and councilors of the confederate Peloponnesians and to all the other
allies greeting: Whereas the Locrians surnamed Ozolian, dwelling in Amphissa, commit sacrilege against the temple of
Apollo at Delphi, and coming with arms despoil the sacred
plain, I propose with your assistance to avenge the god, and
to chastise people who violate any part of our recognized religion.  Wherefore meet me with arms in Phocis, bringing provisions for forty days, in the ensuing month of Lous, as we
style it, Boedromion, as the Athenians, Panemus, as the Corinthians.  Those who do not meet us with all their forces,
we shall visit with punishment.3a  Farewell."
You see, he avoids all private pleas, and has recourse to an
Amphictyonic.  Who was it, I say, that helped him  to this
contrivance-that lent him these excuses?   VWho is most to
blame for the misfortunes which have happened? -Surely
IEschines.  Then4 go not about saying, 0 Athenians, that
1 The archon is wrong. It was Theophrastus, as we learn from the
speech ofL Aschines.
2 Ay/LOVp7yO   was the title given to magistrates in many of the Peloponnesian states, especially in Elis and Achaia.
3 I have followed the leading of Schaefer and Jacobs, who omit the
words roof dc avt#ov'iol.f 7/itCv e/tetCVOtC'. Palbst follows Wolf and Taylor,
who readl rog (&6 7'i/Zv cvvavri7aat irav6dCr/ec Zp/cr6eOpa CvifIoUVAotl, rotg
&d [7 iTpocrEuvotf t7ret(/Cotc. Spillan renders it: "Such as attend us
with all their forces we shall use as our advisers, those who obey us
not we shall fine."
L ILeland renders this: "Yet mistake me not, Athenians: when our
public calamities are the subject of your conversation, say not that we




ON THE CROWN.                       65
one man h1is inflicted these calamities on Greece.  H-eaven
and earth!  It was not a single man, but a number of miscreants in every state.'Aschines was one of them; and,
were I obliged to speak the truth without reserve, I should
not hesitate to call him the common pest' of all that have
since been ruined, men, places, cities: for whoever supplies
the seed, to him the crop is owing. I marvel indeed you
turned inot your faces away the moment you beheld him.
But there is a thick darkness, it seems, between you and the
truth.
The mention of this man's treasonable acts brings me to
the part which I have myself taken in opposition to him.  It
is fair you should bear my account of it for many reasons, but
chiefly, men of Athens, because it would be a shame, when I
have undergone the toil of exertions on your behalf, that you
should not endure the bare recital of them.
When I saw that the Thebans, and I may add the Athenians, were so led away by Pihilip's partisans and the corrupt men of either state, as to disregard and take no precaution against a danger which menaced both, and required the
utmost precaution, (I mean the suffering Philip's power to increase,) and were readily disposed to enmity and strife with
each other; I was constantly watchful to prevent it, not only
because in my own judgment I deemed such vigilance expedient, but knowing that Aristophon, and again Eubulus, had
all along desired to bring about that union, and, while they
were frequently opposed upon other matters, were always
agreed upon this.  MIen whom in their lifetime —you reptile!
-you pestered with flattery, yet see not that you are accusing them  in their graves:2 for the Theban policy that
owe them entirely to a single person.'" From this it appears that he
understood viO' tvbc to mean -,Eschines. I agree with those interpreters who understand it of Philip.
Compare Virgil, iEneid II. 57 3:
Trojie et patriTc cominunis Erinnys.
And Cicero, Philippic II. " Ut Helena Trojanis, sic iste huic reipublice
causa belli, causa pestis atque exitii fuit."  That Cicero had this passage of Demosthenes in his eye, appears also from another sentence,
occurring shortly before-" Ut igitur in seminibus est causa arborum
et stirpitm, sic hqujus luetuosissimi belli semen tu fuisti."
2 Kivado l has been variously rendered by the translators. The idea
intended to be conveyed is that of a sly, sneaking fellow. Spillan has:




66          THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
you reproach me with is a charge less affecting me than
them, who approved that alliance before I did. But I must
return.-I say, when JEschines had excited the war in Amphissa, and his coadjutors had helped to establish enmity
with Thebes, Philip marched against us-that was the object
for which these persons embroiled the states-and had we
not roused up a little in time, we could never have recovered
ourselves: so far had these men carried matters. In what
position you then stood to each other, you will learn from
the recital of these decrees and answers.  Here, take and
read them.
DECREE.1
"In the archonship of Heropythus, on the twenty-fifth of
the month Elaphebolion, in the presidency of the Erechtheian
tribe, by the advice of the Council and the Generals: Whereas Philip hath taken possession of certain neighboring cities,
and is besieging others, and finally is preparing to advance
against Attica, setting our treaty at nought, and designs to
break his oaths and the peace, in violation of our common
engagements: The Council and People have resolved to send
unto him embassadors, who shall confer vwith him, and exlort him above all to maintain his relations of amity with us
and his convention, or if not, to give time to the Commonwealth for deliberation, and conclude an armistice until the
month Thargelion. These have been chosen from the Council; Simus of Anagyrus, Euthydemus of Pblyus, Bulagoras of
Alopece."
ANOTHER DECREE.
" In the archonship of Heropythus, on the last day of the
month Munychion, by the advice of the Polemarch: WVhereas Philip designs to put the Thebans at variance with us,
and hath prepared to advance with his whole army to the
places nearest to Attica, violating the engagements that subsist between us, the Council and People have resolved to send
"base wretch." Francis: "vile animal." Leland: "scandal to humanity." Brougham: "crafty creature." Jacobs: Schlalge. Pabst:
schlauer Fuchs. Auger: " ceur faux et perfide."
I have followed Bekker's reading of alcevOIet. 3But the other translators read a'xzivet, which is found in most manuscripts.
The archon in this and the following decree is wrong, Lysimachides having been archon in the year wvhen these events happened.




ON THE CROWN.                      67
unto him  a herald and embassadors, who shall request and
call upon him to conclude an armistice, so that the people
may take measures according to circumstances; for now they
do not purpose to march out in the event of any thing reasonable.'1 Nearchus, son of Sosinomus and Polycrates son of
Epiphron have been chosen firom the Council; and for herald,
Eunomus of Anaphlystus from the People."
Now read the answers:
THE ANSWER TO THIE ATHENIANS.
"cPhilip king of Macedon to the Council and People of
Athens greeting: Of the part which you have taken in reference to me from the beginning I am not ignorant, nor what
exertions you are making to gain over the Thessalians and
Thebans, and also the BcRotians.  Since they are more prudent, and will not submit their choice to your dictation, but
stand by their own interest, you shift your ground, and sending embassadors and a herald to me, you talk of engagements
and ask for an armistice, although I have given you no offense.
However I have given audience to your embassadors, and I
agree to your request and am ready to conclude an armistice,
if you will dismiss your evil counselors and degrade them as
they deserve. Farewell."
TIlE ANSWER TO THE THEBANS.
"Philip king of Macedon to the Council and People of
Thebes greeting: I have received your letter, wherein you
renew peace and amity with me.  I am  informed however
that the Athenians are most earnestly soliciting you to
accept their overtures.  I blamed you at first, for being inclined to put faith in their promises and to espouse their
policy. But since I have discovered that you would rather
maintain peace with me than follow the counsels of others, I
That is, "if Philip conducts himself with moderation-with tolerable forbearance-grants reasonable conditions-or the like."  The
commentators have been puzzled by this sentence. Lord Brougham
thinks it was purposely made obscure by the Athenians, to avoid committing themselves. Schaefer sees in it the symptoms of irresolution
and despondency.  Jacobs: dei-m jett linat es nooh nicht besckllossen
auszu'iicke  bet irgend mdssige, Bediguntgen..  Pabst: dcent jetzt ist
das Volik bei Bewilligutng ertrdglicher Beclingungene keinesuegs entschlossem
yegen Jlhilipp atusszriicken,




68           THE ORAtTIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
praise you the more on divers accounts, but chiefly because
you have consulted in this business for your safety, and preserve your attachment to me, which I trust will be of no
small moment to you, if you persevere in that determination.
Farewell."
Philip having thus disposed the states toward each other
by his contrivances, and being elated by these decrees and
answers, came with his army and seized Elatea, confident
that, happen what might, you and the Thebans could never
again unite.  WVhat commotion there was in the city you all
know; but let me just mention the most striking circumstances.
It was evening.  A  person came with a message to the
presidents, that Elatea was taken.  They rose from  supper
immediately, drove off the people from  their market-stalls,
and set fire to  the iwicker-frames;1 others sent for the
generals and called the trumpeter; and the city was full of
commotion.  The next morning at daybreak the presidents
summoned the council to their hall, and you went to the
assembly, and before they could introduce or prepare the
question,2 the whole people were up in their seats.3  When
the council had entered, and the presidents had reported
their intelligence and presented  the courier, and  lihe had
made his statement, the  crier asked-  "'Who  wishes to
speak?"-and no one came forward.  The crier put the
1 Reiske thinks the object of this proceeding was to clear the ground
of the market, that the people might be stationed there in arms during
the night. Leland says it was " to clear the place for an assembly, and
in their confusion and impatience they toolk the speediest and most
violent method."' But the assembly was held in the Pnyx, and not in
the market. Another writer has conijectured that the presidents meant
to force the citizens to attend to public business. Schaefer's is the more
probable explanation, that the stalls were burned for a fire-signal, to
bring the people from the rural districts into the city.
2 According to the usual course of law, the, council prepared anrd
drew up some formal question or bill to be submitted to the people.
This was the wpoSoV2Xevua. In the present case, being a special meeting
on a sudden emergency, they would probably draw up nothing more
than the heads of a question, to be afterward put in the shape of a decree if necessary. Jacobs translates these words: ehe der Senat nzoch
sein Geschdcft vollbracht usnd einen. volueufin#gen Beschluss gc efasst hatte.
Pabst: ehe vLoch der Senat seine Verhacndlungen beeczdigt znad eisc Gutachten abgefasst hatte. See Sch6mann, de Comitiis, chap. ix.
3 On the hill of the Pnyx.




ON THE CROWN.                       69
question repeatedly —still no man rose, though all the generals were present and all the orators, and our country zwith
her common voice called for some one to speak and save her
— for when the crier raises his voice according to law, it may
justly be deemed the common voice of our country.  If those
who desired the salvation of Athens were the proper parties
to come forward, all of you and the other Athenians would
have risen and mounted the platform; for I am sure you all
desired her salvation-if those of greatest wealth, the threehundred —if those who were both, friendly to the state and
wealthy, the men who afterward gave such ample donations;
for patriotism and wealth produced the gift.  But that occasion, that day, as it seems, called not only for a patriot and a
wealthy man, but for one who had closely followed the proceedings from their commencement, and rightly calculated for
what object and purpose Philip carried them on. A man who
was ignorant of these matters, or had not long and carefully
studied them, let him be ever so patriotic or wealthy, would
neither see what measures were needful, nor be competent to
advise you.
Well then-I was the man called for upon that day.  I
came forward and addressed you.  What I said, I beg you
for two reasons attentively to hear-first, to be convinced, that
of all your orators and statesmen I alone deserted not the
patriot's post2 in the hour of danger, but was found in the
very moment of panic speaking and moving what your necessities required —secondly, because at the expense of a little
time you will gain large experience for -the future in all your
political concerns.3
I said -those who were in such alarm under the idea that
Philip had got the Thebans with him did not, in my opinion,
l See Vol. I. pp. 52, 301.
2 Auger has the following note, whether fanciful or not, I leave to
the judgment of the reader:-" On doit remarquer quoe Dmosthene
affeete de se servir de ce mot poste dans plusieuns endroits de son discours, comme pour faire entendre que s'il avoit, comme guerrier, abandonne son poste a ]a bataille de Chedronee, il no l'avoit jamais abandonne, comme ministr, ba la tOte des affaires."
3 T~g irdaiC7C ro2treiag, "the whole range of polities-that political
knowledge which concerned the Athenian public." As Lord Brougham
expresses it: "you may acquire a fuller insight into our whole polity
for the future." Leland and Spillan refer it wrongly to the political
actions of ]Demosthenes.




70         THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
understand the position of affairs; for I was sure, had that
really been so, we should have heard not of his being at Elatea, but upon our frontiers: he was come however, I knew
for' certain, to make all right for himself in Thebes.  " Let
me inform you," said I, "how the matter stands.-All the
Thebans-whom it was possible either to bribe or deceive he
has at his command;1 those who hav-e resisted him from the
first and still oppose him lie can in no way prevail upon:
what then is his meaning, and why has he seized upon
Elatca?  He means, by displaying a force in the neighborhood, and bringing up his troops, to encourage and embolden
his friends, to intimidate his adversaries, that they may either
concede from fear what they now refuse, or be compelled.
Now" —said I-'" if we determine on the present occasion to
remember any unkindness which the Thebans have done us,
and to regard them in the character of enemies with distrust,
in the first place, we shall be doing just what Philip would
desire; in the next place, I fear, his present adversaries embracing his friendship and all Philippizing with one consent,
they will both march against Attica. But if you will hearken
to me, and be pleased to examine (not cavil at) what I say, I
believe it will meet your approval, and I shall dispel the
danger impending over Athens. What then do I advise?First, away with your present fear; and rather fear all of ye
for the Thebans-they are nearer harm than we are-to them
the peril is more immediate: —next I say, march to Eleusis,
all the fighting-men and the cavalry, and show yourselves to
the world in arms, that your partisans in Thebes may have
equal liberty to speak up fbr the good cause, knowing that, as
the faction who sell their country to Philip have an army to
support them at Elatea, so the party that will contend for
freedom have your assistance at hand if they are assailed.
Further I recommend you to elect ten embassadors, and empower them in conjunction with the generals to fix the time
for going there and for the out-march.  W~hen the embassadors have arrived at Thebes, how do I advise that you should
treat the matter? Pray attend particularly to this-Ask
nothing of the Thebans; (it would be dishonorable at this
time;) but offer to assist them if they require it, on the plea
So Lord Brougham, whom I have followed; and so Jacobs expresses it: hat er alle in seiner Gewalt.




ON THE CROWN.                          71
that they are in extreme danger, and we see the future better
than they do.  If they accept this'offer and hearken to our
counsels, so shall we have accomplished what we desire, and
our conduct will look' worthy of the state: should we miscarry, they will have themselves to blame for any error committed now, and we shall have done nothing dishonorable or
mean."
This and more to the like effect I spoke, and left the platform. It was approved by all; not a word was said against
me.  Nor did I make the speech without moving, nor make
the motion without undertaking the embassy, nor undertake
the embassy without prevailing on the Thebals.2  From  the
beginning to the end I went through it all; I gave myself
entirely to your service, to meet the dangers which encompassed Athens.
Produce me the decree which then passed. Now, JA9schines,
how would you have me describe you, and how myself, upon
that day?  Shall I call myself Batalus,3 your nickname of
reproach, and you not even a hero of the common sort, but
one of those upon the stage, Cresphontes or Creon, or the
I have taken xrpoaX/uoarof as Jacobs, Pabst, Auger, Leland, and Spillan have taken it. Compare Sophocles, Electra, 680, and B3runck's note.
fre~ yaip 2~0ov e:i rb IceItvnv'Ev 2,dlo
irpoXn1yu' ciyevol.
But the sense of " pretext," in which Schaefer understands the word,
is by no means unsuitable to the passage.
2 Lord Brougham has a good note on the different modes of turning
this famous climax, which is cited as an example by Quinctilian, and
thus imitated by Cicero, pro Milone, —" Neque vero se populo solum
sed etianm Senatui commisit; neque Senatui modo, sed etiam publicis
presidiis et armis; neque iis tantum, verum etiam ejus potestati cui
Senatus totam rempublicam, omnem Italir pacem, cuncta populi nIomani arma commiserat."
3 The origin of this nickname is doubtful. The early critics were
not agreed upon it, as we learn from Plutarch. Libanius, in the Life of
Demosthenes, says that Batalus was an effeminate flute-player in Asia
Minor; which seems to agree with the words of iAschines, in his speech
on the Embassy, (p. 41,) where he says that Demosthenes was called
Batalus when a boy, di' atacXpovpyiav cca2  ctvatdiav; afterward he received the name of'Apy'a (a sort of serpent), on account of the unnatural action against his guardians; and, in his later years, 1vKocavr77,
"the common name of all scoundrels."  Compare page 45 of the same
speech; and pages 17 and 18 of the speech against Timarchus, where
it is alleged, that Demosthenes himselfjoked about the name of Batalus,
and said it was a term of endearment used by his aunt.




72          THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
CEnomaus whom you execrably murdered once at Colyttus l
Well; upon that occasion I the Batalus of Pseania was more
serviceable to the state than you the (Enomaus of Cothocidae.
You were of no earthly use; I did every thing which became
a good citizen. Read the decree.
THE DECREE OF DEMOSTHENES.
" In the archonship of Nausicles,2 in the presidency of the
LEantian tribe, on the sixteenth of Scirophorion, Demosthenes
son of Demosthenes of PUeania moved: Whereas Philip king
of Macedon hath in time past been violating the treaty of
peace made between him and the Athenian people, in contempt of his oaths and those laws of justice which are recognized among all the Greeks, and hath been annexing unto
himlself cities that no way belong to him, and hath besieged
and taken some which belong to the Athenians without any
provocation by the people of Athens, and at the present
time he is making great advances in cruelty and violence,
forasmuch as in certain Greek cities he puts garrisons and
overturns their constitution, some he razes to the ground
and sells the inhabitants for slaves, in some he replaces a
Greek population with barbarians, giving them possession of
the temples and sepulchres, acting in no way foreign to his
own country or character, making an insolent use of his
present fortune, and forgetting that from a petty and insignificant person he has come to be unexpectedly great: and the
people of Athens, so long as they saw him annexing barbarian
or private cities of their own,3 less seriously regarded the
1 Cresphontes, king of Messenia, and one of the Heraclide, was the
hero of a lost play of Euripides; Creon is the well known character in
the CEdipus and Antigone of Sophocles: CEnomaus, the king of Elis,
and father of Hippodamia, was the hero of a tragedy of Ischander, in
the performance of which JEschines was hissed off the stage at Colyttus, one of the Attic townships.
2 The archon was Lysimachides.
3 Jacobs: dass er nur barbarische, wenn gleich ihm angehdrige Stdclte
wvegnahm.  Pabst: die zwar diesem Volke gehirten, aber von Barbare7i
bewohnt wvarenz. They hlave both adopted Schaefer's interpretation of
ldiaf, as I have done. Schaefer thus comments on the passage: " Scilicet totius psephismatis hbec vis, hic tenor est, ut Athenienses arma sumere videantur, non suorum causa commodorum, qune amissa recuperent,
sed ob communem Gruciae salutem. Ceterum hoc decretum numerem
in illustrissimis monumentis summn Atheniensium vanitatis, cui oratores ita velificarenter, ut vel e mythicis temporibus mellitos verborum
globulos repeterent."




ON THE CROWN.                     73
offense given to themselves, but now that they see Greek
cities outraged and some destroyed, they think it would be
monstrous and unworthy of their ancestral glory to look on
while the Greeks are enslaved: Therefore it is resolved by the
Council and People of Athens, that having prayed and sacrificed to the gods and heroes who protect the Athenian city
and territory, bearing in mind the virtue of their ancestors,
who deemed it of greater moment to preserve the liberty of
Greece than their own country, they will put two hundred
ships to sea, and their admiral shall sail up into the straits
of Thermopyle, and their general and commander of horse
shall march with the infantry and cavalry to Eleusis, and
embassadors shall be sent to the other Greeks, and first of all
to the Thebans, because Philip is nearest their territory, and
shall exhort them without dread of Philip to maintain their
own independence and that of Greece at large, and assure
them that the Athenian people, not remembering any variance
which has formerly arisen between the countries, will assist
them with troops and money and weapons and arms, feeling
that for them (being Greeks) to contend' among themselves
for the leadership is honorable,' but to'be commanded and deprived of the leadership by a man of foreign extraction is derogatory to the renown of the Greeks and the virtue of their
ancestors: further, the people of Athens do not regard the
people of Thebes as aliens either in blood or race; they remember also the benefits conferred by their ancestors upon
the ancestors of the Thebansi; for they restored the children
of Hercules who were kept by the Peloponnesians out of their
hereditary dominion, defeating in battle those who attempted
to resist the descendants of Hercules; and we gave shelter to
(Edipus and his comrades in exile; and many other kind
and generous acts have been done by us to the Thebans:
wherefore now also the people of Athens will not desert the
interests of the Thebans and the other Greeks: And let a
treaty be entered into with them for alliance and intermarriage, and oaths be mutually exchanged. Embassadors: Demosthenes son of Demosthenes of Paania, HIyperides son of
Cleander of Spettus, Mnesithides son of Antiphanes of Phrearrii, Democrates son of Sophilus of Phlyus, Callaschrus son
of Diotimus of Cothocidce."
That was the commencement and first step in the negotiaVoL. II.-D




74           THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
tion with Thebes:' before then the countries had been led by
these men into discord and hatred and jealousy. That decree
caused the peril which then surrounded us to pass away like
a cloud. It was the duty of a good citizen, if he had any
better plan, to disclose it at the time, not to find fault now.
A statesman  and a pettifogger,2 while in no other respect are
they alike, in this most widely dififer.  The one declares his
opinion before the proceedings, and makes himself responsible to his followers, to fortune, to the times, to all men: the
other is silent when he ought to speak; at any untoward
event he grumbles.  Now, as I said before, the time for a
man who regarded the commonwealth, and for honest counsel, was then: however I will go to this extent3 —if any one
now can point out a better course, or indeed if any other was
practicable but the one which I adopted, I confess that I was
wrong.  For if there be any measure now discovered, which
(executed theh) would have been to our advantage, I say it
1 Jacobs: Dies sear der Avfang tund das erote Vefeahiren in der
thebdiischen Sache. Pabst: D)ies sear der Anfaeng und der erste Schritt,
der in den Angelegen/heiten der Thebener gethan wurde.
2 Lord Brougham, objecting to Leland's translation of "sycophant,"
says, "he might as well call a player a'hypocrite,' or a peasant a'villain.'"  This criticism I assent to; yet it is not easy to find an apt
word for avKcodr'vnT, and hence the German translators, as well as some
of the English, have retained the Greek term. It has various modifications of meaning in the Orators, all having reference, more or less
remote, to the original meaning of an "informer."  (See my article
vIcoQ0dvr7Tf in the Archmological Dictionary, where this is fully explained.) It may often be rendered "a slanderer," and so Auger renders
it here, " calomniateur." Sometimes it denotes a " vexatious meddler,"
a " malignant and sneaking enemy." Thus Demosthenes says, xovnYpov
6 aovKoodvrsf Kael eaia cavov. And again, avico'vrgrf roer' eiCV,  al7tcaOal
[iMv rdvra,  eXiEyXlEV  l tv1i6Eiv. And (as we have seen) lscehines says
it was a common name for all scoundrels.
As contrasted with actVfov0of, an honest adviser or statesman, it
signifies a factious politician, one w-ho seeks his own interest or that
of his party, or the gratification of private malice, rather than the good
of his country; one capable of doing the things which Demosthenes
charges his adversary with. Such a person may be called a pettifogger
in politics, just as a dirty practitioner is called a pettifogger in the law.
The version, I must admit, is not perfectly satisfactory, yet it seems
preferable to any other single word. Lord Brougham's "partisan" is
too weak. If I chose to use two words, I would say " an honest politician and a factious one," &c.
3 "I will go to this extreme length in making concession."  Or as
Lord Brougham has it: " I will go to such an excess of candor."




ON THIE CROWN.                     75
ought not to have escaped me. But if there is none, if there
was none, if none can be suggested even at this day, what was
a statesman to do?  Was he not to choose the best measures
within his reach and view?  That did I, tEschines, when the
crier asked, "Who wishes to speak?"-not, "Who wishes to
complain about the past, or to guarantee the future?"  While
you on those occasions sat mute in the assembly, I came forward and spake. However, as you omitted thern, tell us now.
Say,'what scheme that I ought to have devised, what favorable opportunity was lost to the state by my neglect?-what
alliance was there, what better plan, to which I should have
directed the people? But no! The past is with all the world
given up; no one even proposes to deliberate about it: the future it is, or the present, which demands the action of a counselor.  At the time, as it appeared, there were dangers impending, and dangers at hand.  Mliark the line of my policy at
that crisis; don't rail at the event. The end of all things is
what the Deity pleases: his line of policy it is that shows the
judgment of the statesman; Do not then impute it as a crime
to me that Philip chanced to conquer in battle: that issue depended not on me, but on God. Prove that I adopted not all
measures that according to human calculation were feasible-that I did not honestly and diligently and with exertions
beyond my strength carry thenm out-or that my enterprises
were not honorable and worthy Of the state and necessary.
Show me this, and accuse me as soon as you like. But if the
hurricane that visited us hath been too powerful, not for us
only, but for all Greece besides, what is the fair course?l As
if a merchant, after taking every precaution, and furnishing
his vessel with every thing that he thought would insure her
safety, because afterward he met with a storm and his tackle
was strained or broken to pieces, should be charged with the
1 The Orator, as Schaefer rightly observes, suppresses the answer to
his own question, which, if fully expressed, would be as follows:-" The
fair thing is, not to blame me for events which were inevitable. You
might as well blame a shipowner," &c. Leland saw the true meaning,
and expresses it in his translation: " What then? Am I to be accused?
With equaljustice might the trader," &c. And thus Auger: " Que faire,
je vous prie? Faut il m'imputer ce contre-temps?" &c. Other translators
have read Xprv apparently, and misconceived the sense of the passage.
I have thought it better to preserve the looseness of the original, which
is not at all unnatural, and will not mislead the intelligent reader.




76           THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
shipwreck! "' Well, but I was not the pilot"-he might sayjust as I was not the general. —" Fortune was not under nmy
control: all was under hers."
Consider and reflect upon this —If, with the Thebans on our
side, we were destined so to fare in the contest, what was to be
expected, if we had never had them  for allies, buttihey had
joined Philip, as he used every effort of persuasion to make
them do?l And if, when the battle was fought three days'
march from Attica, such peril and alarm surrounded the city,
what must we have expected, if the same disaster had happened
in some part of our territory?  As it was (do you see?) we
could stand, meet, breathe; mightily did one, two, three days,
help to our preservation:2 in the other case-but it is wrong
to mention things, of which we have been spared the trial by
the favor of some deity, and by our protecting ourselves with
the very alliance which you assail.
All this, at such length, have I addressed to you, men of the
jury, and to the outer circle of hearers; for, as to this contemptible fellow, a short and plain argument would suffice.
If the future was revealed to you, Alschines, alone, when
the state was deliberating on these proceedings, you ought to
have forewarned us at the time. If you did not foresee it,
1 That is, Philip, by his letters and by his embassies. Compare p.
301,'A2ZXd /z7v oZ'ac ro'r'?t0[ie covuvf 6 4Zit''oC tS. T. 2. Most of the
translators take cEKEvof to mean yEscbines. The writer of an article in
the Edinburzgh.Review, vol. xxxvi. p. 483, said to have been the late
Justice Williams, has the following note:-" If lKEzvof be the true reading, we are aware that Philip must be meant. But the spirit of the
passage itself, and the analogy of the whole oration, lean to o-roc, as we
translate it."  I can not assent to this criticism. The orator wishes to
impress upon his hearers the great importance which Philip attached to
the alliance of Thebes.  He does not mean to charge 2Eschines with
openly advocating Philip's cause: on the contrary, he represents ~/schines as having then held his tongue. Leland saw the true meaning.
His version is: " but united with our enemy in compliance with all his
urgent solicitations." So did Auger, whom the Edinburgh reviewer
calls "a babbling, cackling Frenchman."  His version is: "ce prince
alors 6puisoit sa politique pour s'attacher ce peuple." The Germans
are wrong.
2 The infinitives, Carvat, cvve~2eiv, dvacrvevcat, depend upon odoaav.
I have given a turn in the translation to preserve the force of the original.  The translators, all but Jacobs, have made a shocking mess of
this passage. Jacobs: TWeisst Du 2nicht, dass jetz ein  und zwei und drei
Tage un.s aefrecht zus stehn, zuzsaarnen eze komnee, a'sfzuathmens, send vieles Andre der Stadt zler Rettuzng verschafft haben?




ON THE CROWN.                       77
you are responsible for the same ignorance as the rest. Why
then do you accuse me in this behalf, rather than I you?
A better citizen have I been than you in respect of the
matters of which I am speaking, (others I discuss not at
present,) inasmuch as I gave myself up to what seemed for
the general good, not shrinking from any personal danger,
nor taking thought of any; while you neither suggested
better measures, (or mine would not have been adopted,) nor
lent any aid in the prosecuting of mine: exactly what the.
basest person and worst enemy of the state would do, are you
found to have done afterl the event; and at the same time
Aristratus in Naxos and Aristolaus in Thasos, the deadly foes
of our state, are bringing to trial the friends -of Athens, and
Lschines at Athens is accusing Demostlienes.  Surely the
man, who waited to found his reputation upon the misfortunes of the Greeks,' deserves rather to perish than to accuse
another; nor is it possible thlat one, who has profited by the
same conjunctures as the enemies of the commonwealth, can
be a well-wisher of his country.  You show yourself by your
life and conduct, by your political action, and even your
political inaction.2 Is any thing going on that appears good
for the people.? 2Eschines is mute. Has any thing untoward
happened or amiss?  Forth comes lEschines; just as fractures
and sprains are put in motion, when the body is attacked
with disease.
But since he insists so strongly on the event, I will even
assert something of a paradox: and I beg and pray of you
not to marvel at its boldness,' but kindly to consider what I
say.  If then the results had been foreknown to all, if all
had foreseen them,' and you,.E;schines, -had foretold them and
protested with clamor and outcry-you that never opened
your mouth —not even then should the Commonwealth have
abandoned her design, if she had ally regard for glory, or
ancestry, or futurity. As it is, she appears to have failed in
1 Literally: "'for whom the misfortunes of the Greeks were kept in
store to get repute by." Pabst: 1tecr adzf die Ungliicksfdlle der Helleqaen gewartet, um dutrch dieselbenm berihmnt z werdeCn.
3 The Edinburgh reviewer',' by what y5ou do in public affairs, and
by what you decline doing." Auger: "Par vos discours, et m-nme par
votre silence."  Jacobs: was ifn Staate treibst eund wiederumn gzicht
treibst. Pabst: durch DeiLe Ticildaltnze und fichttlieiliahzme an der
Verwaltunny des Staats,




78            THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
her enterprise, a thing to which all mankind are liable, if the
Deity so wills it: but then —claiming precedency over others,
and afterward abandoning her pretensions-slle would have
incurred the charge of betraying all to PIhilip.  W~hy, had we
resigned without a struggle that which  our ancestors encountered every danger to win, who would not have spit
upon you?  Let me not say, the commonwealth or myself 1'
With what eyes, I pray, could we have beheld  strangers
visiting the city, if the result had been what it is, and Philip
had been chosen leader and lord of all, but other people
without us had made the struggle to prevent it; especially
when in former times our country had never preferred an ignominious security to the battle for honor?  For what Grecian or what barbarian is ignorant, that by the Thebans,
or by the Lacedremonians who were in might before them, or
by the Persian king, permission would thankfully and gladly
have been given to our commonwealth, to take what she
pleased and hold her own, provided she would accept foreign
law and let another power command in Greece?  3But, as it
seems, to the Athenians of that day such conduct would not
have been national, or natural, or endurable: none could at
any period of time persuade the commonwealth to attach
herself in secure subjection  to the powerful and unjust:
through every age has she persevered in a perilous struggle
for precedency and honor and glory.  And this you esteem
so noble and congenial to your principles, that among your
1. e. "Let me not say any thing so shocking, so revolting to my
feelings, as to suppose that the commonwealth or myself could deserve
such an indignity!" According to the natural course of the argument
we should rather have expected the orator to conclude by saying"the commonwealth would have acted a despicable part," or the like.
But adopting a strong expression, he takes care to Jpreserve a respectful
euphemism toward the Athenian people, and surprises his adversary by
suddenly denouncing himn as the supposed adviser of the degenerate
policy. Immediately afterward he reverts (but in milder language) to
the disgrace which would have fallen upon the country.
This I take to be a better interpretation than Schaefer's, who understands lcaracrrdvrte. Another, to whicli, if it were borne out by the
words, I should be much inclined, is offered by the Edinburgh reviewer,
~who translates it: " to say nothing of the state or myself," and observes,
"The meaning is, not that the state and I are blamecless, but if such a
line of policy had been adopted, who would not have regarded even vyou,
/Eischines, the most worthless animal in the city, with new and addi9
tional contempt, afortiori, me, and a fortissi8mo, tlhe city itselfl'




ON THE CROWN.                         79
ancestors you honor most those who acted in such a spirit;
and with reason.  For who would not admire the virtue of
those men, who resolutely embarked in their galleys and quitted country and' home, rather than receive foreign law, choosing Themistocles who gave such counsel for their general, and
stoning Cyrsilus' to death who advised submission to the terms
imposed-not him only, but your wives also stoning his wife 1
Yes; the Athenians of that day looked not for an orator or a
general, who might help them to a pleasant servitude: they
scorned to live, if it could not be with freedom.  For each
of them  considered, that he was not born to his father or
mother only, but also to his country.2  What is the difference? He that thinks himself born for his parents only, waits
for his appointed or natural end: he that thinks himself born
for his country also, will sooner perish than behold her in slavery, and will regard the insults and indignities, which must
be borne in a commonwealth enslaved, as more terrible than
death.
Hlad I attempted to say, that I instructed you in sentiments worthy of your ancestors, there is not a man who would
not justly rebuke me.  YWhat I declare is, that such principles are your own,- I show that before my time such was the
spirit of the commonwealth; though certainly'in the execution of the particular measures I claim  a share also for myself.  The prosecutor, arraigning the whole proceedings, and
imbittering you against me as the cause of our alarms and
dangers, in his eagerness to deprive me of honor for the moment, robs you of the eulogies that should endure forever.
1 Cicero (de Officiis, III. 11) has borrowed this anecdote from Demosthenes. The same story is related by Herodotus (IX. 4, 5), who calls
the person not Cyrsilus, but Lycidas. The terms were offered by Mardonius to the Athenians, while they were in Salamis. The advice of
Lycidas was given to the council, and the people outside hearing of it,
proceeded immediately to inflict summary punishment upon him.
2 Compare Cicero pro Milone —"Hiccine vir patrite natus usquam
nisi in patria morietur?"  The "necessaria mors" of Cicero is the same
as the rda Arl eiuapuevn Ocivaro7  of Demosthenes. These expressions
are illustrated by Aulus Gellius, XIII. 1, who quotes the following passage from the first Philippic of the Roman:" I-unc igitur ut sequerer properavi, quem presentes non sunt secuti;
non ut proficerem aliquid; neque enim sperabam id, nee prmestare poteram; sed ut, si quid mihi humanitus aecidisset, (multa autem impendere videntur proeter naturalm preterque fatum,) hujus diei vocem testemrn reipublice relinquerem men perpetura erga so voluntatis."




80            THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
For should you, under a disbelief in the wisdom of my policy,
convict the defendant, you will appear to have done wrong,
not to have suffered what befell you by the cruelty of fortune.
But never, never can you have done wrong, O Athenians, in
undertaking the battle for the freedom  and safety of all!  I
swear it by your forefathers-those that met the peril at LMarathon, those that took the field at Platea, those in the seafight at Salamis, and those at Artemisium, and many other
brave men who repose in the public monuments, all of whom
alike, as being worthy of the same honor, the country buried,
Ischines, not only the successful or victorious! Justly! For
the duty of brave men has been done by all: their fortune has
been such as the Deity assigned to each.Accursed scribbler!2 you, to deprive me of the approbation
and affection of my countrymen, speak of trophies and battles
and ancient deeds, with none of which had this present trial
the least concern; but I! —O you third-rate actor!-I, that
rose to counsel the state how to maintain her pre-eminence!
in what spirit was I to mount the hustings?  In the spir.
it of one having  unworthy counsel to  offer?3-I should
I So much criticism has been lavished, both in ancient and modern
times, on the beauty of this celebrated passage, that even to refer to all
that has been said would be impossible. I shall content myself with
transcribing the remarks of the writer, whom I have before advertedl
to, of the Edinzbrglh Review:-" The whole passage," he says, "is teems
ing and bursting with proofs of superhuman high-mindedness and de.
votion." But he observes further-" The argument is not lost sight of
for an instant in the midst of this inflammation, The sentence contains
ing the apostrophe is not closed, before we find it recurring, and in such
a shape as induces us to suppose, that for its sake the oratory is introduced. Longinus says that Demosthenes here gives a proof of the ne.
cessity of keeping sober even in excesses, 6t6daucv O5frt,cdv Patcxevuast
vr/etZv dvayCKaov. He notices also the dexterity and address with which
the difference of success in the two cases is managed. They are not
called conquerors of Marathon, &c., but the combatants; and then the
orator is beforehand with any objection, (zTv dKpocarv 0QOdvv,) by turn~
ing short round upon zEsehines, and reminding him that all, whether
successful or not, had equal honors."
2 rpact#a-oKcz0v  is "one that stoops or pores over papers and writing."  He alludes to the office of clerk, formerly held by 2Esehines,
not to his father's school, as some have supposed, Jacobs renders the
word Buchstaben.hocker.  Pabst: Aktdenhocker.
3 Literally: "intending to offer counsel unworthy of these (rovrov)
my countrymen." Let the student be careful not to connect'roVT7V
with irporCtEiv. The orator looking, or pointing with his hand, to the




ON THE CROWN.                         81
have deserved to perish! You yourselves, men of Athens,
may not try private and public causes on the same principles:
the compacts of every-day life you are to judge of by particular laws and circumstancles; the measures of' statesmen, by
reference to the dignity of your ancestors.  And if you think
it your duty to act worthily of thein, you should every one of
you consider, when you come into court to decide public questions, that together with your staff and ticket' the spirit of
the commonwealth is delivered to you.
But in touching upon the deeds of your ancestors, there
were some decrees and transactions which I omitted.  I will
return from my digression.
On our arrival at Thebes, we found embassadors there from
Philip, from the Thessalians and from  his other allies; our
friends in trepidation, his friends confident.  To prove that I
am not asserting this now to serve my own purposes, read me
the letter which we embassadors dispatched on the instant.
So outrageous is my opponent's malignity, that, if any advantage was procured, he attributes it to the occasion, not to me;
plaintiff, or defendant, (who were always in court,) or to their respective friends and supporters who stood near them, or to the jury or surrounding spectators, designates them simply as ovroc or oVrot, and is
easily understood by his hearers. But in a translation for English
readers, these terms require to be varied according to circumstances.
Jacobs here has: Sollt' ich sagen was der Stadt tnwiiurdig war?
1 There were 6000 jurors chosen by lot for the service of the year,
600 firom each of the Attic tribes. Th e whole number was then divided
into ten sections of 500 each, a thousand being left as supernumeraries,
to supply deficiencies occasioned by death or any other cause. There
were ten courts at Athens, among which the services of these jurors
were to be distributed; and it was managed in the following way. Each
court was designated by a color, and also by a letter over the doorway.
Each of the jury sections was likewise designated by a letter. When
the juries had to be impanneled, the letters indicating the different
sections were drawn out of one box, and the letters indicating the different courts were drawn out of another: each pair of lots so drawn
out determined what section should be assigned to what court. When
the whole section was not required, the individual jurors who were to
form the pannel were chosen by lot, each juror having a counter with
his section and name marked upon it. The courts being thus allotted,
every jurymnan received a staff and a ticket. The staff, on which was
marked the letter and color of his court, served to distinguish him
from the crowd, and procure him instant admission. The ticket, which
he returned to the magistrate when the business was concluded, entitled him to his fee.
D 2




82         TITHE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
while all miscarriages he attributes to me and my fortune.
And according to him, as it seems, I, the orator and adviser,
have no merit in results of argument and counsel, but am the
sole author of misfortunes in arms and strategy. Could there
be a more brutal calumniator or a more execrable? Read the
letter.
[The letter is read.]l
On the convening of the assembly, our opponents were
introduced first, because they held the character of allies.
And they came forward and spoke, in high praise of Philip
and disparagement of you, bringing up all the hostilities that
you ever committed against the Thebans. In fine, they
urged them to show their gratitude for the services done by
Philip, and to avenge themselves for the injuries which you
had done them, either-it mattered not which —by giving
them a passage against you, or by joining in the invasion of
Attica; and they proved, as they fancied, that by adopting
their advice the cattle and slaves and other effects of Attica
would come into Bceotia, whereas by acting as they said.we
should advise Bceotia would suffer pillage through the war.
And much they said besides, tending all to the same point.
The reply that we made I would give my life to recapitulate,
but I fear, as the occasion is past, you will look upon it as iif
a sort of deluge had overwhelmed the whole proceedings, and
regard any talk about them as a useless troubling of.you.2
Hear then what we persuaded them and what answer they returned.  Take and read this:
[The answer of the Thebans.]
After this they invited and sent for you. You marched to
their succor, and-to omit what happened between-their
reception of you was so friendly, that, while their infantry
and cavalry were outside the walls, they admitted your army
into their houses and citadel, among their wives and children
and all that was most precious.  Why, upon that day three
of the noblest testimonies were before all mankind borne in
your favor by the Thebans, one to your courage, one to' This, and all the documents subsequently referred to by the Orator,
are lost.
2 Spillan: "useless trouble." Leland: "useless and odious." Francis: "idle impertinence." Jacobs: eitle Beldstigzyug.




ON THE CROWN.                       83
your justice, one to your good behavior.1  For when they
preferred fighting on your side to fighting against you, they
held you to be braver and juster in your demands than
Philip; and when they put under your charge what they and
all men are most watchful to protect, their wives and children, they showed that they had confidence in your good
behavior.  In all which, men of Athens, it appeared they
had rightly estimated your character.  For after your forces
entered the city, not so much as a groundless complaint was
preferred against you by any one; so discreetly did you behave yourselves: and twice arrayed on their side in the
earlier battles, that by the river and the winter-battle,2 you
proved yourselves not irreproachable only, but admirable in
your discipline, your equipments, and your zeal: which called
forth eulogies from other men to you, sacrifice and thanksgiving from  you to the Gods.  And I would gladly ask
2Eschines-while these things were going on, and the city'
was full of enthusiasm and joy and praise, whether he joined
with the multitude in sacrifice and festivity, or sat at home
sorrowing and moaning and repining at the public success.
For if he was present and appeared with the rest, is not his
conduct monstrous, or rather impious, when measures, which
he himself called the Gods to witness were excellent, he now
requires you to condemn-you that have sworn by the Gods?
If he was not present, does he not deserve a thousand'deaths
for grieving to behold what others rejoiced at 3  Stead me
now the decrees.
[Tlhe decrees for sacrifice.]
21  poov'vfs is variously rendered by the translators: "continence;"
"self-command;" "virtue;" "' honor." Auger;' sagesse;" and afterward, "vertu." Jacobs: Enthaltsamkeit. Pabst: 3lfassigung. And in
truth the word includes more or less of all these meanings.
2 See Appendix IX.
3 Lord Broughaml observes as follows:"The beauty of this passage is very striking. Not merely the exquisite diction —the majesty of the rhythm-the skillful collocationthe picturesque description of tEschines' dismay and skulking from the
~public rejoicings; but the argument is to be observed and admired. It
is a dilemma, and one which would be quite sufficient for the momentary victory at which alone an orator often aims. It is not closely
reasoned; it is not a complete dilemma; a retort is obvious, (to use
the language of the logicians,) and this is always fatal, being the test
before which no bad dilemma can stand. iEschines had only to em



84          THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
We thus were engaged in sacrifice; the Thlebans were in
the assurance that they had been saved through us; and it
had come about, that a people, who seemed likely to want
assistance through the practices of these men, were themselves assisting others in consequence of my advice which you
followed. What language Philip then uttered, and in what
trouble he was on this account, you shall learn from his letters which he sent to Peloponnesus. Take and read them,
that the jury may know what my perseverance and journeys
and toils, and the many decrees which this man just now
pulled to pieces, accomplished.
Athenians, you have had many great and renowned orators
before me; the famous Callistratus, Aristophon, Cephalus,
Thrasybulus, hundreds of others; yet none of them ever
thoroughly devoted himself to ally measure of state: for instance, the mover of a resolution would not be embassador;
the embassador would not move a resolution; each one left
for himself some relief, and also, should any thing happen, an
excuse.1  How then-it may be said-did you so far surpass
others in might and boldness as to do every thing yourself?
I don't say that: but such was my conviction of the danger
impending over us, that I considered it left no room or
thought for individual security; a man should have been
only too happy to perform his duty without neglect.2  As to
brace the second alternative-the second horn-and it never could
have transfixed him.
"'I did remain at home, not mourning over the success of your measures, but their wickedness; not grudging the people their short-lived
joy, but grieved to see them deluded by your arts to their ruin.' This
answer was complete. Nevertheless, there are but very few complete
dilemmas in the whole course of any argument upon any subject: and
the one under consideration is quite good enough to pass with an audience in a speech. Many much less complete are every day used with
us both in the senate, in popular assemblies, and even at the bar, and
with sufficient success. This whole passage would be of certain success in our parliament."
I may add, that Demosthenes was safe from the retort, MEschines having no reply.
i'Avacopa means " power of casting or shifting the blame upon some
other person or thing." This is not sufficiently expressed by the word
"resource," which Leland and other translators have: nor indeed have
we any word exactly corresponding. Auger: "une sfret&." Jacobs:
Riickenhalt.
2 Schaefer explains this differently: " sed boni consulendum esse, si




ON T'rHE CROWN.                     85
myself I was persuaded, perhaps foolishly, yet I was persuaded, that none would move better resolutions than myself,
none would execute them better, none as embassador would
show more zeal and honesty. Therefore I undertook every
duty myself. Read the letters of Philip.
[The letters.]
To this did my policy, ZEschines, reduce Philip. This language he uttered through me, he that before had lifted his voice
so boldly against Athens 1  For which I was justly crowned
by the people; and you were present and opposed it not, and
I)iondas who preferred an indictment obtained not his share
of the votes.  Here, read me the decrees which were then absolved, and which this man never indicted.
[The decrees.]
These decrees, men of Athens, contain the very words and
syllables, which Aristonicus drew up formerly, arid Ctesiphon
the defendant has now.  And.iEschines neither arraigned
these himself, nor aided the party who preferred an indictment.  Yet, if his present charge against me be true, he
might then have arraigned Demomeles the mover and Hyperides with more show of reason than he can the defendant.
Why? Because Ctesiphon may refer to them, and to the
decisions of the courts, and to the fact of IEschines not having
accused them, although they moved the same decrees which he
has now, and to the laws which bar any further proceedings
in such a case,1 and to many points besides: —whereas then
the question would have been tried on its own merits, before
any such advantages had been obtained.2  But then, I imagine,
it would have been impossible to do what 2Eschines now does
quis, nullA non cura adhibita, sorte fatali uteretur." And so Jacobs:
sondern dass man sich gefallen lessen nmiisse, bei dem Bewusstseyn nichts
unterlasson zu haben, das, was syen muss, azu leiden. I do not assent to
this interpretation, which would give too emphatic a sense to the words
/~6qv srapapcebrcwv. As I take it, they refer to d deZ, so that we understand -rgiv 6e6vTOv after Kydiev.
Spillan has it literally: "concerning matters thus transacted."
Brougham: "for things so settled."  Pabst: gegen das, was schon also
verhandelt worden ist. It refers undoubtedly to the previous decision
of the courts, though srpaX0ivrov does not signify " decided," as Leland,
Auger, and Jacobs express it in their translations.
2 IIpiv r- roZrwv, 7rwpoafeiv, " before it [i. e. before the party accused]
had secured any of these advantages," i. e. any of those preliminary obh



86          THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
-to pick out of a multitude of old dates and decrees what no
man knew before, and what no man would have expected to
hear to-day, for the purpose of slander-to transpose dates,
and assign measures to the wrong causes instead of the right,
in order to make a plausible case.  That was impossible then.
Every statement must have been according to the truth, soon
after the facts, while you still, remembered the particulars and
had them almost at your fingers' ends. Therefore it was that
he shunned all investigation at the time, and has come at this
late period; thinking, as it appears to me, that you would
make it a contest of orators, instead of an inquiry into political conduct; that words would be criticised, and not interests
of state.
Then he plays the sophist,' and says, you ought to disregard the opinion of us which you came from home withthat, as when you audit a man's account under the impression
that he has a surplus, if it casts up right and nothing remains,
you allow jt,2 so should you now accept the fair conclusion of
the argument. Only see, how rotten in its nature (and justly
so) is every wicked contrivance!  For by this very cunning
simile he has now acknowledged it to be your conviction, that
I am my country's advocate and he is Philip's. Had not this
been your opinion of each, he would not have tried to persuade
you differently. That he has however no reasonable ground
for requiring you to change your belief, I can easily show,
not by casting accounts-for that mode of reckoning applies
not to measures-but by calling the circumstances briefly
to mind, taking you that hear me both for auditors and
witnesses.
Through my policy, which he arraigns, instead of the
Thebans invading this country with Philip, as all expected,
jections which enable the accused to defend himself irrespectively of
the merits of the question. Schaefer reads 7rpoLCXaflcv, and lenders it:
"priusquam horum quidquam subsidio assumpsisset."  Pabst follows
him. If I adopted that reading, I would translate thus: "before it got
any of these points mixed up with it."
1 So Spillan: and Jacobs: spielt er den Sophisten.
The illustration is taken, not from common tradesmen's accounts,
as Reiske supposes, nor from the census for classification of citizens, as
Schaefer thinks, but rather from the audit of official accounts by the
AoyTaraT at Athens. To them he clearly refers in the expression below, 2LoyLTaraZc aila icac yzdprvct Xp6pevof. The passage in 2Eschines
cont. Ctesiph. (62) confirms this view.




ON THE CROWN.                          87
they joined our ranks and prevented him;-instead  of the
war being in Attica, it took place seven hundred furlongs
from the city on the confines of Bceotia;-instead of corsairs
issuing from Euboea to plunder us, Attica was in peace on
the coast-side during the whole war;-instead of Philip being
master of the Hellespont by taking Byzantium, the Byzantines were our auxiliaries against him.  Does.this computation of services, think you,-resemble the casting of accounts?
Or should we strike these out on a balance,- and not look
that they be kept in everlasting remembrance?  I will not set
down, that of the cruelty, remarkable in cases where Philip
got people all at once into his power, others have had the
The expressions rtOlCi i/sipovg, dvravereiv, refer to the use of counters
by the ancients in their arithmetical processes. Hence comes our word
" calculation," from calculus, a stone or counter used for such purpose.
A literal translation of these expressions would hardly be intelligible
in our language, and therefore I have avoided it.
I 1. e. strike them out of the credit side of the account, by means of
a set-off on the debit side. Lord Brougham:  " must these events be
taken out of the opposite side of my account?"  The meaning is properly explained by Reiske: "Existimasne, res has prnclare a me gestas
ex hominum memorial tolli debere propter ingentes clades qugs passi
sumus'"  Schaefer, who is followed by Jacobs and Pabst, has given a
different interpretation. Tavira, according to him, means both the services of Demosthenes, and the malpractices of.~schines; and dvraveXelv
-raOra is to set them off against one another, to mutually cancel them.
Pabst introduces this amplification of raOra into his text, feeling perhaps that the reader would not gather it from the context: glaubst Du,
dass maez Das, was ichs fUr, Du yeyen das VaCterland getha ole ast, gyeyee
einander aufl/eben aiiesse.  This interpretation is not only not borne
out by the words, but contrary to the scope of the whole passage. Demosthenes is not saying any thing here about the misdeeds of Eschines;
and the notion of setting them off against his own services was too
palpably absurd to suggest for a moment.  I-Ie has been enumerating
certain good results of his administration.  His argument is: "These
are positive services -which I have rendered you, deserving gratitude
and permanent record. You can not treat them as credits, to be canceled by a debit side of the question. Such a mode of reckoning is
well enough for an arithmetical computation, but is inapplicable to a
case of this kind."  -Ielre he stops short, and why? He felt that at this
very moment Chmronea and its results, constantly present to his own
thoughts, might cross the minds of his hearers; and that he might be
met with the objection, —"If you take credit for the victories, you
must have the discredit of the defeats: your policy must be judged of
as a wvhole."  To this indeed he had an answer, beut not exactly in the
present line of argument; therefore he turns it off, spurning the bare
idea of 2Eschines' illustration.




88         THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
trial; while of the generosity, which, casting about for his future purposes, he assumed toward Athens, you have happily,
enjoyed the fruits. I pass that by.
Yet this I do not hesitate to say; that any one desirous of
truly testing an orator, not of calumniating him, would never
have made the charges that you advanced just now, inventing
similes, mimicking words and gestures: (doubtless it hath determined the fortune of Greece, whether I spoke this word or
that, whether I moved my hand one way or the other!) no!
he would have examined the facts of the case, what means
and resources our country possessed, when I entered on the administration, what, when I applied myself to it, I collected for
her, and what was the condition of our adversaries. Then, if
I had lessened her resources, he would have shown me to be
guilty; if I had greatly increased them, he would not have
calumniated me. However, as you have declined this course,
I will adopt it. See if I state the case fairly.
For resources-our country possessed the islanders; not
all, but the weakest; for neither Chios, nor Rhodes, nor
Corcyra was with us: subsidies' she had amounting to fiveand-forty talents; and they were anticipated: infantry or
cavalry, none besides the native. But what was most alarming and wrought most in favor of the enemy-these men had
got all our neighbors to be hostile rather than friendly to us;
MIegarians, Thebans, Euboeans. Such were the circumstances
of our state; no man can say any thing to the contrary: look
now at those of Philip, wliom we had to contend with. In
the first place, he ruled his followers with unlimited sway, the
most important thing for military operations: in the next
place, they had arms always in their hands: besides, he had
plenty of money, and did what he pleased, not giving notice
by decrees, not deliberating openly, not brought to trial by
calumniators, not defending indictments for illegal measures,
not responsible to any one, but himself absolute master,
leader, and lord of all. I, who was matched against him-for
it is right to examine this-what had I under my control?
Nothing. Public speech, for instance, the only thing open to
me-even to this you invited his hirelings as well as myself; and whenever they prevailed over me, (as often happened
The tribute from the islandere. See vol. T. p. 77, note 1.




ON THE CROWN.                      89
for some cause or other,) your resolutions were passed' for
the enemy's good. Still under these disadvantages I got you
for allies Euboeans, Achlans, Corinthians, Thebans, Megarians, Leucadians, Corcyrmans; from whom  were collected
fifteen thousand mercenaries and two thousand horse, besides
the national troops.2 Of money too I procured as large a
contribution as possible.
If you talk about just conditions with the Thebans,3 Es,
chines, or with the Byzantines or Eubceans, or discuss now
the question of equal terms, first I say-you are ignorant
that of those galleys formerly which defended Greece, being
three hundred in number, our commonwealth furnished two
hundred, and never (as it seemed) thought herself injured by
having done so, never prosecuted those who advised it or expressed any dissatisfaction; —-shame on her if she had!-but
was grateful to the gods, that, when a common danger beset
the Greeks, she alone furnished double what the rest did for
the preservation of alL  Besides, it is but a poor favor you
do your countrymen by calumniating me.  For what is the
use of telling us now what we should have done?-Why,
being in the city and present, did you not make your proposals then; if indeed they were practicable at a crisis when
we had to accept not what we liked but what the circumstances allowed?  Remember, there was one ready to bid
against us, to welcome eagerly those that we rejected, and
give money into the bargain.
But if I am accused for what I have actually done, how
would it have been, if, through my hard bargaining, the states
had gone off and attached themselves to Philip, and he had become master at the same time of Euboea, Thebes, and Byzantium?  What, think ye, these impious men would have said
or done?  Said doubtless, that the states were abandonedthat they wished to join us and were driven away-that he
had got command of the Hellespont by the Byzantines, and beLiterally: "You left the assembly, having passed resolutions."
See my observations in the Preface, p. 14,
2 I believe this means the national troops of the allies. See Appendlix IX. Schaefer, however, takes ro2lmrcii  to be the same as oleiowv
just above.
3 Eschines, in his speech (73), complains that the terms of the treaty,
concluded by Demosthenes with the Theb.a.s, were most disadvantageous to Athens,




90           TH:E ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
come master of the corn-trade of Greece-that a heavy neighbor-war had by means of the Thebans been brought into
Attica-that the sea had become unnavigable by the excursion of pirates from Eubea!  All this would they have said
sure enough, and a great deal besides. A wicked, wicked thing,
O Athenians, is a calumniator always, every way spiteful and
fault-finding. But this creature is a reptile by nature, that
from the beginning never did any thing honest or liberal; a
very ape of a tragedian, village (Enomaus, counterfeit orator! 1
What advantage has your eloquence2 been to your country?
Now do you speak to us about the past?  As if a physician
should visit his patients, and not order or prescribe any thing
to cure the disease, but on the death of any one, when the
last ceremonies were performing, should.follow him  to the
grave and expound, how, if the poor fellow had done this and
that, he never would have died!  Idiot! do you speak now?
Even the defeat-if you exult in that which should make
you groan, you accursed one! —by nothing that I have
done will it appear to have befallen us.  Consider it thus,
O Athenians.  From  no embassy, on which I was commissioned by you, did I ever come away defeated by the em-n
bassadors of Philip-neither from  Tl'hessaly, nor from  Ambracia, nor from the kings of Thrace, nor from  Byzantium,
Leland renders this passage as follows: "A false accuser, my countrymen, is a monster, a dangerous monster, querulous and industrious
in seeking pretenses of complaint. And such is the very nature of this
fox in human shape,-a stranger to every thing good or liberal,-this
theatrical ape, this strolling player, this blundering haranguer!" Jacobs: Ein boshlaftes Wesen,Ihr dlidnier -Athlens, ist der Sycophant, boshaft
immer und iiberall, jzisgiinstig und schmdhsiichtig; aber dieser TVicht
bier ist eine Bestie von Neatur; von Anbeginn hat er nichts Gesundes,
nbichts -'eisinniges gethan, dieser leibhafte A4fe cler Trayoddie, dieserl
daifische Oenornaus, dieser Redner von schleclztestem Schrot und ]forn.
As to civacdo, see page 65, note 2; and as to Enoemaus, see page 72,
note 1.
2 Aetv67rf is used not only to signify craft and cleverness in general,
but specially to describe the quality of a powerful and effective speaker.
So it occurs several times in Dionysius. It is applied, however, both in
a good and in a bad sense, according to circumstances, as many other
words are. Thus we may call a man an orator, either simply, meaning
a public speaker, or by way of praise, meaning a good speaker, or invidiously, meaning to say that he is an artful speaker, able to make
the worse appear the better cause. Compare ZEschines cont..tes. 73,
83; Demosth. De Cor. 3158,




ON THE CROWN.                      91
nor from any other place, nor on the last recent occasion fiom
Thebes; but where his embassadors were vanquished in argument, he came with arms and carried the day.  And for this
you call me to account; and are not ashamed to jeer the same
person for cowardice, whom you require single-handed to overcome the might of Plilip-and that too by words! For what
else had I at my command?  Certainly not the spirit' of each
individual, nor the fortune of the army, nor the conduct of
the war, for which you would make me accountable; such a
blunderer are you!
Yet understand me.  Of what a statesman may be responsible for I allow the utmost scrutiny; I deprecate it not.  What
are his functions?  To observe things in the beginning, to
foresee and foretell them to others-this I have done: again;
wherever he finds delays, backwardness, ignorance, jealousies,
vices inherent and unavoidable in all communities, to contract
them into the narrowest compass, and on the other hand, to
promote unanimity and friendship and zeal in the discharge
of duty.  All this too I have performed; and no one can discover the least neglect on my part.  Ask any man, by what
means Philip achieved most of his successes, and you will be
told, by his army, and by his bribing and corrupting men in
power.  Well; your forces were not under lily command or
control; so that I can not be questioned for any thiing done in
that department.  But by refusing the price of corruption I
have overcome Philips: for as the offBrer of a'bribe, if it be
accepted, has vanquished the taker', so the person who refuses
it and is not corrupted has vanquished the person offering.
Therefore is the commonwealth undefeated as far as I am concerned.
These, and such as these, (besides many others,) are the
grounds furnished by myself to justify the defendent's motion.
in my behalf. Those which you my fellow-citizens furnished,
I will proceed to mention.  Immediately after the battle the
people, knowing and having witnessed every thing which I
did, in the very midst of their alarm and terror, when it would
not have been surprising if the great body of them  llad even
treated me harshly, passed my resolutions for the safety of the
country; all their measures of defense, the disposition of the
Jacobs: Mauth.  Pabst: Ge.sinnllg. Augur: "valeur." Other
translators take pvxfS to signify " life,"




92          THE OR<ATIOINS OF DEMOSTHENiES.
garrisons, the trenches, the levies for our fortifications, were
carried on under my decrees: and further, upon the election of
a commissioner of grain, they chose me in preference to all.
Afterward, when those who were bent to do me a mischief
conspired, and brought indictments, audits, impeachments and
the rest of it against me, not at first in their own persons, but
in such names as they imagined would most effectually screen
themselves, (for you surely know and remember, that every
day of that first period I was arraigned, and neither the desperation- of Sosicles, nor the malignity of Philocrates, nor the
madness of Diondas and Melantus, nor any thing else was left
untried by them against me;) on all those occasions, chiefly
through the Gods, secondly through you and the other Athenians, I was preserved,  And with justice I Yes, that is the
truth, and to the honor of the juries who so conscientiously
decided. Well then: on the impeachments, when you acquitted me and gave not the prosecutors their share of the
votes, you pronounced that my policy was the best: by my
acquittal on the indictments may counsels and motion were
shown to be legal; by your passing of my accounts you acknowledged my whole conduct to have been honest and incorruptible.  Under these circumstances, what name could
Ctesiphon with decency or justice give to my acts?  Not that
which he saw the people give-which he saw the jurors givewhich he save truth establish to the world?
Ay, says he; that was a fine thing: of Cepllalus, never to
have been indicted. Yes, and a lucky one too. But why
should a man, who has often been charged, but never convicted of crime, be a whit the more liable to reproach?  However, men of Athens, against my opponent I have a right to
use the boast of Cephalus; for he never preferred or prosecuted any indictment against me; therefore I am a citizen as
good as Cephalus by his admission.
From many things one may see his unfeelingness and malignity, but especially from his discourse about fortune.  For
may part, I regard any one, who reproaches his fellow-man
with fortune, as devoid of sense.  I-Ie that is best satisfied
with his condition, he that deems his fortune excellent, can
not be sure that it will remain so until the evening: how
then can it be right to bring it forward, or upbraid another
man with it?  As IEschines, hlowever, has on this subject




ON THE CROWN.                          93
(besides many others) expressed himself with insolence, look,
men of Athens, and  observe how  much  more truth  and
humanity there shall be in my discourse upon fortunel than
in his.
I -hold the fortune of our commonwealth to be good, and
so I find the oracles of Dodonetan Jupiter and Pythian Apollo
declaring to us.  The fortune of all mankind, which now prevails, I consider cruel and dreadful: for what Greek, what
barbarian, has not in these times experienced a multitude of
evils? That Athens chose the noblest policy, that she fares
better than those very Greeks who thought, if they abandoned us, they should abide in prosperity, I reckon as part of
her good fortune: if she suffered reverses, if all happened not
to us as we desired, I conceive she has had that share of the
general fortune which fell to our lot.  As to my fortune (personally speaking) or that of any individual among us, it
should, as I conceive, be judged of in connection with personal
matters. Such is my opinion upon the subject of fortune, a
right and just one, as it appears to me, and I think you will
agree with it.  IAschines says that my individual fortune is
"Les anciens donnoient beaucoup A la fatalite: c'etoit une force
aveugle qui entrainoit les hommes dans le malheur, et meme dans le
crime, sans qu'il fat possible de r6sister a sa violence. Cette fatalit6 est
le mobile presque unique de leurs tragedies, et c'est peut-etre, pour loe
dire en passant, ce qui les a rendus un pen trop uniformes. Non seulement ils croyoient que le destin s'attachoit a poursuivre un homme,
mais encore que la mauvaise fortune, que le sort malheureux qui le
suivoit, se communiquoit a ceux qui l'approchoient.  Oreste, dans
Racine, dit a Pylade: —
Je ne sais de tous temps quclle injuste puissance
Laisse le crime en paix et poursuit l'innocence.
De quelque part sur moi que je tourne les yeux,
Je ne vois que malheurs qui condamnent les Dieux.
MIais toi, par quelle erreur veux-tu toujours sur toi
D6tourner un courroux qui ne cherche que moi?
"En consequence de ces principes Eschine, m6chamment, a represent6
De)mosthene, dans un endroit de son discours, comme un mis6rable
poursuivi par la fortune, et qui communiqcloit son. malheur a tons ceux
qui lui confioient leurs affaires.
"De'mosthene lui r6pond ici en faisant voir, 1~. que quand memo il
auroit et6 poursuivi par la fortune, il seroit cruel de lui reprocher son
malheur: 2~. qu'il est ridicule de pr6tendre que la destin6e d'nll particulier influe sur la destin6e de la republique: 3~. qu'il n'a 1-as 6te si malheureux pendant sa vie, que sa fortune n'a pas 6te si mis6i able; et de 1A
il prend occasion de comparer 4a fortune h celle d'Eschine."'-Auge:r




94          THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
paramount to that of the commonwealth, the small and mean
to the good and great.  How can this possibly be?
However, if you are determined,.Eschines, to scrutinize my
fortune, compare it with your own, and, if you find my fortune better than yours, cease to revile it. Look then.from
the very beginning. And I pray and entreat that I may not
be condemned for bad taste.l I don't think any person wise
who insults poverty, or who prides himself on having been
bred in affluence: but by the slander and malice of this cruel
man I am forced into such a discussion; which I will conduct
with all the moderation which circumstances allow.
I had the advantage, IEschines, in my boyhood of going to
proper schools, and having such allowance as a boy should
have who is to do nothing mean from indigence.  Arrived at
man's estate, I lived suitably to my breeding; was choirmaster, ship-commander, rate-payer; backward in no acts of
liberality public or private, but making myself useful to the
commonwealth and to my fiiends.  When I entered upon
state affairs, I chose such a line of politics, that both by my
couetlry and many people of Greece I have been crowned
many times, and not even you my enemies venture to say
that the line I chose was not honorable.  Such then has
been the fortune of my life: I could enlarge upon it, but I
forbear, lest what I pride myself in should give offense.
But you, the man of dignity, who spit upon others, look
what sort of fortune is yours compared'with mine. As a boy
you were reared in abject poverty, waiting with your father
on the school, grinding the ink, sponging the benches, sweeping the room, doing the duty of a menial rather than a freeman's son. After you were grown up, you attended your
mother's initiations,2 reading her books and helping in all the
1 Most of the commentators take ibvxXpoT?7ra in the sense of "insipidity or absurdity." Jacobs has: abgeschmackten Frostes. Pabst:.Abgeschmacktheit. Schaefer compares the pvtXp2a 2cyetv of Xenophon,
Conviv. vi. 7. Francis translates it, " any thing offensive," which is not
the meaning of the word, though undoubtedly it was the object of
Demosthenes to deprecate giving offense. He knew that a large number, perhaps the majority, of the jurors were taken from the humbler
class of citizens, and they might be offended if he boasted too much of
his wealth and origin. Therefore he is anxious to show that he was
forced into this comparison by Aigschines himself.
2 The rites, which Demosthenes represents to have been performed
by the mother of LEschines, were brought into Greece from Phrygia and




ON THE CROWN.                           95
ceremonies: at night wrapping the noviciates in fawn-skin,
swilling, purifying, and scouring them  with clay and bran,
raising them  after the lustration, and bidding them  say, " Bad
the east, and from Thrace. They appear not to have been of the most
reputable kind, at all events the officiating parties were a low class of
people. Plato, in the second book of his Republic, tells us, that at this
period there were a multitude of jugglers and adventurers going about
Greece, who acquired influence over ignorant men by pretending to
the exercise of supernatural power. They carried books with them, the
authorship of which they ascribed to RMusoeus and Orpheus, and which
contained directions as to various rites of sacrifice and purification, and
other mystic ceremonies. These, they said, had the effect of expiating
crime and averting evil. Bacchus and Ceres were the divinities to
whose worship these mysteries were devoted, especially the former, as
appears abundantly from the passage before us.
Neifpinav is putting on the fawn-skin worn by the Bacchanalians.
Compare the Bacchle of Euripides, 137, 176, and Statius Theb. II. 664:
Nebridas et fragiles thyrsos portare putAstis
Imbellem ad sonitum.
Kparn7ptfi'v was a species of Bacchic baptism, either by immersion,
or pouring the bowl over the head.'Awro#surm7v i7ryn2  tcac wrtir7potg refers, according to Harpocration, to
the Orphic myth of At6vvoo g ZaypEv'f, the infernal Bacchus, son of Proserpine, whom the Titans tore to pieces, having plastered their own
faces with clay to escape detection. Jupiter destroyed the Titans with
his thunder, and from the smoke of their burning bodies man was generated.  See Orph. Hymn. 29, Procli Hymn. ad Athen. and Olympiodorus on the Phledo. Taylor, whom Leland and Francis follow, interprets d7routdar7ov in the sense of modeling images or idols for the
mysteries. Reiske thinks the clay and bran was nothing more than a
kind of soap, used for lustration. Jacobs says the bran reminds him
of the flour (wat7raarl) with which Strepsiades is powdered in the Clouds
of Aristophanes (v. 265), where it is evident that the poet is ridiculing
some initiatory or mystic ceremony.'E/vyov tcalcSv evpov d/zetvov, is a form of words pronounced by the
initiated, a sort of thanksgiving for the blessings of civilized life
introduced by Ceres and Bacchus, mystically referring to religious
blessings. To this there is a manifest allusion in the chorus of the
Bacche, v. 900.
evSdafov jtiv of tc Oa2dacaga
flvye KviCaa, Ltylva d' eictXEv.
Taylor compares Cicero de Legibus, II. 24,-" Nam mihi cum multa
eximia divinaque videntur Athenm tuse peperisse atque in vitam hominum attulisse, tum nihil melius iis mysteriis, quibus ex agresti immaniqueo vit  exculti ad humanitatem  et mitigati sumus, initiaque
ut appellantur, ita re verA principia vitre cognovimus, neque solum
cum IfetitiA vivendi rationem  accepimus, sed etiam cum spe meliori
moriendi."'O02oviat is the religious or orgiastic howl. See Bacchm, 24, 688.




96           THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
I have scaped, and better I have found;" priding yourself
that no one ever howled so lustily-and I believe him! for
don't suppose that he who speaks so loud is not a splendid
howler! In the daytime you led your noble orgiasts, crowned
with fennel and poplar, through the highways, squeezing the
big-cheeked serpents, and lifting them over your head, and
shouting Evce Sabce, and capering to the words Hyes Attes,
Attes Hyes, saluted by the beldames as Leader, Conductor,
Chest-bearer, Fan-bearer, and the like, getting as your reward
tarts and biscuits and rolls; for which any man might well
bless himself and his fortune!1
When you were enrolled among your fellow-townsmen —by
Claudian, Raptus Pros. lib. i. Ululatibus ide Bacchatur, and lib. ii..ululantia Dindyma Gallis.
Poplar, supposed to be the growth of the infernal region, was sacred
(as Harpocration says) to the son of Proserpine. Fennel was supposed
to have a peculiar virtue. A species of fennel is mentioned by Virgil
(Eclog. X. 25) as carried by Sylvanus:
Florentes ferulas et grandia lilia quassans.
As to the serpents, see Bacchie, v. 697. Ceres is drawn by serpents
in Claudian Rapt. Pros. lib. i. Compare Plutarch, Vit. Alex. 2.
The exclamations evoz caaoi are Thracian, perhaps of eastern origin.
Bacchus is called Evius and Sabazius. See Orph. Hymn 47, Plut.
Symp. iv. 5.'T Y  JrrVf are Phrygian. Ocaaoc is the common term
for a troop of Bacchanals (Bacch.e, 56). The god himself is called
1~apXoC (Bacchle, 141). Aibcvof is the "mystica vannus Iacchi" (Virgil
Georg. I. 166). He is called AucvirVgT Aiovvaof in Orph. Hymn 45. See
Callimach. Hymn. ad Jovem, 48.  The cidara contained the arcane
symbols of the mysteries. Such was the Kcdacof of Ceres (Callimach.
Hymn. ad Cererem, 1, Taylor's Eleusinian and Bacchic Mysteries, 119).' I consider it better to give this turn than to write, "for which who
would not," &c., which suits not the English idiom so well. But you
may keep the interrogative, if you turn "for which" into "for such
things," as Pabst and Jacobs do.
Here I can not forbear noticing the fulsome eulogy pronounced by the
Times reviewer upon Mitchell's version of this passage. I concede that
it is clever, but it certainly deserves not the. epithets of "terse and
pointed," which have been applied to it. He himself would disdain such
an encomium, for he insists that it is necessary to expand and dilute
the expressions of the original, and he translates upon that system.
Thus, o dtawrr'wv is, " who considers worthy only of the spittle of his
mouth;" &rTPaUWf must be enlarged into "born and bred;" ypaWdv,
"all the crones and beldames of the quarter," and so on. I suppose
these are questions of taste. For my own part, I think there was much
wisdom in the saying of the clergyman, who excused himself to his
congregation for preaching longer than usual, on the plea that he had
not had time to make his sermon shorter.




ON THE CROWN.                        97
what means I stop not to inquire-when you were enrolled
however, you immediately selected the most honorable of
employments, that of clerk and assistant to our petty magistrates.  Frora this you were removed after a while, having
done yourself all that you charge others with; and then, sure
enough, you disgraced not your antecedents by your subsequent life, but hiring yourself to those ranting players, as they
were called, Simylus and Socrates, you acted third parts, collecting figs and grapes and olives like a fruiterer from other
men's farms, and getting more firom them than from the playing, in which the lives of your whole company were at stake;
for there was an implacable and incessant war between them
and the audience,' from whom you received so many wounds,
that no Wonder you taunt as cowards people inexperienced in
such encounters.l
But passing over what may be imputed to poverty, I will
come to the direct chai-ges against your character.  You espoused such a line of politics, (when at last you thought of
taking to them,) that, if your country prospered, you lived
the life of a hare, fearing and trembling and ever expecting to
be scourged for the crimes of which your conscience accused
you; though all haye seen how bold you were during the
misfortunes of the rest.  A  man who took courage at the
death of a thousand citizens-what does he deserve at the
hands of the living?  A  great deal more that I could say
about him I shall omit: for it is not all I can tell of his turpitude and infamy which I ought to let slip from my tongue,
but only what is not disgraceful to myself to mention.
The commentators and translators have all misunderstood this passage, imagining that zEschines and his troop are charged with stlrolling
about the country and robbing orchards. Nothing could be more foreign to the meaning. Taking Bekker's text, and omitting the first
rpavyara, the explanation is simply as follows:_/Eschines and his fellow-players acted so badly, that they were pelted
by the audience with figs, grapes, and olives,-as we should say, with
oranges. The players picked up these missiles, and were glad to pocket
the affront.  Such quantities were showered upon the stage, that they
got enough to stock a fruiterer's shop; so they were supplied, diGrep
oiwrp vs7 eic r6v da2orTpt'v XopiOv, like a dealer in fruit, who purchases
his stock from various farmers and gardeners. From this source Alschines derived more profit, TrXLe-E  giayi/aivcov adra TroTOVr, than fiom theE
dramatic contests, r-v ayvCrvwv, for which the company were ill paid,
and in which they ran the risk of their lives every day from the indignation of the audience.
VOL. II.-E




98          THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
Contrast now. the circumstances of your life and mine,
gently and with temper, AEschines; and then ask these people
whose fortune they would each of them  prefer.  You taught
reading, I went to-school: you performed initiations, I received them: you danced in the chorus, I furnished it: 3you
were assembly-clsrk, I was a speaker: you acted third parts,
I heard you: you broke down, and I hissed: you have worked as a statesman for' the enemy, I fbor my country.1  I pass
by the rest; but this very day I am  on my probation for a
crown, and am  acknowledged to be innocent of all offense;
while you are already judged to be a pettifogger, and the
question is, whether you shall continue that trade, or at once
be silenced by not getting a fifth part of the votes.  A happy
fortune, do you see, you have enjoyed, that you should denounce mine as miserable!
Come now, let me read the evidence to the jury of public
services which I have performed.  And by way of comparison
do you recite me the verses which you murdered:
From H-Iades and the dusky realms I come.`
And
Ill news, believe nme, I am loth to bear.
II betide thee, say I, and may the Gods, or at least the Athenians, confound thee for a vile citizen and a vile third-rate
actor 12
1 The best version of this series of antitheses is, I think, that of
Jacobs:
Du hieltest Schuzle; ich besuchte die Schulen; yDu besorgyest die Weihunygen; ich emnp/ing sie; DuG tanztest im Chor; ich stattete Ch6re aus;
-Dzt dientest als Schreiber; ich sprach vor dern Volke; J)u spieltest die
dritten Rollen; ich sah zu; Du ifelst durch, snd ich zischte; Du wirktest fur die Feinde; ich fitr das Vater'land.
Milton has imitated this passage in the Apology for Smectymnuus
(vol. i. p. 221, Symmons' Edition). Speaking of the young divines and
students at college, whom he had seen so often upon the stage prostituting the shame of that ministry, which they either had or were nigh
having, to the eyes of courtiers and court ladies, he proceeds thus:" There while they acted and overacted, among other young scholars,
I was a spectator: they thought themselves gallant men, and I thought
them fools; they made sport, and I laughed; they mispronounced, and
I misliked; and, to make up the Atticism, they were out, and I hissed."
2 The first quotation is from the beginning of the Hecuba. The words:XatctOv tcaKas are supposed by Wolf to be the beginning of another quotation which t4le orator converts abruptly into an imprecation upon
Eslline,~, The position of tha words however is against this inter



ON THE CROWN.                        99
Read the evidence,
Such has been my character in political matters. In private,
if you do not all know that I have been liberal and humane
and charitable to the distressed, I am silent, I will say not a
word, I will offer no evidence on the subject, either of persons
whom I ransomed from the enemy, or of persons whose daughters I helped to portion, or any thing of the kind.  For this
is my maxim. I hold that the party receiving an obligation
should ever remember it, the party conferring should forget it
immediately, if the one is to act with honesty, the other without meanness.  To remind and speak of your own bounties is
next door to reproaching.1 I will not act so; nothing shall
induce me.  Whatever my reputation is in these respects, I
am content with it.
I will have done then with private topics, but say another
word or two upon public.  If you can mention, 2Eschines, a
single man under the sun, whether Greek or barbarian, who
has not suffered by Philip's power formerly and Alexander's
now, well and good; I concede to you, that my fortune, or
misfortune (if you please), has been'the cause of every thing.
But if many that never saw me or heard my voice have been
grievously afflicted, not individuals only but whole cities and
nations; how much juster and fairer is it to consider, that
to the common fortune apparently of all men, to a tide of
events overwhelming and lamentable,2 these disasters are to
pretation: for pUi2tgra F jv must be connected with what follows, and
Gl standing alone could not have the required emphasis. Schaefer with
greater probability supposes kcacov cKaicSS ce to be the commencement of
a verse. I have followed Bekker, who throws them into the next clause.
Demosthenes, after repeating two Iambic lines, and ridiculing his opponent's declamatory style, suddenly, as if he was weary of.such stuff,
breaks into the curse, the introductory words being suggested by the
aicayye2env.
Compare Terence, Andria, Act I. Sc. i. 16:Sed mi hoe molestum est; nam isthec commemoratio
Quasi exprobratio est immemoris benefici.
2 ]Brougham: " some force of circumstances untoward and difficult to
resist." Leland: " torrent of unhappy events that bore down upon us
with irresistible violence."  Francis: " the rapid impetuosity of particular conjunctures, cruel and unaccountable,"-a lame version indeed!
Auger: " concours fatal de circonstances malheureuses."  Jacobs: einer
hcarten und widrigen Gewalt der Ereignisse. Pabst: einen gewaltsamen
Umschwung der Ereignisse, brie er nicht hatte stttfinden sollen,




100          THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
be attributed. You, disregarding all this, accuse me whose
ministry has been among my countrymenl  knowing all the
while, that a part (if not the whole) of your calumny falls
upon tile people, and yourself in particular. For if I assumed
the sole and absolute direction of our counsels, it was open to
you the other speakers to accuse me: but if you were constantly present in all the assemblies, if the state invited public discussion of what was expedient, and if these measures
were then believed by all to be the best, and especially by
you; (for certainly from no good-will did you leave me in possession of hopes and admiration and honors, all of which attended on my policy, but doubtless because you were compelled
by the truth and had nothing better to advise;) is it not iniquitous and monstrous to complain now of measures, than which
you could suggest none better at the time?
Among all other people I find these principles in a manner
defined and settled-Does a man willfully offend?   -IHe is the
object of wrath and punishment: I-lath a man erred unintentionally?  There is pardon instead of punishment for him.
Has a man devoted himself to what seemed for the general
good, and without any fault or misconduct been in common
with all disappointed of success?  Such a one deserves not
obloquy or reproach, but sympathy, These principles will
not be found in our statutes only': Nature herself has defined
them by her unwritten laws and the feelings of humanity.
JE schines however has so far surpassed all men in brutality
and malignity, that even things which he cited himself as misfortunes he imputes to me as crimes.
And besides-as if he himself had spoken every thing with
candor' and good-will-he told you to watch me, and mind
The meaning is-" you charge me with this universal ruin, though
I was merely an Athenian citizen who took my share, together with
my fellow-citizens, in the politics of my own country, but could have
nothing to do with the affairs of other people, on whom similar calamities fell." So Reiske interprets -rapd rov7otwiZ-" designat pro more
judices civesque Athenienses." Pabst however takes these wvords to
refer to the oopaiv'rpayUedrov, and thus translates: der ich ulnter deem
Eirnflusse dieses Umscliwusges der Ereignisse die StaatsverwaltunlgfUihrte.
Lord Brougham, following Francis, translates to the same effect: " called
uipon, as I was, to carry on tile government in such a crisis."  The
words do not favor such an interpretation.'Awraat refers to rovotaLi,
and, if it stood alone, could be hardly understood to signify "all the
Athenians."




ON THE CROWN.                     101
that I did not cajole and deceive you, calling me a great orator,l a juggler, a sophist, and the like: as though, if a man
says of another what applies to himself, it must be true, and
the hearers are not to inquire wrho the person is that makles
the charge.  Certain amn I, that you are all acquainted with
my opponent's character, and believe these charges to be more
applicable to him than to me.  And of this I am sure, that
my oratory-let it be so: thouggh indeed I find, that the
speaker's power depends for the most part on the hearers; for
according to your.reception and favor it is, that the wisdom
of a speaker is esteemned-if I however possess any ability of
this sort, you will find it has been exhibited always in public
business on your behalf; never against you or on personal
matters; whereas that of lEschines has been displayed not
only in speaking for the enemy, but against all persons who
ever offended or quarreled with him.  It is not for justice or
the good of the commonwealth that he employs it. A citizen
of worth and honor should not call upon judges impanneled
in the pfiblic service to gratify his anger or hatred or any
thing of that kind; nor should he come before you upon
such grounds.  Thebest thing is not to have these feelings;
but, if it c-an not be helped, they should be mitigated and
restrained.
On what occasions ought an orator and statesman to be vehement? Where any of the commonwealth's main interests
are in jeopardy, and he is opposed to the adversaries of the
people.2  Those are the occasions for a generous and brave
citizen.  But for a person,' who never sought to punish me for
any oifense either public or private, on the state's behalf or
on his own, to have got up an accusation because I am
crowned and honored, and to, have expended such a multitude of words-this is a proof of personal enmity and spite
and meanness, ngt of ahy thing good.  And then his leaving
the controversy with me, and attacking the defendant, comnprises every thing that is base.3
I should conclude, Lschines, that you undertook this
1 See p. 90, note 2.
2 Or, ".he has to do with the adversaries of the people," omitting TI
with Bekker. But with ri the sense is as Jacobs, Reiske, and others
give it: woo es der Sache des Volkes geyen die Feinde gilt.
3 "This once more pressed, because, after the brilliant declamation
that precedes, it was sure to be doubly effective." —Lord Brougham.




102         THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
cause to exhibit your eloquence and strength of lungs, not to
obtain satisfaction for any wrong. But it is not the language
of an orator, iJEschines, that has any value, nor yet-the tone of
his voice, but his adopting the same views with the people, and
his hating and loving the same persons that his country does.
He that is thus minded will say every thing with loyal intention: he that courts persons from whom the commonwealth
apprehends danger to herself, rides not on the same anchorage
with the people, and therefore has not the same expectation
of safety.  But-do you see? -I have: for my objects are
the same with those of my countrymen; I have no interest
separate or distinct.  Is that so with you?  How can it be
-when immediately after the battle you went as embassador
to Philip, who was at that period the author of your country's
calamities, notwithstanding that you had before persisted in
refusing that office, t as all men know?
And who is it that deceives the state? Surely the man
who speaks not what he thinks.  On whom  does the crier
pronounce a curse?2  Surely on such a man.  What greater
crime can an orator be charged with, than that his opinions
and his language are not the same?  Such is found to be
your character.  And yet you open your mouth, and dare to
look these men in the faces!  Do you think they don't know
you?-or are sunk all in such slumber and oblivion, as not to
remember the speeches which you delivered in the assembly,
cursing and swearing that you had nothing to do with Philip,
and that I brought that charge against you out of personal
enmity without foundation?  No sooner came the news of
the battle, than you forgot all that; you acknowledged and
avowed that between Philip and yourself there subsisted a
relation of hospitality and friendship —new  names these for
1 This is to be understood only of the last six years before Charonea.
2 This curse was pronounced at every assembly of the people and
every meeting of the council, before the business began. It was included in a form of prayer prescribed by law, in which the gods. were
implored to bless and prosper the consultations of the citizens, and to
destroy and extirpate all persons who were ill-affected to the commonwealth, or plotted or conspired against the people, or were bribed to
mislead or deceive them. There are many allusions to this curse in the
Attic orators. In the speech on the Embassy (p. 363), )emosthenes
causes it to be read to the jury. At the meeting of ladies in the Thesmophoriazusm of Aristophanes, there is an amusing mock prayer read
by the crier, vv. 295-351. See Schhmann De Comitiis, 92.




ON THE CROWN.                       103
your contract of hire. For upon what plea of equality or justice could JEschines; son of Glaucothea the timbrel-player,l be
the friend or acquaintance of Philip?  I can not see.  [No!
You were hired to ruin the interests of your countrymen: and
yet, though you have been caught yourself in open treason, and
informed against yourself after the fact, you revile and reproach
me for things which you -will find any man is chargeable with
sooner than 1.2
Many great and glorious enterprises has the commonwealth,
JEschines, undertaken and succeeded in through me; and
she did not forget them. Here is the proof —On the election
of a person to speak the funeral oration immediately after
the event, you were proposed, but the people would not have
you, notwithstanding your fine voice, nor Demades, though
he had just made the peace, nor Hegemon, nor any other of
your party-but me.'And when you and Pythocles came forward in a brutal and shameful manner, (O merciful heaven!)
and urged the same accusations against me which you now do,
and abused me, they elected me all the more.  The reasonyou are not ignorant of it-yet I will tell you.  The AtheniThe drum or timbrel was an instrument peculiarly used in the orgies of Bacchus and Cybele, derived from Phrygia. Compare Bacchne,
58:atpecOe T(JTtXLoPt' Ev o-625uet (Dpvryv.
r'Juiavar;'Pafc r7e pTpOpf /d O' eHp?/aTa'
and Virgil, -En. IX. 619:Tympana vos buxusque vocat Berecynthia matris
Idvec.
Compare also Virgil, Georg. IV. 64; Apulei. de Gen. 49, "y Egyptia
numina gaudent plangoribus,.Gruca choreis, barbara strepitu cymbalistarum et.tympanistarum et ceraularum."
2 "Here is the same leading topic once more introduced; but introduced after new topics and fresh illustrations. The repetitions, the
enforcement again and again of the same points, are a distinguishing
feature of Demosthenes, and formed also one of the characteristics of
Mr. Fox's great eloquence. The ancient however was incomparably
more felicitous in this than the modern; for in the latter it often arose
from carelessness, from ill-arranged discourse, from want of giving due
attention, and from having once or twice attempted the topic and forgotten it, or perhips from having failed to produce the desired effect.
Now in Delnosthenes this is never the case: the early allusions to the
subject of the repetition are always perfect in themselves, and would
sufficiently have enforced the topic, had they stood alone. But new
matter afterward handled gave the topic new force and fresh illustration, by presenting the point in a new light."-lord BroucgItam.




104          THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHIENES.
ans knew as well the loyalty and zeal vwith which I conducted
their affairs, as the dishonesty of you and your party; for
what you denied upon oath in our prosperity, you confessed
in the misfortunes of tile republic.  They considered therefore, that men  who got security for their politics by the
public disasters had been their enemies long befbre, and were
then avowedly -such.   They thought it right also, that the
person who was to speak in honor of the fallen and celebrate their valor, should not have sat under the same roof
or at the same table' with their antagonists; that he should
not revel there and sing a paean over the calamities of Greece
in company withl their murderers, and then come here and
receive distinction; that he should not with his voice act the
mourner of their fiate, but that he should lament over them
with his heart.  This they perceived in themselves and in
me, but not in any of you: therefore they elected me, and
not you.  Nor, while the people felt thus, did the fathers and
brothers, of the deceased, who were chosen by the people to
perform their obsequies, feel differently.  For having to order
the funeral banquet (according to custom)2 at the house of the
nearest relative to the deceased, they ordered it at mine. And
with reason: because, though each to his own was nearer of
kin than I was, none was so near to them  all collectively.
I-Ie that had the deepest interest in their safety and success,
had upon their mournful disaster the largest share of sorrow
foi them all.3
1 Literally: "joined in the same libations." Broughan: " drunk out
of the same cup."  Pabst has happily expressed the two words: Hausznd Tisch.-G Ceos.se, "house and board-fellows." We might say, " shared
house and board with."  I have adopted the turn of Jacobs.
2 Literally: " as other funeral banquets [i. e. as funeral banquets in
general] are wont to be held."
3 This passage, -which has not been particularly noticed by any of
the critics, appears to me one of the most touching in the whole oration.
The sentiment is like that which CEdipus expresses in the beautiful lines
of Sophocles (CEd. Rex, 58), which very possibly were in the mind of
the orator:6'raRcdef ocri-po, yvr(a OTSC eadyvOurd Fot
rpo52,EOeO' /zueipovre' evd yd7p o06' 0r71
vOcctrE'JvreTf, Ka0 vocosvvre7', 65 CEy
OVet/ Crv t7v1 V atto E i lGOV VOCE.
rb lytv y7p ju/v d)2yoc Eif EV' pXer7at
Orvov caO: atrbv, Icovdrv' t(XZeo,    6' 1',u7)
t'v x' r6lv re la't x  (aC' G' 610,. )'    G CVe.




ON THE CROWN.                       105
Read him this epitaph, which the state chose to inscribe on
their monument, that you may see even by this, Eschines,
what a heartless and malignant wretch you are. Read.
THE EPITAPH.1
These are the patriot brave, who side by side
Stood to their arms, and dash'd the foeman's pride:
Firm in their valor, prodigal of life,
Hades they chose the arbiter of strife;
That Greeks might ne'er to haughty victors bow,
Nor thraldom's yoke, nor dire oppression know;
They fought, they bled, and on their country's breast
(Such was the doom of heaven) these warriors rest.
Gods never lack success, nor strive in vain,
But man must suffer what the fates ordain.
Do you hear, ZEschines, in this very inscription, that " Gods
never lack success, nor strive in vain 2" Not to the statesman
does it ascribe the power of giving victory in battle, but to
the Gods. Wherefore then, execrable man, do you reproach
me with these things?  Wherefore utter such language?  I
pray that it may fall upon the heads of you and yours.
Many other accusations and falsehoods he urged against
The reader will doubtless be pleased to see the lines of Campbell,
which appeared ini Lord Broughani's translation, and therefore I take
the liberty of subjoining them:These are the brave, unknowing how to yield,
Who, terrible in valor, kept the field
Against the foe, and higher than life's breath
Prizing their honor, met the doom of death,
Our common doom, that Greece unyoked might stand,
Nor shuddering crouch beneath a tyrant's hand.
Such was the will of Jove; and now they rest
Peaceful enfolded in their country's breast.
Th' immortal gods alone are ever great,
But erring mortals must submit to fate.
The following also is submitted for the judgment of the reader:These for their country stood in war-array,
And check'd the fierce invader on his way;
Into the battle rush'd at glory's call,
With firm resolve to conquer or to fall;
That Greeks should ne'er to tyrants bend the knee,
But live, as they were born, from thraldom free.
Now in the bosom of their fatherland
These warriors rest; for such was Jove's command.
The Gods in all succeed and have their will,
But mortals must their destiny fulfill.
E2




106        TIE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
me, O Athenians, but one thing surprised me more than all,
that, when he mentioned the late misfortunes of the country,
he felt not as became a well-disposed and upright citizen, he
shed no tear, experienced no such emotion: with a loud voice
exulting, and straining his throat, he imagined apparently
that he was accusing me, while he was giving proof' against
himself, that our distresses touched him  not in the same
manner as the rest. A person who pretends, as he did, to
care for the laws and constitution, ought at least to have this
about him, that he grieves and rejoices for the same cause as
the people, and not by his politics to be enlisted in the ranks
of the enemy, as ffschines has plainly done, saying' that I
am the cause of all, and that the commonwealth has fallen
into troubles through me, when it was not owing to my views
or principles that you began to assist the Greeks; for, if you
conceded2 this to me, that my influence caused you to resist
the subjugation of Greece, it would be a higlher honor than
any that you have bestowed upon others.  I myself would
not make such an assertion-it would be doing you injustice
-nor would you- allow it, I amn sure; and ]Fschines, if' he
acted honestly, would never, out of enmity to me, have disparaged and defamed the greatest of your glories.
But why do I censure him for this, when with calumny far
more shocking has he assailed me?  He that charges me with
Philippizing-O heaven and earth!-what would he not say?
By Hercules and the Gods! if one had honestly to inquire,
discarding all expression of spite and falsehood, who the persons really are, on whom the blame of what has happened
may by common consent fairly and justly be thrown, it
would be found, they are persons in the various states like
JEschines, not like me-persons who, while Philip's power
was feeble and exceedingly small, and we were constantly.warning and exhorting and giving salutary counsel, sacrificed
the general interests for the sake of selfish lucre, deceiving
and corrupting their respective countrymen,3 until they made
them slaves-Daochus, Cineas, Thrasylaus, the Thessalians;
Cercidas, Hieronymus, Eucampidas, the Arcadians; M1yrtis,
Teledamus, Mnaseas, the Argives; Euxitheus, Cleotimus,
1 Confer ~Esclhines contr. Ctes. 61.
a Perhaps " attributed;" as Jacobs and Pabst render it.
3 Schaefer explains rodS V'rmcpXovraS rro2iraf, " eives su,-e factionis."




ON THE CROWVN.                    107
Aristsechmus, the Eleans; Neon and Thrasylochus, sons of
the accursed Philiades, the Messenians; Aristrattus, Epichares,
the Sicyonians;  Dinarchus, Denaratus, the Corinthians;
Ptoeodorus, Helixus, Perilaus, the  Megarians;  Timolaus,
Theogiton, Anemoetas, the Thebans; Hipparchus, Clitarchus,
Sosistratus, the Euboeans.  The day will not last me to recount the names of the traitors.1  All these, 0 Athenians,
are men of the same politics in their own countries as this
party among you,-profligates, and parasites, and miscreants,
who have each of them  crippled2 their fatherlands; toasted
away3 their liberty, first to- Philip and last to Alexander;
who measure happiness by their belly and all that is base,
while freedom and independence, which the Greeks of olden
tinme regarded as the test and standard of well-being, they
have annihilated.
Of this base and infamous conspiracy and profligacy-or
rather, 0 Athenians, if I ani to speak in earnest, of this
betrayal of Grecian liberty —Athens is by all mankind acquitted, owing to my counsels; and I am  acquitted by you.
Then do you askl me, ~Aschines, for what merit I claim to be
honoredl? I will tell you.  Because, while all the statesmen
in Greece, beginning with yourself, have been corrupted for-,
merly by Philip and now  by Alexander, me neither oppor-!
tunity, nor fair speeches, nor large promises, nor hope, nor
fear, nor any thing else could tempt or induce to betray aught
that I considered just and beneficial to my country.  Whatever I have advised my fellow-citizens, I have never advised
like you men, leaning as in a balance to the side of plofit:
all my proceedings have been those of a soul upright, honest,
1 See the opinion of Polybius in Appendix VI.
Cicero appears to have imitated this passage in the oration against
Verres, Act. II. lib. 4,-" Nulla domus in Sicilia locuples fuit, ubi iste
non textrinum instituerit. Muller est Segestana, perdives et nobilis,
Lamia nomine; per triennium isti, plena domo telarum, stragulam
vestem confecit: nihil nisi conchylio tinctuim. Attalus, homo pecuniosus, Neti; Lyso Lilybei; Critolaus Ennx; Syracusis iEschrio, Cleomenes, Theomnastus; Elori Archonides, Megistus.  Vox me citius
defecerit quam nomina."
2 Literally: "mutilated."
3I have given for rpoerwIcEOK67ES the version of Lord Brougham, who
justly censures the paraphrases of the other translators. Jacobs renders it darbot, but says in a note: wbrtlich: zutrank. Pabst: wieein
Geschenk beim Zutrinken hinygegeben habenz.




108          THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
andc incorrupt: intrusted with affairs of greater magnitude
than any of my contemporaries, I have administered them
all honestly and  faithfully.  Therefore do I claim  to  be
honored.
As to this fortification, for which you ridiculed me,] of the
wall and fosse, I regard them  as deserving of thanks and
praise, and so they are; but I place them  nowhere near my
acts of administration.  NTot with stones nor with bricks did
I fortify Athens: nor is this the ministry on which I most
pride myself.  Would you view my fortifications aright, you
will find arms, and  states, and posts, ancl  harbors, and
galleys, and horses, and men for their defense.2  These are
the bulwarks with whici I protected Attica, as far as was
possible by human wisdom; with these I fortified our territory, not the circle of Pireus or the city.3  Nay more; I
was not beaten by Philip in estimates or preparations; far
from it; but the generals and forces of the allies were over1 Eschines had urged in his speech —"that the merit of repairing
the fprtifications was far outweighed by the guilt of having rendered
such repairs necessary; that a good statesman should not seek to be
honored for strengthening the ramparts, but for doing some real service
to the commlonwealth."- P. 87.
2 I have here taken ro7rrv as IWolf, Reiske, Jacobs, and Pabst do.
But Taylor, Mlarkland, and Schaefer understand it to mean "these
men," i. e. the Athenians.
3I subjoin Lord Brougham',s note:"The fame of this noble passage is great and universal. It is of a
beauty and force made for all times and all places; its effect with us
may be imagined by supposing Mr. Pitt to have been attacked for his
Martello towers, the use of which was far more doubtful than Demosthenes' reiXgozlgf and raopeia, andc to hiave indignantly and proudly
appealed to the other services he had rendered and the other outwor]ks
he had erected for our internal protection against foreign and domestic
enemies. One seems to hear him nobly pour forth liis magnificent
periods, alike majestic in structure and in tone, upon the' lines of circulnrvalation far mightier than any fortress, lines which the energy of
a united people and the wisdom of a British parliament had drawn
around our glorious constitution, placing it in proud security above all
the assaults either of an insulting enemy from nwithout, or a more
desperate foe at home,' —and'desiring that his title to the gratitude of
his country should be rested on foundations like these, far more imperishable than anly works which the hands of men could raise.' Or
would he haply have spoken figuratively of' the loftier towers which
he had raised in the people's hearts, and the exhaustless magazines of
their loyalty and valor?'"




ON THE CROWN.                   109
come by his fortune. Where are the proofs of this?  They
are plain and evident.  Consider.
What was the course becoming a loyal citizen-a statesman serving his country with all possible forethought and zeal
and fidelity?  Should he not have covered Attica on the seaboard with Eubcea, on the midland frontier with Bceotia, on the
Peloponnesian with the people of that confine? Should he
not have provided for the conveyance of corn along a friendly
coast all the way to Piraeus? preserved certain places that
belonged to us by sending off succors, and by advising and
moving accordingly, - Proconnesus,  Chersonesus, Tenedos?
brought others into alliance and confederacy With us,-Byzantium, Abydus, Eubea?-cut off the principal resources
of the enemy, and supplied what the commonwealth was deficient in?  All this has been accomplished by my decrees
and measures; and whoever will examine them without prejudice, men of Athens, will find they were rightly planned
and faithfully executed; that none of the proper seasons were
lost or missed or thrown away by me, nothing which depended on one man's ability and prudence was neglected. But if
the power of some deity or of fortune, or the worthlessness
of commanders, or the wickedness of you that betrayed your
countries, or all these things together, injured and eventually
ruined our cause, of what is Demosthenes guilty?  lHad there
in each of the Greek cities been one such man as I was in my
station among you; or rather, had Thessaly possessed one
single man, and Arcadia one, of the satme sentiments as myself, none of the Greeks either beyond or within Thermnopylm
would have suffered their present calamities; all would have
been free and independent, living prosperously in their own
countries with perfect safety and security, thankful to you
and the rest of the Athenians for such wlanifold blessings
through me.
To show you that I greatly understate my services for fear
of giving offense, here-read me this-the list of auxiliaries
procured by my decrees.
[The list of auxiliaries.]
These and the like measures, iEschines, are what become
an honorable citizen; (by their. success-O earth and heaven!-we should have been the greatest of people incontest



110          THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
ably, and deserved to be so: even under their failure the resuit is glory, and no one blames Athens or her policy: all
condemn fortune that so ordered things:) but never will he
desert the interests of the commonwealth, nor hire himself to
her adversaries, and study the enemy's advantage instead of
his country's; nor on a man who has courage to advise and
propose measures worthy of the state, and resolution to persevere in them, will he cast an evil eye, and, if any one privately
offends him, remember and treasure it up; no, nor keep himself in a criminal and treacherousl retirement, as you so often
do.  There is indeed a retirement just and beneficial to the
state, such as you, the bulk of my countrymen, innocently
enjoy: that however is not the retirement of ZEschines; far
from  it.  Withdrawing  himself from  public life when he
pleases, (and that is often,) he watches for the moment when
you are tired of a constant speaker, or when some reverse of
fortune has befallen you, or any- thing untoward has happened
(and many are the casualties of human life): at such a crisis
he springs up an orator, risinlg from  his retreat like a wind;
in full voice,2 with words and phrases collected, he rolls them
out audibly and breathlessly, to no advantage or good purpose
whatsoever, but to the detriment of some or other of his fellow-citizens and to the general disgrace.
As to the meaning of bvrovLof, the Edinburgh reviewer, whom I
have before quoted, remarks as follows (vol. xxxvi. p. 49-3):" He accuses EAschines of maintaining an usofair and hollow silence, or
quiet, /auviav idtlov  cKa  vrovLov. This translation we consid&r a very
tolerable one, but how far it falls short of the original vill be seen
when, in order to express the literal meaning of that single word, we
are of necessity driven to this periphrasis-a hollow silence, like that
particular state of a wound which has just skiLnned, over, as if about to
heal, but which is nevertheless rankling underneath, and just upon tihe
point of breaking out into fresh mischief."
Leland renders it "insidious."  Brougham: "traitorous."  Auger:
"perfide."  Jacobs: heimtiickischc. Pabst: arglistige.
2 Leland renders this aptly enough: " his voice is already exercised."
Spillan follows him; and Pabst is to the same effect. It is not correct
to say, " raising his voice," or the like, as others have it.
It appears from the testimony of ancient writers, as well as from the
sneers of Demosthenes, that JEschines had a remarkably fine voice, and
was not a little proud of it. A good voice must indeed have been a
great advantage to an Athenian speaker, who had to address thousands
of people in the open air. But AEschines not only possessed a voice
that was loud and clear, but had a wonderful ease and fluency of speech,
in these natural gifts surpassing Demosthenes himself.




ON THE CROWN.                          111
Yet from  this labor and diligence, JEschines, if it proceeded fron an honest heart, solicitous fbr your country's
welfare, the fruits should have been rich and noble and profitable to all-alliances of states, supplies of money, conveniences of commerce, enactment of useful laws, opposition
to our declared enemies.  All such things were looked for' in
former times; and many opportunities did the past afford
for a good man and true to show himself; during which time
you are nowhere to be found, neither first, second, third,
fourth, fifth, nor sixth2-not in any rank  at all-certainly
on no service by which your country was exalted.  For what
alliance has come to the state by your procurement?  WVhat
succors, what acquisition of good-will or credit?  What embassy or agency is there of yours, by which the reputation of
the country has been increased?   What concern domestic,
Hellenic, or foreign, of which'you have had the management,
has improved under it?   What galleys? what ammunition?
what arsenals? what repair of walls? what cavalry?  What
in the world are you good for?  WVhat assistance in money
have you ever given, either to the rich or the poor, out of
public spirit or liberality?   None.  SBut, good sir, if there is
nothing of this, there is at all events zeal and loyalty. Where?'Eraclcf giv, " there was an inquiry after-they were wanted,"the word being strictly applicable to a search or muster, where the
names of persons are called over-the things needed or missing are
inquired for. Hence iErJe-cOac gets the meaning of "to be found;"
being strictly, "to be called over at muster," and more loosely, "to
appear in your place at call." Leland's translation is: " such were the
services which the late times required." Spillan: " for all these services
there was a demand." Francis: "these were objects of great attention."
The Germans, however, understand it differently.  Jacobs: Alle diese
Gegenstdnde dienten in frii/herer Zeit zur Priifng.  Pabst: D)s'ch
alles dies konnte mean in den frii/?ern Zeiten sich erproben, which is
pretty nearly the same thing as is expressed by the next clause. Compare the passage below (p. 331, Orig.), ETeetd7 oVKtrt cv/,oe3oevv ac2AA
TrV TO7~ reZtrarrozsvotc Vr7?perovTVwV Kae rcev icara ri7f 7arpidog gOapVey  EOoLZv Ka r-v oiacetvcc rcdv  drpoa v V 133ov2loevov i'ract,~ 7v, rqvtalcraVa
cv tca ro7TOy V /cca7roS i'v Trdet.
2 Auger contents himself with rendering this: "ni le premier, ni le
second, ni le dernier, dans aucun rang enfin," and observes, "il me
semble que cette 6numeration arithmetique n'auroit eu aucune grace en
frangois." It refers, however, to an ancient answer of the Delphic oracle,
which to an inquiry, what rank the JEgneans held, responded, that "they
were neither third, nor fourth, nor twelfth;.of no number or account
at all."




112         THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
when?  You infamous fellow! Even at a time when all who
ever spoke upon the platform gave something for the public
safety, and last Aristonicus gave the sum  which he had
amassed to retrieve his franchise,l you neither came forward
nor contributed a mite —not from inability-no! for you have
inherited above five talents from Philo, your wife's father, and
you had a subscription of two talents from  the chairmen of
the Boards for what you did to cut up the navy-law.  But,
that I may not go from one thing to another anrd lose sight of
the question, I pass this by.  That it was not poverty prevented your contributing, already appears: it was, in fact,
your anxiety to do nothing against those to whom your political life is subservient.  On what occasions then do you
show your spirit?  When do you shine out?2  When aught
is to be spoken against your countrymen!-then it is you are
splendid in voice, perfect in memory, an admirable actor, a
tragic Theocrines.3
You mention the good men of olden times; and you are
right so to do.  Yet it is hardly fair, O Athenians, that he
should get the advantage of that respect which you have for
the dead, to compare and contrast me with them,-me who
am living among you; for what mortal is ignorant, that toward the living there exists always more or less of ill-will,
whereas the dead are no longer hated even by an enemy?4
Such being human nature, am I to be tried and judged by
H-Iis civic privileges were suspended, until he had discharged the
debt due from him to the state.
2 Neaviag-c-aiLrpoo. Leland: "spirited and shining." Brougham:
"bold and munificent."  Francis: " on what occasions has your spirit
been excited and your abilities displayed " Jacobs: wacker-kraftig.
Pabst: Bei iwelchen Gelegenheiteqn zeigtest Dit Dich also mit jutgendliceher Kraft, bei welchen glduzend rund ausgezeichnet. See note 1, p. 57.
3 Theocrines was a notorious informer and slanderer. There is an
oration attributed to Demosthenes against such a person. Reiske in
his Index says. apparently firom conjecture-" Videtur Athenis Roscius
nevi sui fuisse, i. e. perfectus histrio comicus; cum quo Demosthenes
AIschinem comparans Theocrinem tragicum appellat, ut agentem. histrionicam in rebus seriis et funestis."
4 Compare Thucydides ii. 4.5. —Povof yap ro  CSal t 7rpob T r dvrfraov
Tr 6r /js k-TOd6v avavrayvitarG eshoeta 7rerG/tzrat; and the declamation
attributed to Cicero against Sallust: "Quare noli milli antiquos viros
objectare. Neque me cum iis conferre decet, Patres Conscripti, qui jam
decesserunt, omnique odis carent et invidia, sed cum iis qui mecum una
in republica versati sunt."




ON THE CROWN.                      113
the standard of my predecessors?  Heaven forbid!  It is not
just or equitable, IEschines.  Let me be compared with you,
or any persons you like of your party who are still alive.
And consider this-whether it is more honorable and. better
for the state, that because of the services of a former age,
prodigious though they are beyond all power of expression,
those of the present generation should be unrequited and
spurned, or that all who give proof of their good intentions
should have their share of honor and regard from the people?
Yet indeed —if I must say so much-my politics and principles, if considered fairly, will be found to resemble those of
the illustrious ancients, and to have had the same objects in
view, while yours resemble those of their calumniators; for
it is certain there were persons in those times, who ran down
the living, and praised people dead and gone, with a malignant
purpose like yourself.
You say that I am nothing like the ancients. Are you like
them, 2Eschines?  Is your brother, or any of our speakers?
I assert that none is.  But pray, my good fellow, (that I
may give you no other name,) try the living with the living
and with his competitors, as you would in all cases —poets,
dancers, athletes.  Philammon did not, because he was iniferior to Gl4ucus of Carystus and some other champions of
a by-gone age, depart uncrowned from Olympia, but, because
he beat all who entered the ring against him, was crowned
and proclaimed conqueror.'  So I ask you to compare me
with the orators of the day, with yourself, with any one you
like: I yield to none. When the commonwealth was at liberty
to choose for her advantage, and patriotism  was a matter
of emulation, I showed myself a better counselor than any,
and every act of state was pursuant to my decrees and laws
An anecdote of this Glaucus is told by Pausanias (vi. 10). HIe used
to drive his father's plow, and one day, when the coulter was loose,
he knocked it in with his fist. His father, having seen this feat, took
him to Olympia, and entered him in the ring as a pugilist. He was
nearly beaten for want of skill, when his father called out, "Strike as
you did the coulter," on which he redoubled his efforts, and won the
battle.
The argument here advanced is anticipated by 2Eschines, (cont.
Ctes. 81,) who asserts that on questions of political merit the true test
is, not a mere comparison with men of the day, but a positive standard
of excellence.




114        THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
and negotiations: none of your party was to be seen, unless
you had to do the Athenians a mischief.  After that lamentable occurrence, when there was a call no longer for advisers,
but for persons obedient to command, persons ready to be
hired against their country and willing to flatter strangers,
then all of you were, in occupation, grand people with splendid
equipages; I was powerless, I confess, though more attached
to my countrymen than you.'
Two things, men of Athens, are characteristic of a welldisposed citizen:-so may I speak of myself and give the
least offense.-In authority, his constant aim should be the
dignity and pre-eminence of the commonwealth; in all times
and circumstances his spirit should be loyal.  This depends
upon nature; power and might upon other things. Such a
spirit, you will find, I have ever sincerely cherished.  Only
see.  WVhen my person was demanded —when they brought
Amphictyonic suits against me —when they menaced-when
they promised —when they set these miscreants like wild
beasts upon me-never in any way have I abandoned my
affection for you. From the very beginning I chose an honest
and straightforward course in politics, to support the honor,
the power, the glory of my fatherland, these to exalt, in these
to have my being.  I do not walk about the market-place
gay and cheerful because the stranger has prospered, holding
out my right hand and congratulating those who I think will
report it yonder, and on any news of our own success shudder
and groan and stoop to the earth, like these impious men,
who rail at Athens, as if in so doing they did not rail at.
themselves; who look abroad, and if the foreigner thrives by
the distresses of Greece, are thankful for it, and say we should
keep him so thriving to all time.
Never, O ye Gods, may those wishes be confirmed. by you!
If possible, inspire even in these men a better sense and
feeling! But if they are indeed incurable, destroy them by
themselves; exterminate them on land and sea; and for the
1 A~schines declares (cont. Ctes. 76) that soon after the battle of
Chbcronea Demosthenes rose in the assembly, trembling and half-dead,
and asked that he might be appointed to draw up the terms of peace;
but the Athenians would not allow his name to be subscribed to their
decrees.




ON THE CROWN.                          115
rest of us,. grant that we may speedily be released from our
present fears, and enjoy a lasting deliverance!1
1 Lord Brougham's version of this concluding passage is spirited,
though not fiee from faults:
" Let not, 0 gracious God, let not such conduct receive any measure
of sanction from thee! Rather plant even in these men a better spirit
and better feelings!  But if they are wholly incurable, then pursue
them, yea, themselves by themselves, to utter and untimely perdition,
by land and by sea; and to us who are spared vouchsafe to grant the
speediest rescue from our impending alarms, and an unshaken security. "'E7rtvecrel-e ra7ra is not translated quite correctly, and pcdXtlra is
omitted. "Th6mselves by themselves" is a Greek idiom, not an English. For example, aVr'5 a'ro'v dTrC/Tretvv is, in plain and good English, " he killed himself," not, "he himself killed himself."  We might
say, "by themselves alone;" and Leland's turn is not bad: "on them,
on them only discharge your vengeance."
It may be thought that my own version of the E'g6:etf Kay Trpo~6e2tTrotlca7e is too wide. I look upon it as a phrase, like 6yetv, icatc 0pEtv
and many others, to be represented by some general equivalent, and
not by taking the words piecemeal.  There is no advantage that I see
in giving a particular verbal expression to the irpo in 7rpo2letfc, since
in any form of imprecation, such as "perdition seize," or the like, it is
necessarily implied that the destruction is to be premature, or before
the ordinary course of nature.
Lord Brougham justly says that "the music of this passage is almost
as fine as the sense is impressive and grand, and the manner dignified
and calm;" and he remarks upon the difficulty of preserving this in
a translation.  The last two lines are perhaps the most difficult of all.
I have resorted to a little expansion, in the attempt to preserve their
harmony; yet I am  unable to satisfy myself.'A.coaa  aworspiav is
variously rendered-by Spillan: "safe security"-Leland: "blessings
of protection and tranquillity." Lord Brougham's " unshaken security"
is a good expression, and sounds well at the close.  " Inviolable security' had occurred to me; but I rather think that owrnpiav indicates
the idea of divine protection, or safety derived from the Gods. The
prayer of Demosthenes is, that his countrymen may not onlly be extricated from their present state of suspense and anxiety, but may have
the insurance of divine protection for the future. In effect, he prays
for the deliverance of Athens from a foreign yoke, and the restoration
of her ancient dignity.  His language is purposely vague, but was not
the less felt and understood by his hearers.  The very prayer which
invokes a blessing upon the Athenians is designed to impress the conviction upon them, that AEschines was their deadly enemy, who would
regard their welfare as his own ruin.
The version of Jacobs is subjoined.  He has been bold enough, like
Leland, to omit "by land and sea;" which, perlhaps, to modern ears,
does not much add to the force.  It means, that the whole gang of
traitors should be destroyed, in whateverl part of the world they might
be, without chance or possibility of escape.
M&cate doch, o  tll' Milr G&tter I keiner vonT E uch dieses billiycg, son



116           THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
THE ORATION ON THE EMBASSY.
THE ARGUTMENT.
Demosthenes appears in this cause as the conductor of a prosecution
against iEschines for treasonable practices in the embassy which preceded the peace of B.c. 346.  The circumstances connected with that
embassy ale so fully explained in the third Appendix to Volume I.,
and in theffirst Appendix to this Volume, that it will be sufficient to
advert briefly to them, vwhile we inquire more particularly into certain matters that took place after the conclusion of the peace and before this prosecution. An interval of three years elapsed between
those two events.  yEschines -was then accused and brought to trial,
not only. for neglect and misconduct in the performance of his duty
as embas sador, but for positive corruption and betrayal of his country's interests to Philip.  It will naturally be asked why the proceeding against him on such grave chamiges was so long delayed.  For
this various causes may be assigned.
Notwithstanding the dissatisfaction of the Athenians at the conditions
and consequences of the peace, and at the triumph and advantage
which Philip had obtained, there was a general reluctance to bring on
any public discussion of the matter, which might possibly provoke
a new quarrel, for which thetheAthenians were ill prepared. It was felt
that an exposure of the artifices by whicli the people were deluded
would reflect some disg ace upon teniem for their credulity. All parties
concerned in the negotiation for peace were in some measure responsdern lhr vor allen Dingen atch. dieseLn bier einevn bessernt Sinn und besseres GeUiith verleihen; ozueetn sie aber unheilbar sind, sie allein fiir sich
dem V'erderben iibceriefern, ens, den Uebrigen, aber die schnellste Bef ciu~ng eon den obschlvebendel Besorgnissen uzd zenerschiitterte Woklfahrt
i-o~w let the reader compare with this the peroration of the first
Catilinarian speech:
" Hisce ominibus, Catilina, cum summa reipublicse salute et cum tual
peste ac pernicie, cumque eorum exitio, qui se tecuma omni scelere parricidioque junxerunt, proficiscere ad impium bellum ac nefarium. Tum
tu, Jupiter, qui iisdem, quibus hbec urbs, auspiciis a Romulo es constitutus; quem Statorem hujus urbis atque imperii vere nominarnus; hune
et hujus socios a tuis aris ceterisque templis, a tectis urbis ac mcenibus,
a vita fortunisque civium omniurn arcebis: et onines inimicos bonorum,
hostes patrim, latrones ItaliT, scelerum foedere inter se ac nefarii societate conjunctos, teternis suppliciis vivos mortuosque mactabis."




ON THE EMBASSY.                      117
ible for it, and among these Demosthenes himself: and therefore,
while lie was the first to call the attention of his countrymen to the
misdeeds of his colleagues, he forbore for some time to take any active steps against them. Again, whatever ground there might be for
suspecting ~Lschines and Philocrates of corrupt practices, there appeared no substantial proof against them, at least none such as would
be sufficient to convict them in a court of justice. Moreover, they
were suppdrted by a powerful party, at the head of which were
Eubulus and Phocion, and which comprised most of those citizens
who were anxious to preserve peace with Macedonia. Demosthenes,
although he had acquired a great reputation both as a statesman and
an orator, had not yet attained that high position as minister of the
commonwealth, to which a. few more years served to raise him.
These were the causes which for a long time prevented any formal
proceeding against the suspected pfarties.
The discontent at Athens however continued to increase. The complaints against the embassadors were kept alive, not only by private
discussion, but by frequent indirect attacks upon them in the public
debates. Thus, in the Oration on the Peace, Demosthenes reminded
the people how they had been deluded by false reports and promises.
In the second Philippic, without expressly naming either AEschines
or Philocrates, but in language that could not fail to be understood,
be publicly denounced them, and declared that they ought to be
called to account. The part which Alschines took when Python came
to Athens, his addressing the people in support 6f the Macedonian
envoys, and defending Philip's conduct, by no means tended to increase his popularity. News was continually arriving at Athens of
some warlike or ambitious movement of Philip, plainly showing that
he would not rest contented even with his present position, but was
making advances in every direction to extend his influence and power. All this, while it excited the alarm of the Athenians, ex-alted
Demosthenes in their estimation as a man who possessed more foresight thanhis adversaries, and brought them in a corresponding degree
into disrepute. Before the close of the year.c. 343, many important
events had occurred, showing what advantage Philip had gained by
terminating the Sacred War, and how the safety of Athens was endangered by his influence in Southern Greece. Sucl nwere, the division of Thessaly into tetrarchies, and the establishment of Philip's
adherents in the government-the conspiracy of Ptcedorus at Megara,
which nearly threw that city into Philip's hhnds-his intrigues in
Eubeea-and those in Elis, where a Macedonian faction had become
predominant. Negotiations had been entered into between Philip
and the Athenians, with a view to amend the articles of the peace,
and put them on a basis which should preclude future disputes; but
they had proved wholly ineffectual. Philip wa/s so incensed at the
demands made by the Athenian embassadors, that lie treated them
with rudeness, and even banished from his dominionsthe poet Xenoclides, because he had received them into his house. These events
are alluded to in the speech of Demosthenes. Before the trial came
on, it is clear that the Athenian people had begun to regard Philip
with increased suspicion and anger.




118          THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
It would appear also, from-a particular passage in the Oration on the
Embassy, that the affair of Antiphon (related more fully in the Oration
on the Crown, ante p. 55) occurred shortly before the present trial.
The part which 2Eschines took in it caused him to be deprived of an
honorable appointment, that of pleader before the Anlphictyonic
council; so that, if the date which has been assigned is correct, he
must about this time have been in no little disgrace with the public.
The allusions of Demosthenes, however, are not so distinct as to enable us to speak with much certainty upon the point.
Notwithstanding all the suspicion under which Eischines might lie, it
is very doubtful whether any legal proceeding would ever have been
taken against him, but for the imprudence of his colleague Philocrates, who by his conduct at Athens, by open talk and conversation,
afforded the strongest evidence against himself, and almost provoked
his enemies to bring him to justice.  Of the treason of Philocrates
there remains no historical doubt. He had received from Philip large
sums of money and grants of land in Phocis, wMich brought him in
a considerable income; all this wealth he displayed ostentatiously,
and made no secret of the quarter friom which it was derived. About
two years after the peace, and probably not long after the delivery
of the second Philippic, Hyperides undertook to prosecute him. The
law of Athens, in case of high crimes and misdemeanors against the
state, afforded a method of proceeding not unlike an impeachment in
our own law. This method Hyperides adopted. He brought Philocrates before the popular assembly, and there charging him with
treasonable conspiracy, procured a decree of the people ordering him
to be brought to trial. Philocrates, having (as we may presume)
given bail for his appearance to answer the charge, was so conscious
of guilt, and so hopeless of escape, that he sought safety in voluntary
exile.
This confession of crime on the part of one with whom on the most
important occasions he had acted in concert was a severe blow to
JEsclhines. He had already been menaced with a similar accusation:
for at the time when Hyperides preferred his impeachment, Demosthenes rose in the assembly, and declared, that there was one thing
in it which dissatisfied him, and this was, that Philocrates was the
only person accused; for it was certain, there must have been accomplices among the embassadors. " Let those," said he, "who disapprove
the conduct of Philocrates, and disclaim connection with him, come
forward and declare themselves, and I will acquit them from all
blame." No one responded to this challenge; and Demosthenes stood
pledged to follow up his own words, and bring another delinquent
to justice. The flight of Philocrates left no room for hesitation; and
the only question was, what sort of criminal process it was most
advisable to adopt.
It was open to him to take the same course against 2Eschines which
Hyperides had taken against Philocrates, viz. to proceed by impeachment. But the more regular way of proceeding against a public
functionary for any crime or misdemeanor relating to his office, was
to prefer an accusation against him when he presented himself before
the logistic, or auditors, to render an account of his official duties.




ON THE EMBASSY.                         119
We have seen that every person holding an office of importance at
Athens was compelled, after the expiration of his term, to render an
account of the manner in which he had acquitted himself. Embassadors were subject to the same liability as other servants of the publie, except that no, particular time was fixed for their submission to
the audit, as in other-cases. The reason for such difference may be
found in the nature of their employment; embassadors not being appointed like ordinary magistrates for any stated term, or at regular
periods, but occasionally, as circumstances might require. Therefore, while it was competent for any citizen to summon an embassador before the auditors, and call him to account for the manner in
which he had executed his mission, the law prescribed no positive
time for the embassador himself to tender his accounts.
Many embassies must have been simple affairs, involving little or no
responsibility; and we may presume, the ministers employed upon
them would hardly be called upon to go through the ceremony of an
audit. On the other hand, we may reasonably suppose, that persons
commissioned to represent their country on questions of moment, and
to conduct arduous and critical negotiations, would for their own
sakes come before the auditors at the earliest opportunity, and offer
themselves to that public inquiry which the Athenian law in all such
cases invited or allowed. _AEschines had not done so; on the contrary, he had suffered three years to elapse without submitting to this
ordeal. But he had raised a point of law, on which his excuse partly
rested. He contended that there was no necessity to render an account of the second embassy, as all the substantial part of the business had been transacted upon the first; the second journey to Macedonia was for a matter of form only, to receive the oath of Philip:
having therefore obtained his legal discharge as to the first embassy,
he was to all intents and purposes discharged as to both. Demosthenes took a different view of the question, and presented himself
before the auditors as having a distinct account to render of his conduct upon the second embassy.  -4Eschines, seeing that this might be
turned into a precedent against him, came -with a lalrge number of
friends to the audit-room, and objected that the account of Demosthenes could not be received, lie being no longer accountable.  Tile
objection was overruled; Demosthenes went through the necessary
forms, and his account was passed.  It does not appear however that
this decision had any immediate influence upon the conduct of
lEschines. The time when Demosthenes presented himself to the auditors is not stated; yet I should be disposed. to think, it was a considerable time before the commencement of this prosecution. It was
not the legal precedent, but the force of circumstance, which afterward determined _Eschines to follow his adversary's example. Finding after the flight of Philocrates, that a prosecution against himself
was inevitable, he deemed it the most prudent policy to take a bold
step; and accordingly he demanded his audit, thereby challenging
any accuser who dared to come forward and arraign him.
Several accusers appeared, the principal among them being Timarchus
and Demosthenes. Timarchus had long been known as an active
politician, and for the last few years had zealously exerted himself




120          THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
in opposition to Philip. He was however a man of profligate habits,
and notoriously guilty of certain infamous practices, which by an old
statute of Solon incapacitated him to appear as a speaker in the
public assembly. LEschines seized the opportunity, which this law
afforded him, of striking a blow, which might at the same time crush
a formidable adversary, and create a prejudice that should help him
materially in his own defense. He demanded, according to the form
of the Attic law, a judicial scrutiny into the character of Timarchus,
and a jury being summoned to try the case, he accused and convicted
him of the crimes above mentioned. The legal consequence of such
conviction was disfranchisement; and yEschines thus in a summary
way got rid of one of his accusers. Demosthenes remained: and his
own trial soon afterward came on'.
The nature of the case is best learned fiom the speeches of the rival
orators. Demosthenes, feeling what difficulties he had to contend
with, and how much his own credit was at stake, uses every exertion
to bring liome to,Eschines -those charges which he had been for three
years proclaiming incessantly to the Athenian public, and labors to
supply the want of direct proof by close reasoning, and inferences
from a variety of facts and circumstances. He calls attention at the
outset to the efforts which the defendant's party were making to
screen him from justice. Timarchus had been destroyed, he says,
not for the good of society, but to deter any other accuser fron takilng
up the case. Notwithstanding the lapse of time, he undertakes to
prove the following points-that _/Eschines had deceived the Athenians by false reports; that he had given treacherous counsel; that
he had neglected his instructions; that he had lost precious opportunities by delay; and that he had done all this from corrupt motives.
The charge is in terms confined to the transactions upon the second embassy; but the discussion is by no means confined to them.
iEschines, according to his opponent's view, was bribed by Philip on
the first embassy, but no one suspected him till some time after.
Dionysius, in his treatise on Rhetoric, commends the skill shown by
Demosthenes in dealing with this part of the subject. It would not
have lain in his mouth to complain of any thing done upon the first
journey to Pella, as on his return he had expressed himself satisfied'with all the proceedings, and praised the embassadors for their conduct. The prosecution therefore is nominally directed to the affairs
of the second embassy, and the orator, contending that Aischines had
previously hired himself to Philip, excuses his own apparent inconsistency by alleging that up to a certain time he, in common with the rest
of his fellowv-citizens, had been deceived as to the defendant's motives.
He comments upon the yemarkable change which 2Eschines had undergone in his political views: —he had been sent embassador to Peloponnesus, to rouse the Arcadians against Philip; he had made a
brilliant speech at Megalopolis, in which he assailed the king of
Macedon with the fiercest invective; he talked in the same strain
when he returned to Athens, and boasted of what he had done; he
was appointed on that very account to be one of the embassadors to
Pella, that he might be a check upon his colleagues, who were suspected of being too favorable to Philip; yet, after all this, hb was




ON THE EMBASSY.                        121
found suddenly acting in concert with Philocrates, and doing every
thing to secure Philip's advantage in the negotiations. Among other
circumstances, prominently advanced as evidence of guilt, are —the
time which the embassadors wasted on their journey to Pella, in disobedience to the decree of the council; their lingering afterward at
Pella, until Philip returned from Thrace; their consenting to accompany him to Pherm, and postponing the signature of the treaty until
their arrival at that city. By all this delay Philip was enabled to
reduce Thrace into subjection, and complete the preparations for his
march southward. It was the duty of the embassadors to apprise
their countrymen of Philip's preparations and objects; yet not only
had they neglected to do so themselves, but they refused to permit
a letter, which Demosthenes had written for that purpose, to be sent
to Athens. Philip had sent a letter to the Athenians, apologizing
for their delay: this, says Demosthenes, was an argument that they
were colluding with him, and it was plain that zEschines had dictated the letter.
Eschines had had many private interviews with Philip, and on one
particular occasion, at Pher{e-of this Demosthenes gives evidence
— he had been watched coming out of the king's tent at midnight.
It is further asserted by Demosthenes, that on the first embassy Philip
offered a sum of money to the whole body of the enmbassadors; that
he also sounded them each separately, himself among the rest, with a
view to seduce them from their allegiance. zschines was known to
have received land in Phocis, yielding an income of thirty minas; (this
apparently is not denied by AEschines;) it could not be doubted that
this was the price of corruption. The conduct of Eschines after his
return home could only be explained on the supposition of treachery.
Hie professed to be perfectly acquainted with Philip's intentions; he
assured the people that Philip meant to deprive the Thebans of their
sovereignty in Bceotia, and to punish them for their designs upon
Delphi; to restore Thespice and Platsea, and to give Eubcea and
Oropus to Athens. Afterward, when it turned out that these promises were nugatory —when Philip had destroyed the Phocian cities,
and confirmed Thebes in her sovereignty over Bscotia-how had
yEschines acted?  Instead of denouncing Philip for breach of faith,
-which would have been the natural course if he had been himself deceived by Philip —he remained quite silent: and not only
that; he had gone to Phocis, and shared the festivities of Philip's
camp, and continued ever after to sound his praises at Athens. Not
very long ago he had supported the Macedonian envoys before the
popular assembly, and, to gratify them, had spoken displaragingly of
his own countrymen. HIe had throughout assisted and upheld Philocrates, clearly because he was the partner of his treason, and had
been afraid to disclaim connection with him, lest his royal master
should be displeased.
Such are the principal matters of fact adduced by Demosthenes in support of the charge. MIany stories are told, not bearing directly upon
the case, but tending to throw discredit on the character of the defendant and his supposed accomplices, Philocrates and Phrynon.
Great pains also are taken by the orator to explain the part which lihe
Vol. II. —F




122          THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
himself took in the same transactions, with a view to clear himself
from all imputation of connection with the guilty parties, or any
other share of the blame. His anxiety on this-head rendered it more
-difficult for him to confine himself to the question properly at issue;
and the speech has not that clear order and arrangement which is commonly observable in Demosthenes. The arguments indeed are often
pointed and forcible, but they are not well put together. He dwells
with much emphasis on the destruction of the Phocians, on the evil
consequences resulting from Philip's possession of ThermopylT, and
the great extension of his power; all which are attributed to YEschines
and his colleagues. If, after they had discovered the designs of Philip,
they had given immediate information to the Athenians, there was
plenty of time to send a fleet and army to ThermopylTe, and prevent
his passing the straits: even after he had passed, they might have
saved Phocis, if they had not been prevented by false intelligence and
insidious counsels. The men who had thus deceived their countrymen had been hired to betray a sacred trust, and they ought not to
be spared. It was urged, that their punishment would excite the
resentment of Philip: but, says Demosthenes, they deserved punishment on this very account, that they had made Philip's resentment
a thing to be dreaded; and Philip should be made to see that it
would not answer his purpose to bribe the citizens of Athens.  -Ie
reminds the jury how severely Timarchus had been dealt with, and
how ~Aschines had in his case insisted upon general notoriety as
a sufficient ground of conviction: if they tried _Eschines upon his
own principles, they must convict him, for his guilt was known to
all. He comments at great length upon the general increase of corruption in the Greek states, showing what baneful effects it had produced in Chalcidice, Peloponnesus, and elsewhere, and how perilous
it would be to themselves, if they suffered it to spread yet further.
Strong measures should be taken to check the progress of the mischief; and now that AEschines was brought before them on a clear
charge of treason, they should, without regard to his abilities, his
position, or his party, make a signal example of him, and strike terIror into the host of traitors in the Hellenic world.
AEschines replied, in a speech little, if at all, inferior to that of his
adversary; and, as we are informed by Idomeneus the Epicurean, he
was acquitted by a majority of thirty votes. Nor can this surprise
us, when we look at the circumstances of the case-the lengthll of
time which had elapsed-the lack of any direct proof of criminality
-the able defense made by fEschines-the advantage which he had
gained by the conviction of Timarchus-and the powerful aid of
Eubulus and other friends, who appeared in his behalf, or supported
him by their influence.
Notwithstanding the express testimony of Idomeneus, who wrote not
very long after the event, and who is confirmed by Ulpian, there are
writers, both ancient and modern, who have inclined to the opinion
that AEschines was never brought to trial, but the orations on both
sides wereonly published. The'doubt was fist suggested by Plutarch,
who thought it strange that no mention of this trial should be made
in either of tle.speechles on the Crowwn, The same vie. r i espoused




ON TIHE EMBASSY.                    123
by Albert Gerhard Becker, in his treatise on the character of Demosthenes, (Demnostlhenes als Staatsman und ]Redner, p. 320,) who argues
the matter more fully. It appears to me, that the negative evidence
on which they rely has but little force under the circumstances, for
the reason assigned by Auger, (which Becker does not satisfactorily
answer,) viz., that both the orators had motives for their silence:
Demosthenes had lost the verdict, and therefore had nothing to boast
of; LEschines had so small a majority-the whole number of jurors
being not less probably than five hundred-that he was considered
not to have obtained an honorable acquittal.
As to the title to this oration, and further information as to the law, see
my article Parapresbeia in the Archnological Dictionary.
OF the intrigue and canvassing which there has been about
this trial, men of Athens, I imagine you are all aware, having
seen what a throng assailed you at the ballot just now.l I
shall only ask at your hands-what those who don't ask it
are entitled to-that you will value no person and no one's
favor more highly than justice and the oath which each juror
has sworn, remembering that this is for the good of yourselves
and the community; whereas all this intrigue and importunity
of partisans is to get advantages for some persons over the
rest, which the laws assemble you here to prevent, not to secure for the benefit of the unjust.
Other men, who enter honestly upon the service of the
public, even after their audit, I see, profess a continued responsibility: _Eschines does the very reverse; for before he
appeared in court to give a reckoning of his actions, one of
the persons who came to demand it he has removed out of
the way;2 others he goes about threatening, and thus introduces into the commonwealth a practice most flagitious and
injurious to you; for if a man who has dischaiged or administered any public office can by intimidation, and not by honesty, keep people from accusing him, you will be deprived of
all authority.
That I shall prove the defendant to be guilty of many grave
misdemeanors, and to merit the severest punishment, I am
confident and persuaded: what, notwithstanding such conviction, I am afraid of, I will tell you without disguise.  It
appears to me, 0 Athenians, tliat all the causes which come
before you depend on the time of bringing them as much as
l For the election of jurors. See page 81, note 1.
2 Timarchus, See Appendix II.




124.THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
upon the merits, and I fear, the length of time since the
embassy may have caused you to forget or become reconciled
to your wrongs. Yet, even under these circumstances, you
may, I think, arrive at ai correct judgment and decision.: I
will tell you how.  You must consider among yourselves,
men of the jury, and reflect for what things the commonwealth should receive an account from an embassador.  First,
it should be, on the subject of his reports; secondly, of his
counsels; thirdly, of your instructions to him; next, as to
the circumstances of time; and after all, whether in each of
these points he has acted incorruptly or not.  Why these inquiries? Because, from his reports you have to deliberate on
your course of action; if they are true, you determine rightly,
if not so, otherwise. The advice of embassadors you give
more credit to, because you listen to them as to men who
understand what they were sent about: never then ought
an embassador to be convicted of giving bad or mischievous
advice. And of course, whatever you instructed him either
to do or say, whatever commission you expressly gave him, it
is his duty to have executed. But why the account of time?
Because it often happens, men of Athens, that the season for
many important measures falls in a short space, and if it be
sacrificed and betrayed to the enemy, do what you will, it
can not be recalled. As to the absence of corrupt motiveI am sure you will all agree, that to take reward for acts
which injure the commonwealth is shocking and abominable.
The legislator indeed does not define it so, but absolutely forbids the taking of bribes in any way, considering, as it appears
to me, that a person who is once bribed and corrupted ceases
to be even a safe judge of what is useful for the state. If
then I shall prove and demonstrate clearly, that 2Eschines
the defendant has reported what is untrue, and prevented
the people hearing the truth from me-that he has given
advice totally opposed to your interests, and fulfilled none of
your instructions on the embassy-that he has wasted time
in which many important opportunities have been lost to the
commonwealth-and that for all this he has received presents
and wages in conjunction with Philocrates,-convict him,
punish him as his crimes deserve: if I prove not these statements, or not all of them, look with contempt on me, and
acquit the defendant,




ON THE EMBASSY.                     125
Many grievous things can I lay to his charge besides those
which I have mentioned, 0 Athenians-  enough to make
every one detest him-but before I enter upon other topics, I
will remind you (though nearly all indeed must remember)
what character 2Eschines first assumed in politics, and what
language he thought proper to address to the people against
Philip, that you may see, his own early acts and speeches will
most surely convict him of taking bribes.
Hle is the first Athenian (as lie declared in his speech) who
discovered that Philip was plotting against the Greeks, and
corrupting certain of the leading men in Arcadia. He it is
who, having Isehander, son of Neoptolemus, to play second
part to hirm,' applied to the council on this matter, and also
to the people, and persuaded you to send embassadors every
where to assemble a congress at Athens for consulting about
war with Philip; who afterward, on his return from Arcadia,
reported those fine long speeches, which he said he had delivered on your behalf before the ten thousand at Miegalopolis,' in answer to Philip's advocate Hieronymus, and dwelt
on the enormous injury done, not only to their own countries,
but to the whole of Greece, by the men who took presents
and money from Philip.  Such being his politics then, such
the specimen which he had given of himself; when Aristodemus, Neoptolemus, Ctesiphon, and the rest, who brought
reports from  Macedonia, without a word of truth, prevailed
on you to send emnbassadors to Philip for peace, this man is
put into the embassy, not as one of a party who would sell
your interests, not as one of those who trusted Philip, but as
one who would help to watch the others; for, on account of
his former speeches and hostility to Philip, you all naturally
held that opinion of him. He came then to me, and arranged
that we should act in the embassy together; and strongly
Pabst iscndem er dem Ischander demn Sohne des Neoptolemus die
zweite Rolle bei semiten Umntriebein zu spielen iibertrug. Others connect
6evrEpayovvtriv with rov Neo0nrou~'ov, and understand it literally, as
if Ischander had been an actor, as Photius says lie was. See Thirlwall's Gr. Hist. v. 326. Taylor takes rov Neorroo2'/ov to mean "the
servant or assistant of Neoptolemus."
2 The general Pan-Arcadian assembly, which met at Megalopolis, and
had power to determine questions of peace and war. See Dio(lorus, xv.
59. And as to the embassy of.Esehines to Peloponnesus, see Appendix
YIII.




126        THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
urged, that we should both watch that impudent profligate
Philocrates.  And until his return home from the first embassy, men of Athensj I certainly never discovered that he was
corrupted and had sold himself; for, besides the speeches
which, as I said, he had made before, he rose in the first of
the assemblies  in which you debated on the peace, and began
— I think I can repeat his opening to you in the very same
words which he used-" Had Philocrates been meditating
ever so long, men of Athens, upon the best means of opposing
the peace, he could not, methinks, have found a better way
than a motion like the present. Never will I, while a single
Athenian is left, advise the commonwealth to make a peace
like this:' peace, however, I do advise"-and to such purport
briefly and fairly he expressed himself.  Yet the same man
who had thus spoken on the first day in the hearing' of you
all, on the next, when the peace was to be ratified, when I
supported the resolution of our allies, and exerted myself to
make the peace equitable and just, and you were of my
opinion, and would not even hear the voice of the despicable
Philocrates, — he then got up and addressed the people in
support of' Philocrates, and said what (O heavens!) deserved
a thousand deaths-that you ought not to remember your
ancestors, nor put up with persons who talked about trophies
and sea-fights, and that he would propose and pass a law to
prevent your succoring any Greeks who had not previously
succored you. All which this impudent wretch dared to utter
in the presence and hearing of the embassadors, whom you
sent for out of Greece at his persuasion before he had sold
himself.
I-ow he wasted the time, 0 Athenians, after you had
appointed him again to receive the oaths; how he ruined all
the affairs of the commonwealth, and quarreled with me
about it when I sought to prevent him, you shall hear presently.  But when' we had returned from. that embassy for
the oaths, which is the subject of your present inquiry-we
not having obtained a particle, great or small, of what was
promised and expected when you made the peace, but having
been cheated in every thing, and these men having a second
Auger'sturn of the passage is a good one: " ecoutez auparavant ce
qui a suivi le retour de cette seconde ambassade, dont je lui demande
compte aujourd'hui,:Nous 6tions revenu," &~,




ON THE EMBASSY.                  127
time outstepped their duty as embassadors; and neglected
your orders —we went before the council. W~hat I am about
to say is known to many people; for the council-hall was full
of strangers.' I came forward and reported the whole truth
to the council, and accused these men, and reckoned every
thing.up, beginning with those first hopes which Ctesipbon and
Aristodemus brought you, showing what speeches iAlschines
had made at the time of your concluding peace, and into
what position they had brought the commonwealth; and as
to what remained, that is, the Phocians and Thermopyle, I
advised that we should not sacrifice them  and repeat our
errors, not keep hanging on hopes and promises, till we let
things come to an extremity. And so I persuaded the council.
But when the assembly came, and we had to address you,.iEschines advanced before any of us: and do, I entreat you,
try and recollect, as I go on, whether I am telling the truth;
for what marred and utterly ruined all our affairs is just this.
From any report of our proceedings on the embassy, from
any mention of what was said in the council, whether or
no he disputed the truth of my statements, he altogether
abstained; but told a tale promising such mighty advantages, that he carried you all away with him,  Hle said that
he had brought Philip entirely over to the interests of Athens,
both on Amlphictyonic questions and all others; and he went
through a long speech, which he said he had addressed to
Philip against the Thebans, and repeated to you the heads,
and computed that in two or three days (thanks to his own
diplomacy) you would hear without leaving home or having
any field-service or trouble, that Thebes, alone and separately
from the rest of Boeotia, was besieged, that Thespise and
Platea were having their people restored, and the treasures of
the God were demanded not from the Phocians, but filom the
Thebans, who had formed the design of seizing his temple;
for he had taught Philip, he said, that those who designed
were guilty of as much impiety as those who executed; and
on that account the Thebans had set a price upon his head.
lIe declared further, he had heard some of the Euboeans, who
were frightened and alarmed at the connection of our state
I. e, people not councilors. As Thirlwall expresses it, (Gr. Hist.
v. 363,) "thronged with spectators."  Auger: "plein de peuple."
Pabst: mit jBilrqern ohne Staatsamt an7gefillt.




128         THE ORATIONS OF  EM3OSTHENESN.
with Philip, say to the embassadors, "We are not unaware of
the terms on which you have concluded peace with Philip;
we are not ignorant, that you have given Amphipolis to him,
and Philip has agreed to surrender Eubcea to you:" there
was indeed another thing which he had arranged, but he
would not mention it yet a while; for some of his colleagues
were jealous of him-hinting in obscure words at Oropus.
Exalted in your opinion by this plausible tale, judged to be
a consummate orator and a wonderful man, he quitted the
platform with much solemnity.  I rose, and declared that I
knew none of those things, and was proceeding to tell what
I had reported to the council; but the defendant standing
up on one side, and Philocrates on the other, shouted and
clamored me down, and at last mocked me. You laughed,
and would neither hear nor believe any thing but what
-Eschines had reported.  And, by the Gods! I think your
behavior was not unnatural; for who could have endured,
with such splendid prospects of advantage, to hear any one
say they were delusive, or arraign what these men had done?
Every thing else, I fancy, at that time was secondary to the
hopes and prospects before you; opposition looked like spite
and annoyance merely;1 the results achieved for the country
were so marvelously advantageous, as it seemed.
Why have I begun by reminding you of these things, and
going over these speeches?  Chiefly and principally, men of
Athens, for this reason, that when you hear me speak of any
proceeding, and it appears outrageously bad, you may not cry
in astonishment, "WThy didn't you speak at the moment, and
inform us?" but remembering the promises of these men, by
means of which on every occasion they prevented others from
being heard, and also that specious announcement of Eschines,
you may see that he has injured you in this way among
others, because you were not suffered to learn the truth at
I do not agree with Schaefer, in thinking that oi c6' avrtE'yovrEf
6Xoog d2troCa   are to be separated from the following words. 01 (ivrt2iyovreg is, in effect, the same as rOb'vhrZIyeIv, and the sentence, though
loose, is not inelegant. Pabst expresses it at too great length: und von
denen die dean widerspracheen nalm mnan an, dass sie ohne hinladnglichen Grutnd als widerwirtige usnd hdmische Afenschen sich bendhilenn.
Auger is much neater: "les contredire, c'etoit vous troubler inutilement, c'6toitjalousie." Francis: " whoever contradicted them appeared
actuated merely by a spirit of opposition and envy."




ON THE EMBASSY.                   129
the instant when it was needful, but cheated by hopes and impostures and promises. Such was the chief and principal cause
of my entering into these details.  What was the second?
One of no less importance; that, while you remember his
political principles before he was corrupted —how wary, how
mistrustful he was of Philip —you may observe his sudden
conversion to confidence and friendship; and if his reports to
you have been verified, and the results are all right, you may
hold his conversion to have been honest and for the country's
good; but if the events have all been contrary to what he said,
and are fraught with deep disgrace and grievous peril to the
country, you may see that he has changed from sordid avarice
and bartering of the truth for money.
As I have been led into these topics, I would take the earliest opportunity of mentioning how they took the Phocian
business out of you; hands.  And you must not suppose,
men of the jury, when you look at the magnitude of that
affair, that the crimes and charges imputed to AEschines are
too great for his character, but consider, that any person whom
you had placed in that position and made the arbiter of events,
had he sold himself, like 2Eschines, for the purpose of cheating and deceiving you, would have wrought the same mischief
as A/Eschines.  It is not because you often put mean persons
in public employments, that the affairs which other people
deem our state worthy to administer are mean; quite otherwise.  And again-Philip, I grant, has destroyed the Phocians; but these men helped hinm: and we must look and see,
whether such chance of saving the Phocians as depended on
the embassy was sacrificed and lost by the treachery of these
men; not that 2Eschines' destroyed the Phocians by himself
-how could he?
Give me the resolution which the council passed on my
report, and the deposition of the person who drew it up
— to show you, I am  not repudiating acts which I was
silent about before, for I denounced them immediately, and
1 "Ode means ~Eschines, as Reiske, Auger, and Pabst take it; not
Philip, as Schaefer and Francis. The argument is-It is not necessary
to make out, for the purpose of conviction, that 3Eschines was the sole
destroyer of the Phocians; of course he was not, and could not be.
Philip was the principal author of that result. The question is, whether ~Eschines and his accomplices did not help to bring it about by
their treacherous conduct in the embassy.
E 2




130          THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
foresaw the consequences; and the council, who were not prevented hearing the truth from me, would neither vote thanks
to these men, nor invite them  to the city-hall.   Such an
indignity is not known to have befallen any embassadors
since the foundation of the city, not even Timagoras,2 whom
the people condemned to death: yet it has been suffered by
these men.
Read them first the evidence, and then the resolution.
[T71e evidence.]
[The resolution of the council.]
Here is no vote of thanks, no invitation of the embassadors
by the council to the city-hall.  If ZEschines says there is, let
him  show  and produce it, and I will sit down.  [But there is
none.  I allow, if we all acted alike, in  the embassy, the
1 The Prytaneum, or town-hall of Athens. This was a public building near the market-place, where the Prytanes, or presidents of the
council, met to dine every day during their term of office, in company
with a few select citizens, to whom the state gave the honor of a public dinner. This honor was sometimes given for life, to men who had
done some signal service, or to the children of such persons; but it was
a reward reserved for rare occasions. Hence the Athenians were so
incensed with Socrates, when, being asked after his conviction what
penalty he deserved, he replied, "Dinner in the Prytaneum."  Cicero
de Oratore, i. 54:-" Respondit gese meruisse ut amplissimis lionoribus
et pr.lemiis decoiraretur, et ei victus quotidianus in Prytaneo publice
prneberetur; qui honos apud Grsecos maximus habetur. Cujus responso
sic judices exarserunt, ut capitis hominem innocentissimum condemnarent."  Here also the presidents, representing the hospitality of the
state, entertained embassadors and other foreigners of distinction. And
it appears from this passage of Demosthenes, that it was usual to invite
the Athenian embassadors after their return home, unless they had misconducted themselves, and the omission to give such invitation would
be regarded as a stigma.
2 Timagoras and Leon were the Athenian embassadors to the court
of Persia, at the same time when the Thebans and their allies sent
a joint embassy with Pelopidas at their head, a. c. 367. According to
Xenophon, (Hell. vii. 38,) Leon, upon his return to Athens, accused
Timagoras of having refused to lodge with him, and having acted in
concert with Pelopidas; and the Athenians for this put him to death.
Plutarch, in the life of Pelopidas, relates that the Athenians condemned
Timagoras for receiving a large number of presents from Artaxerxes,
and traveling to the coast in a carriage provided by the king; though
the real cause of their displeasure was, that Pelopidas, by means of
his superior credit and abilities, had gained greater success than the
Athenian envoys.




ON THE EMBASSY.                     131
council did right in thanking none of us; for the conduct of
all was truly shameful: but if some of us acted uprightly and
some not, through the rogues, it would seem, honest men have
come in for a share of the disgrace. How then may you easily
distinguish who is the knave?  Recollect among yourselves,
who it is that denounced the proceedings from the beginning:
for it is clear that the guilty party was content to be silent,
to elude the present time, and never afterward submit his conduct to inquiry; while to a man conscious of nothing wrong
it occurred, that possibly by holding his tongue he might seem
to be an accomplice in misdemeanor and crime. Well then, I
am the person who accused these men from the beginning;
none of them accused me.
The council had passed their resolution.  The assembly
was convened, and Philip already at Thermopyle.'This
indeed was their prime offense, that they gave the conduct of
such an affair to Philip, and when the proper course was, that
you should have information, and then deliberate, and afterward execute what you determined, you received intelligence
only at the moment of his arrival, and it was difficult even to
advise what should be done.  And besides, no one ever read
to the people that resolution of the council; the people never
heard it; but lEschines got up and harangued as I have
just told you, stating what immense advantages he had persuaded Philip to grant, and that the T'hebans on that account had set a price upon his head; at which you, though
terrified at first by Philip's arrival, and angry with these
men for having given no warning, became as gentle as possible,1 in the expectation of getting all that you desired, and
would not suffer me or any one else to speak.  And then
was read Philip's letter, which 2A3schines wrote without our
privity,2 and which is in terms a plain and direct apology for
1 "As gentle as any thing."  The familiar expression in English is
like that of the Greek. And it is the same in German: see Reiske's
note. But Schaefer prefers the reading of rtvar, "some of you;" the
orator confining his observation to a part of the assembly, to avoid
giving offense. Pabst adopts the same reading, and translates: aber
gat- bald gewissermassen milder gestimnmt wurdet.
2 I follow Reiske, Auger, and Schaefer. Pabst renders it: wiihrend
seines Zuriickbleibens nach unsetrer Abreise. And Francis the same. It
does indeed appear that lEschines staid behind with Philip after the
departure of Demosthenes. See p. 396, orig.




1832        THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
these men's faults.  For it states, that he hindered them
from  going to the cities as they wished and receiving the
oaths, and that he kept them to assist him as mediators between the Halians and Pharsalians;. and he adopts and takes
upon himself all their delinquencies: but as to the Phocians
or Thespians, or the defendant's reports to you, there is not
a syllable. And it was not done in this way by accident:
but where you ought to have punished these men for nonperformance and neglect of your positive instructions, Philip
takes the blame off their shoulders, and says that he himself was in fault, because (as I imagine) you were not likely
to punish him: when he desired to cheat and surprise us
out of some advantage, 2Eschines made the report, that you
might have no charge or complaint against Philip afterward,
the statements not being in a letter or any other communication of his.  iRead them  the letter itself, which this man
wrote and Philip sent.  You will see, it is just as I explained.
Read.
[The letter.]
You hear the letter, 0 Athenians-how fair and friendly
it is.  About the Phocians however, or the Thebans, or the
other matters which this man reported, there is not a word:
and therefore there is nothing honest in it, as you shall see
directly. HI-e kept them, as he says, to help him. in making
up the quarrel of the Ialians: but a pretty making-up the
Halians have got-they have been outcast; and their city has
been razed to the ground. As to the prisoners, this man who
was considering what he could do to oblige you says, he never
thought of ransoming them: but it has often, as you know,
been testified before the assembly, that I went with a talent
to redeem  them, and it shall be testified now: therefore, to
deprive me of the credit of a generous act, AEschines persuaded him to insert this.1  But here is the most important
1, Av'aaaOat idem valere quod aectivum 2vrat, ut Kusteri doctrinam
convellat, ait Clericus, antestans AEschinem, qui diserte affirmet, 4Qietrtroy lv r& 7iro2Z#  ol6lva 7r'7roTe'AOrlva'wv 2vrpa 7rpdstfaaOat. Sed vera
illum ratio fugit. Scilicet Philippus gratis potuit dimittere eos qui
ipsius mancipia essent; qui essent aliorum, si vellet liberare, a dolominis
redimere debuit pretio soluto. Illos igitur',vaev, hos l'XZaaro. Omnem
tollit dubitationem quod legitur p. 393." —Schaefer, App. Crit. And
compare what Thirwall says, Gr. Hist. v. 356,-" Demosthenes wished




ON THE EMBASSY.                       133
thing: —Ie that wrote in the first letter which we brought"I should have expressly mentioned what benefits I had in
store for you, had I been sure of the alliance also" —after the
alliance had been concluded says, he knows not what he can
do to oblige you; he knows not even his own promise!  Of
course he knew that, if he was not playing false.1  To prove
that he wrote so at first-here, read the passage out of the
letter-begin here-read.
[The passage fron  the letter.]
You see, before he obtained peace, he promised, if alliance
also was granted him, he would write and say what benefits
he had in store for you. Now that both have been granted
him, he says he knows not what he can do to oblige you,
but, if you will tell him, he will do any thing that is not
disgraceful or dishonorable; having recourse to these preit to be believed that the debates on the peace bad raised such suspicions in his mind as to the integrity of his former colleagues, especially
Philocrates and AEschines, that he would have declined the office, if he
had not undertaken to procure the release of some of the Athenian
prisoners who were detained in MIacedonia. ~_Eschines treats this as an
empty pretext, because Philip had never been used to exact ransom for
his Athenian prisoners during the war; and a promise had been given
in his name that all should be released as soon as peace should be concluded. But it is clear that this related only to those whom he kept in.
his own hands; and Eschines himself admits that, among the instructions of the second embassy, one was to negotiate for the release of the
prisoners."
The distinction between R2vat and 2dvaacOa is properly explained by
Schaefer; and -the first part of the charge here made against Philip is
perfectly clear. Philip had said he was considering what service he could
render to the Athenians: and yet in his letter he states that he never
thought of redeeming the prisoners. How could this obvious method
of obliging them have escaped him, if he had really desired to do so?
But what does Demosthenes mean when he says that Philip put that
clause in his letter, in order to deprive him of credit for his liberality?
We should have the whole letter before us, to understand this fully;
but perhaps the meaning of Philip was as follows: It did not occur to
me to redeem the prisoners who were in the hands of my subjects; the
moment it was suggested, however, I acceded to the request: there
could be no occasion for Demosthenes, or any one else, to come to Pella
for the purpose of effecting their ransom. Compare what Demosthenes says at pp. 393, 394, which looks like an answer to this very argument.'The 23p might be expressed more fully, thus-S'a likely thing,
indeed! Surely he must have known that!" &c.




134         THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
tenses, and (should you mention. any thing and be induced to
make a proposal) leaving himself an escape.
These and many other tricks one might then instantly
have exposed, and enlightened you on the subject, and not
permitted you to abandon every thing, had not Thespiae and
Platsea and the expectation of immediate punishment being
inflicted on Thebes blinded you to the truth. If these things
were merely to be heard, and the commonwealth to be deluded, it was proper enough to tell you of them': but if they
were really to be performed, they should not have been talked about.  For if matters had gone so far, that the Thebans
even discovering the design could not have helped themselves,
why has it not been executed? If they discovered it in time
to prevent the execution, who let out the secret?, Was it not
iEschines?  But no-he never had any such meaning or intention,l and 2Eschines never expected it: so I acquit him
entirel yof letting the secret out. The fact is-it was necessary that you should be amused by these statements, and refuse
to hear the truth from me, and that you should yourselves remain at home, and a decree pass by which the Phocians would
be destroyed. Therefore were these statements fabricated, and
therefore publicly announced.
i, when I heard the defendant making such magnificent
promises, being quite certain of their falsehood-and I will
tell you why: first because, when.Philip was about to
swear the oath of peace, the Phocians were by these men
expressly excluded from the treaty, a thing they should have
been quite silent about, if the Phocians were to be savedsecondly, because Philip's embassadors used no such language,
nor Philip's letter, but only the defendant.2   Making my
conjectures accordingly, I got up to speak, and attempted to
answer him: but, as you refused to hear me, I held my
tongue, protesting only-I pray and entreat you to recollect
-that I had no knowledge of these things, that I had no
1 I follow Markland, Auger, and Pabst, in understanding Philip as
the nominative to i ue2lev and fiPovX2u07. It is true that Philip has not
been mentioned in the sentences preceding; but then he was throughout
in the orator's thoughts as the party promising and designing the things
alluded to. Schaefer explains oVr' 1ueX2bV, "nec futura erant qusa fore
~Aschines jactaverat;" and connects',ov7Oqrl with oVror. But there
is not much sense in saying that "A/Eschines never desired."
2 I preserve the anacoluthon of the original.




ON' THE EMI3ASSY.                    135
concern in them, iand what was more, I did not expect them.
At this (the not expecting) you fired up.  "Athenians," I
said, "if any of this comes true, be sure you praise and
honor and crown these men, and not me; but if it turns
out differently, let them feel your resentment. I am out of
it altogether."'  "Don't be out of it now," said AEschines,
interrupting-  "-Mind you don't want to be in it another
time." " Certainly," said I, " or I should be acting unfairly;"
at which Philocrates rose in a flippant manner and said,
"No wonder, men of Athens, that I and Demosthenes agree
not in opinion; for he drinks water, and I drink wine"2-and
you laughed.
Read the decree, which Philocrates presented afterward.
of his own drawing.3  It is very well just to hear: but when
one takes into account the occasion on which it was prepared,
and the promises which the defendant then made, it will appear, they plainly delivered up the Phocians to Philip and the
Thebans, all but tying their hands behind them.  Read the
decree.
[Tlze decree.]
You see, men of Athens, how full the decree is of fair and
flattering words; that it extends the peace with Philip to
his descendants, and the alliance, and awards praise to Philip
for offering to do what was just.  But Philip offered nothing
at all —so far from offering, he says he knows not what he
can do to oblige you: it was the defendant that spoke and
"I wash my hands of it," as we familiarly say. " I disclaim all
connection with the business; (that is) with what dEschines has been
telling you." The reply of JEschines might be rendered with equal
force, but with a turn of expression, thus-" Don't disclaim connection
now and claim it hereafter."  Pabst: Jchfiir seinen Theil sage Mnich
los von der ganzen Sache! HieraqGf sprach dieser JEschines: sage Dich
jetzt nicht los davon, zold siehe izn, dass Dnt nicht hernach daran Antheil wirst haben wollen. Francis, without either force or accuracy:
" For my part I retire. Not yet, replied -Eschines: do not yet retire:
only remember not to claim any of these rewards, when they are distributed."
2 Demosthenes was often joked about his water-drinking. Thus, in
allusion to the Clepsydra (as to which, see page 59, note 1), it was said,
that other men spoke by water, but Demosthenes composed by it.
3 Philocrates had drawn it up, and then put it in the hands of the
assembly-clerk, to be read as his own motion before the people. See
Appendix V.




136        THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
promised in his name. Philocrates, seeing you jump at the
defendant's promise, inserts in the decree, that, unless the
Phocians did what was right and gave up the temple to the
Amphictyons, the Athenian people would send forces against
those who resisted.  So, men of Athens, as you were staying
at home and had never been out, as the Lacedaemonians
seeing the artifice had withdrawn, and no other Amphictyons
were present besides Thessalians and Thebans, he has proposed2 in the blandest possible language to deliver up the temple to them, proposing (as he does) to deliver it up to the Amphictyons-what Amphictyons? for none were there but Thebans and Thessalians —not that you should convoke the Amphictyonic body, or wait till they assembled; not that Proxenus should carry succor to.the Phocians, or that the Athenians should take the field, or any thing of the kind.  Philip
however twice summoned you by letter-not to induce you to
march, most assuredly: or he would never have destroyed your
opportunities of marching and summoned you then; he would
not have prevented my sailing home when I desired it, or ordered 2Eschines to make statements calculated to stop your
march: no-it was that you, under the belief that he would
do all you desired, might vote nothing against him; that the
Phocians might not be encouraged by hopes from you to hold
out and resist, but might in utter despair surrender themselves into his hands.  Read Philip's letters, and let them
speak for themselves.
[Thle letters.]
You see, the letters summon you, and verily for the first
time: but these men-had there been any thing honest about
it-ought surely to have pressed for your going out,3 and
moved that Proxenus, whom they knew to be in the neighborhood, should immediately carry succor. Yet it appears,
they have done just the contrary: and no wonder. They heeded
not his epistles, for they understood his intentions in writing
them: those intentions they seconded and strove to forward.
Pabst: der Euch durch die Redeib des jEschi'nes angelockt sah.
-2 This tense is used because the decree, which Demosthenes had
caused to be read, was before the court. Francis translates inaccurately: "then did ~Lschines write in the gentlest language in the world."
The mover of the decree was not,Eschines, but Philocrates.
3 lMore literally: " what else should they have done but second his
request for your march?" &c.




ON THE EMBASSY.                     137
The Phocians, when they learned your views from  the
assembly,' and received this decree of Philocrates, and heard
the defendant's report and his promises, were in every way
undone. Consider only. There were some intelligent persons there who distrusted Philip: they were induced to put
faith in him —why?-because they supposed that, if Philip
deceived them ten times over, he would at all events not
dare to deceive the Athenian. envoys, but that the defendant's reports to you were correct, and destruction menaced the
Thebans, not themselves.  There were others inclined to resist at any price: but even their zeal was slackened by the
persuasion that Philip was on their side, and that, if they
refused compliance, you would attack them, you from whom
they had expected succor.  Some however believed, that you
repented having made peace with Philip: to these they
showed, that you had voted the same peace with his posterity, so that all hope from you must have been despaired of.
Therefore they got all this into one decree.  And here, in my
opinion, have they done you the most grievous wrong. In
drawing a treaty of peace with a mortal man raised to power
by certain accidents, to have covenanted for an immortality
of disgrace to the commonwealth!-to have deprived her not
merely of other things, but also of the chances of fortune!to have been so wantonly wicked as to injure not only the
existing Athenians, but all hereafter to come in being!. — is
not this most dreadful?  Never afterward would you have
consented to add to the treaty this clause, "and to his pos1 "They got intelligence about you from the proceedings in the assembly, which were reported to them."  Others construe it differently,
joining r7,rap' i/wclv with ic T7rf rc2u7Xaafa. Francis: " what you had
determined in your assembly." Pabst, to the same effect.
2," Selon la formule assez ordinaire, les Atheniens avoient inser6 dans
leur tratit6 de paix les mots de paix perpoeftuel, de paix conclue avec eux
et leur descendants. Ce n'6toit a-peu-prs. qu'une formule; car cette perp6tuite se bornoit souvent a un petit nombre d'annees. La declamation de D1mosthdne, quoiqu'dloquente, n'est done dans la realite qu'une
declamation."-Auger.
These observations are not quite correct. It was common enough
among the Greeks to conclude a peace for a limited number of years;
and when for a small term, it was.little better than an armistice. (See
Thucydides, v. 18, 23, 41; Aristophanes, Acharn. 186-202, 251.) The
argument of Demosthenes is good, assuming the peace with Philip to
have been a dishonorable and injurious one. Had the peace been satisfactory, it could not be too firmly cemented.




138        fETilE ORATIBONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
terity," had you not relied on the promises announced by
Aschines.  On these the Phocians relied, and were ruined:
for, after they had surrendered to Philip and put their cities
into his hands, they met with treatment the very opposite of
what he assured them,
To convince you that all has been lost in this manner and
through these men, I will compute to you the dates of the
several transactions.  Whoever disputes any of these particulars, may get up and speak while my water is running,
The peace was concluded on the nineteenth of Elaphebolion,
and we were away to receive the oaths three whole months;
and during all that time the Phocians were safe. We returned from the embassy for the oaths on the thirteenth of
the month Scirophorion, and Philip was by that time at Thermopyle, and making promises to the Phocians, of which they
believed not a single word. The proof is this;-they would
not otherwise have come here to you.  The assembly, in
which these men ruined all by their false and delusive statements to you, was held afterward, on the sixteenth of Scirophorion. On the fifth day after that, as I reckon, intelligence
of your proceedings reached the Phocians; for the Phocian
envoys were here, and it much concerned them to know what
these men would report, and what resolution you would pass.
I reckon then, it was on the twentieth that the Phocians
heard of your proceedings, for that is the fifth day from the
sixteenth.' Then comes the twenty-first, twenty-second, twenty-third: on this the convention2 took place, and it was all
over with Phocis. How does this appear?  On the twentyseventh you were assembled in Pirmus on the business of the
arsenal, and Dercylus came from Chalcis, and reported to you
that Philip had put every thing into the hands of the Thebans;
and he computed it to be the fifth day from the convention.
Twenty-three, twenty-four, twenty-five, twenty-six, twentyseven-that makes it exactly the fifth. So, you see, by the
date of their report, by the date of their motion, by all the
dates,3 are they convicted of having acted in concert with
Philip, and assisted in the destruction of the Phocianso
1 Reckoning inclusive, according to custom,
~ Between Philip and the Phocians. See Appendix I.
I follow Pabst in connecting oZc with Xpovotf, not Reiske, who takes
it neutrally. But I differ with Pabst as to irnagv. He explains it, "by




ON THE EMBASSY.                    139
Again, the circumstance that not a city of the Phocians was
taken by storm  or blockade, but that they were utterly destroyed by the convention, is a decisive proof that they sufibred
because these men had persuaded them that they would be
saved by Philip.  For of his character they were certainly
not ignorant. Give me the treaty of alliance with the Phocians, and the decrees' under which they dismantled the fortifications-to show you in what relation you stood to them,
and how they were treated notwithstanding through these accursed men.  Read.
[The treaty of alliance between the Athlenians and the
Phocians.]
That is what they had to expect from you-friendship, alliance, succor.  Now hear what treatment they got through
this man who prevented your succoring them.  Read.
[Tile convention between Philtp and the Phocians.]
You hear, 0 Athenians.  A convention between Philip and
the Phocians, it says, not between the Thebans and Phocians,
nor Thessalians and Phocians, nor Locrians, nor any: other of
the people present.  And again it says, that the Phocians shall
deliver up these cities to Philip; not to the Thebans, nor the
Thessalians, nor any other people. Why? Because this man
reported to you that Philip had come to save the Phocians.
To him they trusted for all; to him they looked for all; with
him they concluded peace. Now for the rest. Look what
they trusted to, and what they got. Any thing like was it or
similar to this man's assurance?  Read.
[TYhe decree of thle lmphnictyons.]
Results more awful and momentous, O Athenians, have
not been wrought in Greece within our time, nor I should
think in any time heretofore.  Yet such mighty results has
Philip singly been able to accomplish during the existence of
the Athenian commonwealths whose hereditary privilege it is
all the circumstances." But Demosthenes is here summing up his argument as to the dates only. See the clause just above, near the be.
ginning of p. 359 (orig.), Toig xp6vovg iea/v 2oytoiztat KaO' ovg tyi've''Tcahra.
3 The. Amphictyoli.q,




140        THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHEENES.
to take the lead in Greece, and not permit any proceeding of
this kind.
The ruin which has fallen on the poor 1Phocians may be
seen not only by these decrees, but by what has actually been
done —a shocking and pitiable spectacle, O Athenians! On
our late journey to Delphi' we were forced to see it allhouses razed to the ground, walls demolished, a country
stripped of its adult population, a few women and little children and mniserable old men. No language can come up to
the wretchedness now existing there.  I hear you all say,
that once this people gave the opposite vote to the Thebans
on the question of enslaving us.2  How think ye then, 0
Athenians? —could your ancestors return to life, what vote or
judgment would they pass upon the authors of this destruction? In my opinion, though they stoned them with their
own hands, they would consider themselves pure. For is it
not disgraceful-is it not, if possible, worse than disgraceful
— that people who had then saved us, who gave the vote for
our preservation, should have met with an opposite return
through these men, and been suffered to incur greater misfortunes than any Greeks ever knew?  Who then is the
author of them?  Who was the deceiver?  JEschines-who
but he?
For many things, men of Athens, might one felicitate
Philip on his fortune, but for one thing with the greatest
justice —one piece of luck which (by the gods and goddesses!)
I don't think has fallen to any other man in our time.  To
have taken great. cities and subdued a large territory, these
and the like feats are wonderful, I allow, and splendid —
how can they help being?  Yet they have been achieved, it
may be said, by many others.  This however is a peculiar
good fortune which has occurred to no other mortal-what?
-That, when he wanted base men for his purposes, he found
baser than he desired. Can we avoid holding such an opinion
of these men, when falsehoods which Philip dared not utter in
his own behalf, notwithstanding their importance to him1 To the Amphicetyonic meeting.
2 In the council of war, after the capture of Athens by Lysander,
when the Thebans proposed that Athens should be razed to the ground,
and Attica thrown into pasture. See Xenophon, Hell. ii. 2. As to the
phrase Mij~ov irporeOeicav, see Sch6mann, De Comitiis, 104.




ON THE EMBASSY.                 141
which he neither wrote in any letter nor commissioned any
embassador to state-they lent themselves to for hire, and deceived you by them?  Antipater and Parmenio, who were
serving a master, and not likely to encounter you afterward,
contrived not to be the instruments of your deception: yet
embassadors appointed by the Athenian state, the freest in the
world, had the hardiness to deceive you-you whom they were
certain to look upon face to face, and to pass the remainder of
their lives with, and before whom they would have to render
an account of their conduct. Could any men be more wicked
or abandoned?
To show that he is devoted by you to execration, that after
such falsehoods you could not with any regard to sanctity or
religion acquit him —recite the curse-read it from the law
here.
[The curse.]'
This imprecation, men of Athens, the crier pronounces on
your behalf according to law in every assembly, and also before the council when it sits..2Eschines can't say that he
was not well acquainted with it: for as your clerk and servant to the council, he himself dictated this law to the crier.
Would it not be a strange and monstrous proceeding, if what
you enjoin, or rather request the gods to do in your behalf,
you should fail to do yourselves when it is in your power today, and acquit a man whom you implore the gods to extirpate with his house and family?  Don't think of such a thing.
When a man escapes you, leave the gods to punish him: when
you catch him yourselves, trouble them about him no more.
So far will he carry his impudence and audacity, I am told,
that, leaving the facts of' the case, his reports, his promises, his
impostures upon the state, as if he were tried before some other
people, and not before you who know it all, he will accuse
first the Lacedemonians, then the Phocians, then HI-egesippus.
But this is mockery, or rather abominable effrontery.  For,
whatever he may say now about the Phocians, or the Lacedaemonians or Hegesippus-that they would not receive Proxenus,
that they are guilty of impiety, or any thing else against them
surely it had all taken place before these embassadors returned, and was no obstacle to the Phocians being saved, as
1 See page 102, note 2.




142         THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
is said-by whom?-by IEschines the defendant himself.  For
he did not then report, that but for the Lacedemonians, or
but for their not receiving Proxenus: or but for HTegesippus,
or but for this thing and the other, the Phocians would have
been saved-No: he passed over all that, and said expressly
that he had prevailed on Philip to save the Phocians, to repeople Boeotia, to arrange things to your advantage;'I that it
would all be accomplished in two or three days, and on that
account the Thebans had set a price upon his head. Therefore, if he talks about what the Lacedaemonians or what the
Phocians had done before he made these reports, don't listen
to him nor hear a word; and don't suffer him to make charges
of immorality against the Phocians.  It was not for their
merit that you rescued the Lacedsemonians formerly, or these
accursed Eubdeans, or many others, but because their safety
was for the interest of the commonwealth, as that of the Phocians was lately. And what fault did the Phocians or the
Lacedsemonians or yourselves or any other people commit
after this man's statements, to cause the miscarriage of what
he then told you? Ask him this: he won't be able to explain.
There have been but five days in which he made his false report, you believed him, the Phocians got the news, yielded
themselves up, and perished.  From this, I imagine, it appears
clearly, that the whole fraud and artifice was contrived for the
purpose of destroying the Phocians. For in the interval after
the peace, while Philip was unable to march, but was making
preparations, he sent for the Lacedasemonians, and promised to
do every thing for them, that the Phocians might not get
them for auxiliaries through you.  But when he arrived at
Thermopylae, and the Lacedsmonians perceiving the snare
withdrew, he then put this man forward2 to deceive you; for he
1 Pabst: Euch lEinfluss auf die dortigen Azgelegenheiten zu vet
schca'en. Auger: "a vous rendre maitres des affaires."
2 Reiske in his Index gives the following explanation of the verb
7rpocaOlivaL: "aliquem premittere, sumnmittere, subornare, qui ante
tuum adventum omnia qua tu parata velis proeparet atque instruat;
ut si tu exempli causa fratrem in puteum demittas explorandi aut
elimandi ergo, antequam tute temet eo demittas. Toivov 7rpolcaOijKev
1Saracrav ipuf, ericulum facturum, possitne Philippus vobis imponere."
Pabst renders it: sandte er diesen.Menschen wieder voran, um Euch
listig zu betriigen. Francis: " he secretly employed ~Eschines to deceive you."




ON THE EMBASSY.                      143
feared, if you discovered that he was acting for the Thebans,
he might get into war and delay and embarrassment, by the
Phocians defending themselves and your assisting them, and
he wished rather to complete his conquest without a struggle;
which indeed has been the case. Don't then, because Philip
deceived the Lacedoemonians and the Phocians also, let this
man escape punishment for his deception of you. That would
hardly be just.
If, to compensate for the Phocians and Thermopyloe and
the rest of our losses, he alleges that the Chersonese is preserved to us, by heavens! men of the jury, don't admit the
excuse; don't endure that, in addition to the injuries which
you have sustained by the embassy, he should by his defense
cast reproach upon the state, as if you made a reservation for
certain of your own possessions, while you sacrificed the welfare of your allies.  You did no such thing: for, after the peace
was made and the Chersonese was in security, the Phocians
were safe during- the four ensuing months, and the falsehoods
of this man afterward, by imposing on you, caused their ruin.1
Besides, you will find the Chersonese is in greater danger now
than it was then. For let me ask, would it have been easier to
punish Philip for attacking it before he had snatched any of' "Si quid cerno, argumentum hoc, cui tantum tribuit Demosthenes,
parumt aut nil valet. Ecquis enim non videt in arcanis Philippo cum
Atheniensibus condictis, qume non fuerunt publicata, hoc fuisse, ut Athenienses pro Cherrhoneso Phocidem Philippo permitterent? Et renuntiatie legationis falsa ab tEschine ad populum Atheniensem potuerunt
esse mern-prmstigime ad oculos Grecian occecandos et invidiam ab
Atheniensibus avertendam commisse erga socios proditionis. Tales
mimi aguntur inter optimates. Qum intra siparium fiunt, multumn ab
iis diversa sunt, qume foris."-Reiske.
"Non cogitavit Reiskius Atheniensium illis temporibus publice, hoc
est, in concionibus, talia transigentium esse non potuisse arcana 7'o7Z-revcara. Quidquid igitur hoc in negotio fraudis fuit, commissum est
a Philippo, non consciis Atheniensibus, sed parariis roZi 7rraparrpea,eiacaav."-Schaefer.
Reiske was undoubtedly quite mistaken in his view of this transaction. There is not the slightest evidence of any instructions having
been given by the Athenians to their ministers, to effect a peace with
Philip by which their allies were intentionally sacrificed. They acted
foolishly indeed and weakly, in suffering themselves to be deceived,
and not seeing their real interests; and it is true also that they were
prejudiced in some degree by the forms of their political government,
by reason of which their ambassadors were not sufficiently checked by
a vigorous executive power.




144         THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
these advantages from us, or is it easier now?  I imagine it
was much easier before. W~hat sort of preservation then is
it for the Chersonese, when lie that would violate it is released
from fear and danger?
I understand however, that he intends to say something of
this kind-that he wonders how it is Demosthenes accuses
him, and not any of the Phocians. It is better you should
hear the explanation from me beforehand. Among the expatriated Phocians, the best and most respectable being in
exile and consequent distress keep themselves quiet, and
none of them would like to incur private hostility on account
of the public misfortunes; while those who would do any
thing for money can find no one to give it them. I certainly
would not have feed any of them, to stand up for me here and
cry out what they had suffered: for the truth and the facts
cry out of themselves. As to the Phocian commonalty, they
are in such a wretched and deplorable condition, that they
have no thought of being prosecutors at Athenian audits, but
are every one of them  slaves, frightened to death at the
Thebans and the mercenaries of Philip, whom they are forced
to maintain, scattered themselves over villages, and deprived
of their arms. Don't allow him then to use that argument,
but make him show that the Phocians have not been ruined,
or that he never promised that Philip would save them.
These are the questions at the account of an embassy-What
has been negotiated? what was your report?  If true, take
your acquittal; if false, pay the penalty. What matters it
whether the Phocians are present or not? They are in such a
plight, I fancy —and you did your best to bring them into
it-they can neither help their friends nor punish their enemies.
But besides the general discredit and disgrace which these
proceedings are attended with, it is easy to show that serious
perils consequently menace the state. For which of you is
ignorant that by the Phocian war, and the Phocians being
masters of Thermopyloe, we were out of all apprehension from
the Thebans; never could they or Philip make their way to
Peloponnesus, nor to Euboea, nor Attica?  This security,
which place and circumstances guaranteed to the commonwealth, you, trusting to the falsehoods and artifices of these
men, abandoned; fortified though it was by arms, by con



ON THE EMBASSY.                     145
tinued war, by great cities of an allied people, and by an extensive territory, you suffered it to be overthrown.' And your
former expedition to Thernlopylm has become fruitless, which
cost you more than two hundred talents, reckoning the private expenses of those who served.  Your hopes about the
Thebans are fruitless also.  But what, among many shameful
services which this man has performed for Philip, involves
really the most contemptuous treatment of the commonwealth,
and all of you, I beg you to hear-it is this: that IPhilip liaving determined from the beginning to do all that he has done
for the Thebans,?Eschines, by reporting the contrary, and
making it manifest that you were against what he did, has increased your enmity with the Thebans and their friendliness
to Philip.  How  could a man have treated you more contumeliously?
Take and read the decree of Diophantus, and that of Callisthenes, to show you that when you performed your duties,
you were recompensed with thanksgivings and praise both at
Athens and elsewhere, but after you had been deluded by
these men, you brought in your women and children fiom the
country, and decreed to perform the Heraclean sacrifice within
the city in time of peace: which makes me wonder whether
you will let off with impunity a man who caused even the
gods to be deprived of their customary worship.  Read the
decree.
[The decree.]
Thus worthily of your conduct, 0 Athenians, you voted
then.  Now read the next.
[Thle decree.]
Such was the vote you then passed through the conduct of
these men; though it was not with such prospects that you
1The emendation of Reiske, who for Kai XWFP p'ro2?-7 substitutes
Xr6pav 7ro2jzXv, has met the approval of some critics, and among others,
of Pabst, who thus renders the passage: und ein durch TVacfen und
faortcldaernden Krieg gescliitztes Land, was mit bedeutcnden Stadlen und
verbiindeten Bewohmersn bevlkert, und von ansenhlichem Umfange war,
habt Irh rishig, ohne es zit hindern, verheeren lassen. I agree with
Scllaefer, that it is much better to preserve the old reading and understand dapdcelav as the subject of the whole sentence. The metaphor,
he observes, is by no means harsh, but suitable to the dignity of the
argument.  And he refers to the famous passage rav hd retXailqv
Trorov, K. r. A. (p. 325 Orig. and p. 108 in this volume.)
VOL. II.-G




146         THiE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
either originally concluded peace and alliance, or were afterward persuaded to insert the clause, "and to his posterity,"
but under the belief that through these men you would get
marvelous benefits.  You all know how often afterward you
were alarmed by hearing of Philip's army and mercenaries
in the neighborhood of Porthmus or Megara.1  Therefore,
though he may not yet have invaded Attic ground, it is not
that you must look at, nor relax in your vigilance: you must
see whether he has through these men got the opportunity of
doing it when he pleases; this peril you must keep in view,
and abhor and punish the guilty person who has furnished him
with such opportunity.
I know indeed that.Eschines will avoid all discussion of the
charges against him; that, seeking to withdraw you as far as
possible from the facts, he will rehearse what mighty blessings
accrue to mankind from peace, and, on the other hand, what
evils from war; in short, he will pronounce a panegyric on
peace, and take up that line of defense. Yet even these are so
many arguments to convict him.  For if the cause of blessings to others has been the cause of so many-troubles and such
confusion to us, what else can one suppose, but that by-taking
bribes these men have spoiled a thing in its own nature excellent?
Oh, but-he may say perhaps-have you not preserved,
and won't you preserve through the peace three hundred
galleys, with stores for them and money?-In regmard to this
you must understand, that Philip's resources likewise have
been largely augmented through the peace, in supplies of
arms, in territory, in revenues, of which lie has gained an
abundance. True, some have come in to us also. But that
establishment of power and alliances, through which people
hold their good things either for themselves or their superiors2-ours has been sold by these men, and gone to ruin' See vol. i. pp. 119, 128.
Schaefer explains it: "Potentioribus, ubi aut unus regnat, aut
oligarchis civitas subjecta est." Pabst renders it thus: durch welchen
einst Alle, thezls fiir sich, theils fiur einen mdchtigervn Staat, Giiter uind
Vortheile gewonnen haben. And with this latter interpretation I agree.
Thus the whole Athenian empire is that establishment of power and
alliances, caracjcevsvj rpayy/derov tKal avyui2Xov, through which the Lemnians, Imbrians, and other subject people, hold what they have, (their
country, their harbors, their revenues, &c.,) partly for themselves,




ON THE EMBASSY.                     147
and decay;I his hath become formidable and mightier by far.
It is not just, that Philip should through these men have
augmented both his alliances and his revenues, while what
Athens must naturally have gained by the peace tliey set off
against what was sold by themselves.  The one has not come
to us in exchange for the other-very falr from it: one we
should equally have had, and the other in addition, but for
these men.
Speaking generally, men of Athens, I presume you will
agree, that on the one hand, however many and grievous
have been the misfortunes of the commonwealth, if AEschines
be not to blame for any, your resentment ought. not to ftll upon
him; and, on the other hand, if any advantages have been
achieved through others, they ought not to save him.  Consider what the defendant has been the cause of; look favorably on him, if favor he deserves, but with anger, if he has
done aught to excite it.  How will you ascertain the truth of
the matter? In this way-you must not let him confound
all things together-the misdeeds of the generals, the war'with Philip, the blessings of peace-but you must consider
each point by itself.  For example-Was Philip at war with
us? I-Ie was. Does any man complain of Eschines on that
account?  Would any man wish to arraign him  for the
transactions of the war? No man. Well then; upon those
points he is acquitted, and has no need to say any thing: for
it is a defendant's business to produce witnesses and proofs
upon the matters in issue, not to mystify the court by pleading
partly for the Athenians, who are at the head of the empire. The
power of the general confederacy supports every constituent part of it.
On the expression, a7r62L2Le icat yiyovevwa6OEv7', Schaefer observes:
"Gravius pracedit, sequitur levius. Sic passim Orator.'A'cr6jive cKaZ
U&vzaivero, p. 119.'A6'Xcow2e iKa vev6UOCKEV, p. 121.'Awrao2le Kal 6dEp0apact, p. 372. Qualia non mirer si nostris Technicis parum probentur. Sed Critici caveant, ne hbec similiaque transponendo corrumpant:
nam sunt longe sanissima."
See my observations about Anti-climaxes, p. 18, n. 2. In the ancient
writings, both Greek and Roman, the Weaker word or clause often
follows to explain or qualify the preceding. Compare Virgil, REneid
II. 353,Moriamur et in media arma ruamus;
and ~Eneid VII. 50,Filius huic fato Divum prolesque virilis
Nulla fuit, primAque oriens erepta juventa est.




148         THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
what no one disputes. Mind then, that you say nothing about
the war; for no one charges you with any thing concerning
it.  Afterward certain persons advised us to make peace; we
followed their advice; we sent embassadors; they brought
people to Athens to conclude peace. Here again, does any
one blame Aischines for this?  No one.  Does any man say
that he introduced the question of peace, or is guilty of crime
for having brought people here to conclude it? No man.  No
more should he say any thing about the fact of our concluding
peace: for he is not chargeable with it.
What then do you say, nan? —suppose I were askedfrom what point do you commence your accusation?  From
this, men of Athens-when, at the time you were deliberating,
not whether you should make peace or no, (for that had
already been resolved upon,) but what sort of' a peace you
should have, he opposed the men who offered honest advice,
and supported the mover of a corrupt resolution, himself
being bribed; and afterward, on being chosen to receive the
oaths, he entirely neglected your instructions, destroyed those
allies who had come safe through the whole war, and told
such huge falsehoods as no mortal ever did either before or
after.  At first indeed, until Philip got leave to negotiate for
peace, Ctesiphon and Aristodemnus commenced the beginning
of the plot; but when things were ripe for execution, they
handed it over to Philocrates and the defendant, who took up
the matter and ruined every thing.; Now that he must render
an account of what has been done, and stand his trial for it,
the defendant, I imagine, like a rascally and abominable
clerk' as he is, will plead his defense as if he were tried for
the peace-not that he may render an account of more than
he is accused of; that were madness-but he sees, that in his
own conduct there is nothing good and every thing criminal,
while a defense of peace, if it have nothing else about it, has
in name at least a show of humanity. I fear indeed, 0
t In Bekker's edition Kat stands before ypa#/uare7v, which appears to
be thrown in as an additional term of reproach. And so Reiske understands it: "erat convicium usurpatum pro nomine vilissimna stirpe,
questuis sordidi, versuto, impureo, scelerato, audaci." Schaefer dissents
from this view, and exptunges icaL. Demosthenes does often refer to the
early occupation of Eschines, but rather contemptuously than by way
of strong reproach. Where he means the latter, he adds an epithet, as
iLieOpof ypa/u/uaredc. See page 80, note 2.




ON THE EMBASSY.                  149
Athenians, I fear, that without knowing it, like persons who
borrow money, we are enjoying the peace at a high rate: for
these men betrayed what constituted its strength and security,
the Phocians and Thermnopyle. However, it was not through
the defendant we originally made it: for what I am about to
say is strange, yet perfectly true-if any one is really glad of
the peace, let him thank the generals for it, whom all accuse.
Had they carried on the war as you desired, the very name
of peace would have been intolerable to you. Peace therefore
is owing to them: perilous and unstable and insecure has it
become through these men having taken bribes. Bar him
then, bar himr from any argument in favor of peace, and put
him to his defense for what he has done. For 2Eschines is
not tried for the peace; no: the peace is discredited through
AEschines. Here is the proof-if the peace had been concluded without any deception being afterward practiced on
you, or any of your allies being ruined, what mortal would
the peace have aggrieved, independently of its being dishonorable?  Of' this indeed the defendant was in part the cause,
by supporting Philocrates: nothing fatal however would have
taken place. Now, I conceive, he is answerable for a great
deal.
That these men have shamefully and basely wrought all
this ruin and mischief, I suppose you are all satisfied. I
however, men of the jury, am so far fiom entering upon these
questions in a vexatious spirit, or wishing you to do so, that
if it has all been brought about through thoughtlessness or
good nature or any kind of ignorance, I acquit 2Eschines
myself and I advise you also. Though indeed none of' these
excuses is constitutional or just, for no one is required or
compelled by you to perform public business; but when a
man has persuaded himself of his ability and applies for it,
you, acting the part of worthy and benevolent people, receive
him with favor and without envy; you elect him, and put
ycar affairs into his hands.  Then if a man be successful, he
will be honored and have an advantage over the bulk of the
people in this respect; if he fails, shall he set up excuses and
apologies?  That would not be flair. It would be no satisfaction to our ruined allies or to their wives or children or
any other parties, that my incapacity (not to say the
defendant's) had brought such misfortune upon them-far




150        THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
from it indeed. However, you may forgive _JEschines these
dreadful and monstrous things, if it appears that he has
damaged the cause through stupidity or any kind of ignorance: but if he has done it fiomi a base motive, having received money and presents, and if he is clearly convicted by
the facts themselves, put him to death if it be possible, or if
that can not be, make him a living example to others.  Now
consider in your minds, how convincing the proof of his guilt
will be.
I presume that XE schines the defendant must have addressed
those speeches to you, those about the Pl'hocians and Thespir
and Eubcea, (supposing he was not from a corrupt motive
intentionally playing false,) from one of' two causes; either
because he had heard Philip expressly promise to effect and,
do the things in question, or else because he was charmed
and beguiled by Philip's general liberality, and therefore
expected those things from  him  also. There is no other
alternative.  Now in either of these cases he ought beyond
all other men to detest Philip.  Why?  Because, so far as it
depended on Philip, he has suffered. the utmost indignity and
disgrace.  I-He has deceived you; he has become infamous;
he is judged to be a lost man, if he had his deserts.' IHad
due proceedings been taken, he would have been impeached
long ago; but now through your simplicity and good nature
he attends his audit, and chooses his tilne for it. Is there
one of you who has heard the voice of IEschines accusing
Philip? —who has seen him pressing any charge or speaking
to the point?  No one. Every Athenian is more ready to
accuse Philip-any indeed that you like though none of
them assuredly has sustained any personal injury.  I should
have expected language like this from him, if he hiad not sold
himself-" -'Men of Athens, deal with me as you please: I
believed, I was deluded, I was in error, I confess it: but beware of the man, O Athenians: he is niot to be trusted, he is a
juggler, a villain. See you not how le has treated me? how
he has cajoled rme?"  I hear no language of this kind, nor do
you. W~hy? Because he was not cajoled or deceived, but had
hired himself anld taken money when he made those statements, and betrayed you to Philip, and has been a good, true
According to Beklike's reading, &tKaiwo. But I rather incline to
dicato~, with Wolf and Schaefer.




ON THE EMBASSY.                     151
and faithful hireling to him, but a traitorous embassador and
citizen to you, deserving to perish not once but three times
over.
Nor is this the only proof that he was bribed to make all
those statements.  There came to you lately some envoys
from Thessaly, and some of Philip's with them, requiring you
to acknowledge Philip as an Amphictyon.  Now of all men
who was most especially bound to oppose them?  IEschines
here.  Why?  Because his reports to you were contradicted
by Philip's acts. This man said that he would fortify Thespie
and Platma, and not destroy the Phocians, but humble the
insolence of the Thebans: whereas Philip has made the
Thebans greater than they should be, the Phocians he has
utterly destroyed; and instead of fortifying Thespir  and
Plataea, bhe has reduced Orchonmenus and Coronea also to
slavery.  THow could any things be more contrary to one
another?  Yet he opposed them  not; he never opened his
mouth or uttered a word against them.  And this, bad as it
is, is not the worst: —he spoke on their side, he and no other
person in the state.  Even the profligate Philocrates ventured
not to do this; JEschines, the man before you, did: and when
you clamored iand refused to hear him, he came down fiom
the platform, and said, showing himself off to Philip's embassadors who were present-" There were many to clamor, but
few to fight when it was needful:" this you surely remember
— he himself doubtless being a wonderful soldier, O Jupiter!
Yet more —if we were unable to show that any of the embassadors had got any thing, and it was not plain enough for
all men to see, we must have resorted to question by torture'
and the like.  But if Philocrates not only confessed his gains
frequently in your assembly, but even displayed them before
you, selling wheat, building houses, declaring that he would
1 This refers to the practice, common not only in criminal but also
in civil proceedings at Athens, of examining slaves by torture. The
parties to a cause were at liberty either to give up their own slaves to
be examined in this way, or to demand those of the adversary; and
though it was not compulsory to give up a slave, the refusal might be
attributed to fear of the truth coming out. No slave was admissible
as a witness, except on this condition; such was the degraded state to
which men were reduced by servitude in Greece. On the other hand, it
was not lawful to apply the torture to freemen, except under extraordinary circumstances, when the necessities of the commonwealth re-quired it.




1052        THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
make his journey,' whether you elected him or not, importing
timber, changing gold openly at the banks; he surely can
not deny that he has had money, he that himself makes a confession and display of it.  Then is there any man so senseless
or infatuate, that, to procure money for Philocrates, and bring
discredit and danger upon himself; when he might appear in
the ranks of the innocent, he would rather be at enmity with
them, and side. with Philocrates to be prosecuted?  There is
no such man, I believe.  All these, if you examine them
rightly, O Athenians, you will find to be clear and ample
proofs that lEschines has taken bribes.
A thing which has last occurred, but is as good a proof as
any that he has sold himself to Philip, I beg you to consider.
You know of' course, that when Hyperides lately impeached
Plhilocrates, I came forward and said, I was dissatisfied with
one point in the impeachment,' if it alleged that Philocrates
had alone been guilty of so many grave misdemeanors, and
the other nine embassadors were entirely innocent.  And I
declared it was not so; for he by himself would have been of
no account, if he had not had some of these men to co-operate
with him.  " H-owever," said I, " that I may neither acquit
nor accuse any man, but that facts themselves may discover
the guilty, and clear those who are not implicated, let any
man that pleases get up and declare before you, that he has
no concern in the acts of Philocrates, and approves them not.
And whoever does so, I will acquit him," I said.  This you
remember, I suppose. Well: no one came forward or showed
himself.  Arid the rest have each an excuse: one was not
accountable; one perhaps was not present; another had a
son-in-law yonder.2  Trhe defendant however has no such
1 1. e. to MI~acedonia. When Philocrates said this does not appear.
In the construction I follow Auger and Pabst. But Francis connects
fv2alydv with p/3aledcat.
Philip had abundance of timber in the Macedonian forests, of which
he made presents to his friends at Athens and elsewhere. Compare
the passages which follow in this oration, pp. 386, 426.
2 This, accordingl to Ulpian, is a piece of bitter irony against Phrynon, who is accused by Demosthenes of prostituting his own son to the
king of Macedon. Taylor, Reiske, Francis, and Pabst adopt Ulpian's
interpretation.  Others read bfEivor, meaning Philocrates. Schaefer
thinks that the supposed reflection upon Phrynon would be beneath
the dignity of an orator. The charge itself is distinctly made at page
412 (Orig.4




ON THE EMBASSY.                     153
reason. So completely hath he sold himself, and not only received wages for past services, but makes it plain that hereafter, should he now get off he will help Philip against you,
that, to avxoid letting fill even a word in opposition to Philip,
he accepts not even acquittal when we offer it, but chooses to
incur infamy, prosecution, any kind of indignity at Athensrather than do any thing to give Philip displeasure.
But what is this connection, this over-anxiety for Philocrates?  IHad he done ever such great things, and got every
advantage by his diplomacy, yet, if he confessed having made
money by it, as he does confess, this is the very thing' from
which an incorrupt embassador should have kept himself
aloof and clear, and protested against it for his own part..Eschines however has not done so.  Are not these facts
plain, men of Athens? Don't they cry aloud, that aEschines
has taken bribes and is a scoundrel systematically for lucre's
sake, not in thoughtlessness, nor in ignorance, nor by reason
of failures?
And what witness proves that I have taken bribes? —says
he.  This is his grand point.-The fiacts, lEschines, which are
the surest of all things; and it is impossible to charge or
allege, that they are what they are in obedience or out of
favor to any person.  No: just what your treason and mischief has made them, they on examination appear to be. But
in addition to the facts, you shall bear testimony against yourself immediately.  Come, stand up and answer me.2  You
can't urge that from inexperience you have nothing to say.
You that conduct new prosecutions, like new dramas, and win
them without witnesses even, in the division of a day, you
must surely be a prodigy of an orator.3
1 That is, the money-making, as I understand it. B3ut Schaefer refers
it to the connection with Philocrates, rK-v xotlWviav icai rTv Tro2Av Tirp6votav virep 4tkLoKcparovg.
2 The question does not follow, probably because 2Eschines did not
step forward to intimate that be was ready to answer questions.
3 "He alludes to the extraordinary prosecution of Timarchus, unsupported by evidence, and founded only upon general reports of the
impurity of his life. He alludes also to the theatrical profession of
~Eschines, who treated such prosecutions as if they were only dramatic
performances, but in which however he is allowed to have performed
a principal character, and to have appeared a very powerful orator."Franeis.
Taylor supposes iccavo9~ to refer to the first appearance of ZEschines
G 2




154          THE  ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
lMany dreadful things hath ZEschines the defendant perpetrated, involving a high degree of baseness, as I think you
will agree; yet there is nothing in my judgment so dreadful
as what I am  about to mention; nothing that will so palpably convict him of having taken bribes and sold every
thing.
When you were for the third time again dispatching envoys
to Philip, under those great and splendid expectations which
the defendant had held out, you elected him  and me and most
of the others the same as before.  I came forward directly and
excused myself,' and when certain persons clamored and called on me to go, I declared I would not leave Athens: the
defendant had then been elected.  After the assembly had
broken up, these men met and consulted whom  they should
as prosecutor in a court of justice; but it refers rather to the novelty
of the proceeding itself, as Francis understands it. The credit due to
-schinies was enhanced by the circumstance that he had a very limited
time allowed- him to plead in. This may have been for the reason
assigned by Reiske, that the causes for that day were so numerous, they
were obliged to circumscribe the time for each. Or perhaps the time
allowed for that- species of trial (viz. a (ToKltuacta) was shorter than for
ordinary causes. Harpocration explains dta/F-Ferppyo/Evf7 71upa by stating, that the whole time for a cause was divided by the Clepsydra
into three portions, —one for each of the parties, and one for the jury.
Whether such explanation suits this passage may be doubtful. Demostlienes seems rather to speak of something out of the common
course, or there would be no point in the words irpofS. r. /. I understand -rpb9 in the sense of "against," the limitation of time being an
adverse circumstance against which the orator had to contend: so we
say, " to speak against, time."  Francis takes these words in quite a different sense. I-Is version is: "which were of such importance as to
demand a particular day for their determination."  Pabst: in abgemessenen Tagestunden.
Auger translates the whole passage as follows: "Puisque dans un
temps limit6 vous plaidez des causes toutes neuves avec lart dTun
poete qui compose un'drame, et que vous les gagnez sans le secours
des temoins; pent-on douter un moment de la subtilite de votre 61oquence I"
As to the Clepsydra, see p. 59, note 1. And as to  -vr etvor, see p.
90, note 2.
1 Literally: "excused myself on oath-swore off."  As Francis has
it:' declared upon oath I could not accept the employment."  A man
desirous of excusing himself from. such an appointment as the one in
question was obliged to assign some reason for it, as illness or the like,
and to put in an afflidavit stating such reason. The affidavit was called
lsjtofia, and was recorded. It would appear from this passage, that
almost any formal excuse was admitted.




ON THEE EMBASSY.                 155
leave behind: for, while things were yet in suspense and the
future was uncertain, conferences and discussions of all kinds
took place in the market; they feared therefore that an extraordinary assembly', might be convened on a sudden, that you
might hear the truth from me, and pass some proper resolutions in favor of the Phocians, and so things would slip out
of Philip's hands. Indeed, had you but voted and shown them
a glimpse of hope, they would have been saved. For impossible, impossible was it for Philip to remain, if you had not
been tricked; as there was neither any grain in the country,
it not having been sown on account of the war, nor could
any grain be brought while your galleys were there and commanded the sea; and the Phocian cities were numerous and
hard to take, except by a long siege; for if he took a city in
a day, they are twenty-two in number. For all these reasons,
that you might not change the course into which you had
been entrapped, they left JEschines at home. Well, but to
excuse himself without some ground was dangerous, and
fraught with suspicion. —" What say you? aren't you going,
after these mighty advantages of your own announcing, and
won't you be on the embassy?" —Still it was necessary to
stay. I-low to act then? - I-le pretends to be ill, and his
brother, taking Execestus the physician and going to the
council, made affidavit of the defendant's illness, and was
himself appointed.  Five or six days after, when the Phocians
had been destroyed, and this man's hire had come to an end
like any thing else, and Dercylus had returned from Chalcis,
and reported to you, in assembly at Pirmus, that the Phocians
were destroyed, and you, men of Athens, naturally on receiving that intelligence were smitten with compassion for
them and terror on your own account, and passed a vote to
bring in your women and children from the country, and to
repair the garrisons and fortify Pirmcus, and offer the Heraclean
sacrifice within the city,-in this state- of things, when the
commonwealth was in the midst of such confusion and alarm,
this clever and powerful and loud-voiced orator, without any
appointment by the council or the people, went off as embassador to the author of all the mischief, taking into account
neither the illness on which he grounded his excuse, nor the
fact that another embassador had been chosen in his stead,
See Appendix V.




156         THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
nor that the law provides the penalty of death for such conduct, nor howv monstrous it was, after reporting that a price
had been set upon his head in Thebes, when the Thebans had
in addition to the lordship of all Bceotia become masters also
of the Phocian territory, to take a journey then to the heart
of Thebes and the Theban camp: so insane was he, so iIltent
upon his pelf and reward, that in defiance and despite of all
these considerations lie took himself ofF.
Such is the character of this proceeding: but what he did
on his arrival there is far more shocking.  For when all of
you here, and the Athenians in general, considered the poor
Phocians so shamefully and cruelly treated, that you would
not send either members1 of the council or the judges to represent you at the Pythian games, but abstained firom your customary deputation to the festival, lEschines went to the sacrifice which Philip and the Thebans offered in honor of their
success and conquest, and was feasted, and joined in the libations and prayers which Philip offered up in thanksgiving for
the lost fortresses and territory and troops of your allies, and
donned the garland and sang the paean in company with Philip, and pledged to him the cup of friendship.
Nor is it possible that I should state the matter thus, and
the defendant otherwise.  With respect to the affidavit, there
is an entry in your public register in the temple of Cybele,
which is given in charge to the superintendent, and a decree
has been specially drawn concerning that name.2 With respect
1The Athenians, as well as all the other people lwho belonged to the
Hellenic community, sent deputies regularly to the great periodical
festivals-the Olympian, Pythian, Isthmnian, and Nemean. These deputies represented the state, and it would appear that certain members
of the council, and of the six junior archons, (whom I call in my translation the judges,) or at least persons chosen fiom one or the other of
these bodies, formed part of the deputation. They were called Ocpol,
which name signifies simply " spectators," derived firom NOa, a spectacle,
unless we adopt the explanation of Pollux, who derives it from 0eof
and 6pa, as if it properly designated parties concerned in somle divine
service or ceremony. The common uses of the word Oewpeiv and its
derivatives perhaps favor the former derivation, though it is true that
the spectacles rwhich these deputies were sent to attend partook always of a religious character; and persons dispatched on more purely
religious missions-as to consult an oracle, or the like-received the
same appellation.  For further information, see the Archleological
Dictionary, title Theori. Pabst translates the word, Festgesandte.
2 A decree (probably of the council) was drawn up, ordering the name




ON THE EMBASSY.                      167
to his doings yonder, there will be evidence against him  by
his colleagues and persons present, who told the particulars
to me; for I did not go with them on the embassy, but excused myself.  Now read me the decree and the register, and
call the witnesses.
E[The Decree.  Tlie Public Iegister.  f/the Witnesses.]
What prayer do you suppose Philip offered to the gods
when he poured his libation? What do you suppose the Thebans?  Did they not pray for might and victoryin battle for
them and their allies; the contrary for the allies of the Phocians?  Well then; AEschines joined in that prayer, and invoked a curse upon his country, which you ought now to
make recoil upon his head.
Hie departed therefore in violation of the law which makes
such an act punishable with death: on his arrival, it has been
shown, he did what he deserves to die for a second time: and
his former acts and measures in this behalf  as embassador
will justify his execution.  Consider then what penalty there
can be of severity enough to be deemed adequate to all his
crimes. For would it not be shameful, 0 Athenians, that
you and the whole people should publicly condemn all the
proceedings consequent upon the peace, and refuse to take
any part in Amphictyonic business, and regard Philip with
displeasure and distrust, because the proceedings are impious
and shocking, opposed at the same time to your interests and
to justice; yet, when you have come into court to adjudicate at the audit of these matters, a sworn jury on behalf of
the commonwealth, you should acquit the author of all the
mischief, whom you have caught in the very act when his
guilt was complete? And which of your fellow-citizens, or
of,Eschines to be expunged from the list of embassadors, and that of
his brother to be substituted.'1 YTrp TOVT7WV. " Dulbium est, ad quos referatur, Philippumne et
Thebanos, pro his, an ad Athenienses, horunm nomine." —Reiske.  "Posterius malim." —Schaefer.
There is a difficulty about either of these interpretations. If it meant
the Athenians, we should rather expect /,p3v; if Philip and the Thebans, Eccivcov. I am therefore more inclined to the explanation suggested
by Wolf: ruv vvv'eyevrny/v  E v 4ouceirt. If Schaefer is right, we must
suppose Demosthenes to be making a sort of computation to himself,
instead of directly addressing the jury.




158         THE ORATIONS OF DEIMOSTHENES.
rather of the Greeks at large, will not have reason to complain of you, seeing that you are wroth with Philip, who, in
the transition from war to a treaty of peace, purchased his advantages from those that would sell them, a thing very venial
in him; yet you will acquit this maln, who so disgracefu\lly sold
your interests, although the laws prescribe the heaviest penalties for such conduct.
Perhaps however an argument of the following kind may
be advanced by these men-that it will cause enmity with
Philip, if yot convict the embassadors who negotiated peace.
If this be true, I can't imagine any thing stronger to be urged
against the defendant. For if the man who expended money
to obtain the peace has now become so formidable and mighty
that you must disregard your oaths and obligations, and
consider only what you can do to gratify Philip, in what
way can the authors of such a result be sufficiently punished'?
Though I think indeed I can show, that it will more probably
lead to a friendship advantageous for you. For it should be
understood, men of Athens, that Philip does not despise your
commonwealth, and did not prefer the Thebans to you, because he thought you less capable of serving him; but he
was instructed by these men and informed-as I told you
once before in the assembly, and none of them  contradicted
me-" that the people' is of all things the most unstable and
I The word "pebople," notwithstanding a little ambiguity, is preferable
to "populace," or " mob," because it increases the odium sought to be
thrown upon zEschines, that he spoke thus disrespectfully of the sovereign people of Athens by the very name that constitutionally belonged
to them. The comparison in the text reminds one of the famous simile
in Virgil, fEneid I. 148. The fickleness of the vsflgus inrfidson has been a
theme for innumerable orators and poets. Even Jack Cade exclaims, aftel he has been deserted by his followers, " Was ever feather so lightly
blown to and fro as this multitude?"-Hensry VI. Part II. Act IV. Sc. 8.
Shilleto cites Cicero pro Muren. 17 (35), pro Plane. 6 (15), Liv.
xxviii. 27, and the following passage from Clarendon's History of the
Rebellion:-" The Duke of Buckingham was utterly ignorant of the
ebbs and floods of popular councils, and of the winds that move those
waters."
Of the words olov eairbf drj he gives the following explanation in the
samenote:-" It is for his advantage to have ready at hand certain
friends who will transact and manlage every thing for him with you, for
instance, myself (the speaker)."-So Dobree nearly: "Your Majesty,"
say these persons, "wants able managers" (each of them of course
meaning such a one as himself).
The same was my own impression originally, and it was with some




ON THE EMBASSY.                      159
inconstant, like a restless Nind in the sea, put in motion by
any accident-one comes and another goes; no one cares for
the public interests, or keeps theim in mind-he should have
firiends to transact every thing for him with you, and manage
just as he would himself: if that were contrived for him, he
would accomplish all that he desired with you easily."-If he
had heard, I fancy, that the persons who used such language
to him then had immediately after their return home been
cudgelled to death, he would have done the same as the
Persian king.  W~hat did the Persian king?  He had been
deceived by Timagoras, and given him. forty talents, as report
says; but when he heard that Timagoras1 had been put to
death at Athens, and had not the means even to insure his
own safety, much less to perform his late promise to him, he
saw that he had not given his fee to the party with whom the
power rested.  So, in the first place, he made Amphipolis
again your subject, which before he had registered as his own
ally and friend;2 and, in the next place, he never afterward
gave money to any man. And Philip would have done the
hesitation that I took a different view. There is an awkwardness in
the change from the plural -ro-raov to the singular airr6c. Again, it
would be clumsy to mlake a'r 7'q refer to the speaker, when there is an
avri5 so close both before and after it referring to Philip. And there
would be a little difficulty'in the construction. It is true, there is some
harshness in the other method. I should prefer reading oi' av.
As to this story, see p. 130, note 2.
aI adllere to Bekker's reading, and underlstand it thus: "Artaxerxes,
seeing the fate of Timagoras, sought to conciliate the people of Athens
by acknowledging their right to the possession of Amphipolis, which
before he had treated as independent, and registered in the archives of
the kingdom as his own ally. When he made such acknowledgment
does not appear. After the embassy of Pelopidas to Susa, the Persian
king sent a letter to Greece, containing the terms on which he desired
a general peace to be established. This was publicly read at Thebes,
at which city the Greek states had been invited to hold a congress, the
Thebans hoping to be placed in the same situation as the Laced rnonians
had been at the peace of Antalcidas. The king's wishes were entirely
in favor of Thebes, and there was a clause in the letter which virtually
required the disarming of the Athenian naval power. The Athenians
however and the Greeks in general refused to abide by the terms which
Artaxerxes sought to impose; and it may be that he, on receiving intelligence of this, as well as of the execution of Timagoras, and the
probability of some new combination among the Greek states, which
might increase the influence of Athens, adopted a different tone, and
expressed his willingness to consent to a different settlement of affairs,
acknowledging (among other things) her title to Amphipolis.




160        THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHEN'ES.
same, if he had seen any of these men punished; and now, if
he sees it, he-will do so. But when he hears that they enjoy
reputation among you as speakers, as prosecutors of other
men, what should he do? Seek to incur large expenses, when
he may incur less, and volunteer to court all, instead of two
or three?  Why, he would be mad.
Even the Thebans Philip had no desire to serve as a people
— far fiom it; but he was persuaded by the embassadors, and
I will tell you in what manner.  Embassadors came to him
from Thebes, at the same time that we were there fiom you.
He offered them money, and (according to their statement) a
great deal. The Theban envoys would not accept or receive
it. Afterward at a certain sacrifice or banquet, when Philip
was drinking and making himself agreeable to them, he offered them over the cup divers things, such as captives and
the like, and lastly some gold and silver goblets.  All these
things they rejected, and would in no way compromise themselves. At length Philon, one of the embassadors, made a
speech worthy, O Athenians, to have been spoken not on
behalf of the Thebans, but on yours.  He said he was delighted and rejoiced to see Philip liberally and generously
disposed to thenm: they, for their part, were his friiends
already without those gifts; but they desired him to apply
his generosity to the affairs of the commonwealth, in which
he was then engaged,' and to do something worthy both of'
himself and the Thebans; and they promised then that the
whole commonwealth as well as themselves would be attached
to him.  Now only see what has come of this, what events'
have happened, to the Thebans; and consider in good sooth,
what an important thing it is not to sell the interests of the
state. First, they have obtained peace when they were distressed and harassed by the war and getting the worst of it;
secondly, their enemies the Phocians have been utterly destroyed, and all their fortifications and cities demolished. Is
that all?  No indeed!  Besides that they have Orchomenus,
Coronea, Corsiee, Tilphossaeum, as much of the Phocian territory as they please.  Such advantages have the Thebans
gained by the peace: greater they could not wish fbr, I
1 ovf 1v -r6re. So Francis: " which were then before him." It is
possible however, that' irotSf may be the nominative to,'v, and thus
Auger has taken it.




ON THE EMBASSY.                     161
imagine: but what have the Theban embassadors gained?
The advantage of having done so much for their countrythat is all; but that is honorable and glorious, O Athenians,
in regard to praise and renown, which these men bartered
away for gold.
Now let -me contrast what the Athenian commonwealth
has gained by the peace, and what the Athenian embassadors;
and see if the commonwealth and these men themselves have
fared alike.  To the commonwealth the result has been, that
she has relinquished all her possessions and all her allies, and
has sworn to Philip, that, should any one else interfere ever
to preserve them, you will prevent it, and will regard the
person who wishes to restore them to you as an adversary
and a foe, the person who has deprived you of them  as an
ally and a friend.  These are the terms which 2Eschines the
defendant supported, and his coadjutor Philocrates proposed;
and when I prevailed on the first day and had persuaded you
to confirm  the resolution" of your allies, and to summnon
Philip's embassadors, the defendant drove it off to the following day, and persuaded you to adopt the decree of Philocrates,
in which these clauses, and many others yet more shameful,
are contained.  To the state then such consequences have
resulted from  the peace:-  consequences more disgraceful
could not easily be fbund: but what to the embassadors who
caused them?  I pass by all the other matters which you
have seen-houses-timber-grain; but in the territory of
our ruined allies they have estates and farms of large extent,
bringing in to Philocrates an income of a talent, to iEschines
here thirty minas.  Is it not shocking and dreadful, 0 Athenians, that the misfortunes of your allies have become a source
of revenue to your embassadors; that the same peace has to
the country which sent them proved to be destruction of allies,
cession of dominions, disgrace instead of honor, while to the
embassadors, who wrought these mischiefs to the country, it
Schaefer interprlets this, " decretum de sociis," taking it, I suppose,
to mean the decree of the Athenians that all the allies should be ineluded in the peace; as to which see page 391 (orig.). But there had
been a resolution passed by the deputies of the allies themselves, then
assembled at Athens, which Demosthenes says he supported. See page
345 (orig.). To this he refers again.
For further particulars on the subject, the reader is referred to Apk
pendix I.




162         THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
has produced revenues, resources, estates, riches, in exchange
for extreme indigence? To prove the truth of my statements,
call me the Olynthian witnesses.
[ Titnesses.]
I shall not be surprised however, if he ventures to say
something of this kind-that it was not possible to conclude
the peace honorably or in the manner I desired, as the
generals had conducted the war badly.  Should he say this,
pray remember to ask him, whether he went embassador
fiom  any other state, or from  this only.  If he went from
another, which he can say had been victorious in war and
possessed generals of ability, he has taken money with good
reason:' but if he went from this, why on a treaty, where
the state which sent him  renounced her' own rights, did he
receive presents into the bargaiin?  The state which sent the
embassy should have got the same advantages as her embassadors, if any justice were done.
And again, consider this, men of Athens, —Which, think
ye, more prevailed in the war, the Phocians over the Thebans,
or Philip over you? I am quite clear, the Phocians over the
Thebans.  They held Orchomenus and Coronea and Tilphossinum, and had cut off the Theban force at Neones,2 and had
slain two hundred and seventy at Hedyleum, and la trophy
was erected, and their cavalry were masters of the field, and
an Iliad3 of misfortunes beset the Thebans. You had suffered
nothing of the kind, and I trust you never may: the worst
1 The argument is somnewhat lame. The point of it is, that there is
more excuse when a minister of the victorious party is bribed to mnake
concessions to the enemy, than when a minister of the vanquished party
does the same thing. The former only diminishes his country's gain,
the other augments his country's loss. The moral delinquency is the
same in both cases; the positive mischief done may be less in the
latter case.
2 A city of Phocis, also called Neon. Reiske prefers the reading of
avr7v, with which the meaning is,-" they had recovered their own
troops captured at Neon.". Auger,; Francis, and Pabst adopt that reading; but it does not so well suit this passage, where the orator is recounting the positive disasters inflicted on the Thebans.
3 The expression " Iliad of misfortunes" was proverbial, and is plain
enough.
Shilleto cites Cicero ad Attic. VIII. 11,-" Tanta malorum impendet'IVtudc." And Ovid, II. Epist. ex Pont. 7:
Ilias est fatis longs futura meis.




ON THE EMBASSY.                      163
thing in the war with Philip was, that you could not do him
harm when you desired; but you were perfectly secure against
being damaged yourselves.  How comes it then, that by the
same peace the Thebans, who were so much beaten in the
war, have recovered their own possessions and won those of
their enemies, while you, the Athenians, have lost in time of
peace even what was preserved in war?  It is because their
interests were not sold by their embassadors, while these men
have bartered yours away.  That such has been the character.of these transactions, you will learn yet more clearly from
what follows.l
VWhen this treaty of Philocrates, which the defendant spoke
in favor of, was concluded, and Philip's embassadors had
received the oaths and departed, (and up to this point no
incurable mischief had been done, but, though the peace was
dishonorable and unworthy of the state, yet we were  to have
those wonderful advantages by way of compensation,) I asked
your leave,2 and urged these men to sail with the utmost
speed for the Hellespont, and not to sacrifice or let Philip get
possession of any of the places there in the interval.  For I
knew well, that whatever is sacrificed in the transition from
war to peace is lost to the neglectful parties: for when once
people have made up their minds on the whole for peace,
they won't renew the war for what has been abandoned, but
that remains the property of the captors.  Besides, I believed
the state would be sure to get one of two advantages, if we
sailed;-for either, we being on the spot and having sworn
him according to the decree, he would restore the places
which he had taken from the republic, and forbear to, attack' The preceding clause, which Bekker has included in brackets, and
which does not appear to fit the passage, I have omitted, as Francis
has. Auger's translation shows how little it suits the context, though
he tries to make it more intelligible by expansion: "Contre la -, rit6
des faits qui pr6cedent, Eschine aura le front de dire que vos allies
etoient fatigues et harasses par le guerre. Au reste, vous velrez encore
mieux, par ce qui suit, que vos d6putes, gagnes par l'or de Philippe, ont
prevarique dans leur embassade."
2 So Schaefer rightly explains 1fiovwv z'Iac: and Auger: " Je demandois au peuple."  But it must not be understood of a request to the
assembly, but rather of an application to the proper authorities, as the
generals, or the council, to expedite the preparations for sail, provide
the traveling expenses, &c.




164         THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
the rest, or, if he did not, we should immediately report it to
Athens; and so you, seeing his rapacity and perfidy in those
distant and less important matters, would not be careless
about these more important and nearer home —I mean the
Phocians and Thermopylae: on the other hand, if he had not
captured those places and you had not been tricked, all your
interests would be secure, and your just demands cheerfully
accorded by him.  And I had reason for supposing it would
be so.  For if the Phocians were safe, as they were then, and
masters of Thermopyloe, Philip could have held out no threat.
to prevent your insisting upon any of your rights: neither a
land march nor a victory by sea would hlave opened him  the
road to Attica, while you, if he refused to give you satisfaction, would instantly close his porits, and again reduce him to
distress for money and to a state of general blockade; so that
he would be the party dependent on the benefits of peace, not
you.  That I am not now inventing and assuming the merit of
these things after the event, but that they were perceived by
me at the time, and foreseen on your behalf and communicated to these men, I will now give you the proof:-As all
the assemblies had been exhausted,1 and therefore no new one
could be had, and these men were not gone, but lingering here,
I as councilor frame a decree, (the people having given full
power to the council,) ordering the embassadors to depart
without delay, and the general Proxenus to convey them  to
whatever place they should hear Philip was in; and I drew it
up just as I am  telling you, in those express words.  Hereread me the decree.
[The Decree.]
i 6t   7r trpoKaTalcexpIo1Oatli. e. ralS b'cc27oiatgl: " by reason that the
people had already held all the assemblies appointed by law,"-i. e. all
the ordinary assemblies; and therefore Inone but an extraordinary one
could be called. As to the Athenian law, see Appendix V. Reiske in
his Index explains thlese words as follows: "propterea quod, coricionibus antea nimis multis incassum habitis, salutare nihil neque deereturn
neque effectum esset." In lis notes he snggests naotlher interpretation:
"propterea quod omnia bie fiacientia peracta et absoluta essent."
Scllaefer renders it: "propterea quod omne tempus concionibus ha}bendis destinatunn abierat."  So Francis: "VWhen there no longer remained. any assembly to be called, the days of convening them being already
past."  And Pabst: ia keine Versamrnlung des Volks mehr bevorstund,
weil die ganze Zeit, wo deryleichen stattfinden, wschon abl)elaufelt war.




ON THE EMBASSY.                      165
I carried them from Athens downright against their will, as
you will see clearly by what they did afterward. When we
arrived at Oreus and joined Proxenus, these men, instead of
sailing and performing your instructions, took a circuitous
journey, and before we came to Macedonia we wasted threeand-twenty days; all the rest of the time before Philip came we
sat down in Pella, making fifty days altogether with those of
thejourney. In that interval Doriscus, Thrace, the Fortresses,t
the Sacred Mountain —every thing, in short, during a time of
peace and truce was taken and disposed of by Philip; though
I was constantly speaking and remonstrating, at first giving
my opinion as in consultation, afterward by rway of instruction to ignorant men, lastly as if I were addressing venal and
impious wretches without any reserve. The man who openly
opposed what I said, who thwarted all my counsels and your
decrees, was the defendant.  Whether that pleased the other
embassadors, you will know presently; for as yet I say nothing about any one-I make no accusation-there is no need
for any of them to appear honest to-day by compulsion, but
of their own choice, and by having had no connection with the
crimes. For that the acts done are disgraceful and flagitious
and not unpaid for, you have all seen: the thing itself will
disclose who have been concerned in them.2
But, forsooth, in that interval they received the oaths from
the allies, or performed other duties. Very far from it. Although they were absent for three whole months, and had
received from you a thousand drachms for their traveling
expenses, from not a single state, either on the journey there
or on the journey back, did they receive the oaths; but in
the inn before the temple of Castor and Pollux-if any of
i "Fuisse tractum Thraci.e rd Te'x  dictum, ut in Belgio sunt les
Bacrrieres, e. p. 397, constat." —Reiske.
2 The reader will notice the artifice of the orator. He was apprehensive that the colleagues of AEschines might support him by their
testimony or influence. He seeks to deter them from such a course, by
insinuating that it would prove them to be accomplices. He affects to
suspend his own judgment, as if he waited to see the result. But this
affectation is not consistent with the general tenor of the speech, in
which Demosthenes is continually talking of these men (meaning the
embassadors in general, or at least the greater number of them, who
were doubtless in court and supporting 2Eschines) as being all more
or less associated with him, and participators in his misconduct.




166        THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
you has been at Pherse, he knows the place I mean-here the
oaths were administered, when Philip was marching hither
with his army, in a manner disgraceful, O Athenians, and
unworthy of you.  Philip indeed would have given a great
deal to have it managed in this way. For when they were
unable to draw up the treaty as these men attempted at first,
excluding the Halians and Phocians, but Philocrates was
compelled by you to expunge that clause and insert expressly
the Athenians and- allies of the Athenians, lie did not wish
any of his own allies to have sworn that oath, (for then they
would not have marched with him to attack those possessions
of yours which he now holds, but would have made the oaths
an excuse,) nor did he wish them to witness the promises on
which he was obtaining the peace, nor to have it shown to
all, that in fact the Athenian commonwealth had not been
beaten in war, but it was Philip who desired peace, and was
making large promises-to the Athenians if he could obtain
peace.  So, for fear what I say might be publicly known, he
objected to these men going any where; and they did every
thing to gratify him with an ostentation of zeal and extravagant servility.
I say then-when they are convicted of all these thingshaving wasted the time, sacrificed the posts in Thrace, done
nothing that you directed or that your interests required,
brought false intelligence to Athens —how is it possible for
them to escape with intelligent and conscientious judges?
To prove the truth of these statements, read first the decree
prescribing how the oath was to be administered, then the
letter of Philip, then the decree of Philocrates and that of
the people.
[The Decree prescribing the Oath.]
[The Letter of Philip.]
[The Decree of Philocrates.]
[The Decree of the People amending that of Philocrates.]
To show that we should have caught Philip in the H-ellespont, if they had followed my advice and executed your
commands as expressed in the decrees, call the witnesses there
present.
[Witnesses.]




ON THE EMBASSY.                     167
Now read the other deposition, what answer Philip made to
Euclides here, who came afterward.'
[The D)eposition.]
They can't deny they did a1l this to serve Philip-attend,
and you will see.  When we started on the former embassy
for the peace, you sent a herald before us to stipulate for our
safe conduct. On that occasion, as soon as they arrived at
Oreus, they did not wait for the herald or create any delay,
but, though Halus2 was under siege, they crossed over to it,
and again coming out of that city to Parmenio, who was besieging it, they set off through the hostile army for Pagase,
and going on met the herald at Larissa: with such expedition
and diligence they proceeded then. Yet when there -was peace
and every security for traveling, and your command to make
haste, it never occurred to them either to expedite their
journey or to go by sea. How came this about? Because
on the former occasion it was Philip's interest that the peace
should be concluded as quickly as possible, but on this it was
for his advantage that the interval before demanding the oaths
should be as much as possible protracted.  To show that
these statements are also true, here-take this deposition.
[The Deplosition.].
Is there any evidence to convict men of entire subservience
to Philip stronger than this-that on the same journey they
loitered when they ought to have made haste in your service,
and hurried when they ought not even to have traveled3 before
the arrival of the herald?
During the time that we were there and loitering in Pella,
Euclides was sent by the Athenians to remonstrate with Philip for
having invaded the dominions of Cersobleptes. He replied, that his
embassadors had not informed him that peace had been concluded, and
therefore he had a right to pursue his conquests. The deposition of
Euclides to this effect is now read, he being present to confirm it.
2 Halus was near the coast, about the centre of the Pagasnean bay,
and a few miles from Pagasme.
The opposition here is between a7revdetv and ovCtd  ad3(etv, "to
hasten," and " not to travel at all-not to begin the journey."  Therefore there is no necessity to express (as Schaefer would have us) the
opposition between 7r;eZv and Pad&i;tv, which elsewhere occurs. (See
pp. 392, 398 orig.)




168         THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
see what different employments we each chose for ourselves.
Mline was to deliver the captives and seek them out, to expend money of my own, and request Philip to ransom them
with what he would have given in presents to us. What the
defendant made it his business to accomplish, you shall hear
immediately. What was it?  That Philip should make us a
common present of money.  FQr you must know, among
other things, Phlilip sounded us all —in what way?-by sending to each privately, and offering, 0 Athenians, a heap of
gold.  Failing with one, no matter wholm —(for it is not for
me to mention myself; the facts and circumstances will
show;)-he thought that a common present would be accepted without suspicion' by all, and thus there would be
security for those who had privately sold themselves, if in
ever so small a degree we all joined in the acceptance. Therefore the offer was made, under pretense of being a gift of
hospitality.  I having stopped it, these men divided the
money among themselves-this besides what they had had
before. Philip, when I requested him to expend it upon the
captives, could neither inform against these men with honor,
or say —" Oh! but this and that person have it"-nor yet
escape the outlay; so he consented, giving an evasive promise
to send them home by the Panathenmean festival. Read the
deposition of Apollophanes, then that of the other persons
who were present. Read.
[The fDeposition.]
Now let me tell you how many of the prisoners I ransomed
myself. During the time that we staid in Pella, before the
arrival of Philip, some of the captives who were out on bail,
doubting (I suppose) whether they should afterward be able
to prevail on Philip, said they should like to ransom themselves, and not be under an obligation to Philip; and they
applied for loans, one of three minas, another of five, and so
on, according to what each man's ransom came to. When
Philip therefore consented to redeem the rest, I called the'1.eOrO, —"without scruple or misgiving-in simple and thoughtless honesty of heart." Pabst: in, gutniithiger Einfalt. But Schaefer
connects it with tye!ro, and renders it, "pro e, ouu erat stultitia
existimabat."




ON THE EMBASSY.                  169
men together, to whom I had advanced' the money, and
reminding them of what had been done, that they might not
seem to be in a worse position for their haste, or to have been
ransomed (poor as they were) out of their own private means,
while the others expected to be released by Plhilip, I made
them  a present of the redemption-money.  To prove my
statements, read these depositions.
[Thie Depositions.]
The sums that I forgave and made a present of to our
unfortunate fellow-citizens are what you hear. Should the
defendant say to you presently-" How comes it, Demosthenes, having discovered (as you say) from my supporting Philocrates, that we were after no good, you went with us on the
subsequent embassy for the oaths, and did not excuse yourself?" —remember, I had promised the men whom I ransomed, that I would come and bring the redemption-money, and
do my best to deliver them.  It would have been shameful
then to break my word, and abandon fellow-citizens in misfortune.  But, had I got off the appointment, I could not have
made a private excursion there with propriety or safety: for,
but that I desired to release the captives, perdition seize me,
if I would have taken a very large sumlll of money to be the
colleague of these men.  And I can prove it-for you twice
elected me for the third embassy, and I twice excused myself;
and during the whole of my absence on this I opposed them
in every thing.
Thus went your affairs, so far as I had the control on the
embassy: what these men carried by being the majority has
ruined all. Indeed all our measures -would have been consistent with what I have just stated, had my advice been followed. For I was not sLch a wretched idiot, as to give money,
when I saw others receiving it, for the sake of standing well
with you, while things that might be accomplished without
expense, and that drew with them far greater advantages to
the commonwealth, 1 was in my wishes opposed to. I wished
for them earnestly, 0 Athenians; but these men, I trow, were
too many for me.
1 Demosthenes had lent the money as a friend (eXpar,s not E6dUvelre).
We have not the same distinction in our language. To lend is indifferently used, whether the loan be with interest or without.
VOL. II.-H




170           THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
Come now-see what have been the defendant's acts in
comparison with mine, and what those of Philocrates; for in
contrast they will appear more glaring.  First, they excluded
the  Phocians and the Halians and Cersobleptes from  the
treaty, contrary to your decree and the declaration' made to
you: secondly, they attempted to disturb and alter the decree, which we had been commissioned to execute: further,
they set down the Cardians as allies of Philip. And the letter
written by me to you they determined not to send, while they
sent one written by themselves without a word of truth. Then
this brave fellow here said I had promised Philip to overturn your democracy, because I denounced those acts, not
only regarding them as disgraceful, but fearing I might be involved in the ruin of these men through their fault; while
le himself never ceased during the whole time holding private
interviews with Philip.  And the rest I say nothing aboutbut Dercylus, (not I,) with the assistance of this boy of
mine, watched him  during the night at Pherao, and having
caught him coming out of Philip's tent, told the boy to report
it to me and keep it in his own remembrance; and finally
this abominable and shameless fellow  for a night and day
after our departure stayed behind with- Philip.2  To prove
l; e. by Philip's embassadors, as Pabst understands it. Francis
renders it: "in contradiction to the assurances they themselves had
given you."
2 Reishe in his Index gives a different explanation of these words:
"quoties nos a Philippo discederemus, sive interdiu sive noctu cum eo
congressi essenms, l/Eschines cum eo solus remanebat totum illumr reliquum diem noctemve."  This would require we7reiwrero.
/Eschines, in his answer (p. 44), states the charge of Demosthenes to
have been, that he went in a boat by night down the river Lydias, on
purpose toassist Philip in writing the letter. If this was the charge, it
must have appeared in the deposition read to the jury. 2Eschines ridicules the idea of it being necessary for Philip to have his assistance
in composing the letter, when there was Python of Byzantium and
the exile Leosthenes, either of them fully capable of writing it; and
indeed Philip could easily hlave done it himself. And it would have
been absurd (he argues) to go by night for such a purpose, when the day
would have suited quite as well. Yet neither of these arguments
touches the point of the matter; for it might be necessary to Philip's
objects to concert things with the person who was to be his agent at
Athens, and the night might, for more than one reason, be more suitable than the day. He proceeds next to confute the charge, by direct
counter evidence, calling Aglacreon and Iatrocles to prove what we call
An alibi; that it was impossible he could have passed the night in




ON THE EMBASSY.                      171
the truth of my statements, in the first place, I will draw up
my own deposition and make myself responsible as a witness;
in the next place, I call each of tile other embassadors, and will
force them to do one or the other, to give testimony or swear
they are unable.' If they swear they are unable, I shall convict them of perjury before you clearly.
[The Deposition.]
With what annoyances and troubles I was beset during the
whole of the expedition, you have seen. You may guess indeed what they did in the neighborhood of their paymaster,
Plilip's company, because he lodged in the same apartment with them,
and was never absent for a single night. The value of such evidence
depends in some measure upon the terms in which it was expressed;
but the proof of an alibi, without cross-examination, could never be
satisfactory.
The use of &dre2-eri'O in this passage -tends certainly to confirm the
translation of Pabst and Francis in the former passage (ante, p. 131).
To make this passage intelligible, it is necessary to explain the
method of giving evidence in Athenian courts of law. Any party
intending to call a witness in court drew up his evidence in the shape
of a deposition, and summoned him before the magistrate who had
cognizance of the cause. The deposition having been sworn to was put
into a box, together with other documents in the cause, to be produced
when the trial came on before the jury. On the day of trial the witness
again attended, his deposition was read out, and he confirmed it by
signifying his assent. No viva voce testimony (in our sense of the term)
was permitted. It was required to be in writing, in order that there
might be no mistake about what the witness deposed to, and to afford
the opposite party the means of obtaining redress in case he lost his
cause by false evidence. A party might be a witness for himself; and
then he prepared his own deposition in the same way, and, having
sworn to it, produced and had it read in court, making himself answerable, like any other witness, to a charge of perjury.
Where a man called a doubtful or unfriendly witness, he drew up a
statement of the facts which he supposed him capable of proving, and,
having caused it to be read by the clerk of the court, he asked the
witness whether he would swear to it. The witness was then required
either to give his testimony to that effect, or swear that the statement
was untrue, or not true to his knowledge.
While some advantages attended this method of proceeding, and,
among others, a saving of time, (for the evidence was all produced and
read during the course of the party's address to the jury, though excluded from the measurement of time allotted to him,) there were other
obvious disadvantages, one of which was the absence of cross-examination, and another (in the case of a hostile witness) was the extreme
difficulty of preparing such a deposition as he could not escape from.




172         THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
when such are their doings before your eyes, in whose power
it is either to reward or to punish.
I will now reckon up the charges from the beginning, to
show you I have performed all that I promised in the outset
of my speech. I have shown by the evidence not of words,
but of the facts themselves, that his reports have been utterly
false and that he imposed on you.  I have shown, that owing to him you refused to hear the truth from me, being influenced by his promises and assurances; that all his advice
was contrary to what it should have been: that he opposed
the peace of the allies and supported that of Philocrates; he
wasted the time, to prevent your marching to Phocis, even
if you desired it; he has committed many grievous things
besides during his absence; he has betrayed and sold every
thing, taken bribes, stopped short of nothing that is villainous.
All these things I promised in the beginning; all I have made
out. Mark then what follows-this that I have next to say
to you is simple:-You have sworn to give your verdict according to the- laws and the decrees of the people and the council of five hundred: the defendant is proved by his whole conduct as embassador to have violated the laws, the decrees, the
obligations ofjustice: it is fit therefore he should be convicted
before an intelligent jury.
Were he guilty of nothing else, two of his acts are sufficient
to kill him: for he has betrayed not only the Phocians, but
Thrace also to Philip. Two places in the world more important to our commonwealth could not be pointed out than Thermopylhe by land, and the Hellespont by sea: both which together have these men disgracefully sold and delivered into
Philip's hands against you. What an offense even this is,
without any thing further —the sacrificing of Thrace and the
Fortresses —would be an infinite topic of discussion: and it
were easy to show, how many persons have on that account
been sentenced to death before you, or incurred heavy finesErgophilus, Cephisodotus, Timomachus, in ancient times Ergocles, Dionysius,l and others, all of whom together (I may
1 As to the first three persons named in the text, see vol. i. pp. 271
-274.
Ergocles is a person against whom there is an extant oration of
Lysias, and who, it appears, was condemned by the Athenians for peculation. Of Dionysius nothing is known.




ON THE EMBASSY.                   173
nearly say) have injured the commonwealth less than this
man.  But then, O Athenians, you were still, on calculation,
wary and provident of danger: while now, what for the day
gives you no trouble, no present annoyance, you disregard;
and here you pass idle votes: —that Philip shall take the
oaths to Cersobleptes-that he shall not interfere in Amphictyonic business-that you will amend the peace.  But there
would have been no necessity for any of these decrees, if the
defendant had chosen to sail and perform  his duty: what
might have been preserved by sailing, he has lost by advising
a land-journey; what mightll have been saved by telling truth,
he has lost by lying.
I-Ie will make it a grievance presently, as I am informed,
that he should be the only orator in the assembly who is
called to account for words. I will not press the argument,
that all men should be made responsible for their words, if
they speak for lucre; but I'say this-If iEschines in his
private capacity played the fool or made any slip, don't be
over-nice; let it pass, forgive him: but if in the character of
embassador he has for lucre's sake purposely deceived you,
don't let him off, don't tolerate that he is not to be brought
to trial for what he said.  For what else ought we to call
embassadors to account but for words?  Embassadors have
not galleys or post or soldiers or citadels under their control,
(for no one intrusts embassadors with these things,) but only
words and times.  With respect to time-if he never destroyed the opportunities of the state, he is innocent; if he
has destroyed them, he is guilty.  And as to words-if his
reports have been true or serviceable, let him be acquitted;
if false and corrupt and illjurious, let him be convicted.  A
man can do you no greater wrong than by telling falsehoods:
for where the government depends on words, how is it possible, if these be untrue, to carry it on safely?  And if
speakers will even take bribes for the interest of the enemy,
how can you avoid being in peril?  [Nor indeed is it the
same thing to rob oligarchs or despots of their opportunities,
as it is to rob you: nor any thing like.  For in those governments, I take it, every thing is done sharply according to order:
but with you, first the council must hear of,all matters and
frame their previous order, and that only after publication of




174         THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
notice for heralds and embassies,' not always; then they must
convene an assembly, and that only when it is allowable by
the laws: then your honest counselors must get the day, and
prevail over those who ignorantly or wickedly oppose them.
And after all this, when a resolution has passed, and its advantage is apparent, time has to be allowed for the indigence
of the multitude to provide themselves with what is needful,
that they may be able to execute your resolve. A man, I say,
who destroys these times of action in a government such as
ours, has done more than destroy times of action; he has absolutely robbed you of your main chance.
There is a ready argument however for all who wish to
deceive you-" the disturbers of the commonwealth!-the
persons who prevent Philip from doing the state a service!"
To themi I shall offer not a word in reply, but read you
Philip's letters, and remind you of the occasions on which in
every instance you have been' cheated, that you may see, by
cajoling you, he has forfeited that boastful title that one got
sick of hearing.'
[Letters of Psil3p.]
His acts in the embassy having been thus disgraceful, so
many, nay all of them, having been treason against you, he
goes about saying-" What name does Demosthenes deserve,
who accuses his colleagues?" Verily I accuse, whether I will
or no, having been so plotted against by you during the
A program or notice was always posted up in the city, to announce
the holding of an assembly. But iwhere heralds or embassadors from
foreign states were to have reception, a notice was required to be published before the council could meet on the business, and frame their
preliminary decree. Hpolov;tEiaci is, "to pass the decree or order of
council, which was necessary before it could be laid before the people."
It was called then HIpofo6iX;ev/za. (See Schbmann, De Comitiis, 58, 97.)
I take tcspv Kaicc arperceieas to refer only to foreign heralds and enibassies. Pabst otherwise; whose version is: bei Eyuch muss iiber Alles erst
der Seunat geh6rt, uqncd Alles durch ihn zuvuor bertatlen wertclen, und mzar
nur datn, wenu dies fur A bsend&ung vont Herolden undfiir Gesandtsc chften
zuvor avgekiindigt ist, tund niclit imnmer.
2 I e. the title of " friend' or " benefactor of Athens," which Philip
was continually assuming in his letters, and which the Macedoniani party
at Athens studiously repeated. Such is Reiske's interpretation of this
obscure passage, which I have followed as being, though not wholly
satisfactory, yet the best.




ON THE EMBASSY.                      175
whole of my absence, and having the choice of two things
left me, either in acts of such a description to be thought
your accomplice, or to accuse.  I say that I have not been
your colleague at all in the embassy, but that you did many
heinous things as embassador, and I did what was best for
these people.  Philocrates has been your colleague, and you
his, and Phrynon: for you all did these things, and approved
of them.
But where is the salt? where the social board and libations V?  Such is the rant he goes about with: as if doers of
justice, and not doers of iniquity, were the betrayers of these
things! I know that all the presidents on every occasion
sacrifice in common, and sup with each other, and pour libations together; and the good do not on this account imitate
the bad, but if they find any of their body committing an
offense, they inform  the council and the people.  In like
manner the council offer their opening sacrifice,2 banquet
together, join in libations and ceremonials.  So do the generals, and I may say nearly all the magistrates.  But do they
on such account allow impunity to their members who commit crime?  [Far from  it.  Leon accused Timagoras,3 after
having been four years his co-embassador: Eubulus accused
Tharrex and Smicythas, after having been their messmate:
1 To have eaten salt together, sat at the same table, and poured the
same drink-offering, have in most countries been regarded as sacred
obligations of mutual friendship or good faith. Compare Odyssey,
xiv. 158:-'Iaro v,;v ZVc' irprrca O(3ev:evir re rpde'7ra,'largte r''06voigog d/YuovoC iv q0tKcavco,'H #ev rot rade rrdvra reeZerait df dyopevw.
Eurip. Hecub. 787:Kotvf rTparE'   O2t iroKjldC 7-rvXtbv 07oi.
Cicero quotes an old saying having reference to this (Do Amicitia, 19):
" Verum illud est, quod dicitur, multos modios salis simuLl edendos esse,
ut amicitim munus expletum sit."
JEschines frequently reproaches Demosthenes with his disregard of
these obligations. De Fals. Leg. 31, 52; Cont. Ctes. 85.
2 E clrnpaI are the sacrifices offered by the council at the opening of
their session in honor of Jupiter and Pallas. Suidas however, whose
account is adopted by Schomaun, says it was the first day of every year,
when the magistrates entered upon their offices.
3As to Leon and Timagoras, see ante, p. 130.  Of Tharrex and
Smicythas nothing is known.




176          T-lHE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
the famous (onon of old accused Adimantus,i after having
shared the command -With him.   Which then violated the
salt and the cup, Aschines-.the traitors, the false embassadors and acceptors of bribes, or their accusers'?  Assuredly
the men of iniquity violated, as you have done, the sanctities of their whole country, not merely those of private
fellowship.2
To show you however, that these men have been the vilest
and basest not only of all public deputies to Philip, but of all
(without exception) who ever privately visited him, let me tell
you a little circumstance unconnected with the embassy.
When Philip took Olynthus, he celebrated Olympic games,
and invited  all kinds of artists3 to  the sacrifice and the
festival.  ~While he was feasting them  and crowning the conquerors, he asked Satyrus,4 our comic actor, why he was the
Adinmantus was one of the commanders at the fatal battle of -Egospotamos. In the general massacre of the Athenian prisoners ordered
by Lysander, he alone was spared, because he had opposed the order
for cutting off the thumbs of the Peloponnesian captives. He was suspected however of having betrayed the fleet to the enemy, and afterward brought.to trial on such charge by Conon.
2 Others take uarovsdc  to be governed by Ucltcoe-vrc, as Pabst, who
thus renders the passage: Gewiss )iejenilgen, gi elche, _wie D)u, alle
hzeiligen Verbindclichkc itenz gegen ihr Vaterland verletzten uncd iCich t ciwa
lnur die geyen einzelne Biirger.
3 Theatrical people were often specially called artists among the
Greeks, just as painters are in these days.
4 The person of whom  this pleasing anecdote is told was an early
firiend of Demosthenes, who first directed his attention to his faults in
elocution, and showed him how to overcome them. Plutarch, in the
Life of Demosthenes, relates that the young orator, after making one
of his earliest essays at speaking in the assembly, and having been ill
received by his audience, was returning home in a melancholy humor,
when he met Satyrus, and complained to him of his misfortune, saying
how hard it was that, after having spent so much time in the study of
oratory, he was unable to please the people of Athens:. the most ignorant and illiterate persons were heard with pleasure, while he was not
listened to. "Ay," said Satyrus; "but I can remedy this. Just repeat
me some verses of Sophocles or Euripides." Demosthenes did so, but
without that accompaniment of graceful action and pronunciation, by
which Satyrus was accustomed to charmi his hemaers on the stage.
Satyrus then repeated the same verses himself, slhowing how it ought to
be done, and making the orator see his orwn deficiencies. Demosthenes
had the wisdom to profit by this lesson, and friom that hour set himself
resolutely to work to overcome all his natural impediments, to perfect
his organs of speech, and to acquire the external graces of address and




ON THE EMBASSY.                      177
only person who preferred no request, whether it was that he
had observed in him  any neanness o01' discourtesy toward
himself.  Satyrus (they s;ly) rlplicd, that he wanted none of
the things which the others aski;ed, that what he should like
to propose it would be very e-asy for Philip to oblige him
with, but he was fearful of being refused.  lPhilip bade him'
speak out, assuring him  in handsome termns, that there was
nothing lie would not do; upon which (they say) he declared,
that Apollophanes of Pydna was his friend; that, after he had
been assassinated, his relations in alarm secretly removed his
daughters, then little children, to Olynthus.  "T'hey," said he,
"now that the city is taken, have become prisoners, and are
in your hands: they are of marriageable age.  Give me them,
I pray and beseech you.  Yet I wish you to hear and understand, what sort of a present you will give me, if you do give
it.  I myself shall derive no profit from the grant; for I shall
give them in marriage with portions, and not suffir them to
be treated in any manner unworthy of myself or their father."
When the company at the banquet heard this, there awuas a
clapping of hands and tumult of applause from  all sides,
insomuch that Philip was touched, and gave him  the girls.
Yet this Apollophanes was one of the persons who killed
Philip's brother Alexander.'
Now let us contrast with this banquet of Satyrus another
banquet, which these men held in Macedonia; and see if it
has any likeness or resemblance.
These men were invited to the house of Xenophron, the son
of Phtedimus,2 one of the Thirty, and off they went.  I did
not go. When they came to the drinking, he introduces a certain Olynthian woman, good-looking, and well-born also and
modest, as the case proved.  At first (I believe) they only
manner. He even shut himself up, refusing to see any of his friends,
and keeping his head shaved for several montlhs together, that he might
have perfect leisure to pursue his training without interruption. In
the result he acquired a style of delivery which fully recompensed him
for all this exertion, and proved the justice of the player's advice.
The story which Demosthenes tells appears to have been introduced
more for the purpose of doing honor to Satyrus, than for any purpose
connected with the trial; and we may regard it as being really a tribute of gratitude to- the man to whom he was so much indebted.
See Vol. I. Appendix I. pp. 232, 250.
2 In the list of the thirty tyrants given by Xenophon, occurs the
name of Phbedrias.
H 2




178         THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
made -her drink quietly and eat dessert; so Iatrocles told me
the next day: but as it went on, and they became heated,
they ordered her to sit down and sing a song.  The woman
was in a sad way; she neither would do it nor could; whereupon the defendant and Phrynon said it was an insult, and
not to be tolerated that a captive woman, one of the accursed
and pestilent Olynthians, should give herself airs; and"Call the boy;" and —   A lash here."  A servant came with
a whip: and as they were in liquor, I imagine, and it took
but little to exasperate them, upon her saying something or
other and bursting into tears, the servant rips off her tunic and
gives her several cuts on the back.  The woman, maddened
by the pain and the whole treatment, jumps up, throws herself at the knees of Iatrocles, and overturns the table: and
had he not snatched her away, she would have perished by
drunken violence; for the drunkenness of this scoundrel' is
terrible.  There was a talk about this female in Arcadia
before the Ten Thousandc; and Diophantus made a report to
you, which I will compel him now to give evidence of; and
there was much talk in Thessaly and every.where.1
In support of this charge, as it appears, Demosthenes gives no evidence, though he asserts that he heard the story from latrocles, whom he
calls as his witness for another purpose. tEschlines declares the whole
story to be a fabrication, and produces the evidence of an Olynthian,
named Aristophanes, to prove that Demosthenes lhad offered him a bribe
to come forward as a witness, and that he had refused. It is remarkable however, that iEschines produces none of the embassadors who
were present at the party to disprove the statement. (See his reply,
pp. 48, 49.) In the opening of his speech ZEschines adverts to the indignant reception which the charge had met with firom the jury, stating that they had hissed the accuser, and expressed their confidence in
his innocence. This is apparently confirmed by Ulpian, who states
that when the charge was preferred, Eubulus instantly got up and appealed to the jury, whether they would permit his fiiend to be slandered in such a way; the jury then rose and stopped it.
Many topics of remark suggest themselves as we peruse. these contradictory statements. In the first place, Demosthenes was wrong and
unfair in lugging in this story at all; and the Athenians, if they stopped
him, did perfectly right, though they were not always so scrupulous
about what the speakers chose to say. The tale itself, apart from some
exaggerations, is not so very improbable. Demosthenes may have made
some inquiries of Aristophanes respecting the parentage and condition
of the female; but he could not have been a witness to the facts themselves which took place at Xenophron's house. It is an odd thing that.Eschines should have been prepared with the evidence of Aristophanes;




ON THE EMBASSY.                      179
Notwithstanding his guilty conscience, this polluted wretch
will dare to look you in the face, will raise his voice presently
and talk about the life that he has lived; which chokes me to
listen to.  Don't these people knlow, that in early life you
used to read the books for your mother at her initiations, and
as a boy uwere rolled about among orgiasts and drunkards?that afterward you were an office under-clerk, and did dirty
work for two or three drachms?-that it is but lately you
got a wretched livelihood  for your services as third-rate
player on the boards of other men?'T What sort of a life can
you mention which you have not lived, when that which you
hiave lived appears to be of such a character? But his assurance forsooth!  He brought another man to trial before you
for infamous practices!  But of that by-and-by.  Read me
first these depositions.
[Depositions.]
Such being the number, men of the jury, such the character of the offenses which he has committed  against you,
including every species of criminality-a receiver of bribes, a
and it seems like a confirmation of whllat Demosthenes says that the
story had been tallked about. The cruel treatment of the woman would
have been equally reprehensible, whether she was an Olynthian or not,
though the prejudice which Demosthenes helped to raise against his
opponent might have been enhanced by that circumstance; and it is
strange that IEschines brings no witness to disprove tile occurrence.
These and many other points may naturally occur to the reader, but
it is perhaps waste of time to dwell upon them too long. The difficulty
of ascertaining the truth is increased by the absence of the depositions,
and the,uncertainty how far the speeches which have conme down to
us are correct reports of the speeches wrhich were actually delivered;
for even the orators themselves, when they published their own speeches, may have added or omitted what suited their purpose. The discrepancies which we find in these very passages, between what Demosthenes says, and what tEschines represents him to have said, may be
accounted for possibly in this way.
1 Literally, "in the training-rooms of other choirmasters —choregi."
Xop2??EZov, or Xop7y/Lov, was tile place lwhich the choregus Iprovided to
train the youths who formed his chorus.  HIe also maintained them
during that time, and found the dresses and accoutrements. The words
mean nothing more in effect than "in the theatres found by other
men," who hired ~Eschines to take third parts. In the Oration on the
Crown, (ante, p. 97)11 he says that ~4Eschines hired himself out to Simy.lus and Socrates. Reiske renders it: "alliis choregos agentibus." Shilleto: "in the green-rooms of other choregi." IaparpEperatC is, "to be
maintained as a dependent."




180         TEE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
flatterer, under the curse, a liar, a betrayer of his friends-all
the most heinous crimes are included; —from none of these
charges will he defend himself, no plain and honest defense
will he be able to plead: what I have heard he intends to
say amounts almost to madness, though perhlaps a person who
has no other plea to urge is obliged to employ what artifices
he can.  I am told he will say, that I have been a partner
in all that I denounced, that I approved of all and co-operated with him, but I have suddenly changed and become accuser.  This is no fair or proper justification of his conduct,
but only an accusation of me: for if I had so acted, I am  a
good-for-nothing man, and yet the proceedings are none the
better for that; quite otherwise.  However, I consider it my
duty to show to you, both that the assertion, if he makes it,
will be false, and what the fair line of defense is.  The fair
and honest defense is, to show either that the things alleged
against him have not been done, or that, being done, they benefit the state. Neither of these points can he establish.  F'or
neither surely can he say, that it is to our advantage for the
Phocians to be destroyed and Philip to hold Thermopyla and
the Tllebans to be strong and troops to be in Eubcea and forming designs on MIegara anid the peace to be unsworn;' the contrary to all which his reports to you announced as being to
your advantage and about to take place: nor can he persuade
you, who have yourselves seen and known all the circunmstances, that these results have not been accomnplished. It
remains then fbr me to prove that I have had no connection with these men in any thing. Would.you like rne to pass
over all the rest-how I spoke against them blefore you, how
I quarreled on the journey, how  I have opposed them  all
along-and produce these men themselves as witnesses, that
my acts and theirs have been entirely different, and that they
have received money to be your enemies while I refused to
take it?  Miark then.
What man in the commonwealth should you say was the
most odious blackguard, with the largest stock of impudence
and insolence?  Not one of you, I am certain, could even by
mistake name any other than Philocrates. What man speaks
the loudest, and can utter what he likes with the clearest
1 J e. to have remained so long unsworn, ovwing to the dilatoriness
of the ermbassadors.




ON THE EMBASSY.                     181
voice?   ZEschines the defendant, I am sure.  Whom do these
men call spiritless and cowardly with the mob, while I call
him reserved? Myself: for never was I intrusive in any way;
never have I done violence to your inclinations.  Well: in all
the assemblies, whenever there has been a discussion upon
these matters, you hear me always both accusing and convicting these men, and positively declaring that they have taken
money and sold all the interests of the state.  And none of
them hearing my statements ever contradicted them, or opened
his mouth or showed himself.  What can be the reason that
the most odious blackguards in the commonwealth and the
loudest speakers are overpowered by me, who am the timidest
of men, and speak no louder than any one- else?  It is that
truth is strong, and, on the other hand, the consciousness of
having sold your interests is weak.  This takes off firom the
audacity of these men, this warps their tongue, stops their
mouths, chokes and keeps them  silent.  You know of course,
on the late occasion in }'iraus,I when you would not allow him
to be your envoy, how he shouted out that lie would impeach
and indict me, with -cries of " Shame! shame!"  Yet all that2
is the prelude to numerous contests and arguments, whereas
these are simple, and perhaps but two or three words, which a
slave bought yesterday might have spoken:-" Athenians, it is
atrocious: here is a iman accusing me of what he l-has himself
been concerned in; and saying that I have taken money, when
lie has taken it himself."-Nothing of this kind did he say or
utter; none of you heard him; but he threatened something
different.  Why?  Because he was conscious of guilt, and
not independent enough to speak those words:3 his resolution
This, it is supposed, refers to the story of Antiphon, which Demosthenes speaks of more fully in the Oration on tihe Crown (ante, pp. 55,
56). JEschines threatened to impeachl Demosthenes for his own unconstitutional proceedings against Antiphon in that affair.
2 "Sensus-At, ui hce qum millhi tunc minatus est, scilicet k eciayye2ia tcaO i ypazy?, sunt longi temporis multmque operma; poteratque
me, nisi culpm sibi conscius esset, continuo vel tribus verbis prosternere."-Schaefer.
Pabst: Doch cive solche Anklage Uwirde der Ainfang;vieler und grosser
diaipfe utnd langer Reden seyn.
I rather understand raVra to mean "that declaration-that kind of
talk."
3 Literally: "he was the slave of those words."  "In huc ei verba
non magis quidquam quam mancipio in dominum licebat, h.e. hec in




182         THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
never reached that point, but shrank back, for his conscience
checked it.  No one however prevented him from indulging in
general abuse and calumny.
The strongest point of all, a matter not of argument but of
fact, I am about to mention:-.-Upon my offering to do what
was just, namely, as I had been twice embassador, to render
my account twice, ZEschines the defendant came up to the
auditors with divers witnesses, and warned them not to summon me into court, on the ground that I had passed my audit
and had no further liability. And the thing was beyond measure ridiculous. What was the meaning of it? He having rendered his account of the former embassy, which no one arraigned, did not wish to attend a fresh audit for that which he
is now tried upon, which included all his misdeeds: but if I
attended twice, the consequence would be that he too must
come into court again; therefore he would not let them summon me.  Now, men of Athens, this circumstance proves both
points clearly to you, both that 3Eschines has condemned himself, so that none of you can conscientiously acquit him ndw,
and that he will not utter a word of truth about me; for had
he any thing to say, he would have come forward with it then
and accused me, never have given notice not to summon me
into court.  In support of my statements, call the witnesses to
them.
[ Fitnesses.]
Should he speak any slander about me foreign to the embassy, on many accounts you should refuse to hear him.
I am not on my trial to-day; and after this no water is
poured in for me.1  What is it then but lack of honest arguments?  IFor who upon his trial would elect to accuse, if he
had a good defense?  Again, consider this, men of the jury.
me jactare reformidabat ut 6oZlo~ (hirapv aac-rof cui? y(r)i-7ra S6erat:
nam si in me jactaret, suo se gladio jugulaturus erat."-Schaefer.
Auger gives the sense of the passage well enough: " C'est qu'intimement convaincu de ses delits, ii appr;hendoit, il trembloit de rien dire
qui y eat rapport. Si la pensee par hasard le portoit de ce cot6 1a, un
remnords importun le repoussoit aussi-t6t."
Pabst: weil er sich bewusst war, dies begangen zu haben, unddiese Wtorte
aus sklavischer F]rcht vor ihnen nicht aseszusprechen wagte, so wendete
sich sein Sinn nicht dazu, sondern bebte zuriick und wur'de von seinem Gewissen iibermnannt.
Into the water-glass. See p. 69, note l.




ON THE EMBASSY.                   183
If I were tried, and lEschines accusing, and Philip the judge,
and I, having no means of shiowing my innocence, began
maligning IAschines and trying to blacken his character, don't
you think Philip would on this very account be indignant,
that any one before him should malign his benefactors?i  Do
not you then be worse than Philip, but compel him to make
his defense upon the points in issue.
[The Deposition.]2
You see, I, because I was conscious of no wrong, thought
proper to render my account, and submit to all that the laws
required: iEschines did the reverse. IHow then can his actions and mine have been the same? or how can he possibly
maintain before you what he has never even alleged against
me before?  Surely he can not.  He will, however; and
verily I don't wonder. [For you surely know this-that since
the creation of man, and since trials have been instituted, no
one ever was found guilty confessing his crime: no; they put
on a bold face, deny the charge, tell lies, invent excuses, do
any thing to escape punishment.3
You must not be duped by any thing of this sort to-day,
but decide the case by your own knowledge, and pay no heed
to my statements or the defendant's, no, nor to the witnesses
whom he will have ready to prove what he likes, with Philip
for his paymaster; (you'll see how promptly they will give
evidence for him:) neither care whether AEschines has a loud
and fine voice, or I a poor one. For it is not your business,
if you are wise, to have a trial of orators or speeches to-day,
but to regard the dire and shameful ruin of your affairs, and
to cast back the infamy upon its authors, having inquired
into these doings that are within your own knowledge. What
doings?  These which you know, and need not be informed
by me. If all which they promised you has resulted from the
peace, and you confess yourselves to be so full of cowardice
ThIle petitio principii is remarkable in this argument.
2 This is the deposition of the witnesses called just above. While
they are coming up, or standing for a minute or two, the orator interposes a few more words to the jury. This is common.
3 Compare YWinter's Tale, Act III. Scene 2:I ne'er heard yet,
That any of these bolder vices wanted
Less impudence to gainsay what they did,
Than to perform it first.




184         TIIE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
and baseness, that without enemies in the country, without
being blockaded by sea, without the city being in any danger,
while you were purchasing cheap corn, and in other respects
no worse off than at present, when you knew and hlad been
told by these men, that your allies would be ruined and the
Thebans would become powerful and that Philip would take
the fortresses in Thrace and that sallying-places would be established against you in Euboea and that all which has been
done would happen, you were content to mlake the peace
notwithstanding —-acquit J;schines, and do not in addition
to so many disgraces incur the sin of perjury: for he does
you no wrong; I am  a fool and a lnadman to accuse him.
But if just the reverse-if they spoke in the kindest manner
of Philip, saying that he loved the commonwealth, he would
save the Phocians, he would humble the pride of Thebes,
yet mnore, he would confer benefits on you beyond the value
of Amphipolis, if he obtained the peace, and would restore
Eubcea and Oropus-if after saying and promising all this
they have cheated and cajoled you, and all but stri-pped you
of Attica, pronounce your verdict against him, and let it not
be that, in addition to the other outrages put upon you, (for
I know not what else to call them,) you, for the bribes taken
by these men, carry home the curse and the peljury.l
Consider again, lmen of the jury: for what object could I
have chosen to accuse these men, if they were innocent?
You can find none.  Is it pleasant to have many enemies?
It is not even safe. Was there any quarrel subsisting between /LEschines and me?  None.  What then?  You fbared
for yourself, and through cowardice thought this was your
security: —that I have heard he- says. —Well, but without
there being any danger or crime, J.schines, as you allege!2
This is a fine sentence, pregnant with meaning. Don't let it happen, seys the orator, that. instead of taking vengeance on these men
for their venality, you take their sins upon your own heads' for if you
acquit.Eschines, the curse to which he is liable (razi c paCf evoxof, p. 404,
orig.) will justly be transferred to you, and by violating your oaths as
jurors and giving a verdict contrary to the evidence you'will have incurredl the crime of perjury.
2 The supposed assertion of Eschines involved the assumption of
crime lhaving been committed, which was adverse to his case. If the
ernmassadors had done nothing wrong, as 2Eschines would make out,
then Demnosthenes could have had nothing to fear, and the last assigned
motive for accusation was absurd.




ON THE EMBASSY.                      185
Should he repeat that, consider, men of the jury, whether for
crimes, which I who am  innocent feared would be my ruin
through those persons-what ought they to suffer who are
the guilty parties?l But it is for no such reason. W~herefore
then do I accuse you? Vexatiously, forsooth, that I may get
money from you!  And pray, was it better for me to receive
a large sum, as large as any of these men, from Philip wrho
offered it, and have both him  and these for my friends, (for
they would, they would have been my friends, if I had been
their accomplices: even now the feud between us is not hereditary, but because'I have not been a partner in their acts:)
or to beg from  them  a portion of their receipts, and be at
enmity both with Philip and them?-and while I ransomed
the prisoners at such an expense out of my owls means, to ask
these men for a disgraceful pittance which made them  my
enemies?  Impossible.  I reported what was true, and abstained from  taking presents out of regard to justice and
truth and my future life, believing that, if I was virtuous, I
should be honored among you no less than  certain  other
people,2 and that I must not barter away mly public spirit for
any lucre: and these men I abhor, because I saw them  in
the embassy to be villainous and execrable, and I have been
deprived too of my personal distinctions,3 since through the
corruption of these men your displeasure has fallen upon the
whole embassy: and I accuse now and am come to the audit
foreseeing the future, and wishing to have it determined by
-the verdict of this tribunal, that my-actions have been the
opposite of theirs.  And I fear, I fear, (all my thoughts shall
be declared to you,) hereafter you may drag me who am
innocent along with them, but you will remain passive Inow.4
I I have kept, the anacoluthosn of the original; but it is not very elegant in this passage.
2 This is a modest way of saying that he hoped to receive the same
honors as other distinguished citizens.
3 t(Portqia, like JperT, signifies not only the meritorious quality or
action of the person himself, but also the honorable distinction attending it.
Demosthenes liad lost not only the vote of thanks and invitation to
dine in the City Hall (as Schaefer observes, see ante, p. 130), but suffered
in his general credit and reputation, through the misconduct of the
embassadors.
4'Ava1rerroKtcreg, "fallen back." Reiske: "remissi, supini." Pabst:
nachldssig und nachsichtig.




186        THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
For it seems to me, O Athenians, you are wholly paralyzed,
waiting till calamity falls upon you; and while you see other
people suffer, you take no precaution, nor give a thought to the
commonwealth, now so long in many fearful ways declining.
Don't you think it dreadful and monstrous?-for though I
had resolved to be silent, I am led on to speak: —You must
know Pythocles' the son of Pythodorus.'With him I was
on very friendly terms, and up to this day nothing unpleasant
has passed between us.  He turns out of my way now when
he meets me, ever since he has been with Philip; and if he is
compelled to cross my path, he starts away in a moment, for
fear some one should see him  speaking to me: yet with
iEfschines he walks all round the market, and holds consultation. It is really dreadful and shocking, O Athenians —while
people who have chosen Philip's service have this advantage,
that his perception is in either case so keen, they believe each
of them, as surely as if he were standing at their side, that
nothing they do even here can escape him, and they regard
as friends whom he thinks proper, and as enemies likewisethose who are devoted to you, who are ambitious of your
esteem and have never sacrificed it, find in you such a deafness and blindness, that these miscreants are here contending
on equal terms with me, and that too before a jury who know
all the circumstances.  Would you like to know and hear the
reason? I will tell you; and pray be not offended at my
speaking the truth. It is because Philip, I take it, having
one body and one soul, loves with his whole heart the people
that do him good, and hates those that do the contrary;
whereas any one of you never thinks that a person serving
the state serves him, or that a person damaging the state
damages him; each individual has things of greater importance to himself by which you are frequently led astraycompassion, envy, resentment, granting favors, a thousand
things besides-indeed, should one escape every thing else,
there is no escaping persons who don't like one to be such.2' Mentioned in the Speech on the Crown (p. 320, orig.) as an adversary of Demosthenes. His stately manner of walking is noticed further
on in this speech (p. 442, orig.). He was many years after condemned
to death.
2 This sentence, which perplexed Taylor, and which Francis omits
from his translation, is explained by Reiske, and not badly rendered by
Auger, " Quand on 6chapperoit a tout le reste, pourroit on echapper




ON THE EMBASSY.                       187
The fault in each of these instances gradually undermines and.ends in being the total ruin of the commonwealth.'
Do not, O Athenians, commit any such error to-day; do
not acquit the man who has so greatly wronged you.  For
really what will be said of you, if you do acquit him? —Certain embassadors went from  Athens to Philip; Philocrates,
~schines, Phrynon, Demosthenes. What then? One of them,
besides that he made no profit by the embassy, redeemed the
captives out of his own private means: another with the
money for which he sold the country's interests went about
purchasing harlots and fish. Another sent his son to Philip,
before he had entered him  in the roll of citizens;2 the brutal
Phrynon: while the first did nothing unworthy of the commonwealth or himself. One, though choir-master and captain, thought it right in addition to incur these voluntary expenses, to redeem the captives, and not permit any of his
fellow-countrymen to be in distress for want: another, so far
from delivering any already in captivity, helped to bring a
whole district, and more than tel thousand infantry and nearly a thousand cavalry of an allied nation, into the power of
Philip.  What followed? The Athenians got hold of themhaving known all about it long before-well — the men who
a l'envie, qui ne pent souffrir un citoyen integre et zele!"-The orator
partly alludes to himself, as being the patriotic citizen whose vocation
did not please a certain class of the people. And it is not impossible
he might have been led to this remark by some signs of displeasure
which he observed in'sorne of the jurors. Pabst makes him speak expressly of himself (wie ich bin); but it is better not to introduce this
into the text.
I I have followed the interpretation of Vz7-ripovaa indicated by F. A.
Wolf in his note on the Leptines, p. 471. Shilleto, who quotes F. A.
Wolf, and adopts his view, misapplies his learning, when he desires us
to translate-" The error in each of these cases gradually giving way
from under you, results in a universal and momentary destruction to
the state."  The transitive force of i'rofeZiv is derived from the notion
of "slipping from under;" but to translate it so here is not advisable.
Reiske, in his Index, agreeing with F. A. Wolf as to the meaning in
the Leptines, here renders v7robpEovaa simply subrepens, in which he has
been generally followed.  Francis: "These particular and separate
errors advancing by degrees, fall at last in one collected ruin on the
republic."  Pabst: Aber solche bei allen einzzelnen Sachen dieser.Art begangenen Fehltritte bringen, wenn sie allmithlig wnd unnerklich weiter
schreiten, dent Staat endlich in seiner Ges2nmmtheit Verderben.
2 At the age of eighteen an Athenian citizen was enrolled in the
register of his township (p(6iof).




188          THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
had taken money and presents, who had disgraced themselves
and the country and their own children, they acquitted, considering them to be men of sense and the country to be in a
flourishing state; —but what of the man who accused them?him they judged to be an idiot, ignorant of the country, not
knowing how to throw his own away.l
And who, O Athenians, after seeing this example, will wish
to prove himself an honest man?.Who will be an embassador
for nothing, if he is neither to take reward, nor with you to
be held more trustworthy than persons who have taken it?
Therefore you are not only trying these men to-day; no: you
are legislating for all time to come, whether embassadors
should take money to work disgracefully for the enemy, or do
their best in your behalf without bribe or fee.
UJpon the other matters tyou require no witness: but as to
Phrynon sending his son, call me the witnesses to that.2
[ Witnesses.]
iEschines never prosecuted this man on the charge of sending his son to Philip for dishonor.  But if one being in his
youth better lookinog than another, not foreseeing whvlat suspicion might arise from such comeliness, hath been a little
wild in after-life, Eschines must prosecute him for infamous
crime.
Now  let me speak of the entertainment and the decree:
I had nearly forgotten what was most material to say to you.
T'v sr62tv cdyvoeizc is explained thus by Reiske: " non n6sse mores
civiumn degeneres, inimicos suos ornantium, bene de se meritos abjicientium."  By Schaefer otherwise: " ignorare quam prosperm sint res
civitatis."
Osv X tetv &irroti r7  avroC t3irzr refers to the boasted liberality of Demosthenes, in ransoming the prisoners, &c. I-is enemies represented him
as a fool, who threw away his money, and even didn't know how to
throw it away. Auger: "qui ne savoit of jeter son argent."
2 It may seem strange to an English reader that Demosthenes should
call witnesses to a fact so remote from the point at issue. B3ut the
Athenians appear to have admitted all kinds of evidence which tended
to show the general character of the parties. Demosthenes seeks to
create a prejudice against iEsebines, as being connected with such anll
infamous person as Phrynon, and lie turns this to still better account,
when he comments upon his prosecution of Timarchus. This (says he)
could only lhave been for the purpose of screening himself. Had his
motive been the pure love of virtue, he would have proceeded against
Phrynon also.




ON THE EMBASSY.                 189
In drawing up the order of council concerning the first embassy, and again before the people at the assemblies in which
you were to debate the question of peace, when nothing either
spoken or done wrong by these persons was known, I according to customary usage commended and invited them to the
city-hall. And what is more, I entertained Philip's embassadors, and very splendidly too, O Athenians: for when I saw
them in Macedonia glorying even in such things as proofs of
wealth and splendor, it occurred to me that I should begin
directly to surpass them in these things, and display greater
magnificence myself: however, the defendant now will bring
the matter forward, and say, "Demosthenes himself commended us, himself feasted the embassadors" —not distinguishing the when. It was before the country had sustained an
injury, before it was discovered that these men had sold themselves; when the embassadors had just arrived for the first
time, and the people: had to hear what they proposed, and it
was not yet known that the defendant would support Philocrates, or that he would make such a motion. If therefore he
should bring this forward, remember the dates; they are earlier than the offenses: since that time there has not been the
slightest connection or communion between these men and me.
Read the deposition.
E[The Deposition.]
Perhaps his brothers Philochares and Aphobetusl will
plead for him.  To both of them there is much that you
may with justice reply: (I must speak freely, 0 Athenians,
without any reserve:)-Aphobetus and Philochares! you
being a painter of perfume-boxes and drums, your brothers
under-clerks and common persons; (there is no reproach in
these things, yet they hardly deserve a general's rank); we
dignified you with embassies, generalships, and the highest
honors. Now supposing that none of you committed any
crime, we should have nothing to be grateful for to you, but
you for these things ought to be grateful to us; for we,
passing by many persons more worthy of honor, exalted
you. But if in the very exercise of your dignities one of you
has committed crime, and crime too of such a nature, don't
See Appendix II.




190        THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
you much more deserve execration than pardon? Mulch more,
in my opinion.
They will be violent perhaps, with their loud voices and
impudence, and with the plea that "it is pardonable to assist
a brother." But don't you give way: remember, while it is
their duty to regard AEschines, it is yours to regard the laws
and the whole commonwealth, and (above all) the oaths that
you have yourselves sworn as jurors. If indeed they have
requested any of you to save the defendant, see whether they
mean, in case he is not shown to have injured the commonwealth, or even in case he is. If they mean in case of' innocence, I am also for saving him; if unconditionally and however guilty he has been, they have asked you to commit perjury. For though the ballot is secret, it will not be hidden
from the gods. Most wisely was it seen by him that enacted
the law of secret voting, that none of these menh will know
which of you has obliged him, but the gods and the divine
spirit will know who has voted iniquitously: from whom it
is better for each of you to secure good hopes for himself and
his children by giving a righteous and proper judgment, than
to confer a secret and uncertain obligation upon these men,
and to acquit a person who has given evidence against himself.  For what stronger witness, 2Eschines, can I produce, to
prove your misconduct as embassador, than you against yourself? You that thought it necessary to involve in such a
dreadful calamity the man who would have brought some of
your deeds to light, certainly expected some heavy punishment yourself, should the people hear what you had done.
This proceeding, if you are wise, will turn out to his own
prejudice, not only on this account, that it is a flagrant indication of what his acts as elmbassador have been, but because
in conducting the accusation he used those arguments which
stand good against him now: for surely the same principles,
which you laid down when you prosecuted Timarchus, are
available also for others against yourself. You then said to
the jury- " Demosthenes will defend him, and will arraign
my conduct as embassador: and then, if he misleads you by
his speech, he will brag and go about saying-how? what do
1 ToVTov means here not only ~Eschines and his colleagues, but all
criminals brought to the bar of justice.




ON THE EMBASSY.                      191
you think?'  I led the jurors right away from  the question,
and stole the case out of their hands." Don't yourself act
thus. Confine your defense to the subject of your trial. When
you were prosecuting him, then was the time for accusing and
saying what you pleased.
Again you recited before the jury, having no witness to
bring in support of your charge against the accusedRumor which many people noise abroad
hNot wholly dies: a goddess eke is she.2
Well, XAEschines; and all these people say that you have received money from the embassy; so that against you too, I
should think, Rumor which many people noise abroad not
wholly dies. For inasmuch as more accuse you than him, see
how the matter stands. Timarchus even his neighbors did
not all know; but of you embassadors there is no Greek or
barbarian who does not say, that you have received money
from the embassy. If rumor therefore is true, that of the
These words 7r6S-; ri; which have puzzled the critics, are understood by most to be put in the mouth of Demosthenes. Perhaps the
better way is to understand them as referring to what precedes, thus:
"how will he brag l what will he say? why, as follows."
2 These lines are from Hesiod, Opera et Dies, 761..Aschlines, in the
passage referred to (cont. Timarch. 18), quotes also HIomer and Euripides on the subject of Fame or Rumor. Compare the celebrated lines
of Virgil, zEneid IV. 173.
Whether this goddess, the personification of common rumor or
report, should in English be rendered  e'ame, as it more generally is,
or Rumor, I have entertained some doubt: Fame is nearer in point of
form to the Greek and Latin original; and it may be said that Rugnor,
derived from the Latin Rumor, can not so well be made feminine. But
on the other hand, the meaning of our Fcame is not so like the Fama
of Virgil and Hesiod as Ruzmor is.  And with respect to the gender,
we have as much right to follow the French 2Rumeur as the Latin
Rumor, or perhaps to exercise an arbitrary discretion upon such a
matter.  Shakspeare, no doubt, makes his Runzor a male personage,
in the Introduction to Henry IV. Part 2, and one of a character more
like Virgil's than iesiod's deity. The lines are quite equal to Virgil's.
I make no apology for quoting some of them:Open your ears; for which of you will stop
The vent of hearing, when loud Rumor speaks?
I from the orient to the drooping west,
Making the wind my post-horse, still unfold
The acts commenced on this ball of earth.
Upon my tongues continual slanders ride,
The which in every language I pronounce,
Stuffing the ears of men with false reports, &c. &c.




192          THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
multitude is against you all; and that such rumor is credible,
and that a goddess eke is she, and that the poet who wrote
this was a wise man, you have yourself laid down.
And besides, he got up a number of Iambics, and repeated
them; for instanceIAMBICS FR.OM THE PHOENIX OF EURIPIDES.
Who loves the fellowship of evil men,
Of him I never ask, assured that whom
He seeks for comrades he resembles most.
"The man1 who frequented the cockpits and walked about
with Pittalacus" —these were his words and others like them
— " don't you know," said he,' what sort of a person to consider him?" Well, JEschines: these iambics will suii me
now against you; and I shall speak fitly and properly, if I
recite to the jury —Who loves the fellowship of Philocrates,
and that too on an1 embassy, of him I never ask, assured that
he has received money like Philocrates who confesses it.
When he calls other men speech-writers2 and sophists, and
attempts to vilify them, he will prove to be himself liable to
these reproaches. For those iambics are from the Phoenix
of Euripides: and that drama was never'acted by either
Theodorus or Aristodemus, to whom the defendant used to
take third parts, but Molon played in it, and other old performers whoever they were.   The Antigone of Sophocles
however Theodorus has often acted, and so has Aristodemus;
in which there are iambics beautifully written and in a strain
I Eschines (cont. Timarch. 8, 9) charges Timarchus with cock-fighting and gambling, and with a disgraceful intimacy with Pittalacus, a
town-slave.
Others, following Reiske, made rot: 3Opvtl " the bird-market," which
does equally well. A cock-fighter would naturally frequent the market
where cocks w ere sold. Francis: " aviaries."
2," Aoyoypd0ov'. Properly, persons who wrote speeches either forensic or epideictic, i. e. which turn on praise or censure, such as those
of Isocrates. Such persons would probably introduce into their written
speeches many far-fetched allusions and passages from the old poets,
who were generally neglected in those stirring and active and therefore unreading times. HIence the word would nearly get the meaning
of our pedant. That it was used in an opprobrious sense (compare our
pamphleteer) is stated by Thom. Mag. p. 580, and is attested by Plato,
(Phadr. p. 257,) -which shows that Xoyoypdioc and cootaGgf were used
to convey the same idea."-Shilleto.
The passage here referred to by Demosthenes is from the speech
against Timarchus, p. 13.




ON THE EMBASSY.                     193
useful to you, which, though he has himself often spoken and
knows them quite by heart, he omitted. You are of course
aware, that in all tragic pieces it is a sort of special privilege
for third-rate actors to come on as tyrants and sceptre-bearers. See then what the verses are in this drama, which the
poet has put into the mouth of Creon ]Eschines, which he
neither conned over to himself to serve him in the embassy,
nor repeated to the jury. Read:
IAMBICS FROM THE ANTIGONE OF SOPHOCLES.
Ye can not tell the spirit of a man,
His wisdom, nor his worth, till they be tried
In public life and acts of policy.
The statesmnan, who to serve the common we 1
Adopts not what in counsel is the best,
But closes up his mouth for fear of danger,
Base have I ever deem'd, and deem him still.
And whoso dearer than his country loves
A private friend, as nothing I esteem.
For I (bear witness, thou all-seeing Jove I)
Should not keep silence, if I saw destruction
Advancing toward my people'stead of safety;
Nor e'er would I accept as friend of mine
My country's enemy: for well I know,'Tis she preserves us all; in her embark'd,
While steadily she sails, we lack not friendship.
None of these verses did.Eschines repeat to himself on
the embassy: instead of the commonwealth, he deemed
Philip's friendship of the greatest importance and advantage
to himself, bidding a long farewell -to the wise Sophocles:
when he saw destruction advancing nigh,  the expedition
against Phocis, he gave no- warning or notice, but on the
contrary helped to conceal and forward it, and those who
wished to give information he prevented; not remembering
that she it is who preserves us all, and in her his mother
initiating' and purifying, and making a profit from the
houses of her employers, reared  up all these children,2 and
This turn is Aristophanic.  As to the father and mother's occupations, and as to Heros the physician, see ante, pp. 54, 94-96, and
the notes. Shilleto observes: " Schaefer is, in my judgment, right in
erasing from the Greek Hero-Calendar one unknown Calamites, and
restoring to the contemporary chirurgeons the name of Heros. KaaaLtr? appears to have been a by-word for larpbS from the KCda/utot
used for surgical purposes."
2 I refer roaohr-ovg, as Reiske does, to number. Francis:" these her
VOL. II.-I




194         THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
that his father teaching the alphabet, as I am  informed by
older men, lived how he could next door to Heros the physician, but lived at all events in this city; and they themselves
got money by being under-clerks and servants to all the publie, functionaries, and at last having been appointed clerks by
you were maintained for two years in the -Round-room,' and
from this city was the defendant sent but just now as enmbassador.  None of these things did he consider; no care he took
that the commonwealth should sail steadily, but overturned
and sank her, and did his utmost to throw her into the power of her enemies. Are not you then a sophist, and a vile one
too?  Are not you a speech-writer, ay, and one hated by the
gods? you that passed over what you had often played and
knew perfectly by heart, while what you never acted in your
life you searched out and quoted to injure one of your fellowcitizens?
Come, consider now his remarks about Solol. HI-e said
there was a statue of Solon exemplifying the decorous style
of the orators of that day, with his hand folded inside the
mantle;2 this by way of reproach and rebuke to the forwardness of Timarchus. But the Salaminians say the statue has
not been erected fifty years, and it is nearly two hundred and
forty years from Solon to the present time, so that the artist
who shaped that figure was not only himself no contemporary
of Solon, but his grandfather was not either. However, he
said this to the jury, and gave an imitation: but what was
of far greater advantage to the state than Solon's attitude,
to see (namely) his heart and mind-of them  he gave no
imitation, quite the contrary. Solon3 (after Salamis had reillustrious sons." Auger: " de merveilleux personnages." Pabst; diese
stattliclien Sshne.
The room in the centre of the Prytaneum, where the Prytanes
dined. See ante, p. 130, note 1.
2 Literally: "having his mantle wrapped round him, with his hand
inside."
3 Here we have the celebrated legislator of Athens introduced to our
notice in the character of a poet and a warrior. Of his poetry a few
fragments only remain, and are remarkable for elegance and simplicity
rather than for any merit of a higher description. The story respecting
the recovery of Salamis is told in Plutarch's Life of Solon, as follows:The Megarians had wrested the island of Salamis from the Athenians,
who, after many unsuccessful attempts to retrieve their loss, became
heartily sick of the war, and passed a decree making it punishable with




ON THE EMBASSY.                      195
volted from the Athenians, and they had decreed to punish
with death whoever advised its recovery,) at the risk of his
own life composed and sang an elegy, and preserved that
country to Athens, and removed the disgrace which had fallen
upon her.  2Aschines, although the Persian king and all the
Greeks had acknowledged Amphipolis to be yours, gave up and
sold it, and supported Philocrates who moved the resolution.
Worth his while (was it not?) to mention Solon!  And not
death for any one to advise its renewal.  Solon, who was a native of
Salamis, was greatly discontented; and by-and-by, having observed that
the youth of Athens were beginning to change their minds but afraid
to violate the law, counterfeited insanity, and, keeping himself at home,
composed an elegy on the loss of the island. It contained a hundred
verses, and is said to have been a poem of considerable merit. Having
these verses by heart, he suddenly ran into the market-place with a cap
on his head,-(the cap was a sign of sickness,)-and mounting the herald's platform, sang them out in a loud voice to the people. His supposed madness and the exciting character of the verses gave it the appearance of inspiration. Pisistratus, then a young man, was among the
hearers, and urged them to obey the voice of Solon. In the moment of
their'enthusiasm the people repealed the decree, and prepared for war.
Solon recovered Salamis by a stratagem, which is variously related. According to one account, he by a false message enticed a large body of
Megarians to the Attic coast, and having put them to the sword, sailed
instantly to Salamis and took it. After some further struggles, the belligerent parties referred their claims to the arbitration of Sparta. Solon
pleaded his country's cause before thle arbitrators, and urged (among
other arguments in favor of the Athenian title to Salamis) that the Salaminians buried their dead in the Athenian fashion, turning their faces
to the west, and not to the east, as the Megarians did; and also that
they had separate tombs for each body, whereas the Megarians put
several bodies into one tomb. He urged also that Salamis was called
Ionian in some of the Delphic oracles. A further story is told, that he
inserted a line in the catalogue of ships in the second book of the Iliad,
which is now read thus:
Aiaf 6' KIc lactaqyvo  aysev dvocKaidsKa vaf,
Yrfar 6' dynev iv''AOva~iv'Zi-aviro dclayyeC.
The second of these lines is said to have been Solon's interpolation, to
prove that Salamis was, even so early as the Trojan war, subject to, or
at least connected with Athens; and some critics have thought that the
spuriousness of the line appears from other passages of Homer, where
the Salaminians are made to occupy a station separate from theAthenians. (See Heyne's learned note to Iliad, II. 553.) The Megarians are
said to have contended for a different reading in Homer, which established their own connection with Salamis. Judgment was given by the,
arbitrators in favor of Athens.
The cap which _/Eschines went out with was, as Deraosthenes hints
(below, p. 196), an affected imitation of Solon,




196         THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
only here acted he so, but on his arrival there he never
uttered the name of the place which he came to negotiate
about.  And so, he himself reported to you; for you must
remember his saying-"I too had something to say about
Amphipolis, but I omitted it, to give Demosthenes an opportunity of taking up the subject." —I came forward and said,
that he had left nothing for me that he wished to say to
Philip; for he would sooner give a part of his blood than
a part of his speech to any one. The fact, I apprehend, was
-having received money, he could say nothing on the other
side of the question to Philip, who had paid him on purpose
that he might not restore Amphipolis.  Here-take and read
these elegiacs of Solon, and let the jury see, that Solon abhorred,men like the defendant.
Not to speak with the hand folded, 2Eschines-not thatbut to perform your embassage with the hand folded, is needful. You, after extending and holding it open yonder and
disgracing your countrymen, talk pompously here, and, having got up and spouted some wretched phrases, imagine you
can escape punishment for all these grievous crimes, if you
put a cap on your head and walk about and abuse me.
Read, if you please:
THE ELEGIACS OF SOLON:
Our city everlastingly shall stand;
So Jupiter and all the Gods command:
Athenian Pallas lends her guardian aid,
She of the mighty Father, heavenly Maid.
Yet the fair city breedeth for her bane
A generation covetous and vain,
Ill-minded statesmen, who shall yet be tried
In many sorrows to rebuke their pride;
Insatiable, in riot they devour
The fleeting pleasures of the festal hour,
Indulge their lustful appetence of gain,
And sparing neither sacred nor profane,
By spoil and rapine thrive, nor hold in awe
Omniscient Themis and her holy law,
Who sits in watchful silence, and the day
Of vengeance bides, more dreadful for delay.
Thus on a people creeps the dire disease,
Till perish all their ancient liberties:
Or civil strife or warfare is at hand,
To waste the youthful promise of the land.
A factious race the sword shall overthrow;
Who wirong their friends are pillaged by the foe.




ON THE E.MBASSY.                       197
Over the country these misfortunes brood:
The poor meanwhile, a hapless multitude,
Are dragg'd to foreign shores and long exile,
To slavery sold, and bound in fetters vile.
The common Pest of all comes home to each;
No door can guard him from the Fury's reach;
She leaps the lofty wall; hide where he will,
In cell or chamber, she shall find him still.
Fain am I thus, Athenians, to advise,
What evils under Anarchy arise,
How Discipline the public weal maintains,
Curbs wicked men with penance and with chains;
How she can tame the wild, the proud put low,
And wither mischief ere to strength it grow;
How straighten crooked justice, and assuage
The might of passion and unruly rage:
Under her sway confusion, discord cease,
And men abide in fellowship and peace.'
These are not from the Salamis, but verses of a purely political
character, addressed to the Athenians during some period of discord
and trouble. The future legislator, preparing the way for that great
work which has transmitted his name to all ages, endeavors to kindle
the flame of patriotism in his countrymen, rebukes the leading statesmen for their selfishness and vicious conduct, and exhorts all classes to
maintain civil harmony and obedience to the laws. Whether this was
the whole poem, or is but an extract, we can not determine. There
are errors in the text, and some verses manifestly lost. Pabst.in his
version, which is in hexameter and pentameter, leaves the hiatuses as
he finds them. I have taken a different course, and have not kept so
close to the original as he. Francis has given a spirited version, which
I subjoin:Nor Jove supreme, whose secret will is Fate,
Nor the blest Gods have doom'd th' Athenian State;
For Pallas, with her Father's glories crown'd,.Spreads the protection of her -gis round.
But dire Corruption wide extends its sway;
Athenians hear its dictates, and obey.
Oppressive demagogues our counsels guide,
Though various mischiefs wait to quell their pride.
Untaught with cheerful appetite to taste
The calm delights that crown the temperate feast,
A lust of gold their restless bosoms fires;
A lust of gold their guilty schemes inspires.
Vain are all laws, or human or divine,
To guard the public wealth, or sacred shrine,
While private life is fill'd withl mutual fraud,
By Justice and her sacred laws unawed.
Silent she sits, the past, the present views,
And in her own good time the guilty scene pursues.




198         THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHEYNES.
You hear, O Athenians, what Solon declares of such men,
and of the gods who (he says) protect the commonwealth.
For myself, I believe as I hope, that his statement is eternally
true; that the gods do indeed protect our commonwealth:
and in some sort I believe, that all which has taken place
upon this audit has been a manifestation  to the commonwealth of divine benevolence.  Only see: —A  man who has
grossly violated his duty as embassador, who has given up
places in which the gods had ought to be worshiped by you
and your allies, disfranchised an accuser who obeyed his challenge.]  To what end?  That.he may obtain neither pity
nor pardon for his own offenses.  Further, in accusing that
person he chose to speak ill of me, and  again  before the
Thus other states their mortal wound receive,
And servile chains their free-born sons enslave;
Sedition rages; wars, long-slumbering, rise,
And the loved youth in prime of beauty dies;
For soon' the foe lays waste that hapless state,
Where joyless Discord dwells, and foul Debate.
For the poor wretch a harder lot remains,
Sold like a slave to pine in foreign chains.
His proper woes the man of wealth await,
Bound o'er his wails, and thunder at his gate;
Close on th' unhappy fugitive they press,
And find him in his chamber's dark recess.
Thus my good genius speaks, and bids advise.
The sons of Athens to be just and wise;
To malrk attentive what a stream of woes
From civil discord and contention flows;
What beauteous order shines, where Justice reigns,
And binds the sons of Violence in chains:
Folly, of thousand forms, before her flies,
And in the bud the flowering mischief dies.
She guides the judge's sentence, quells the proud,
And midst sedition's rage appalls the crowd;
While clanmorous Faction and Contention cease,
And man is blest with Happiness and Peace.
1 When the embassador presented himself to the Logistia to pass his
audit, it was in effect a challenge to any of his fellow-citizens who
thought proper to come forward and accuse him. Schaefer explains it
differently: "Sensum pulehre intellexit Marklandus, citans p. 434.
Orator dicit, Timarchum non sponte sua, non ut petulantem sycophantam, sed rogatum ab amicis invitatumque a bonis civibus ad accusandum tI  schinem prodiisse." Shilleto follows him, interpreting vcralcoverv
"to get up to speak when called upon."  I scarcely think it can bear
such a meaning, unless connected with other -words. In. the passage
cited from p. 434, it is inra-ccoaoca tcar'aoz/evof.




ON THE EMBASSY.                      199
people he threatened to prefer indictments and the like.- For
what purpose?  That when I accuse him, who thoroughly
know his villainies and have closely watched them all, I may
be received by you with the utmost indulgence. Furthermore, by pushing off his trial during all the former period he
has been led on to a crisis, at which, out of regard to future
consequences, if to nothing else, it is neither safe nor possible
for you to let him escape punishment for his bribery.'  You
ought indeed, O Athenians, at all times to execrate and to
punish men guilty of corruption and treason; but now it will
be most especially seasonable and for the common benefit of
all mankind. For a plague, O Athenians, has fallen upon
Greece, a grievous andtsevere one, that requires some extraordinary good fortune and carefulness on your part.'The notables intrusted with the administration of state affairs are betraying their own liberty, unhappy men, and bringing upon
themselves a voluntary servitude, which they call friendship
and intimacy and connection with Philip, and other flattering
names: the rest of the people and the authorities (whatever
they are) in the several states, who ought to punish those men
and put them instantly to death, 8o far from doing any thing
of the kind, admire and envy them, and would like every one
to be in their places.
This sort of thing, this kind of ambition, men of Athens,
until but the other day had destroyed the sovereignty and
national dignity of the Thessalians, and is at this moment
stealing away their liberty; for' the citadels of some of them
are garrisoned by Macedonians. It has entered Peloponnesus,
and caused the massacres in Elis; and with such frenzy and
The skill of the orator in this passage is worthy of observation.
There were three points greatly to the advantage of his opponent, as he
could not falil to see: first, the successful proceeding against Timarchus;
secondly, the invidious character of the present prosecution, being
against a colleague with whom he had acted harmoniouslyin the beginning; thirdly, the length of time which had elapsed since the commission of the supposed offense. Demosthenes, briefly adverting to
these points, turns them skillfully to his own account, without any laborious argument, and without any appearance of doubt as to the effect
which they might produce on the minds of his hearers.  He then
launches out into that splendid description of the state of Greece, and
the baneful effects of subservience to Philip, (beginning v6ol/va'yap Jt
dvdpef,'A8Ovaiot,) which has been praised by most critics, and especially
by Pliny, IX. Epist. 26.




200         THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
madness did it inspire those wretched people, that, to get dominion over each other and gratify Philip, they would spill the
blood of their kindred and fellow-countrymen. And it stops
not even here. It entered into Arcadia, and has turned every
thing there upside down; and now many of the Arcadians,
(who ought like yourselves to be eminently proud of freedom,
for the only indigenous people are you and they,) hold Philip
in admiration, and set him up in brass, and crown him; and
to complete all, should he visit Peloponnesus, they have passed resolutions to receive him in their cities. The Argives have
done the same. By Ceres, if one must speak in earnest, these
matters require no little precaution; as the plague, advancing
in a circle, has entered, men of Athens, even here. While
then you are yet in safety, be on your guard, and punish with
infamy the persons who first introduced it; or else, see that
my words be not deemed to have been wisely spoken, when
you have no longer any resource.
See you not, O men of Athens, how notable and striking
an example the poor Olynthians are; who owe their destruction, unhappy men, to nothing so much as to conduct of this
kind? You may discover it plainly by what has befallen
them. When they had only four hundred horse, and were
not more than five thousand altogether in number, the Chalcidians not yet being all united, although the Lacedemonians
attacked them with a considerable army and fleet,-for of
course you know that the Lacedsemonians had the command
(so to speak) both of sea and land at that period,-notwithstanding the attack of so mighty a force, they lost neither
their city nor a single fortress, but even won many battles,
and killed three of the enemy's generals, and at last put an
end to the war upon their own terms.' But when certain
men had begun to receive bribes, and the multitude, through
stupidity or through ill fortune rather, regarded them  as
more trustworthy than their honest counselors, when Lasthenes roofed his house with timber given from Macedonia,
and Euthycrates fed herds of kine without paying a price to
any one, and one man came with sheep, another with horses,
and the mass of the people, against whom these treasons were
1This, as well as several other statements of Demosthenes on the
subject of Olynthus, is not in exact accordasuco with the truth of hiWtory. See vol i. Appendix I.




ON THE EMBASSY.                 201
committed, instead of being incensed or calling for punishment
of the traitors, looked on them with respect and admiration,
honored and esteemed them for manliness,-when things proceeded thus far and corruption got the ascendency, although
they possessed a thousand horse and were more than ten thousand in number, and you sent to their assistance ten thousand
mercenaries and fifty galleys and four thousand citizens besides, all of it could not save them; before a year of the war
had expired, the betrayers had lost all the cities in Chalcidice; Philip could no longer be at the call of the betrayers,
and was puzzled what he should first take possession of. Five
hundred horse, betrayed by their own leaders, did Philip capture with all their arms, such a number as no mortal ever did
before. And the perpetrators of all this were not ashamed to
look at the sun, or at the earth (their country) on which they
stood, or at her temples or sepulchres, or at the infamy that
upon such doings was sure to follow. So mad and senseless,
O Athenians, are people rendered by the taking of bribes!
You therefore, you the people, must be wise, and not permit
such practices, but punish them by public sentence. It would
indeed be monstrous, if, having passed so many severe resolutions against the betrayers of Olynthus, you should fail to punish criminals in your own country. Read me the decree concerning the Olynthians.
[The.Decree.]
These resolutions, men of the jury, you have in the opinion
of all people, whether Greek or barbarian, righteously and
nobly passed against traitors and miscreants. Since therefore
the acceptance of bribes precedes such practices, and it is on
that account that people are found to commit such acts,
whomsoever you see accepting bribes, men of Athens, look
upon him as a traitor. If one person betrays opportunities,
another measures, another troops, each of you, I take it, ruins
that of which he has the management: but all persons of this
kind ought equally to be detested. You, O Athenians, are
the only people in the world who upon. such matters may
take examples from home, and imitate in action the forefathers whom  you justly praise.  Though the battles, the
campaigns, the adventures, by which they were renowned,
there is no occasion for imitating, since for the present you
12




202        THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
are at peace, imitate at least their wisdom.  This there is always need for, and a wise judgment is not a whit more troublesome or irksome than a foolish one: each of you will sit
here for as long a time, whether by a right decision and verdict upon the case he improves the condition of the common-.
wealth and acts worthily of your forefathers, or by an improper decision he damages the public interests and acts unworthily of your forefathers.  What then was their judgment upon
such a case?  Take and read this inscription, clerk. You
ought to know, that the acts which you regard with apathy
are such as your ancestors have passed capital sentence upon.
Read.
[The Inscriptionz.]'
You hear, men of Athens, the inscription declaring Arthmius the son of Pythonax of Zelea to be an enemy and a foe
to the people of Athens and their allies, himself and all his
race. On what account? Because he brought the gold of the
barbarians among the Greeks. You may see then, as it appears from this, that your forefathers were anxious to prevent
even strangers being hired to injure Greece; while you make
no provision even to prevent your fellow-citizens doing wrong
to the state.
Oh, but this inscription stands in some ordinary place!
No. While the whole of yonder citadel is sacred and of considerable extent, it stands on the right by the great bronze
statue of Pallas, which the republic offered up as the chief
memorial of their war with the barbarians, the Greeks having
given the money. At that time then justice was so revered,
so honorable was it to punish people who did such things,
that the same station was appropriated to the prize-offering of
the goddess and the sentence against offenders of that kind:
now all is mockery, impunity, disgrace, -unless you repress
these extravagant liberties to-day.
I think therefore, ye men of Athens, you will do right to
imitate your ancestors, not in one point only, but in the
whole series of their conduct. They-I am sure you have all
heard the story - after Callias the son of Hipponicus had
negotiated that peace2 which is in the mouths of all men,
The inscription on the pillar recording the decree against Arthmius; as to which see vol. i. p. 125, note 1.
2 See vol. i. p. 200, note 3.




ON -THE EMBASSY.                  203
providing that the king should not approach within a day's
ride of the sea-coast, nor sail with a vessel of war within the
Chelidonian islands and Cyanean rocks, because it appeared
that he had taken gifts on his embassy, they fined him fifty
talents at his audit, and were near putting him to death.
Yet no man can say, that the commonwealth has ever made a
better peace either before or after: but it was not that they
looked at. For that they considered was owing to their own
valor and the reputation of the commonwealth; while the
taking or not taking of money depended on the disposition of
the embassador; they expected therefore of any man who entered on public duties, that he should show a disposition for
honesty and integrity. Your ancestors thus considered bribetaking so inimical and injurious to the state, that they would
not suffer it upon any occasion or in any person; but you, 0
Athenians, though you have seen that the same peace has demolished the walls of your allies and is building the houses
of' your embassadors, that it has taken away the possessions
of the commonwealth and has earned for these men what they
never imagined even in a dream, have not spontaneously put
these men to death, but require an accuser, and hear on their
trial persons whose crimes are actually beheld by all.
But one needs not confine one's self to ancient events, nor by
such examples incite you to vengeance, for in the time of you
that are here present and still living many have been brought
to justice; the rest of whom I will pass by, and mention only
one or.two, sentenced to death upon an embassy which has
wrought far less mischief to the state than this.  Take and
read me this decree.
[The Decree.]
According to this decree, men of Athens, you condemned
to death those embassadors, of whom  one was Epicrates,l a
This (though Pabst thinks otherwise) must be the same Epicrates
referred to in Athennus (vi. 229, 251), where it is said, that he received
divers presents from the Persian king, and paid him the coarsest flattery; and even ventured to say (partly in joke, no doubt) that there
ought to be an annual election, not of nine archons, but of nine embassadors to the king.  The writer expresses his wonder that the
Athenians should not have brought him to trial; which seems not to
agree with this passage of Demosthenes; but he may have been ignorant of the fact.




204         THIE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
man (as I hear from my. elders) of good character, who was
on many occasions serviceable to the state, one of those that
marched from Pirseus' and restored the democracy, and generally a friend. to the people.  However, none of these things
helped him; and justly: for one who undertakes to manage
such important concerns should not be honiest by halves, nor
take advantage of your confidence to do greater mischief, but
should never do you any wrong at all willfully.
Well: if these men have left undone any part of what
those have been sentenced to death for, kill me this very moment.  Just see.  " Since those men," it says,2 "acted contrary to their instructions on the embassy:" and this is the
first of the charges.  And did not these act contrary to their
instructions? Did not the decree say, "for the Athenians and
allies of the Athenians,?' and did not these men exclude the
Phocians expressly from the treaty?  Did not the decree order them to swear the magistrates in the states, and did not
they swear the persons whom Philip sent to them?  Did not
the decree say, that they should nowhere meet Philip alone,
and did not they incessantly hold private conferences with
him?  "lAnd some of them  were convicted of making false
reports in the council"-ay, and these men before the people
too, and by what evidence?-for this is the grand point-By
the facts themselves: for surely the very reverse of what they
reported has taken place.  "And sending false intelligence by
letter," it says. So have these men. C" And calumniating the
allies and taking bribes."-Well; instead of calumniating, say,
having completely ruined: and this surely is far more dreadful than calumniating.  With respect to the having taken
bribes, I can only say, if they denied it, proof would have been
necessary; since they confess it, they should have been led off
to punishment surely.3
X When Thrasybulus and his band of exiles marched from Phyle, and
occupied the Pir.eus, until by consent of the Lacedaemonians the Thirty
Tyrants were expelled, and popular government restored at Athens.
2 The decree of condemnation against Epicrates and his accomplices.
Passages from this are contrasted with the charges against _Eseines.
3 See Reiske's Index irdyetv and arayowyi. And the Archoeological
Dictionary, under title T'ESevttf. By the Athenian law, if a man confessed his crime, or was caught in the fact (fiagrante delicto), he might
in some cases have immediate punishment inflicted by the magistrate;
not as in our law, which requires proof of such facts to be given on
the trial.




ON THE EMBASSY.                    205
How say ye then, O Athenians? Under these circumstances, you being the descendants of these men, yourselves
being some of them still living, will you endure that Epicrates,
the benefactor of the people and the liberator from Pireaus,
should be degraded and punished? —that again lately Thrasybulus, the son of Thrasybulus the people's friend, who marched from Phyle and restored the democracy, should have incurred a penalty of ten talents?-and that the descendant of
HIarmodius and Aristogiton' and men who have conferred on
you the greatest benefits, whom, on account of their meritorious services, you have by law adopted to be partakers of the
cup and libations in all your temples at the sacrifices, whom
you celebrate and honor equally with your heroes and gods,
should all have suffered punishment according to law; and
that neither mercy nor pity, neither weeping children named
after your benefactors, nor any thing else should have helped
them?-and shall the son of Atrometus the pedagogue and
Glaucothea (the assembler of Bacchanals for performances
which another priestess has died for,2) shall he, when you
have caught him, be let off, he, the issue of such parents,
he that in no single instance has been useful to the state,
neither himself, nor his father, nor any other of his family?
For what horse, what galley, what expedition, what chorus,
what state service, what contributiop, what present, what feat
of valor, what thing of the kind has at any time come from
these men to the republic?  Even though he possessed all
these merits, without the addition that le has been an honest
and incorrupt embassador, he ought assuredly to suffer death.
But if he has neither the one nor the other, will you not
avenge yourselves on him?  Will you not remember what he
~  What person is here alluded to is not known. The reader will
notice the peculiarity of calling a descendant of one of these men a
descendant of both. Pabst cites other instances. Shilleto comments
upon it as follows:"The names of these miscalled patriots and worthless men were so
intimately associated in the minds of an Athenian audience, that they
could hardly be disunited even in such a passage as the present. The
reader will probably recollect that the heiress of a partner in a noted
firm rejoiced in the name Miss A and B."
2 Ulpian says this refers to a woman of the name of Nino, who was
brought to trial for mixing a love-potion. As to Glaucothea, see ante,
p. 94, note 2.




206        THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHEiNES.
said on his accusation of Timarchus,' that there was no good
in a commonwealth which had not sinews to stretch against
malefactors, or in a government where mercy and canvassing
had greater power than the laws; and that you ought to have
no pity either for the mother of Timarchus, an old woman, or
for his children or any one else, but consider this, that, should
you abandon the laws and the constitution, you would find
none to have pity on yourselves. And shall that unhappy
man remain in infamy, because he saw the dqfendant to be a
criminal, and will you allow the defendant to go unscathed?
For what reason? If ]Eschines thought fit to demand such
heavy satisfaction from trespassers against him and his party,
what should you, sworn judges, demand from such heinous
trespassers against the state, of whom the defendant is proved
to be one?  Oh, but our young men will be all the better for
that trial! 5Well; and this will improve our statesmen, on
whom the most important chances of the commonwealth depend. They also need your attention.
To convince you however, that he destroyed this man
Timarchus, not (good heavens!) out of any desire to6 make
your children virtuous, (for they are virtuous already, 0
Athenians: never may such misfortune befall the commonwealth, that her younger members should need Aphobetus
and.Eschines to reform them!) but because he moved in the
council, that whoever should be convicted of carrying arms
or naval implements to Philip should be punishable with
death. To prove this, let me ask-how long was Timarchus
a public speaker? A considerable time. XWell: during all
that time 2Eschines was in the city, and never took umbrage,
or thought it a shocking matter that such a person should
open his mouth, until he went to Macedonia and became
a hireling. Here, take and read me the decree of Timarchus
itself:
[The D)ecree.]
You see, the person who proposed on your behalf, that no
one, on pain of death, should carry arms to Philip in time of
war, has been ruined and disgraced; and this man, who delivered up to Philip the arms of your allies, was his accuser,
These statements are not in the extant speech of ~Eschines.




ON THE EMBASSY.                       207
and declaimed upon prostitution, (O heaven and earth!) while
by him  were standing his two brothers-in-law,' at the sight
of whoml you would cry out with astonishment, the odious
Nicias, who hired himself to Chabrias to go to Egypt, and
the accursed Cyrebion, who plays his part in the procession
revels without his mask. [But this is nothing —he did it
with his brother Aphobetus before him!  Verily, upon that
day all the haranguing about prostitution was a flowing up
the stream.2
To show you what dishonor our commonwealth has been
brought to by this man's wickedness and falsehood, I will
pass by every thing else, and mention a thing which you all
know. Formerly, men of Athens, what you had decreed was
looked for by the people of Greece; now we go about inquiring what the others have resolved, listening what news
there is of the Arcadians, what of the Amphictyons, where
Philip is about' to march, whether he is alive or dead.  Is it
not thus we employ ourselves?  I for my part am afraid, not
if Philip is alive, but if the abhorring and punishing of
criminals is dead in the commonwealth.  Philip alarms me
not, if all is sound with you; but if you allow impunity to
men who are willing to be his hirelings, if certain of the
people in your confidence will plead for these men, and, after
denying all along that they are Philip's agents, will get up
for them  now-this alarms me.  HIow  comes it, Eubulus,
l'Eschines, in allusion to this passage, (De fals. Leg. 48,) speaks of
Philon, and not Nicias. As to Philon, see Demosthenes, De Coron. p.
329; this volume, p. 112. Cyrebion is a nickname, derived from Kvpypfla, beran, denoting a worthless, good-for-nothing person, applied to
Epicrates, brother-in-law of iEschines, not the same Epicrates as the
one mentioned above, p. 203.  ~Eschines describes him as an easy,
good-natured sort of man.
2 That is, was unnatural and absurd, coming from the mouth of such
a person; perhaps further intimating that the whole trial was a perversion of justice. The expression was proverbial: the words are found
in Euripides, Medea, 411:-'Avm -rorayulv lepdv
Xopofct Tcayai,
CKa dgia Kai 7rcdvra ra'dtv ap eeract.
Francis translates  "But all remarks that day upon impudicity ran
upward like rivers against their fountain-heads."  Pabst: Freilich
ftossen auch ail jenem Tage die Reden iiber Unzucht wie Strom-aufwiarts
aus seinemn ffltnde.




208         THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
that on the trial of Hegesilaus,l who is your cousin, and on
that of Thrasybulus lately, the uncle of Niceratus, on the
first voting2 you would not even hearken to their call, and
on the question of punishment you got up, yet never spoke
a word on their behalf, but begged the jury to excuse you?
And do you refuse then to get up for relatives and connections, but will stand up for ZEschines, who, when Aristophon- was prosecuting: Philonicus and through him assailing
your conduct, joined him in accusing you, and appeared as one
of your enemies?  And when you having terrified the Athenians, and told them  they must immediately go down to
Pirseus and pay a property tax and make the theatric fund
a military one, or vote for the measures which this man supported and the odious Philocrates moved, it came about that
the peace was made on disgraceful instead of honorable
terms, and these men by their subsequent misdeeds have
ruined every thing3 -then* is it that you are reconciled?
And before the people you cursed Philip, and swore with imprecations on your children, that you would like him to be
destroyed, and now will you help the defendant?: How can
he be destroyed, when you come to the rescue of those who
take his bribes? Yes'! HIow on earth could you prosecute
Mcerocles, because he got the mine-tenants4 to give him
twenty drachms each-and indict Cephisophon for embezzlement of sacred moneys,5 because three days after the time he
1 legesilaus, according to Ulpian, supported Plutarch of Eretria at
Athens, and led troops to his assistance in Eubosa.
2 On the question of " guilty or not guilty." In many cases, where
the Athenian law did not fix the penalty, the jury had to give a second verdict, to decide what sentence should be passed on the convict.
3 In the original there is a nominativus pendens, a9 —edf&I/zevof —
~07aac, after which one would, in the usual course of grammar, have
expected t7roficag, instead of cvviefl yevcOact. But Shilleto well observes that, "probably Demosthenes, at the outset of the sentence, intended to signify that Eubulus had caused the people, by the alternative which he suggested, to pass the disgraceful measure; yet he prudently thought proper to disguise this as he proceeded under the vague
language, it so resulted, especially as he could then with more weight
contrast the anti-Macedonic feeling which Eubulus had or pretended
to have evinced, with his becoming reconciled to and advocating the
Philippizing party."
4  cerocles seems to have been guilty of some extortion in getting
money from the lessees of the Laurian mines: as to which see vol. i.,
Appendix II.
5 Cephisophon may have been a treasurer of some temple, ra/uiac




ON THE EMBASSY.                    209
paid seven minas into the bank; while persons who have
received money, who confess it, who are caught in the fact,
and proved to have done it on purpose to ruin your allies,
these, instead of bringing to trial, you desire us to acquit?
That the charges in this case are fearful, and require a deal of
prudence and precaution, whereas what you prosecuted those
men for were laughing matters, will appear from the following
considerations: —There were persons in Elis who plundered
the public?  Very probably.  Well: were any of those persons concerned in overthrowing the democracy there lately?
Not one.  Again: while Olynthus existed, there were persons
of the same kind?  I should think so.  Did Olynthus fall
through them?  No.  At Megara, again, think ye not there
was a thief or two who pilfered the public moneys? Undoubtedly; and it has come to light.  Which of them caused
the events which have occurred there?  Not one.  What sort
of people then are they who commit these heavy crimes?
The men who deem themselves of importance enough to be
called friends and acquaintances of Philip,-men who covet
command and are invested with civic dignity, and who consider they ought to be greater than the common people.
Was not Perilaus tried lately at Megaral before the Three
Iep6v Xpv/u1r'c)v, and had the management of its revenues, or he may
have been a mere collector. He would be required by law to pay certain moneys in his custody into the bank within a given time; and being a defaulter, though for a few days only, was liable to a fine or
other penalty.
I Philip's attempt on Megara, which appears to have been made in,
or just before, the year B.C. 343, is thus described by Thirlwall, History
of Greece, vi. 15:" It seems to have been while he was still occupied with the affairs of
Thessaly, or at least before he withdrew from the country, that he made
an attempt in another quarter, which, if it had succeeded, would have
brought him nearer by a great step to one of his principal objects.
Megara was at this time, as it had probably never ceased to be, divided
between rival factions, which however seem not to have been so turbulent as to prevent it from enjoying a high degree of prosperity, and there
are indications that its form of government was not unhappily tempered.
The old animosity against Athens had perhaps now in a great measure
subsided: Philip indeed had his adherents; but there was a strong
party which opposed them, ind which looked to Athens for protection.
The contending interests, however, seem not to have been exactly those
of democracy and aristocracy or oligarchy. Philip's leading partisans
appear to have been some of the most powerful citizens, who hoped with
this aid to rise to sovereign power, which they would have been content




210          THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
Hundred, because he had gone to Philip; and did not Ptceodorus, a man for wealth, birth, and reputation the first of the
Megarians, come forward and beg him off, and again send
him out to Philip; and afterward the one came with His
mercenary troops, while the other was cooking up' matters
in the city? That is one example. There is nothing, nothing
in the world, more to be guarded against than allowing any
one to be exalted above the people. Don't let me have men
saved or destroyed at the pleasure of this or that individual;
but whoever is saved by his actions, or the contrary, let him
be entitled to the proper verdict at your hands. That is constitutional. Besides, many men have on occasions become
powerful with you:  Callistratus, again, Aristophon,- Diophantus, others before them: but where did they each exercise their sway?  In the popular assembly.  In courts of
justice no man up to the present day has ever had an authority greater than yourselves or the laws or your oaths.
Then don't suffer this man to have it now. To show you
that it will be more reasonable to take such precaution than.
to hold under him. Ptoeodorus, the foremost man in Megara, inll birth,
wealth, and reputation, was, according to Demosthenes, at the head of
a conspiracy for the purpose of placing the city in Philip's hands, and
had opened a correspondence with him, in which he employed another
Megarian, Perilaus, as his agent. Perilaus was brought to trial for his
unauthorized dealings with a foreign court, but was acquitted through
the influence of Ptceodorus, who sent him again to obtain a body of
Macedonian troops, while he himself staid to prepare for their reception at Megara. The plot appears to have been baffled by some unusually vigorous measures of the Athenians. It is difficult to determine,
whether an expedition which they made about this time to their
frontier on the side of Drymus and Panactus was connected with these
movements at Megara; and equally uncertain, though perhaps more
probable, that it was on this occasion Phocion was sent, at the request
of their Megarian partisans, to guard the city. Though he could not
secure it from treachery within, he took the most effectual precautions
against a. surprise fr'om without: he fortified Nicma, and again annexed it to the city by two long walls. However this may be, the attempt of Ptceodorus failed, and Philip's hopes in this quarter were for
the time frustrated."
In the original the literal expression is, " cheese-making. " The same
metaphor is used by Aristophanes, and very likely it was common. So
we are in the habit of saying familiarly, " to hatch a plot," " to concoct,"
"to dress up," and the like. Pabst: so grosse Verwirrung anrichtete.
Auger: " intriguitp our lui." Francis: " had totally changed the civil
constitution otfhis country;" which is wide of the meaning.




ON THE EMBASSY.                 211
to put confidence in these men, I will read you an oracle of
the gods, who always protect the commonwealth far better
than her statesmen. Read the verses:
[iT2e Oracle.]
You hear, 0 Athenians, what the gods admonish you. If
now they have given you this response during a time of war,
they mean that you should beware of your generals; for the
generals are conductors of war: but if after the conclusion
of peace, they mean your chief statesmen; for they have the
lead, their counsels you follow, by them are you in danger of
being deceived.
And you are told by the oracle to hold the commonwealth
together, so that all may have one mind, and not cause grati*fication to the enemy. Think ye now, O Athenians, that the
preserving, or the punishing, of a man who has done all this
mischief would cause gratification to Philip?  I think the
preserving.  The oracle however says, you should do your
best to prevent the enemy rejoicing. So it exhorts all with
one mind to punish those who have in any way been subservient to the enemy: Jupiter, Dione, all the gods. They that
intend you evil are outside, their supporters are inside; the
business of the former is to give bribes, of the latter to receive,
and get off those who have received them.
Besides, even by human reasoning one may see, that the
most mischievous and dangerous of all things is, to. suffer a
leading statesman to become attached to those who have not
the same objects with the people.  Consider by what means
Philip has become master of every thing, and by what means
he has achieved the greatest of his works. By purchasing success from those who would sell it; by corrupting and exciting the ambition of leading statesmen: by such means. Both
these however it is in your power, if you please, to render ineffective to-day: if to one class of men you will not listen,
when they plead for people of this kind, but show that they
have no authority with you (for now they say they have authority): and if you will punish him that has sold himself, and
this shall be seen by all.
With any man you might well be wroth, 0 Athenians, who
had done such deeds, and sacrificed allies and friends and opportunities, which make or mar the fortunes of every people,




212         THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
but with none more strongly or more justly than the defendant.  A  man who took his place with the mistrusters of
Philip -who first and singly discovered him to be the common enemy of all the Greeks, and then deserted and turned
traitor, and has suddenly become a supporter of Philip-can
it be doubted that such a man deserves a thousand deaths?.
The truth of these statements he himself will not be able to
gainsay.  WVho is it that brought Ischander to you in the
beginning, whom he represented to have come here from the
country's friends in Arcadia? WVho cried out, that Philip was
packing' Greece and Peloponnesus, while you were sleeping?
WVho was it that made those fine long orations before the
assembly, and read the decree of Miltiades and Themistocles,
and the young men's oath in the temple of Aglauros?2 WVas
it not this man?   Who persuaded, you to send embassies
almost to the Red Sea, urging that Greece was plotted against
by Philip, and that it became you to foresee it and not
abandon the interests of the Greeks?  Was not the mover of
the decree Eubulus, and the envoy to Peloponnesus the defendant 2Eschines? What he may have talked and harangued
about when he got there, is best known to himself; but- what
he reported to you I am sure you all remember. Several
times in his speech he called Philip a barbarian and a pest,3
and told you the Arcadians were delighted that the Athenian
commonwealth was now attending to her affairs and rousing
herself. But what most of all had made him indignant, he
said, - coming home he met Atrestidas on his way from
Philip's court, and there were about thirty women and children walking with him; and he was astonished, and asked
one of the travelers who the man was, and who the crowd
1 avacrevaeaOat. Reiske: "convasare, compilare, in manticam infercire, tanquam fures solent'furta raptim auferre festinantes. Sententia est: alia Peloponnesi oppida ex aliis sibi devincire et in servitutem
pertrahere." Auger: "envahissoit." Francis: "pillaging." Perhaps
it rather means " packing against you," as in the oration on the Chersonese, p. 91,-avokevderaa 6 c7vT'raOf' cdvapeJrov~f Cp' su#f.
2 Athenian youths, before they were enrolled in the register of citizens, underwent a scrutiny with regard to their birth and other matters. If approved, they received a shield and lance, and took a solemn
oath in the temple of Aglauros, daughter of Cecrops, by which they
bound themselves to defend their country, to obey her laws, and respect all her civil and religious institutions.
So Pabst and Francis render X;arTopa. Auger: "fUiau,"




ON THE EMBASSY.                  213
that followed him; but when he heard that these were Olynthian captives, whom Atrestidas was bringing away as a present from Philip, he thought it shocking, and wept, and bewailed the miserable condition of Greece, that she should regard such calamitous events with indifference. And he advised you to send persons to Arcadia to denounce the agents
of Philip; for he heard, he said, from his friends, that if the
commonwealth would turn their attention to it and send an
embassy, they would be punished.  Such was then his language, honorable indeed, O Athenians, and worthy of the
state. But after he had gone to Macedonia, and beheld this
Philip, the enemy of himself and the Greeks, was it like or
similar?  Very far from it. He said you were not to remember your ancestors, not to talk of trophies or succor any
one; and he was surprised at the men who advised you to
consult with the Greeks about peace with Philip, as if any
one else had to be persuaded on a question that concerned you
alone; and that Philip himself was (O Hercules!) a thorough
Greek,l an eloquent speaker, a warm friend of Athens, and
that there were some men in the city so unreasonable and perverse, as not to be ashamed of abusing him and calling him a
barbarian.
Is it possible that the same man, after having made the
former speeches, could have ventured to make these, without
having been corrupted? But further; is there a man who,
after having then execrated Atrestidas on account of the women and children of the Olynthians, could have endured now
to co-operate with Philocrates, who brought free-born Olynthian women hither for dishonor, and is so notorious for his
abominable life, that I have no need to say any thing scandalous or offensive about him, but let me only say that Philocrates brought women, you and the by-standers know all the
rest, and feel pity, I am sure, for those poor unhappy creatures,
whom iEschines pitied not, nor wept for Greece on their account, that among an allied people they should be outraged by
the embassadors.
But he will shed tears for himself, such an embassador as
1 Auger: "le meilleur ami des Grecs." And so Francis: "best affected to Greece." But it rather has reference, I think, to the character and manners of Philip, and perhaps also to his parentage. Shilleto:
" a most genuine Greek."




214        THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
he has been: perhaps he will bring forward his children and
mount them up on the bar. But remember, ye men of the
juiry —against his children-that you had many firiends and
allies, whose children are wanderers, roaming about in beggary, having suffered cruel injuries through this man; who are
far more deserving of your compassion than the sons of such
a malefactor and traitor; and that these, men, by adding to
the treaty the words "and to his posterity," have deprived
your children even of their hopes. Against his own tears
harden yourselves by reflecting, that you have in your power
a man who bade you send accusers into Arcadia against the
agents of Philip. Now then you need not send an embassy
to Peloponnesus, or go a long journey, or incur traveling expenses, but only advance each of you up to the bar here,
and give your righteous and just verdict for your country
against a man, who, (O heaven and earth!) after having declaimed, as I told you in the outset, about Marathon, Salamis,
battles, and trophies, all of a sudden, when he had set foot
in Macedonia, used the very opposite language — that you
should not remember your ancestors, not talk of trophies,
not succor any one, not deliberate in conjunction with the
Greeks, but should almost dismantle your city walls. Surely
more disgraceful language has never at any period of time
been spbken among you. For what Greek or barbarian is there
so stupid, so uninformed, so bitter an enemy of our state, who,
if the question were asked-" Tell me, of this present land
and country of Greece is there a part which would have had
the name, or been occupied by the Greeks who now. possess it,
if the heroes of Marathon and Salamis, our ancestors, had riot
enacted those feats of valor on their behalf?"-there is not
one, I am certain, who would not answer, 1"No; it must
all have been taken by the barbarians!" Persons that even
an enemy would not rob. of their praise and honor, are you
their descendants, I say, forbidden to remember by ~Eschines,
for the sake of his own pelf? And observe, other advantages
are not shared in by the dead, but praise for glorious actions
is the peculiar property of those who have died in achieving
it; for then even envy opposes them no longer; and the
defendant, for depriving them of this, deserves now to be
deprived of his rank, and you will do well to inflict this
punishment upon him on behalf of your ancestors. But by




ON THE EMBASSY.                   215
such language, you miscreant, while of the deeds of our
ancestors you made spoil and havoc with your tongue, you
ruined all our affairs. And out of all this you are a landowner and become a considerable personage. For here again:
Before he had wronged the state so grievously, he acknowledged that he had been a clerk and was under obligation to
you for electing him, and he behaved himself with decency;
but since he has wrought such infinite mischief, he has drawn
up his eyebrows, and if any one says, " the ex-clerk IEschines,"
he is at once his enemy, and says he has been slandered; and
he traverses the market with his robe down to his ankles,
walking asstately as Pythocles, puffing out his cheeks, one of
the friends and acquaintances of Philip for you,-that's what
he is now,-one of those that would be rid of the people, and
regard the present establishment as a raging sea:' he that
formerly worshiped the dining-hall!2
Let me now recapitulate to you, in what manner Philip
outmanceuvred you by getting these abominable men to assist
him.  It is well worth your while to examine and look into
the whole artifice. At first when he wanted peace, his dominions being pillaged by corsairs, and his ports having been
closed so that he could enjoy none of their advantages, he sent
those men who made such friendly declarations in his name,
Neoptolemus, Aristodemus, Ctesiphon; but after we embassadors had been with him, he engaged the defendant's services
directly, to second and support the beastly Philocrates, and to
overpower us whose intentions were honest; and he composed
a letter to you, through which he mainfly expected to obtain
peace.  Yet even this did not enable him to do any thing
important against you without destroying the Phocians; and
that was not easy; for his affairs had been brought as it were
by accident to such a critical point, that either it was imposLiterally: "storm and madness." Francis: "confusion and madness." Pabst: ein wildes Getiinzmel und sinnlose 2aserei. See ante,
p. 158. Compare also Psalm lxv. 7: "Who stilleth the raging of the
sea: and the noise of his waves, and the madness of the people." And
Shakspeare, Coriolanus, Act III. Scene 1 -
Will you hence
Before the tag return? whose rage doth rend
Like interrupted waters, and o'erbear
What they are used to bear.
2 See ante, p. 130.




216        THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
sible for him to accomplish any of his objects, or he must
commit falsehood and perjury, and have all men, Greeks and
barbarians, witnesses of his baseness. For should he accept
the Phocians as allies, and take the oaths to them in conjunction with you, it became necessary at once to break his oaths
to the Thessalians and Thebans, the latter of whom he had
sworn to assist in subjugating Bceotia, the foriper in restoring
the Pylkean congress. Should he refuse to accept them, (as in
fact he did refuse,) he thought you would not suffer him to
pass, but would send forces to Thermopyle, as, but for being overreached, you would have done, and in that case he
reckoned it would be impossible to pass. This indeed there
was no need for him to be informed by others; he had his
own testimony to the fact: for the first time when he vanquished the Phocians, and overthrew their mercenary troops
and their chieftain and general Onomarchus, when no people
in the world, Greek or barbarian, succored the Phocians but
you, so far from passing the strait or accomplishing any of
his objects by the passage, he could not even approach it.
He was certain therefore, I take it, that now when Thessaly
was quarreling with him,-the Phereans for example refused
to join his march,-when the Thebans were getting the worst
and had lost a battle, and a trophy had been erected over
them, it was impossible to pass, if you sent forces, or to
attempt it with impuniity, unless he had recourse to some
artifice.'" How then shall I escape open falsehood, and effect
all my objects without the imputation of perjury? How? In
this way-if I can find some Athenian citizens to deceive
the Athenians; for that disgrace will not devolve upon me."
Therefore his embassadors gave you notice, that Philip would
not accept the Phocians for allies; but these men explained
it to the people thus-that it was not proper for Philip openly
to accept the Phocians for allies, on account of the Thebans
and Thessalians; but if he got things into his hands and
obtained the peace, he would then do exactly what we should
now desire him to agree to. By such promises and lures he
obtained peace from you, excluding the Phocians; but he had
next to prevent your sending succor to Thermopyloe, for the
chance of which even then your fifty galleys were lying at
anchor, so that, if Philip advanced, you might oppose him.
"Well? what contrivance shall I have again about this?"




ON THE EMBASSY.                    217
To -deprive you of your opportunities, and bring matters suddenly upon you,l so that, even if you wished, you should not
be able to march fiom home.  It was managed by these men
accordingly, it appears.  I, as you have heard several times,
was unable to depart earlier, and though I hired a vessel,
I was prevented from setting sail. But it was necessary also
that the Phocians should put confidence in Philip, and voluntarily surrender themselves, so that no delay might intervene,
and no hostile decree come from you.  i WTell then; it shall
be reported by the Athenian embassadors, that the Phocians
are to be saved, so that even those who mistrust me' will
deliver themselves up, relying on the embassadors: the Athenians themselves I will send for, that they, believing all their
objects to be secured, may pass no adverse vote; and these
men shall carry such reports and assurances from me, that under no circumstances will they be induced to stir."
In this manner and by such contrivances, through men
doomed themselves to destruction, was every thing brought to
ruin; for immediately, instead of seeing Thespim and Platma
re-established, you heard that Orchomenus and Coronea were
enslaved; instead of Thebes being humbled and her pride
and insolence abated, the fortifications of your allies the
Phocians were being razed to the ground, the persons razing
themn were the Thebans, who by XEschines in his speech had
been scattered into villages. Instead of Euboea being given
to you as a compensation for Amphipolis, Philip is even establishing places in Euboea to attack you from, and is continually forming designs upon Germstus and Mlegara. Instead
So it is well explained by Reiske in his Index, under  t1Tr7ivat,"repente a dmovere, immittere, ut copias, quibus eum opprimas."'Ayayovrae refers not to any particular persons, as the Athenian emibassadors,
but generally to Philip and all his party-" that they should bring,"
&c.; as Pabst has it: Maz weird machen miisseln, dass hr zunm zTiandeln
keine Zeit mnehrfindet, und die Sache so leiten miussenL dass er 1pl)tzlich
Eauch uiber den Tals kommt; in which version however the last clause
deviates a little from the original. Schaefer properly says the sentence
is resolvable into ayayeZv dcvuo -t rpay/zara aKaeT l ba cat. Shilleto is
wrong in supposing that (Ir7rirov could be understood after EirtarcrjaL.
He translates the passage —" that they (the Athenian envoys) should
rob you of your times and opportunities of action, and all on a sudden
bring on affairs, and place Philip at their head."  Francis had fallen
into a similar error, rendering it, "and proper persons must be appointed to conduct and suddenly bring it to such a conclusion," &c.
VolT.  l.-K




218         THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
of Oropus being restored to us, we are marching out with
arms to fight for Drymus and the country by Panactus,1
which we never did while the Phocians were in safety. Instead of the ancient rites in the temple being restored, and
his treasures being recovered for the god, the genuine Amphictyons are exiled and expelled, and their country has been
laid desolate; they that never were Amphictyons in the olden
time, Macedonians and barbarians, are now thrusting themselves into the council; whoever makes mention of the holy
treasures is thrown down the precipice, and Athens has been
deprived of her preaudience at Delphi.2  The whole business
has been a sort of enigma to the state.  Philip has been disappointed in nothing, and has accomplished every one of his
purposes; you, after expecting all that- you could wish, have
seen the reverse come to pass, and, while you appear to be
at peace, have suffered greater calamities than if you were at
war; and these men have their wages for it, and up to the
present day have not been brought to justice.
That they have been bribed outright for all this, and have
received the price of it, has in many ways, I imagine, been
apparent to you for some time; and I fear I am doing the
reverse of what I intend-I have been annoying you all this
Panactus is on the confines of Attica and Boeotia, and so is Drymus,
according to Suidas. What gave rise to this particular expedition of
which Demosthenes speaks, we have no certain information; but there
can hardly be a doubt, mentioned as it is in connection with Oropus,
that it related to a quarrel between Thebes and Athens, and not, as
Winiewski supposed, to Philip's designs on Megara. Thirlwall, in a
note on the passage already quoted (ante, p. 210), writes as follows:"The language of Demosthenes would rather incline one to suppose
that the expedition was sent to resist some aggressions of the Thebans
on the debatable frontier. Both Winiewski, (p. 146,) and Voemel, (in
Orat. de IIalonneso, p. 46,)-w-ho also believes that these forces were
sent to oppose the passage of Philip's troops to Megara,-conceive that
this Drymus lay on the confines, not of Attica and Bcotia, like Panactus, but of Phocis and Doris. Their only reason for this opinion
seelms to be the accent. Apz#of is mentioned by Herodotus, viii. 33, as
a Phocian town on the, Cephisus. Whether a town of that name existed there in the time of Demosthenes is doubtful. The place seems
then to have been called Apvyaia. Paus. x. 3. 2. But Harpocration has
ApvybC, r26t'l F[Uera5v ray BotcLriac;ca~i z, ATrC'v. Even independently
of this authority, it seems hard to believe that Demosthenes would have
coupled the name of a place in Phocis with that of one on the Attic
frontier, as Winiewski and Voemel suppose him to have done."
2 See Appendix I.




ON THE EMBASSY.                  219
time in striving to make out a complete demonstration of
what you knew yourselves. However, do let me add'one
thing more: Is there any of the embassadors sent by Philip
to whom you, men of the jury, would erect a brazen statue in
the market-place? Nay: would you give dinner in the cityhall, or any other of those rewards which you honor your
benefactors with?  I should think not. Why?  You are
certainly neither ungrateful nor unjust nor bad men. It is,
you would say, and with truth and justice, because they did
every thing for Philip and not a thing for you. Think ye
then that your sentiments are such, and Philip's are different,
-that he confers upon these men presents of such number
and value, because on their embassy they acted well and
faithfully for you?  Impossible.  You see how he received
-egesippus and his co-embassadors.  I pass by the rest; but
he banished our poet Xenoclides for entertaining them, his
fellow-countrymen.  Such is the way he behaves to those who
honestly speak their opinions on your behalf, while to those
who have sold themselves he behaves as he does to these men.
Are witnesses required for this?  Are any stronger proofs
wanted for this?  Can any one get this away from you?
A person however came up to me just before the opening
of the court,l and told me the strangest thing,2_-that he was
prepared to accuse Chares,3 and expected, by takino that
course and talking in that style, to impose on you.  Now
I will not strongly insist upon this fact, that Chares (howsoever brought to trial) has been found to have acted faithfully
and loyally, as far as lay in his power, for your interests,
though he has incurred many failures through persons who
from corrupt motives ruin every thing; but I will make a
large concession. Let me grant that the defendant will speak
nothing about him but the truth: even then, I say, it is a
perfect mockery for the defendant to accuse him; for I charge
not AEscllines with any of the transactions in the war, (for
them the generals are accountable,) nor with the state's having
concluded peace: but thus far I acquit him entirely.  What
I have followed Schaefer's interpretation of rpb ro'0 JucaarVpiov.
Pabst makes it refer to place.
2 Pabst incorrectly renders these words: uad sagte mir als eine
unerhorte Xeuigkeit.
3 See Appendix II.




220        THE ORAIIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
then do I say, and from what do my charges take their rise?
From his speaking, when the state was concluding peace, on
the side of Philocrates, and not on theirs who moved for the
good of the country; and from his having taken bribes;
from his afterward on the second embassy wasting the times,
and performing none of your instructions;. froom his tricking
the state, and, after giving us to expect that Philip would do
all we desired, having utterly ruined our affairs; from his
afterward, when others warned you to beware of a man who
had done so many wrongs,l appearing as that man's advocate.
These are my charges; keep these in remembrance: for a
just and equitable peace, and men who had betrayed nothing
and not afterward told lies, I would even have commended,
and advised you to honor them with a crown. But if anygeneral has injured you, it has nothing to do with the present
inquiry.  For what general has lost Halus, or who has
destroyed the Phocians? who Doriscus? who Cersobleptes?
who the Sacred Mountain? who Thermopylm? who has
given to Philip a road all the way to Attica through the
territory of friends and allies? who has alienated Coronea,
Orchomenus, Euboea? who nearly Megara lately? who has
made the Thebans powerful? Of all these important matters none was lost through the generals; none has Philip had
yielded to him at the peace with your consent: they have
been lost through these men and their venality. If therefore he shirks these points, if, to lead you astray, he will talk
of any thing sooner than them: meet him as I suggest"We are not sitting in judgment upon a general; you are not
tried upon those charges. Don't tell us who else has caused
the destruction of the Phocians, but show that you are not
the cause. PWhy, if Demosthenes did any wrong, do you
mention it now, but did not accuse him when he rendered
his account? For this very reason you have deserved to
perish. Don't tell us that peace is a fine thing or an advantageous thing, for no one charges you with the state's having
concluded peace; but that the peace is not a shameful and
ignominious one-that we have not been cheated in many
ways and all was not lost after it-this you may tell us.
1 Philip; in whose favor YEschines spoke when the Macedonian
embassadors came to Athens, and required the Athenians to acknowledge his title as member of the Amphictyonic Council,




ON THE EMBASSY.                   221
For all these consequences are proved to have been brought
upon us by you; and how is it that up to this very day you
praise the author of such things?"  If you keep watch upon
him  thus, he will have nothing  to say, but will raise his
voice here and have exercised himself in spouting all to no
purpose.1
About his voice too it may be necessary to say something;
for I hear that upon this also he very- confidently relies, as if
he can overpower you by his acting. I think however, you
would be committing a gross absurdity, if, when he played
the miseries of Thyestes and the men at Troy, you drove and
hissed him off the boards, and nearly stoned him to death, so
that at last he desisted fiom his playing of third-rate parts,
yet now that, not upon the stage, but in public and most
important affairs of state, he has wrought infinity of evil,
you should pay regard to him  as a fine speaker.- Heaven
forbid! Do not you be guilty of any folly, but consider: if
you are making trial of a herald, you should see that he has
a good voice, but if of an embassador and undertaker of public
duties, that he is honest, that he demeans himself with spirit
as your representative, like a fellow-citizen toward you;2 as
I (for example) had no respect for Philip, but respected the
plrisoners, delivered them, and never flinched; whereas the
defendant crouched before him, and sang the peans, but you
he disregarded.  Further, when you see eloquence or a fine
voice or any other such accomplishment in a man of probity and honorable ambition, you should all rejoice at it and
encourage its display; for it is a common advantage to you
all: but when you see the like in a corrupt and base man,
who yields to every temptation of gain, you should discourage
and hear him with enmity and aversion; as knavery, getting
from you the reputation of power, is an engine against the
state.  You see what mighty troubles have fallen upon the
state from what the defendant has got renown by.  And
1 Auger, not badly: " Inutilenlent alors fera-t-il eclater cette belle
voix qu'il aura bien exercie." Schaefer: "'Incassum hic toilet vocemn
ad hoe ipsum prius exercitamn."
Demosthenes by his frequent sneers at the fine voice of his adversary
betrays his fear of that which he affects to undervalue.
2 Auger: "doit avoir de la fiert6 quand il agit pour vous, de la
douceur quand il vit avec vous."




222        THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES.
other powers are tolerably independent; but that of speaking is crippled, if you the hearers are unfavorable.  Listen
then to this man as to a venal knave, who will not speak a
syllable of truth.
Observe now, that not only in other respects, but in relation
to your dealings with Philip, it is in every way expedient for
the defendant to be convicted.  For, on the one hand, should
he ever arrive at the necessity of doing justice to Athens, he
will alter his plan; —now lie has determined to cheat the
imany and court the few; but if he hear that these men are
destroyed, he will choose hereafter to serve you the many
and masters of all.  On the other hand, should he continue in
the same position of power and pride, the persons who are
ready to do any thing for him you will have removed from
the country, if you remove these. How think ye? —sen that
acted so, believing they should be called to account-what will
they do if they have, your license for their acts?  What Euthycrates, what Lasthenes, what traitor will they not surpass?.And which of all the rest will not be a worse member of the
commnonwealth, seeing that those who have sold your interests
obtain riches, credit, a capital in Philip's friendship, while
those who behave themselves like honest men and have spent
money of their own get annoyance, enmity, ill-will from a certain class of people?  [Never let it come to this! [Neither for
your honor, nor for your religion, nor for your safety, nor in
any other point of view, is it desirable to acquit the defendant.
You must avenge yourselves, and make him an example to all,
both to your fellow-citizens and to the rest of the Greeks.




APPENDIX  I.
THE SACRED WAR.
JUSTIN commences the chapter, in which the subject of this war
is introduced, with the following passage' 
"Grsecise civitates, cumr imperare singulm  cupiunt, imperium
omnes perdiderunt."  And he attributes the destruction of Greek
liberty to the ambition of the Thebans, and the impolitic measures
which they took to secure their own predominance.  It was indeed
the weakness to which they had been reduced by the long continuance of a war provoked by themselves, together with the distractions of Thessaly, and the necessity which there seemed to be for
some controlling power, which caused Philip of Macedon to be put
at the head of the Amphictyonic League, gave him a victorious
inroad into southern Greece, and made him the arbiter of her destinies.
Phocis,2- the principal seat of this war, is a country bounded on
the east by Bceotia, on the south by the Corinthian bay, on the west
by the Ozolian Locrians and a part of.Etolia. To the north-west is
the little triangular district called, Doris, anciently occupied by the
Dryopes, but wrested from them by the more warlike tribe of
Dorians, who afterwards became so powerful a part of the Hellenic
body, and issued from this very district to effect the conquest of
Peloponnesus. North and north-east are the Epicnemidian Locrians
and the Opuntian Locrians.  The rugged ridges of Mount (Eta
stretch across the northern frontiers of Doris, Phocis, and Epicnemidian Locris, and separate them from Thessaly. This chain of
mountains, forming the principal barrier of southern Greece, is terminated by the sea at the extremity of the Malian bay. Here was
the pass of Thermopylse, which extended more than a mile in' Lib. viii. c. 1.
a The ninth book of Strabo, chapter 3, contains a description of -Phocis. The tenth book of Pausanias is on the same subject, the greater
part being devoted to Delphi.




224                      APPENDIX  I.
length between the cliffs of UCtal and a marshy tract close to the
shore of the bay, and opened by a narrow pass into the territory of
Epicnemidian Locris.  In early times it belonged to the. Phocians,
who carried a wall across the western end of' the pass, to check the
incursions of the Thessalians. The Phocian territory then extended
as far as the Euboean strait, and there was a Phocian town on the
coast called Daphnus. A Locrian tribe afterwards got possession of
this district as far as the sea-coast, and Phocis was separated from
them by the mountains of Cnemis, fromh which that tribe took its
name. 2
The river Cephissus, rising in the Dorian hills near the town of
Lilsea, flows through the northern part of Phocis, and empties itself
into the Copaic Lake in Bceotia.3  On a slight eminence between
the valley of this river and Mount Cnemis stood Elatea, the second
city of Phocis; and some miles eastward a road by the mountains
led to the city of Abse, where there was an ancient oracular temple
of Apollo destroyed by Xerxes, the ruins of which were long preserved by the Greeks as a memorial.4
The far-famed mountain of Parnassus rises a little above the centre
of Phocis, its highest summit being nearly 8,000 feet above the level
of the sea. On a slope of the mountain, about seven or eight miles
below the summit, and itself 2,000 feet above the level of the sea,
stood the ancient Pytho, afterwards Delphi, the capital city of
Phocis, and seat of the famous oracle of Apollo. Homer calls it the
rocky Pytho.5  Seven miles and a half to the south, at the head of
the Crisseean bay, was Cirrha, anciently called Crissa. A mountain
called Cirphis overhung the town, and the river Plistus, rising in the
Parnassian hills, flowed through it into the bay. This afterwards,
as we shall see, became the port of Delphi.6
Under the eastern declivity of Parnassus, two or three miles from
the Bceotian frontiet, was Daulis, whose people are said by PausaI At that point the mountain took the name of Callidromus. Strabo,
ix. 428.
2 Strabo, ix. 416, 424, 425. Daphnus for some time divided the territory of the Epicnemidian Locrians from that of the Opuntian Locrians;
then it became a Locrian town, but was at length destroyed. There
was an ancient monument here to Schedius, the Homeric leader of the
Phocians.
3 LilMsa, near to its source, is mentioned as a Phocian town by Homer;
Iliad, ii. 523.
4 Pausanias, x. 34, 835. Sophocles, UCdipus Rex, 899.
5 IIv(Ovd( re rerpleaaav. Iliad, ii. 519.
o Pausanias, x. 1, 387. But Strabo, ix. 418, represents Crissa and Cirrha to have been different towns. Grote has adopted this view, though
he rejects Strabo's account of the two wars, one in which Cirrha was
destroyed by the Crissxeans, the other in which Crissa was destroyed by
the Amphictyons. (History of Greece, iv. 82.)




THE SACRED  WAR.                        2.25
nias to have been the most warlike of the Phocians.  The town of
Anticyra stood at the head of a gulf bearing the same name, to the
east of the Crisssean gulf, and is said to have been the same town
which Homer in the catalogue of warriors calls Cyparissus.2
Other Phocian towns were Charadra and Amphiclea (called Amphiceea by Herodotus) on the borders of Doris; Hyampolis on the
confines of Opuntian Locris; Ledon (the birth-place of' Philomelus)
and Parapotamii, situated in the vale of the Cephisus, the most fertile part of Phocis: Neon, to the north-west of Mount Parnassus;
Anemorea, the most central-town; Panopeus and Ambrysus, on the
Bceotian frontier, the last of which became of importance in the war
of Thebes and Athens against Philip.3
Altogether Phocis comprised from twenty to thirty small cities or
communities, which were federally united. A general congress was
held at a place on the road from Daulis to Delphi, where there was
a large national building called Phocicum, to which deputies were
sent by each of the communities.4  Delphi, however, notwitlhstanding its local position, had from an early period separated itself from
the Phocian confederacy, and the inhabitants did not even like to be
called Phocians.5  The government was in the hands of a few noble
families, who traced their descent from Deucalion, and from whom
were chosen a council of five, to manage the affairs of the temple.
The members of this council held their offices for life, and were
called " The Sacred ones."6
The Delphian oracle was the most celebrated of all in the Grecian
1 Pausanias, x. 4. It was here that the metamorphosis of Philomela
took place according to the fable, whence the nightingale is called
Daulias ales. Ovid, Epist. Sappho, 154. Thucydides, ii. 29. Strabo,
ix. 423.
a Homer, Iliad, ii. 519, and Heyne's notes on the passage. Pausanias,
x. 36. This, like the Thessalian Anticyra, was celebrated for its hellebore. Strabo, ix. 418.
~ Pausanias, x. 33, &c.
4 Pausanias, x. 5, 1.
Pausanias, iv. 34, 11. Thirlwall thinks that the Delphians were of
Dorian extraction, and that this may account for their generally favoring the cause of the Spartans and their Dorian allies. (History of
Greece, i. 387.) It is probable enough that as Delphi, from a mere village, grew by degrees into a large and flourishing city, enriched and
embellished by the tribute of visitors from all parts, the Delphians
chose to consider it as belonging to the whole Hellenic nation, rather
than to any local community, and on such grounds asserted their independence; in which they found themselves supported by some of the
stronger states of Greece.
6 Plutarch, Gr. Qusest. 9. In Euripides, Ion, 416, they are called
AeOStV,}pDcTEZf, OVl'ICe2pwaev' ravXo'f. Herodotus, viii. 36, speaks of
t-OV rpooqlreO. Was he the chief member of the council? 
K 2




226                       APPENDIX  I.
world, and held from the earliest times in the highest veneration. It
was consulted on the most important occasions, both for political purposes, as on questions of war and peace, the establishment of laws,
the institution of religious ceremonies, the founding of colonies, and
the like, and also for advice in the concerns of private life.1  Its
origin is necessarily obscure.  It is said that a vapor, issuing from
the well of Cassotis, intoxicated those that approached it, and threw
them  into delirium.  The discovery was made by some shepherds,
whose flocks straying near the spot had been seized with convulsions.
It was then found that human beings were similarly affected, and
that, while the fit was on them, they received a miraculous power of
prophetic vision and speech. This led to the idea of securing the benefit of the divine agency, which produced such miraculous effects, by
establishing a permanent oracle on the spot.  A temple was built
accordingly: the chasm from which the vapor ascended was exactly
in the centre: a tripod was placed over it; on this sat the priestess
and inhaled the sacred smoke, under whose influence she poured
forth the supernatural sounds inspired by Apollo.2
1 Colonies were rarely founded without the sanction of Apollo. Callimachus says, in his hymn:eofioc yap dEZ 7ro2[Ero e bt2  7?4E
Krtlo/'vatf, aV7r6 da6 OezUeiLta Qoi3oC 5bvacvcl.
Instances of consulting the oracle before making war, or taking other
decisive measures, abound in Herodotus, Thucydides, and other ancient
historians. The cases of Lycurgus and Croesus are familiar. The Corcyrmeans offer to refer their dispute about Epidamnus to the-arbitration
of the Delphian oracle. (Thucydides, i. 28.) Apollo commands the
Lacedemonians to remove the sepulchre of Pausanias, and erect statues
to him in the temple of Pallas.  (Thucydides, i. 131.) Many examples
occur of private men consulting the god. To consult him however for
a wicked purpose was a dangerous experiment.  The general belief on that subject is illustrated by the story of the Spartan Glaucus,
who inquired whether it would be safe to refuse restoration of a deposit,
and was punished by extirpation of his race. Herodotus, vi. 86. Juvenal, Sat. xiii. 199.
Spartano cuidam respondit Pythia vates,
Haud impunitum quondam fore, quod dubitaret
Depositum retinere, et fraudem jure tueri
Jurando: quzerebat enim qume numinis esset.Mens, et an hoc illi facinus suaderet Apollo.
Reddidit ergo metu, non moribus, et tamen omnem
Vocem adyti dignam templo veramque probavit,
Extinctus tot& pariter cum gente domoque,
Et quamvis long& deductis gente propinquis.
a Pausanias, x. 24, 7. Strabo, ix. 419. Diodorus, xvi. 26. As to the
ancient legend of Apollo, his choice of the oracular Seat, his killing of




TEE SACRED  WAR.                        227
The priestess, or Pythia, as she was called, was a native of Delphi,
and chosen from a humble family. She was anciently a girl; but
one having been seduced by a young Thessalian, it was determined
by the Delphians that, for the future, no priestess should be appointed under the age of fifty, though she was always to be dressed
in the garb of a maiden. As the importance of the oracle increased,
it became necessary to appoint two and even three women to perform the prophetic functions.  For these they were duly prepared
by a three days' fast, by bathing in the holy spring of Castaly, and
other religious rites. The due observance of such rites was seen to
by the Delphian managers, to whom the business of the oracle was
confided.  It has been supposed, that the priestess frequently acted
under their dictation in delivering the responses; in later times, when
powerful states made a tool of the oracle, this was very fiequently
the case; but to suppose that it was an ordinary occurrence in the
early times, would be inconsistent with the received traditions of
history, as well as with probability. In the great multitude of
instances in which the god was consulted, the Delphians had no
interest in practicing deception; while they had an interest, which
in the early ages must generally have been paramount to all other
motives, in maintaining the reputation of the oracle for truth and
wisdom. The priestess was usually, from either physical or mental
causes, or both, excited to a species of frenzy; and sometimes even
died in convulsions after her prophetic labors.  We can hardly
believe that her madness Was habitually feigned, and it is not compatible with a system  of craft on the part of the Pythia or her
employers. 
the serpent that guarded it, the origin of the names Pytho and Delphi,
&c.; see the Homeric Hymn to Apollo, and also Pausanias, x. 6, 3.
Compare Strabo, ix. 422.
Plutarch, de Defectu Oracul. 51. The general respect in which the
Delphian oracle was held by the Grecian world inclines one to believe
in some superhuman agency, whether of a divine or of an evil spirit.
Many of the responses were (no doubt) expressed with designed ambiguity; but the well attested truthfulness of others can not be set down
to chance. Strabo agrees with Herodotus as. to the character of the
oracle. He calls it cidev6dcrarov rSv idvrTov, (ix. 419, 422.) Cicero in
his first book de Divinatione (c. 19) urges in favor of the oracle, that it
never could have been so celebrated but for its veracity. Admitting its
decline in later times, he says, " Ut igitur nune minori glori' est, quia
minus oraculorum veritas excellit, sic tum, nisi summa veritate, in tanta
gloria non fuisset."  He suggests as a possible cause of its decline, that
the inspiring vapor may have disappeared: " Potest vis illa terre, qua
mentem Pythice divino afflatu concitabat, evanuisse vetustate, ut quosdam exaruisse amnes aut in alium  cursum contortos et deflexos videmus."  The decline of the oracle after the Christian era, which Milton
has so beautifully touched upon in his Christmas hymn, favors the no



228                       APPENDIX  I.
Certain days in every month were appointed for consulting the oracle, to which people came from every state of Greece. The Delphians
regulated the order of consultation, which was generally determined
by lot; but sometimes, as a mark of honor or flavor, they granted
precedency to particular states, as for example, to Crcesus, to Sparta,
to Athens, and afterwards to Philip of Macedon.  Sometimes also
they granted exemption from payment of the usual fees.1
Delphi stood pretty nearly in the centre of Greece, a position
highly favorable ibr the oracle.2  The temple was built on rising
ground in the highest part of the city, the front (after its reconstruction, B.C. 548) being of Parian marble.  The sacred precinct was
adorned with a multitude of beautiful statues and sculptures, presented by the different states of Greece.3  Gifts of all kinds, ingots
of gold and silver, vases, bowls, statues, shields, and other ornaments, were sent by kings and people, as well as by private individuals, from Greece, Italy, Sicily, Sardinia, the Egsean isles, and Asia
Minor; particular cells or compartments being appropriated for
their reception.4  Even in Homer's time Delphi was celebrated for
its riches.5
These were continually augmented till the period of the second
Persian invasion, when Xerxes, having received accurate intelligence of the accumulated treasures, marched to Delphi for the extion of demoniacal agency.  Lucan expresses the feelings of the most
pious heathens, when he says:Non ullo scecula dono
Nostra carent majore DeMm, quam Delphica sedes
Quod siluit.
1 Euripides, Ion, 421.  _Eschylus, Eumenid. 32.  Demosthenes, 3
Philipp. 119. De Fals. Leg. 446. Herodotus, i. 54, and Schweigbhuser's note. Plutarch in Vit. Pericl. 21, Vit. Alexand. 14. Alexander,'when the priestess demurred about the time of consultation, dragged
her by force into the temple; upon which she exclaimed, " My son, thou
art invincible:" and he said there was no further need to question the
god.
2 Hence called y'c 6ozeja6g. Strabo, ix. 419. The allusion to this by
the poets are frequent.  Ex. gr. Euripides, Orest. 591.'Op s;'Arr62uwv, oSf 8Eiro/OuZOovC tdpaf
vaciov pporooly arS6T/ vf/et caaFCrrarov.
Pausanias, x. 8, 9. The following chapters contain a long enumeration of what he had seen. Herodotus, v. 62.
4 Herodotus, i. 14, 50, 51. Strabo, ix. 421.
6 Iliad, ix. 404.
06' oca  2'vof Ov( o5d (Id7Op  Eropoc  vrf  Epye
4oitov'A7r0oarvoc UIvOo eve rietrpma7yccp,
Sophocles calls it 7rovpvXpfaov IlvO0voc.  (Edipus Tyr. 151.




THEE SACRED  WAR.                       229
press purpose of pillage.' After his defeat Apollo shared with the
other gods in the spoil of the invader.2
The importance of Delphi was yet further increased by the institution of the Pythian games, and by its having been at a still earlier
period chosen as one of the seats of the Amphictyonic council. The
nature and functions of this council are so intimately connected
with the subject before us, that I must stop to explain them.
It is related by ancient historians, that Amphictyon, the son of
Deucalion, founded the institution which bears his name, and the importance of which was in course of time so greatly enlarged as to have
been called a general council or diet of all Greece.3  Modern writers consider Amphictyon to be a fictitious personage, invented by
mythologists, and deriving his name from the very council which he
is supposed to have founded, and which really signifies (according
to the etymology of the word)4 an association of neighboring people for some common purpose, whether of mutual defense, intercourse, or sacrifice. The habits of tlhe ancient Greeks inclined them
to form associations of this kind, especially those of a religious
character; and that many such existed, and were called Amphictyones, we are distinctly informed; for example, one in the island
Calauria, one at Onchestus in Bceotia, and the more celebrated one
of Delos. But that which held its meetings at Delphi and Thermopylae acquired so much greater a celebrity than all the rest, as to
be specially called the Amphictyonic assembly.5
Twelve different people or tribes united to form this association;
Bceotians, Dorians  Ionians, Thessalians, Perrhsebians, Maagnetes,
CEtseans, Phthiots, Malians, Locrians, Phocians, Dolopians.6  Such,
gathered from the somewhat varying accounts of different authors,
is considered to be the most probable enumeration of its members.
IHerodotus, vii. 35.
2 Herodotus, viii. 121; ix. 81.  Delphi, like other temples, was
greatly enriched by the spoils of war, as appears from a multitude of
cases mentioned by ancient authors.  Compare Herodotus, vii. 132;
viii. 27. - Thucydides, ii. 84; iv. 134. Xenophon, Hellen. iii. c. 3, s. 1.
Diodorus, xii. 29; xiv. 93, where it is mentioned that the Romans sent
to Delphi a tithe of the spoils of Veii.
9 So Cicero calls it, De Inventione, ii. 23. "Accusantur apud Amphictyonas, id est, apud commune Grecime concilium." In the Amphictyonic decree cited in Demosthenes de Coron. 198, it is called rb KoLVO'v TSV'EX2Yvwv cvvg6ptov.
4'AOjLKt7ioVeg.  See Pindar, Isthm. iv. 13. How the vowel came to
be changed, we can not tell.
5 Pausanias, x. S. Strabo, ix. 429. Herodotus, vii. 200. Thirlwall,
Gr. Hist. i. 373. Grote, ii. 321. Archweological Dictionary, Title Amphictyones.
6 Thirlwall, (i. 377,) thinks that the Dolopians were finally supplanted by the Delphians, who appear in another list.




230                      APPENDIX  I.
They met twice a year; in the spring at Delphi, in the autumn at
the temple of Ceres in Thermopylae, near to the town of Anthela.
Each tribe sent deputies to the congress, called Pylagorce and Hfieromnemones. The former attended and spoke in the debates, and
voted for their respective tribes, each of whom had two votes. The
latter were persons of a sacerdotal character, whose functions were
principally executive, and related to the sacrifices and religious
observances, though they seem also to have attended the debates
and assisted the Pylagorae, but without the right of voting. From
Athens there were sent three Pylagorme,annually elected by the
people, and one Hieromnemon, chosen by lot.   It appears both
from -Eschines and Demosthenes, that besides the ordinary congress of deputies, which sat in the temple or sacred building, there
was occasionally convened a sort of popular Amphictyonic assembly, composed not only of -the Pylagorme and Hieromnemons, but
also of the inhabitants of the place, and such strangers as had come
to worship or consult the Deity.2
The list of tribes indicates that it was anciently a local rather
than a national confederacy.  Peloponnesus was altogether excluded; for the Dorians, at the institution of the council, were simply
the Dorians under tMount CEta, not the conquering race who at a
later period comprised the most warlike states of Greece. These
states afterwards became Amphictyonic, by virtue of their Dorian
origin, as Athens did by-virtue of its Ionic. Arcadia, Elis, and
Achaia, however, at no time.belonged to the confederacy; neither
did jEtolia, or Acarnania.
Another thing to be remarked is the preponderance of Greeks
north of Thermopylke, and the power thereby given to the Thessalians; a circumstance which became of great moment in the struggle
with Philip of Macedon.  Thessaly,3 in its widest sense included
the whole district bounded on the north by Olympus and the Cambunian range of mountains, on the east by the AEgoean sea, on the
south and west by Mounts CEta and Pindus.  Thus considered, it
Aristophanes, Nubes, 624. The office of Hieromnemon was deemed
a very honorable one (See Demosthenes coent. Timocr. 747), and the better opinion is, that it was held for a longer period than one year, and
perhaps for life. See the Archeool. Diet. title Anmphictyones.
2 tEschines, cont. Ctesiph. 71. De Fals. Leg. 48. Demosthenes, de
Coron. 278. Who are the c6ve6pot, mentioned in the Amphictyonic decrees in Demosthenes, is uncertain; but perhaps it means the Hieromnemons, who sat as assessors with the Pylagorae, to suggest and advise,
(see p. 276), and are said even in a loose way (p. 277) 7,l0icacrOaL. By
the decree it was resolved, lreB6EOlv ro'g TrvX2ay6povf Kaci rooe avvipov f,
and by the showing of Demosthenes, the Hieromnemons did walk over
the district in question.
3 The description of Thessaly occupies the fifth chapter of the ninth
book of Strabo.




THE SACRED  WAR.                      231
comprehends half of the Amphictyonic tribes; but the Thessalians,
strictly so called, occupied only a portion of this district, the remainder being held by other races, more or less subject or subordinate to them.  The Perrhmbians dwelt between the river
Peneus and Mount Olympus.  The Magnetes on the coast of the
3Egean, under Mounts Ossa and Pelion: their country was called
Magnesia.  The Achban Phthiots occupied the plain beneath
Mount Othrys, stretching from thence in a south-easterly direction
as far as the Pagassean bay, upon which was the town of Halus.
The Malians were between Phthiotis and Thermopylse, giving name
to the Malian bay; in their country were the cities of Anticyra and
Trachis; and afterwards I-Ieraclea lwas founded by the Lacedmmonians. t West of the Malians were the (EAtmans, occupying the northern slopes of Mount (Eta: they included the,Enianes, whom
Pausanias enumerates as one of the Amphictyonic people. Dolopia
was to the north-east of Mount Othrys, and stretched beyond Pindus as far as the river Achelous.
The people strictly balled Thessali inhabited chiefly the central
plain between Mounts Pindus, Olympus, Ossa, Pelion, and Othrys.
Their chief cities were Larissa, Pharsalus, Crannon, and Pherm.
Originally they came from Thesprotia in Epirus, and after subduing
a Pelasgic or Eolian race, whom  they found in occupation, they
established themselves in their new country as a sort of dominant
aristocracy. The conquered people were reduced to the condition
of serfs, and were called Penestoe;2 being bound to cultivate the
land, and follow their iasters to battle when required.  The Thessalians gradually extended their power over the circumjacent tribes;
and, could they have been united and under a firm government,
would have become formidable to the southern states of Greece:
but they had no organized system of government, and the feudsbetween the great families prevented any union taking place, except on particular occasions, and for short periods.  The ancient
quadruple division of Thessaly, which Philip revived for his own
purposes, was probably established at a time when the Thessalians
had arrived at a considerable height of power. The four districts
were called Thessaliotis, Histioeotis, Pelasgiotis, and Phthiotis; of
which the first comprised the central plain, the second the territory
of the Perrheebians and the north-western parts, the third the east-' Thucydides, ii. 92. They hoped that it would give them the command of Thermopylve, and the means of making a descent upon the
northern coast of Eubcea.
3 The word is either derived from irevia, poverty; or, according to
another account, is a corruption of /edevrat, from  eit&), because they
were permanently attached to the soil, and could not, like slaves, be
sold or sent away. Dionysius, Antiq. Romn ii. 9. Athenmus, vi. 264.




232                     APPENDIX  I.
ern coast, and the fourth the country of the Achmean Phthiots already described.'
Another thing to be noticed is, that Amphictyonic membership
belonged not to cities, but to tribes or races, each of whom had the
same number of votes, however great, or however small; so that,
after the great expansion of the Ionic and Doric races, the right of
representation in the Amphictyonic congress was shared by Athens
and Sparta with the numerous communities which had sprung out
of those races respectively. It is supposed that the different cities
of one -tribe took their turns of sending representatives, according
to some arrangement of which we have no particular information.
It is probable that a leading and powerful state would gradually assume to itself the rights of the whole tribe; yet still its constitutional
power in the congress would be limited to the original number of
votes; and Athens or Sparta could only acquire a preponderating
weight among the Amphictyons through the influence which they
exerted over the other constituent tribes. To such influence is
partly to be ascribed the increasing importance of the Amphictyonic
body, and its growth from a mere local association into the semblance of an Hellenic diet. The sanctity of the Delphian temple gave
an additional lustre to its meetings.2
The oath anciently taken by the members of the league was to
the following effect:-" That they would not destroy any city of
the Amphictyonic tribes; that they would not cut of their springs
of water either in peace or war; that they would turn their arms
against any people who did such things, and destroy their cities;
that, if any one committed sacrilege against the god, or formed, or
was privy to, any design to- injure the temple, they would exert
themselves with hand, foot, tongue, and all their might, to punish
him."3
History furnishes us with a few examples in which the Amphictyons at an early period interposed in the affairs of Greece, to vindicate national rights or public justice, or to maintain the honor of
Apollo. Thus, when the conductors of a procession to Delphi were
insulted by some Megarians, the Amphictyons passed sentence on
the offenders.4  When the Dolopians Scyrus, who had long been
addicted to piracy, seized and imprisoned some Thessalian merchants who put into their port, and the merchants escaping preferred
their complaint to the Amphictyons, they condemned the islanders
1 Strabo, ix. 430. Diodorus, iv. 67. Herodotus, vii. 129, 176. Thucydides, i. 2; ii. 22; iv. 78. Xenophon, Hellen. vi. c. 1. Grote's History of Greece, ii. 367.
2 The meeting at Delphi, as well as that at Thermopylea, was called
g EvXa'a, the Pylcean meeting, a circumstance tending to show the
greater antiquity of the latter. See Grote, ii. 328.
s.Eschines, De Fals. Leg. 43.
4 Plutarch, Gr. Queest. 69.




THE SACRED  WAR.                      233
to pay a fine. The guilty people, rather than pay the fine, chose
to surrender the island to Cimon, who took advantage of the occasion to annex it to the dominion of Athens.  At the close of the
Persian war, the Amphictyons offered a reward for Ephialtes who
betrayed the pass over the mountains to Xerxes.2  They erected
a monument to Leonidas.3 After the burning of the Delphian temple, B.C. 548, we find them intrusted with the task of rebuilding it,
and the Alcmsonids taking the contract from them  for three hundred talents.4 They claimed the right, supposed to be derived from
their earliest institution, of sitting in judgment upon disputes between Amphictyonic cities; a right which it must have been difficult to exercise, except over the less powerful of their members.
Traces of such a jurisdiction however are to be found.5
The most memorable instance of Amphictyonic action in the early
times is that known by the name of the first Sacred war, which terminated in the destruction of the city of Crissa, and afforded a precedent for the punishment of the Phocians and Locrians two or
three centuries after. The Crissseans were charged with taking
extortionate tolls from the visitors who came to Delphi by sea from
the wcstern parts of Greece, or from Italy and Sicily, and who came
across the Corinthian gulf into the Crisssean harbor. They were
charged (according to another account) with having encroached upon
the land of Apollo, and with having committed outrages upon some
Phocian and Argive women returning from the temple. Perhaps
all these charges were mixed together."6  War was declared by the
Amphictyons, at the instigation (according to Plutarch) 7 of Solon
the Athenian. Clisthenes, king of Sicyon, was chosen to conduct
the war, in which the Athenians took an active part, under the
command either of Solon himself or of Alcmseon, and the Thessalians
under Eurylochus. The Crisssaans were besieged,-but they made
anll obstinate resistance, and the war, like that of Troy, is said to
have lasted ten years. It was declared by the oracle, that Crissa
would never be taken, until the waves washed the territories of
1 Plutarch in Vit. Cimon. 8. Thucydides, i. 98.
2 Herodotus, vii. 213.
iHerodotus, 228.
-Ierodotus, ii. 180; v. 62; Strabo, ix. 421; Pausanias, x. 5. The
temple built by the Amphictyons was said to be the third.
5 Strabo, ix. 420. Demosthenes de Coron. 211. The suit there referred to wvas probably an Amphictyonic suit. Compare the same oration, p. 277.
6 They are stated with vague generality by lEschines, Cont. Ctes. 68.
It is probable, that the Delphians, who owed their prosperity to the
donations of visitors, were jealous of any thing which diverted that
source of profit into another channel.
7 In the life of Solon. He professes to-follow Aristotle's treatise on
the victors at the Pythian games.




234                      APPENDIX  I.
Delphi. Solon advised, that the way to fulfill the oracle was to consecrate to Apollo all the land of the Crissseans. This was done;
the besiegers solemnly vowed that the Crissean land should be
given to Apollo, and should for ever lie waste: soon after this the
city was taken by stratagem.  Solon diverted the stream of the
Plistus, and after poisoning the waters with'the roots of hellebore,
suffered them to return to their former channel; the besieged drank
them with avidity and miserably perished.  Thus Crissa fell, in the
year B.c. 585. The victors performed their vow, and after razing
the city to the ground, turned the whole of its domain into a wilderness. The harbor was given to the Delphians, who now became
masters of the whole plain from Parnassus to the sea.'
To commemorate this victory, the Amphictyons, enriched by the
spoil of the conquered city, established the Pythian games, which
thenceforth were celebrated quadriennially in the third year of
every Olympic period.  There had been anciently, established by
the Delphians themselves, an octennial musical festival, in one of
which it was said the poet Thamyris had obtained the prize.  This
was enlarged into a more comprehensive one, inicluding not only
competition in music and poetry, exhibitions of art in painting and
sculpture, but also gymnastic contests, with foot, horse, and chaiiot
races, after the model of the Olympic.  These were not indeed established all at once, but with additions in successive periods-: the
chariot race was introduced in the second Pythiad, when Clisthenes
of Sicyon was the victor: a part of the Crissman plain was converted into the race-course. At the same time the prizes (which
were at first awarded as in the old musical contests) were abolished,
and the victor's meed was thenceforth a simple wreath of laurel;no less efficacious than the Olympian olive to excite the emulation
of competitors, striving for glory before the eyes of assembled
Greece. The games were under the immediate superintendence of
the Amphictyonic deputies.2' Pausanias, x. 37.  Strabo, ix. 418.  AEschines, Cont. Otes. 69.
Atheuneus, xiii. 560. Polymenus, vi. 183.
2 Pausanias, x. 7, 33. Strabo, ix. 421. Arclhmological Dictionary,
title Pythia. The course is called the Crissuean Plain by Sophocles,
Electra, 729.
rav d' rti,4w2rrro
Navayvirv Kptaitov zr7rticC)v mridov.
The Pythian games were open to all the Greeks, not only to the members of the Amphictyonic association: an.Atolian is mentioned in the
same passage as one of the competitors, v.'704.
Whether the games were celebrated in the spring or the autumn, has
been a contested point. Boeckh is for the spring: Clinton and Grote
are for the autumn. See Grote's History of Greece, iv. 86.
The surprise of the Persian on hearing that the Greek athletes contended for an olive garland is well described by Herodotus, viii, 26.




THE SACRED WAR.                      235
Of the history of the Phocians little is known till just before the
second Persian invasion. We learn that they had much difficulty in
maintaining their independence against the Thessalians, who, after
subduin(r most of the tribes north of Mount CEta, endeavored to
push their conquests southward.  To check their incursions, the
Phocians had anciently, at a time when Thermopylae belonged to
them, closed up its western entrance with a wall, which, when properly guarded, was deemed a complete barrier against an enemy
advancing from the Malian side. The pass had two gates or openings; one where the wall was built, which opened into the road from
Anthela to Trachis, giving room for a single wagon only to enter;
another, equally narrow, which opened about a mile to the east just
above the town of Alpeni.  The space between the two gates was
considerably wider, and contained hot springs, salt or sulphurous,
which gave to the pass the name of Thermopylae, or Hot Gates.'
The Phocians, besides blocking up the entrance, endeavored to
make the road impassable by turning into it the water of the mineral
springs. These precautions however were rendered of no avail by
the discovery of a new road; which, commencing near Trachis, and
taking a westerly course up the gorge of the river Asopus, ascended the mountain by a track called Anopaea, then turned eastward
and cdescended to Alpeni. The. Trachinians having revealed this road
to the Thessalians, the pass ceased to be an invincible barrier, and the
wall soon afterwards was neglected or abandoned. It was probably
owing to this, that the Phocians lost the territory, which' was afterwards acquired by the 1Epicnemidian Locrians. Certain it is, that
they became exposed to invasion from the north, and were reduced
to rely on their own valor for their safety. " We have no particulars
of the wars carried on between them and the Thessalians, until not
many years before the Persian invasion, wxhen a Thessalian army
crossed the Locrian frontier, and were defeated by a.stratagem at
Hyampolis. The Phocians, dreading their superiority in cavalry, put
into the ground a quantity of pots covered with loose earth; the
horses charging over these were lamed, and their riders overthrown
and slau>ghtered. To avenge this disaster, the Thessalians entered
Phocis with an immense force collected from all their confederate
cities. The -Phocians terrified by their numbers, and further disheartened by the loss of a detachment whom they had sent to reconnoitre the enemy, made a huge funeral pile, and bringing together
all their women and children, their gold, silver, and other valuables,
and the images of their gods, gave them in charge to thirty of their
countrymen, with orders, in case they should be defeated, to kill the
I Thermopylme was the name given by the Greeks in general; Pylk,
by the neighbors and surrounding people. Herodotus, vii. 201. Strabo,
ix. 428.
H2 erodotus, vii. 176, 199, 200, 215, 216.




236                    APPENDIX  I.
women and children, and burn their bodies together with all the
property on the funeral pile, then to kill themselves or rush upon the
swords of the enemy. Having given such order, they marched to
meet the Thessaliansj and fought with such desperation, that they
gained a great victory and delivered their country. From this Phocian desperation became a proverb.'
tHerodotus and Pausanias, from whom we pick up these scraps
of history, mention also a successful night-attack made upon the
Thessalian camp by a select body of Phocians, having first whitened
their faces and shields with chalk, to distinguish them from the
enemy.  According to Herodotus, the Phocians had first been
driven to the fastnessess- of Parnassus. Pausanias relates, that the
Phocians in their alarm consulted the Delphian oracle, which returned
a mysterious answer, that Apollo would cause a mortal to encounter
an immortal, that he would give victory to both, but more complete
victory to the mortal. This was understood to be fulfilled after the
final battle, in which the Thessalians chose for their watchword
Itonian Pallas, the Phocians their Eponymous hero, Phocus. To
show their gratitude, the Phocians sent to Delphi statues of Apollo
and their own commanders, including the prophet Tellias of Elis,
under whose counsel they had acted.
After the battle of Thermopylse the Thessalians had their revenge.
They were at first opposed to Xerxes, notwithstanding that the
Aleuade had invited him into Greece; and, while he was preparing to
cross thle Hellespont, they sent envoys to Peloponnesus, urging that
troops should be brought to guard the passes of Olympus, and proffering their assistance. Themistocles and Eusenetus sailed with this
force to Halus, from whence they marched across Thessaly, and
joined by the Thessalian cavalry occupied the defiles of Tempe:
being informed however, that their position could easily be turned by
the enemy, they re-embarked their troops and sailed home. The
Thessalians then, finding that they could have no support from the
southern Greeks, tendered their submission to Xerxes, in which they
were followed by the Perrhoebians, Magnetes, and other northern
tribes, and also by the Dorians, Locrians, and Bceotians excepting
Thespioe and Platsea. The Greeks determined on defending Thermopylae, which Leonidas with an advanced body was sent to occupy,
whilst the fleet sailed to Artemisium, on the north of the Euboean
channel, from which point they could freely communicate with Leonidas, and prevent the Persians landing troops in his rear.2
Leonidas, arriving at Thermopyle, invited the Phocians and the
Opuntian Locrians to join him. They both complied; the Phocians
joining him with a thousand men, the Opuntian Locrians with their
X Herodotus, viii. 27, 28. Pausanias, x 1.
Ha erodotus, vii. 6, 172, 173, 174, 175.




THE SACRED  WAR.                      237
whole force.l He set to work immediately to repair the ancient
wall; but hearing now for the first time, that there was another
road over the mountains, he sent the Phocians, at their own request,
to defend it, while with the remainder of his forces he kept his station in the pass. Most of the Greeks were struck with terror at the
approaching multitudes of the enemy, and desired to retreat to the
isthmus; it was with some difficulty, and chiefly owing to the
remonstrances of the Phocians and Locrians, anxious for the safety
of their own countries, that they were induced to remain at Thermopylem. Xerxes, having marched through Macedonia and Thessaly, arrived in the Malian territory, and encamped at Trachis, two
miles from the pass. After two days fighting, in which the Persians
suffered prodigious loss, Xerxes learned from the Trachinians the
existence of the mountain road, and dispatched Hydarnes with a
body of Persians (who were called the Immortals) to march by
night over the cliff and fall upon the rear of Leonidas. The Persians, under the guidance of Ephialtes the Trachinian, marched all
night, and at daybreak had mounted to the highest part of the
rocky road, and were heard by the Phocians, who grasped their
arms and prepared for battle; but soon, overwhelmed by the
arrows of so numerous a host, they fled to the brow of the cliff,
where they awaited the enemy with the intention of selling their
lives dearly. Hydarnes, not caring to attack the Phocians, pursued
his march and descended the mountain. The Greeks, hearing of
his advance, had just time to retire from their perilous situation,
where Leonidas and his devoted band preferred to remain and sacrifice themselves for the honor of their country.Xerxes, advancing from  Thermopyle, was reinforced by an
addition of Greek auxiliaries, the Malians, Dorians, Locrians, and
Bceotians, who now joined him with all their troops, excepting (as
before) the people of Thespim and Plataea.3  The Locrians would
probably have joined him at Thermopylm, for they had engaged to
seize the pass for him, but had been prevented by the arrival of
Leonidas.4  The Phocians, notwithstanding the advance of so
numerous an army, still refused submission. A message of a singular kind was sent to them -by the Thessalians, stating that they (the
Thessalians) had great influence with Xerxes, and that it depended
on them whether the -Phocians should be reduced to slavery or
otherwise; that they were willing to forget past injuries, and, if the
Phocians would give them fifty talents, they would undertake to
IIavarpariL. (Herodotus, vii. 203.) This means their whole force
of heavy armed troops. The Opuntian Locrians, as well as the Phocians, were armed in this fashion. Pausanias, i. 23.
2 Herodotus, vii. 201, 207, 208, 211, 213-23.
s Herodotus, viii. 66.
4 Diodorus, xi, 4.




238                    APPENDIX  I.
avert the tempest that was about to fall upon them. The Phocians
spurned this proposal. Herodotus says, they sided with the Greeks
purely out of hatred to the Thessalians; that, if the Thessalians
had been on the other side, the Phocians would have been with
the Mede. Thiere seems however scarcely any ground for attributing their conduct to such a motive. The answer which
the Phocians returned was, that they would give no money,
that they were at liberty to Medise as well as the Thessalians,
if they chose; but they would not consent to betray the cause
of Greece.'
The Thessalians, on receiving this answer, conducted the barbarian army into Phocis, entering it from the north by a narrow strip
of Doris which separates it from  Mount (Eta, and commenced
ravaging the rich valley of the Cephisus. The Phocian people
every where fled before them. Some took refuge in the heights of
Parnassus, on a ridge of rocks-called the Tithorea, above the city of
Neon. The greater part found shelter at Amphissa in Ozolian Lo-,cris. Meanwhile the Persians laid waste the whole country, plundering and destroying all in their way, and setting filre to the cities
and the temples. Fifteen of the principal cities, including Drymus,
Charadra, Tethronium, Amphicaea, Neon, Elatea, Hyampolis, Parapotamii, Abae with its oracular temple, and Panopeus, were burned
to the ground.2
A division of the army was sent to Delphi, with special orders to
seize the treasures of the temple. The Delphians in alarm inquired
of the oracle, whether they should bury their treasures, or carry
them away into another land; Apollo assured them, that he was
able to defend his own without their assistance. They then left
their city, seeking refuge on the mountains, in the Corycian cave, or
at Amphissa; their wives and children they sent over to Achaia.
Sixty men only remained, with the chief-priest3 Aceratus. The
barbarians advanced, but hardly had they reached the temple of
Pallas, which stood in front of the Phoebean sanctuary, when their
progress was arrested by dreadful prodigies; a burst of thunder, the
rolling of two immense crags from Parnassus, which struck down
several of their host, and a war-cry issuing from the shrine of Pallas.
Smitten with sudden panic, they turned and fled; the Delphians
at that moment rushed upon them and completed the rout, assisted
(as the surviving Persians themselves reported) by two superhuman
figures in panoply, who never ceased pursuing and slaughtering
them till they reached Boeotia. The Delphians declared these to be
their own native heroes, Phylacus and Autonous, who had portions
of ground consecrated to them in the neighborhood of the temple.
I Herodotus, viii. 29, 30.
H ierodotus, viii. 31, 32, 33, 35.
9 See ante, page 225, note 4.




THE SACRED WAR.                      239
Thus did Apollo fulfill his promise, and vindicate the sanctity of the
oracle. 1
After this, it appears, a part of the Phocian people, those probably
whose cities had been spared, submitted with reluctance to Xerxes;
the rest maintained themselves in the. mountains, from which they
made incursions from time to time against the Persian army. A
thousand Phocians however were sent to join Mardonius. They
came so tardily, that Mardonius, to mark his displeasure, or to intimidate them for the future, or perhaps at first wvith a more serious
intention, ordered their troop to be drawn up in a plain, and surrounded them with his numerous cavalry. The Phocians, supposing
they were doomed to destruction, formed in a square, and with
firm countenance awaited the attack. The horsemen rode up with
lifted javelins, making a feint to charge, but as suddenly they
wheeled round and retreated. Mardonius applauded the Phocians
for the courage which they had shown, and assured them, if they
behaved themselves well in the ensuing campaign, they would be
rewarded by the king. At Platsea they were stationed with the
Thebans and other Greek allies of Xerxes, and in the battle were
opposed to the Athenians; but all, except the Thebans, fled without
striking a blow, and Pausanias indeed states, that -the Phocians
deserted in battle to the Greeks.2
Of the spoils of the battle of Salamis the choicest part was sent to
Delphi, and devoted to the construction of a colossal statue. The
united Greeks inquired of the god, whether he was content with
their offerings; and he replied, that he was satisfied with those of
the other Greeks, but looked for a special gift from the iEginetans,
to whom the palm of valor had been awarded; they sent him accordingly three golden stars fixed on a brazen mast.3 At the close
of the war a tithe of the spoil was given to Apollo, and out of it was
made a golden tripod, placed by the Delphians on a three-headed
brazen serpent, which endured to the time of Pausanias. Shares
were assigned also to the Olympian Jupiter and Isthmian Neptune.4
A circumstance is related by Plutarch in the life of Aristides, which
proves the peculiar veneration in which the Delphian sanctuary was
held by the Greeks. Soon after the battle of Platsea the oracle
directed that an altar should be raised on the Plataean ground to
Jupiter the Deliverer; but, as the fires in the country had been
polluted by the barbarians, it commanded them to be extinguished,
Herodotus, viii. 36-39; who represents that the two crags were
shown to him in the sacred grove of Pallas Pronaea. Compare Pausanias, x. 23.
2 erodotus, ix. 17, 31, 67. Pausanias, x. 2.' Herodotus, viii. 121, 122.
4 Herodotus, ix. 81. Pausanias, x. 13. Diodorus, xi. 33. Thucydides, iii. 57.




240                    APPENDIX  I.
and no sacrifice to be offered, till fire was brought from the hearth
of Apollo. To comply with this injunction, Euchidas, a Platmean,
ran in one day from Platsea to Delphi and back, carrying with him
the sacred fire, and at the moment of his return dropped down
dead with exhaustion. He was rewarded for his act of piety with
a monument in the temple of Diana.1
A congress of the Amphictyons was held somewhere.about this
time, at which divers resolutions were passed touching the events
of the war; among others, to offer a reward for Ephialtes, and
decree a monument to Leonidas, as I have already mentioned. It
was moved by the Lacedemonians, that the Greeks who had joined
Xerxes should be expelled from the Amphictyonic council; but this
proposal was rejected by the deputies, under the advice of Themistocles, who feared that, if the Thessalians, Thebans, and so many
other members were removed from the council, it would fall entirely
under the influence of Sparta. 2
In the long period which elapsed between the Persian and the
second Sacred War the Phocians interfered but little in the general
affairs of Greece; they were forced from time to time into alliances
with the more powerful states, Athens, Sparta, or Thebes, in whose
wars they played but a subordinate part. To recover their power
at Delphi; was a thing which they still aimed at, but were never
able fully to accomplish, owing to the interference of Sparta. In
the year 457 B.c. they invaded the country of the Dorians, and took
one or two of their cities; but the Lacedsemonians marching against
them with a large Peloponnesian force defeated them in battle, and
compelled them to restore their conquest.3 After the victory of
CEnophyta, won in the following year by the Athenians under Myronides over the Boeotians, not only the whole of Boeotia, but Phocis also and Opuntian Locris, fell into the power of the Athenians,
and furnished them with auxiliary troops in an expedition which
they made against Pharsalus in Thessaly.4
Just at this period Athens had acquired a vast accession of
strength as a land as well as a naval power, and the Phocians by
their connection with her were enabled, it seems, to become masters
of Delphi; for, in the year 448 nB.. it became necessary for the Lacedsemonians to send an army into Phocis, to commence a sort of
sacred war, in which they got possession of the temple and delivered
it up to the Delphians; but no sooner.had they retired, than the
Athenians marched into the country and restored the temple to the
Phocians.5  This state of things however was of short duration; for
Plutarch, in Vit. Aristid. 20.
2 Plutarch, in Vit. Themistocl. 20.
s Thucydides, i. 107. Diodorus, xi. 79.
Thucydides, i. 108, 111. Diodorus, xi. 81, 82, 88.
~ Thucydides, i. 112.




THE SACRED WAR.                         241
in the next year the Athenians suffered the calamitous defeat at
Coronea, by which they lost Bceotia and the whole of their power
in the northern parts of Greece; and in two years after the thirty
years truce was concluded between them and the Lacedremonians.'
Nine years later we find the Lacedaemonians consulting the Delphian oracle, as to the prospect of success in a war with Athens,
and the god replying, that, if they carried it on with all their might,
they would get the victory, and he would himself assist them:
which may seem to indicate that Spartan influence was then reestablished at Delphi.2  The Corinthian speaker in the congress of
allies at Sparta suggests, that for the purpose of equipping a fleet
they could borrow money from  Delphi and Olympia.3   At the
breaking out of the war, the Phocians are in alliance with the Peloponnesians, and together with the Boeotians and Locrians furnish a
contingent of cavalry.4  Their old enemies the Thessalians are not
classed among the regular allies of Athens, though the great mass
of the people were friendly to her, and succors of Thessalian horse
were occasionally sent to the Athenians; but many of the nobles in
Thessaly favored the Lacedmemonians, and they furnished assistance
to Brasidas upon his march to Thrace.5
At the truce for a year concluded between the Spartans and
Athenians, in the ninth year of the Peloponnesian war, the first
articles of their convention were the following:6
I Thucydides, i. 113, 115. Diodorus, xii. 6, 7.
3 Thucydides, i. 118.
Thucydides, i. 121.
Thucydides, ii. 9. Diodorus, xii. 42. But the Ozolian Locrians
were allied with Athens.  Thuoydides, iii. 95, 101.
Thucydides, ii. 22; iv. 78; v. 13.  Compare Demosthenes, Ilepi
1vvrfuEoC, 173. The division of parties among the Thessalians may
account for their so often changing sides even in battle. Thucydides, i.
107. Diodorus, xv. 11; xviii. 12.
6 Thucydides, iv. 118, where Haack correctly observes, that the first
clause refers solely to the Lacedaemonians and their allies, by whom the
privilege of access to Delphi was a concession made to Athens. The
Athenians were by the war excluded generally from the continent of
Greece, and unable either to consult the oracle, or attend the Pythian
games. This they sorely felt, and therefore in the peace that followed,
we find them expressly stipulating for liberty to all to attend the public games. The grand display made by the Athenians, especially Alcibiades, at the Olympic festival, which was celebrated in the eleventh
year of the war, is particularly noticed by Plutarch in his life of that
extraordinary man. Compare Thucydides, vi. 16. Grote's History of
Greece, vii. 74, note.
Whether any particular offenders are alluded to by the roV'g ddtcoavraf in the clause of the truce, has been a subject of question. It is not
improbable that the Athenians may have charged their adversaries with
Vol. II.-L




242                     APPENDIX  I.
"With respect to the temple and oracle of the Pythian Apollo,
we are content that all people who please may use them safely and
fearlessly, according to the national customs. The Lacedxemonians
and their allies who are present consent to this, and declare that
they will send heralds and persuade the Bceotians and Phocians, if
they can.  With respect to the treasures of the god, we will take
measures for the discovery of all offenders, both we and you, righteously and honestly, according to the customs of our countries, and
the rest who agree, according to the customs of their countries respectively."
At the peace of Nicias, concluded in the ensuing year, the first
articles were as follows: I
" With respect to the national temples, it is agreed that all people
who please may sacrifice, and visit them, and consult the oracle, and
attend the festivals, according to the customs of their country, traveling fearlessly both by sea and land.  The temple and sanctuary
of the Delphian Apollo, and Delphi, shall be subject to their own
laws, their own taxation, and their own judicature, in regard both
to persons and land belonging to them, according to their ancient
customs."
From the above clauses we may perceive the great importance
attached by the leading states of Greece to Delphi and its oracle, to
the Pythian and other national festivals, and their anxiety to secure
free access to them for all the Greeks.
We may notice also, that at this period every thing is done by
Athens or Laced-emon; the rest are all absorbed into the alliance of
one or other of those cities; no national congress decides any thing;
the Amphictyons are never even mentioned.
Diodorus relates that in the year n.c. 418, during the interval of
the general peace, a war broke out between the Phocians and
Locrians, and that a battle was fought in which more than a thousand
of the Locrians were slain;2 this is not mentioned by Thucydides,
but the fact is not therefore to be doubted.  That there was a feud
between the Phocians and the Opuntian as well as Ozolian Locrians,
which led at a later period to important consequences, is abundantly
clear. Jealousies between neighbors in Greece, about some disputed
taking some of the sacred property, and that this clause was inserted to
quiet them.
1 Thucydides, v. 18. It is scarcely possible to translate accurately
the word iepov, which signifies not only the sacred edifice, but all the
precinct and ground consecrated to the god, including often an extensive walk or grove. Nai's is the building only. See Valekanaer and
Schweighbenser ad Herod.' vi. 19. The Delphians had their boundaries
fixed, when they were definitely separated from the Phocians. (Strabo,
ix. 423.)
Diodorusi, xli. 80. He does not: say which Locrians.




THE SACRED WAR.                      243
territory, or for other causes, were only too common: thus the
Phocians hated not only the Locrians, but the Beeotians; while
towards the Athenians they had friendly feelings, and were drawn
into the Peloponnesian alliance by compulsion.' During the blockade
of Athens, when the allies debated whether mercy should be shown
to the vanquished, and many, especially the Corinthians and Thebans,
pressed for their destruction, the Phocians voted on the merciful
side of the question, which was carried, the Lacedsemonians having
strongly pronounced themselves in its favor.2
In the year B.C. 359, a new combination was formed among the
states of Greece. Athens, Thebes, Corinth, and Argos were at the
head of a league against Lacedsemon; contrived originally by the
satrap Tithraustes, who sent money to Greece, in order to excite a
war and withdraw Agesilaus from Asia. Certain leading men in
Thebes, Corinth, and Argos, accepted the Persian gold, and proceeded at once to perform the required service, in which they found
not much difficulty; for even at Thebes and Corinth the ancient
feeling of attachment to Sparta had for some time past been exchanged for one of distrust and jealousy.3  The immediate cause
of war was a proceeding of the Theban statesmen, Androclidas,
Ismenias, and Galaxidorus, who, wishing to throw the odium of
breaking peace upon the Lacedemonians, contrived to raise a quarrel
between the Phocians and Opuntian4 Locrians, which they expected
would lead to Spartan interference. They persuaded the Locrians
to commit a trespass upon some land which was the subject of
dispute between them and their neighbors. To punish this, the
Phocians invaded Locris, and carried off a large quantity of plunder.
Androclidas and his party then urged their contrymen to assist the
Locrians; and accordingly the Thebans marched into Phocis, and
ravaged the country.  The Phocians sent to Sparta for succor,
which was readily granted; and Lysander was sent to Phocis, with
orders to assemble the forces of all the allies in that neighborhood,
namely, the Phocians, CEtseans, Heracleots, Malians, and Emnianians,
and lead them to Haliartus in Bceotia, where the king Pausanias,
who was to follow with the Peloponnesian troops and take the chief
command, appointed to meet him on a given day. Lysander assembled the allies and marched into Bceotia, where he rendered an
Thucydides, iii. 95, 101. Xenophon, Mellen. iii. c. 5, s. 3.
2 Demosthenes, De Fals. Leg. 361. He mentions this as a current
report at Athels. Nor is it at all inconsistent with the account of Xenophon, Hellen. ii. c. 2, s. 19, 20, though he does not state that the question was formally put to the vote.
3 Xenophon, Hellen. iii. c. 5, ss. 1, 2. Plutarch, in Vit. Lysand. 27;
in Vit. Artaxerx. 20.
4 Pausanias, iii. 9, says it was the Amphissian Locrians; but probably he confounds this with subsequent events.




244                      APPENDIX  I.
important service by detaching Orchomenus from the Theban confederacy, but afterwards, making a rash attack upon Haliartus before
the arrival of Pausanias, he was defeated and slain. The Phocian
and other allies dispersed. Pausanias arrived soon after; but the
Thebans being reinforced by an Athenian army under Thrasybulus,
he entered into a convention and returned home;' for which act he
was banished from Sparta, and died in exile.i
Soon after this a congress was held at Corinth, to consider what
measures should be taken against Sparta, and it was determined to
send embassies to the different states of Greece, to excite them
against- her. A message came to them from Medius, chief of the
Alcuadme of Larissa, requesting their aid against Lycophron, the
despot of Phera3, who was supported by the Lacedmemonians. Two
thousand of the allies under the command of the Theban Ismenias
were sent into Thessaly; with whose assistance Medius took the
city of Pharsalus, then held by a Lacedaemonian garrison; after
which Ismenias with a force of Boeotians and Argives surprised the
Trachinian Heraclea,2 and, after putting to the sword the Lacedmmonians whom  he found in that city, delivered it up to the
ancient inhabitants, whom he brought back from exile, strengthening them with a garrison of Argives.  He then persuaded the.Enianians and Athamanians to change sides, and collecting an army of
about six thousand men, prepared to take revenge on the Phocians.
They, under the conduct of Lacisthenes a Laconian, marched into
Locris to meet him, but were defeated with a loss of nearly a thousand men: Ismenias himself lost half that number; and the Phocians
returned home without further molestation.3
The aspect of things was changed upon the return of Agesilaus
from Asia. That general, having crossed the Hellespont, marched
Xenophon, iellen. iii. c. 5, ss. 3-7, 17-25. The Thebans, expecting the Spartan invasion, send to Athens for succor. The speech of the
Theban embassador, and the reply made, occur in sections 8-16. Compare Diodorus, xiv. 81.
2 This city, though a pet colony of Lacedremon, had never prospered.
The Thessalians and mountaineers of (Eta, who considered it was fortified against them, continually annoyed and made war upon the new
settlers, till they reduced it to a very scanty population. The misgovernment of the Lacedaemonian officers contributed to its ruin. In the
twelfth year of the Peloponnesian war, it was in such a state of weakness, that the Bceotians took possession of it, for fear the Athenians
might do the same, and they dismissed the Lacedaemonian governor.
This however gave great offense at Sparta. (See Thucydides, iii. 92,
93, 100; v. 51, 52.)  In the year B.. 399, the Lacedamonians had taken
strong measures to re-establish their power at Heraclea, and driven
from their homes large numbers of the mountaineers who were opposed
to them. (Diodorus, xiv. 38.)
s Diodorus, xiv. 82.




THE  SACRED  WAR.                      245
through Thrace and Macedonia into Thessaly. There he encountered
a large body of Thessalian horse, chiefly those of Larissa, Crannon,
Scotussa, and Pharsalus, who, being in close alliance with the
Boeotians, gathered round him to dispute his passage. Unsupported
by inifantry, they would not venture to join in close combat with
the heavy-armed veterans of the Spartan, but hovered on his rear,
and distressed him by frequent charges, till at length Agesilaus by
a successful manceuvre attacked and put them to the rout. He then
pursued his march through Phthiotis, and passed the strait of Thermopylse.  Joined hy the troops of Phocis and Orchomenus, and by
a reinforcement from  Peloponnesus, he met the united army of his
opponents, consisting of Bceotians, Athenians, Argives, Corinthians,
_AEnianians, Eubceans, and Locrians, at Coronea.  The victory won
in this field was purchased with hard fighting. Agesilaus severely
wounded withdrew to Delphi, where he offered up a tithe of his
spoils (being no less than a hundred talents) to Apollo: meanwhile
his lieutenant Gylis made an irruption into Locris, and plundered
the country without opposition till towards the evening, when the
Locrians, occupying some high ground by which the enemy had to
return, fell upon their rear, and assailing them with missiles from the
heights, slew both Gylis himself and many of his officers and soldiers.
The army of Agesilaus was soon afterwards disbanded, and he sailed
to Sparta.2
The scene of war was afterwards removed to Peloponnesus, and
the Lacedsemonians, being occupied nearer home, had not leisure to
invade Bceotia or Attica.3  The war continued eight years, from B.c.
395 to B.C. 387, and was terminated by the peace of Antalcidas.4
By this it was stipulated that the Greek states should be independent; an arrangement which virtually secured the leadership to
Sparta; for she was constituted guardian of the peace, and remained
at the head of a great alliance, keeping also her governors, or Harmostse, in a great number of cities, while Athens had no subjects
left her but the small islands of Lemnos, Imbrus, and Sycrus; and
Thebes was entirely deprived of her sovereignty over the Boeotian
cities. At first the Thebans demurred to accept the peace with that
condition, and insisted on taking the oath in the name of all the
Bceotians; but the threat of a war, in which they would be isolated
from all their allies, compelled them to accept the terms dictated
by Sparta and the Persian king.  The Spartans were especially
rejoiced at the humiliation of Thebes, their views with respect to
Xenophon, Hellen. iv. c. 3, ss. 1-9. Diodorus, xiv. 83. Plutarch,
in Vit. Agesil. 16.
2 Xenophon, Hellen. iv. c. 3, ss. 15-23; c. iv. s. 1. Diodorus, xiv.
84. Plutarch, in Vit. Agesil. 19.
3 Xenophon, Hellen. iv. c. I, s. 2.
4 Diodorus, xiv. 86.




246                     APPENDIX  I.
that city having been entirely changed since the end of the Peloponnesian war.I
The Spartans were the first to violate the conditions of that very
peace which they so earnestly promoted, by their attack upon Mantinea, whose walls they demolished, and whose citizens they dispersed into villages.2  But their most signal violation of the treaty,
as well as of international faith and law, was the seizure of the Cadmea in the year B.c. 382, which brought a speedy retribution upon
themselves, and led to a total change in the position and prospects
of the other Greek states.3  Of the events which followed I can
make but cursory mention. The Thebans three years afterwards
expel the Spartan garrison, and Sparta declares war, which however
she does not prosecute with her accustomed activity. The Athenians
with the instinctive impulse which prompted them so often to assist
the weak against the strong (an impulse both of policy and generosity), support their neighbors in the apparently unequal contest;
until, after a seven years' war, the Thebans not only succeed in repulsing the invader, but become strong enough to reconquer the
Bceotian towns, two of which, Thespima and Platsea, they raze to the
ground, and expel the inhabitants.  Immediately after this, the
Athenians make peace on liberal terms with Sparta, and Thebes is
left to fight single-handed. The battle of Leucta proved, contrary to
the previous opinion of the Greeks, that Thebes was a match, or more
than a match, for her rival in militaFy prowess, and transferred to
her that pre-eminence as a land power which had so long exclusively
belonged to Sparta.  The breaking np of the old Peloponnesian alliance, the Theban invasion of Laconia, the foundation of Messene
and Megalopolis, were the rapid and most important consequences of
this victory.4
This period was marked not only by the display of an extraordinary martial spirit and energy on the part of the Thebans, but by a
great improvement in military tactics and organization, due to the
genius of Epaminondas. His chief aim in battle seems to have been
that which has been pursued with success by generals in modern
times; namely, to concentrate his efforts upon some vital and decisive point, and at that point to make his attack with a numerous
force of the choicest troops; a system which often gives the advanXenophon, Hellen. v. c. 1, ss. 31-36. Sixteen years after, the
Thebans preferred fighting Sparta and her allies alone to accepting such
terms; but then Epaminondas was their counselor.
2 Xenophon, Hellen. v. c. 2, ss. 1-i. Diodorus, xv. 12.
3 Xenophon, Hellen. v. c. 4, s. 1. Diodorus, xv. 1, 20.
4 See my observations in the argument to the oration for the Megalopolitans, i. 204. Compare Xenophon, Hellen. vi. c. 3, 4. Diodorus,
xv. 56, 59, 62. Pausanias, vi. 12; viii. 27; ix. 13, -14. Dinarchus, c.
Dem. 99.




THE SACRED  WAR.                      247
tage of superior numbers to an army less numerous on the whole
than the adversary. The institution of the Sacred B and-a select
body of three hundred men of the best families, intimately connected
by ties of friendship, animated by the same spirit, and trained to act
together as one man in battle-had a good effect in exciting enmulation and setting an example to the rest of the army. This band was
maintained in the Cadmea at the public cost. The whole body of
citizens composing the army were by constant exercises inured to
the discipline of war; and their fine appearance and martial bearing,
both in the camp and in the field, excited general admiration. Thle
leadership of Greece, thus transferred from Sparta to Thebes, may
be considered to have been held by her for about ten years, from
the battle of Leuctra to that of Mantinea, after which she declined.'
Meanwhile Athens had profited by the rupture between  Sparta
and Thebes, and by the dissatisfaction which the harsh measures of
Sparta had excited in Greece, to put herself at the head of a new
confederacy, including a great number of her old allies.  Chios and
Byzantium, Rhodes and Mitylene, were the first to join her; others
soon followed: the alliance was formed upon an equitable basis; each
member of it wvas to be independent, and have an equal vote in the
congress, which was held at Athens.  The Athenians applied themselves vigorously to the augmentation of their navy, and the battle
of Naxos, B.c. 376, made her again mistress of the sea. The Lacedsamonians, making peace with Athens,.c. 371, were content to
withdraw their governors from the towns which they had so long
kept in subjection, and to grant to the Greek states in reality that
independence of which the peace of Antalcidas had given them but
the name.2
The further humiliation of Sparta, consequent upon the battle of
Leuctra, revived in the minds of the Athenians their ancient jealousies of Thebes, and alarmed them also, for fear the balance of
power should incline too much in her favor. This again brought
them into connection with Lacedsemon, and they conceived at one
time the idea that they might step into her place as protectors of the
Xenophon, Hellen. vi. c. 4, s. 12; vii. c. 5, ss. 12, 23, 24. Diodorus,
xv. 55, 85, 88. Plutarch, in Vit. Pelopid. 18, 19. He states that Gorgidas, who first established the Sacred Band, distributed them among
the different anks; but Pelopidas, who proved their valor at Tegyra,
where they fought together, ever afterwards kept them united, and
charged at their head in the most difficult and dangerous enterprises.
This battle of Tegyra, he says, taught the Spartans, that it was not the
Eurotas that made men brave, but bravery was the produce of all
countries.
2 Diodorus, xv'28, 29, 34. Xenophon, Hellen. v. c. 4, ss. 61-66;
vi. c. 8, s. 18.




248                      APPENDIX  I.
Peloponnesian allies; a scheme not destined to be realized. The
junction of these two states however greatly contributed to check
the ambitious efforts of the Thebans, who, after the battle of Mantinea, and the irreparable loss of their great general and statesman,
Epaminondas, found that they had only depressed their enemies
without being able to maintain their own position as the chiefs of a
great Hellenic confederacy.  Athens, with her naval strength, her
insular alliance, and increasing commercial resources, was after the
battle of Mantinea unquestionably the first city in Greece.'
The Phocians, during the first eight years of the war with Thebes,
remained faithful to the Spartan alliance.  They accompanied the
Lacedmmonian armies in the campaigns of Agesilaus and Cleombrotus, and fbught for them  at Leuctra.  In the year following the
battle of Tegyra, that is, n.c. 374, the Thebans, having reduced the
Bceotian towns, carried their arms into Phocis; a measure which
(according to Xenophon) caused offence to Athens, on account of
her ancient connection with that country. Cleombrotus arrived with
succors, and for the time the Thebans retreated; but after the battle
of Leuctra they were in a condition to persuade or compel almost
all their neighbors, except the Athenians, to join them.  Xenophon
says, the Phocians became their subjects; Diodorus, their friends.
These different terms may perhaps represent the same thing; or it
may be, the mild and liberal policy of Epaminondas had prevailed
upon the Phocians to fall into his views.  At all events they, with
the Euboeans, Locrians, Acarnanians, Heracleots, Malians, and Thessalians, formed a part of the army with which that general for the
first time invaded Laconia, n.c. 369. Yet on his last expedition,
before the battle of Mlantinea, B.c. 362, the Phocians refused to follow him, alleging that by the terms of their treaty they were bound
to defend the Thebans, if attacked, but not to join them in offensive
war.2
The Thessalians had made but little advance, either in power or in
general estimation, among the Greeks, owing chiefly to their irregular
government and want of union. Unfaithful to their foreign alliances,
they were not more steady among themselves.  A licentious aristocracy, devoted to the- pleasures of the table and riotous amusements,
took no thought to improve the condition of their own dependents,
much less to promote the welfare of their own common country.3
1 Xenophon, Hellen. vi. c. 4, ss. 19, 20; c. 5, ss. 2, 3, 33-49.  Demostbenes, Olynth. iii. 86.
2 Xenophon, Hellen. vi. c. 1, s. 1; c. 2, s. 1; c. 3, s. 1; c. 5, s. 23;
vii. c. 5, s. 4. Diodorus, xv. 31, 53, 58, 85.
3 Isocrates, Epist. ad Philipp. ii. 410. Athenfeus, vi. p. 260. Demosthenes, Olynth. i. 15, says they were drrtCra cOfielt Kart eir tciv uvtOp6roet. Again, De Coron. 240, oi KarTrTvcTrot Oerraeot Kcae (ivaOitOroL
0r/laZot. The Aleuadme were the most intelligent and refined.. They




THE SACRED  WA.R                      249
Commanding their various hordes of retainers,1 they broke out
from time to time into dissension and war with each other. A few
great families, such as the Aleuadoe of Larissa, the Scopadm of Pharsalus and Crannon, obtained by their wealth and influence a political
power, which extended itself more or less over the adjacent people.
Occasionally some eminent man among these families was, either
with their consent, or by some other means, invested with a sort of
despotic authority under the title of Tagus.  Thus, we have seen,
Medius was the chief of the Aleuadme at Larissa.2  In early times,
as we gather from the speech (to be noticed presently) of Polydamas,
a Tagus was appointed for the whole of united Thessaly, who, having
a large army and national revenue at his disposal, became a very
formidable potentate. The jealousy of the nobles, and their love of
rude independence, prevented any such authority being permanently
established.  At Pherms we find that a tyranny, that is, an unconstitutional sovereignty assumed without the consent of the people, prevailed for a considerable time.  At the close of the Peloponnesian
war that city was governed by Lycophron, who formed the design
of reducing all Thessaly under his dominion, and defeated with great
slaughter the Larissmans and other Thessalians who opposed him.3
This is the same Lycophron who was the ally of Sparta, and against
whom the Bceotians and their allies sent succors to Medius, as before
mentioned. Xenophon relates, that Aristippus of Larissa, being a
take the lead in putting down the tyranny at Phera  Diodorus, xvi.
14. Plato, in the beginning of the Meno, speaks of them as having been
instructed by the Sophist Gorgias. He was also entertained by Jason.
See Pausanias, vi. 17; and compare Isocrates, HIIep'Avrtc(deCof, 166;
Cicero, Orator. 52. The Pharsalians were the most luxurious and idle
people in Thessaly, according to Theopompus, apud Athenaeum, xii. 527.
1 The Peneste. See ante, p. 231. They sometimes revolted, like the
Helots of Laconia. See Xenophon, Hellen. ii. c. 3, s. 36. Memorab. i.
c. 2, s. 24.
2 Diodorus, xiv. 82. He makes a distinction between the constitutional authority of Medius dvvaG7reovrof r7f Aaoiaca, and that of
Lycrophon Trv: Ephv r6pavvov. Herodotus calls the Aleuade Oecacat4'7 [3aatlerF. (vii. 6.) Orestes, whom the Athenians endeavored to
restore, is called BaalteLf'. (Thucydides, i. 111.) The term is used vaguely
to denote the quasi-regal power exercised by the members of these noble
families, either jointly or singly, in those parts of Thessaly which acknowledged their sway. Compare Pindar, Pyth. x. 8. Theocritus,
Idyll. xvi. 34. The Aleuadte had complete ascendency in Thessaly,
after the second Persian invasion. Leotychidas the Spartan was sent
to punish them for the assistance they had rendered to Xerxes, but was
bribed by them to withdraw his troops, when he had the opportunity
of conquering the whole country. (Herodotus, vi. 72. Pausanias, iii. 7.)
The word I7agus signified Marshal or Director, and was perhaps a military title.
3 Xenophon, Hellen. ii. c. 3, s. 4, with Schneider's note.
L 2




250                     APPENDIX I.
friend of Cyrus, obtained from him the loan of four thousand soldiers
with pay for six months, to assist him against an opposing faction in
his own city, and that Cyrus requested him not to make up his
quarrel without first consulting him. A portion of these soldiers,
under the command of Meno, were sent back to Cyrus, and marched
with him against his brother Artaxerxes. I Whether the disturbances
which'Aristippus desired to quell were, as Schneider thinks, connected with the designs of Lycophron, or arose merely out of the
domestic quiarrels of Larissa, we can not determine.
Lycophron was succeeded by his son Jason, a man whose history
deserves particular attention. Inheriting his father's ambition, but
with greater vigor and capacity, he was enabled to accomplish the
scheme, which Lycophron had formed, of uniting all Thessaly under
his dominion. Connecting himself with Amyntas, king of Macedonia, and Alcetas, king of Epirus, he conceived the idea, (at least
after the battle of Leuctra,) of seizing the vacant leadership of
Greece, with he considered that the Lacedfemonians had irretrievably lost, the Thebans were not competent to hold, and no other
power was prepared to strive for. The character of his designs, and
the circumstances which favored them, are so vividly set forth in
the statement of Polydamas at Sparta, related by Xenophon, that I
can not do better than give it in the words of that historian.2
In the year B.C. 374, about two years before the battle of Leuctra,
Polydamas of Pharsalus presented himself to the authorities at Sparta,
and requested an audience.  He was a man of high reputation
throughout all Thessaly, and so esteemed by the Pharsalians for his
honor and integrity, that in a time of civil broil they put their citadel into his keeping, and intrusted him with the receipt of their
revenues, out of which he was to expend a fixed sum upon the
public worship and the general administration.  This duty he
faithfully discharged, maintaining a garrison in the citadel, defraying
all the expenses of government, and accounting every year for what
moneys he received.  If there was a deficiency, he made it up out
of his own private purse, and repaid himself when there was a surplus. He was in general given to hospitality and magnificence in
the Thessalian fashion. Introduced to the Lacedsemonian assembly,
he addressed them thus:
"Men of Lacedmmon,  I have been your state-friend and benefactor, as my ancestors have been from time immemorial; and I
deem it proper to apply to you if I am in any difficulty, and to give
you notice if any scheme adverse to your interests is formed in Thessaly. You must have heard the name of Jason; for he is a man of
1 Xenophon, Anabasis, i. c. 1, s. 10; c. 2, ss. 1, 6. Meno's character,
as described by Xe'nophon, is a pretty good specimen-of Thessalian perfidy. See Lib. ii. c. 6, ss. 21-29.
2 Xenophon, Hellen. vi. c. 1. Compare Diodorus, xv. 57, 60.




THE SACRED  WTAR.                     251
great power and celebrity. This Jason made a truce with me,
obtained an interview, and spoke as follows: —' Polydamas,' he said,'that I could force your city of Pharsalus to submission, you may
infer from what I am about to say. I have most of the Thessalian
cities, and those of the greatest importance, allied to me; I brought
them into subjection, notwithstanding that you fought on their side
against me. You know, of course, that I have soldiers in my pay
to the number of six thousand, -whom, I imagine, no city could
easily resist. A force equally numerous may be turned out elsewhere; but the state armies have some men advanced in age, others
not yet in their prime; and very f.w in any city undergo bodily
training; whereas no one is in my pay who is not able to toil
equally with myself.' Jason (I must tell you the truth) has great
personal strength, is generally fond of labor, and makes a trial of
his followers every day. For he leads them with arms in hand both
in their exercises and on their marches; and whomsoever he sees
fond of the toils and perils of war, he rewards with double, treble,
and quadruple pay, besides other presents, and also with medical
attendance in sickness, and with a distinguished funeral; so that all
his soldiers are sure that merit in war procures for them a life of the
greatest honor and abundance. Hle showed me also (what I knew
before), that the Maracians' and Dolopians were subject to him, and
Alcetas, the governor of Epirus.' Therefore,' said he,'why should
I have any doubt of being able to subdue you easily? AL person
unacquainted with me might say-Why then do you delay, and not
march directly against the Pharsalians? Because I deem it infinitely
better to gain you for willing than for unwilling allies. For, were
you forced into subjection, you would be plotting all the mischief
you could against me, and I should desire you to be as wveak as possible; whereas, if you are persuaded to join me, it is plain we
should do our utmost to strengthen each other. I perceive, Polydamas, that your country looks on you with respect. If now you
will bring it into friendly relations with me, I promise you, that I
will make you the greatest man in Greece next to myself. What it
is that I offer you the second place in, I beg you to.hear; and don't
believe any thing I say, unless on reflection you judge it to be true.
Well; this is evident, that by the accession of Pharsalus and the
cities dependent on you, I should easily become Tagus of all the
Thessalians: it is certain also, that, when Thessaly is under a Tagus,
her cavalry amount to six thousand men, and her heavy-armed
infantry are more than ten thousand. Looking at their strength and
spirit, I think, if they were well taken care of, there is not a nation
to which the Thessalians would endure to be subject. Vast as is
the breadth of Thessaly, all the surrounding tribes are her subjects,
An JEtolian people, adjacent to the Dolopians. See Schneider's
note.




252                    APPENDIX  I.
when a Tagus is appointed here; and nearly all the people in these
parts are armed with the javelin, so that probably we should have
an overpowering force of Peltastse. Further, the Boeotians and
all now at war with Lacedsemon are my allies; and they are content to follow me, if I will only deliver them from, the Lacedsemonians. Even the Athenians, I know, would do any thing to obtain
my alliance; but I am not inclined to be connected with them, for
I think I could get the empire of the sea still more easily than that
of the land. Consider if this again be a reasonable calculation.
Having possession of Macedonia, from which the Athenians import
their timber, surely we shall be able to build more ships than they
will; and for manning them, which do you think would have more
facilities-the Athenians, or we, with so many valuable retainers?
For the maintenance of seamen which would be the better provided, we, who have such an abundance of corn that we export it
elsewhere, or the Athenians, who have not sufficient for themselves
without buying it? And in all probability, I take it, we should have
a more abundant supply of money, when we should not be dependent on little islands, but enjoy the-produce of continental countries;
for it is certain that all the people round pay tribute, when Thessaly
is under a Tagus. You know of course that the Persian king, who
is the richest of men, derives his revenue not from islands, but from
the continent. Him I believe I could conquer still more easily than
Greece; for I know that all people there but one are more addicted
to servitude than to fighting; and I know what a force marching up
with Cyrus, and what a force with Agesilaus, reduced the king to
extremities.' To this I replied, that every thing which he had said
was worthy of consideration; but as we were the friends of Lacedsemon, it was impossible, I thought, to go over to their enemies,
without having any ground of complaint. He commended me, and
said that my friendship was the more to be desired for my fidelity;
and he gave me leave to come and declare to you the truth, that he
intended to attack the Pharsalians, if we complied not with his
request. He bade me apply to you for assistance:' and if they give
it you,' said he,'that is, if you can persuade them to send sufficient'
succors to carry on war with me, let us then abide the issue of the
war, whatever it may be; but if their aid be not in your opinion
sufficient, your country may have cause to complain of you-that
country in which you are honored and enjoy the highest prosperity.'
Upon this matter, therefore, I am come to you, and I tell you all.that I see myself in that country, and all that I have heard from
him. And, men of Lacedsemon, the state of things I conceive to be
this:-If you will send a force that, not only in my judgment, but
in that of the Thessalians in general, is adequate to maintain a war
with Jason, the cities will revolt from him; for they are all watching with alarm the progress of his power. If you suppose, however,
that your emancipated Helots and a man of private station will be




THE SACRED WAR.                       253
sufficient, I advise you to keep quiet. For be assured, that the war
will be against a formidable array of strength, and against a man
who is so prudent a general, that whatever he attempts, whether in
the way of stratagem, or surprise, or open attack, he hardly ever
fails. He can make the same use of the night as of the day, and on
occasions of haste he can work while he is taking his meals. He
thinks it time to rest, when he has returned to the place from which
he started and transacted his business. And his followers he has
inured to the same habits. When the soldiers have, by their exertions achieved a good piece of success, he knows how to excite
their imaginations; so that his men are taught this, that relaxation
is procured by toil. Moreover, in regard to sensual pleasures, he is
the most temperate man I know; so that nothing of this kind keeps
him from the regular performance of his duty. Consider then, and
tell me, as is but fair, what you will be able and what you intend
to do."
For the particulars of this remarkable speech we can rely on the
account of Xenophon, who had good opportunities of learning them
at Sparta. It is interesting in one point of view especially, as showing that the divisions of the Greek states had even at this time
excited in the breast of one ambitious man the hope of conquering
them all. The grounds upon which Jason founded his hopes were
pretty nearly the same as those which formed the basis of Philip's
calculations, when he strove for the mastery of Greece. The circumstances were indeed much more favorable to Philip than to
Jason. We can scarcely help charging the latter with exaggeration
in his estimates, and perhaps with some degree of ignorance and
presumption, if we suppose him to have spoken his real opinions to
Polydamas. He seems to have overrated the quality of his own
infantry, as compared with those of the Greek states; certainly he
overrated his chances of obtaining maritime ascendency. The facility
with which Alexander was afterwards overpowered by the Thebans
shows in some degree the precarious character of the force on which
Jason depended. Philip held a constitutional monarchy, inherited
from his ancestors, and had brought his army to a high state of discipline, the efficiency of which he had tried in many bloody encounters with his warlike neighbors, before he ventured to attack the
southern Greeks: even then he proceeded with the utmost caution.
He never in his life established a navy which was able to cope with
the Athenian; and when he attacked the Greeks, they were far
weaker and more divided than at the time of the battle of Leuctra.
It is next to certain, that Jason would havs failed in the attempt in
which Philip succeeded. The characters of the two men, however,
were very similar.'
See the observations of Isocrates, Philipp. p. 106. Cicero compares
Jason, as a crafty politician, with Themistocles. (De Officiis, i. 30.)




254                      APPENDIX  I.
The Lacedmsmonians took two days to consider their reply to
Polydamas, and on the third day, seeing how many of their troops
were employed in the war with Thebes and Athens, they informed
him that for the present they were unable to send out any adequate
succors, and advised him to return and do the best that he could
for himself and his city. He thanked them for their straight-forward
answer, and left them. On his return, he begged Jason not to compel him to give up the citadel, which had been intrusted to his
keeping; but gave his own sons as hostages, and promised that he
would bring his country over to Jason's alliance, and help to make
him Tagus. Both these things were accomplished. The Pharsalians
entered into a treaty with Jason, and he was appointed Tagus of all
Thessaly.  He then arranged the contingents which every city was
to furnish of cavalry and heavy-armed infantry; and it was found
that the cavalry of the Thessalians and their allies numbered more
than eight thousand, their heavy-armed infantry as many as twenty
thousand, besides an immense force of Peltaste.
In the following year,. c. 373, Jason came with Alcetas of Epirus
to Athens, to intercede with the people on behalf of Timotheus, who
was brought to trial for his delay in carrying succors to Corcyra.
Timotheus was at that time so poor, that to entertain his illustrious
visitors, who lodged in his house in the Pirseus, he was obliged to
borrow some articles of dress and furniture, two silver cups, and a
mina in money.  Their intercession prevailed, but he was removed
from his command. 
After the battle of Leuctra the Thebans sent to Jason for assistance, wishing to complete the rout of the defeated army, and fearing
the arrival of reinforcements from Peloponnesus. Jason, intending to
march through Phocis, gave orders to prepare a fleet, as if he was
going by sea; then with a small body of troops, -before the Phocians
had time to assemble, he passed rapidly through their territory and
joined the Boeotian army.  The Thebans wished him to'fall upon the
rear of the Peloponnesians, who were still encamped in Boeotia,
while they attacked them in front; but Jason advised, that it was
better to let them quit the country than to risk the chance of another
battle, in which the desperation of the enemy might give them the
Aristotle mentions a saying of his, " that it is lawful to do some evil, in
order to effect great good." (Rhetoric, i. 12, 31.) Compare the anecdotes of Polyeenus, Strateg. vi. 1.
Demosthenes, cont. Timoth. 1187, 1190, 1191. Xenophon, HIellen.
vi. c. 2, s. 13. Cornelius Nepos, in Vit. Timoth. 75. Alcetas assisted
in the transportation of Athenian troops to Corcyra. Xenopbon, ibid.
s. 11. Jason was on friendly terms with the Thebans and Athenians,
but not in active alliance with them. His intimacy with Timotheus
made him of course acquainted with Isocrates. There is an extant
epistle of Isocrates to the sons of Jason, in which he declines an invitation to Pherae.




THE SACRED  WAR.                      255
victory.  ie then went to the adversary's camp, (for notwithstanding his alliance with Thebes, he still kept up his hereditary connection with Sparta,) and he represented to the Lacedsemonians, how
dangerous it might be for them to stay in Boeotia in the presence of
a victorious army, with allies not hearty in their cause, and who
wei'e thinking even of treating with the enemy. His counsels prevailed, and the Lacedemmonians, after concluding an armistice, retreated. Jason gained his object, which was, to attach both parties
to himself, and let neither obtain any decisive advantage. He then
returned by Phocis, attacking Hyampolis on his road, and doing
considerable damage to its town and territory; after which, passing
by Heraclea, he razed the walls, to prevent it being used as a fortress
against him when he marched southward.'
In the following year Jason took steps which opened the eyesof
Greece yet more clearly to his designs.  The Pgythian festival was
coming on. He ordered preparations to be made on a great scale for
the sacrifice; each city in his dominion was required to furnish a certain number of oxen, sheep, goats, and swine; the total of which,
without any city being heavily charged, amounted to a thousand
oxen, and ten thousand of the smaller animals: and he offered the
reward of a golden crown to the city which produced the finest ox.
I-e gave notice to the Thessalians to prepare themselves for a military
expedition by the time of the festival: it was supposed that he
intended to hold the games under his own presidency, and there were
misgivings as to his designs on the Delphian treasures. The Delphians asked the oracle, what was to be done if he laid his hands
upon them; and Apollo replied, that he would see to it. Whatever
his schemes may have been, they were brought to a sudden termination. One day, after he had held a review of his cavalry at Phere,
he sat in his chair of state to give audience to his subjects, when
seven youths, under the pretense of asking his judgment upon some
private quarrel, advanced close up to him, and, before his guards
had time to interpose, savagely attacked and murdered him. One
of them was slain in the act of striking; a second was taken and
instantly put to death; the other five jumped on horses that were
ready for them, and effected their escape. In every Greek city,
through which they passed, honors were conferred upon the assassins; a proof how great had been the terror excited by the enterprises of this man.2
Jason was succeeded by his brothers Polydorus and Polyphron;
the former of whom came to a sudden death, not without suspicion
of foul play.  Polyphron, on whom suspicion fell. confirmed the bad
i Xenophon, Hellen. vi. c. 4, ss. 20-271. The account which Diodorus gives of these proceedings is somewhat different, and not so probable. See Thirlwall, Hist. of Greece, v. 78.
2 Xenophon, Hellen. vi. c. 4, ss. 28-32. Diodorus, xv. 60.




256                     APPENDIX  t.
opinion of his subjects by various tyrannical acts. He put to death
Polydamas and eight other of the principal citizens of Pharsalus; and
drove many from Larissa into exile. After governing Thessaly for
one year, he was murdered by his nephew Alexander, who surpassed
him in vice and cruelty, and in a short time drove the Thessalians
to solicit foreign aid. This brought back Thessaly to a state of disunion and weakness.  Alexander, notwithstanding the combination
against him, maintained his power in Phere and the adjacent towns,
and reigned altogether about eleven years, siding alternately with
Thebes and Athens, and doing-no little mischief to both.,
The Aleuads of Larissa made the first effort for the deliverance
of their country, by inviting to their assistance Alexander king of
Macedon. The young king, who had just succeeded his father
Amyntas, came promptly at their request, and while the tyrant of
Pheroe was preparing to carry the war into Macedonia, took by surprise the cities of Larissa and Crannon, and put garrisons in both.2
But he was soon recalled to his own kingdom, probably by the intrigues of his mother Eurydice and Ptolemy of Alorus; and the
Thessalians, again pressed by the tyrant, invoked the aid of Thebes.
Pelopidas was sent with an army, and with orders to settle the affairs of Thessaly in the best manner for Theban interests. Having
advanced to Larissa, which was surrendered to him, he had an interview with Alexander of Pherse, and reproached him so severely
for his conduct, that Alexander, in alarm for his safety, retired to
Phere, leaving the Theban general -to settle matters as he chose
with his allies in Thessaly.  Pelopidas made such arrangements for
the future government of Thessaly as were generally acceptable to
his allies, and in accordance with his instructions from horne. HIe
proceeded also to Macedonia, where he strengthened his country's
cause by an alliance which he concluded with king Alexander, receiving from  him (according to Diodorus) his brother Philip, then
fifteen years old, as a hostage; 3 after which he returned into BoeoXenophon, Hellen. vi. c. 4, ss. 33-35.  Diodorus, xv. 61, differs
from him in some particulars. Plutarch (in Vit. Pelopid. 29) agrees
with Xenophon in making Alexander the nephew, not the brother of
Polydorus. See Schneider and Wesseling's notes.
2 Diodorus, xv. 61.
9 Diodorus, xv. 67. Compare section 61; according to which, Alexander intended to hold Larissa and Crannon for himself. Pelopidas,
therefore, thought it necessary to secure his fidelity. Diodorus, however, gives a different, account of the manner in which Philip came to be
sent to Thebes, Lib. xvi. 2. Plutarch (in Vit. Pelopid. 26 et seqq.)
states that Pelopidas was invited to Macedonia, to settle the disputes
between Alexander and Ptolemy; and also that he went npon a second
occasion, after the murder of Alexander, and compelled Ptolemy to
give hostages to insure his proper administration as regent. See Grote's




THE SACRED WAR.                       25'?
tia, leaving Thessaly, through which he again passed, apparently
tranquil. The year however had scarcely passed, when Theban interference was again solicited, on account of some new oppressions
from Pherse. Pelopidas and Ismenias were sent, but without troops,
in the character of embassadors; for it was thought, that their name
and presence would be sufficient to overawe the tyrant. This expectation was futile. Alexander came with an army to Pharsalus,
where a conference was appointed to be held between him and the
Theban generals; and they imprudently put both the city and themselves into the power of a man who was totally regardless of good
faith and honor. He seized their persons, carried them prisoners to
Pherse, and treated them  with the utmost indignity. To avenge
this insult, the Thebans sent Hypatus and Cleomenes into Thessaly,
with an army of eight thousand foot and six hundred horse; to
oppose which, Alexander, not trusting entirely to his own forces,
applied to the Athenians, who dispatched to his assistance a fleet
of thirty sail and a thousand soldiers, under the command of Autocles. The Thebans approaching Pherse were met by Alexander
with a force greatly superior in cavalry, notwithstanding which, they
desired to attack him; but before they could join battle, their Thessalian allies'deserted; Alexander was reinforced by the troops of
Athens and other atuxiliaries, and the Thebans, distressed for provisions, found it necessary to retreat.  Their march was through an
open plain; Alexander assailed their rear with his cavalry and javelin-men, who did such execution, that the whole of the Theban
army was in peril. The soldiers, almost in despair, called upon
Epaminondas, who was serving among them as a volunteer,  to
take the command. He quickly restored confidence; forming a
rear-guard with his horse and light troops, he repulsed the pursuing
enemy, and effected his retreat in safety.2
The Thebans fined Hypatus and Cleomenes on their return for
misconduct, and chose Epaminondas for their general, to retrieve
the fortune of the war. HIe proceeded early in the year B.c. 367 to
execute his commission; but Alexander, fearing to encounter a
Theban army under such a general, and perhaps disappointed of
some expected aid from Athens, thought proper to come to terms,
views as to the different expeditions of Pelopidas into Thessaly. (History of Greece, x. 361.)
1 He had been deposed from his office of Bceotarch, on a charge of
having shown undue favor to the Lacedsemonians in the last Peleponnesian campaign, by not pushing the advantage which he had gained in
the battle at the Isthmus. Diodorus, xv. 72.
2 Diodorus, xv. 71. Cornelius Nepos, in Vit. Pelopid. 101. Pausanias, ix. 15; who represents Alexander to have laid an ambush for the
Thebans, soon after they had passed Thermopylve. He also states, that
Alexander released Pelopidas on this first expedition.
a The Athenians advised that certain succors, which Dionysius had sent




258                      APPENDIX  I.
and consented to release his prisoners.   Epaminondas, having
accomplished the main objects of the expedition, withdrew his
army. 
~During three years that followed, the Thebans, as it appears, had
no leisure to attend to the affairs of Thessaly; and Alexander used
the opportunity thus afforded him for exercising his cruelty and extending his power.  He occupied with garrisons the districts of
Magnesia and Phthiotis.  In Melibcea and Scotussa he perpetrated
frightful massacres.  The citizens in each of these were summoned
to a general assembly, to answer some complaints which he had
against them: he then surrounded them  with his guards, who'speared them all, and cast their bodies into the town-moat.  The
cities were given up to plunder, and the women and children sold
for slaves.2
In the year B.C. 364 the Thebans were again solicited to chastise
the tyrant, and they determined to send seven thousand men under
the command of Pelopidas. It so happened, before the Theban
troops set out, there was an eclipse of the sun, an event which was
considered an unlucky omen among the Greeks.  The expedition
was postponed: but Pelopidas with a small band of volunteers proceeded to Pharsalus, and putting himself at the head of his Thessalian confederates, did not fear to meet Alexander with an army
double his own number.  They fought at Cynoscepals, and Alexander was defeated; but unfortunately Pelopidas, pressing rashly
forward and challenging the tyrant to personal combat, was overpowered by numbers and slain. He was honored with a splendid
funeral by the Thessalians, who requested as a special favor of the
Thebans, that he might be buried in their country.3  The war was
vigorously prosecuted; the Theban reinforcements arriving, defeated
that year to Peloponnesus, should be carried into Thessaly, to oppose
the Thebans. But the Lacedemonians said they were wanted in Laconia. Xenophon, Hellen. vii. c. 1, s. 28. Alexander, by his imprisonment of Pelopidas, and liberal promises to the Athenians, was in high
favor among them at this time. Demosthenes, contr. Aristoc. 660.' Plutarch, in Vit. Pelopid. 29. Diodorus, xv. 75, puts the liberation
of Pelopidas a year later, and says nothing of Epaminondas.
2 Diodorus, xv. q75. Pausanias, vi. 5.
3 Pelopidas was able an officer, as Epaminondas was a general. The
victory at Leuctra was as much owing to his prompt and timely charge
with the Sacred Band, as to the main design of the battle by his colleague. In other respects, Pelopidas was one of the best characters of
antiquity: a true patriot, brave, generous, unselfish. These qualities
were perhaps not sufficiently tempered with prudence.  His rashness
in battle (for which Plutarch blames him) cost him his life. He is compared by the biographer -with Marcellus, who owed his death to a similar and less excusable want of caution. Compare Polybius, viii. 1. Diodorus, xv. 81.




THE SACRED WAR.                        259
Alexander in a second and more decisive battle, and constrained
him to accept a peace, by the terms of which he was to withdraw
his garrisons from Magnesia and Phthiotis, confine himself to his
hereditary dominion of Pherae, and also become a subject ally of
Thebes.  Troops both of Alexander and the independent Thessalians served under Epaminondas in the campaign of Mlantinea.'
Peace with-Thebes had severed Alexander from the alliance of
Athens; and he turned his attention to the equipment of a navy,
chiefly with a view to enrich himself by piracy. Pagasse, the port
of Phers, was conveniently situated for an outlet into the gzEsean
sea, and the small islands off the coast of Thessaly, then. belonging
to Athens, were exposed to his attack.  In the year B.c. 361 he
took the island of Tenus, and made slaves of the inhabitants. The
next year he took or pillaged several other of the Cyclad isles, and
made a descent on Peparethus; he even defeated an Athenian
fleet, captured six vessels and a large number of prisoners, and then
suddenly sailed into Piraeus, landed on the quay, and carried off
considerable plunder.  The Athenians were so incensed with their
commander Leosthenes, for his negligence in permitting such disasters, that they sentenced him to death.2
We now approach the period of the Sacred War, the causes of which
could not easily be explained without first presenting before the
reader a general view of Grecian affairs, and of the relation in which
the various parties stood to each other at the time when the war
broke out.
After the general peace which followed the battle of Mlantinea,
the Thebans found that their influence among the Greek states was
considerably diminished.  This may have been owing partly to the
severity of their proceedings against the Bceotian cities, which offended the feelings of the Greeks, partly to the fears and jealousies
of the independent states.  Theban headship was a thing which
they had not been accustomed to, and which they could hardly reconcile to sentiments of HI-ellenic patriotism.3 Accordingly, though
alliance of the most friendly kind subsisted between the Thebans
and the Argives, Megalopolitans, and Messenians, the last of whom
owed their very existence as a nation to Epaminondas, the Thebans
could no longer sway the counsels of these confederates, so as to
Diodorus, xv. 80, 85. Xenophon, Hellen. vii. c. 6, s. 4. Plutarch,
in Vit. Pelopid. 32.
2 Diodorus, xv. 95. Demosthenes, contr. Polyd. 1207. De Coron.
Trierarch. 1230. Polyeenus, Strateg. vi. 2. I have already noticed the
proceediags against some of the Trierarchs, who delegated their command
on this occasion. Vol. i. appendix v. p. 316.
S Diodorus, xv. 60, represents Jason as asserting, 077Opaiovg r(-V -Tp()7re[iv p dfov elvate. Compare Demosthenes, De Coron. 231. Isocrates,
De Pace, 162, 171. Philipp. 93.




260                     APPENDIX  I.
make them subservient to ambitious views of their own. In the
north, they were in friendly connection with the Locrians and Thessalians; while towards the Phocians they had entertained feelings
of anger and hostility, ever since that people had refused to join
them in their last expedition to Peloponnesus. But the principal
check to the ambition of Thebes was Athens, who by her maritime
situation and resources was secure against attack, and could offer
protection to her weaker neighbors against Theban encroachment.
Epaminondas had seen, that his country would never retain her ascendency in Greece, unless she applied herself to maritime affairs,
and strove to compete with Athens for the dominion of the sea.
The year before his death he made an exciting speech before the
people, encouraging them to aim at naval supremacy, and boldly declaring that the Propyl]ea of the Athenian Acropolis should be transferred to the Cadmea.  A decree was passed at his suggestion for
the construction of an arsenal -and a hundred vessels of war; and
Epaminondas was actually sent with an armament to the JEgaean
and the Propontis, to excite revolt among the Athenian allies. He
succeeded so far as to drive an Athenian squadron from the sea, and
obtain promises of alliance from Chios, Rhodes, and Byzantium, the
same states which, a few years later, took the lead in the Social
WVar against Athens.l  These naval projects however, died with
Epaminondas; nor indeed was Thebes favorably situated for becoming a maritime power, unless she had possession of Eubcea.
Here again was a fruitful subject of contention with Athens, to
whom  the dominion, or at least the friendship, of Euboea was of
immense importance in more than one point of view. The people
of that island had most of them joined'the Attic and Theban confederacy against Sparta, with the exception of the Orites, who resisted all the efforts of Chabrias to make himself master of their
city.2  When Athens went over to Sparta, the Theban interest
seems to have prevailed in the island; for Euboeans are numbered
among the troops that followed Epaminondas to Peloponnesus.
Eubcea itself, however, was much divided. Tyrants sprang up in
some of the cities, who were ready to side with either Athens or
Thebes, according as it suited their views. Such were Mnescharchus of Chalcis and Themison of Eretria.3  The latter had in the
year B.c. 366 inflicted a great blow upon Athens, by causing her to
lose Oropus. lie assisted some exiles, sallying from Euboea to get
possession of it; and the Athenians, after sending forces for its recovery, were persuaded to enter into an arrangement, by which the
1 Diodorus, xv. 78, 79; who asserts that, if Epaminondas had lived
longer, the Thebaus would undoubtedly have acquired the empire of the
sea. Compare.Eschines, De Fals. Leg. 42. Isocrates, Philipp. 93.
Diodorus, xv. 30.
3Eschines, contr. Ctesiph. 65.




THE SACRED WAR.                      261
Thebans were to hold the city in trust, until the claims of the contending parties could be decided. Instead of this ever being done,
the Thebans, not liking to part with a place so desirable for the
command of Eubcea, keptit in their own hands, nor was it restored
even at the general peace.'
In the year B.C. 358 or 357, Eubcea was the scene of a short but
fierce contest between the Athenians and Thebans. It was brought
about by some internal disputes in the island, in which the aid of
Thebes was invoked against the despots Menesarchus and Themison.
The Thebans, to support their partisans and maintain their supremacy in Eubcea, sent over a large force; while their opponents applied for succor to the Athenians. At this time hardly a city in
Eubcea was connected with the Athenians, except Orcus perhaps,
which the Spartan alliance may have brought over to them. A
good opportunity now presented itself to recover their power in the
island. Still they hesitated, either doubting their chance of success,
or suspecting the sincerity of the parties who invited them: a
debate was held on the question, when Timrotheus starting up made
that forcible appeal to his countrymen, which is related by Demosthenes in the Oration on the Chersonese —" Are you deliberating
what to do, when you have the Thebans in the island? Will you
not cover the sea with galleys?  Will you not rush to the Pireus
immediately and launch your ships?" —The people, roused by this
language, voted war on the instant; and such was their zeal, aided
by the patriotism of many wealthy citizens who voluntered to serve
the office of triera;rch, (among them D)emosthenes himself,) that the
whole armament was equipped and sent off within five days. The
campaign lasted about a month, during which there was no decisive
action, but a great deal of fighting and much loss of life on both
sides. The general result was to the advantage of the Athenians,
who forced their adversaries into -a convention, by which they
agreed to evacuate the island; and having freed it from the presence of the Theban army, and withdrawing themselves from further
interference, were regarded as benefactors, and honored with a
golden crown. The Eubcean  cities, left to their own domestic
governments, were re-annexed to the Athenian confederacy, and
severed entirely from the dominion of Thebes.2
Such was the positiou of affairs, when the Thebans in an evil
hour for Grecian liberty determined on' taking a step, by which,
while they gratified their revengeful feelings against their enemies,
they hoped possibly to exalt themselves at their expense. This
Xenophon, HIellen. vii. c. 4, s. 1; where see the note of Schneider:
and compare the Oration for the Megalopolitans, vol. i. p. 210, note 1.
2 DIidorus, xvi. 7. jEschines, contr. Ctesiph. 65, 67. Demosthenes,
De Cherson. 108; Pro Megalopol. 205; De Coron. 259; Contr. Mid.
566, 670; Contr. Androt. 597, 616; Contr. Timocr. 756.




262                    APPENDIX I.
was to invoke upon them the sentence of an Amphictyonic assembly. It was a long time since the Amphictyons had taken any
active part in Grecian politics. Their periodical meetings had been
regularly held as usual, in the spring at Delphi, in the autumn at
Therrnopyle; but their attention had been confined wholly to
religious ceremonies and local business, without meddling in the
more momentous questions of war and peace or other international
concerns. The Thebans, on fiiendly terms with the majority of
the Amphictyonic tribes, deemed it a good opportunity to revive
the dormant functions of the council, and make it a political engine
for their own purposes.  This, under existing circumstances, might
afford an easier and cheaper means of accomplishing their ends than
either war or diplomacy. Accordingly they preferred a complaint
against the Lacedsemonians for their perfidious seizure of the Cadmea, and induced the Amphictyons to impose on them a fine of
five hundred talents.  The exact time when this sentence was
passed does not appear, but it was probably soon after the battle of
Mantinea.' The fine not having been paid was doubled; but the
Lacedremonians took no notice either of one sentence or the other.
In the year B.C. 357 or 356, the Thebans preferred a charge against
the Phocian3 for having cultivated a portion of the Cirrhsean plain,
which had been condemned to lie waste ever since the first Sacred
War. It is probable enough, that both the Phocians and the Amphissian Locrians had committed trespasses upon this land, tilling or
inclosing from the waste portions which were.'of no value either to
the temple or to the Pythian festival; and it might be these very
encroachments which formed the debateable land of which Pausanias speaks.2  None but those in the neighborhlood would care
really about the matter; but it made a good pretext for complaint
against people Who were obnoxious on other grounds, and with
such view was eagerly taken up by the Thebans, and perhaps the
Thessalians. A decree passed against the Phocians, condemning
them to a fine of many talents; which not being paid, the Hieromnemons brought the case again before the council, and demanded
judgment against them for their contumacy; stating that there were
others too whose penalties ought to be enforced, to wit, the Lacedmemonians, and that the defaulters merited public execration.
Judgment was passed, that the land of the Phocians should be
consecrated to Apollo.3  Diodorus, who always takes what he
Where Diodorus (xvi. 23) narrates the charges'preferred against
the Lacednmoniaus and the Phocians, he is speaking of past events, not
referable to the year with which he prefaces the chapter. The narrative of the current year commences with the acts of Philomelus.
2 Pausanias, iii. 9.
3 Diodorus, xvi. 23, 29. Justin. viii. 1, states the charge against the
Phocians to have been, that they had ravaged the Bceotian territory.




THE  SACRED  WAR.                       263
considered the religious view of the question, says that the sentence
of the Amphictyons was greatly approved by the Greeks.  He
seems to forget that the Thebans, for having razed to the ground
Platse, Thespis, and Orchomenus, were equally liable to Amphictyonic censure; and also that the motives of the parties concerned in
these proceedings were not the purest in the world. In asserting
that they were generally sanctioned by public opinion, he most
likely confounds the time when the sentence was passed with a subsequent period, when the proceedings of the Phocians at Delphi
excited disapprobation even among those who were not well inclined to their enemies.l
While this sentence impended over the Phocians, and they were
in alarm  lest it should be immediately put in force, Philomelus,
a native of Ledon, and a man of high reputation among his countrymen, addressed them in a tone of encouragement, urging that it
was impossible to pay the fine on account of its magnitude, and
that to allow their land to be taken as forfeit would not only be
cowardice on their part, but absolute and certain ruin.  Hejshowed
the injustice of the sentence, and its disproportion to the alleged
crime; and then advised them  to procure its reversal, which they
might easily do, if they would assert their ancient title to the possession of Delphi and the presidency of the oracle; in support of
whlich he cited the well-known lines from the catalogue of the ships
in Homer.2  If they would only make him their general with full
powers, he offered to guarantee their success.3
The Phocians, stimulated by their fears, elected Philomelus to be
their general, and invested him with absolute powers.4  I{e proIf this be well founded, it must have referred to the part they took in
the campaigns of Agesilaus and Cleombrotus; and this would lead us
to suppose, that the charge was preferred soon after the battle of Leuctra; for it would have been absurd to revive it at a later period, after
the Phocians bad been admitted to the Theban alliance. But this -was
hardly the kind of offense to be a fit subject for Amphictyonic cognizance. I could'rather believe the story citedfronim Duris by Athenceus
(xiii. 660), that an outrage committed by some Phocian upon a Theban
lady was the cause of the war. Pausanias (x. 2) says he has not been
able to discover, whether the fine was imposed on the Phocians for any
real offense, or whether it was owing to the malice of their old enemies,
the Thessalians.
Demosthenes (De Coron. 231) intimates distinctly, that the Athenians, though they wished well to the Phocians in the war, disapproved
of their proceedings, by which he refers to their seizure of Delphi and
its treasures.
2-       Avirdip wocwov  XclCtoc /ca'ERrirG7pO6bO   7'pxov,
O~ KVwTdptcov tXOv HvOlUvd rTE E, Tcp;eOav.
3Diodorus, xvi. 23. Pausanias, x. 2.
4 The Phocian generals were civil as well as military despots, during




264                      APPENDIX  I.
ceeded immediately to Sparta, and revealed his plans in confidence
to King Archidamus; saying, that it was the interest of Sparta no
less than of his own country, to rescind the illegal decrees of the
Amphictyons; that he had determined to seize upon Delphi for
that purpose, and the Spartans ought to make common cause with
him. Archidamus approved of his resolution; and declared that,
although he could not openly co-operate with him for the present, he
would render him secretly all the assistance in his power.  He supplied him for immediate exigencies with a loan of fifteen talents and
some mercenary troops.)
If Theopompus is to be believed, the Spartan king was induced
to espouse the Phocian cause by bribes given to himself and his
queen, Deinicha; and a similar charge was made against the
Ephors and senate.  Their hostility to Thebes, and the identity
of Spartan and Phocian -interests, are sufficient of themselves
to account for the side which they chose; though it is likely
enough that some of the Delphic money was afterwards distributed at Sparta, as it was among the influential men of other
states.2
The subsidy furnished by Archidamus, together with an equal
sum advanced out of his own private purse, enabled the Phocian
general to raise a considerable body of mercenaries.  With these
and a thousand Phocian targeteers he marched suddenly upon
Delphi, and took possession of the temple; the Thracidse, one
of the five families connected with the oracle, who  attempted
to oppose him, he put to death, and confiscated their property;
then, seeing that this had excited general alarm, he assured the
Delphians, that, if they would keep quiet, they had nothing to
fear.3   The news was however quickly carried round.  The
nearest neighbors were the Amphissian Locrians, who no sooner
heard of the seizure of Delphi, than they marched against the aggressor. A battle took place in the outskirts of the city; and the
Locrians, after losing a large number of men, were put to flight.
Philomelus, emboldened by his victory, effaced the pillars on which
the period of their command, and are designated as rzjavvot, dvvaurai.
Pausanias, iii. 10; iv. 5. _~Eschines, De Fals. Leg. 45, 46. Athenceus,
xiii. 605. Polysenus, Strateg. v. 45.' Diodorus, xvi. 24.
2 Pausanias, iii. 10; iv. 5. Philomelus was not in a condition to give
bribes at this time. Whether he made promises, is another question.
It is impossible to known for certain, either what the original intentions
of Philomelus were, or how far be opened his mind to the Spartan king.
After the spoliation of the temple had actually occurred, it wvas natural
that all kinds of reports should be circulated.
3 Pausanias (iii. 10) mentions a story, that the Delphians were saved
from a general massacre, and the women and children from slavery, by
the intercession of Archidamus.




THE SACRED WAR.                       265
the Amphictyonic decrees were inscribed, and destroyed every
record of them; at the same time he gave out, that he had no.
intention of plundering the temple or committing any illegal outrage; his object was only to rescind an unjust sentence against his
countrymen, and to assert their ancient right to be administrators
and guardians of the sanctuary. 1
The intelligence having reached Thebes, an assembly of the people was held, and a resolution passed to take arms in the sacred
cause.2  While they were yet considering in what way they
should proceed to punish the offenders, Philomelus was busy fortifying Delphi with a wall, and making a general levy among all the
Phocians who were fit for military service. He gathered round
him fresh bodies of mercenaries, by promising half as much again as
the usual pay; and boldly pitching his camp before the city, appeared to bid defiance to his enemies. The number of his troops
(reckoning only the regular infantry) was about five thousand.
Seeing the advantage of bringing them speedily to action and
striking a blow before all his enemies were united, and with the
further object of enriching himself by plunder, he invaded and
ravaged the country of the Amphissian Locrians. In an attack
upon a strong fortress he received a check, and afterwards in a
skirmish with the Locrians lost twenty of his men. Having applied by a herald for permission to bury them, he was refused, the
Locrians answering, that it was the universal custom of the Greeks
to cast away without sepulture the bodies of men guilty of sacrilege. In a subsequent skirmish the Phocians were left masters of
the field, and the Locrians, being compelled to ask permission
to bury their own dead, were glad to make an exchange. Philomelus, not able to bring the enemy to a general battle, continued
for some time to ravage the country, and then returned home laden
with spoil. 
His next proceeding wras to obtain the sanction of tile oracle for
his cause. He commanded the priestess to deliver her prophecy from
the tripod according to ancient custom. She demurred at first, saying that he sought to violate the ancient custom; but on his threatening her, she mounted the tripod, and pronounced that it was lawful
for him to do what he pleased. This response, which he declared to
be perfectly satisfactory, he reduced to writing, and exposed to
public view in the city of Delphi; he called an assembly for the, Dlodorus, xvi. 24.
2 Diodorns (xvi. 25) says, wrapaxp7gua crpartJra7  kf 1re/upav. But of
the destination or proceedings of these troops wve hear nothing farther.
The Thebans were not yet decided as to their course of action, and perhaps reoalled the troops whom in the first burst of anger they had sent
out.
Diodorus, xvi. 25.
VOL. II. —M




266                      APPENDIX  L
special purpose of announcing it, and congratulated his friends on the
encouragement which Apollo had given them. A slight thing which
happened about the same time was hailed as a favorable omen. An
eagle, flying over the altar, snatched up some of the tame doves that
were kept in the temple;' which was interpreted as a sign, that
Philomelus would be the master of Delphi. Elated now with hope,
yet impressed with the necessity of conciliating the Greeks, and
averting the suspicion which some of his acts were likely to inspire,
he dispatched select envoys to the principal cities of Greece, not excepting even Thebes, to justify and explain his conduct; in particular
to show, that, while he asserted the claims of his country to the
guardianship of the Delphic temple, he had no design to plunder it
of its treasures; that he was willing to render an account of them
to all the Greeks; and that any who chose might come and examine
the sacred offerings, to see that their weight and number were correct.2 To those people who had ancient feuds with his countrymen,
he urged the injustice of making war upon a false pretext, to gratify
private enmity; praying that, if they would not assist him, they would
at least be neutral. At Thebes and in Locris these remonstrances
produced no effect, but were answered by a declaration of war.
Athens, Sparta, and some other cities concluded alliance with the
Phocians, and gave them  promises of assistance.3  Such were the
events of the first year of the war, B. C. 355.
To meet the exigencies of the ensuing campaign, Philomelus made
new levies of soldiers, and to provide pay for them, exacted heavy' Such an occurrence was likely enough. The number of birds that
flocked round the temple is noticed in Euripides, Ion. 106, 171.
2 Grote, in his History of Greece, xi. 350, has the following note upon
the subject of these treasures:-" In reference to the engagement taken
by Philomelus, that he would exhibit and verify, before any general
Hellenic examiners, all the valuable property in the Delphian temple,
by weight and number of articles, the reader will find interesting matter of comparison in the Attic inscriptions, No. 137-142, vol. i. of
Boeckh's Corpus Inscript. Greecarum, with Boeckh's valuable commentary. These are the records of the numerous gold and silver donatives,
preserved in the Parthenon, handed over by the treasurers of the goddess annually appointed to their successors at the end of the year, from
one Panathe-naic festival to the next. The weight of each article is formally recorded, and the new articles received each year (TrPr6Tea) are
specified,  Where an article is transferred without being weighed (d(rantuov), the fact is noticed. That the precious donatives in the Delphian
temple also were carefully weighed, owe may judge from the statement
of Herodotus, that the golden lion dedicated by Crcesus had lost a fraction of its weight in the conflagration of the building. (Herod. i. 50.)"
Compare the note in the same volume, p. 354.
2 Diodorus, xvi. 27. Demosthenes (De Fals. Leg. 360) reads to the
jury the articles of treaty between the Athenians,ad Phocians.




THE SACRED -WAR.                     267
contributions from the wealthy citizens of Delphi. Collecting all
his troops together, he reviewed them, and made an imposing show
of strength; but if he hoped to deter his enemies from attacking
him, he was quickly disappointed. The Locrians, eager to revenge
their former defeat, without waiting for any auxiliaries, advanced
against him, and gave battle at the Pheedriad cliffs near Delphi.
Philomelus was again victorious, killing great numbers of the enemy,
and taking a multitude of prisoners: the Locrians, seeing that they
were not a match for the Phocians by themselves, sent to Thebes for
succor. We have no explanation why the Thebans did not at an
earlier period enter actively into the war; but in this as in other
parts of their conduct we perceive a want of that vigorous energy,
which they displayed in the time of Epaminondas. It is possible
that they delayed commencing hostilities till Philomelus had put
himself more completely in the wrong; and they were an.ious to
procure a solemn vote of the Amphictyons, appointing them to conduct a holy war as champions of the god. With such view apparently, and to counteract the efforts of the Phocian agents, they dispatched
embassies to the various Amphictyonic states, calling upon them to
unite in the cause of religion against the Phocians. The majority
complied, including the Locrians, Dorians, Thessalians, Perrhmbians,
Magnetes/ Dolopians, Athamanians, Phthiots, and /Enianians; while
Athens, Lacedmemon, and some other states of Peloponnesus, adhered
to the Phocian cause. It may be inferred from the words of Diodorus, that a formal declaration of war was passed at a congress of
Amphictyons (which must have been held at Thermopylee); and
severe sentences were passed not only upon the whole Phocian
people, as impious and sacrilegious criminals, but specially upon
Philornelus and the most prominent leaders of hlis party, who were
condemned to heavy fines. It does not appear, however, that the
Thebans were chosen to command the united force of the league,
nor that any plan was agreed upon for carrying on the war with
effect.'
The remissness of his adversaries gave time to Philomelus for
preparation. Seeing the necessity of greatly augmenting his numbers, and of providing pay for them by extraordinary means, he now
openly laid his-hands upon the Delphic treasures, and giving notice
that the pay of his soldiers would be half as much again as before,
he invited the mercenaries, with whom Greece then abounded, to
enlist under.his banners. No sooner were his intentions made publicly known, than a multitude of adventurers, chiefly men of desperate fortune and character, flocked from all quarters to his camp,
eager to share in the plunder that was promised them. Finding
himself at the head of a considerable army, he anticipated the
enemy's attack by a rapid march into Epicnemidian Locris, where' Diodorus, xvi. 28, 29, 32.




268                    APPENDIX 1.
he met the native troops joined by a small detachment of the Boeotians; and having defeated them in a cavalry action, fell suddenly
upon a body of six thousand Thessalians advancing from the north,
and defeated them separately on a cliff (forming one of the Locrian
range of hills) called Argolas. But now the main army of the Bceotians, thirteen thousand- strong, advanced into Locris, and pitching
their camp opposite to the Phocian general, offered him battle.
Philomelus was reinforced by fifteen hundred Achmeans' yet, as his
whole army did not much exceed eleven thousand, he thought it
more prudent to decline a general engagement. The foraging parties, however, met in frequent skirmishes; and the Boeotians, having taken some prisoners, caused them to be led out in front of the
camp and executed as malefactors, declaring that such was the judgment pronounced on them by the Amphictyons. The soldiers of
Philomelus, enraged at this savage conduct, insisted that he should
retaliate; and exerting themselves to take alive as many as they possibly could of the enemy, they soon put him in a condition to do so.
Philomelus without hesitation put all his prisoners to death. This
led to a mutual abandonment of a barbarous practice, which was
not sanctioned by the general usages of Grecian warfare. While
the armies remained in this position, no action occurred worthy of
notice; and at length Philomelus found it necessary to retreat into
his own country. He was followed by the enemy, whom he drew
into the mountainous and woody regions of Parnassus, hoping to
obtain advantage over them by his better knowledge of the locality.
After some marching and counter-marching, he was surprised by
the Bceotians near the city of Neon, and compelled to fight a battle
with one division of his forces against greatly superior numbers.
Here his troops were totally routed; he himself fighting bravely to
the last was driven to the edge of a precipice, from which, rather
than be taken alive, he threw himself headlong down, and met the
very death to which sacrilegious criminals were doomed by Hellenic law; a sign, as Diodorus thinks, that the vengeance of the
gods had overtaken him. Onomarchus, his brother, succeeding to
the command, rallied the fugitives, and led them back to Delphi.l
It might have been expected that the Thebans would have followed up their victory, by marching instantly to the holy city, scattering the remnant of their vanquished foes, and rescuing the temple
from further pillage. Instead of this, they relieved the beaten Phocians from any immediate apprehension of danger, by retreating
themselves into Boeotia. The explanation which Diodorus gives of
their conduct is, that they considered the main objects of' the war
were accomplished by the death- of Philomelus; that the Phocians,
seeing him, the author of their calamities, to have been signally
Diodorus, xvi. 80, 31. Pausanias, x. 2. The death of Philomelus
occurred p.c. 8654




THE SACRED  VTAR.                    269
punished by gods and men, would repent of their folly and turn to
wiser counsels. If this were so, it is one among many proofs, that
the Thebans had among them at that time no able adviser. I am
more disposed however to take Thirlwall's view, that the retreat of
the Thebans was owing to strategic causes, the victory of Neon not
having been so decisive as to encourage them to pursue the enemy,
much less to undertake a siege of Delphi.
The proceedings in that city after the battle show what important
results might have been accomplished by the rapid advance of a victorious army. Among the national troops and counselors of the
Phocians there was a moderate party, who were desirous of peace,
dreading the consequences of opposition to so large a body of the
Greeks, and seeing how feebly they had been supported by their
professed allies. Some had religious scruples, and were shocked at
a state of things, under which they were as a nation excommunicated from Hellenic society and brotherhood: others were jealous
of the despotic power exercised by the general, or disgusted with
the licentiousness of his mercenary camp. Onomarchus, on the
other hand, felt that the only chance of honor and distinction for
himself and his family lay in the continuance of the war; his very
safety depended upon it, as he was personally implicated in the
charges preferred by the Amphictyons, and sentenced by them to
the penalties of sacrilege. On his side were the more bold and unscrupulous part of the Phocians, and the whole body of mercenaries,
who saw their advantage in the prospect of pay and plunder. All
assembly or council of war was convened, and Onomarchus in a
powerful and well-prepared speech urged the necessity of resisting
the enemy, and persevering in the manly course begun by Philomelus. His eloquence, backed by the support of the army, carried the
day; and he was elected to fill the office of general with the same
absolute powers -which had been conferred upon his predecessor.
His first care was to fill up the places of the soldiers who had fallen
in battle, to make new levies of mercenaries, and provide himself
with an immense quantity of arms and military stores. The work
of spoliation was now commenced on a larger scale than before.
Whatever donatives of brass and iron manufacture he found in the
temple, he converted into arms; the gold and silver he melted down
for coinage, employing it not only for the maintenance of his own
troops, but for distribution among the leading statesmen of Athens,
Sparta, and other cities in alliance with him. Experience had shown
that little was to be expected from the voluntary exertions of these
allies, occupied as they were by their own affairs, or distracted by
their own troubles. It was necessary to stimulate their zeal by
some extraordinary means, and gold was profusely lavished for this
purpose. But Onomarchus did not stop here. He employed the
ample means of corruption which he had at his command to purchase peace from his enemies; some of whom he gained over to his




2 70                    APPENDIX  I.
side, others he persuaded to be neutral. Among these were the
Thessalians. 
The feelings of pious men were further outraged, by seeing the
riches of the temple not only applied to purposes of war and administration, but lavished on amusement and vanity.  Onomarchus
was vicious in his pleasures. Precious ornaments, hallowed by their
antiquity and the memories associated with them, were taken from
the custody of Apollo, to hang on the necks or encircle the brows
of his mistresses and favorites. Philomenus had occasionally been
generous in this way at the expense of the god; yet there were
bounds to his liberality, which the extravagance of his successor
disregarded. Philomelus had been mild in his domestic goverment,
and gained a well-merited popularity, which had helped to secure the
succession to his brother. Onomarchus, irritable in his temper, and
intolerant of opposition, seized the principal Phocians who had either
resisted his election, or whom he considered to be forming a party
against him in the state, and condemned them to lose their lives
and property. With all this, he was not free from the superstition
of the age. He was encouraged by a dream, in which a colossal
statue, one of the ornaments of the temple, seemed to grow under
his hands in height and bulk; which portended, as he thought, an
increase of glory under his own generalship; whereas, in the historian's view, it signified that he would be an instrument for increasing the penalties to which his countrymen were doomed.2
HIaving now raised by his exertions a numerous and well-appointed army, he lost no time in making the best use of it. The
Amphissian Locrians, terrified by his approach, and isolated from
their confederates, had no resource but in submission.  Entering
the territory of the Dorians, who were equally remote from all assistance, he ravaged and plundered it with impunity. He overran
Epicnemidian Locris, taking and occupying with a garrison the city
of Thronium, the inhabitants of which he sold into slavery.
Whether it was at this time, as Grote thinks, or a little later that
he took Nicmea and Alponus, is not clear. Certain it is, that he was
shortly afterwards master of-the pass of Thermopyl.T, the access to
which those fortresses commanded. From the hills of Cnemis he
descended into BCotia, approaching the north-western bank of the,
Lake Copias, where stood the ruins of Orchomenus, once the first
of B~3eotian cities. It had been destroyed by the Thebans, who
cherished a bitter hatred against the city for having sided with Lacedramon, and after the battle of Leuctra were only restrained from
wreaking their vengeance upon it by the entreaties of Epaminondas; but in the year n.c. 364, having discovered a conspiracy of the
Diodorus, xvi. 32, 33, 57. Athenaus, xii. 532. As to the bribery
at Sparta, see ante, p. 264;
a Diodorus, xvi. 33, 64. Atheneus, xiii. 605.




THE SACRED WAR.                     271
Orchomenian knights and certain of their own exiles to overthrow
the government, they seized the occasion, -during the absence of
3Epaminondas, to punish the crime of a few citizens by the extirpation of the whole people, whom they massacred in cold blood, sellthe women and children for slaves. t Onomarchus took possession
of the ruined city, intending to establish it as a fortress and sallying
place against the enemy. There may have been a village population in Orchomenus at this time; but there is no doubt that he left
a garrison in it, and repaired the fortifications; for it continued to
be occupied by the Phocians till the end of the war. He next
laid siege to Chseronea; but the Thebans coming to its relief, and
his army being weakened by the garrisons which he had detached,
he was driven with some loss from the walls of that city, and returned into Phocis.2
The inaction of the Thebans at this period is attributable to several causes; chiefly to the disunion sown among their allies by the
craft of their opponent, and the great advantage which he had over
them in recruiting his military resources. They had vainly imagined that they could maintain an army at their own cost, which
would overcome any mercenary force provided by the pillage
of Delphi, and they had found their mistake.3  The want of
money now compelled them to send five thousand men under Pammenes to assist the satrap Artabazus, who had revolted against the
Persian king..4  But such a number could be ill spared from a war,
in which they had to contend against a power growing every day
more formidable.  Onomarchus, in the year B.c. 353, commanded
the largest standing army in Greece, and was seemingly supported
by the strongest alliances. There was but -one man able to cope
with him, and that was Philip of Macedon; with whom a series
of events, which must now be adverted-to, brought him into conflict.
Alexander of Pherse, after a reign of eleven years, in-which he
had shown some vigor and aptitude for command, mingled with the
most inhuman and savage ferocity, was murdered in his bed by the
contrivance of his wife Thebe, assisted by her brothers Tisiphonus
and Lycophron.5  Tisiphonus, either alone or jointly with his
Diodorus, xv. 57, 79. Pausanias, ix. 15. Demosthenes, contr. Leptin. 490.
2 Diodorus, xvi. 33. Demosthenes, De Fals. Leg. 387. lEschines,
De Fals. Leg. 45. Grote's History of Greece, xi. 360.
3 Isocrates, Philipp. 93.
4 Diodor'U, xvi. 34.
X Xenophon, Hellen. vi. c. 4, ss. 35-37. Plutarch, in Vit. Pelopid.
35. Diodorus, xvi. 14. The romantic incidents of this murder are
familiar to most readers-how Thebe removed the fierce dog that
usually guarded the chamber-how she laid wool upon the stairs, that




272                      APPENDIX  L
brother, was raised to the supreme power, and having delivered
their country from  an odious tyrant, they were at first highly
popular, but in course of time, as they became despotic, and rested
their support upon the mercenary troops, they excited an opposition,
which could only be put down by measures of violence.  Tisiphonus survived but a few years, and at the time to which we are
drawing attention Lycophron had the sole sway. W~hen Onomarchus opened his negotiations in Thessaly, Lycophron joined alliance
with him.  Common sympathies attracted these two potentates to
each other; and it is likely enough that they entered into a compact
for mutual support in their schemes of ambition. Lycophron recommenced that system  of encroachment upon the Thessalian body,
which had caused them in Alexander's reign to invite foreign
assistance.  The exact time when dissensions broke out between
them and the ruler of Pherae can not, in the absence of historical information, be clearly ascertained.  There is evidence to warrant the
conjecture, that he had enlarged his dominions at their expense,
and got possession of some of their fortresses, as early as the year
355 n.c., and that the Thessalians were then in a distressed and impoverished condition: but it does not appear that any foreign aid
was called in before the year 353 B.c. It was then useless to apply
to Thebes, cut off as she was from  communication with the north,
and scarcely able to defend herself at home.  The Aleuads therefore turned their eyes to Philip of Macedon, who, still carrying on
war against Athens and lier dependencies, had advanced to besiege
Methone, the last remaining possession of the Athenians on the
Macedonian coast. 
Methone fell after a long siege; and Philip, at the invitation to
the Aleuads, marched into Thessaly. The course of his operations
is not clear. It is probable that one of the earliest was against
Pagass, which he would be anxious to take before the Athenians
could send relief to it by sea. They did send a fleet, which, as
usual, arrived too late, and Pagasea fell into his hands.<2'Lycophron
the steps of her brothers might not be heard-how, when they hesitated
at the last moment, she threatened them with discovery, if they did not
mount the staircase-and how she herself held the bolt of the door,
while they completed the murderous task. Plutarch mentions the third
brother, Pytholaus, as joining in it.
1 Isocrates, De Pace; 183. Diodorus, xvi. 14, 34, 35. Thirlwall (History
of Greece, v. 280, note 2) rightly considers that Diodorus, in the first of
the above-cited chapters, is only giving a general view of the course of
events in Thessaly, and not speaking of any interference by Philip soon
after Alexander's death.
2 Demosthenes, Olynth. i. 11. Philipp. i. 50. Diodorus, xvi. 31. IIayci in this passage ought to be IIayaaif, though the date is wrong, for
Philip never could have attacked Pagasae before his expedition into
Thessaly, B. c. 353. Diodorus rightly makes the siege of Pagase follow




THE SACRED WAR.                       273
meanwhile had applied for succor to the Phocian general, who sent
seven thousand men under the command of his brother Phayllus;
but he was beaten by Philip, and driven back from Thessaly; upon
which Onomarchus, seeing the great importance of repelling so
dangerous an adversary, mustered all his forces together, and
hastened in person to the scene -of action. Twice did these two
generals, the ablest then in Greece, encounter each other in battle;
and twice was Philip worsted. In the first engagement Onomarchus, not trusting entirely to superior numbers, resorted to a stratagem difficult and dangerous to practice except with experienced
troops. He had occupied some rising ground under a semicircular
ridge of hills.  On the high cliffs which flanked him on either side
he placed a heap of loose rocks and a body of men in concealment,
then descended into the plain to meet the enemy. They instantly
attacked him, the light troops discharging their missiles, and he by
a pretended flight drew them after him into the concavity of the
hills. As the Macedonians rushed tumultuously forward, their progress was suddenly arrested by crushing masses of rock hurled
down among them from the cliffs: at that moment Onomarchus
gave the signal, and the Phocians charging their disordered ranks
drove them back with slaughter to their camp. In the midst of the
flight Philip lost not his presence of mind, but coolly observed to
those about him, that he was retiring like a battering-ram, only to
be more terrible in the reaction.1  Notwithstanding this vaunt, he
was again defeated, and the second time so severely, that he
escaped with some difficulty from the field, his soldiers deserting
him, or breaking into open mutiny.  Using all his powers of persuasion to keep the discouraged remnant in obedience, he led them
back to his own kingdom.  He was not however pursued, events
that of Methone; but he has evidently committed some mistake, for he
mentions the siege of Methone twice, the right place being in chapter
34. See Leland's Life of Philip, i. p. 213. Grote's History of Greece,
xi. 365, 412. Grote thinks that Pagasse was not taken till after Pheraa.
But against this we may observe, that there actually was a siege of
Pagasre, as we learn from Demosthenes; but there could have been no
occasion for it after PherEe had been surrendered. Again, had there
been a siege of Pagasme at that time, there was an Athenian fleet on the
coast to relieve it, and Demosthenes would hardly have imputed its fall
to the dilatoriness of Athens.
1 Po!ytenus, Strateg. ii. 38. Thirlwall (History of Greece, v. 281)
thinks this anecdote should be referred to the second battle. It seems
to me that the words of Philip are more applicable to a partial defeat,
after which.he might contemplate another immediate attack, than to
the severe defeat which followed, and which drove him for- the time
from Thessaly. He said these words to cheer his soldiers Ev adrrj rn
M 2




274                     APPENDIX  L
having -happened which required the presence of Onomarchus in
B3oeotia. 
Th6 diversion made by Philip in Thessaly had encouraged the
Thebans again to try the fortune of war. They had taken the field,
with the intention perhaps of recovering Orchomenus; but whatever their plans were, they were disconcerted by the rapidity of the
Phocian general, who with his victorious army appearing suddenly
in Bceotia overcame them  in battle, and then besieged and took
Coronea. This city was near the south-western shore of Lake
Copais, and about twenty miles from Thebes. The loss of such a
place must have been a great blow to the Thebans, and proves how
incapable they were at this time to defend themselves against the
superior force of the enemy. It is not unlikely, the population of
Coronea were unfriendly to Thebes, and surrendered their city
without much reluctance: for it remained in possession of the Phocians until the end of the war, and met then with the same severe
punishment which was inflicted upon Orchomenus.2  The campaign
might further have been prolonged, with still more disastrous issues
to the Thebans; but, fortunately for them, Onomarchus was recalled
by the alarming intelligence, that Plhilip had again raised his standard in Thessaly.3
That indefatigable prince, having repaired the strength and discipline of his army in Macedonia, returned with the resolute determination to accomplish his original purpose. Unless he could retrieve his honor and establish his ascendency in Thessaly, it was all
over with ulterior projects of empire.  He therefore strenuously
exerted himself to levy troops among his allies. To stimulate their
zeal, he proclaimed that he was come not only to deliver them from
the Phersean tyranny, but to subdue the sacrilegious Phocians, and
restore to the Amphictyons their Pylkean synod.4  The Aleuads
seconded his efforts, and in a short time his army, reinforced by the
Thessalians, amounted to above twenty thousand foot and three
thousand horse. He ordered his men to wear wreaths of laurel, as
soldiers in* the cause of Apollo; 5- and having raised their ardor
and courage to the highest pitch, he led them against the enemy.
Onomarchus had come promptly to the aid of Lycophron, and was
already in the Phersean territory with a force of twenty thousand
foot and four hundred horse. The two armies met on the shore of
the Pagassean gulf, not far from Pagase, and within sight of an
Athenian squadron under Chares, which was cruising off the coast.
It was now to be decided, whether Philip or Onomarchus should be' Diodorus, xvi. 35.
a Demosthenes, De Pace, 62. De Fals. Leg. 375, 387, 445.
Diodorus, xvi. 35.
4 Demosthenes, De Chersoneso, 105. De Fals. Leg. 443.
Justin, viii. 2.




TH1E SACRED  WAR.                     275
the future lord of Thessaly, and perhaps of Greece. The battle was
long and obstinate, but the fortune of Philip prevailed, owing chiefly
to the numbers and valor of his Thessalian cavalry. The Phocians,
broken on all sides, fled to the beach; many plunging into the
waves, in the vain attempt to swim to the Athenian ships, were
either drowned or cut to pieces by pursuing horsemen. Among
these was Onomarchus himself. Six thousand of his troops were
slain; three thousand prisoners were drowned in the sea as criminals by the command of the conqueror. The body of Onomarchus
was nailed to a cross.' Thus perished, in the fourth year of the
Sacred War, the only general who had ability enough to compete
with the king of Macedon.2
Phayllus, succeeding to the command, applied himself without
delay to repair the dreadful loss which his country had sustained,
and to put her in a posture of defense. The flower of the Phocian
army had been destroyed. Scarce a third part of the force which
had marched into Thessaly could have returned to their standards.
To obtain speedy succor was indispensable.  Phocis might be
attacked by all her enemies at once. The Macedonians might
penetrate the straits of Thermopyle, while the Thebans and Locrians invaded the eastern frontier. Phayllus, to recruit his army,
could employ the same means which his predecessors had done, and
those he did not neglect: but for new levies of soldiers some time
would be required, and every moment was of importance. He
therefore sent pressing messages to Athens, to Sparta, and to his
other allies, representing the urgency of the peril, and imploring immediate succor.3
The Athenians, in the beginning of the war, notwithstanding
their treaty of alliance with the Phocians, had lent them no military
aid. They had been themselves impoverished and weakened by the
Diodorus, xvi. 35.  Pausanias, x. 2, states that Onomarchus was
killed by his own soldiers, attributing the defeat to his cowardice and
incapacity. As to this, and as to the punishment of criminals by drowning, see Wessellng's notes on the passage in Diodorus.
2 The ability of Onomarchus is sufficiently proved by his acts. The
loss of the battle is attributed by Diodorus to his inferiority in cavalry.
It would seem, that he had acquired experience as a commander in the
Leuctric war. Polyeenus (ii. 38) relates a stratagem of his, which must
have occurred at that period.  The Thebans, under Pelopidas, were
besieging Elatea. Onomarchus opened the gates of the city, brought
out the old men, woman, and children, and in front of them drew up
the whole force of the heavy-armed. Pelopidas, fearing to drive the
Phocians to despair, withdrew his army.-This reminds one of the
old tale of Phocian desperation, already cited from Pausanias (ante, p.
236).
3 Diodorus, xvi. 36.




276                     APPENDIX IL
Social War,1 and were still engaged in a harassing contest with
Macedonia.  Their interest in the Phocian quarrel was remote; and
that any danger to the liberty of Greece was to be apprehended
from it, was a thing which the most acute politician could not have
dreamed of. It appeared in a short time, that the Phocians, so far
from needing: foreign assistance, were more than a match for their
adversaries. We may be surprised that after the successes of Onomarchus, when the Thebans were so enfeebled as not to be able to
defend their own territory, the Athenians should not have taken
advantage of the occasion to attempt the recovery of Oropus. This
may serve to show both the military weakness of Athens, and the
supineness of her people. The siege of Pagasoe, so soon following
tlhe capture of Methone, alarmed them a little on their own account,
and they sent a fleet to relieve it, which, as already mentioned,
arrived too late. Now however, when Philip, having destroyed
the army of Onomarchus, was ready to march with an overpowering force to Thermopylae, the magnitude of the crisis became apparent; and it needed not the urgent appeal of Phayllus to convince
the Athenians, that they themselves were deeply concerned in
checking Philip's further progress.  Should he succeed in passing
the barrier of southern Greece, the road was open not merely to
Phocis but to Athens.  Their own sailors, eye-witnesses of the
battle, must have brought them the earliest intelligence. From the
Phocian envoys they would learn, that Phayllus was unable to hold
the pass unassisted. Roused at once from their lethargy, the Athenians voted the required succors, and shipped them off with the utmost expedition for the straits of Thermopylae. The land force
consisted of five thousand infantry and four hundred horse, commanded by Nausicles. These, properly supported by the Phocians,
would be sufficient to guard the pass, so long as the fleet, keeping
command of the sea, prevented Philip landing troops in their rear.
Succors came also fiom Peloponnesus; a thousand Lacedaemonians,
and two thousand Achaeans.2
Philip immediately after his victory proceeded to the reduction
of Pherea. This was expected of him by the Thessalians, as the
prime object of the expedition. Pherae, garrisoned by the troops of
Lycophron, would be capable of holding out for some time; and it
might be policy in the tyrant to make some show of vigorous defence,
if it were merely for the salke of obtaining better terms. There could
1 Isocrates, De Pace, 163. This oration was composed at the close
of the Social VWar.
Diodorns, xvi. 37. The cost of the Athenian armament (according
to Demosthenes, De Fals. Leg. 367) was more than two hundred talents,
reckoning the private outlay of individuals as well as the public.
We can not doubt however that the Athenians received money from
Phayllus.




THE SACRED  WAR.                       27'be no chance for him however of ultimate success, cut off as he was
from all hope of assistance: he therefore capitulated, receiving permission for himself and his brother Pitholaus to retire with their
mercenaries.from  Thessaly.'Two thousand soldiers were carried
over by them to the Phocians.  Pherae was surrendered to Philip,
who abolished the dynasty to which it had so long been subject, and
established a free or popular government. After this he marched to
Thermopyle; but finding on his arrival that it was strongly guarded
by Athenian troops, he retreated without making any attempt to
force the pass. Thus did the Athenians by a prudent and timely
effort (more than once made the subject of eulogy by Demosthenes,
and cited by him as an axample for imitation), avert from themselves
apparently a very serious danger.'
Thirwall, in his History of Greece, expresses a doubt whether the
retreat of Philip from Thermopylee was owing to any fear of the
Athenians; suggesting that perhaps he was not desirous of terminating the war so soon; had this been so, he would have followed
up his victory more rapidly: it was to his advantage that the Sacred
War, which was wasting the strength of the Greeks, should be kept
up some time longer; he advanced perhaps at the request of the
Thessalians, and was glad to find a pretext for retiring from  Thermopylm.2  There are, as it appears to me, very fair grounds for the
suspicion of the learned historian; though I am less inclined to consider that Philip could have forced the pass against the Athenians,
than that he purposely delayed his own advance, deeming it premature at that moment to carry his arms southward. The motives of
his conduct are to be looked for in the affairs of Thessaly, and in his
relations with the people of that country.
The proceedings of Philip in Thessaly are but imperfectly known
to us. That he ultimately acquired such a preponderance in that
country as to be a sort of Tagus, exercising both a military and a
political authority, is certain: the steps by which he arrived at that
power are not so clearly revealed.  On the one hand, we learn from
Diodorus, that Philip, by his generous services to the Thessalians in
putting down the tyrants and restoring the freedom of their cities,
secured their grateful co-operation in his own wars.3  Theopompus
attributes much of the popularity of Philip to his good companionship. Knowing (he says) that the Thessalians were addicted to
intemperance and debauchery, he followed the bent of their humor,
which indeed was quite natural to him, as he was himself a hard' Demosthenes, Philipp. i. 44. De Coron. 236. De Fals. Leg. 367,
897, 443.
2 Thirlwall, History of Greece, v. 283.
S Diodorus, xvi. 14. KanrerrO9Uloae roof Orvpavvova, Kca ra7C ror62eitv
LvaJcr7(rltevoE  r Tv JaevOepiav, yLeydZXv e'votav elt roi' OETrra;Oif ve6Eaavro  &6orep Iv raig /rciu racra rpdactv ldel avvaywVartif EaXev.




278                      APPENDIX  I.
drinker, fond of loose pleasures, coarse wit, and buffoonery; he therefore lived among them freely, and by thus making himself agreeable
he attached them to him more strongly than by his profuse liberality. 
Isocrates, writing at the end of the Sacred War, tells us that the
Thessalians had become so attached to Philip as to put more confidence in him than in their own countrymen.2  Demosthenes, having
reference to the issue of that war, says they regarded him as a
saviour and benefactor: 3 and we know that they afterwards assisted
him in Thrace; they chose him for their general in the Amphissian
war, and followed him to Claseronea; and their embassadors supported
the Macedonian at Thebes against Demosthenes.4  On the other
hand, we are told by Justin, that Philip after the victory of Pagasms
requited his Thessalian allies with the most atrocious perfidy; that
he took hostile possession of the very cities which had furnished him
with auxiliaries; that he sold their women and children by public
auction, and spared not even the temples or the houses in which he
had been hospitably entertained.5' This statement, which may be
regarded as an exaggeration, coincides in some measure with an
anecdote of Polysenus, who relates, that Philip came to Larissa to
destroy the houses of the Aleuads; that he sought by a pretended
sickness to entice them to visit him, and then to seize their persons;
and that the plot failed by the discovery of one Beescus:6 some
additional confirmation is afforded by another passage of the same
author, in which he gives an account of Philip's-general policy towards
the Thessalians; stating that he contrived a means to subdue them
without making any open war; that, finding they were divided among
themselves and the different cities continually quarreling,-for example, Pelinna with Pharsalus, Larissa with Pherse,-he interfered
from time to time on behalf of those who solicited his aid, but when
he overcame their adversaries, he never pursued them to destruction,
nor deprived them of their arms or fortifications; his plan was always
to take the part of the weak against the strong, to support the
lower agairfst the higher classes, and to encourage the demagogues:
by such arts he got the dominion of all Thessaly.7  Light is thrown
on this by the war which undoubtedly broke out between Pharsalus
and Halus, B.c. 347-346, in which Philip espoused the cause of the
Theopompus, apud Athenaeum, vi. 260. Compare iv. 167; x. 435.
Polybius censures Theopompus for his injustice to Philip. Lib. viii.
11, 12.
2 Isocrates, Philipp. 86.
3 Demosthenes, De Coron. 240.
Demosthenes, De Cherson. 93. De Coron. 237, 246, 277, 298. Isocrates,'Philipp. 97.
6 Justin, viii. 3.
6 Polyanus, Strateg. iv. c. 2, s. 11.
7 Polysenus, Strateg. iv. c. 2, s. 19.




THE SACRED WAR.                          279
Pharsalians, and gave them the city after its capture.'  And it appears also, from divers passages of Demosthenes, that some of Philip's
acts were unpopular among the Thessalians, or at least excited murmurs and complaints; for instance, his garrisoning of their towns,
and his appropriation of their public revenues; that during the first
few years of his connection with them  he had some little difficulty
in keeping them under his command, and resorted occasionally to
harsh measures; and that at last he divided the country into tetrarchies, placing his own creatures in the chief towns, to insure
their dependence on himself.2
From these various statements, if we distinguish the different
times and circumstances to which they have reference, and make
due allowance for high coloring and exaggeration, we may gather,
not indeed an exact series of historical events, but a probable view
of the course of things.
Philip, when he entered Thessaly, never meant to put down the
tyrants of Pherse and then quietly go away; nor to set up the
Aleuads or any other aristocratical family in the place which that
dynasty had usurped. He intended to conquer Thessaly for himself,
and to use it as an instrument for ulterior purposes. [But such conquest was not achieved by the defeat of Onomarchus, nor yet by
the capture of Pherae and Pagasse. It was not even certain that, if
he advanced into Phocis and put an end to the Sacred War, the
Thessalians would afterwards follow him  into Attica, or assist him
in any other aggressive movement of his own.3  There was not
much reliance to be placed on the friendship or gratitude of that
people.4  It was necessary to bring them  entirely under his rule,
before he made any attempt against the Greeks south of Thermopylse.  How was this to be accomplished?  Partly by conciliation and persuasion, partly by coercion and force.  He must make
the Thessalians understand that Macedonian protection was indispensable to them.  With such view it was good policy to let the
Demosthenes, Orat. ad. Epist. 152. De Fals. Leg. 352, 353, 391,
392. He says of the HIalians,'Ee-r7iavrac cat ai dvararofM   7 r6otc aVrcv
ydyove. Isocrates says, Philipp. 86, Tcv 7r6Zewuv riv 7repi TilV rrTov
CKEivov rar u/v raf eviwpyeaiatlf,rp rp7v aToiJ v/u/XiaXav lrpoc7lKrat, Tca
cd Go6dSpa XvwroVaaf aVrTv dvagardrovC 7reiroinIev.
2 Demosthenes, Olynth. i. 15; ii. 21, 22. De Cherson. 105. Pbilipp.
ii. 71; iii. 117, 119; iv. 148, 149. Orat. ad Epist. 153. De Coron.
241, 324. De Fals. Leg. 424, 444. Athenmus, vi. 249. Harpocration,
sub. v. deKcadapXca.
3 Demosthenes, De Pace, 60. De Coron. 276. De Fals. Leg. 444.'Evcracia'e iev avrC 7i OierraXSv, Kan 4eepaZot vrpCrov oV avvn1o2oPoovv.
The Phereans were unwilling to follow him even against the Phocians,
to put an end to the Sacred War. Much more would they have been
reluctant to assist him in a private war of his own.
4 Demosthenes, contr. Aristocr. 657.




~280                    APPENDIX  I.
Phocians gather new strength; and it was better also to let Lycophron and Pitholaus retire with their adherents to a place of safety,
than entirely to uproot the regnant house and remove all fear of
their return. He knew again, that the same nobles who had invited
him to expel the tyrant would be dissatisfied with his own assumption of power, though to the mass of the people it might not be so
unacceptable. He therefore made it his business to court favor with
the less wealthy classes, even with the Penestse,' who formed part
of the army; and strove to elevate them at the expense of the
nobility. The expression of Diodorus, that Philip restored freedom
to Phere, may be literally true;2 and he may have established in
that city a species of democracy. -The Aleuads, who expected that
Pherme would be given up either to themselves or to parties in connection with them, were indignant at Philip's conduct; and gave
utterance to their resentment in complaints and threats, the more
loud and vehement, as they were able with some justice to urge,
that, while he was meddling with the internal affairs of Thessaly, he
was neglecting- his engagement to prosecute the Phocian war. A
party was formed against Philip, and it became necessary for him
either to intimidate his opponents, or to destroy their power and
influence.  Strong measures were immediately adopted, such as
those indicated by Justin and Polyponus.  Larissa was the stronghold of the Aleuads; and Philip, while he insulted and degraded
the members of that ancient house, would take care not to leave so
important a city under their control.  Of the manner in which he
proceeded to foment the divisions among the different cities of
Thessaly, we have no further particulars than those which have been
already stated. His operations at Pagasse must have been among
the earliest at this period. He there took possession of the shipping
and naval stores, and speedily turned them to account against the
Athenians, sending out cruisers to plunder their allies and seize the
merchant vessels in the tEgean. A Macedonian squadron made a
descent on Lemnos and Imbrus, and took some Athenian citizens
prisoners: another made a valuable prize of some merchantmen off
the southern coast of Eubcea, and afterwards entered the bay of
Marathon and carried off the sacred galley. The Athenians now
discovered that not only their distant possessions, but those near
home, were in danger. Philip had for seven or eight years been
attacking them in Macedonia and Thrace; now he was threatening
even Attica itself. Demosthenes, in an assembly held at the close
of the year 352 B.c., delivered his first Philippic, in which he
I Theopompus mentions one Agathocles (a Penest) who amused
Philip by his flattery and jesting powers, and was employed by him to
corrupt the Perrhmebians, and manage his affairs in their country.
Athenmeus, vi. 260.
2 T wr6AtL triv iEevOepiav dro6ovg'. Diodorus, xvi 38.




THE SACRED WAR.                         281
specially notices these piratical excursions of Philip, and the damage
which they had done to Athens.L He makes, however, no allusion
to the place in which such expeditions were prepared; and it is
likely enough, that the proceedings of Philip in Thessaly were at
this time wholly unknown to him. One of the advantages resulting
to Philip from  his occupation of the gulf of Pagase was, that it
excluded the Athenians from communication with Thessaly by sea,
while it enabled him  to carry on his intrigues in Eubcea, and to
menace the neighboring islands, Sciathus, Halonnesus, and Peparethus.2  He also gathered a considerable revenue from the customs
and harbor-dues. of Pagasm, which he took into his own hands
under the pretense at first of reimbursing himself for the expenses
of the war, and afterwards of maintaining a sufficient war establishment for the defense of the country.  To secure these advantages
to himself, he kept the city strongly fortified, and occupied it with
a Macedonian garrison.  Having settled the affairs of the Phlerean
kingdom, he turned his arms against the Magnetes and Perrhmbians.3 Those tribes had perhaps asserted their independence of the
Thessalians, and refused to lend any assistance in the war against
Lycophron. Philip subdued them under the pretense of augmenting the security of Thessaly, but in reality for the purpose of
strengthening his own dominion.  The city of Magnesia, which he
fortified and kept in his own possession, was conveniently situated
on the AlEgean coast above the bay of Pagasue.4 The Perrhmbians
commanded the passes of Mount Olympus, and by their conquest
an entrance to Thessaly was secured.5  These proceedings occupied
Philip until the autumn of. the year B.c. 352, when he entered upon
a Thracian expedition, which kept him actively engaged for about a
twelve-month; at the end of which time he fell ill, and was obliged
to return to his own kingdom.6 During his absence the aristocratical parties began again to make head in Thessaly, and to intrigue' Demosthenes, Philipp. i. 49, 50.
2 Strabo, ix. 436, 437. Demosthenes recommends these islands as
winter quarters for the standing force which he proposed to establish
for the annoyance of Philip's coast. (Philipp. i. 49.) The importance
which Philip attached to this position partly appears from the complaints in his letter. (Epist. Philipp. 159.) Compare Demosthenes,
Philipp. iii. 120; iv. 133.
3 Isocrates, Philipp. 86. Mudyv7?rafa (5, Ka2 IfRelatfotovf xai caaiovatcargrl-parrrat, Ka 7r(r7aaSaf 2VrrlKoOVf a&ro0f ei6rlev.
4 Grote thinks there was no city called Magnesia, but that this name
denotes the region only. (History of Greece, xi. p. 425, note 3.) It
looks as if a city were spoken of in Demosthenes, Olynth. i. 13;  epdci,
flayacaa, Mayvyaciav; 7rdvO' 8v flodv'ero etrpefrioaf rp6orov.  And also
in Polymnus, Strateg. vi. 2.
5 Herodotus, vii. 128, 112.
Demosthenes, Olynth. i. 13; iii. 29.




282                      APPENDIX  I.
against him.  Exciting topics easily presented themselves-his
retention of their cities and revenues, his arbitrary innovations, and
his intention to set himself up as a tyrant (no better than those of
Pherm) under the mask of a protector.  Philip's partisans on the.
other hand were not idle:' they reminded the people of his past services, and promised that he would take the earliest opportunity of
chastising the Phocians and restoring the Pylkean congress. Notwithstanding all their efforts, however, the opposite party obtained
a partial success, and adverse votes were passed in some of the
cities, asserting their own independence, calling upon Philip to
abandon his fortification of Magnesia, to make restitution of Pagasse,
and the like.' Things had taken such a turn, that the presence of
Philip was required to overawe the malcontents, and restore confidence to his party.  It happened fortunately for him at this crisis,
that an attempt was made by the exiled Pytholaus to recover his
power in Pherm. Philip's adherents seized upon this as a pretext
for calling him into the country.  Accordingly, about the middle of
the year B.c. 350 he re-entered Thessaly: his mere approach was
sufficient to frighten away the intruder; and all that remained for
him to do was, by liberal promises and politic measures to consolidate his power and popularity.2  He was then preparing for the
Olynthian war, on the issue of which hung such important consequences; and he was glad to enlist under his standard the horsemen of Thessaly.  Many of them he kept permanently in his pay;
and, as victory and reward attached them to their commander, they
answered the double purpose of strengthening his army, and securing his ascendency in their native land.3
1Demosthenes, Olynth. i. 15.  Rayaoca   dlretrei-v  avrv etCtv e C lltbaluvot,/ ca2 Mayvr7aiav ccEIcwZeIcact rExti;Etv. The verb  ieKtZAhcact has
reference to intention only. The Thessalians endeavored to prevent
him by remonstrance. Compare Olynth. ii. 20, 21. In the first of
these passages he calls the Thessalians  E6ov2EIZuvot. In drawing our
inferences from what Demosthenes says, we must make allowance for
the inaccuracy of his information, as well as for other things. That
there were meetings and debates in Thessaly, is indicated by the passages, De Cherson. 105; Philipp. iv. 149: Ovilc iv v dCaaXf ZEyEtv El
OeralTa  rd  i tiirrrov, /U'jo ovvevrs'irovO6ror ro~ -r2XOovc TOV OErr7a2Wv 7r
ro'il rvpdVVOVf Eca/Etv qtiriraTov awTrotf /tal TiV llv2Latav Jirodo~vat.
Here there is no doubt an exaggeration of the truth, for the sake of an
antithesis with what follows.
2 Diodorus, xvi. 52. The attempt of Pitholaus was so opportune for
Philip, that Thirlwall suspects him of having connived at it. (History
of Greece, v. 307.) Pitholaus however may have had a powerful party
in Pherm, who thought the occasion favorable for their coup d'etat. We
have seen that the Phereeans showed reluctance to follow Philip to the
Sacred War. Demosthenes, De Fals. Leg. 444.
3 Theopompus, apud Athen. iv. 167. Ot traipot a7ro0 tic,roRQ5Sv r6



THE SACRED' WAR..2'83
I have carried the reader a little out of chronological order, to
give a clearer view of Thessalian affairs; and now return to the
more direct transactions of the Sacred War.
Phayllus, relieved by his allies from the pressure of immediate
danger, spared neither trouble nor expense to re-establish his own
military force. Drawing from the resources of the temple no less
profusely than Onomarchus had done, he now melted down the
golden ingots of Crcesus, a hundred and seventeen in number, and
weighing two talents each or nearly; also the female statue and
golden lion, and three hundred and sixty golden beakers, which together weighed thirty talents. All these were converted into coin.'
The produce enabled him to make speedy levies of troops, and he
was soon strong enough to take the field in Boeotia. He was there
defeated in a severe engagement with the Thebans near Orchomenus, in another on the banks of the Cephisus, and in a third by
Coronea.' It is not unlikely that the Thebans had advanced to besiege one or both of these cities, and that Phayllus had come to their
relief.  His army, beaten in open field, took refuge within the walls,
and the Thebans, unable to follow up their victory, retired. Shortly
afterwards Phayllus made an incursion into Epicnemidian Locris, and
reduced all the cities into his power, except Aryca or Naryx, from
which, after it had been betrayed to him in the night time, he was
driven out again with some loss. Leaving a force before it to carry
on the siege, he retreated into Phocis, but, while he was encamped
near Abae, he was surprised by the Thebans, who attacked him in
the night and killed a considerable number of his troops.  Elated
with this success, they advanced further into the Phocian territory,
ravaged a large tract of it, and carried off a heap of plunder: returning however through Locris to raise the siege of Aryca, they
were suddenly attacked and put to the rout by Phayllus; after
which he took the city by storm, and razed it to the ground. Thus
had he brought to a creditable issue a campaign checkered with
many reverses, when he was overtaken by a consumptive disease,
-which, after long and painful suffering, terminated fatally B.c. 351.
In the manner of his death the ancient historian sees the visitation
of heaven.  He was succeeded as general-in-chief by Phalkcus,
son of his brother Onomarchus, who, being a minor, was put under
the guardianship of Mnaseas, a friend of the family.During these last occurrences both the Thebans and the Phocians
iraov Sav svveb6vnlc6rf' op /upv yap 1f avriiC rrikXcSpaf, ol d' bic Oerra2iva,
oL 6~ E'K T2j dq'E,2cL6doa.' Diodorus, xvi. 56, and Wesseling's notes. Herodotus, i. 50, 51.
2 Diodorus, xvi. 38. Pausanias, x. 2; who says the disease of Phayllus was the fulfillment of a dream, in which he fancied himself to be like
a certain skeleton statue, which had been presented to Apollo by Hippocrates the physician.




284                    APPENDIX I.
sent succors to their respective allies in Peloponnesus, where the
Lacedaemonians had commenced war against Megalopolis and Messene. The details of this I have given in another appendix.
The war was renewed by Mnaseas in Bceotia; but he having
been killed in a night-combat by the Thebans, Phalmecus himself
took the command. A cavalry action occurred near Chmeronea, in
which the Phocians were worsted; yet still they kept the field in
the enemy's country, and at one time had succeeded in taking
Chmronea, but were again driven out by the Thebans, who now,
reinforced by their troops returned from Peloponnesus, resolved on
attempting a diversion, by which, if they could not free their own
country from the presence of hostile garrisons, they would at least
retaliate the miseries of war upon their opponents. Accordingly
they invaded Phocis, and meeting with no resistance, laid waste
the greater part of it with fire and sword. One of the smaller
towns they captured, and returned laden with spoil into Bceotia.1
Notwithstanding all the efforts of the Thebans, they were unable
to dislodge their enemies from the Bceotian fortresses, from which
they made continual incursions, and threatened them with further
conquest. It is probable that the mercenaries were employed in
this foreign service, while the native Phocians remained to defend
their homes. The Theban troops, consisting chiefly of heavy-armed
infantry, were superior in close combat to the mercenaries, who
were for the most part peltastm; this may account for the number
of Theban victories in the field: but the mercenaries were quicker
in their movements, easily rallied, and more efficient in desultory
fighting. Besides, the Theban army being composed of citizens,
their losses were not easily repaired; while the Phocian general
was continually recruiting his numbers, as all the fighting men in
Greece, who could find no better way to employ themselves, repaired to his camp for enlistment. Thus did the Thebans become
every year more and more embarrassed by the war, which at the
end of five years, instead of having accomplished the deliverance
of Delphi, had reduced them to contend with their neighbors for
supremacy in Boeotia. About 350 or 349 n. c., such was the low
condition of their finances, that they applied to the Persian monarch for a subsidy, and received from him a present of three hundred talents, which they shortly afterwards requited by sending a
thousand men under Lacrates to assist him in the re-conquest of
Egypt. Yet even this assistance did not enable them to achieve
any important advantage over their enemies; and the war was
kept up only by a repetition of petty skirmishes and mutual predatory incursions. In the annals of Diodorus three consecutive years
following the Persian loan present a perfect blank; but his silence
will not warrant us in assuming that there was an entire cessation
Diodorus, xvi. 38, 39.     2 Diodorus, xvi 40, 44.




THEE SACRED WAR.                        285
of all warlike operations.  We know that before the close of the
war the Phocians had taken Corsioe, a city in the north-eastern part
of Bceotia,' and also the fortress of Tilphossaum.2  And yet Diodorus never mentions the taking of either of these places, though
he casually alludes to the former as being in the possession of the
Phocians.3 We collect also from-other sources, that the war was
carried on both in Phocis and Bceotia; nor is it at all likely, either
that Phalsecus would keep his paid soldiers inactive in their quarters, instead of employing them to annoy the enemy and gather
plunder, or that the Thebans would sit contentedly at home while
their territories were overrun and pillaged by the Phocian general.
The progress of the war was altogether to the disadvantage of the
Thebans.4
In the summer of 348 B.c., the Thebans opened the campaignl
with an invasion of Phocis, and gained a victory of no great importance at Hyampolis. Returning home by Coronea, they encountered the army of Phalmcus, and were defeated with considerable
loss. Not discouraged by this failure, they again entered and ravaged the enemy's country, and again on their return suffered defeat.5
We see by their style of warfare, that the Thebans knew but little
of the improved method of besieging fortresses, which Philip had
so successfully employed; or they were destitute of the means of
carrying on such operations. Annoyed and harassed though they
were by hostile garrisons in Bceotian cities, they make no vigorous
attempt to recapture them; but can only.resort to the old system
of ravaging the land of their adversaries.
But while Phalaecus kept his ground in Bceotia, and conducted
the war there with success, his power was undermined by an adverse party at home, who excited the people against him. It seems
that, as the spoliation of the temple was regularly continued, and
1 Pausanias, ix. 214.
2 Situated on a mountain of the same name, a little to thereast of
Coronea. It was called also Tilphossium, or Tilphosium. There -was a
fountain issuing friom it, called Tilphosa, and near it the tomb of the
prophet Tiresias, who died after drinking its waters. Strabo, ix. 411,
413. Pausanias, ix. 33.
9 Diodorus, xvi. 58. In the same way he makes no mention of the
taking of Nicsea and Alponus.
4' Isocrates, Philipp. 93..Eschines, contra Ctesiph. 73, 74. Demosthenes, De Coron. 231. De Fals. Leg. 385, 387. EiX6v ye'OpXoU#evbv
Kai Kop'uetav Kai rb TtL2aoacaZov, tcai rof iv Nioa'v dretla0eaca v aVrTSv,
KaCi eid0,71rovc Ka ca  talcoaiovC (t7nEKcrvecAv 1rir rCJ,'HdvRe[i, ical'rp6oaloV rGar7ltcet, tcai 7rrwotcpdrovv, KaC I'CaK/cv'I.dcaS  -rpTEptGr'Kcet O8aiovf.
We have no further historical information concerning the capture of
Tilphosseum and the affairs at Neon and Hedyleum, which Demosthenes
alludes to as incidents well known at Athens.
Diodorus, xvi 56.




288                      APPENDIX  I.
the treasures every year more and more sensibly diminished, the
moderate Phocian statesmen and the bulk of the people viewed the
affair with increased displeasure and alarm.  The former generals
had given great offense by appareling their wives, mistresses, or
favorites, in some of the choicest ornaments of the temple, such as
the celebrated necklaces of Helen and Eriphyle.'  Phayllus had
bestowed a golden ivy-wreath, a present of the Peparethians to
Apollo, upon some favorite girl, a flute-player; and he introduced
her with this wreath to play the flute at the Pythian games; but
the audience would not permit her to appear.2 The Phocians were
a simple people of primitive habits and tastes, insomuch that even
the better classes used to keep no servants in their houses, but the
younger members of a family waited upon the elder. They were
therefore a little scandalized, when the wife of Philomelus had two
female domestics to attend upon her; and far more so at the number of slaves soon afterwards brought into the country, who could
only subsist (it was thought) by eating the bread of the poorer citizens.3  Yet with all their luxury and extravagance, and with all the
shock which it gave to Phocian prejudices, the generals by means
of their military power, and by the success which usually attended
their arms, had silenced the murmurs of the people. But at length
it became obvious to every eye, that the fund which had supplied
their prodigality would in no very long time become exhausted;4
and the Phocians in alarm  began to ask themselves-" What will
the Greeks say, when all the Delphian treasures are actually gone?
and what means of defending ourselves shall we have then?"Fear thus drove them into a condemnation of measures which they
had so long either sanctioned or tolerated. Phaloecus, at the suggestion of one of his followers, had dug for a concealed treasure in
the very centre of the temple, under the ground of the prophetic
tripod. There was a traditional belief, founded upon two verses in
Homer,5 that immense riches lay under the stone floor of Apollo;
and here they expected to find them.  The soldiers however, who
began to excavate the ground, were stopped by an earthquake,
Di6dorus, xvi. 64. Athenmeus, vi. 231, 232.
2 Athenses, xiii. 605; where other instances are quoted from Theopompus.
3 Athenseus, vi. 264.
4 Demosthenes, so early as 349 n.c., speaks of the Delphic fund as beginning to be exhausted:'A7retpi]/c6rwv Xp/acat 4<)c&wKEov. Olynth. iii. 30.
Compare Olynth. i. 16. AEschines (De Fals. Leg. 45) partly attributes
the ruin of the Phocians to the failure of money to pay their troops:
Kareat0gqvaav diropia xp/undrtov, i1reui KcareT/taCOoQo6picav zr( VruPXovra.
Iliad, ix. 404:
Otd' Oaa  Xi'vof ovSo' dc70tropof Evr7f tEpyer'1Poiov'A'6roAcvoC Iv2o! EV' eErpTleaaG.




THE SACRED WAR.                      287
which terrified all present: it seemed as if Apollo had given a solemn warning, that the violators of his sanctuary would soon be
punished. The enemies of Phalmecus were encouraged to try an
impeachment against him; and they accused him before the people
of having embezzled the sacred treasures. To have charged him
with expending them in the prosecution of the war would have
been palpably unjust. A distinction therefore was drawn between
their application to public and to private purposes. The people,
considering that Phalecus had wasted the funds on objects of personal ambition and vanity, passed a vote of condemnation, and deposed him from his office.. Three generals were elected in his room,
Dinocrates, Callias, and Sophanes, with instructions to make a searching inquiry into the misapplication of the sacred fund. An account
was demanded of the persons through whose hands it had passed.
The chief manager was one Philo, who, not being able to render
any account, was convicted of embezzlement, and after suffering
the torture, betrayed his accomplices. They were all put to death;
the plunder which they had taken, at least what remained of it, was
restored, and brought into the public exchequer. It was computed,
that the aggregate of treasure, which had been taken from the Delphic temple since the beginning of the war, amounted in value to
more than ten thousand talents.'
There could be little doubt, that such a wholesale destruction of a
property not only sacred in general estimation, but in some sort
national, would, as soon as its extent was fully known, raise a new
outcry against the Phocians in Greece. No one had ever been
known before to lay sacrilegious hands upon the Delphian temple.
The penalty which Xerxes paid for the attempt was a well-known
matter of history.2  The proposal of the Corinthian envoy at
Sparta, to borrow money from Delphi and Olympia for equipping a
fleet, had never been acted upon, though it may have given rise to
that clause in the treaty of peace, which provided for the security
of the sacred treasures.3  Jason, as we have seen, was suspected of
designs upon Delphi, and his death was hailed with joy by the cities
of Greece.4  A scheme is attributed to Dionysius, of penetrating
through Epirus into Phocis, and seizing upon the temple; and it is
Diodorus, xvi. 56. Pausanias, x. 2.
2 Ante, p. 238.
Ante, p. 242. Compare Thucydides i. 143; ii. 13. A borrowing
of the sacred moneys, with the intention of returning them, might upon
au occasion of necessity be unobjectionable and even proper. Thus the
Amphictyons made a loan to Clisthenes. (Isocrates, 7repl'AvTrt6oewf,
s. 248. The advice of Hecatmeus to the Milesians (which they rejected)
to take the treasures at Branchidae, more resembles the proceedings of
the Phocian generals. (Herodotus, v. 36.)
" Ante, p. 255.




288                     APPENDIX  IL
related that, in order to get a footing on the Epirotic coast, he
entered into an alliance with the Illyrians, and assisted them to
restore Alcetas the Molossian to his kingdom; but the project was
not carried any further.' Now, however, the whole accumulated
wealth of the sanctuary had been swept away by a people who
ought most especially to have been its guardians and protectors.
Such were the reflections likely to be made in Greece; and the
Phocians were filled with gloomy forebodings at the prospect before
them.
Their fears were soon to be increased by more alarming intelligence. The Thebans, worn out by a calamitous contest which there
seemed no hope of terminating by their own unaided efforts, determined to apply for succor to the king of Macedon. This fatal step
was taken in the year B.c. 347. Until then it does not appear that
the Thebans had ever desired his interference: fear or pride may
have prevented them from seeking it. But the continued encroachment on their territories; the insults to which they were daily
exposed by marauding incursions, which not only weakened their
sway over the cities yet subject to them in Bceotia, but rendered it
unsafe to leave their home except with an armed force; again,
the shame of yielding to an adversary whom they once despised,
and a burning desire of revenge, overcame every other feeling. It
was just what Philip himself had most anxiously looked for. The
Thessalians had been long pressing him to take arms in the cause of
the Amphictyons; but the united petition of the Thessalians and
Thebans would invest him with a still more august character, and
enable him to terminate the war more easily.  It excluded also the
probable contingency of a junction between Thebes and Athens,
leading to some peaceful settlement of the Phocian question.- He
did not hesitate, therefore, a moment in accepting the invitation of
the Thebans; and a solemn engagement was entered into between
them, and ratified by their mutual oaths, by which Philip bound
himself. with due support from his allies, to accomplish the deliverance of Delphi, the punishment of the impious Phocians, and the
restitution of the Amphictyonic congress.3  Diodorus says, that he
sent a small body of troops immediately into Boeotia, as an earnest
that he was sincere in the cause.  It is certain that Parmenio led
1 Diodorus, xv. 13. Other acts of sacrilege perhaps caused him to be
suspected of a design on Delphi; for example, his plunder of the temple at Agylla, ibid. 14. A.Elian Var. Hist. i. 20. He may, notwithstanding this, have been impudent enough to rebuke the Athenians in
the manner related by Diodorus, xvi. 57.
2 Demosthenes, De Coron. 231.'.Demosthenes, De Fals. Leg. 443. De Pace, 62.
Thirlwall (History of Greece, v. 340) says, the total silence of the
orators readers this statement of Diodorus suspicious; and that such an




THE SACRED  WAR.                       289
an army this year into Thessaly, and proceeded at the request of
the Pharsalians to besieFge Halus.'He may have sent a few troops
across the gulf of Pagasme to Euboea, and thence to Bceotia.  Their
presence may have encouraged the Thebans to try another invasion
of Phocis, in which they inflicted some loss upon the enemy, surprising  and dispersing a large body of them who were engaged in
erecting a fortress near Abse. The greater part of the Phocians
escaped; but five hundred, who fled for refuge into the temple, perished by an accidental fire which consumed the sacred edifice.'
Rumors of Philip's hostile intentions having reached the Phocian
government, embassies.were sent instantly both to Athens and to
Lacedemon, praying for assistance. The most effectual means of
averting the threatened danger was to hold the pass of Thermopylsc,
as before, which could not be done without the, aid of a powerful
naval force.  The Phocian envoys offered to put the Athenians in
possession of the three fortresses, Alponus, Thronium, and Nicna,
which commanded the entrance to Thermopylk.  A decree was
passed by the Athenians, empowering their general Proxenus to
receive those places from the Phocians, and ordering an equipment
of fifty galleys and a muster of all their citizens fit for service under
thirty years of age. Proxenus, sailing with the Phocian envoys to
the Malian gulf, applied to the commanders of the fortresses, requesting them to be delivered up to him  according to promise.  Unfortunately, however, the revolution which -had taken place in Phocis
prevented the completion of this arrangement.  It seems that Phalecus, after his deposition from office, still retained his command over
the mercenaries, whose confidence he possessed; and retiring from
Phocis, (if indeed he was not abroad when the revolution happened,) took up his quarters, as before, with the troops in Bceotia.
The commanders of the fortresses in Locris, as well as [Boeotia were
his officers, and devoted to his cause.  When the order came from
home, to deliver up the Locrian cities to the Athenians, Phalecus
regarded it as an act of hostility to himself, rather than a measure
of defense against the common enemy; and so much did he resent
it, that he inot only refused compliance with the order, but threw the
indication of Philip's design must have excited attention at Athens. On
the other hand I may observe, that Philip from the first held himself
out as, the professed enemy of the Phocians, and would not allow them
to be included in the treaty. It wvas only suggested by Eschines, that
he would turn out to be their friend at the last. iMoreover, it is likely
that Philip would be eager to secure the Thebans to his alliance by
some early demonstration of his good will. The words of Diodorus are:'O 6d flactOEV  O6,  6)P v t7pV Tarv racEivWCTv aZvciv, Ical Pov46evoc 7ra ArvecTPlKIti CpOO7Vq/UaTa cvarez2jat 7C1p Boure7oV, O(ViC 62iYOUvf (lGraiE2Te rrpTaTultar, aVr7 jtuvov 0v2ta7rr UE0'o rb JOKaeZv?z- ireptopv 7b TVav7retov aecv?~7/Evor. I agree with Thirlwall, that the oV'c should be omitted.
Diodorus, xvi. 58. Demosthenes, De Fals. Leg. 391, 392, 395.
VorL. I. -N




290                      APPENDIX  I.
Phocian envoys into prison, and insulted the Athenian heralds who
announced the truce of the Eleusinian myteries.  This happened in
the month of Boedromion (September), 347 B.c.  Soon afterwards
Archidamus arrived with a thousand Lacedsemonians, and offered to
guard the fortresses; but Phalsmcus declined the offer, telling him
to mind his own business, and not trouble himself with that of the
Phocians.1 Notwithstanding this answer, the Spartan king remained
for some time with his allies; and the Athenian fleet, which had
been sent to the straits, was kept stationed at Oreus, to act as occasion might require.2
Thus, by the dissensions of the Phocian people, happening unfortunately at a most critical time, the Athenians were prevented from
occupying Thermopyle, the only measure which could prevent the
destructive inroad of' Philip.  There was time enough, however, to
rectify this false step. The pass might yet be defended: the Phocian
native troops and mercenaries united could form an army of twenty
thousand men; and, if well supported by their allies, would not be
vanquished very easily.  Philip was aware of this, and with his
usual prudence studied how he could smooth his way to a certain
and easy conquest.  Hi-s plan was to withdraw the Athenians from
the Phocian alliance, by concluding a separate peace with them; and
lest before the termination of the war they should change their
minds, he resolved to amuse them  by deceitful promises, and lead
them into a false security, till it should be too late to save the
Phocians from ruin.  That this was the general scheme of Philip,
and that it was ably and artfully accomplished by him, is certain. As
to the details of its execution-and how far he was assisted by the
treason or by the culpable negligence of Athenian statesmen-there
is some degree of uncertainty, owing to the want of historical
information. 3
Already had Philip, even early in the year 347 B.C., caused it to
1 2Eschines, De Fals. Leg. 45.  The tTpavvot there mentioned are
the officers of Phalhecus, As to the whole of this passage, the reader
may profitably consult Thirlwall's History of Greece, v. 367.  Grote,
xi. 522, 523. Compare also JEschines, De Fals. Leg. 33. Demosthenes,
De Fals. Leg. 364.
2 Demosthenes, De Fals, Leg, 365, 389, 444. Diodorus, xvi. 59.
The materials for the history of these proceedings are chiefly derived from the speeches of Demosthenes and Aschines on the Embassy
and the Crown, in which the orators not only frequently contradict each
other, but are not always consistent- with themselves. We can not
therefore safely assume as true any one-sided statement in any of these
speeches, which is not supported by sonme collateral proof or strong
probability. There are many points of contention between them, rather
of a private and personal than of a political or historical bearing.
These I have generally passed over, confining myself to the prominent
Scd most important features of the embassies and negpotitions.




THE SACRED  WAR.                      291
be indirectly communicated at Athens, that he was desirous of
peace. According to lEschines, the intimation was first made by
some Euboean envoys, who came to Athens to settle terms of peace
on their own account.'  But not much attention was paid to them.
After the capture of Olynthus, the Athenians, exasperated against
Philip and terrified by his successes, passed vehement resolutions
against him in the assembly, and sent envoys to Peloponnesus and
elsewhere to warn the Greeks of the danger which threatened them
from his ambition.  This was the occasion upon which ZEschines
went to Arcadia, and addressed a violent Phillipic to the Ten
Thousand at Megalopolis.2  About the same time Timarchus made
his motion, prohibiting, on pain of death, the carrying of arms or
naval stores to Philip.3  Eubulus and his friends, who represented
the peace party at Athens, beginning now to see danger from Macedonia, looked to a reconciliation with Thebes as their best security,
and would gladly have taken measures to bring it about. Unhappily
the feelings of the two people were so embittered against each other,
that an amicable adjustment at this time was impossible,4 and it was
soon discovered that there were no better hopes from the rest of the
Greeks, who could not be made to understand, that the cause of
Athens against Macedonia was one in which they were much interested themselves. 5 Under these circumstances, a renewal of Philip's
pacific overtures met with a more favorable reception. He so contrived it, that they came through the mouth of Athenian citizens.
One Phrynon, complaining at Athens that he had been taken by a
Macedonian privateer during the Olympian truce, got himself to be
sent to Philip in the quality of an embassador, to recover the ransom
which he had been compelled to pay.6  Ctesiphon was sent with
him, and brought back a report, not only that the ransom had been
restored, but that Philip professed the greatest good will towards
Athens, that he had reluctantly engaged in hostilities with her,
and was anxious to put an end to them. This report having been
well received by the people, Philocrates moved that Philip should
have permission to send a herald and embassadors to treat for peace.
The motion was carried without opposition: but the war party were
schines, De Fals. Leg, 29.
2 Demosthenes, De Fals. Leg. 344, 426, 427, 438, 439.  tEschines, De
Fals. Leg. 38.
3 Demosthenes, De Fals. Leg. 433.
4 Eshcbines, Contr. Ctesiph. 73. Demosth. De Coron. 237. Demosthenes himself was inclined to the same policy. AEschines, De Fals.
Leg. 42, 46, 47. Demosth. De Coron. 281.
5 LEschines, De Fals. Leg. 38, Demosthenes, De Coron. 231, 233.' There is a difficulty about the Olympic truce spoken of in the passage of lEschines, De Fals. Leg. 29. It has been conjectured that it
may refer to Philip's Olympic festival at Dium. Thirlwall is inclined
to that opinion. But see Grote, History of Greece, xi. 613, note 3.




292                       APPENDIX  I.
still determined to try their strength, and they preferred an indictment against Philocrates, charging him  with  having passed a
measure contrary to the spirit of the Athenian laws. He was defended by Demosthenes, and acquitted, the accuser not obtaining a
fifth part of the votes.   It was evident that the current of feeling
at Athens was now for peace.  The war, besides stripping them of
numerous possessions, had entailed on the Athenians a loss of fifteen
hundred talents; and the late conquest of Clhalcidice had imperiled
their dominions in the Chersonese.2  Athenian prisoners too had
been taken in Olynthus; among them  Iatrocles, who was afterwards embassador.  The friends of these men, taking advantage of
the general feeling, presented a petition to. the assembly, requesting
that their case might be considered. The appeal had its cffect; and
the people consented that Aristodemus the actor might be sent to
Macedonia, to see what could be done on behalf of the prisoners,
and to ascertain what Philip's intentions were on the subject of
peace.  The commission was somewhat irregular, but the professional character and celebrity of Aristodemus rendered him a sort
of privileged person.3  He was absent for some time, engaged very
likely (together with Neoptolemus the actor, who obtained similar
leave of absence) in the Olympic festivities of Dium. His report
was, that Philip had the most friendly disposition towards Athens,
and wished to become her ally. Neoptolemus came back with the
same story: the appearance of Iatrocles, who had been liberated
without ransom, tended to confirm their statements.4
Yet, notwithstanding  these assurances of Philip's desire  for'1 Esehines, De Fals. Leg. 29, 30. Contr. Ctesiph. 62. This statement is made by YEschines alone, but it is abundantly clear that Demosthenes was at this time in favor of peace, having been disheartened
by the result of the Olynthian war.:2 Eschines, De Fals. Leg. 37. Demosthenes, Olynth. iii. 36. Philipp.
i. 52. De Syntax. 174.
Argumentum ii. ad Demosthenes, De Fals. Leg. 335.
4 E.chiaes, De Fals. Leg. 30. The order of these events is taken
from yEschines, and may perhaps be correct. Demosthenes appears to
differ from him in this only, that he makes Aristodemus to have first
mentioned the subject of peace. (De Coron. 232.) This indeed is not
absolutely inconsistent with the account of yEschines; and it is not
clear that either of them pretends to give accurate details of the whole
proceeding.  Compare Demosthenes, De Fals. Leg. 344, 371, 443. From
the statements of the two orators one is strongly induced to suspect,
that some at least of these men, Phrynon, Ctesiphon, Aristodemus, Iatrocles, and Neoptolernus, were from the first acting in corrupt concert
with Philip. Phrynon, if we can believe Demosthenes, was a man
steeped in infamy. (De Fals. Leg. 412.) Neoptolernus, after the peace,
sold all his property in Athens, and went to live in Macedonia. Demosth. De Pace, 58, 69. Diodorus, xvi. 92.




THE SACRED  WAR.                       293
peace, the time passed on without his making any direct overture,
or sending any herald or minister to Athens. The Athenians,
having once entertained the hope of peace, became impatient for
its consummation; and their anxiety was still further increased by
the suspicious conduct of Phallecus, and the apparent weakness of
the Phocian government. At length, upon the motion of Philocrates, a decree was passed, that ten embassadors should be sent to
Macedonia, to open a treaty of peace, and discuss the terms with
Philip.  Thus was accomplished, by the agency of the same Philocrates, who continues henceforth to take the lead in every step of
this negotiation, the very thing which Philip had been contriving,
viz. that the first formal proposal for peace should come firom the
Athenians.  Ten embassadors were chosen accordingly-Demosthenes, lEschines, Aristodemus, Ctesiphon, Phrynon, Iatrocles, Philocrates, Dercyllus, Cimon, and Nausicles-to whom  was added
Aglacreon of Tenedos, as representative of the allies. Their instructions were, to ascertain positively whether Philip was desirous of
peace; and if he were, to bring embassadors from him with power
-to conclude it.1
A herald was sent before the embassadors, to procure them a safe
conduct. They did not wait however for his return, but, having
sailed to Oreus in Euboea, they crossed over to IHalus, then besieged by Parmenio, and obtained permission to pass through his
lines to Pagasse, from which they pursued their journey to Larissa,
and there meeting the herald, proceeded with all the speed they
could to the Macedonian capital, and obtained an interview with
the king. This was early in the year 346 B.c. The transactions of
the embassy are chiefly gathered from tEschines, who entertains us
with a good deal of gossip about the journey, and what passed
among the embassadors in private, but omits much that we should
have liked to know about more important matters.  We are told
about the offensive conduct of Demosthenes towards his colleagues,
and his entire failure and breaking down in the attempt to address
Philip: we have an account also of the speech made by ~Eschines
himself on the same occasion, in which he enlarged upon the
ancient connection between Amrntas, Philip's father, and  the
Athenians, and the grounds upon which his countrymen maintained
1 Argumentum ii. Demosth. De Fals. Leg.  II 6turovcvT      roirovC eif
MaKec(oviav, ivea dOcwutv et [er' dU2iOcviaS 3o06erat e'ipvvjv ayetv O6 4zilt'7rof' lca EtL (tli2Of' iEr(Ltv, Evyiat Trap' aevro0 irpejfet3 Tg& rd l poFvovP
roiv Opicovg. ~Eschines states, that Demosthenes was proposed by Philocrates; and that to obtain the services of Aristodemus on the embassy,
hle being under an engagement to appear on the stage in certain Greek
cities, Demosthenes moved in the council, that envoys should be sent to
procure his release from the penalties. Doe Fals. Leg. 30.




294                     APPENDIX  I.
their right to Amphipolis.'  Of the reply which Philip made to the
embassadors we learn nothing more, than that it was addressed
mainly to the arguments of zschines; though we are assured that
he astonished them all by his good memory and powers of speech;
and still further charmed them by his hospitality and politeness at
the banquet. The end of it was, the embassadors brought back a
letter from Philip to the Athenians, in which he assured them that
he was desirous both of peace and alliance with Athens, that he
was inclined to be her friend, and he would have stated expressly
what service he meant to render her, if he could have been sure of
being her ally. The terms of peace which he offered were, that
both parties should retain what they possessed; which of course
secured to Philip all his previous conquests, and, owing to a want
of firmness on the part of the Athenian envoys, enabled him to retain conquests which he made between that time and the conclusion
of the treaty. Philip gave them to understand before they left
him, that he was about to march against Cersobleptes; yet no stipulation was made on behalf of that prince, though he was an ally of
Athens: Philip only promised, that pending the negotiations for
peace, he would not attack the Chersonese. Whether any thing
passed between them on the subject of Phocis and the Sacred War,
we are not informed.  The embassadors returned home with a
Macedonian herald about the first of Elaphebolion (March). Philip's envoys were to follow shortly, to settle the terms of peace at
Athens. 2
A formal report of their proceedings was made by the embassadors, in the manner required by Athenian law, first to the council
and afterwards to the popular assembly. Demosthenes, rising after
his colleagues, moved the formal grant of safe conduct and hospitality to the Macedonian herald and embassadors; and further, that
the presidents of the council should, as soon as the embassadors
arrived, appoint two consecutive days for holding an assembly to
deliberate on the questions both of peace and alliance. He moved
also, as he had already done in the council, for the usual compliments to the Athenian embassadors-a vote of thanks, and invitation to dinner in the Prytaneum. The ministers of Philip, three
men of high distinction in their own country-Antipater, Parmenio,
and Eurylochus-arrived a few days after; and the eighteenth and' See as to all these particulars Thirlwall, History of Greece, v. 842.
Grote, xi. 529. Leland's Life of Philip, ii. 58.
2 Demosthenes, De Fals. Leg. 353, 354, 392, 421. De Halonn. 83, 85.
YEschines, De Fals. Leg. 31, 32, 33, 39. Contr. Ctesiph. 63. Demosthenes not only denies that 2Eschines spoke to Philip about Amphipolis,
but says he betrayed his country's interests by not doing so. Here his
enmity somewhat perverts his judgment; for he must have known, that
Philip would never restore Amphipolis to Athens.




THE SACRED  WAR.                      295
nineteenth days of Elaphebolion were, on the motion of Demosthenes, appointed for discussing the qiuestions of peace and alliance
with Philip.  Demosthenes himself paid marked attention to the
Macedonian envoys, entertaining them  handsomely at his own
house, and taking care that suitable places and comfortable seats
were provided for them at the Dionysian festival.'
At the time when the embassy returned, there were assembled
at Athens the deputies of the Athenian confederacy, who had probably been sent for on the occasion. To them Aglacreon of Tenedos
made his report; and they on behalf of their coiistituents passed a
resolution, which, though it was not binding on the Athenians, it
behoved them, having regard to the interests of their whole empire, duly to weigh and consider.  Two clauses only of this resolution are preserved to us, by quotation in the speeches of _/Aschines.
One declared2-"' that, whereas the people of Athens were deliberating on the question of peace with Philip, and the embassadors
were not yet returned, whom the people had sent into Greece to
rouse the states in defense of Grecian liberty, it was the advice of
the confederates, that, after the embassadors had arrived and made
their report, the presidents should appoint two assemblies to be
held according to the laws for debating on the question of peace:
and whatever the people should decide, that should be agreed to by
the confederates."  The other clause recommended3 —" that any of
the Greek states should be at liberty within three months to become parties to the treaty, by inscribing their names on the pillar
of record and taking the oaths."  These clauses are made by rEschines the foundation of grave charges against Demosthenesnamely, that by fixing an early day for the assembly, for which it
was impossible the Athenian envoys could return in time, he ex-' Eschines, De Fals. Leg. 34, 35, 36, 42. Contr. Ctesiph. 62, 63, 64.
Demosthenes, De Fals. Leg. 414. De Coron. 234. -Eschines says, Demosthenes played a practical joke upon him and his colleagues. On the
journey home he challenged them to speak, if they dared, in praise of
Philip to the people. Ctesiphon and himself accepted the challenge,
and in making their report talked about the good looks and agreeable
manners and pleasant companionship of Philip; Demosthenes then got
up, and reproved them for wasting the time of the assembly with idle
chit-chat. YEschines in the later speech, but not in the former, says, that
Demosthenes moved for an assembly to be held on the eighth of Elaphebolian, a day sacred to _Esculapius, and usually kept as a holiday.
His object is to prove the great anxiety of Demosthenes to hurry on the
peace. It is very possible that such a day may have been proposed, in
the expectation that the embassadors would arrive in time for it. There
is no doubt that Demosthenes was anxious for a speedy conclusion of
the peace.
2a schines, De FPals. Leg. 35.
2.Eschines Contra Ctesiph. 63.




296                     APPENDIX  I.
cluded all clhance of benefit from their mission to the Greek states;
and further, that, by opposing the last clause of the resolution, he
prevented his countrymen acting in concert with the Greeks, which
wvould have been attended with this great advantage, that, if Philip
afterwards violated the treaty, they must have made common
cause with Athens. Demosthenes in answer to the charge asserts,'
that there was no embassy at this time to the Greek states, for the
Greeks had all been tried long ago; and it would have been disgraceful to invite the Greeks to make war, when they were treatinag with Philip for peace: and he puts the following dilemmaF' or what purpose could you have been sending for the Greeks at
that crisis?  To make'peace? But they all had peace. To make
war?  13ut you were yourselves deliberating about peace."  The
dilemma is a bad one for this reason, that the embassy had been
sent to the Greeks before any negotiation for peace -was opened
with Philip. Yet the answer of Demosthenes was, I believe, substantially true: for the embassies to rouse the Greeks against
Philip had been dispatched six or eight months before, that of iEschines to Peloponnesus perhaps even earlier; and although it is
possible that some of the envoys had not returned by the month of
Elaphebolion, it had been pretty well ascertained, by the reports of
those that had returned, and from other sources, that no assistance
was to be expected from the Greeks; in fact, all thoughts of it had
been dropped at Athens, and the people had, partly on that very
account, been driven to seek for peace. This does not rest upon
the assertion of Demosthenes alone.  /Eschines justifies his own
conversion, from a strenuous opponent of Philip to a warm advocate
of peace, upon the ground that none of the Grecian states would
help Athens in her uneqlal war-that they were all either on
Philip's side, or indifferent as to the issue of the contest.2 Under
these circumstances, although the synod of allies might think proper
to revive this somewhat stale question of a Greek combination, and
to notice the possible conting'ency of some good result turning up
from the embassies, it can not surprise us that little attention was
paid to it by the Athenians.  Demosthenes, in naming a day for the
discussion of the peace, fixed it without any reference to a resolution which would have postponed it indefinitely; and no objection
was raised by any one. The embassadors had very likely arranged
with Philip at Pella, that an early day should be appointed
for the conference with his ministers: and  Demosthenes was
desirous that the treaty should be concluded as soon as pos-' Demnosthenes, De Coron. 233. OVreC yetp ov rpE,3ciae r-po otdlr(va
rECrae/l2vf Tr6rE 7rCv'E2,i v.  VWe must take notice of the word r6Te.
There was no negotiation then on foot, no embassy whose return was
looked for.
2 AEschiues, De Fals. Leg. 38.




THE SACRED- WAR.                      297
sible, in order that Philip might have no time for making further
conquests.
The first assembly was held on the appointed day, the eighteenth
of Ellaphebolion. Antipater and his colleagues attended, and were
introduced to the people in due form.  The questions for discussion,
as prepared by the presidents of the council, were read: so was the
resolution of the confederacy.  A motion was made by Philocrates,
embodying the terms of peace which Philip was willing to grant.
In the debate which followed, many points were hotly contested
between the different speakers. One was, whether there should be
peace only, or peace and alliance with Philip.  Another was
whether the Phocians and Halialis should be included in the treaty.
Philocrates in his decree had inserted a special clause for their exclusion, which he knew to be desired by Philip; but the sense of
the meeting was against him, and ~Eschines as well as Demosthenes
opposed the clause.' A  discussion arose also upon that reconlmendation of the allies, by which the Greek states were to have the
option of becoming parties to the treaty.  According to aEschines,
all the speakers (including himself) were in favor of it;, and it was
the general opinion, that the alliance with Philip should be postponed until the Greeks had an opportunity of declaring themselves.2
Many objections were raised to the terms offered by Philip, which,
it was said, involved concessions disgraceful to Athens, such as the
relinquishment of Amphipolis, Cardia, and other places of right belonging to her. Eubulus told the people what he considered the
plain truth, that they must either go down to the Piroeus immediately, pay a property-tax, and convert the theatric fund into a
military one, or vote fbr the decree of Philocrates.3  Notwithstanding his admonition, the vehemence of anti-Macedonian orators
made an impression on the assembly.
The next day Demosthenes endeavored to allay the ferment which
had been excited. He advised the people to accept the proffered
alliance of Philip, pointing out to them the true position of things;
that it would be imprudent as well as inconvenient to postpone the
question-that it was one which concerned them hnd their allies
only, not the whole body of the Greeks-and that there was no necessity for people who were not at war with Philip to enter into a
treaty of peace with him.4 At the same time he insisted that all the
I That _lschines opposed the decree of Philocrates on the first day,
is stated by Demosthenes, De Fals. Leg. 345; and this was probably
the chief ground of his opposition. Grote however thinks differently.
See his reasons, History of Greece, xi. 546.
2 AEschines, Contr. Ctesiph. 63.
s YEschines, Contr. Ctesiph. 37, 38. Demosth. De Pace, 63. De Fals.
Leg. 434.
Demosthenes asserts (De Fals. Leg. 346, 385), that he supported the
N 2




298                       APPENDIX  I.
allies of Athens should be comprehended in the treaty, condemning
as unjust and impolitic the proposal of Philocrates to exclude the
Phocians and Halians.  YEschines spoke to the same effect, but still
more strongly, and in the strain of Eubulus, showing the folly and
danger of carrying on war without adequate means-reproving those
speakers who by unseasonable counsel would hurry on the people
to their ruin-and reminding them that, although the peace offered
by Philip might not be the most honorable in the world, it was not
more disgraceful than the war had been.  The result was, that an
amended decree was carried, omitting the obnoxious article which
excluded the Phocians and Halians, but in other respects coinciding
with the original motion of Philocrates.  It established peace and
alliance between Philip and the Athenians and their respective allies,
and secured to each party all such' territory and dominion, whether
acquired by conquest or otherwise, as each actually possessed at the
time.'
To give any thing like a history of what passed in these assemblies,
one has to choose between the conflicting statements of the rival
orators.  I reject as entirely false the assertion of YEschines,2 that
there was no debate on the second day, notwithstanding the evidence which he produces of a decree of Demosthenes, which restricted the business of that day to taking the votes. -In the first
place, the proof offered is suspicious and doubtful; and in the next
resolution of the allies. If bythis he meant the clauses quoted by LEschines,
the assertion is not credible, since by his own showing (De Coron. 233)
there could have been no use in supporting them; nor does he pretend
in the later speech, where he replies to _LEschines, that he did support
themn. It is possible however, that he refers to some other suggestion
in the decree which is not preserved, or to some general words recommending a fair and equitable peace. In the first passage, /uof) -r r.   v
av/uiduXv oVvqyopoivrog 665/yuart tcat r7'v eitpvYv 6irui   t'rg7 tcal dtcaia
y6v-ratl irpTirovrof, the latter clause is explanatory of the former; so
that it signifies, "when I, in conformity with the resolution of the allies,
labored to make the peace equitable and just."  In what particular
equitable and just, he does not say: he may refer either to the question of including the Phocians, or to some other which is not mentioned.
We gather nothing definite from it. Nearly as vague is the assertion
at page 385.  He affects however to disclaim all participation in the
decree of Philocrates, which is too improbable to be believed. Conimon experience shows how easy a thing it is, to misreport what a man
has said some time ago.'Eschines, De Fals. Leg. 36-38.  Contr. Timarch. 24. Contr. Ctesiph. 63, 64.  Demosthenes, De Halonn. 82, 83. De Coron. 234. De
Fals. Leg. 354, 385. That an attempt was afterwards made to bring all
the Greek states within the protection of the treaty, appears from the
oration De -IHalonn. 34.
2 De Fals. Leg. 36.




THE SACRED  WAR.                      299
place, the fact is inconsistent with other statements of his own. Let
us see how the matter stands.  Demosthenes accuses him of having
spoken against Philocrates on the first day, and in his support on
the second day. IEschines says: he could not have been guilty of
this, because there was no speaking allowed on the second day, by
reason of the decree which he produced. Now, supposing that there
was a decree which prohibited speaking, itis still very possible that
the irregularity might be committed, perhaps encouraged  by the
people, or at least not objected to. _Lschines should have produced
a witness to prove that there actually was no speaking, rather than
a documentary piece of evidence which only shows that there ought
to have been none, and is but an argumentative denial of the fact.
It appears that he came prepared to meet the charge, and therefore
ve might expect better proof. But further; according to his own
statement, it is certain that this decree was not acted upon: and next
to certain, that there was a debate on the second day, in' which iXschines spoke more strongly in favor of the motion of Philocrates than
he had spoken on the first day. He says in the speech against Ctesiphon, 1 that on the first clay all the orators (including himself) supported the recommendation of the allies, to bring the Greek states
into the treaty; that, when the assembly broke up, the general
opinion was, that it was not advisable to conclude an alliance with
Philip, till it could be done in conjunction with the Greek body. If
so, what caused the people to change their opinion the next morning?
I-Iow came they to pass the decree for alliance as well as peace?
There must have been another debate; and that there was one, is
clear from IE'schines himself; who says that Demosthenes addressed
the assembly.' Ie says indeed, that Demosthenes cut the matter
very short; by simply telling the people that Philip would not have
peace without alliance, 2 andappealing to Antipater (with whom he
was in concert) in support of his assertion, he forced the assembly
to pass the decree of Philocrates. To suppose however that Demosthenes could have carried his point in this off-hand way, is out of the
question.  The additions we may set down as rhetorical exaggeration.  The fact remains, that Demosthenes did address the people,
overthrowing the argument that no one could have done so; and
the change of opinion to which they were brought is a strong circumstance to prove that there was a regular debate. But again,,Eschines says,3 he sided on the first day with all the speakers who
l Contr. Ctesiph. 63.
a Demosthenes said, " they must not dissever the alliance from the
peace." Oi yap'077 6(5ev no/fiSi]alt rS etlpyvZ7f T T2)V CvupayXLaV. ~schines
says, he remembers his using these words, on account of the harshness
both of the phrase and the manner.
Cont. Ctesiph. 63. Tor7 i756 d6yIa ar o'vvetreZv 6/oXo,.




300                       APPENDIX  L
advised postponement of the alliance with Philip.  He says also,1
that he advised the measure which was ultimately carried.  These
two statements are irreconcilable, except on the supposition that he
spokle on both of the assembly days; for on the first he was (by his
own admission) a dissentient to one of the most important articles,
and, as this ultimately passed, he must have supported it on the
second day.  Thus by his own showing /Eschines stands convicted
of paltering with the truth.  I do not hesitate therefore in accepting
the statement of Demosthenes to this extent, that fEschines, in the
assembly held on the nineteenth of Elaphebolion, spoke decidedly
and strongly in favor of tile amended decree.
On the other hand, it appears to me that Demosthenes, when he
accuses /Eschines of having entirely shifted his ground on the second
day and given disgraceful advice to the Athenians, deals unfairly
with his adversary, and misrepresents the import of what he really
said."  The position of things at the beginning of that day has already been stated.  In the previous debate the more violent orators
of the war party had talked about Marathon and Salamis, and the
great deeds of their ancestors, and the duty of upholding Grecian
liberty; themes proper and pertinent enough on some occasions, but
so often enlarged upon and misapplied by third-rate speakers on the
Athenian platform, that sober-minded statesmen must have been
heartily sick of them. YEschines, rising to combat the arguments
of these men, told the people that this was not the time for empty
1 Eschincs, De Fanls. Leg. 38.'Ouo2oy(J cvi3ovEVcGasl Jr zir/1. dia2aJaaaOat prpo3S,,i2arTrov ctaZ r-v eri pZv GV VOG Ocial, 7jV, 6,iv, aiep)a) vo[iLtft OVCodeirOS7o0' butizevoO 6(V7tov, E;y' (Z' ra)'vrjv eTcat wo7216 0//1zi ictaZiw reov irouf,/ov. Compare the same Oration, p. 49; and Contr. Timarch. 24.
2 Demosthenes, De Fals. Leg. 345, 346, 439. The assertion that
ZE schines gave this disgraceful advice in the presence of the Greek envoys is an aggravation of the charge, which is not very material in itself,
but has given rise to some difficulty; since fEschines positively denies
that any Greek envoys had arrived in Athens, and boldly challenges
Demnosthenes to name them;  and it has been thought to be inconsistent
with the denial, given by Demosthenes himself, to the fact of their being
any negotiation with the G reek cities.  (Sec ante, p. 296.)  It does not
seem to me, that the presence of some Greek envoys at Athens is inconsistent with that denial. They may have brought refisals to co-operate with Athens; or they may have been sent merely to watch the
proceedings there; or there may have been Greeks present at the assembly, witllout any special mission fronm their own countries,,whom Demosthenes incorrectly dignifies with the title of envoys.  The suggestion of Thirlwall, (History of Greece, v. 350,) that by these entvoys Demosthenes may have meant the deputies of the allies then present in
Athens, does not agree with the words: eio'  7i6rb r6v'EXi2'vwv,E7TE7rIltEt(e v70rb. e roVTOV 7retcfvTreS'. See Grote's learned note on this subject: History of Greece, xi. 539.




THE. SACRED  WAR.                       301
declamation about ancient trophies and glories, when the question
before them was, how to get rid of a wvar which they had been
waging many years without either glory or advantage; that the
Greeks during all those years had rendered them no assistance, and
they were not bound to fight the battle of Greece by themselves
without any reasonable chance of success.  He advised them therefore to retire from the contest while they had the opportunity, before any irretrievable disaster had fallen upon the republic; warning
them emphatically against those hazardous and desperate courses,
into which evil counsels had plunged the Athenians in former times,
referring more particularly to the Sicilian expedition, and to their
refusal to accept the peace offered by Sparta before the end of the
Peloponnesian war.'
Such is the account which./Eschines gives of his own speech, not
only highly probable in itself, but exactly agreeing with what Demosthenes says in the Oration on the Crown,2 viz., that the Athenians were driven to make peace with Philip by the conduct of the
rest of the Greeks, who, out of cowardice or ignorance, refused to
lend any help in the common cause.  Demosthenes, however, tortures the language of his opponent into something very different;
as if he had counseled the Athenians to forget their ancestors altogether, to shut their ears against all mention of the trophies of olden
time, and never to succor any people who had not previously succored them. Language of this sort would indeed have been too
absurd for any Athenian to utter in the assembly. Yet we may
observe how easily, by a little exaggeration or omission, what AEschines really said is converted into what Demosthenes reports him
to have said. E4schines advises the Athenians "not to listen to men
who talk about ancient glories idly and unseasonably."  Repeated
by the adversary, this becomes advice " not to listen to them at all,
or under any circumstances."  Thus do the. two orators, in their
mutual charges and recriminations, pervert and misrepresent the
words and acts of one another.,schines ransacks the public
archives for documents to prove a case against Demosthenes, which
he knew to be contrary to the generally received opinion of his
countrymen; that throughout these proceedings he had acted with
corrupt purpose in concert with Philocrates to serve the interests of
Philip.3 Demosthenes, over-anxious to disconnect himself from
ischines, Do Fals. Leg. 7V, 38.
2 Demosthenes, De Coron. 231.'H rc3v u,?Cov'E2vX'vWv Cire Xpr) eaKtaV ear' dyvotav eCiT KCe  dcop6repa raOr' EtireZv, oC ~r6?t6eov cvveEXlj aic
[(alpbyv Troe6uoiUvrov vuSpv, cat rovrov V7irp rSV 7rt2at cvtu0Ep6vrTWv, 6C
tpy, ~avEp6v yEyovEv, omTre %Tpl7Oatv OVToE  6C/aJtv1 oVSr' 2zjr ovS6eCv  r7v
ilrvrCwv vjeVPti,3avo(vo, Vitv, o'i lcea dtKailo' cal 7rpocKtc6vrTow'pyt;6tOzev
TroFlwc 3rlMo  are.7TE AtTrlro.
a  schines, Contr. Ctesiph. 62, 65.




302                      APPENDIX  I.
Philocrates, with whom there is no doubt that up to a certain period
he had unsuspiciously co-operated, strives to conceal the part which
he took in the first instance as a joint promoter of the peace, and
lays to the charge of rEschines many things for which he is'himself
at least equally responsible.'
The terms of peace having been agreed upon, it remained that
the oaths of ratification should be sworn by both parties, by Philip
and his allies on the one side, and the Athenians and their allies on
the other. In order to administer the oath to Philip and his allies,
it was necessary for the Athenians to appoint another embassy; and
within a day or two after the nineteenth2 they elected the same ten
embassadors as before. The Athenians and their allies were to have
the oaths administered to them at Athens by the Macedonian envoys,
and an assembly was held on the twenty-third, to make the necessary arrangements.3  Here a question arose; what allies of the
Athenians were entitled to take the oaths? It principally concerned
the Phocians. Philocrates had already informed his countrymen
that Philip would not accept them as parties to the treaty, and had
on this ground moved the clause for their exclusion.  The rejection
of that clause by the Athenians was a virtual declaration that they
regarded the Phocians as comprehended under the name of allies.
Antipater and his colleagues, having positive instructions from PIlip
not to enter into any terms of peace with the Phocians, were compelled to speak out, and accordingly they gave formal notice to the
Athenian people of their master's determination upon this point.
The assembly was adjourned to the next day for further consideration.4
Meanwhile Philocrates and his associates concerted their scheme
of operations. It has already been mentioned what impression had
Demosthenes says as little as possible in either of his speeches
about the proceedings between the first opening of the negotiations with
Philip and the debates on the treaty; nor does he seek to give any
clear account of his own share in the transactions of that period.  Ic
answers Aischines by vague generalities, denying that he had any thing
to do with Philocrates, or was in any way accountable for the mischievous
diplomacy of him and his associates. (De Coron. 232.)
2 All that we can gather from 2Eschines is, that the election took
place before the twenty-third. (De Fals. Leg. 39.)
3 It seems to have been necessary to pass a distinct decree, fixing the
time and manner of taking the oaths.  See.Eschines, Contr. Ctesiph. 64.
F4 rom the statements of 2Eschines, (De Fals. Leg. 39, 40; Contr.
Ctesiph. 64,) though they are confused, we may perhaps collect, that
there were two assemblies. The first may not have been well attended,
as only formal business was expected; but when questions arose about
the Phocians and Cersobleptes, it became desirable to have another
assembly.




THE SACRED WAR.                     303
been made on the Athenians by the reports which Aristodemus and
others brought from Macedonia, of Philip's good will and friendly
feelings to Athens. His own letter, brought by the embassadors,
spoke mysteriously of the benefits which he designed for them in
the event of becoming their ally. Assurances to the same effect were
repeated by his envoys, and studiously disseminated among the
Athenians by his partisans and agents. To those who inquired what
Philip could mean by such mysterious promises, hints were given
about Eubcea, Oropus, Thespie, Platsea, the settlement of the Phocian question, and the humiliation of Thebes. Now, however, when
Philip's ministers had announced that the Phocians must be excluded
from the general peace, it became necessary, in order to disarm suspicion of his intentions, that some explanation, resting on better
authority than mere rumor, should be given to the Athenian public.
Accordingly, on the day of the assembly, Philocrates came forward,
and in the presence of the Macedonian envoys boldly proclaimed to
the Athenians, that it was impossible for Philip, with any regard to
honor or decency, to accept the Phocians openly for his allies, because he was bound by solemn engagement with the Thebans and
Thessalians to prosecute the Sacred War; he must, therefore, ostensibly treat the Phocians as enemies for the present; but let him
once bring the war to an issue, and get the power into his own
hands, he would settle matters exactly as the Athenians desired;
the Phocians would be no sufferers by it, the Thebans would be no
gainers, and Philip would prove himself the friend and benefactor of
Athens, as he had promised in his letter. The Macedonians stood
by, and apparently assented to all this. Philocrates pretended to
speak from his own knowledge and information, as the confidante of
Philip's views and plans; appealed, perhaps, to some of his colleagues
in the embassy, who confirmed his statements. No one stood up to
contradict him. What were the Athenians to do? The Phocian
question was altogether complex and difficult. On the one hand,
the seizure and pillage of Delphi, the exclusion of Amphictyonic
Greeks from the Pythian festival and synod, the occupation of Locris and a part of Boeotia by the Phocian army, were things not to
be defended. There was a general expectation that, as the Delphic
fund was beginning to fail, the Phocians could not much longer
maintain their position; and the inclination of the Athenians to assist them had been greatly cooled by the late offensive conduct of
Phalmacus. On the other hand, it -would not be very honorable to
abandon allies with whom they were connected by treaty, and to
whom they had for so many years given a moral, if not an active
support. There would be danger attending the prostration of an
independent people, whose existence formed one of the safeguards
of southern Greece; and still greater peril, if Thermopylae should
fall into the hands of a powerful enemy. But how, if the solution
of all these difficulties was now before them?-if Philip really in



304                     APPENDIX  L
tended to act as equitable mediator in the Sacred War, and fulfill
the promises which had been made in his name?  The Phocians
would have no reason to complain, if they were really benefited
even against their will. The only doubt was, could Philip be trusted?
But there was not much time for deliberation: the Macedonian envoys were about to quit Athens immediately. Unless their demands
were complied with, there was an end of the peace, which the
Athenians had made up their minds to have, and enjoyed by anticipation already. If they wavered for a moment, their wishes turned
the scale.  It does not appear that there were any Phocian envoys
to protest against this sacrifice of their country; or that a single
warning voice was heard from  any leading orator or statesman.
The Athenians were prevailed on by delusive promises, encouraging
their natural indolence, to swear to the treaty of peace without the
Phocians.1
A question had also arisen about Cersobleptes.  One Aristobulus
of Lampsacus appeared as his representative, and demanded to take
the oath in his name as one of the allies of Athens.  An objection
was made, as JEschines states by Demosthenes, and, being referred
to the assembly, was overruled. Notwithstanding the decision of
the people, /Eschines asserts in his later speech, that Cersobleptes
was excluded ultimately, but upon another ground, by the contrivance of Demosthenes. It is impossible to determine what:really
took place.2
I Demosthenes, De Fals. Leg. 371, 387, 388, 391, 409, 444. There is
nothing to show that AEschines spoke in support of Philocrates in this
matter. The use of the plural orrot, in the passage last cited, is no
proof that more than one person spoke; and it rather tends to prove
that zE 3chiaes did not. For if he had, Demosthenes would have mentioned him specially, as he does at p 347, in reference to his reports
after the second embassy. It is probable that both tEschines and Demosthenes were passive on this occasion. Neither of them gives us any
particulars of what passed; and each had his reasons for silence. The
decree perhaps contained the words mentioned in ~Eschines, Contr.
Ctesiph. 61, requiring the oaths to be taken by the deputies of the
Athenian allies; and possibly it was so drawn up for the very purpose
of shuffling over the difficulty about the Phocians, who, having no deputy
representing them at Athens, like the tributary allies, would not be
competent to swear to the treaty under a decree in such form. It then
nrmy have accidentally created the question about Cersobleptes, which
iE3chines represents as designedly raised by Demosthenes, in order to
shut him out from the treaty.
a Eschines, De Fals. Leg. 39, 40. Contr. Ctesiph. 64. Demosthenes,
De Fals. Leg. 395, 398. Philipp. Epist. 160. And see the last note.
It seems, by comparison of all the passages, that Cersobieptes -was excluded from taking the oath; but on what ground, or through whose
opposition, is uncertain. Thirlwall's conjecture is by no means improb



THE SACRED  WAR.                      305
The oaths were administered to the Athenians and their allies in
the board-room of the generals, on the same day that the assembly
passed their last decree. The Macedonian envoys then took their
departure, Demosthenes accompanying them, as a mark of respect,
a part of the way on their road to Thebes.'  For this, as well as
for the other attentions which he paid them, he is reproached by
aEschines unjustly. The fact however is significant, as tending to
show, that up to that moment Demosthenes was not in opposition
to the promoters of the peace. It suited him at a later period to
represent, that he was disgusted with his colleagues before the second embassy to Macedonia, and that he would not have accepted
the appointment, if he had not promised some of the Athenian
prisoners to bring money fbr their ransom. 2  But there is no evidence of any act by which he testified displeasure against his colleagues or dissatisfaction with the treaty before his second appointment. He felt indeed, in common with the rest of his countrymen,
that the peace was not honorable to Athens; nor was it to be expected, when she had fared so badly in the war: yet still it drew
with it certain advantages, such as financial relief, security for her
remaining possessions, restoration of her captives: and as to other
matters, he shared to some extent in the general delusion.3
It was deemed however a point of great moment by Demosthenes, that the peace should be ratified by Philip immediately and
commenced in earnest. The Athenians, having once abandoned
themselves to the idea of peace, had from that moment discontinued
all warlike preparations; whereas Philip was still carrying on war
in Thrace. In order to put a stop to any further conquests, it was
important to give Philip speedy notice of the treaty having been
concluded; and Demosthenes pressed his colleagues to set off without delay. They however were in no humor to leave Athens so
soon, and refused to comply with his entreaties. About this time
there arrived a letter from  Chares, who commanded an Athenian
fleet in the Hellespont, announcing the defeat of Cersobleptes and
the capture of the Sacred Mountain by Philip. The case seeming
urgent, Demosthenes on the third of Munychion (April) applied to
the council, (of which he was a member, and which had a special
authority for such purpose from the assembly,) and procured an order, commanding the embassadors to take their departure instantly,
and requiring Proxenus to convey them wherever he could ascerable; that an objection was raised by the Macedonians, and that it
was reserved by mutual consent to be discussed in a conference with
Philip. (History of Greece, v. 356;)
i Eschines, Contr. Ctesiph. 64.
a Demosthenes, De Fals. Leg. 394, 895. IHe felt the weakness of
that part of his case, and anticipates the adversary's objection.
D )emosthenes, Doe Fals. Leg. 887, 388.




306                     APPENDIX  L
tain Philip to be. The embassadors, thus compelled, sailed to Oreus,
where Proxenus was stationed with his squadron; but instead of
his conveying them to the Hellespont or the coast of Thrace, which
they might have reached easily in six or eight days, they were carried to the coast either of Thessaly or Macedonia, and thence pursued their journey to Pella, consuming three-and-twenty days. At
Pella they had to wait till Philip returned from his campaign, which
did not happen till the fiftieth day after they had left Athens.1
The variance between Demosthenes and his colleagues began
upon this journey. He told them plainly that they were bound to
obey the order of the council; first he reasoned with them, then he
remonstrated more strongly, at last he reproached them for their
conduct in no lenient terms. All this only excited their anger.
The whole body were against him, and refused either to take their
meals with him, or to put up at the same inn.  Easchines says this
refusal was owing to the misbehavior of Demosthenes on the former embassy; anid he defends the journey to Pella, by alleging
that they were not ordered to go to Thrace, and that it would have
been of no use to go there, when Cersobleptes had lost his kingdom
before they left Athens. It is manifest however, that the order of
council was disobeyed both in the letter and spirit; and, as Eschines can, suggest no better excuse, the complaint of Demosthenes
on this head must be taken as well founded. The event proved
that Philip's Thracian campaign was not terminated when the embassadors quitted Athens: it continued for five or six weeks after;
and during that time many important places were captured by him.
The son of Cersobleptes he brought with him  as a hostage to
Pella.2
There he found not only the Athenian embassadors awaiting his
arrival, but others also from various parts of Greece; from Thebes,
Thessaly, Sparta, Phocis, and Euboea. An immense army was assembled: it was notorious to all that Philip was about to march to
Thermopyke: what he intended to do was not certainly known to
any of the parties present; but all were deeply interested in the
result, and agitated by various hopes and fears.3
The duty of the Athenian embassadors was by no means clear. It
might be argued, that they had nothing to do but to administer the
Demosthenes, De Coron, 233 —235. De Fals Leg. 388-390.  lEschines, De Fals. Leg. 40.
2 Demosthenes, De Fals. Leg. 390, 897. Philipp. iv. 133. De Halonn.
85. YEschines, De Fals. Leg. 38, 40, 41. As regards Cersobleptes, the
amount of blame with which the embassadors are chargeable depends
much upon the question, whether he was an ally included in the treaty.
See ante, p. 304.
3 Demosthenes, De Fals. Leg. 384..?Eschines, De Fals. Leg. 41.
Justin, viii, 4,




THE SACRED WAR.                       307
oath to Philip and his allies, and then return to Athens and make
their report. As however the treaty had been concluded without
settling the question of the Sacred Nar; as Philip was virtually left
at liberty to deal with it as he pleased, subject only to a loose promise that he would do what was right and promote the interests of
Athens; it might seem to be proper, when the embassadors were
in the presence of Philip, that they should come to some positive
understanding with him on the subject, and ascertain what he really
meant to do. By such means they would be enabled, on their return, to furnish such a report as might guide the Athenians in their
future counsels. True, there could be no guarantee that Philip
would perform any engagement which he made to the embassadors.
That however would not be the fault of the embassadors, but of the
Athenians themselves, who suffered the Phocian question to go off
upon vague assurances, instead of insisting upon the Phocians being
comprehended in the treaty.:They had committed the grave error
of making peace, without settling the most important matter in the
war; so that in effect the war remained an open question, unless
they chose to leave the Phocians and all their own interests connected with them entirely to the mercy of Philip. In the instructions to the embassadors there was, besides the special clauses, a
general one, requiring them to do whatever else they could for the
service of the commonwealth; which, under the circumstances,
might be construed as imposing au obligation to discuss with Philip
the affairs of the Sacred War, and bring him  over, if possible, to
the side of Athens.
Such was the view taken apparently by _.Eschines, who states that
at a conference with his colleagues he urged upon them the necessity
of performing this part of their instructions, and exhorting Philip to
chastise the Thebans and restore the Boeotian cities. Though there
was no express order to this effect, (for such matters could not be
mentioned openly in a state paper,) yet it was clearly, he said, the
true intent and meaning of their countrymen. Demosthenes took
a different view; and after some discussion it was agreed, that each
of the embassadors should address Philip as he thought fit. 
Of the audience which the Athenian embassadors had with the
king,.raschines gives the following account —That Demosthenes
made an offensive speech in disparagement of his colleagues and praise
of himself, recounting the services which he had rendered Philip in
promoting the peace, and the attention which he had-paid to his
ministers at Athens, and endeavoring to ingratiate himself with him
by fulsome and coarse flattery: after which he (AEschines) commenced his address; first rebuking Demosthenes for his personalities,
then briefly touching upon the subject of the oaths and other formal
matters, lastly, entering upon the topic paramount to all, viz. the'Eschines, De Fals. Leg. 41, 42.




308                     APPENDIX  I.
march to Thermopylse, and the affairs of Delphi and the Amphictyons.
-Ie entreated Philip to decide the quarrel by judicial sentence, and
not by arms; but if that were impossible, (as the military preparations
seemed to indicate,) then, said 2Eschines, it behoved the champion
of Hellenic religion to consider what his sacred office required of
him, and to listen to those who could instruct him on the subject of
their ancient institutions.  Upon which lhe explained to the king all
that he knew about the foulndation of the temple, the origin of the
Amphictyonic league, the tribes that composed it, their oath and
obligations. HIe argued that, the Boeotian cities being Amphictyonic,
Philip could not justly allow them to be destroyed.  The object of'
his expedition was holy and just; but when the Amphictyons were
restored to their rights, punishment should be inflicted upon the
guilty parties only, upon those who actually seized the temple or
who advised- it, not upon their countries, if they would deliver up
the offenders for judgment.  Should Philip make use of his power
to confirm the iniquitous acts of the Thebans, he would not insure
their gratitude, (for they had been ungratefhl to the Athenians, who
had done them still greater services,) and he would make enemies of
the people whom he betrayedl.'
What answer Philip made to this address, _Eschines does not say.
It is not pretended that he gave to the collective body of embassadors the promises which were afterwards reported at Athens. Yet
that did not prevent him from sending indirect communications to
some of them, whom he thought likely to become his instruments.
HI-e was playing a profoundly artful game. While -Eschines was
flattering himself with the impression made by his own harangue, the
Thebans and Thessalians were urging Philip to march against their
common enemy. To themn be could speak more openly of his intentions; yet they were not free from uneasiness, seeing that intrigues
were still going on, that private conferences were held not only
with the Athenians, but with the Spartans and Phocians, and that
they were apparently not dissatisfied with their recep)tion. The betrayal of any fears or misgivings on the part of his own intimate
allies favored the illusion which Philip was keeping tup. It wvas important for him to amuse with hope those parties from whom he
most feared opposition. Phalecus held the pass of Thermopyls;
Archidamus with a thousand Spartans was yet in Phocis; an Athenian fleet was ready to occupy the straits, if the people should take
it in their heads to give the order. To prevent the combination of
these forces, which was a very possible contingency, if his designs
should be seen through; to contrive things so that, when he arrived
at the pass, all resistance should be hopeless; these were points to
be accomplished by a tissue of artifice and deceit. dEschines declares
that it was the universal expectation at Pella, that Philip would' ~schines, De Fals. Leg. 42, 43.




THE SACRED WAR.                       309
humble Thebes; that the Spartan envoys were quarreling with the
Theban, and openly threatening them; that the Thebans were in
distress and alarm; that the Thessalians laughed at all the rest, and
said the expedition was for their own benefit; while some of Philip's
officers told some of the Athenian embassadors, that he meant to reestablish the Bceotian cities. This may be taken as no great exagc
geratlon of what really occurred'
Demosthenes states, that during all the time they were at Pella he
was in opposition to his colleagues; he offered them honest and
sound advice, but every opinion of his was overruled by the majority.
All the service that he could do was, to seek out his captive fellowcitizens and procure their release, ransoming some of them with his
own money, and prevailing on Philip to redeem the others. Philip
tried to corrupt the embassadors, first separately, and then jointly.
Demosthenes refused a large present of gold that was sent him.
Another was offered to the whole body, under the pretense of hospitality.  It was of course a bribe in disguise.  As Demosthenes
would accept no share, his colleagues divided it among themselves:
he requested Philip to apply the money that he would have bestowed
in presents towards redeeming the Athenian captives, and Philip was
prevailed upon to promise that they should be sent home by the
Panathenaman festival.2
All this time the embassadors never demanded that Philip should
swear the oath, nor said a word about the restoration of the places
captured since the peace, nor sent home any intelligence of the
preparations going on at Pella.  They loitered there without any
other reason than the request of Philip himself, who told them he
wanted their mediation to settle the quarrel between the Pharsalians and Halians; a quarrel which he himself not long afterwards
very summarily decided, by taking the city of Halus and expelling
the population. When all things were ready for his march, Philip
set out, and carried the Athenian embassadors with him as far as
Pherae, where at length they administered the oaths to him and his
allies. But here they are charged with two further acts of disobedience to their instructions. They were commanded to administer
the oaths to the magistrates of the cities allied to Philip. Instead
of this, they accepted any persons whom Philip chose to send as
accredited agents for that purpose.  Secondly, they allowed Philip
and his allies, on swearing the oaths, to except the Phocians, the
Halians, and Cersobleptes; thereby, it was said, overruling the decree of the Athenian people, who had refused to admit a clause to
that effect in the treaty.  The charge however (as far as regards' yEschines, De Fals. Leg. 46. Demosthenes, Philipp. iii. 113. De
Fals. Leg. 365, 384, 445. Justin, viii. 4.
a Demosthenes, De Fals. Leg. 393-395. As to the captives, see the
reply of JEschines, De Fals. Leg. 41.




310                    APPENDIX  I.
the Phocians at least) appears to be unfairly urged against the embassadors. The Athenians, having consented on their side to ratify
the treaty without the Phocians, could not expect that Philip
would bind himself to any engagement with them. Indeed the
understanding was quite the contrary. If then the words of the
treaty left an ambiguity, it became necessary for Philip to protest
against a construction that would have been opposite to his declared
intentions.  Such a protest was doubtless made. The Athenian
embassadors were informed distinctly, that Philip and his allies
would not swear to the treaty, except upon the condition of
excludiu( the Phocians. What then was to be done?  The embassadors were in an unavoidable dilemma. Either they must decline to administer the oaths altogether, or they must accept the
qualification which Philip and his allies insisted upon. But for what
had passed at Athens, the former would have been the proper
course: under existing circumstances, the latter was perhaps more
prudent; otherwise they must have taken upon themselves the responsibility of renewing the war.l
The chief grounds of complaint against the embassadors were,
their dilatoriness in dispatching the business for which they were
sent out, and their neglect to send or carry home correct information of what was going on. If they acted thus from corrupt motives, they were of course guilty of treason. Demosthenes, from
what he had seen before, had formed no good opinion of Philip's
designs, and at Phere, observing what course things were taking,
and being alarmed both at the danger which threatened his country,
and for fear lest he should himself be implicated in the misconduct
of others, wrote a letter to the Athenians, which gave them full
information of every thing. His colleagues, he alleges, would not
allow this to be sent, but themselves dispatched another, containing
false intelligence; a charge in great measure borne out by the reports which they afterwards made at Athens. He says that he had
resolved to return home alone, and actually hired a vessel for his
conveyance, but was prevented from sailing by Philip. I-Ie observed that _MEschines had numerous private interviews with Philip
-a thing specially prohibited by a clause in their instructions;that one night in particular he was watched coming out of Philip's
tent at Pheroe; and that he stayed for a day with Philip after the
Demosthenes, De Coron. 236. De Fals. Leg. 352, 353, 390, 391, 395,
430. It appears by the quotation from Philip's letter in.Eschines, (De
Fals. Leg. 45,) that he furnished the Athenians with the names of those
parties who had taken the oaths, promising to send to Athens a few
who had not come in time. One of the charges of Demosthenes is, that
the Cardians were allowed to appear as allies of Philip. For this however the embassadors were not to blame; the Cardians having been excepted from the treaty by which the Chersonese was ceded to Athens.




THE SACRED  WAR.                      311
others had gone. Eschines produced evidence in the nature of an
alibi, to disprove that he ever visited Philip by night, yet apparently
does not deny that he had interviews with him alone in the daytime.'
Philip, having detained the embassadors until he was ready to
march to Thermopyle, dismissed them  with a letter to the Athenians, in which he formally notified to them  the ratification of the
treaty, and apologized for the manner in which their embassadors
had administered the oaths, stating that they would have gone
round to the different cities, but that he had prevented them, as he
wanted their mediation between the Pharsalians and Halians. In
terms the letter was polite and gracious, but it contained not a
word about the Phocians, or about the promises which were made
in his name.2
The embassadors arrived in Athens on the thirteenth of Scirophorion (June), and presented themselves before the council, as the law
required. Here Demosthenes, being a member of the council, took
the initiative, and gave a full report of all that had taken place, denouncing the treachery of his colleagues, showing into what peril
they had brought the people, and urging that measures should be
taken, before it was too late, to save the Phocians and Thermopylae.
His words produced such an effect upon the council, that in the order which was drawn up, for bringing the matter before the assembly, they withheld the vote of thanks and invitation to the public
dinin g-hall, which embassadors never failed to receive on other
occasions.3
The assembly was held on the sixteenth; and here 2Eschines got
the first hearing. The people, alarmed by the rumor of Philip's
march, were so- eager for the report of the envoys, that they waited
not for the order of council, introducing the business of the day, to
be read. Ai.schines assured them that they had nothing to fear;
that he had persuaded Philip to gratify their wishes in every particular, both on the Amphlictyonic question and others; —(he re1 Demosthenes, Doe Fals. Leg. 352, 357, 396, 397, 419, 446. _Eschines,
De Fals. Leg. 44. There is a further charge that.ZEschines wrote
Philip's letter, to which he alludes. See the remarks in this volume,
p. 110.
2 See the forcible remarks of Demosthenes upon this letter. (De Fals.
Leg. 352, 353, 355.) It was a juggle, he argues, between Philip and
the embassadors. Philip took on him the blame of their neglect, and
left to them the responsibility of making false promises in his name.
And, although he had promised, if the Athenians would become his
allies, to declare what he meant to do for them, now, when they had
become his allies, he said he knew not what he could do to oblige them
but if they would tell him, he would do any thing that was not dishonorable.' Demosthenes, De Fals. Leg. 346, 350, 351.,




312                      APPENDIX  I.
peated the heads of the speech which he had made against the
Thebans;)-they need only remain quiet; in two or three days
they would hear the most satisfactory results; —the Phocians would
be preserved by Philip; Thebes would be besieged and broken up
into villages, Thespise and Platmea re-established, and compensation
exacted for the pillage of Delphi, not from the Phocians, but from
the Thebans, who had originally planned it: he himself had convincedI Philip that the first designers were more guilty than the
perpetrators;l and for giving such counsel, the Thebans had set a
price upon his head. Further, he had heard from some of the Eubcean envoys as a current report, that their own island was to be
given up to the Athenians instead of Amphipolis; and there was
yet another thing which his diplomacy had obtained for them, which
he would not mention at present, because some of his colleagues
were jealous of lhim. I-e was understood to mean Oropos."
These assurances, confidently made by an envoy who had had
official communication with Philip, agreeing also with what they
had before heard from  Philocrates, relieved the people from their
anxiety.  The letter of Philip was produced and read.  The Athenians, charmed by its general professions of amity and good will,
did not detect their hollowness and insincerity. Demosthenes rose
to tell the plain realities of the case, as he had done in the council;
but the people, dazzled by their bright prospects, refused to be undeceived, and he found it impossible to obtain a fair hearing.!Eschines
and Philocrates hooted and interrupted him continually, and were.
encouraged by the assembly.  Hle could only get in a few words.
HIe protested his entire ignorance of what ]Eschines had told them,
and declared that he did not believe it. At this the people showed
signs of anger.  "Remember," cried Demosthenes, "I am not responsible for any of this."  "By and by," said 4E schines, "he'll
want to have the credit of it."  "No wonder," said Philocrates,
"that there is a difference of opinion between Demosthenes and
me; for he drinks water, and I drink wine:" at which the Athenians laughed.3
A decree was then carried, on the motion of Philocrates, thanks
ing Philip in the warmest terms for his liberality to the republic,
and extending the treaty of peace and alliance to his posterity. It
For this insinuation, made by their enemies apparently against the
Thebans, there seems to have been,no foundation whatever.
2 Demosthenes, De Pace, 59. Philipp. ii. 72,'3. De Coron. 236, 237.
De Fals. Leg. 347, 348, 351, 352. /Eschines says in reply, that he only
reported what he heard; he made no promises: (ro-fo oVeic dirayyeZ72at
ad2t' froaxEnOat:) and that what he reported was generally believed by
others. (De Fals. Leg. 43, 44, 46.) This reply is beside the mark. He
was charged with misleading the Athenians by wilfully false reports.
a Demosthenes, De Pace, 59. De Fals. Leg. 348, 352, 355.




THE SACRED WAR.                       3.1-3
declared also, that, unless the Phocians did what was right and delivered up the temple of Delphi to the Amphictyons, the people of
Athens would enforce their wishes by arms. This decree, says Dcmosthenes, in effect delivered the Phocians over to their enemies,
wvith their hands tied behind them.'
There was time to have succored the Phocians and defended
Thermopyle, had the Athenians acted promptly after the return of
their embassadors.  Phalmcus, who (it seems) had been reinstated
in his command, and still held the Locrian fortresses with his gar
risons, could have maintained the pass alone against a greatly supe
rior force, if the enemy were prevented from landing troops in
his rear. His safety depended on a continued maritime blockade,
and for this purpose the co-operation of the Athenians was indispensable. But he had some reason to doubt their friendly disposition towards his countrymen, much more towards himself; and
there was no time to be lost. He sent chosen messengers to Athens, with orders to learn the state of things, and bring him intelligence immediately. These messengers were present at the assembly
held on the sixteenth of Scirophor-ion, and listening with anxiety
to the speeches and all the proceedings. Philip in the meantime,
approaching Thermopyle, invited the Phocians to surrender, representing to them that there was no hope of succor from Athens, who
had become his ally, and that they might safely throw themselves
upon his generosity.  We may presume, that he had already made
this communication to them, before he began his march from Pherme;
and perhaps their own envoys, who accompanied him from Pella,
brought home a tale of their kind reception by Philip, and his favorable intentions towards their country.2 The Phocians gave little
credit to it: they were not disposed to trust Philip, and they could
hardlr believe that the Athenians, their old allies, would abandon
them: Phalecus at all events would send no positive answer to
Philip, until he knew what the intentions of the Athenians were.
When however his messengers returned from Athens, bringing
news of what had passed in the assembly-of the announcements
of _Eschines, the implioit faith put in them by the Athenians, their
abandonment of every thing to Philip, and the menacing resolutions
Demosthenes, Doe Fals. Leg. 356, 358. Philipp. ii. T3.. Phaleecus must have sent his messengers to Athens before Philip
commenced his maroh from Pherra; or they could not have arrived in
time for the assembly on the sixteenth. If the Phocians could have
been induced to have submitted at once, before the Athenians had time
for consideration, Philip's object was more surely gained. The Phocian
envoys had been amused with promises to the last. Demosthenes,
Philipp. iii. 112. E' E,oDtcEa:  Cd 7srpo CvYU#IcXov 7rrorpevero, KCia 7rp6afetf
r4ogegv'1lrav oi 7rap7icojtoVOowv avr,5 vropevooPU o  cai,rap' 1ev 7ptov rroZT2oto O0tc3aiotf oi 2tvtire2iC  et.' Ti-) tigcEvov rdpVOV ov.
VOL. II.-0




314                     APPENDIX- L
which they had passed against the Phocians-he perceived that resistance was hopeless; that neither himself nor his countrymen had
any choice left but to make the best terms they.could with the allpowerful king of Macedon.
Accordingly on the twenty-third of Scirophorion, while two or
three days after he had received the news from Athens, he entered
into a convention with Philip, agreeing to surrender the fortresses
which he held in Locris and BBmotia, on condition only that he might
retire where he pleased with his troops. It was carried into effect
immediately. Philip entered the pass, and took possession of Alponus, Thronium, and Nicxa, while Phalaecus, with eight thousand
mercenaries and such of the native soldiers as liked to follow him,
passed over to Peloponnesus. Archidamus with his tlhousand Spartans had withdrawn shortly before, seeing the double game that was
played by his allies, and considering his position dangerous. The
Thebans marched out with all their forces to join Philip, who now,
proclaiming openly that he had come as the ally of the Thebans and
Thessalians and the champion of the god, marched with an overpowering army into Phocis, to terminate the Sacred War. The cities
generally submitted to his arms; a few that offered a feeble resistance were taken by storm and razed to the ground. Hie then took
possession of Delphi, and proceeded forthwith to hold an Amphictyonic council, to pronounce judgment upon the violators of the
temple, and determine the various questions which the war had given
rise to. 
The Athenians remained perfectly quiescent, expecting the accomplishment of all the good things which Philip had promised them,
until the twenty-seventh -day of the month. They had appointed
an embassy to notify to Philip the decree which they passed in his
favor. It consisted mostly of the same ten who served on the former
embassies. Demosthenes, not wishing to go, swore an affidavit, as
the law permitted, and excused himself. MEschines stayed behind
on a plea of illness; a mere pretense, as Demosthenes alleges, in
order that he might be at home to prevent the adoption of any
measures adverse to Philip. The envoys had not long departed,
when there came a letter from Philip to the Athenians, followed soon
afterwards by another,2 inviting them to join him with all their forces.
1 Diodorus, xvi. 59. Demosthenes, De Coron. 238, 239: De Fals.
Leg. 356, 358, 359, 360, 365.  Eschines, De Fals. Leg. 45, 46.
2 AEschines mentions.oply one letter: Demosthenes, two. The second may have come soon after the first; or it may have been dispatched
after the capitulation of Phal ecus, For there was yet a possibility
that the Phocians might resist, and give some trouble to Philip, if the
Athenians gave them any hope of support: though I can not crediti the
assertion of Demosthenes (De Fals. Leg, 379) that the Phocians might




THE SACRED WAR.                      315
He must have sent the first of these letters immediately after Phalaecus had refused to surrender, while he was yet in doubt what
course things might take. According to the terms of his alliance, as
they had been interpreted and acted upon, he was entitled to make
this demand of the Athenians; though we can hardly imagine that
he either expected or desired their compliance. All that he really
wished was their neutrality; and this hlis letter, assqming a tone of
friendship, was calculated to secure. It was laid before the assembly;
but no one moved that Philip's request should be granted. Demosthenes observed, that, if any troops were sent, they would be hostages in
Philip's hands; and the matter was dropped. AEschines afterwards
asserted, that, if an Athenian force had been present, it might have
counteracted the influence of the Thebans and Thessalians, who, as
it was, compelled Philip to adopt their own violent counsels. But
if he thought so, why, it may be asked, did he not propose the
measure to the people, especially as it was in accordance with their
own decree? Perhaps he could not easily have prevailed upon them:
for, besides a lurking fear that Demosthenes was right, they must
have been somewhat ashamed of themselves for the attitude of hostility which they had already assumed towards the Phocians. But
the punishment of their folly was at hand. On the twenty-seventh
day of the month the envoys, who had gone as far as Chalcis in
Eubcea, returned suddenly with the intelligence, that Philip had
declared himself the ally of the Thebans, and had given up every
thing into their hands. The Athenians, who happened to be in
assembly at Pirseus when these tidings were brought, in the alarm
of the moment passed a vote to bring in all their women and children from the country, to repair their forts, to fortify Pireus, and
perform their sacrifice to Hercules in the city. This decree was
actually carried into effect; but the envoys were nevertheless sent
to Philip, and traveled by land through Bceotia, zEschines this time
going with them. The fears of the people were soon allayed by
finding that the allied powers had no thought of coming near Attica;
though perhaps their ill humor was increased by a letter which came
from Philip, calmly informing them of what he had done, and reproving them for their demonstration of hostility.'
The Amphictyonic council, composed of the Thebans, Thessalians,
and their allies, proceeded to sit in judgment upon the Phocians.
in that event have been saved, owing to the impossibility of Philip's
finding subsistence in their territory.
1Demosthenes, De Coron. 237-239:'De Fals. Leg. 357, 359, 360,
378 —381: Philipp. ii. 69. J.Eschines, De Fals, Leg. 40, 46. That
yElschines should have gone upon this embassy after his plea of illness,
and that he should have passed through Thebes, after saying that the
Thebans had set a price upon his head, are urged as proofs of crime by
Demosthenes.




310:APPENDIX  L.
Their first act was one of gratitude as well as justice. They deprived
the conquered people of their seat and votes in the council, and
transferred them to the king of Macedon and his descendants. Their
further sentence Nwas, that the Phocian cities should be razed to the
ground, and the population of each dispersed into villages, containing
not more than fifty dwelling-houses, and at the distance of not less
than a furlong from each other. The Phocians were to have no
access to the temple of Delphi, and to possess neither arms nor
horses, but to be allowed to cultivate their land and take the produce
thereof; paying every year a tribute of sixty talents to Apollo, until
the whole of their plunder, estimated in value at ten thousand talents,
should be restored. Any guilty parties, whether Phocians or auxiliaries, who had fled from justice, were declared to be outlaws. All
arms which had been used by the troops were to be broken and
destroyed; their horses to be sold. Regulations were made for the
future management of the oracle, for the establishment of peace and
amity among the Greek states, and the maintenance of their common religion. The Spartans were excommunicated from Amphictyonic privileges: and it was determined that Philip should preside
over the Pythian games in conjunction with the Thebans and Thessalians.               -
Thus were the Phocians not only degraded from their rank as one
of the Amphictyonic communities, but reduced to become a mere
rural population, little better than the serfs of Thessaly. Their rank
they did not regain till many years after, when, by their valor in
repelling the Celtic invasion, they expiated the memory of their
former crime. One part of the sentence appears to have been in
violation of the engagement made by Philip with Phalecus; yet
they had enemies in the council, who would have inflicted on them
a still heavier punishment.  ~Eschines says, the  Etmeans proposed
to cast all the adult males down the precipice, and that he himself
pleaded on their behalf and saved them. The sentence, however,
was rigorously executed. Of twenty-one cities enumerated by Pausanias, Absm alone was spared, as having taken no part in the sacrilege: the rest were destroyed; their walls at least and principal
buildings were razed to the ground, and the inhabitants driven to
seek homes elsewhere, according to the terms of the judgment.
Diodorus, xvi. 60. Pausanias, x. 3. In the words of Diodorus, rTv
6''v,PwKcevat rpt6Sv 62ecav lrepte2eZv v 7ia2 7el t-, it would seem that 7ptdv
should be omitted; and even then there remains a tautology, when he
says afterwards, i-d' d6 7ir62.Etf CirUdaca rev 4wic(ev KcaiT-aciC( at. Leland,
in his Dissertation on the Amphictyonic Council, prefixed to the Life of
Philip, (page 40,) tries to explain this, by suggesting that there were
three Amphictyonic cities in Phoeis; and as they could not be entirely
demolished consistently with the oath of the Amphictyons, their walls
only were sentenced to be razed. See also Wesseling's note.




THE SACRED WAR.                      317
That the expulsion from their ancient dwellings, the separation of
friends, neighbors, and relatives, must necessarily have been attended
with great hardship and suffering, is manifest. But the evil was
aggravated by the presence of an insulting and vindictive enemy.
The work of destruction was committed to the Thebans, who, occupying the country with their army, in the license of military power
committed excesses of cruelty, against which it was impossible to
obtain redress, and useless to murmur. Large numbers of the people,
chiefly men in the prime and vigor of their life, emigrated to other
lands. Demosthenes, traveling through Phocis two or three years
after, describes what he saw with his own eyes; a dreadful scene of
desolation; cities lying in ruin, hardly any grown men in the country,
a population consisting almost entirely of the old and infirm, women
and children. Most of the spoil that could be collected became the
prize of Philip. But the Thebans were permitted to annex some
portion of the Phocian territory to their own dominion. The Bceotian towns, Orchomenus, Coronea, and Corsim, were delivered up to
them; and the two former they punished by enslaving the inhabit-.
ants. Yet the majority of these avoided their doom by flight, and,
together with a large number of Phocian exiles, found refuge in
Athens. 1
The allies of Philip thoughtlessly exulted in the vengeance which
they had inflicted on their enemies, and the advantages which they
had acquired for themselves. The Thessalians, pleased with the
restoration of the Pylaean synod and the festival, little heeded that
they had found a new master. The Thebans, having recovered their
lost dominion in Bceotia and got an accession of territory, thought
not for the moment that it was at the expense of their honor and
credit, that their acquisitions were the gift of the king of Macedon,
and that they were to see a Macedonian garrison established at
Nicaea, a monument of his power and their own weakness. In fact,
the real advantages were Philip's, who had obtained an immense
increase both of power and reputation. His kingdom, but lately
regarded as semi-barbarous, now took her rank among the Amphictyonic communities. iHe was further honored by the Delphians
with precedency in the consultation of the oracle-a distinction formerly conferred upon Athens and Lacedsemon. But, what was far
more important, he had extended his alliances, enlarged the sphere
of his influence, and got the command of Thermopyle, which gave
him at any time an entrance to southern Greece. The Athenians,
when all the mischief had been done, opened their eyes, and saw
how they had been duped and cheated. They made empty protests
and passed idle votes about the intrusion of barbarians into the
Amphictyonic council: they resolved to take no part in its proceed1 Pausanias, x. s3, 8. Justin, viii. 5. 2Eschines, De Fals. Leg. 47.
Demosthenes, De Pace, 61, 62: De Fals. Leg. 361, 385, 445.




318                    APPENDIX I.
ings, and send no deputies to the Pythian games. Yet all this had
no other effect than to exhibit their ill humor, and irritate the rest
of the Amphictyons; and when that body sent an embassy to Athens,
requiring them to accept the acts of the congress as legal, they dared
not refuse compliance.1
Phalecus, having carried away what remained of the Delphian
plunder, maintained his troops for a while in Peloponnesus; at
length, hiring a sufficient number of transports at Corinth, he
embarked and sailed for the Ionian sea, intending to cross over to
Italy or Sicily. There he hoped either to get possession of some
city, or to find military employment; for he had heard there was a
war between the Lucanians and the Tarentines; and he gave out
that he had been invited to go over by the natives. His soldiers,
however, when they got into the open sea, observing that there was
no envoy on board from any foreign state, suspected that he was
playing them false, and mutinied; the principal officers came with
drawn swords to him and his pilot, and insisted that he should sail
back to Peloponnesus. He returned accordingly, and landed at
Malea, the southern promontory of Laconia; where he found an
embassy from the Cnossians of Crete, who had come to enlist troops
for a war against the Lyctians. Phalsecus, receiving a large sum of
money in advance, consented to enter their service, and sailing with
them  to Crete, he attacked and took the city of Lyctus. Just at
this time there came an unexpected auxiliary to the Lyctians, no
less a person than Archidamus, king of Sparta. It so happened, the
people of Tarentum had applied for succor to the Spartans, who,
collecting a large force for the defense of their ancient colony, gave
the command to Archidamus; but, before he had set sail, envoys
arrived from Lyctus, and prevailed on the Spartans to assist them
first.  Archidamus, therefore, was sent to Crete, and. strangely
enough, found himself opposed to his old ally, Phalsecus, whom he
defeated in battle, and drove out of the city of Lyctus. He then
hastened to the relief of the Tarentines, in whose cause some time
afterwards he perished with his whole army, fighting  valiantly
against the Lucanians. Phalkecus, dispossessed of his former conquest, made an attempt on the city of Cydonia, and brought up his
battering engines; but ere they could be applied, they were struck
by lightning, and he himself and a considerable number of the
besiegers were consumed in the flames.  According to another
account, Phalsecus was killed by one of his own soldiers, whom he
had offended. The relics of his army were transported by some
Elean exiles to Peloponnesus, where, in an invasion of Elis, they
l Demosthenes, De Fals. Leg. 380, 381, 446: Philipp. ii. 74; iii. 119;
iv. 148: Ad. Epist. 153: De Coron. 240: and the whole of the Argument and the Oration on the Peace. Compare.Xsebines, Contr. Ctesiph. 73.




ORATORS AND STATESMEN.                    319
were signally defeated, and four thousand of them taken prisoners.
The Elean government divided the captives between themselves
and their Arcadian allies. Those allotted to the Arcadians were sold
into slavery; the Eleans put theirs to death.1
Thus, says Diodorus, all parties who had been concerned in the
plunder of Delphi met with signal retribution from heaven. Even
the women, who had worn any of the sacred ornaments, came to
a miserable and shameful end. To the same cause he attributes the
calamities that afterwards fell upon Athens and Lacedmnon.
Philip, who vindicated the oracular temple of Apollo, continued (he
says) from that time forth to prosper more and more, till at length,
as the reward of his piety, he was elected generalissimo of the
Greeks, and established the greatest monarchy in Europe.2  Such
was the strain in which the fanatics and parasites of the day extolled
the king of Macedon. aEschines chimes in with it, discordant as it
was with the true interests of his country, and with the feelings
which should have animated every well-wisher of the Hellenic happiness and freedom.3
APPEND IX II.
ORATORS AND STATESMEN.
_SSCnINES.
ESCRInTNES, the second in reputation of Athenian orators, was born
in the year i.c. 389, four years before Demosthenes. As to the rank
and character of his parents, different statements are made by himself and by his opponent. According to his own account, his father
Atrometus was an honorable citizen, connected by birth with the
illustrious priestly house of the Eteobutade, who lost his property
in the Peloponnesian war; and, having been forced to quit Athens
during the government of the Thirty, served for a time as a mercenary soldier in Asia, and on his return lived in reduced circum-' Diodorus, xvi. 61-63. Strabo, vi. 280. Pausanias, x. 2.
2 Diodorus, xvi. 64. He should have gone on to say, "' And two years
afterwards this same Philip perished by the hand of an assassin; an
inadequate punishment for his crimes, and for all the mischief he had
done to Greece."
3 Esehines, Contr. Ctesiph. 72. Kal -rod acroig  dp7e0 v r7f re d57f 
ravrrij /cat ti'E7r rbv MJpariv'yeuoviaf StiwlZdvovf, oi ial r7b'v AeC0o7f
lepbv 0ZevOpowaav. Compare De Fals. Leg. 50.




320                    APPENDIX IL
stances. His mother, Glaucothea, was the daughter of a respectable Athenian citizen. The account which Dernosthenes gives of
the parents and early life of iEschines may be regarded ill some
measure as a caricature; I yet it is not improbable, that the poverty
to which 2Eschines himself admits his parents to have been reduced,
compelled them to earn their livelihood by somewhat mean occupations. Notwithstanding the disadvantage of early poverty, their
three sons all raised themselves to honor and dignity at Athens.2
That -/Eschines must have received a good education, is attested by
the works which he has left behind him; and it is possible that he
may have owed this to the very school which his father is said to
have kept. W~hile he was yet very young, he obtained the situation
of' clerk to Aristophon, one of the leading statesmen of Athens;
afterwards he went into the service of Eubulus, with whom he
continued to be connected for the rest of his life as a politician and
a friend. Being gifted with a handsome person and sonorous voice,
he tried his fortune as an actor; but in this profession, which was
by no means dishonorable at Athens, he appears, for some cause
or other, not to have succeeded.3  Like other Athenian citizens, he
was called upon to perform military service for his country, and he
acquitted himself with honor in several campaigns; more particularly at Phlius, at Mantinea, and at Tamynme. In this last battle he
displayed such signal courage, that he was chosen to carry home
the news of the victory, and rewarded by the Athenians with a
crown. Phocion, who had witnessed his bravery, not only praised
him on the spot, but honored and esteemed him ever afterwards.
But the laurels which he earned as a speaker soon threw into the
shade those of the battle-field. His connection with Eubulus procured for him the situation of clerk to the popular assembly, through
which he got an intimate acquaintance with the laws, the politics,
and the public business of his country. This he found of immense
advantage, when he came himself to take a part in the debates;
and it is no wonder, that with his powerful voice and delivery, his
literary acquirements, and great command of words, he quickly
obtained a prominent place among the orators of the day.
The capture of Olynthus caused YEschines to come forward as a
strong advocate of warlike measures against Philip. The statements
of Demosthenes upon this subject-how he introduced Ischander to
the council; how he proposed the sending of embassies to rouse
the Greeks, and invite them to a congress at Athens; how he himself undertook the mission to Arcadia, and discharged that duty with
zeal and ability-all are fully admitted by YEschines. How he came
1 See this translation, ante, pp. 54, 55, 94-97, 193.
2 See ante, p. 189.
a The sneers of Demosthenes are at the failure of LEschines, not at
the profession itself.




ORATORS AND STATESMEN.                    321
to change his opinion, and to see the necessity of making peace with
Philip at that crisis, he himself gives a not unreasonable explanation:
as to which, and as to the part which he took in the embassy to
Philip and the negotiation for peace, the reader is referred to the
preceding history of the Sacred War.'
The circumstances attending the conclusion of this peace first
created hostility between yAEschines and Demosthenes.  The accusation preferred by the latter against his rival brought them into an
antagonism, both political and personal, which never ceased till
-Eschines finally quitted his native land. The peace had been so
signally discreditable to Athens, and so manifestly injurious in its
consequences, that in a very short time there was a strong reaction
in the feelings of the Athenian people, and the war-party recovered
their strength and popularity. Demosthenes stood forward as the
exponent of their views, and raised himself to the position, which
he had never occupied before, of a leading orator and governing
statesman; while YEschines, having with difficulty obtained his
acquittal on the charge of treason, notwithstanding the influence of
his friends Eubulus and Phocion, withdrew for a considerable time
from the strife of politics, and was rarely to be seen on the platform
of the assembly. Besides other grounds of suspicion against him,
the affair of Antiphon, in which he was charged with being an
accomplice, left a stain upon his character; and he must have felt it
as a deep disgrace, when the court of Areopagus took upon itself
to deprive him of an honorable office, to which the people had
elected him.2
In the year B.C. 340 he appears again on the scene of public life,
as one of the Pylagora, representing his countrymen in the Amphictyonic congress. His conduct upon this occasion (whether by accident or design, it is impossible to say) contributed to kindle a third
Sacred War, and bring on the fatal campaign of Chveronea. The
details of this are given in Appendix IX.
Having on the trial of Ctesiphon3 failed to obtain a fifth part of
the votes, he quitted Athens, and lived in exile in Asia Minor, earning his livelihood by teaching rhetoric. During the lifetime of Alexander he cherished hopes of returning to Greece. Upon the death
of that monarch he settled at Rhodes, where he lived peaceably for
nine years, and founded a school of eloquence, which afterwards,
under the name of the Asiatic, acquired considerable celebrity. It
was there that his scholars, hearing him recite his own oration
against Ctesiphon, expressed their astonishment at his having failed
to get the verdict. " You will cease to wonder," said he, " when
See especially pages 291, 293-312.
2 See ante, p. 56. And see the Argument to the Oration on the Embassy.
a See the Argument to the Oration on the Crown.
02




322                     APPENDIX IL
you have heard the speech of my adversary." On another occasion,
having read both of the speeches to a Rhodian assembly, and that
of Dzmosthenes, which he delivered with great energy, having
excited the admiration of all-" What would you have thought,"
said  e 3chines, " if you had heard the man himself!"  Cicero tells
this story, to illustrate tile importance of manner and address in
speaking. " Actio in dicendo una dominatur. Sine hMc summus
orator esse in numero nullo potest; mediocris, hMc instructus, summo3 seape superare.  Huic primas dedisse Demosthenes dicitur,
cdim rogaretur quid in dicendo esset primum; huic secundas, huic
tertias."
Of M2Eachines and his contemporaries Cicero, in his treatises on
Oratory, speaks as follows:" Si qui se ad causas contulerunt, ut Demosthenes, Hyperides,
Lycurgus, IE3chines, Dinarchus, aliique complures, etsi inter se
pares non fuerunt, tamen sunt omnes in eodum veritatis imitandma
genere versati; quorum  quamdiu mansit imitatio, tamdiu genus
illud dicendi studiumque vixit: posteaquam, extinctis his, omnis
eorum  miemoria sensim  obscurata est et evanuit, alia qumedam
dicencli molliora ac remissiora genera viguerunt."
" Suavitatem  Isocrates, subtilitatem  Lysias, acumen Hyperides,
sonitum _/Echines, vim Demosthenes habuit.  Quis eorum non egregius?  Tamen quis cujusquam nisi sui similis?"
"Nihil Lysim subtilitate cedit; nihil argutiis et acumine Hyperidi;
nihil lenitate E schini et splendore verborum."
Leland describes him thus:":2E3chines was an orator whose style was full, diffusive, and
sonorous.  He was a stranger to the glowing expressions- and
daring figures of Demosthenes, which he treats with contempt and
ridicule. But, though more simple, he is less affecting; and, by
being less contracted, has not so much strength and energy.  Or, as
Quintilian expresses it,'carnis plus habet, lacertorum minus.' But,
if we would view his abilities to the gireatest advantage, we must
not compare them with those of his rival. Then will his figures
appear to want neither beauty nor grandeur.  His easy and natural
manner will then be thought highly pleasing; and a just attention
will discover a good degree of force and energy in his style, which
at first appears only flowing and harmonious."
ARISTOPtION.
There are two persons of this name referred to in the orators:
Aristophon of Colyttus, and Aristophon of Azenia: though Reiske
is inclined to think they were the same person.
The former has been already mentioned as having taken,Eschines into his service as clerk. He was a friend of Eubulus, and a




ORATORS AND STATESMEN.                   323
politician of the same party. Demosthenes mentions them in connection, as both desiring the Theban alliance.'
Aristophon of Azenia was an older statesman, who took an active
part in Athenian politics for about half a century after the end of
the Peloponnesian war. HIe was an able speaker, and the author
of many new laws. One of them, passed soon after the expulsion
of the Thirty Tyrants, enacted, that no child should be deemed
legitimate whose mother was not a citizen. iEschines in the oration
against Ctesiphon says, that he was seventy-five times indicted for
passing illegal measures, and every time acquitted. He conducted
the prosecution, instituted  by Chares, against Iphicrates and
Timotheus, and procured the condemnation of the latter. One
of his last political acts was the defence of the law of Leptines,
B.C. 355.
CALLISTRATUS.
An eminent orator and statesman during the early life of Demosthenes. He was employed in various commands with Chabrias,
Iphicrates, and Timotheus, during the war with Sparta. In the
year B.c. 373 he joined Iphicrates in the prosecution of Timotheus,
but failed to procure a conviction.2  He was inclined to favor the
Spartan connection, and, having accompanied the envoys who
negotiated the peace of B.C. 371, he made a speech before the Peloponnesian congress, which is reported at some length by Xenophon,
and which appears to have been much approved.
Two years afterwards, he supported the motion for assisting the
Spartans, when Epaminondas invaded Laconia. He was ruined by
the unfortunate affair of Oropus, having advised that it should be
put into the hands of the Thebans.3  For this both he and Chabrias
were brought to trial, B.C. 366. Callistratus made a splendid speech,
which was heard by Demosthenes, and is said to have kindled in
his youthful breast the desire to become an orator. It was successful; and Callistratus was acquitted. But the loss of Oropus
rankled in the minds of the Athenians; and five years afterwards
he was tried again, and capitally convicted. Notwithstanding the
sentence, he was allowed to withdraw into exile; and for some
years he lived in Macedonia or Thrace; but choosing to return to
Athens without permission from  the people, he was arrested,
dragged even from an altar, and suffered the penalty of the law.4
Ante, p. 65; and see pp. 32, 33.
2 Ante, p. 254.
s Ante, p. 260.
4 On the history of Callistratus, there is a learned note and excursus
of Schneider, Ad Xenoph. Hellen. vi c. 3, s. 8.




324                     APPENDIX  IL
CHARES.
A  general, contemporary with Demosthenes, whom  during a
period of thirty years we find on various occasions commanding the
Athenian armies, more often to the disadvantage than the advantage of his country. His first command was at Phlius,.c. 367366, wvhen he successfully defended that city against the Argives.
Ill 361 Bn.., after Leosthenes had been defeated by Alexander of
Pherte, Chares was appointed admiral in his room; but he soon did
much greater mischief' than his predecessor; for, sailing to Corcyra,
he lent his aid to a faction which overthrew the democracy, and
which a few years afterwards seized the opportunity, when the
Athenians were distressed by the Social War, to sever the island
from  their alliance.  In the campaign against the Thebans in
Eubcea Chares held some command, and was immediately afterwards sent to the Hellespont, where he compelled Charidemus to
surrender the Chersonese according to treaty.l  Having thus acquirecld some credit, he was chosen to command in the Social War.
This was a series of disasters. He was defeated in the attack upon
Chios, where fell the gallant Chabrias. In the second year of the
war Iphicrates and Timotheusn were associated with him in the
command; but they were unable to obtain any success against the
allies, who with a superior fleet ravaged Lernnos, Imbrus, and
Samos, and levied contributions from the other subject islands. To
relieve Byzantium, which was besieged by the Athenians, the allies
advanced into the Propontis, and the two fleets met; but a storm
arising, the two elder generals thought it not prudent to risk an engagement: Chares, eager for battle, violently reproached them, and
afterwards wrote a letter to the people, accusing them of cowardice
and treachery.  Iphicrates and Timotheus were recalled, and afterwards brought to trial. Iphicrates with his son Menestheus was
acquitted; Timotheus was condemned to a fine of a hundred talents,
and retiring to Chalcis died in exile. The management of the war
was left to Chares; who, though no longer restrained by the presence of his colleagues, never ventured to attack the enemy-(perhaps indeed they gave him no opportunity)-but carried his troops
over to Asia Minor, to assist the satrap Artabazus in his rebellion
against the Persian king. Having vanquished the royal forces, he
received his promised reward, a sum, of money which enabled him
to maintain his army. But Artaxerxes having sent a wrathful
message to Athens, complaining of this' attack upon his kingdom,
the Athenians, who at first had not been displeased at the assistance rendered to Artabazus, ordered Chares to quit his service; and
not long afterwards, hearing that Artaxerxes was fitting out an
armament of three hundred galleys, and being quite unprepared for' See Vol. I, Appendix III. pp. 280, 281.




ORATORS AND  STATESMEN.                   325
a contest against such formidable odds, they concluded peace with
the revolted allies, and acknowledged their independence.
Chares still commanded in the Hellespont, where it was necessary for the Athenians to have -a fleet constantly stationed, for the
protection of their Thracian settlements and of the corn-trade. In
the year 355 B.c. he took Sestus. Polysenus relates a stratagem by
which Philip, having some transports to carry along the coast
from Maronea, contrived to elude the pursuit of Chares, who with a
squadron of twenty ships was lying in watch at Neapolis. Of his
sorry performances in the Olynthian war, and the inefficiency of
his operations in 346 B.c., when Philip was attacking Thrace, I
have spoken it the preceding volume.'  We may presume indeed,
that during all this time he did some service by keeping Philip's
squadrons at a distance, by blockading his coast and intercepting
his commerce.
That Philip suffered injury in this way from the war, is asserted
by Demosthenes, and is probable enough.  But the cruisers of
Chares were no less formidable to neutral and even friendly states
than to the enemy; and this fi-om the same cause which took him
away from his duty to serve Artabazus, viz. the want of proper
supplies from home.  His troops were chiefly mercenaries, levied
partly by his own exertions; and, in order to keep them together,
he was obliged to provide pay in the best manner that he could,
which was too often by forced contributions from the merchants,
the _ZEgean islands, and the cities of Asia Minor.2  This practice,
which in effect was a species of piracy, suited -the views of a man
like Chares, for it gave him a more absolute command over his
troops, and made him in some measure independent of his country;
while the Athenians connived at it, because it relieved them from
taxes and contributions. Chares resided chiefly at Sigeum, while
he kept up his influence at Athens by means of the orators of his
party, and by lavish distributions of money.
For his reception at Byzantium in the war of 340 B.C. I refer to
the last volume;3 and for his performances in the campaign of
Chseronea, to Appendix IX. of this volume. Chares was one of
the Athenians whom Alexander required to be surrendered with
Demosthenes. When Alexander crossed over to Asia, Chares was
living at Sigeum, and came to meet him at Ilium. Afterwards we
read of his seizing Mitylene, apparently on behalf of Darius; from
which he was expelled by Hegelochus the Macedonian general.
The character of the man appears from the history of his public
life. He was a vain, dashing officer, with a good deal of personal
See pp. 248-251, 288, 289.
One writer attributes the origin of the Social War to these very
practices of Chares. See Thirlwall's History of Greece, v. 213, 229.
3 Vol. I. Appendix III. p. 303.




326                    APPENDIX  IL
bravery, but little strategic skill. He was too fond of luxury and
ease to perform  his military duties properly. He used to carry
about with him on his expeditions music-girls and dancers and
other ministers of his pleasure. Funds which he received for warlike purposes he scrupled not to dissipate on idle amusement, or
spend in bribing the orators and jurymen at Athens. Such is the
account of Theopompus, perhaps a little overcharged; yet that it is
true in the main appears from other sources. According to Suidas,
his bad faith was so notorious, that the "promises of Chares" passed
into a proverb. The influence which such a man acquired at
Athens was owing partly to the absence of able competitors, partly
to the vice and corruption of the day. Statesman and general were
not united in the same person, as in the time of Pericles. The
general serving abroad was connected with the orator who stayed at
home; and they gave to each other a mutual support. Thus might
an indifferent commander be kept in his employment by party influence. Aristophon was for some time the fighting orator who
supported Chares at Athens.  We find Demosthenes in the second
Olynthian censuring this as a vicious practice, and pointing seemingly to Chares, though not by name. After the peace Chares and
his party joined Demosthenes, who was then confessedly the best
orator of the day, and had got the ear and confidence of the assembly. In the oration on ~the Chersonese, Demosthenes somewhat
excuses the irregular practices of the generals abroad, and speaks
indulgently both of Chares and Aristophon. Yet of the faults of
Chares we can not doubt that he was fully conscious, though
friendship may -have tied his tongue. He speaks with extreme
caution, where; he defends him against AE3schines in the Oration on
the Embassy.1
DEMADES.
A clever but profligate orator, who first becomes known to us in
the debate of 349 B. C., when he opposed the sending of succors to
Olynthus. From this time he attached himself wholly to the Macedonian party at Athens, and received the pay first of Philip, and then
of Alexander. As a necessary consequence, he was an enemy of
Demosthenes, with- whom he came into frequent collision in the
popular assembly.  His politics were not more opposite to those of
Demosthenes than was the style of his eloquence. Demades was an
off-hand and facetious speaker, without art and cultivation, but with
great natural powers, pleasing often by his coarse wit and vulgarity
more than others did by their studied rhetoric. If the people chanced
to be in the humor for his sallies, which was no rare occurrence, he
was a match even for Demosthenes himself.
It would appear, from the character given of him by Theophrastus
1Ante, p, 219.




ORATORS AND STATESMEN.                   327
and Cicero, and by divers anecdotes which are related of him, that
Demades was capable of something better than levity and joking
when he chose to exert himself; but his inordinate love of money
and pleasure rendered it impossible for him to be an honest man or
a good citizen.
Among the sayings ascribed to him are the following:Being told that his politics were unworthy of Athens, he said,
"he ought to be excused, for he steered but the wreck of the commonwealth."  Being reproached for changing sides, he declared that
" he often spoke against himself, but never against the state."
When the'news of Alexander's death was brought to Athens, he
said, "he did not believe it; for if it were true, the whole world
must by that time have smelt his carcass."
Diodorus relates, that after the battle of Cheronea Philip in a fit
of intoxication insulted his prisoners, and was rebuked by Demades
in the following terms: "Fortune, O king, has placed you in the
position of Agamemnon; are you not ashamed to act the part of
Thersites? "-that he took the reproof well, and even honored
Demades for his freedom; held friendly converse with him, and at
his persuasion released the Athenian prisoners without ransom. We
learn from Demosthenes, that he negotiated the terms of peace with
Philip.'
When Alexander demanded the anti-Macedonian orators, Demades,
for a bribe of five talents, undertook to save them. An assembly
being held to consider the question of delivering them up, Demades
moved an artful decree, by which the people, while they excused
the orators, promised to punish them according to the laws if they
deserved it. The Athenians passed the decree, and chose Demades to
be the bearer of it to Alexander. He took Phocion with him, and by
their persuasion Alexander was induced not only to grant the required
pardon, but to allow the Theban exiles to be received at Athens.
By the ascendency of Macedonia Demades acquired influence at
Athens, notwithstanding his notorious corruption, of which he made
no secret, while he squandered his wealth as infamously as he got it.
He succeeded Demosthenes as treasurer of the theoric fund, and held
the appointment for twelve years. It is related by Plutarch, that
succors would have been sent to the Lacedoemonians against Antipater, if Demades had not told the people, that they must then forego
the sum which he was about to distribute among them for a festival.
When Alexander claimed to receive divine honors from the Greek
states, Demades moved at Athens that the king's demand be complied with, and meeting some opposition, bade the people mind that
they did not lose earth, while they contested the possession of
heaven. - His motion was carried; but, after the revolution which
followed Alexander's death, he was sentenced to a fine of ten talents
I See ante, p. 103.




328                    APPENDIX  II.
for being the author of so base a decree. In the affair of Harpalus,
we find Demades coming in for his share of the plunder, and confessing it without scruple; his maxim being, never to refuse what
was offered him.
During the Lamian war Demades was in disgrace; but when
Antipater was marching upon Athens, he was again employed to
mediate for the people.  Yet with all his powers of persuasion,
assisted by Phocion and Xenocrates, he could only obtain peace for
Athens, on the terms of her receiving a Macedonian garrison and
a new constitution, paying the cost of the war, and giving up Demosthenes and other obnoxious orators. To the last condition we may
presume Demades offered no objection; for he immediately afterwards moved the decree which sentenced those men to death.
After this disgracefill peace, Phocion and Demades were the two
leading citizens of Athens; the real governor being Antipater's
lieutenant Menyllus. Phocion preserved a moral, if not a political
independence; while Demades was in every respect subservient to
his foreign patron. Antipater used to say, that of his two Athenian
friends, he could not get Phocion to accept any presents, and to
Demades he could never give enough.  Demades boasted of the
source from which he got his supplies; and, when he celebrated the
marriage of his son, observed that the wedding-feast was furnished
by princes. Yet all the liberality of Antipater did not satisfy him,
and he at length brought about his ruin by his own treachery. I-Ie
wrote a letter to Perdiccas, urging him to come and deliver Greece,
which he said was " hanging by an old rotten thread."  The letter
fell into the hands of Antipater. It so happened, that Demades was
shortly after sent by the Athenians to Macedonia, to petition for the
withdrawal of the garrison from Athens. Antipater, then in his last
illness, admitted him to an audience, and produced the letter. Demades, having not a word to say in his defense, was led away to
execution.
HE GESIPPUS.
An orator of the war-party at Athens. He supported the Phocian alliance. He defended Timarchus, and seems to have been
greatly disliked by LEschines and his friends, who gave him the
nickname of Crobylus, from the manner in which he braided
his hair.' He was sent on the embassy to Philip, in 343, B.C.,
to negotiate about the restitution of Halonnesus, the amendment
of the peace, and other matters; on which occasion he gave such
offense by his demands, that Philip banished the poet Xenoclides
from Pella for showing him hospitality. He afterwards denounced
Philip's conduct at Athens. The extant oration on ilalonnesus is
generally attributed to him.
I Perhaps in the fashion mentioned by Thucydides, i. 6.




ORATORS AND STATESMEN.                   329
IYPERIDES.
One of the most distinguished Athenians who flourished in the
time of Demosthenes; with whom he was intimateIy connected,.
and whom he supported in all his efforts to support the sinking cause
of Athens and of Greece against the king of Macedon. Though an
honest and generous politician, in his private character he was not
free from vice; and he was apt to display the violence of his passions
both in the assembly and elsewhere. In early life he received a
good education, having studied under Isocrates and Plato. Like
Demosthenes, he prepared forensic speeches for other men; and he
spoke and published many excellent orations, of which but a few
fragments have come down to us. In style he was subtle and argumentative; occasionally bold and striking in his figures; yet, as
Cicero says, very unlike Demosthenes. His delivery wanted animation.
iyperides was one of the patriotic citizens who equipped galleys
at their own expense, to carry troops to Euboea, when the Thebans
invaded the island. We have seen that he impeached Philocrates
for his treasonable conduct on the embassy. After the battle of
Cllaeronea he exerted himself with Demosthenes to put the city in
a condition of defense, and moved a decree to restore the exiles and
the disfranchised, to enfranchise aliens, and give liberty to slaves who
fought in defense of Athens. For this he was indicted by Aristogiton, and acquitted. A fragment of his speech is preserved:"' VWhat is it you reproach me with?  Proposing to give slaves
their freedom?  I did so to save freemen from slavery. Restoring
exiles to their country? I restored them that no man might become an exile. Not reading the laws which forbade the measure?
I could not read them; for the arms of the Macedonians took away
my eyesight."
He was one of the obnoxious statesmen whom Alexander demanded to be given up to him with Demosthenes and Chares. The
affair of IHarpalus caused a rupture between him and Demosthenes,
against whom he appeared as an accuser. When Demosthenes had
gone into exile, Hyperides was the leader of the anti-Macedonian
party at Athens; and after Alexander's death, he and Polyeuctus
proposed the warlike measures that were undertaken for the liberation of Greece. When envoys came from Antipater, and praised
the mildness of his disposition, Hyperides answered, " We do not
want a mild master.'  Upon the death of Leosthenes, who was
killed in a sally from Lamia, IHyperides spoke the funeral oration in
honor of the slain; of which- the following remarkable sentence is
preserved: 
"If death is like the state of the unborn, these departed ones are
released from disease, and sorrow, and all the casualties to which
humanity is subject. But if, as we believe, there still remains in the




330                    APPENDIX II.
invisible world a sense of the divine goodness, none surely can deserve it so well as those who have vindicated the profaned sanctity
of the gods."
The end of Hyperides is invested with the same melancholy interest as that of Demosthenes. After the submission to Antipater,
they were both, on the motion of Demades, sentenced to death; but
they had previously escaped to AEgina. Here Hyperides entreated
his old friend to forgive him for his unkindness. They then took
a last farewell; Demosthenes retiring to the island of Calauria, Hyperides to Hermione, where he sought refuge in the temple of Ceres.
Both were soon to be hunted down by the bloodhounds of the victor. Hyperides, dragged from his sanctuary, was carried to Antipater, who ordered his tongue to be cut out, and his body to be
thrown to the dogs. His bones were afterwards obtained by one of
his kinsmen, and carried to Athens to be buried.
LYCURGUS.
An eminent statesman and orator, chiefly known to us as the author of the speech against Leocrates, whom he prosecuted as a traitor for having deserted his country after the battle of Chseronea.
The case is remarkable, as showing what sort of offenses might be
construed as treasonable at Athens; and the whole speech deserves
to be read.' Leocrates was a man of some wealth, who, on hearing
of the signal defeat at Chmeronea, packed up all his effects, and
sailed away to Rhodes, where he spread a report that Athens was
taken by Philip. After staying abroad for seven years he returned
home, and resumed his post as a citizen, but was immediately impeached by Lycurgus, brought to trial, and convicted. Thirwall, in
the seventh book of his history, where this circumstance is recorded,
gives an admirable description of the life and character of Lycurgus,
which I present, somewhat abridged, to my reader:
"Lycurgus, the prosecutor, was one of the few men then living
at Athens who could undertake such a task with dignity, as conscious of a life irreproachably spent in the service of his country.
There are few Athenian statesmen of any age who can bear a comparison with him. Phocion equalled him in honesty and disinterestedness; but in his general character, and in his political conduct,
seems to fall far below him. He was a genuine Athenian, his family
being one of the oldest and most illustrious in Athens. He traced
the origin of his house (the Eteobutads) to the hero Erechtheus.
By virtue of this descent his family possessed an hereditary priesthood of Poseidon. In the Erechtheum, the temple dedicated in
common to the hero and the god, the portraits of his ancestors who
had held that office were painted on the walls. Lycophron, his
grandfather, had been put to death by the Thirty, and both he and
I See my article Ilpodoaia, in the Archmological Dictionary.




ORATORS AND STATESMEN.                   331
Lycomedes, another of the orator's progenitors, had been honored
with a public funeral. Lycurgus had studied in the schools both of
Plato and Isocrates; but had not learned from the one to withdraw
from active life into a visionary world, nor from the other to culti.
vate empty rhetoric at the expense of truth'and of his country.
His manly eloquence breathes a deep love and reverence for what
was truly venerable in antiquity. His speech against Leocrates,
which is still extant, shows that he dwelt with a fondness becoming his birth and station on the stirring legends of older times; but
his admiration for them had not made him indifferent or unjust
towards those in which he lived. He possessed an ample hereditary
fortune; but he lived, like Phocion, with Spartan simplicity. In
an age of growing luxury he wore the same garments through summer and winter, and, like Socrates, was only seen with sandals on
extraordinary occasions. Yet he had to struggle against the aristocratical habits and prejudices of his family. He was the author
of a law, to restrain the wealthier women from shaming their
poorer neighbors by the costliness of their equipages in the festive
procession to Eleusis; but his own wife was the first to break it.
His frugality, however, did not arise from parsimony, and was confined to his personal wants. He was reproached with the liberality
which he displayed toward the various masters of learning whom
he employed, and declared that, if he could find any that would
make his sons better men, he would gladly pay them with half his
fortune. He devoted himself to public life in a career of quiet, unostentatious, but useful activity. He was a powerful, but not a
ready speaker: like Pericles and Demosthenes, he never willingly
mounted the bema without elaborate preparation; and his writing
instruments were constantly placed by the side of the simple couch
on which he rested, and from which he frequently rose in the night
to pursue his labors. But to shine in the popular assembly was not
the object of his studies; he seems only to have appeared there on
necessary or important occasions. His genius was peculiarly formed
for the management-of financial affairs; and the economy of the
state was the business of a large portion of his public life. In the
latter part of Philip's reign he was placed at the head of the treasury. The duties of his office embraced not only the collection, but
the ordinary expenditure of the Athenian revenues, so far as they'were not appropriated to particular purposes. On the administration of the person who filled it depended both the resources of the
state and the manner in which they were regularly applied. The
office was tenable for four years; a law dictated by republican jealousy, and (it seems) proposed by Lycurgus himself, forbade it to remain longer in the same hands. Yet Lycurgus was permitted to
exercise its functions during twelve successive years, selecting some
of his friends for the last two terms to bear the title. In the course
of this period nearly 19,000 talents passed through his hands. He




332                     APPENDIX  IL
is said to have raised the ordinary revenue from 600 to 1,200 talents.  We hear of no expedients but unwearied diligence by which
he effected this increase. It is only as to the application that we
are more fully informed. It seems that the amount and the nature
of the domestic expenditure were committed in a great degree to
his discretion.  As the surplus not required for war fell into the
theoric fund, which was devoted to the transient gratification of the
people, it required all the influence of the treasurer to apply as large
a sum as possible to objects permanently useful. The administration of Lycurgus was distinguished above every other since Pericles
by the number of public buildings which he erected or completed.
Among his monuments were an arsenal, an armory, a theatre, a
gymnasium, a palaestra, a stadium.  After the example of Pericles,
he laid up a considerable treasure in the citadel, in images, vessels,
and ornaments of gold and silver, which at the same time served to
heighten the splendor of the sacred festivals.  It was in a different
capacity, under a special commission, that he also built four hundred
galleys, and formed a great magazine of arms. He seems likewise
to have taken Pericles for his model in a continual endeavor to
raise the character and to refine the taste of the people. We find
his attention directed to important branches of art and literature.
He was the author of a regulation for the better management of
the comic drama. But he conferred a more lasting benefit on his
country, and on all posterity, by another measure designed to preserve the works of the three great tragic poets of Athens. The
dramas of,Sophocles and Euripides, if not of zElschylus, were still
frequently exhibited: they were acknowledged as the most perfect
models of dramatic poetry; but this did not prevent them from undergoing a fate similar to that which has so often befallen the
works of our early dramatists: they were frequently interpolated
and mutilated by the actors. Before the invention of the press this
was a serious evil, as it endangered the very existence of the original works.  To remedy it, Lycurgus caused a new transcript or
edition to be made of them by public authority, in many cases
probably from the manuscripts of the authors, and to be deposited
in the state archives.  The value of this edition was proved by its
fate.  It was afterwards borrowed by one of the Ptolemies to be
copied for the Alexandrian library, and fifteen talents were left at
Athens as a pledge for its restitution. The king however sent back
the copy instead of the ori2ginal, and forfeited his pledge.  By the
decree of Lycurgus it was directed, that the players should conform
in their representations to this authentic edition.' All these works attest the influence of Lycurgus, while they
show the spirit in which it was exerted.  As the state intrusted
him with its revenues, so private persons deposited their property
in his custody.  When a piece of ground was required for his new
stadium, Dinias, its owner, made a present of it to the people, with




ORATORS AND STATESMEN.                   333
the extraordinary declaration, that he gave it for the sake of Lycurgus. Is testimony was sought as the most efficacious aid in thecourts of justice. He was once summoned by an adversary of Demosthenes. Demosthenes said he should only ask, whether Lycurgus would consent to be thought like the man whom he befriended.
HIe could venture sharply to rebuke the assembled people, when he
was interrupted in a speech by clamors of disapprobation. We
hear but of one case in which he may seem to have courted popular favor by a deviation from his principles in the management of
the public funds. He had convicted a wealthy man of a gross fraud
on the state in the working of the mines at Laurium. The offender
was- put to death, and his whole estate confiscated, and Lycurgus
consented to distribute the sum which it brought into the treasury
among the people, as the whole produce of the mines had been distributed befbre the time of Themistocles. The general tendency of
his measures, and the impression produced by his character, were
rather of an opposite kind. He inspired a feeling approaching to
awe by his antique Spartan-like austerity, as he publicly avowed
his admiration of' the old Spartan manners. When he was appointed to superintend the police- of the city, the measures by which he
cleared it of rogues and vagrants were deemed so rigorous, as to be
compared with the laws of Draco. On the other hand, one of his
celebrated enactments was a provision against one of the grosser
abuses of the slave-trade, by which it sometimes happened that free
persons were sold under false pretexts in the Athenian market.
"' The account, to which every Athenian magistrate was liable,
was rigidly exacted from one who filled such an office as Lycurgus
discharged for twelve years in succession. He rendered one at the
end of each quadriennial period, either in his own name, or in that
of the titular minister for whom he acted. No flaw was ever detected in his reckonings, and it appeared that he had on various occasions borrowed between 600 and 700 talents for the public service.
Still he himself was not satisfied with the ordinary inspection to
which his accounts were liable; he justly considered them as one
of his fairest titles to gratitude and esteem, and he therefore caused
them to be inscribed on a monument which he erected in the palestra founded by himself: and it appears that a considerable part
of this inscription has been preserved to our day. A short time
before his death, which seems to have a little preceded Alexander's,
he directed himself to be carried to the council. chamber, and challenged a fresh scrutiny of his whole administration. The only person who came forward to lay any thing to his charge was one
Menesxchmus, whom he had prosecuted, and he now refuted all his
cavils.
" Crowns, statues, and a seat at the table of the Prytanes, had
been bestowed on him in his life. After his death he was honored
with a public funeral, and with a bronze statue near the ten heroes




334                    APPENDIX IL.
of the tribes, and the distinction he had enjoyed as a guest of the
state was made hereditary in his family."
PHOCION.
Phocion is one of the heroes of Plutarch, who has written a very
interesting life of him, in which, however, he greatly overrates his
merits as a politician. He was born of humble parents in the year
402 B.c., and lived to the age of eighty. During all this time he
was remarkable not only for an inflexible integrity of conduct, but
for an austere virtue and simplicity, exemplified in his manners, his
dress, and his whole style of living. His early habits had accustomed him to the endurance of hardships; and the precepts of philosophy, which he imbibed from Plato and Xenocrates, under-whom
he afterwards studied, taught him to despise riches and other external advantages. Partly on such account, partly by his valor in the
field, and by means of a fluent and natural eloquence, he became a
favorite with the people, and was forty-five times elected to the
office of general, and on five occasions at least intrusted with important commands, in all of which he was successful.
At the battle of Naxos he served under Chabrias, and greatly distinguished himself. Chabrias observed, that his courage wvas tempered with prudence, a quality in which he himself was somewhat
deficient, and for want of which he lost his life afterwards in the
action at Chios. He selected Phocion to execute an important commission, that of collecting contributions from the islands, and offered
him a guard of twenty sail. Phocion said, if he was sent to enemies, the force was not large enough; if to friends, one vessel was
sufficient. Accordinggly he took a single ship, and managed things
so well, that he gathered all the arrears due from the allies. After
the death of Chabrias, Phocion, in requital of his kindness, took the
utmost pains to reform  the morals of his son Ctesippus, but found
him incorrigible.
HIis first important command was in Euboea, when he carried
succors to Plutarch of Eretria against Callias of Chalcis, who had
received assistance from Macedonia.  He found that Plutarch had
deceived the Athenians with respect to the amount of support which
he could offer. His own force was small, and through the negligence or treachery of his ally he was brought into a perilous position in the plain of Tamynse, where he was exposed to an attack by
superior numbers. He chose some rising ground, and fortified his
camp. Some of his men being mutinous, and straggling from the
camp, he told his officers not to mind them, as they would do him
more harm than good. When Callias advanced with his Macedonian auxiliaries, some of the Athenians were eager to charge: he
told them to wait till he had offered sacrifice; notwithstanding
which, his cavalry and the Euboeans rushed impetuously forward,
but were speedily routed, Plutarch being the first to fly. Callias,




tORATORS AND STATESMEN.                  335
thinking the battle won, led his troops in some confusion up to the
Athenian lines, when Phocion, informing his men that the sacrifices
were propitious, gave the order for attack; and his small band of
infantry, fklling with fury upon their enemies, after an obstinate
fight won the victory. Phocion afterwards expelled Plutarch from
Eretria, in which he established popular government, and secured it
by a fort called Zaratra, which he occupied, on a neck of land projecting into the channel. His successor Molossus managed things
so ill, that he was taken prisoner by the enemy; and Eretria was
lost to Athens. It fell soon under the tyranny of Clitarchus, a creature of Philip.
In the year 351 B.c., Phocion went to assist Evagoras in the expedition for the reduction of Cyprus, which in the following year
wvas re-annexed to the Persian empire. In 343, B.C., his services
were required to secure Megara against the intrigues of Philip. He
marched rapidly to the city with a large body of Athenians, and
being welcomed by the Megarian people, he proceeded to fortify the
harbor of Nisea and complete the long walls, thus bringing it under
the protection of Athens, and defeating the plot of Ptceodorus to introduce Macedonian troops. In 341, B.c., he restored Euboea to his
country, driving out the tyrants and the Macedonian garrisons from
Eretria and Oreus. And in the following year he achieved the signal successes which preserved Byzantium and the Chersonese.1
Seeing the warlike abilities displayed by Phocion, we can not help
deeming it unfortunate that he was not bftener employed, and particularly in the critical campaigns of Olynthus and Chteronea. Had
he been sent to assist Phalecus in the definse of Thermopyle, the
destiny of Greece might have been changed. He does not appear
to have been intrusted with any important command until he was
forty-eight years of age. For the cause of this we must look partly
to his own unambitious temper of mind, partly to the politics of the
time. Phocion was not a party man; both in private and in public
life, his views and his acts were independent: he did not command the
political influence, and he would have disdained to use the arts which
elevated such men as Chares to honors and dignities. He was generally opposed to the war-party; and it was but natural that, when
they had the opportunity, they should select for the execution of
their measures, the men who supported them. There is another
thing also to be noticed.-Phocion was an orator as well as a general: he is said to have been the last of the Athenians in whom
those two functions were united. He never made long speeches;
yet he commanded as much attention as any of those who mounted
the platform. He spoke with a pithy and sententious brevity, which
comported well with the gravity of his demeanor, and had the more
& See ante, pp. 32, 35, 37, 109, 209: and see Vol. I. pp. 107, 119,
128, 303, 304.




336                    APPENDIX  II.
effect on account of the esteem in which his character was held.
Without being ill-natured or discourteous, he had a dry, caustic humor, which could administer very sharp reproof to those who, he
thought, by their folly or presumption, or by the dangerous tendency of their argument, deserved it. Even Demosthenes feared him,
and once, when Phocion rose to speak, whispered to a firiend —
" Here comes the chopperl of my harangues." Nor did he spare the
people themselves more than his competitors, but was constantly
rebuking them for their follies. He told them once, he had given
them a great deal of good advice, but they had not the wit to follow
it. Yet for all that he was a favorite with the assembly; for they
respected his good qualities; and they always liked a man who
threw life into their debates.
A great number of his sayings are preserved by Plutarch; among
them the following:Chares rallied him in the assembly upon the gravity of his countenance: Phocion said, " My grave looks never hurt the Athenians;
but your mirth has cost them many a tear."
Being asked, in the theatre, why he was looking so thoughtful?
"I am considering," said he, "how to retrench something in a speech
I am about making to the people."
Demosthenes said to him, " The Athenians will kill you some day
in one of their mad fits:" " And you," said he, "if ever they come
to their senses."
His speech having been received with applause in the assembly,
he asked one of his friends, "if he had let drop any thing silly or
impertinent."
Being reproached for defending an unworthy man, he said, " The
innocent have no need of an advocate."
Aristogiton, a pettifogging orator, having been sentenced to a
heavy fine, requested Phocion to come and speak with him in prison.
His friends advising him not to go, Phocion said, " I know no place
where I would rather meet Aristogiton."
He reproved the people for their rejoicing at Philip's death, saying,
"Remember, the army that beat you at Chmeronea is lessened only
by one man."
When Demosthenes was inveighing against Alexander, then before the walls of Thebes, Phocion quoted the lines of Homer, in
which the companions of Ulysses entreat him not to provoke Polyphemus:
Koerfs. This illustrates the passage in the Oration on the Embassy
(p. 450):'H d. 7-oo;iyetv (dv6vayj,) civ Tcl rap' hicVZv T-LY KcovO6rTVY  UVTTr1, aicQCOCTCT1CC.




ORATORS AND STATESMEN.                    33 7
What boots the godless giant to provoke,
Whose arm may sink us at a single stroke l?
It is necessary however to advert to the political character of
Phocion, as to which there is some difference of opinion. Mitford
regards him as the best of Athenian statesmen. Plutarch takes but
little notice of those faults which Thirlwall and Grote comment on
with not more severity than justice.  Phocion as a statesman neglected the duty, which as a general he would have been the first to
acknowledge; that of defending his country; defending her by his
foresight and his counsel; descrying the danger that was approaching her, and advising the proper measures to avert it. He either
did not see the peril, or, when he did see it, he despaired of safety.
He gave up the game, while there was yet a chance of winning it.
This is proved even by the campaign of Chmeronea, the issue of
which was doubtful, and might have been different, if there had
been abler commanders on the Athenian side. Phocion was keenly
alive to the faults of his countrymen, but he did not strive to
amend them: he was content to sneer and moralize, without
endeavoring to instruct or improve.  Athens, with all her faults,
was the best governed of-all the states in Greece, and secured the
largest amount of rational happiness to her citizens. She was
worth preserving for the sake of Greece and of the world. It was
an injury to the cause of civilization and humanity, that such a state
should be overthrown by the brute strength of a semi-barbarous
power. Phocion should have co-operated with those who labored
to save their country, and not have thrown difficulties in their way.
What Athens wanted was the energy which animated her citizens
of a former age, and the military training and organization which
gives efficiency to an army. No man was better able than Phocion
to advise the Athenians upon these subjects; yet we no where find
him  exhorting them  to rouse from  indolence and prepare for a
struggle that was inevitable.  Tamynm might have shown him that
they were capable of doing something if properly directed. Still he
persisted in looking at the dark instead of the bright side of things;
and though he always did his duty in the field, he damped the
spirits of his countrymen and fostered their apathy and idleness at
1 Pope's translation of the Odyssey, ix. 494, where the companions
of Ulysses entreat him not to provoke Polyphemus:EXTC-r, riTir' E0'Xetf i'perOE'v dayptov lvdpa;
"Of icai vVi.v r'6v7ov6e ipa&)v f/3iof,'yayr vda
AVrT plf r etpov, a~ di) p/Zev Cay r60' 2 6eaC t.
Phocion was probably right in his counsel here. Yet Demosthenes
might have rejoined, that Ulysses was not convinced by his companions,
and quoted his words:'"2f cdav' ucl'U' o5 7r'edOov lzbv [ueya2rLropa Ov/z6v.
VOT. IT. —P




338                    APPENDIX IL
home. His philosophy was one-sided, not teaching him to be a
good patriot as well as a good man. Even in his sayings we may
discover an inclination to be smart rather than just, to sacrifice
truth occasionally to repartee. When Demosthenes advised that
Philip should be engaged in war as far as possible away from
Attica, Phocion said, "Let us not be so careful about the place
where we fight, as how to get the victory."  Here, as it appears to
me, Demosthenes gave sound advice, and Phocion's answer was
not to the point. Demosthenes might have said, "Yes; I am also
for taking every possible means to secure the victory; but still I
think it safer to fight Philip abroad than at home. Let us do this,
and not leave the other undone." Phocion censured the measures
of Leosthenes which led to the Lamian war; and being asked by
Hyperides, when he would advise the Athenians to declare war,
answered, " When I see the young observant of discipline, the rich
ready to contribute, and the orators abstaining from plunder." This
was ill-timed.
Phocion seems to have thought, like Isocrates, that Macedonian
ascendency was not inconsistent with the freedom of the Greek
states. Chseronea soon undeceived him. When Philip invited a
general congress to meet at Corinth, and Demades proposed that
the Athenians should join it, Phocion advised them to wait until
they knew what Philip would demand. Afterwards, when it was
found that Philip demanded of them a contingent of cavalry and
ships, the Athenians (says Plutarch) repented that they had not
followed Phocion's advice. Yet it may be doubted, whether they
would have done any good by merely absenting themselves from
the congress.
In the debate upon Alexander's demand of the orators, Phocion
advised the people to surrender them, and urged the orators to
yield themselves up for the public good. We may credit the declaration which Plutarch puts into his mouth, that he would have
been equally willing to resign his own life to insure the safety of
his country; and yet it is painful to see Phocion recommending the
sacrifice of these distinguished men to his country's enemy. Of the
relations which existed between Phocion and Demosthenes we
know but little. They were opposed in politics; yet it does not
appear that they were enemies in private: not a word is ever
uttered by Demosthenes in disparagement of Phocion;  and it is
observable that three important commands (upon the expeditions to
Megara, to Euboea, and to ]Byzantium) were conferred upon him
after Demosthenes had acquired political power. While we lament
Phocion appeared to support XEschines on his trial: he was, as we
should say, a witness to character. Demosthenea, where he alludes to
his adversary's supporters, does not name Phocion, though he addresses
Fubulus in language of strong reproof. See ante, pp. 189, 207, 208.




ORATORS AND STATESMEN.                  339
Phocion's mistaken views of duty, we can not suppose that he acted
from any ill will towards Demosthenes or his friends. He went
with Demades on the deprecatory mission to Alexander,' and was
most favorably received by that prince, who is reported on that occasion to have said, " The Athenians must keep their eyes open;
for, if any thing should happen to me, they alone are worthy to
command."
Alexander during the short time that he conversed with Phocion
conceived a great regard for him, and, after he had gone to Asia,
corresponded with him as a friend, In the letters which he wrote
after his conquest of the Persian kingdom he omitted the word
Greeting (the common form of salutation) to all persons whom he
addressed except Antipater and Phocion. He could not however
induce Phocion to accept any presents from him. To some officers
who brought him a hundred talents Phocion said-" How comes it
that among all the Athenians I alone am the object of Alexander's
bounty?" and being told, that it was because Alexander esteemed
him alone to be a man of honor and probity; " then, " said he, " let
him  allow me to continue so,"  Craterus was ordered to offer
Phocion his choice of four Asiatic cities: this also he refused.
Alexander in some displeasure wrote to say, that he could not
regard a man as his friend, who would accept no obligation from
him; upon which Phocion requested him to pardon four persons,
who for some offense were in custody at Sardis; and accordingly
they were set at liberty.
When Alexander sent for the ships which the Athenians had
promised to furnish, and some opposition was made in the assembly, Phocion warned them to keep friendship with those in
power, until they had greater power themselves.  It -does not
appear what part he took upon the motion for deifying Alexander.
When iHarpalus came to Athens, Phocion rejected his bribes, but
dissuaded the giving him up to Antipater.  When the people
were in excitement upon the first news of Alexander's death,
some saying it was false, others crying out that it was true" Well," said Phocion " if it is true to-day, it will be true to-morrow and the next day; and we shall have time to deliberate about
it at our leisure."
He opposed the Lamian war from the first, thinking the Athenians would not have the means to carry it on. In the midst of
their successes in the first year he disheartened them by his gloomy
forebodings. Those who judge by the event have praised him; yet
the history -of the war itself proves, in spite of all that Diodorus and
others have said to the contrary, that there was a very good chance
of success, and that the Athenians were fully justified in commencing it. Had Phocion not shown so despondent a temper, he
See ante, p. 327.




340                    APPENDIX  II.
would probably have been chosen to succeed Leosthenes as general
of the allied army; and his military talents might have produced a
different result. Once more only was he destined to lead his countrymen to victory. He had dissuaded them (perhaps prudently)
from invading Boeotia, while the flower of their army was engaged
in Thessaly. But when the Macedonian fleet, having been victorious at sea, made a descent at Rhamnus, and landed a large force
which overran and ravaged the country, Phocion mustered all that
were capable of bearing. arms, and putting himself at their head,
marched to the defence of Attica. Here again we find him, as in
his younger days, checking the too forward eagerness of his soldiers,
and exerting himself to keep them under command. Nor was this
without effect. The Macedonians were routed, and their general
Micion was slain. This was the last gleam of success which attended
the Athenian arms.
When Antipater was approaching Athens with his victorious
army, Phocion, as we have seen already, was sent with Demades
and Xenocrates to appease him; but the only terms which he could
obtain were such as annihilated his country's independence. Athens
was deprived of the few insular possessions which Philip had left
her. She was forced to accept a new constitution, by which nearly
two-thirds of her citizens were disfranchised. Many of them emigrated to Thraee, where Antipater offered them an abode. Some
of the upper class were banishedifrom the city. A Macedonian garrison was established at Munychia, to overawe any malcontents that
might remain.
Amidst all the calamities and disgraces which had fallen upon his
country, Phocion preserved his serenity of mind. He had survived
all that was great and noble in Athens. There however he lived,
on friendly terms with the Macedonian governor, Menyllus, with
whom he had been formerly acquainted: while he refrained from
all opposition to the ruling power, which then would have been
useless, he refused all the proffered favors of Antipater, as he had
once refused Alexander's.  The influence which he could exert at
Athens was greater than at any former period, owing indeed as
much to Menyllus as to himself. Yet even of this poor consolation
he was soon to be deprived by the death of Antipater, which occasioned a new revolution.
Antipater, before he died, had nominated Polysperchon as his
successor in the regency: Cassander,.his son, prepared to contest
this appointment, and, among other precautions which he took to
secure his own power, sent his friend Nicanor to Athens, to receive
from Menyllus the command of the garrison. Menyllus, ignorant of
Antipater's death, resigned his charge immediately. Polysperchon,
to counteract the efforts of Cassander, drew up an edict in the name
of king Arideus, Philip's son, making liberal promises in favor of
the Greek cities; and wrote a conciliatory letter to Athens, pro



ORATORS AND STATESMEN.                   341
posing to restore the democracy. At the same time he sent troops
under his son Alexander to expel Nicanor from Munychia, and prepared himself to follow with a larger force.'The Athenians, beguiled by the regent's letter, were eager to get
rid of Nicanor and his garrison; and a plot was laid to seize him in
the Pirmeus, where he was invited to attend a meeting of the council. Nicanor, who was secretly collecting reinforcements to maintain his position, attended the meeting, upon Phocion's undertaking
to be answerable for his safety; but hastily withdrew, upon receiving a hint of his enemies' designs. Phocion was reproached by the
Athenians for not having seized Nicanor's person, as he might have
done. He asserted that there was no reason to suspect Nicanor
of any hostile intention; but this only aggravated the displeasure
of the people, when Nicanor, having received his reinforcements
from Salamis, surprised Piraeus in the night.  He then offered
to lead his countrymen against Nicanor, but they refused to
follow him, and soon afterwards, when Alexander appeared with
his troops before the walls, they deposed Phocion from his office
of general.
The Athenians had imagined, that Alexander was come to liberate
them from the garrison and to enforce the kiCng's edict; bit they
soon found themselves mistaken. Alexander was observed to hold
private conferences with Nicanor. It was suspected that they were
concerting measures together, and that Phocion, who had himself
had interviews with Alexander, was at the bottom of the scheme.
A number of exiles, who had followed the march of the Macedonian!
army, had got admission to the city, and helped to inflame the people
against Phocion. One Agnonides accused him of treason: upon
which he with some of his friends fled to the Macedonian camp.
Agnonides persuaded the Athenians to send embassadors with an
accusation against him to Polysperchon.  Phocion was sent by
Alexander with a letter recommending him, to his father's protection.
Notwithstanding this, Polysperchon, who had now advanced with
an army into Phocis, received him with the utmost rudeness; and,
when he was accused by the Athenian envoys, refused to hear any
defense. An uproar being occasioned by many of the Athenians
speaking at once, " Put us all into one cage," said Agnonides, "and
send us to Athens to try our quarrel there." This strange request
was after a while complied with; and Phocion and the other accused
parties were put in a wagon, and sent in chains to Athens under
the escort of Clitus.
They were carried to the theatre, where the assembly was to sit
in judgment upon them. A vast crowd was gathered, consisting in
part of exiles, foreigners, and slaves. The exiles were peculiarly
exasperated against Phocion, because he had been the friend of
Antipater. Clitus read a letter from the king, which declared that




342                    APPENDIX I.
he believed all the prisoners guilty, but that he left their case to the
free judgment of the Athenian people. The accusers charged Phocion with being the author of all the evils which had fallen upon
them since the Lamian war; the overthrow of the democracy, the
death and exile of so many citizens, the yoke of the Macedonian
garrison. It was in vain that he attempted to speak. His voice was
drowned by clamor. "Athenians"-at length he exclaimed:-" I
myself plead guilty: but what have these my friends done?" —" It
is enough"-cried the people-" that they are your accomplices."
Agnonides moved, that they should decide at once, by show of
hands, whether the prisoners were guilty; and if so, that they
should be put to death. The sentence of condemnation was unanimous. Torture was proposed; but even Agnonides declared, he
could never consent to treat Phocion in such a manner: and one
honest voice was heard to exclaim-" You are right, Agnonides:
for if we put Phocion to the torture, what may you not expect?"
Four of the condemned persdns were carried with Phocion to
execution. He was insulted as he passed along: one man spat in
his face: he turned to the archons and said-" Will no one correct
this fellow's rudeness?" He preserved his own calm composure to
the last, and endeavored to cheer his companions. Being asked, if
he had any message to his son, he answered-" Yes: tell him to
forget how the Athenians treated his father." Nicocles, who had
been one of his dearest friends, entreated that he might drink the
hemlock first. " A-h!" said Phocion; "of all the requests you ever
made this is the most painful to me; but, as I never refused you
any thing, I must grant this also."  The executioner had not mixed
hemlock enough for all, and asked twelve drachms for a fresh supply: "What?" said Phocion: "can't one die free of cost at
Athens?" —and he requested one of his friends to give the man his
fee.
Such was the end of Phocion. It was compared to that of
Socrates. It reminds one also of Sir Thomas More.
APPENDIX III.
THE COUNCIL OF AREOPAGUS.
TnIS council, so called from the Hill of Mars, where it held its
sittings, near the Acropolis, was a judicial and deliberative body
greatly esteemed at Athens. It was from time immemorial established- as a court of criminal jurisdiction, to try cases of murder,




THE COUNCIL OF AREOPAGUS.                 343
maiming, and arson. It sat in the open air, to escape the pollution
of being under the some roof with the guilty. In its proceedings
the utmost solemnity was observed. Both parties were sworn to
speak the truth; and the facts alone were inquired into, without
appeals to the feelings or oratorical display,
The Areopagites used to be taken from the noble families of
Attica. But Solon introduced a new law, that the Archons whose
official conduct had been approved should be members of this council for lifre. At the same time he enlarged the power of the council, attaching to it political and censorial duties, in order that with
the council of five hundred it might act as a check upon the democracy.
In their censorial character the Areopagites kept watch over the
religion and morals of the city, maintained order and decency,
looked to the education of the young, inquired how people got
their living, and checked riotous excesses and debauchery. They
had power to summon before them and punish offenders. They
acted often from their own personal knowledge, without requiring
testimonial evidence. We read of their entering houses on feast
days, to see that the guests were not too numerous. Menedemus
and Asclepiades, two poor young men, were called before the council, and asked how they could manage to live, when they spent all
their days in idleness in company with philosophers: they proved
that every night they earned two drachms by grinding at a mill;
whereupon the council rewarded them with a present of two hundred drachms.
As a political body, it was their province to inquire into offenses
against the state and report them to the people. If the public safety
required it, or if there was not time to wait for the ordinary course
of law, they could interfere summarily to avert threatened danger,
to prevent the consummation of crime, or bring the offenders to
speedy justice.
For example: after the battle of Chseronea, when it was expected
that Athens would be besieged, the Areopagites caused certain men,
who were preparing to leave their country, to be seizedand put to
death. So also, they put Antiphon to the torture and sentenced him
to death, although he had been dismissed by the popular assembly;
and they deprived iEschines, suspected of being his accomplice, of
an office to which he had been elected by the people.'
Or the people might give a special commission to be executed by
the Areopagites. Thus in the affair of Harpalus a decree was
passed, directing them to investigate what had become of the
treasure which that officer brought to Athens. They instituted a
rigid inquiry, searching the houses of the suspected parties; and
See ante, pp. 56, 118, 181; and Vol. I. p. 168, note 3.




344                      APPENDIX  III.
then made a report, charging several persons with having received
presents, and among them, Demades and Demosthenes.
Had not the council maintained a high character for justice, prudence, and moderation, it would have been impossible for such
inquisitorial and summary powers to have been tolerated in a free
state like Athens. That they were exercised generally to the advantage of the people, and that public opinion supported them, appears
from the express testimony of Isocrates, _/Eschines, and other writers.
Isocrates in his Areopagitic oration contrasts the loose morals of
his own time with those of a former age, over which the Areopagus
exercised a greater control: he says, that it was the most esteemed
tribunal in Greece; that even bad men,when they became members
of it, discarded their own nature, and conformed to the character
of the institution.
In the time of Pericles the democratical party, of which that
statesman was at the head, looked with jealousy upon the council
of Areopagus, on account of the support which they thought it gave
to the aristocratical or conservative interest: and they exerted themselves to bring it into discredit with the people, and to weaken its
authority.  The opposite party, headed by Cimon, resisted this
attempt; and the poet /Eschylus engaged his pen in the same
cause.  The tragedy of the ]Eumenides is said to have been composed -for the express purpose of upholding the authority of the
Areopagus. He there shows how it was established by the tutelary
goddess of Athens; how its first sittingwas appointed for the trial
of Orestes, pursued by the vengeful Furies for shedding his mother's
blood; how it pronounced his acquittal with the aid and sanction of
the goddess; how Orestes vowed for himself and his country eternal alliance with Athens; and how Pallas declared that the court
and council, composed of the best and worthiest Athenian citizens,
revered for its wisdom  and incorruptibility, should endure to all
ages and be the safeguard of the country.   The inference was that,
S1 ee the Eumenides, 465:KI(pvaca' (' r(SV r7Sv EUcv r5T  ETXca7ra
f?/w, dLtltpeV rTOVTO Trpaiy' ET27rTV6)~,
OPICov rEpCvrarc  (76~iv  Elcdutcov Opeacv.
And 651-670:KI(2olT' (rv,l Oercbv,'ATrrTbCOC  roC,'rpMa~c diICac KcpiVOVrTE acaTo c Xvro7.
rTarac dt KaG rT ZotuO'v'Apye[ acrp-arc
dei dGCaCrrv 7rorTO  /OVZEV7TPpOv.
roCtveC rot rtap3oOvreC fv6itoSC a~fpac,
Epvlua re Xcpac icai irS6e2oC uw-rmptov
vXOTr' av, o1ov OArtg avOp1rrWV tXCIE
otVre T2/c,01otv, oTre HIox'rof Ev r6trotc.




THE COUNCIL OF FIVE HUNDRED.                   345
instead of seeking to encroach upon the power of this solemn and
awful tribunal, the people of Athens ought to regard it with veneration, and maintain it in all its integrity. However, notwithstanding
this powerful appeal, and all the opposition of Cimon and his party,
Ephialtes in the year B.c. 458 carried a decree, which to some extent
abridged or limited the powers of the council. The exact nature of
the change which he introduced is a matter of controversy. That
the criminal jurisdiction of the court was not interfered with, appears
from the testimony of Demosthenes, who in the oration against
Aristocrates says, that neither tyrants nor people had ever deprived
it of that jurisdiction, and that even the condemned had never complained of its verdicts. That it still continued to exercise large and
undefined powers of an inquisitorial and political character, appears
from the examples above mentioned, occurring in the age of Demosthenes. It is not unlikely, however, that some of the censorial
functions of the Areopagus may have been taken away altogether.
But what is still more probable is, that the Areopagites, as a political body, were made accountable to the people for the proper discharge of their duties. This would be a regulation perfectly just of
itself, and in accordance with the spirit of the Athenian constitution,
which did not permit the existence of any irresponsible functionaries. Under the check of such a law, they would be more cautious
how they interfered on ordinary occasions with the rights and liberties of their fellow-citizens: but it would not prevent them from
taking strong measures for the public safety or advantage, when
necessity required it.'
APPENDIX IV.
THE COUNCIL OF FIVE HUNDRED.
THE council or senate of five hundred was an executive and deliberative body, appointed to manage various departments of the
public business, more especially that which related to the popular
assembly. As established by Solon, it consisted of four hundred
members, a hundred from each of the four tribes into which the
Athenians were then divided: but when the ten tribes were substiEpd&5v'ICTOtcov 7TOro i3ov2EXvpWLV,
aldozov, W5fivzov, edVO vroV  iV VEp
Eyp7yopbg ~po rpnta y7g KaaOraua/yat.
See Thirlwall's History of Greece, iii. 18, 22; and Whiston's article
on the Areopagus, in the Archteological Dictionary.
1 2




346                    APPENDIX  IV.
tuted by Clisthlenes for the four, the number of counselors was raised
to five hundred, fifty being taken from each of the tribes;  They
were annually chosen by lot-in Solon's time from the three first
classes only, but afterwards from the whole body of the people-with
no other restriction than that they must be genuine citizens on both
the father's and the mother's side, and of the age of thirty. To
insure the legal qualification, the counselors elect underwent a
scrutiny' before the existing council, and if any one was rejected,
another was chosen in his room from the same tribe. Having passed
the scrutiny, they took an oath to observe the laws and consult for
the good of the commonwealth. At the expiration of their year of
office they had, like all other functionaries, to render an account of
their official conduct to the auditors: and during the term any one
was liable to be expelled by his colleagues for misbehavior.
For the more convenient dispatch of business, the tribes apportioned the year among them, and took the duties in rotation. The
council was thus divided into ten bodies of fifty men, who were
called Prytanes, or Presidents, and who for the time represented the
whole council. Their term of office was called a Prytany, or Presidency. As the lunar year at Athens consisted of 354: days, it was
so arranged, that there were six Prytanies' of thirty-five days each,
and four of thirty-six, the supernumerary days being assigned to the
four last Prytanies.  This was a little modified in intercalated years.
The turns were determined by lot. From the Prytanes again were
taken for every seven days of their term of office an executive committee, called Proedri.  They had an Epistates, or chairman, chosen
for each of. the seven days, by whom were kept the public records
and- seal.
Besides the committee thus taken from the presiding tribe, the
chairman had to form a committee of nine counselors from the other
tribes, choosing one from each bv lot. This mixed commitee attended
all the meetings of the council and the assembly, and nothing could
be done without their sanction. The object of this regulation was,
to give the other tribes a check upon the presiding tribe. And it
appears that in later times the mixed committee performed the duties
anciently appropriated to the committee of the single tribe; which
was a better arrangement.2
The council was to be, according to Solon's design, a sort of directorial committee, to assist the people in their deliberations, and to
guide and control their acts in assembly.  It was their duty to discuss beforehand, and also to prepare and draw up in proper form,
the measures that were to be submitted to the people, whether they
emanated from themselves, or were proposed by any private inciI Aolcruata.
2 Such is the explanation of Schimann. De Comitiis, p. 84. Antiquitates Juris Publici, p. 217.




THE COUNCIL OF FIVE HUNDRED.                   347
viduals. This afforded some guarantee, that no ill-considered measures would be brought before the assembly. The proposition to be
introduced, having received the sanction of the council, was called
a Probouleurma, a decree or order of council, and when it was ratified
by the assembly, it became a Psephisma, 1 or decree of the people.
Thus, as we have seen, Ctesiphon's decree in honor of Demosthenes
first passed the council, and afterwards the assembly. It would have
been impossible however, in a democracy such as that of Athens
became, to adhere to the ancient rule, which required every decree
moved in the assembly to have been first approved by the council.
This therefore was soon dispensed with. Amendments were proposed
during the discussion of a bill, which the people could adopt if' they
pleased. And any citizen was at liberty to move a decree, upon first
applying to the committee of council, and either getting them to prepare it for him, or obtaining their assent to it as prepared by himself.
The form of the ancient practice was thus still preserved; for every
motion was made through the council, though they might not actually
have formed an opinion of its merits.  And if it appeared to the committee of council, that any motion was objectionable, either in point
of form or on more serious grounds, they might refuse to bring it
before the assembly; for which refusal, if improper, they would of
course be responsible to the people.
It was the business of the Prytanes in general to convene the
popular assembly, and to give public notice of the business to be
transacted.   Their committee attended with the chairman and presided over it. They proposed the subject of discussion; caused to
be read by the usher any bill which had been proposed; permitted
the orators to speak; put the question to the assembly; and took the
votes. 2
Besides preparing questions for the general assembly, the council
had a right to issue ordinances of their own, which, if not set aside
by the people, remained in force for the year. And sometimes, for
the sake of convenience, the people specially delegated to the Council
of Five Hundred, as they did to the Areopagus, extraordinary
powers, which they could- not have ventured to exercise of their own
authority.  Of this we have seen an example in the case of the embassy to Philip, when the council issued that order, which Demosthenes complains of his colleagues for disobeying.3
The executive duties of. the council were very numerous. The
l But the decree of the council was called sometimes T?~c/vca.
2 They wvere said-,yp7yuariartv (to open the business of the assembly);
yvduac wrportO6vat (to give leave to address the assembly); Ti'rrn'ticetv,
or E7rtXetporoaiv 1al; d(vat (to put the question to the vote). De Sch6mann, De Comitiis, 89, 91, 120; Ant. Juris Publici, 221. For more on
the subject of the Assembly, see the following Appendix.
a See ante, p. 306.




348                    APPENDIX  IV;
whole financial department of the administration was under their
control. They superintended the letting of the public revenues.'
They exacted payment from the lessees, and had power to send
defaulters to prison. The collectors and receivers accounted to them
for the public moneys. The treasurers of the revenue received the
moneys handed over to them by their predecessors in the presence
of some members of the council. In every Prytany an account of
the revenue was laid by the council before the people.
They had the charge of building a certain number of galleys every
year; and of rewarding those captains who had been most expeditious in the equipping and launching of their vessels.  It was their
peculiar duty to see that the horsemen whom the city maintained
were properly trained and exercised, and their horses kept in good
condition. And they attended in some measure to the musters of
infantry and seamen.
We have seen that the counselors of the year examined the counselors elect as to their qualification for office.  They had also to
examine the archons elect, to see whether they were qualified by
law, and worthy in all respects to undertake that important magistracy. Any citizen might come before them to show grounds of
disqualification; and the council might hear arguments on both sides,
and send the case, if they pleased, to be determined by a court of
justice.  The speech of Lysias against Evander is an example of a
case of this kind heard before the council.
Impeachments2 for any grave misdemeanors, which could not so
well be dealt with by the ordinary processes of law, might be preferred to the council, who took cognizance of them in the first instance, and could themselves impose a penalty not exceeding five
hundred drachms; but if the offense demanded a heavier punishment,
they had to bring it before the popular assembly or a jury.
The council sat every day in the year, except holidays, for the
transaction of business.  To the multifarious character of their occupations Xenophon bears testimony in a remarkable passage in his
treatise on the Athenian republic, as follows:
"I find some persons complain, that a man may wait a twelvemonth at Athens before he can get an audience of the council or the
people. The fact is, they have so much to do at Athens, they are
obliged to send away some without hearing them. How could it be
otherwise, when they have more festivals to keep than any city in
Greece, during which it is not easy to dispatch public business; and
they have more lawsuits, prosecutions, and audits, than all the rest
of the world? The council has a multitude of questions to consider,
about war, about supplies of money, about the passing of laws, about
A board of officers, called II(orract, acted under their superintendence.
2 EGayyc iaL.




THE POPULAR ASSEMBLY.                     349
the daily affairs of the city and those of their allies. They have also
to receive tribute, and attend to the arsenals and the service of the
temples.  Is it at all wonderful, that, with so many occupations, they
are not able to transact business with every body?"
The council-chamber was open to the public, and strangers sometimes attended to hear their consultations,  but might be directed to
withdraw.
To assist them, the council had two secretaries; one2 of whom
was chosen for each presidency, whose business it was to keep the
decrees and other records drawn up during that particular term; and
another,3 elected for the whole year, who had custody of the laws.
There was also a checking-clerk,4 whose especial duty it was to take
an account of the moneys received by his employers. And these
doubtless had under-clerks5 to assist them.
The members received two drachms a day for their services, besides dinner at the public cost in the Prytaneum, or city-hall, which
was close to the council-chamber.6  During their year of office they
were exempt from military service: and, as a further mark of distinction, principal places in the theatre were assigned to them. At
their meetings they wore a wreath of myrtle; and at the end of the
year, if they had given satisfaction, it was customary for the people
to reward the whole body with a golden crown.
APPENDIX V.
THE POPULAR ASSEMBLY.
TiE will of the sovereign people of Athens was expressed in the
Ecclesiad, or Assembly. Here were brought before them all matters
which, as the supreme power of the state, they had to order or dispose of; questions of war and peace, treaties and alliances, levying
of troops, raising of supplies, application of the revenue, religious
ordinances, bestowing of citizenship and other honors, privileges, or
rewards: likewise, the revision of the laws, the election of a great
See an example, ante, p. 127.' rpa,uzaere~ ccaTe Ylpvraveiav. See, as to this officer and- the others
mentioned below, Schdmann, De Comitiis, 319, 320.
S rpa/ua-redf Trf fov~C,.
4'Avrtypafperv  r7f fiovX2Af.
5'TTroypayt,uTaEC.
6 As to the Prytaneum, see ante, p. 130.




350                      APPENDIX  V.
variety of magistrates and public functionaries, embassadors or other
persons intrusted with special commissions; irnpeachments and informations for treason and higlh misdemeanors, which they either
determined finally themselves, or sent before a judicial tribunal.
Indeed, there was no question which could not ultimately be dealt
with by the assembled people, if they chose to exert their plenary
authority, though by the ordinary constitutional practice the duties
of the Ecclesia were pretty well defined.
Anciently the people used to assemble once only in each Prytany,
or ten times a year. After the democracy had grown strongel, and
the business to be done by the whole people increased in magnitude
and importance, they met four times in each Prytany. These were
cilled the ordinary or regular assemblies.' On what days they were
held, is not known; but it is thought they varied in the different
terms.2  The Athenians avoided meeting on holidays or unlucky3
days.  Assemblies, however, might be convened for other besides
the regular days, if any emergency required it. These were called
extraordinary.4
The Assembly used anciently to be held in tile market-place.
Afterwards it was transferred to the Pnyx,5 and at a later period to
the theatre of Bacchus.  But it might be held any where, either in
the city, or the Pirneus, or elsewhere. The Pnyx, which was the
common place of meeting in the time of Thucydides and Demosthenes, was an open semicircular piece of ground, opposite the Areopagus. It was naturally on an incline; but to make it level, the lower
end was raised by a stone pavement.s Here was the entrance for
the people." The other end was skirted by a wall, from the centre
of which projected the Beina, or speaker's platform, which was cut
out of solid rocks ten feet from the ground, and to which there was
l Kvpcat, or votzt/lt.
2 See Schdmann, De Comitiis, chapters i. and ii.: Antiq. Juris Publici, p. 219.'Ai-oppd6prec. Nefasti, as the Romans would say.
5 Hence the joke in the Knights of Aristophanes, where.Demrus (the
impersonation of the Athenian people, like our John Bull) is called Afio) FIVVIairnC, Demus of Pnyx, as if the Pnyx were a township which
gave him his legal addition.
6 Hence the name of the Pnyx, according to Suidas, racnc r7v  (vdv
aiWev  7rvLo6Trn-ra (on account of its being thickly paved with stones).
Others have thought it took its name from the dense congregation of
people.
7 Hence the expression, dva/civetv Ei:C'Vv 1KK2rjoiaav (because they
had to ascend).  See ante, p. 68.
Hence it is called, the stone, in Aristophanes, Pax, 680:'OorSt KpareZ vVv tro 2~0Oov rTO'v rT IIvvici.




THE POPULAR  ASSEMBLY.                     351
an ascent by eight steps. There were stone seats for the people
next the wall, and wooden benches in the middle.
The assemblies were usually convened by the presidents of the
council, who published a notice four days before, specifying the day
of meeting and the business to be transacted.l  Extraordinary assemblies were called by the generals.  All citizens of the age of
twenty, who had been duly registered, were entitled to attend and
vote.  In early times it was considered by the greater number of
them a burden rather than a privilege, as we may see by the regulations adopted to enforce attendance. A crier went round on the day
to collect the citizens.  Those who absented themselves were liable
to a fine, which six officers called Lexiarchs were authorized to enforce.  The police carried a rope stained with ruddle round the
market and other public places; with this they drove the idlers to
the assembly, or marked them if they would not go; at the same
time blocking up the passages, to prevent their getting away.3  To
encourage the attendance of the poorer -citizens, a regulation was
introduced by Pericles, allowing a fee of an obol to those who came
early.  This was afterwards increased to three obols. A ticket was
given to them on entrance, which entitled them afterwards to demand their fee from the Thesmothetm. The Lexiarchs took care,
after the business had begun, totkeep the voters from  coming out,
and prevent the intrusion of strangers.
The assembly was presided over by the Proedri, that is, the committee of the tribe in office, assisted by the mixed committee, as before mentioned.4 They sat on the steps before the speaker's platform,
and maintained order among the people, with the assistance of the
police, who were at hand to remove either from the platfobrm or the
seats any person who violated the prescribed rules, or offended
against decency or propriety. They had power to impose on the
instant a fine of fifty drachms: graver offences were referred to the
council or the next assembly. At a later period a further regulation
was adopted, owing to the outrageous conduct of Timarchus, who
made an assault with his fists upon some of those about him. A
special body of men was appointed for every assembly day, to sit in.
the front benches, and assist the presiding counselors in keeping
order.  Each tribe took its turn of making the appointment.5
X Hence the expressions, 7rpoyp(Zetv EKIcvaLiav, 7porltOevat. E'tK;LgtaYV.
2 Provided they were not under (rzuial. The age, Schomann thinks,
was eighteen. (De Comitiis, 76.)
3 Aristophanes, Acharn. 22:
O d Ev CLyopa Xax)ovat icavc KaAe KeaL7o
Tb XoLveov C' eyov t 7r ueLxLL2rWbJtULVOV.
4 See the last Appendix.
5 Hence called, r1 rpoedpEvovwa O'vl.  Sch6mann, De Comitiis, 88.




352                     APPENDIX  V.
Before the business of the day commenced, a sacrifice of purification was offered. The lustral victims were young pigs, whose
blood was carried round and sprinkled on the seats, while at the
same time incense was burned in a censer. The crier then pronounced a form of prayer and commination, of imploring the gods
to bless and prosper the consultations of the people, and imprecating
a curse upon all enemies and traitors.2
The chairman then opened the business of the day. If any bill
had been prepared by the council, it was read by the crier or usher,
and the people were asked if it met their approbation. If there was
no opposition, it passed.  Any citizen, however, might oppose it, or
move an amendment. If the council had no decree framed by themselves, any citizen might propose one on the instant: it was necessary only that it should be in writing and in a proper form. He
then delivered it to the presiding committee, to be read as a motion
to the assembly; and, if' the committee saw nothing objectionable
in it, they complied with his request. Cases occurred, where some
one or more members of the committee opposed the reading of a
motion, as being either illegal, or grossly improper, or irrelevant to
the question before themn. They were responsible, however, to
the people, if they threw any vexatious impediment in the way of
a citizen moving a decree; and sometimes the assembly itself would
insist upon the question being put to them, notwithstanding the veto
of the counselors.  /Eschines in his speech on the Embassy gives
us an example.  He says that Aleximachus moved a decree, authorizing the deputy of' Cersobleptes to take the oath of peace to
Philip; that the decree was delivered to the committee, and read to
the assembly; that Demosthenes, being one of the committee, got
up and declared he would not allow the question to be put; the people, however, were clamorous on the other side, and he was obliged to
yield. 3
Every member of the assembly was at liberty to speak, but only
once in the debate.  According to the institution of Solon, those
who were above fifty years old were first called upon, and afterwards the younger men. But this custom fell into disuse. We find
Demosthenes alluding to it in the opening of the first Philippic.
Although all citizens had the right of speaking, the privilege was
of course exercised by a few only, who felt themselves competent
to the task; and in the time of Demosthenes, when rhetoric was
studied as a science, the debates were mostly confined to a few
practiced orators and statesmen, as they are generally elsewhere.4
Youn, pigs were considered by the Athenians to have peculiarly
expiatory powers.
2 See ante, p. 102.
3 See Schbmann, De Comitiis, 119.
4 HIence the jitO/opef or 65lyn/yopot are distinguished firom the i&d(rat,
or general body of citizens, who took no part in the debates. They are




THE POPULAR ASSEMBLY.                      353
Whoever rose to speak, put on a wreath of myrtle, as a token that
he was performing a public duty, and entitled on that account to
respect.  It was a breach of decorum to interrupt the speaker; yet
one which it must have been impossible to prevent, except where it
proceeded from a small number of persons. How  Demosthenes
was put down-by the clamors of Philocrates and others, he himself
describes.1
When the debate was ended, the chairman put the question to
the vote. The method of voting was either by show of hands,2 or
by ballot.3- Show of hands was the most common. The ballot was
resorted to in a few cases, where it was expedient to ascertain the
number of voters as accurately as possible, or to insure secrecy.
These were chiefly cases of lrivilegia, such as ostracism and condeinnation of state criminals, granting of citizenship or exemption
from taxes, or restoration of the franchise. In all those cases the
law required that there should be at least six thousand voters in favor of the motion.  Generally speaking, however, the questions
before the assembly were decided by a majority of votes.  The
chairman declared the numbers.4
When all the business was concluded, the crier by command of
the presidents dismissed the assembly. If the business could not
be finished in one day, it might be adjourned to the next day, or to
the one after.5  This happened sometimes on a sudden shower of
rain or a thunder-storm. Any thing of this sort was considered as
an unlucky omen among the Greeks.6
A decree having been carried by the votes of the people, it was
copied on a tablet, and deposited by the secretary among other public records in the temple of Cybele.7 Sometimes it was engraved
on brass or stone, and set up in a conspicuous place, to be seen by
not to be confounded with the cvvnyopot, or public advocates; as to
whom, see the seventh Appendix.
See ante, p. 128.
2 Xtporova.
4 He was said, cvayopevetv -r(f xetporoviac
5 Aristophanes, Acharn. 171:
Tov'S OpcKac dwrtvat, 7rapetvat d' elf Evs'v.
0o yap IpvTZiVetf 2Vovatl iiv bCICZK7eiaV.
6 Such a phenomenon was called &om,'uia. Any individual might
call the attention of the presidents to the occurrence; as Dieeopolis
does in the Acharnians, 168:
id2x' in7rayoperuJo ja troteiv ixl~CLctav
rors OpqF'epi /C7o0oi'   iEyw dl' i#civ Ort
6to7laia'Oft, lcad [avei Pi~/3t/;ci #Ie.
7 Tb Mj7rptov.




354                   APPENDIX VI.
all. As to the form in which decrees were drawn up, the reader
may consult Sch6mann.' The mover's name was usually inserted,
he being responsible for the measure, as we shall presently see.
We have to distinguish between decrees and laws,2 in the Athenian sense. Decrees are measures of government, relating to particular matters or oceasions; as for example, the election of magistrates, or the punishment of offenders; a declaration of war, or a
resolution to make peace. They had indeed the force of laws for
the time being, so far as regarded the obedience due to them. But
by laws we are to understand the permanent institutions and ordinances of the commonwealth, by which every man knows how he
is governed, and what are his franchises and rights. How these
might be enacted and repealed at Athens, is explained in a following appendix.
APPENDIX VI.
THE OPINION OF POLYBIUS.
POLYBIUS, in the seventeenth book of his history, defends against
the attack of Demosthenes those Greek statesmen, especially of
Messene and Megalopolis, who took the Macedonian side in politics,
and dissuaded their countrymen from taking arms against Philip.3
The passage is as follows:"Demosthenes, deserving as he is of praise in many respects,
must be condemned for the reckless and indiscriminate manner in
which he reviles the most eminent Greek statesmen; saying, that
in Arcadia, Cercidas and Hieronymus and Eucampidas were traitors
to Greece, because they joined alliance with Philip; in Messene, the
sons of Philiades, Neon and Thrasylochus; in Argos, Myrtis and
Teledamus and Mnaseas: likewise in Thessaly, Daochus and Cineas,
and among the Bceotians, Theogiton and Timolaus. And besides
these, he has given a long list of others, with their names and countries. Now all the above-mentioned statesmen have good and ampIe grounds of justification for their conduct, but especially those of
Arcadia and Messene. For they, having invited Philip into Peloponnesus and humbled the Lacedsemonians, gave repose and security
to all the inhabitants of the Peninsula: further, by recovering the
1 De Comitiis, c. 12.
2 trlictarta and v6,ot.
The principal passages of Demosthenes will be found ante, 23, 25,
29, 106, 109, 209.




THE OPINION OF POLYBIUS.                 355
territory and towns, which the Lacedsmonians in their days of
prosperity had taken from the Messenians, Megalopolitans, Tegeans
and Argives, they unquestionably promoted the welfare of their
countries. So far therefore from going- to war with Philip and the
Macedonians, they were bound to use every exertion to increase
their honor and glory. ILgrant, if at the same time they received
a garrison in their countries from Philip, or overturned the laws
and deprived their fellow-citizens of their rights and liberties, from
motives of avarice or ambition, they deserved the reproach cast
upon them. But if in the honest discharge of their duty as citizens
they differed in judgment with Demosthenes, not considering the
interests of Athens and of their own countries to be identical,
surely he ought not to have called them traitors on that account.
Measuring every thing by the interests of his own commonwealth,
and thinking that all the Greeks should have looked up to the Athenians or else be stigmatized as traitors, it seems to me, he has taken
a very wrolng and mistaken view. My opinion is confirmed by the
events that happened in Greece, which show that the true foresight
was exercised, not by Demosthenes, but by Eucampidas and HIieronymus and Cercidas and the sons of Philiades. For the Athenians by their contest with Philip incurred signal disasters, being
defeated in battle at Chseronea; and, but for the king's magnanimity and regard for his own honor, they would have suffered still
more grievously than they did through the counsels of Demosthenes;
whereas those other statesmen enabled the confederate Arcadians
to enjoy perfect security against Lacedemon, from which their respective countries reaped many important advantages."
If Demosthenes has been too severe upon the Greek statesmen,
Polybius has not been quite just to Demosthenes. Polybius, looking
at the state of Greece in his own time, argues as if the struggle
against Philip was desperate, forgetting that it was rendered so by
the very supineness and want of combination of which Demosthenes complains. Had the Athenians been assisted at Chmeronea by
such a force of Peloponnesians as afterwards battled with Antipater, Greece might have been saved. Again: —the facts of the case
are not exactly as Polybius represents them. Messene and Megalopolis were capable of defending themselves against Sparta without Philip's protection. Even if it were not so, they but exchanged
one master for another. Though they might not feel the weight
of his yoke immediately, it was a yoke destined to gall them at no
distant time. The humiliation of Sparta was a poor consolation to
freemen who were humiliated themselves. The congress of Corinth
and Philip's victorious progress through Peloponnesus, are evidences
to the world that Grecian independence was gone. The Peloponnesians follow Alexander to his wars, as they had anciently followed
Sparta, but less in the character of allies than of vassals. Alexander insults and terrifies them by his edicts, A. tyranny is estab



356                    APPENDIX  VI.
lished in Messene. The Arcadians gain neither security nor repose
by their fidelity to a foreign potentate.  Two bloody wars, and
Megalopolis twice besieged, first by Agis, and afterwards by Polysperchon, are the speedy and bitter fruits of Macedonian protection;
disproving the foresight which Polybius claims for his countrymen. l
It is true, that grievous faults were committed both by Sparta
and Athens.  Sparta should have abandoned her pretensions to
Messenia and her aggressive designs against her neighbors. Athens
(not to speak of other errors) missed an excellent opportunity of
gathering to her side a Peloponnesian confederacy, when the Megalopolitans solicited her aid against Sparta in the year B.C. 353. She
should then have stood boldly forward, and declared that she would
not permit Sparta to threaten the independence of her neighbors.
This was what Demosthenes advised. The Athenians chose a timid
course, which was not forgotten when she herself needed assistance.
Unfortunately, the patriotism of the Greeks, in general, was too
narrow, and their wisdom too short-sighted, to perceive that the
cause of Athens against Philip was their own.
Polybius himself, in reference to the conduct of the Messenians at
a later period, reasons more justly.2 Censuring generally that policy
which is determined to have peace at any sacrifice, he says the Messenians had been guilty of such an error; and the consequence was,
that, although they escaped some trouble and danger for the time,
they incurred still greater misfortunes in the end. Having two
powerful people for their neighbors-the Lacedaemonians and the
Arcadians; the former of whom nourished an implacable hostility
against them, while the latter were their friends and well-wishersthe Messenians did not meet either the enmity of the one, or the
friendship of the other, with a generous and brave spirit. When
their neighbors were at war, the Messenians kept aloof, and, as their
country lay out of the way, they were free from annoyance. But
when the Lacedmmonians had nothing else to do, they attacked the
Messenians, who had not the courage to resist by themselves, and
through their system of neutrality were deprived of auxiliaries.
He goes on to declare that, if there should be a new revolution in
Peloponnesus, the only chance of safety for the M[essenians and
Megalopolitans would be, to form an intimate union for mutual protection, according to the original design of Epaminondas, and to
stand firmly and faithfully by one another in all difficulties and
dangers.
Jacobs has expressed his opinion to the following effect, in the
preface to his translation of Demosthenes::"The patriotic feelings which inspired Demosthenes were not
Polybius was a Megalopolitan.
2 Lib. iv. 32, 33.




THE OPINION  OF POLYBIUS.                   357
equally felt by all the leading statesmen in Greece; but these feelings did not allow him always to be just- towards men, who, being
placed in different circumstances from himself; espoused a different
line of politics. He frequently complains of the number of traitors,
who sprang up like a crop of weeds in the states and cities of Greece,
and attached themselves to the interests of Macedonia. If the words
of the orator are to be taken in their literal sense, there must have
been such a depth of corruption among the Greeks, that Heaven itself could not have saved them. There can be no doubt that Philip,
in order to rule by division, availed himself of the party strife which
prevailed as well at Athens as in most of the other states; and that
he fomented it, both by his gold, and.by the skillful manner in which
he flattered the passions of the political antagonists.  Even republican Greeks were not insensible to the favor of a crowned head, especially if polished speech and manner lent their influence to captivate them: and it is probable enough, that many men of the best
intentions were caught in this net, without being in the least degree
conscious that their acts were treasonable. Where party spirit prevails, the judgments of men are-necessarily one-sided.  Every man
thinks his own views alone are just, and looks upon one of different
sentiments as an enemy to the good cause for which he is striving.
That which at first is a contest of opinions becomes at length a contest of-passions; which in their zeal for the cause which they espouse
finds an excuse even for lawless violence. So in relation to Athens,
it appears to me, that what Demosthenes so: vehemently. denounces
as a crime, is, in regard to many of the accused parties, to be viewed
in a milder light, as an error of party; and we would fain believe,
for the honor of the Athenian people, that the greater number of
the Philippising citizens intended to render the best service to their
country. With reference to the friends of Philip in other states, especially the Peloponnesian, whom Demosthenes stigmatizes as traitors, the judgment of Polybius appears by no means unfair."
He then cites the following remarks of Valckenaer:" Proditorum atrum catalogum ex ingenio suo Demosthenes amplificavit: nam inter illos, quos Atticus orator turpi h6c nomine dehonestavit, fuisse credibile est, non pecunia sed humanitate regis
captos, qui hujus imperium anteponerent speciosse libertati quae diceCompare, Justin, ix. 8; -who says of Philip —" Blandus pariter et
insidiosus alloquio; qui plura promitteret quam pr.estaret; in seria et
jocos artifex. Amicitias utilitate, non fide colebat. Gratiam fingere in
odio, instruere in concordantes odia, apud utrumque gratiam quaerere,
solemnis illi consuetudo. Inter hbec eloquentia et insignis oratio, acu.
minis et solertim plena; ut nec oratui faoilitas, nee facilitati inventionum deesset ornatus."  And Cicero, De Offlciis, i. 26 —" Philippum rebus gestis et glori& superatum a filio, facilitate et humanitate video sue
periorem fuisse."




358'                     APPENDIX  VII.
batur, et supurbis dominis, plebi, quique plebem ducerent concionatoribus."
This is but a sorry defense for traitorous correspondence with the
enemy. Such arguments would justify any kind of treason. What
the Philippising party gained by exchanging plebeian rule for Macedonian, is shown by the fate of Demades and Phocion.
APPENDIX VII.
R-EVISION OF LAWS.
THE enactment of laws (distinguished from decrees, as mentioned
in Appendix V,) was not left by Solon to the people at large, but
confided to a select body of them under an arrangement which has
drawn praise from many modern critics and historians. That wise
legislator was anxious to secure the stability of his institutions,
knowing that laws which have been consecrated by long usage are
more readily and cheerfully obeyed:' while on the other hand he
foresaw, that the best constitution in the world might in course of
time require amendment and adaptation to existing circumstances.
Under the democracy which he created there would have been a
danger of exposing the laws to perpetual change, had it been left to
the multitude, upon the motion of any demagogue suddenly rising in
the Assembly, to make and unmake statutes at their pleasure.  He
therefore so contrived matters, that, while his laws were subject to
constant revision, a check should be put upon crude and hasty
legislation.
There were annually chosen by lot six thousand citizens, of not
less than thirty years of age, who formed a judicial court called Heliaea,2 and whose functions corresponded in great measure with those
of our jurymen. From them were taken not only the ordinary juries
for the trial of civil and criminal causes, but also a select body of
men called Noniothetce, or law-revisors, 3 to whom the people referred
This is a truth frequently enunciated both by ancient and modern
philosophers.  Compare Aristotle, Politic. ii.:'O yap v6/zof iaXiv o6de[tdav xyEt 7rpbr Tb 7rEB0ec0Oat, 7rrrv 7rap' 7O W0of' raoTro &6 oV ytvErat, eC lu
6dt,vp6vv Trr2706o' 5eare Tr.apdiS?eraldcai; 2elv ES rev v6uov c Elf brepovf
v61ovg tcatvoOfS, daCOEPr 7rotelv Etri re7v rov Voov d6rvvaLv. And Thucydides, iii. 377: Xetpo5t v6/yotC dceKtvero7C XputiEryV Ta62tC icpetaaGov Eartv 7
icaXCf tXovatr dK6pOlf.,
2'Htaia (an assembly). The whole body were called Heliastce.' The term voyoOirflr (legislator) was given =c7r' tEoxev to Solon.




REVISION  OF LAWS.                      359
all questions of legislation that came before them. And further, if
any new statute had been passed by these law-revisors, it might be
impeached before ajury taken from the same Heliastic body, who had
power to determine finally whether such statute should be abrogated
or confirmed. The method of proceeding was as follows:It was a part of the business in the first ordinary assembly, which
was held on the eleventh of Hecatomb~eon, to consider the state of
the laws, and to receive proposals for their amendment. Any citizen
was at liberty to make such proposal, having previously obtained
leave from the council: but in order to insure a constant revision
of the laws, the Thesmothetm t of each year were directed to examine
the whole code, and to see if there were any statutes contradictory,
or useless, or improper to be retained. The people heard whatever
proposal either these magistrates or any private citizen had to offer
for an alteration in the law; and if they deemed it worthy of further
consideration, they consented that it should be referred to a court of
revisors, and they elected five advocates2 to defend the old law
against the new one. A fair copy of the new law was put up before
the statues of the Heroes,3 that every man might have an opportunity of seeing it: and to give it still further publicity, it was read
aloud in-every assembly before the revisors held their court. The
third of the ordinary assemblies (towards the end of the month
Hecatomboeon (was appointed for the election of the revisors; of
which notice was to be given by the presidents of the council; and
the committee of council were directed (under severe penalties in case
of neglect) to consult the people as to the number of persons to be
elected, and as to their remuneration, duties, and term  of office,
which of course depended chiefly upon the amount of business to
come before them. The number of the revisors was commonly about
a thousand; but it might be more or less.
The various legislative questions referred by the people were tried
on particular days appointed for each. The revisors were impaneled
like a jury; though their court very much resembled a popular assembly, the presidents of the council being there as assessors, and
the committee presiding with their chairman. Arguments were addressed to the court with the same formalities as upon a legal trial,
But it was applicable to any individual who moved the passing of a
law  and clearly the whole legislative body might properly be so called.
The court of the voftoOirat at Athens was peculiarly constituted, having
no power of originating laws, and being judicial rather than legislative
in our sense of the term; and there was, in effect, an appeal from them.
They may aptly be styled revisors of the laws.
As to this, see Sch6mann, De Comitiis, 259.
2 EviSvLcot, or avv7?yopot.
a Called Eponymi,'Er'Jvvjzot, because they gave name to the ten
tribes. Their statues were in front of the council-chamber.




360                   APPENDIX VIL
first by the supporters of the new law, next by the defenders of the
old; and to prevent collusion, any one might appear as defender,
besides the advocates specially chosen for that purpose. After hearing
all that could be said on both sides, the question was put by the
chairman, and the revisors decided by show of hands, whether the
old law should stand, or the new be accepted. Their judgment was
drawn up in the shape of a decree; and if the new law was passed,
it became forthwith a binding statute, subject however to be impeached in the manner to be mentioned presently.
Thus we see, while all law-making orginated with the people, and
the humblest citizens were at liberty to propose new enactments, the
task of examining them at leisure, and considering all the questions
to which they might give rise, was delegated to a superior tribunal,
clothed with a judicial character, and more capable of exercising a
calm and deliberate judgment on such matters than the full assembly
of Athenian citizens.
That the general scheme was due to the genius of Solon we are
expressly assured, though it is most probable that improvements
were made in the details since his time. And here it may be observed, generally, with respect to the Attic laws, which are quoted
by the orators and attributed by them to Solon, that we must not
suppose all the extracts which they cite to be the actual words of
the ancient law-giver: for not only did they receive additions and
amendments from time to time, but it is very likely, as Schomann
suggests,' that when the code was remodeled, after the expulsion of
the Thirty Tyrants, or possibly upon some other occasion, the antiquated phraseology of Solon's time was translated into the language
of the day. In a few years it would become difficult to distinguish
what part of the code belonged to Solon, and what to a later period;
and so the whole body of statutes were, both by orators and other
persons, commonly spoken of as the laws of Solon.'Besides the regular time of holding the courts of revision, the
people might, doubtless, if they pleased, appoint them to be held on
extraordinary occasions. One such occasion happened after the expulsion of the Thirty Tyrants, who, having abolished many of Solon's
laws, and corrupted them by interpolations, it was thought advisable
to restore and remodel the ancient code; and a decree was passed
authorizing the council to select a body of men to frame the necessary amendments, and send them afterwards to be considered by a
court of revision in the usual way. We find Demosthenes, in his
Olynthiac oration, recommending the appointment of revisors, for
the special purpose of repealing the laws concerning the theoric
fund." One of the charges against Timocrates is, that he induced
the people to appoint revisors out of the usual time. For thus the: De Comitiis, 267.
See Vol. I. p. 64; and Schbmann, De Comitiis, 270, 271.




REVISION OF LAWS.                    361
thing really stood:-It was competent for the people to pass a decree
dispensing with the regular course of law; and it was impossible to
call them to account for it. But, as in our own country, the maxim
that the king can do no wrong does not shield from responsibility
the minister who advises him, so at Athens, the author of an unconstitutional measure was not protected by the fiat of the sovereign
people who decreed it. And this brings us to another important
branch of the subject, viz., the proceeding by indictment against the
movers of bad laws. 
-As a further precaution against rash legislation, a power was
given, after the passing of a law by the court of revision, to indict
the author of it at any time within a year, and thus to procure both
his punishment and the repeal of the law itself. The law might be
impugned either for matter of form, as for the omission of some necessary step in the procedure;, or upon the merits, as being inconsistent with some other law that was not repealed, or opposed to
the general spirit of the Athenian laws, or for any cause whatever,
mischievous in its tendency, or adverse to the interests of the commonwealth. Any citizen was at liberty to pr6fer an indictment
against the author of a new law, alleging it to be bad in any of these
respects. The case was then brought for trial before a jury, taken
from the same ieliastic body, wuho reviewed the law once more,
examining it in all its bearings upon the rest of the Athenian code
and the general welfare of the state. If they thought it open to
the charges made against it, or any of them, they gave their verdict
accordingly, pronouncing the law to be bad and void, and sentencing
the author to such penalty as the nature of the case deserved.
After the expiration of the year, although the author could not be
punished, the law itself might still be impeached before a jury; but
in such case the- people appointed advocates to defend it. Of this
the oration of Demosthenes against the law of Leptines is an example. The lawv, which prohibited all exemptions from public services, was repealed as being unjust and derogatory to the dignity
of Athens; but Leptines himself was safe by the lapse of time.2
The same proceeding might be instituted to rescind illegal or improper decrees, which had been passed in the popular assembly, and
to punish the movers of them. As there was a greater facility of
procuring decrees than laws, so, it appears, the indictments preferred
in these cases wvere much more numerous; and, in impugning a decree, every possible ground of objection might be taken, in regard
either to, legality or expediency. Very frequently, prosecution was
but a method of trying the question over again, or perhaps of punishing the author for the evil consequences of his measure. We
rpa~b) rcaparvolcv.
See Vol. I. Appendix V. p. 314.  Schdmann, De Comitiis, 278280.
VOL. I.-Q




362                    APPENDIX  VII.
have seen that Aristophon was seventy-five times indicted for having
moved improper decrees, and every time acquitted, Cephalus, on
the other hand, boasted that he had never once been indicted.  To
prevent vexatious prosecutions, the accuser, if he failed to obtain a
fifth part of the votes, was liable to a fine of a thousand drachms,
and was rendered incapable of bringing any such accusation in future.
Divers examples, illustrating this Athenian practice, are furnished
by the orators.
Timocrates passed a law, allowing public debtors to be released on
bail. Diodorus indicted him on these (among other) grounds-that
he had not obtained the sanction of the council before he introduced
his law to the people: that he had got the court of revision to be
appointed for the twelfth of Hecatombmon, immediately after the
first assembly, instead of waiting for the regular time, and that he
had never put up his law in the usual way for public perusal: that
it was contrary to other existing laws: and that it was bad on the
merits. From the speech composed by Demosthenes in support of
the prosecution we get most of our information upon the subject of
the Nomothetce. And here we find him complaining of a practice
which had grown up, in contravention of Solon's regulation;
whereby legislative measures were brought before the popular assembly out of the appointed time, and the people were persuaded to
pass them in the shape of decrees. It is clear, as I have before observed, that the people could allow this to be done as often as they
pleased: public opinion alone could effectually check it, by insuring
the condemnation, in a court of justice, of the demagogue who misled the assembly.2
The case of Aristocrates, indicted for his decree in favor of Charidemus, is a memorable example; of which I have spoken elsewhere.3
But the most familiar of all is the prosecution of Ctesiphon by tEs-'
chines; the grounds of which are fully explained in the argument
to the Oration on the Crown, and in the last appendix to this volume.
1 See ante, pp. 92, 323.
2 Through this abuse (as Demosthenes says, Adv. Lept. 485,) %btc#iTr)v oVrl' 6To10Vv 6taqppovatV Oti v61ot. See Schdmann, De Comitiis,
264, 265, 268, 269.
Vol. I. Appendix III. pp. 282, 283.




AFFAIRS OF PELOPONN'ESUS.                   363
APPENDIX VIII.
AFFAIRS OF PELOPONN1ESUS.
AFTER the battle of Mantinea, Peloponnesus, as Demosthenes
says, was divided.1 Sparta could no longer domineer over her
neighbors, as she had used to do; yet her enemies were unable to
crush her entirely. The oligarchical states remained still attached
to her-Corinth, Phlius, Epidaurus, Trcezen, Elis, and the Achaian
cities, excepting Sicyon. But the powerful league originally formed
under Theban protection, between the Messenians, Arcadians, and
Argives, maintained the balance of power in the peninsula.  The
independence of Messene was acknowledged by the allies of Sparta
at the general peace of B.c 362. Sparta herself protested against it,
refusing to accept as binding an arrangement by which she was humiliated and degraded. For not only was the fairest portion of her
territory, which she had held for three centuries, taken away from
her;2 but she saw established on her confines a race of men whom
she regarded as slaves and rebels; dangerous from the implacable
hostility which they were sure to cherish against their late oppressors,
and by the encouragement which they held out for further revolt
among the Laconian Helots. But Sparta stood alone in her opposition, and could only protest and wait for better times.3
The feelings of the Spartan people upon this subject are pretty
well described in the oration of Isocrates, entitled Archidamus;
which was, in fact, a pamphlet published to vindicate the title of
the Spartans-to Messenia, but is in the form of a speech addressed
by Archidamus, son of Agesilaus, to his countrymen, and seems to
have been composed on the occasion when Corinth, Phlius, and
1 Demosthenes, De Coron. 231.
2 The fertility of Messenia, as contrasted with the Laconian soil, is
described by the lines of Euripides, cited in Strabo, viii. 366. Of Laconia, he says:Tvv;V [Lv aPdpoTOV, Et'c'ovEZV d' O  5)idLtOV'
KOl;I7 y(tp, peat 7rerpldpo/toc, rTpaxei re
d6vCeiaio26g re Tro2leUiotl.
Of Messenia:Kca;tcap7rov.
KcarcptiVTVv re /vptiola va/taat,
tcai /PovGt Icat 7roiLvalatv efiiorwr7r7v,
ovr' Ev -rvoacic XElaCrTof dvaXeiUepov,
oMr' ac, reOpnruroctf'2stov 0ep#uzrv 6iyav.
3 Pausanias, iv. 27; viii. 27. Polybius, iv. 83. Diodorus, xv, 66, 89,




364                  APPENDIX VIIL
Epidaurus seceded from the Spartan alliance, and made a separate
peace with the enemy, B.c. 366.1 The substance of his advice is as
follows:He contends that it would be disgraceful to let their revolted
slaves retain possession of their land-the allies who urged them to
abandon it had given both weak and dishonorable advice-their title
to Messenia was unquestionable, being founded not only on length
of. time, but on a valid gift, confirmed (as he shows from history)
by the Pythian oracle-the people who had been planted in Messene were not real Messenians, but Helots and vagabonds-their
own cause was just, and they should defend it to the last-great
things had been effected by individual Spartans in the defense of
other cities, as by Brasidas at Amphipolis, and Gylippus at Syracuse;
they should not then despair in the cause of their own countrythe sympathies of the Greeks would probably be with them; even
the democratized states of Peloponnesus would find they needed
Spartan superintendence, for they had got nothing by their defection
from Sparta but war, and anarchy, and intestine broils. Should
their enemies insist on such hard terms as the emancipation of Messenia, and should the rest of the Greeks give their consent, then he
advises his countrymen to remove their parents, wives, and children
to Italy, or Sicily, or Cyrene, or some other place of safety, to sally
fbrth from their home, as their ancestors had done in days of yore,
to enter the land of their. enemies as an invading army, and there to
seize upon some stronghold, and commence a war of plunder and
devastation, until their enemies would be only too glad to purchase
peace by the restoration of Messenia. He argues that it would be
impossible for peace to be maintained on the basis desired by their
opponents-that the settlement of the Messenians on their confines
would lead to perpetual quarrels and disturbances —that it would be
such a degradation as Spartans, accustomed to pre-eminence in
Greece, could never endure-that it might be well enough for Corinthians, Epidaurians, and Phliasians, to care only for life and safety,
but for Spartans death was preferable to dishonor.2 How could they
go without shame to the Olympian and other national festivals:
where formerly every individual Spartan was received with as much
honor as the victors at the games, but now they would be looked
upon with scorn; their revolted slaves would bring from the land
which their fathers had bequeathed to them richer offerings than
they did, and would insult them in revenge for their past sufferings?
From such disgrace he calls upon them to rescue their country; to
struggle through their present difficulties, as the Athenians and
Thebans had out of theirs; and lastly, to remember that they had
1 Isocrates, Arehidamus, 135. Xenophon, Hellen. vii. c. 4, ss. 8-10.
2 This passage reminds me of a similar one in Demosthenes, De Synt.
176.




AFFAIRS OF PELOPONNESUS.                     365
never been defeated, when a king of his line had commanded
them.
This singular pamphlet, which the renewal of friendship between
Sparta and Athens encouraged Isocrates to publish, produced but
little effect.  It served as a manifesto to the Grecian world of the
feeling, which for many years continued to animate the Spartans;
but the coalition against them at this time was too strong to heed
any of their threats, muchl less the desperate one contained in the
pamphlet.
The emancipation of Messenia was not the only cause of discontent at Lacedsamon.  The Arcadians from attached allies had been
converted into jealous and hostile neighbors, and were the more
likely to continue so on account of the political revolution which
they had undergone. The aristocracies, which had maintained themselves in their respective cities by Spartan influence, and secured
the connection of their country with Sparta, had been broken up or
reduced to insignificance by the establishment of Megalopolis.  To
form this new city, designed to be the capital of the united Arcadians, and their barrier against the aggression of Sparta, a population was drawn from  forty'different communities, chiefly those
bordering on Laconia.  Of the smaller towns which contributed,
some were deserted, others were reduced to villages. The larger
cities were left in possession of their local governments, which for
ordinary purposes they carried on as before, but they were required
to send deputies to a federal congress held in the capital, which
exercised a controlling power over all the concerns of the union,
and represented the whole Arcadian body in their transactions with
foreign states.  Of the formation of this congress we know little
more than that it was of a democratical character, consisting altogether of ten thousand members sent by the various constituents.
From hence it took its name, and was called The Ten-thousand.'
Hersea and Orchomenus were the only cities which refused to join
the union. Tegea had at first opposed it, but through a revolution
effected by the popular party she was brought over to the other
side.  This was a great blow  to Sparta: for Tegea had been
one, of her warmest adherents, and was near to the north-eastern'frontier of Laconia. Megalopolis was not far from the north-western: so that Sparta was cut off from her friends in both of those
directions. 2
In the year 363 B.C. dissensions arose in the Arcadian congress,
chiefly through the mutual jealousies of the leading cities, though
I O' tuptol; and also -ro Kcotvv  TSv'AplcUdwv. Xenophon, Hellen.
vii. c. 1, s. 38; e. 4, ss. 2, 35; c. 5, s. 1..2Esehines, De Fals. Leg. 38.
Demosthenes, De Fals. Leg.. 344. Pausanias, vi. 12.
2 Xenophon, Hellen. vi. c. 4, ss. 6-11, 22. Diodorus, xv. 59, 72.
Pansanias, viii. 27; ix. 14.




366                   APPENDIX  VIIL
the immediate cause of dispute was concerning the Olympian treasure which had been taken by the army. An aristocratical party
sprang up, adverse both to the federal union and to the Theban
alliance. The Mantineans, notwithstanding the zeal with which
they had originally promoted the union, took the lead in a countermovement which would have dissolved it, and sought to renew
their connection with thle Lacedmemonians, by whom their city had
formerly been destroyed. It was owing to the measures taken by
this party that Epaminondas led his army for the last time into
Peloponnesus, the effect of which was to check the counter-revolution attempted in Arcadia, though the death of that great man prevented the completion of any further designs which he may have
had for the settlement of Peloponnesian affairs.'
In the year following, however, the disturbances in Arcadia were
renewed. Some of the families who had been settled in Megalopolis became dissatisfied with their change of residence; and taking
advantage of a clause in the general peace, which ordered all parties
to return to their respective countries, (a clause evidently framed
with a different view,) they chose to migrate from the capital to
their ancient towns. The Megalopolitan government insisted that
they should come back: upon which they applied for aid to the
Mantineans and other Peloponnesians who had assisted them in the
late war. Theban intervention again became necessary; and Pammenes was sent with three thousand foot and three hundred horse
to Arcadia. He reduced the malcontents to submission, but not
till he had besieged and taken some of their towns; after which
they returned quietly to Megalopolis, and the dissensions were appeased.2
In the last movement Sparta had not interfered. Her losses in
the war with Thebes had greatly exhausted her.  To recruit the
finances of his country, Agesilaus at the age of eighty went over to
Egypt, and engaged in the service first of Tachos, afterwards of
Nectanabis, whom  he established on the throne, and received a
recompense of two hundred and thirty talents. On his return home
he was taken ill and died on the coast of Africa.3  The money was
doubtless acceptable at Sparta: yet for the present she was not
strong enough to attempt any hostile measures against her neigh-. Xenophon, Hellen. viii. c. 4, ss. 33-40; c. 5, ss. 1-3; Pausanias,
viii. 8.
2 Diodor'us, xv. 94. It scarcely needs argument to show that'A0rovaiovf in this passage is a mistake. See Vol. I. p. 209, note 2. Thirlwall, Hist. of Greece, v. 287. Grote, x. 494.
Diodorus, xv. 93. Pausanias, iii. 10. Plutarch, Vit. Agesil. 40.
Xenophon, Agesil. ii. 29, &c.; who says that one of the causes of his
going to Egypt was, to punish the king of Persia for ordering that Messene should be free.




AFFAIRS OF PELOPONNESUS.                     367
bors; nor did she receive the least encouragement to do so from
her old allies, who were anxious only for neutrality and repose. For
nine years after the battle'of Mantinea the Peloponnesians enjoyed
internal peace, disturbed only by events which happened beyond-the
peninsula, in which the Spartans alone had a direct interest.  I allude to the proceedings of the Sacred War; in which, as we have
seen, the only peninsular states that took an active part were the
Spartans and Achbans, the latter partly influenced perhaps by their
enmity to the Locrians.
Soon'after the brealinng out of: the Sacred War the Spartans
began to conceive; that it might turn to' their private advantage.
Fear of'the Thebans had in great measure restrained them from attempting to recover their lost dominion.  Yet to the hope that they
should be able to recover it at some future:time they still most tenaciously clung.' - Archidamus inherited all the courage and ambition
of his father, and burned withl the desire both to reconquer Messenia, and to break up the federal union, which made Arcadia-independent of his country.  A great point was gained, if the Thebans,
by being employed elsewhere, could be kept away from Peloponnesus.A  Yet even then Sparta would scarcely with her own force
alone be able to accomplish her designs.  It was desirable to rally
round her as many as possible of her former allies, and attach them
to her cause by the bonds of a common interest.  To effect this,
Archidamus conceived a scheme (which would be more or less
attractive to all of them) for a general restitution of rights; by
which Athens should recover Oropus, Elis the Triphylian towns,
Phlius Tricaranum, and she herself Messene; and further that Orchomenus, Thespie, and Platcsa, which the Thebans had destroyed,
should be re-established, and the Arcadians who wished it restored
to their ancient abodes.3 The announcement of this project was
made in the year n.c. 353, when the tide of success had turned so
strongly against the Thebans, that they were unable to hold their
ground in Boeotia, and it seemed almost impossible that they could
spare any troops for the assistance of their friends in Peloponnesus.
It soon became known, with what view the Spartans were canvassing their allies; nor could the warlike preparations iii Laconia
remain a secret. That very year indeed they commenced war
against the Argives, whom  they defeated, and took the town of
Orneae, probably with a view to cut off their communication with
Xenophon, Hellen. vii. c. 4, s. 9. Polybius, iv. 32.
2 Their fear of the Thebans is strongly stated by Isocrates, Philipp.
92: A7ed6ref ytp  dareI2ovat A  Orl/3aot dtaeXvcitevot r' Tiipcf wtocEacf
rri2v'ra-vel06VresF /etOocrtv acroveS cvjtyopacf 7rrpE[lt2(1(oc1t -tpr(V E po V
yeyevnuwvdv.
3 Xenophon, HIellen. vii. c. 1, s. 26; c. 2, s. 1; c. 4, s. 11. Demosthenes, Pro Megalop. 203, 206, 208. And see ante, pp, 246, 261, 271.




368                   APPENDIX  VIIL
Arcadia.'   The Megalopolitans, alarmed at the danger which
threatened them, and having at this time little hope of assistance
from Thebes, sent an embassy to Athens, to solicit the protection of
the Athenian people. They were supported by envoys from Argos
and Messene, and opposed by a counter-embassy from Lacedoemon.
A warm debate took place in the Athenian assembly: for an account of which, and especially of the view which Demosthenes took
of the question, I may refer to the Oration for the 1Megalopolitans,
and to the argument and notes in the first volume. The result was,
that Athens determined to be neutral: a policy unfortunate in its
results, as will hereafter appear.2
The iMegalopolitans, being disappointed of Athenian aid, could
only look to Thebes; but affairs took such a turn, that, when the
time came, Thebes was able to assist them. The Lacedsemonians
in their endeavor to negotiate an offensive alliance entirely failed,
both at Athens and in Peloponnesus. This delayed their operations.
They may have been promised assistance by Onomarchus, as soon
as he could dispose of his enemies in the north. The battle of Pagasse overthrew such hope, and rendered it necessary for them to
send succor into Phocis. But soon afterwards the exertions of
Phayllus, together with the support which he received from his
allies, enabled him to renew the war in 1Bceotia. The Lacedoemonians readily seized this opportunity for commencing the long
meditated attack upon their neighbors.
Archidamus opened the campaign by invading the Megalopolitan
territory, which he ravaged for some time without opposition. The
Megalopolitans sent for succor immediately to Argos, Sicyon, and
Iessene, and also to Thebes. From the three first-mentioned cities
a large force was soon collected, and Thebes sent to their aid four
thousand infantry and five hundred horse under the command of
Cephision.  Thus reinforced, they marched out and pitched their
camp near the -sources of the river Alpheus. Archidamus, instead
of attacking them, led his troops off towards Mantinea, and took up
a position near that city, which he may have hoped was still friendly
to his cause. The allies advancing against him, he marched into
Argolis, surprised Ornee, which appears to have been retaken
since his last expedition, and routed a body of Argives who were
sent to its relief. But now the united force of the allies came up
1 Diodorus, xvi. 34.
2 Pausanias, iv. 28, states that the Athenians promised to assist the
MIessenians, if their country should be invaded, but declared they would
not join them in any invasion of Laconia. If so, they made a distinction
between them and the Megalopolitans, whom we know they did not assist.
Compare however Demosthenes, Pro Megalop. 204; from which it would
rather appear, that the engagement entered into with the Messenians
took place before this occasion.




AFFAIRS OF PELOPONNESUS.                  369
with him, and offered him battle. He had been reinforced by
three thousand Phocian mercenaries and a hundred and fifty of the
horsemen whom Lycophron had brought from Pherse: yet his numbers were but half those of the enemy. An obstinate battle was
fought, inl which the Spartans by their superior discipline made up
foi the disparity of numbers: both sides, however, claimed the victory. The Argives and other Peloponnesian allies having returned
to their homes, as was customary with citizen-troops in Greek warfare, Archidamus took advantage of their absence to renew his
ravages in Arcadia, and take by storm the city of Helissus, with
tile spoils of which he returned to Sparta. Not long afterwards the
Thebans and their allies, falling upon Anaxander, who commanded
a Lacedmimonian division near Telphusa, defeated and made him
prisoner. This battle was followed by two others, in which the
Spartans were vanquished with much loss. In the next they gained
a victory, which fairly retrieved their honor; but immediately
afterwards they retreated to their own country.  Archidamus,
weary of a contest which promised him no advantage, and in which
he had suffered no less damage than his adversaries, made overtures of peace, which the Megalopolitans accepted; and the foreign
auxiliaries on both sides- retired from  Peloponnesus.  The illadvised project of Archidamus had no other effect, than to exhibit
the unabated animosity of the Spartans against Megalopolis and
Messene.'
Not many years after these events the Peloponnesians were apprised, that a more powerful enemy than Sparta was threatening
the independence of Greece. Before the battle of Pagasse they
knew little of the king of Macedon besides his name. This brought
him prominently before them  as an able general, commanding
troops formidable by their numbers and discipline. As yet however these troops had not been tried against the heavy-armed infantry of the leading states; and Philip was still looked upon as a
mere northern potentate, protecting Thessaly, as his brother Alexander hlad done, and extending the frontiers of his own native kingdcom, but with no thought of pushing his conquests south of ThermopylI. Even the capture of Olynthus did not open the eyes of
the Peloponnesians, although Athens sent her envoys round to their
cities, and 2Eschines in his philippic at Megalopolis denounced the
king of Macedon as a savage barbarian, who was rising up to be
the plague of the Grecian world. They heard indeed that he had
razed to the ground twenty or thirty Chalcidian cities, and they
saw with their own eyes the Arcadian Atrestidas bringing to the
slave-market a herd of Olynthian women and children. Yet all
this, though it may have excited pity or indignation, did not convince them that Philip's progress was a thing to excite alarm. The
Diodorus, xvi. 39. Pausanias, viii 27.
Q2




3 70                 APPENDIX VIII.
conqueror of Olynthus had become a dangerous neighbor to the
Athenian dominions in Thrace: they themselves were too far removed from the scene to have much interest in it. So they reasoned. Nor did there want orators to support these short-sighted
views. One Hieronymus is said to have opposed _Eschines and
spoken on Philip's behalf in the Megalopolotan assembly. 2Eschines
reported of the Arcadians, that they were glad to hear that Athens
was bestirring, herself: but whether this was true or not, they
showed no desire to assist her. 1
By the termination of the Sacred W'ar Philip was raised to a position both novel and imposing, in which the magnitude of his power
was apparent to all. H-Ie stepped forward into the midst of Greece
as the elected general of the Amphictyons, the avenger of outraged
religion, the arbiter of peace and war. He was at once king of
Macedonia and Tagus of Thessaly: the mountain tribes of Olympus and Pindus, Othrys and (E ta, were ready to flock to his standard: the Thebans and Locrians were his grateful and devoted allies.
North of the Isthmus there were none to oppose him but the
Athenians; and they by themselves could offer but feeble resistance
to his power. Under these circumstances the Athenians turned
their eyes to Peloponnesus, as the quarter from which they might
reasonably hope to obtain support; it being now obvious that, if
Athens should succumb to Philip, the Peloponnesians would have
no barrier against him. Little was to be expected from the Lacedmmonians, disgusted with Athens for her weak and seemingly
treacherous conduct in abandoning the Phocians. The best chance
was with the other peninsular states, and to them the Athenians determined to apply, to form a league for mutual protection against
Philip.
If the Athenians, however, imagined that Philip intended to leave
the game of diplomacy in their hands, they were completely mistaken. Philip was no less active in negotiation than in war. Where
he designed to extend his influence and power, his emissaries went
like skirmishers before him, winning and seducing both statesmen
and people to his side by every species of corruption and intrigue.
It was soon found that he had been beforehand with the Athenians
in Peloponnesus; and circumstances had happened which greatly
favored his designs.
In a short time after the end of the Phocian war some territorial
disputes arose between the Lacedsemonians and their neighbors.
Pausanius says, that from early times it was the custom of the
Lacedaemonians, when they had nothing to occupy them out of
Peloponnesus, to raise a border quarrel with the Argives.2  It was
See ante, pp. 291, 292. The apathy of the Greeks is forcibly described by Demosthenes, in Philipp. iii. 119, 120.
2 Pausanias, ii. 20.




AFFAIRS OF PELOPONNESUS,                      3S]
not likely that the Messenians would fare much better with them.
Philip having now  established agents in these  countries, they
persuaded thile people to solicit his support.  There were plausible arguments for it. The Thebans, their former protectors, had
been befriended by Philip; while the Athenians had rather displayed a sympathy with Sparta.  Philip eagerly availed himself of
this favorable opportunity for putting himself at the head of the old
Theban confederacy.2  HIe sent a body of mercenaries and a-supply of money to tile Messenians and Argives, and promised to come
in person, if necessary, to their assistance. At the same time he
sent a peremptory mnessage to the Spartans, requiring them (among
other things) to abandon their pretensions to AMessenia, and threatening them with war, in. case of refusal.  To this he received a laconic answer of defiance: yet his measures seemed to have had the
desired effect of securing his allies against Spartan aggression, and
establishling, his own popularity not only at Argos and Maessene, but
also among their confederates in Arcadia.  W~e read that shortly
afterwards both the Arcadians and Argives erected statues to Philip,
conferred crowns of honor upon him, and passed resolutions to receive him  in their cities, if he came to Peloponnesus.  Pausanias
declares, that the hatred of the Arcadians to Sparta was one of the
principal causes to whiclh Philip and his kingdom owed their agg'randizement.3
These proceedings quickly excited attention at Athens.  Demosthenes carried a decree for sending an embassy to Peloponnesus,
and was himself put at its head.4 IHe went to Argos and Messene,
and in both of those cities made instructive speeches, setting forth
the danger of their connection with Philip. He has given us in the
second Philippic an extract from his speech to the Messenians, in
which he bade them  take warning by the example of Olynthus,
which Philip first befriended and then destroyed, and also by that
of Thessaly, which he had reduced to vassalage: he conjured them
not to be deceived by the gifts or promises of Philip, not to trust a
man of such notorious bad faith, and not to ally themselves with a
despot, the natural enemy of republics.5  This harangue was reDemosthenes, De Pace, 61.
2 Demosthenes, Orat. ad Epist. 1538; from which it appears, that the
Thebans were not well pleased at his interference with their allies.
3 Pausanias, viii. 27. Demosthenes, Philipp. ii. 68, 69; De Fals. Leg.
424, 425. Thirlwall, History of Greece, vi. 8. Cicero, Tus. Qu. V. 14.
4 Demosthenes, De Coron. 252' IIpC7rov [I/Ev T,)v ef Hlteor07vvVro
rrpe/3e av [ypaca, 5ire 7rpjSov tCFrivof elf Ii fe2oa076VV7ov r'apede-ro. This
expression does not necessarily import, that Philip was coming in person
to Peloponnesus, and therefore it may be referred to the occasion mentioned in the text.
5 Demosthenes, Philipp. ii. 70.




3 72                   APPENDIX  VIII.
ceived, as he tells us, with great applause; yet its effect was transient.  The Peloponnesian allies of Philip could not be induced to
break with' him by any Athenian arguments. They had an advantage in Macedonian protection, which they doubted whether Athens was willing or able to afford.'  The prospect of danger held
out to them by Demosthenes was (in their view) remote: but there
might be an immediate danger in offending Philip: as he was now
a powerful friend, so he might be a powerful enemy.  Things had
already come about as Demosthenes feared they would. At first
people could not imagine that Philip's power would ever be felt in
southern Greece: all of a sudden he appears before them as a giant
whom none can withstand: then the minor states are either desirous of his protection, or afraid to provoke his hostility.  Such was
his present influence over the Argives and Messenians, that he induced them to send embassadors in company with his own, to demand of the Athenians an explanation of their late embassy to
Peloponnesus.  A joint remonstrance was prepared, identifying the
cause of Philip with that of hiis allies.  The Athenians, it was alleged, had violated ths treaty of peace by sending agents to stir up
the Greeks against Philip; and at the same time they were encouraging the Spartans in their aggressive projects.  Python of Byzantium was Philip's principal envoy, and it may perhaps have been on
this occasion that he poured out that torrent of invective against
Athens, which Demosthenes says lie triumphantly answered, so as
to vindicate his country from the calumnies of Philip. A reply was
sent to the remonstrance, which left the dispute between Philip and
the Athenians unsettled.2
Elis was next the theatre of intrigue.  This city, formerly the
best governed of any in Greece, was thrown into strife and disorSee what Demosthenes says about the selfish policy of the Argives,
3Messenians, and Arcadians, De Coron. 246.
2 Argumentum ad Philipp. ii.: De Coron. 272.  The cecssion upon
which this contest of eloquence took place between Python and PDnmosthenes is matter of controversy. Some cssign it to a later e i( d, whlen
Python came to adjust disputes about the peace.  Diodolus (xvi. 85)
refers it to the debate at Thebes. In the passage cited fi  m tle Oration
on the Crown, it is mentioned that JEschines spoke on  Python's side;
which indicates the debate to have taken place at Athiens.  It is mentioned also, that Philip's allies were present, and that, after lheaming
Demosthenes, they got up and admitted Philip to be in tlhe aw cng;
which rather points to this occasion. wvhen the Messenians nr;d Argives
accompanied the Macedonian embassadors. The second Philippic, it
seems clear enough, was spoken in support of a motion for a reply to
this embassy. (See Philipp. ii. 72. Dionysius, ad Ammoeum, s. 10, p.
737.) It can not however have been the oration in which Demosthenes
so triumphantly answered Python; for it contains no answer to hlim
at all.




AFFAIRS OF PELOPONNESUS.                   373
der by the corrupting arts of Philip. A Macedonian party got the
upper hand, not without violence and bloodshed, and drove a large
body of their opponents into exile. Elis was then transferred from
the Lacedwemonian alliance to that of which Philip was at the head.
The exiles afterwards, hiring the remnant of that mercenary band
which had followed Phalmcus into Crete, invaded the country and
were defeated, as I have already mentioned, by the Elean and Arcadian troops.'  Demosthenes in the third Philippic speaks of Elis
as being virtually in the power of Philip.2
It was Philip's design to surround with enemies both Sparta and
Athens, so that, being cut off from support, they must ultimately
yield to his demands.  Sparta was already isolated; and so would
Athens be, if Eubcea, Megara, Corinth, and Achaia were either subdued or gained over to his alliance.  To make these acquisitions,
Philip laid his plans in the year B.c. 343.  The enterprises against
Euboea and Megara were left to his generals: that against Peloponnesus he resolved to conduct in person. It wvould have excited
alarm, if he had marched by the ordinary route to the Isthmus, especially as he had no ostensible cause of war: he therefore purposed
to take a westerly course through Epirus and Acarnuni a to the Corinthian gulf. The kingdom  of Epirus seems at this time to have
been divided between his uncle Arymbas and his brother-in-law
Alexander.2  Philip led his army to the Cassopian coast, and took
by storm  three cities, Elatea, Pandosia, and Bucheta, Elean colonies, which he annexed to the dominions of Alexander. He then
advanced to the Ambracian gulf, meditating an attack upon-the Corinthian colonies of Ambracia and Leucas; and it seems that he
was negotiating  an alliance with the -Eltolians, to whom he promised to give Naupactus, as soon as he had taken it from the Acheans.4 HtI  woald then have passed through Acarnania to join the
2iolians, and after taking the Achsean fortresses on the northern
coast of the Corinthian gulf, might have transported his forces over
to Acllaia. It is not unlikely that the Achecans and Corinthians got
information of these projects, and communicated them to Athens.
The Athenians by unwonted exertions contrived to baffle Philip at
this point, and arrest his further progress. An embassy, at the head
of which were Dernosthenes, Polyeuctus, Hegesippls, Clitomachus,
and Lycurgus, was sent to Acarnania and Peloponnesus, where they
i Ante, p. 318.
2 Demnosthenes, Philipp. iii. 118; iv. 133: De Fals. Leg. 424, 435.
Pausanias, iv 28; v. 4.
3 See Thirlwall, History of Greece, vi. 16, note 3.
4 The possession by the Acheans of Naupactus, Dyme, and Calydon,
was an annoyance to the 2Etolians. Epaminondas had expelled them.
They regained possession after his death. See Diodorus, xv. 75. Xenophon, Hlellen. iv. c. 6, s. 14.




3 74                  APPENDIX  VIIL
succeeded in forming a league and organizing active measures for
defense. Athcnian troops were promptly sent into Acarnania. Megara also promised assistance, having been secured against Macedonian attack by the measures of Phocion, as already mentioned.
Philip. either not being prepared, or not wishing to attack the Athenians at present, or failing in his negotiations with the -,Atolians,
desisted from his attempt and retired to Macedonia. 
No further movement occurred in Peloponnesus, until the campaign of ChTronea.  Philip then invited his Peloponnesian allies to
join him; but none of them came.  The Achseans and Corinthians
fought for Athens.2  After the battle, having completed the subjugation of northern Greece, Philip led his army into the peninsula, to
consolidate his power among the states, and enforce the submission
of those which held out against him or wavered.  He then designed
to unite them all in a common league against Persia. None were
inclined to dispute his will but the Lacedsemonians; and them  he
resolved to humble, both for the satisfaction of his allies, and as a
measure of precaution against future disturbance.  At the head of an
overpowering force he entered Laconia, ravaging it on all sides, and
pillaging or destroying some of the rural townships.  The Spartans
behaved worthily of their ancient' reputation. Though not strong
enough to encounter the enemy's whole force in open field, they
still refused to capitulate. AVe read of one victory which they gained
over a detached body of Macedonians at Gythium. Philip forbore
to attack the capital. He sought to cripple the power of Sparta, not
to crush her entirely; perhaps, as the Acarnanian envoy says in
Polybius, he checked the more violent counsels of his Peloponnesian
followers.3  The end of it was, that he stripped Sparta of territory
on every side, giving one portion of it to the Argives, another to the
Tegeans, a third to the Megalopolitans, and a fourth to the Messenians.
Demosthenes, Philipp. iii. 118-120, 129; iv. 133: De -Ialonn. 84:
De Coron. 305, 306, 308. From the last of these passages, it would
appear that Demosthenes had encountered Philip's agents at Ambracia.
He justly boasts of his own zealous activity in executing, as well as designing and advising, these important missions (ibid. 301)..1Eschines
(Contr. Ctesiph. 67) charges Demosthenes with giving, a false account
of his success on these expeditions. The charge is a mere calumny.
That troops Were sent into Acarnania, appears from the incidental mention of them in Demosthenes, Contr. Olympiodorum, 1173. And the
harsh measures aftewards taken by Philip against the Ambraciots and
Acarnanians, are evidence of their successful resistance before. (Diodorus, xvii. 8.)
a Pausanias, iv. 28; v. 4; viii. 27. And see the next Appendix.
3 The Eleans, though they declined to aid him at Chberonea, are said
to have followed him in this invasion from hatred of the Lacedsemonians.
Pausanias, v. 4.




AFFAIRS OF PELOPONNESUS.                     3'75
His acts were ratified afterwards by the Greek congress, though they
were never acknowledged by the Lacedmmonians.'
On his return from Laconia, he visited some of the friendly states;
making stay among the Arcadians,  whom he wished to attach firmly
to himself and draw entirely away firom the cause of the Greeks.
How well he succeeded, was fully proved by subsequent events: at
this time it appeared in homage and flattery.  At a village near
Mantinea, where he pitched his camp, a spring received the name
of Philip's spring.  The Megalopolitans gave his name to a portico
in their market-place.  Similar compliments were paid him by the
Eleans.  He erected on the sacred ground at Olympia a circular
building surrounded by a colonnade, which was named after him
Philippeum.2  The gracious and winning manners of the king helped
doubtless to increase his popularity.3
He next proceeded to the Isthmus of Corinth, where he had invited a congress of all the Greeks to assemble.  It was attended by
deputies from all the chief cities, except Sparta. The dream of
Isocrates was now about to be realized, though not'exactly in the
manner which that philosopher would have desired. ~ Philip proposed
to make war against the Persians, and take vengeance upon them
for their profanation of the Greek temples in days of old. The
deputies passed an unanimous vote in accordance with his desire.
War was declared.  Each state was ordered to furnish a contingent
of ships or land force: and Philip was elected general of the national
army.4
Pausanias, ii. 20; iii. 24; vii. 11. Polybius, ix. 28, 33. Strabo,
viii. 365.
2 Pausanias, v. 17, 20; viii. 7, 30.
3 As to this, see ante, p. 357, note i.
4 Diodorus, xvi. 89. -Justin, ix. 5. "Compositis in GrMecia rebus,
Pbilippus omnium civitatum legatos ad formandumn rerum proesentium
statum evocari Corinthum jubet. Ibi pacis legem universm GrMecie pro
meritis singularum civitatum statuit, conciliumque omnium, veluti unum
seDatum, ex omnibus legit. Soli Laecedamonii et legerm et rlgem contempserunt, servitutem, non pacem rati, quna non ipsis civitatibus conveniret, sed a victore ferretur. Auxilia deinde singularum  civitatum
deseribuntur, sive adjuvandus ei mannu rex oppugnante aliquo foret, seu
duce illo bellum inferendum. Neque enim dubium erat imperium Persarum his apparatibus peti."




376                      APPENDIX  IX.
APPENDIX IX.
C H E R O N E A.
DroDOrus tlhus commences his narrative of the year 338 B.c.:1
"Phiiip, havin(g wNron over the greater number of the Greeks" to
his alliance, was anxious to strike terror into the Athenians and hold
without a rival the leadership of Greece.  He therefore suddenly
took possession of Elatea, and there gathering his forces resolved to
attack the Athlenians.  As they were unprepared, by reason of the
treaty of peace, he expected that he should: easily conquer them:
and such was the event."
Justin, after relating  Philip's expedition into Scythia, his victory
over Atheas the Scythian prince, and the bloody battle fought on
his retuin with thle Triballi, in which he was severely wounded, (the
date of which event seems to be in the spring or early summer of
339 B.C.) continues thus:2
"Ubi vero ex vulnere primum convaluit, diu dissimulatum bellurn
Atheniensibus infert."
The treaty of peace referred to in the passage of Diodorus is that
which he relates to have been concluded in the year B.c. 340, when
Philip raised the siege of Byzantium.3   This, as I have before mentioned,'4 has given rise to controversy among modern historians.
The testimony of Diodorus, confirmed apparently by certain records
cited in the oration on the Crown, has induced some writers to accept the peace as an1 historical fact.  Others, who deem  it irreconcilable with the language of Demosthenes, which represents the war
of 340 n.c. as continuing long after the date of the supposed peace,5
and who also consider the records in the oration on the Crown to be
spurious, and the authority of Diodorus not sufficient of itself to
prove a doubtful point —and swayed also by some other argumentsDiodorus, xvi. S4.  Wesseling justly observes in his note, that the
seizure of Elatea took place in the year 339 D. c. Diodorus has confused the dates, as well as the other circumstances of this war.
2 Justin., ix. 3.
3 Diodlorus, xvi. 77: At6rrep i[ZLtrror Kara?'eraye rf r  acvv(rpol#, rTv'ETxi7,,wi,, rv 7T21rocitpKiaVv -V w7r62ev iZvoce, Icaui rpbc'AOvaiovr /cao r7od
d2.,,vr "EXrvaPc re)cr EvaverovjUtvovf oV aVer'Oo  riv eipv7V.
4 Ante, p. 17, note 1.
Demosthenes, De Coron. 275, 276: Odec ly, rob' irp(C  V#5~'rorZ/Iov
rripar o6r0' t7raXcay7?  0LkiirrT, el t~j 071/3aiovg lcal 0 erraTovO  4Opo'f
rrocjeoEc r7 ri;7-e,'  r&c.  Compare p. 262, where he speaks of the successful results which attended his regulation of the trierarchy during
the whole of the war (,rdvra rbov vr6eyov).  Also, p. 304.




CHERONEA.                          377
reject the peace altogether.I  Grote takes a middle view of the
question, supposing that Philip concluded peace with the Byzantines,
Perinthians, and some other of the Greeks who had assisted them,
but not with the Athenians and their more intimate allies.2  This
may seem to reconcile Diodorus with Demosthenes: yet it is hardly
probable in itself, that the allies would consent to make such a distinction.  Perhaps the simplest-account of the -matter is, that a mere
armistice was concluded between the parties, leaving a more formal
treaty of peace to be afterwards decided on; and that a naval war,
chiefly of a privateerint, character, was irregularly carried on between
Athens and Macedonia in spite of the armistice.3
The  words of Justin (diu dissimulatum bellum Atheniensibus infert)
throw no light on this question of the peace.  They have reference
to the long forbearance of Philip to attack the Athenians in their
own country, which at length he determined to do.
It is further to be remarked, that neither Diodorus nor Justin
makes the slightest mention of those extraordinary proceedings at
Delphi in the year B.c. 339, which kindled a new Sacred War, and
were, according to both of the Athenian orators, Demosthenes and
2Eqschines, the immediate cause of Philip's march into Phocis and all
the calamities that followed.
Demosthenes informs us (I give the sum of what he says):4That Philip was suffering greatly by the maritime blockade which
the Athenians kept up around his coast, and by the depredations of
their privateers: it therefore became desirable to carry the war into
Attica; which could not well be done, unless the Thessalians were
on his side, and the Thebans gave him  a passage through their
country.  Neither of these people would have liked to assist him in
a private quarrel; but if a new Sacred War could be stirred up, he
might be chosen to conduct it as before, and so gather round his
standard many of the Amphictyonic tribes. To accomplish this he
engaged the services of- _Eschines; who, as the first step in the business, got himself appointed Amphictyonic deputy, no one at Athens
in the least suspecting what his design was; then proceeding to the
spring meeting at Delphi, and taking his place in the assembly, preSee Thirlwall, History of Greece, vi. 59. The objections are there
very clearly stated. Is it possible that Diodorns confounds this with
the peace of 346 B. c.? It is remarkable that he gives no account of
the latter.
a Grote, History of Greece, xi. 638.
3 Chiefly perhaps to the advantage of the Athenians, as Demosthenes
asserts; yet that Philip resorted to privateering, in order to recruit his
finances, is related by Justin, ix. 1: " Igitur Philippus, longa obsidionis
mora exhaustus, pecunie commercium de piratica mutuantur. Captis
itaque centum septuaginta navibus -mercibusque distractis, anhelantem
inopiam paululum recreavit."' Demosthenes, De Coron. 275-278.




378                   APPENDIX IX.
ferred a charge of impiety against the Locrians of Amphissa, for
cultivating a portion of the Cirrhsean ground. He made such an
inflammatory speech, appealing to the religious feelings of the deputies, that they were persuaded to go in person and take a view of the
sacred ground.: The Locrians speedily came and drove them off, not
abstaining from acts of violence. The council, resenting such an
insult offered to its members, declared war against the Locrians,
choosing Cottyphus for their general; but as it was found impossible
by the voluntary exertions of the Amphictyonic states to get an
army strong enough to enforce their authority, it was contrived by
Philip's agents and partisans at the ensuing Pylsean congress, that
he should be elected general. Philip then, collecting an army, and
marching to Thermopylke with the professed intention of chastising
the Amphissians, suddenly took possession of Elatea.
If the statement of Demosthenesl rested on his sole credit, one
might be inclined to suspect that he had greatly magnified the importance of these transactions, or misrepresented the real truth.
When, however, we find his statement confirmed in all its main features by JEschines, we can do no otherwise than accept it as historical evidence; and it proves to us, how little such writers as
Diodorus and Justin are to be depended on for a correct outline of
the events which they profess to relate.'
ZEschines describes the scene at Delphi and the subsequent proceedings, in which he himself took an active part, with much greater
prolixity of detail than Demosthenes. I-e gives a somewhat different color to the affair; yet, so far from denying that his own
charge against the Locrians brought on a new Sacred War, he boasts
of it; and contends that Athens might and ought to have put herself at the head of the movement, and that it was owing to the
treacherous counsel of Demosthenes, that Philip was chosen to be
Amphictyonic general.  The bold  manner in which.2Eschines
launches into the history of this affair, denouncing his rival as the
prime author of the whole mischief, gives the idea, as it was intended to do, that he himself brought the matter forward as an
accuser only, and not because he felt the necessity of defending his
own conduct. There is, however, no doubt, that'his object was
more to exculpate himself than to attack Demosthenes; and this,
with all his craft, he can not help betraying. We have to bear in
mind, that _/Eschines was not for the first time in the oration on the
Crown charged by his opponent with having kindled the last Sacred
War, That charge had been urged against him frequently before,
both in public and in private; and.Eschines knew perfectly well
Plutarch, writing biography, not history, does not profess always
to follow the  course of events. He makes a passing allusion only to
the Amphissian war. (Vit. Demosth. 18.)




CH)ERONEA.                         379
what Demosthenes would have to say upon the subject in his reply. 
For this very reason he prefers a counter-accusation, by which he
hoped to beget a prejudice in his own favor; but which, as we shall
see presently, is based upon little but the assertion of the accuser.
The account which.Eschines gives of the whole proceeding is to
the following effect: -
That the Locrians of Amphissa were cultivating and turning to
profane purposes the holy ground of Cirrha, notwithstanding the
solemn oath sworn in the first Sacred War, which forbade it ever
again to be appropriated to the use of man; that they had repaired
the harbor of that ancient town, and built houses round it, and were
takinog tolls or duties of the visitors who landed there; that they
had bribed some of the Amphictyonic deputies, among others
Demosthenes, to say nothing about it; that Demosthenes had been
paid a thousand drachms in the first instance, when he was sent
as deputy from Athens, and they had engaged for the future to pay
him  twenty minas a year, if he would constantly support them  at
Athens.
That in the year 339 B. C. Midias, Thrasycles, and himself were
elected to serve the office of Pylagora-, and sent to Delphi, together
with Diognetus the Hieromnemon.  That soon after their arrival
Diognetus and Midias were seized with a fever; the Amphictyons
had already assembled, when a message was brought to jEschines,
informing him  that the Amphissians, to please their friends the
Thebans, were about to move a resolution against the people of
Athens; which was, to fine them  fifty talents for having hung up
in a new chapel, before it was finished, some golden shields with the
following inscription:3,  By the Athenians, out of spoil taken from
1 That JEschines was all along anticipating an attack upon himself,
that he well understood the course of argument which Demosthenes
would pursue, and that he greatly feared the prejudice of the people in
his opponent's favor, will appear from a careful perusal of the oration
against Ctesiphon: see pp. 61, 62, where occurs:the artful illustration
which Demosthenes exposes, De Coron. 303: p. 71, wherehe anticipates
the charge of having caused Philip's invasion: pp. 74, 77, where, from
the words a fri'oO' 5jEzc   crtijpeot.bcaprepeiTre (icpojEwcvot, one would
imagine he perceived signs of disapprobation among the jury: p. 81,
he forestalls the argument of Demosthenes, De Coron. 330, 331; (pp.
84, 85,) he betrays his dread of what Demosthenes will say about his
political life: ociric 6. r'Z anLiriata kvlvpacfE 7T'f tcaeri  avcroV rt#lwpcaf,
(cre T6v Kc'vdvvov E'vaet) /t yoi TeI  dCu)ttcicavr7t d2atURi oa70  EEtfeOVot, woeVVY
&V Tzv 7V'ASXzavdpov, Icai zv  4;tz'ov -Etv rani  dGtapoXafS,ephv.
2.Elschines, Contr. Ctesiph. 69-72.
s According to the words of 2Eschines (p. 70), the charges were two;
one relating to the time or mode of presenting the shields, the other to
the inscription.  It would seem, that a new fane or chapel was in the
course of erection at Delphi, and the Athenians had exhibited their of



380                   APPENDIX  IX.
the Persians and Thebans when they fought against the Greeks."
That Diognetus sent- for him, and begged that he would go to the
council, and defend his country before the Amphictyons. He did so;
but scarcely had he begun to speak, when one of the Amphissians
rudely interrupted him, crying out, " Men of Greece, if you were
wise, you would not allow the name of the Athenians to be mentioned on these days, but would drive them from the temple as a
people under a curse." At the same time he brought up the Phocian
alliance and other matters of accusation against Athens; all which
so enraged JEschines, that in the heat of the moment he retorted
the charge of impiety against the Locrians, and reproached them
with the use which they had made of the consecrated plain. The
plain itself and the port of Cirrha were visible from the spot where
they were assembled. _Eschines pointed them out to the deputies.' Amphictyons!" he cried: " you behold yonder plain cultivated by
the Amphissians, with the pottery works and farm-houses which
they have built upon it. You see with your own eyes the fortifications of the devoted harbor. You know yourselves, and need no
witnesses to tell you, that these men have taken tolls and- are making profits from the sacred harbor." He then bade them read the
oracle, the oath of their ancestors, and the solemn imprecation, (all
which were before their eyes, inscribed on a tablet;) and having
first declared his determination' on behalf of the people of Athens,
himself; his children, and his family, to stand by the god and the
sacred land, as that ancient oath required, he solemnly adjured the
Amphictyons to do the same, and to free themselves from the curse
that must otherwise hang over them as the abettors or tolerators of
sacrilege.
The speech of _Eschines-so he goes on to state-caused a great
tumult and uproar in the council. All question of the shields was
forgotten, and nothing thought of but the punishment of the Locrians. As the day was far advanced, a proclamation was made by the
herald, commanding that all the Delphians of military age, both freemen and slaves, should assemble the next morning with spades and
pickaxes at the place of sacrifice, and that the Hieromnemons and
other deputies should be at the same place to assist in the cause of
Apollo and the sacred land: and further announcing that, whatever
ferings before it was completely finished, or before some ceremony of
consecration had been peformed. The inscription was necessarily offensive to the Thebans; and, although the Athenians had probably presented these shields in lieu of others similarly inscribed, which the
Phocian generals had destroyed, it gave a handle for censure, that they
should at this time have taken a step which would hurt the feelings of
their neighbors. See Thirlwall, History of Greece, vi. 54. Grote, xi.
650; who gives a somewhat different explanation.




CHAERONEA.                         381
people failed to attend, would be excluded from the temple, and regarded as execrable and accursed.
At the time appointed, he says, the full multitude came together
and went down to Cirrha, where they quickly demolished the harbor and set fire to the houses which had been erected: but a large
body of Amphissians coming with arms to attack them, they took
to their.heels, and with difficulty escaped to Delphi. The next day
Cottyphus, a Pharsalian citizen, who officiated as president of the
congress, called a general assembly of Amphictyons, composed not
only of the representative synod, but of all who,came to take a
part in the sacrifice or consult the oracle. Here, after much abuse
of the Locrians and praise of Athens, a resolution was passed, thatthe deputies; should assemble at Thermopylse on a certain day before
the next ordinary meeting, to pass sentence. on the Locrians for
their acts of sacrilege and insult to the Amphictyons."
When this resolution was first communicated to the Athenians,
1.Eschines declares, they fully acquiesced in its propriety, and
expressed:their readiness: to comply with -it. Demosthenes raised
some opposition, in pursuance of his engagement with the Locrians;
but he (Aschines) completely set him down.'. Upon-which Demosthenes had recourse to -a maneuvre: he got a degree first secretly
passed by the council, and then carried in the assembly after the
regular business was all over, and when hardly any citizens were
present; which decree was to the effect: —" That the deputies of
Athens should go regularly to Thermopyls and to Delphi at the
times appointed by their ancestors; and that they should take no
part whatever in the extraordinary meeting about to be held at
Thermopyle."  The consequence was, that Athens took no part in
the ensuing measures of the Amphictyons. The special meeting was
attended by representatives from all the other states except Thebes.
War was declared against the Amphissian Locrians, and Cottyphus
was elected general. The Amphictyonic army marched into Locris,
but behaved with the utmost moderation, imposing a fine only on
the people, to be paid on a given day, banishing the principal
advisers of the sacrilege, and restoring the opponents who had been
driven into exile. As the fine, however, was not paid, and the Amphissians reversed the acts of Cottyphus after his troops had been
withdrawn, the second expedition against them took place after a
long interval, when Philip had returned from  Scythia.  " And so,"
says lEschines, " when the gods had given the lead in this pious' This quite agrees with what Demosthenes says (De Coron. 275):
Kal T1T' eVOg uo       ov #Oc Jdtaoap7 v  r V cat por)vov  a  orof fv r, Iiaz "7r62Euovi Eltf 7'V'ArKt'v eicaiyet, AITXtVx7, 6O2eX/Iov'A/UqOz)vovtK'v" ol
Ev ic icWapatcXaEogS Cvy:aO/luevoL o:K Eiv #E 2ryEtv, o 6j' i6av/uaiov CKal
Icevs ac1iriav c6ci -r7v idiav r'Opav 17riyetv He V57reeidf/avov a'ra.




382                   APPENDIX IX.
enterprise to Athens, she was deprived of it by the corrupt act of
Demosthenes."
-Iere 1Eschines breaks off, just at the time when we should have
been glad to hear the rest of his narrative. Instead of giving any
explanation about Philip's appointment and the circumstances
attending it, he quits these matters of fact, and runs into a rhapsody
of declamation, by which, as he had played upon the weak understandings of the Amphictyonic council, he might hope to excite the
feelings of the Athenian people: but he had not the same success.'
The accounts of Demosthenes and aEschines, agreeing in their
main outlines, and especially in the important result of Philip's election to conduct the new Sacred War, differ in the following particulars: 1. As to the. Locrians having preferred a charge of impiety
against the Athenians: 2. As to the motives which each of the two
orators imputes to his rival: 3. As to some of the details of the
first Amphictyonic campaign.
That the Locrian people should have brought a formal accusation
against the Athenians, such as that mentioned by tEschines, is
improbable, not merely for the reason assigned by Demosthenes,
that no record is produced- of a citation to answer the charge; but
also because the alleged offense is not one which the Locrian people
were likely to have cared about; and further, if (as _Eschines says)
they were conscious of being themselves trespassers upon the sacred
land, this would naturally have deterred them from raising such
questions against others. If it be said, that they were instigated by
the Thebans, we may answer first, that there is no evidence of this;
secondly, it is disproved by the conduct of the Thebans themselves,
who showed pretty clearly by their keeping aloof from the special
meeting at Thermopylse, that they had had quite enough of Sacred
Wars and Amphictyonic quarrels. It is very possible, however,
that some individual Amphissian, either at Philip's instigation or
from other motives, got up in the council to- complain of what the
Athenians had done; and this led to an angry debate, in which
ifEschines retorted the charge of impiety upon the countrymen of
his opponent.
And what time the Amphissians began to take possession of the
port and plain of Cirrha, _Eschines does not inform us: and modern
historians do not agree upon the subject. Grote says,2 it appears
both from Demosthenes and.Eschines, that it was an ancient and
established occupation. The passages which he cites however do
not bear him out; 3 on the contrary, the whole narrative of f/Eschlines
The whole of the passage beginning at page 72, dc2L' oi vrpovrEyov,
and ending at page 73, Ec 72 To T-OV rTO i-TrO1Zaf, is wretched affectation
and bombast.
History of Greece, xi. 648.
s Demosthenes, De Coron. 277.  ZEschines, Contr. Ctesiph. 69: 01




CH2ERONEA.                         383
tends to prove, that it was a recent intrusion of which the Amphissians
were accused.  Had it been otherwise, it would not have been easy
to excite a tumult against them at Delphi: nor would there nave been
any color for the charge which _Eschines brings against Demosthenes,
of havingreceived bribes from the Amphissian people. Though we
may have no hesitation in rejecting the truth of that charge, it is
difficult to suppose that it could have been advanced, unless the
Amphissians had some assignable motive for offering a bribe. If
what they were doing at Cirrha had been acquiesced in for so long a
period, they could have had little to fear, and had no occasion to
purchase the silence of the Amphictyonic deputies. If this usurpation had been recent, one can understand their motives in so doing.
Butfurther, it is distinctly asserted by iEschines, that the Amphictyons,
when they invaded Locris, banished the principal authors of the sacrilege, and restored those who had been driven into exile for their
piety, that is, for their opposition to the sacrilege: a statement which
implies, as I conceive, that the alleged sacrilege had been recently
committed and was the subject of contest among the Locrians themselves.l
That after the first Sacred War it became necessary to renovate
in some degree the port and town of Cirrha, for the accommodation
of visitors coming by sea to Delphi, we may with Grote very fairly
assume: but I see no reason for supposing that the Amphissian
Locrians took this duty upon them.  It is more likely that the
Delphians provided the convenience of a harbor for their guests,
regarding it both as a duty and a privilege of their own. When the
second Sacred War broke out, Cirrha fell into the hands of the
Phocians; and we have no historical account of what they did with it.
When however the Amphissian Locrians submitted to Onomarchus,
it is very possible that he permitted them to occupy that ancient
seaport under an arrangement beneficial to both parties. The
Locrians may then have enlarged and improved the harbor, built
new houses in the town, and plowed up and farmed a considerable
portion of the surrounding plain. We hear of no more war between
them and the Phocians after the peace made with Onomarchus; nor
could he have taken a better way to disarm their hostility than by
making to them such a concession. At the end of that war the
Locrians must have felt that their title to this newly acquired district
Aoicpoi,oi A'Atccre(7, /1ac2O6v d oi TrPOECer7lc6TEf aVr7v avdpEf xrapavo6jTaTot, EEtpyan6vro TiO reLiov, Kal raov?lteva r7v ae5yLtrov ica~ Eiaparov
vd2,tv &rEiXtcav Icai avvxlcrav, sat r762t  -rovs tcarmratvovraf CfbAeyov, cae
rvtv dLbtvovj/fvov elf AEtoVO 7'v2ayo6pov'v[ovg XPI/.lacat dte06gstpav. The
connection of the last clause with the preceding clauses proves that
Eschines is speaking of recent acts.' Eschines, Contr. Ctesiph. 72: Ka roif artv Evayeaf Kai  rCv,rerpayIzEvwv alriovgf erear7vaavro, rogf d6 Si e6d 3etav 07vy6vraf icartjyayov.




384                   APPENDIX  IX
was questionable and precarious. Although the Delphians in the
first rejoicing after victory might not wish to disturb them in their
possession, yet in the course of a short time they may have begun to
think more seriously of it, especially if the improvements of the
town and neighborhood of Cirrha were of such magnitude as to
excite attention. As soon as the title of the Locrians became the
subject of discussion, they would naturally be alarmed, and might
endeavor by intrigue or otherwise to make interest for themselves
with the Amphictyonic deputies. This may have afforded a color
for the charge of 2Eschines against Demosthenes.
That there was any thing more however then a colorable pretense for such charge against Demosthenes, I altogether disbelieve.
The only ground alleged by iEschines is, that he dissuaded his countrymen from taking any part in the hostile movement against the
Locrians. But in this he only exhibited the zeal and foresight of
a good statesman. His prediction was but too true, that AEschines
was bringing an Amphictyonic war into Attica. The Athenians,
though at first they disregarded the warning; considering it to have
been dictated by private enmity, shortly afterwards came over to his
views, and passed a resolution virtually condemning the acts of the
Amphictyons. /Eschines, to persuade his hearers that this resolution
was not the genuine opinion of the Athenians, resorts to the stale
device of asserting that it was irregularly and clandestinely obtained.
But it is far more likely, that the people of Athens upon further inquiry and reflection became convinced, that the violent measures of
the Amphictyons were uncalled for and unseasonable, that the affair
of Cirrha did not concern them, and the most prudent plan was
to keep themselves quiet, as Demosthenes advised. 
Of lEschines the least we can say is, that he acted with great indiscretion, and showed himself not a very fit person to manage any
important business of state. Whether he was stimulated by the
base motives which have been imputed to hiim, is a problem which
no mortal call solve. Difficulties present themselves, whatever
view we may be inclined to take. It can hardly be supposed that
the course which things took was planned by _/Eschines; for no one
could have foreseen that such results would flow from such causes,
or that by the contingency which hdppened Philip would get the
advantages which he did. Upon the Athenians declining to act
against the Locrians, Philip had no casus belli against them as Amphictyonic leader, while he involved himself in a war with the
Locrians, his former allies, at the risk also of displeasing the Thebans.
The only compensation for this was, that he took the Athenians by
surprise. It may however be thought, that the event which actually
Mitford, vwho is always adverse to Demosthenes, thinks that his
silence on the subject of this charge proves his guilt. (Ifistory of
Greece, iv. chap. xli. s. 6.)




CIIERONEA.                        385
happened was not the most favorable one for Philip, who rather
hoped that he should embroil the Athenians with the Locrians, and
step in himself as the protector of the latter, drawing to his side the
Thebans and other allies. Yet one would imagine it would better
have suited Philip's purpose to get up a religious cry against the
Athenians, so as to bring them into odium and disgrace with the
Amphictyons, and excite perhaps a Sacred'War against them, of
which he might have the conduct. It is thus possible that the
Locrian who declaimed so fiercely against Athens at Delphi was
acting under his instigation, and that the reply of IEschines, made
on the spur of the moment, accidentally turned the wrath of the
assembly into another channel. It is by no means impossible,
however, that the Locrian and _Eschines were both Macedonian
hirelings; yet that they had no definite object further than to
create discord and confusion among the Amphictyons, which Philip
might turn to his advantage according to circumstances.  It is in
this vague way that Demosthenes shapes his accusation.'
From a comparison of the two orators it appears, that the extraordinary meeting of Amphictyons was held at Thermopyle at the
time appointed, and attended by deputies from most of the states
except Athens and Thebes.  Cottyphus, being elected general,
summoned the Amphictyonic tribes to take arms; their contingents
however came in slowly, and not in sufficient numbers for the
required purpose. Putting himself at the head of such force as he
could muster, Cottyphus made a show of opening the campaign;
but, niot being strong enough to reduce the Locrians to submission,
he contented himself with imposing terms upon them, in particular
a pecuniary fine to be paid on an early day. These terms were
not complied with; it was never desired by Philip's friends that
they should be: accordingly at the ensuing autumnal2 congress of
Amphictyons it was proposed, as had been concerted by the Mace1 Demosthenes does not pretend to say, that Philip marked- out any
particular course for Eschines or his other agents to pursue. Any war
or confusion among the Amphictyons would be a gain to him; for he
was sure then to be wanted:'Elrqxetpepi OeucaaO' as eV, -652eytov iroti)Cat
roif'Apoti/criozt Icei 7repi iTv  IlvAXaiav rapaXv-, elS ydp ravr' er0f acrrodg
&,e2rEM323avev a7roi dnejae5aOat. De Coron. 276.
2 Grote has taken the correct view of the chronology of these events.
(See the learned notes to his History of Greece, xi. pp. 657, 664.) The
extraordinary congress of Amphictyons was held at some time between
the spring and autumn, but at what particular time does not appear.
Philip was appointed general at the autumnal meeting, Eigf rTv rwtovaav
rrvtaiav, (Demosth. De Coron. 277.) The EaptviC TrvZaiac in the second
Amphictyonic decree (ibid: 278) is clearly a mistake, except upon the
improbable supposition that there were two decrees for the election of
Philip, one in the spring of 339 Bc., and one in the autumn. The records cited in the oration of Demosthenes are certainly not to be relied
VOL. II.-R




386                   APPENDIX IX.
donian party, that Philip should be invited to subdue and punish
the refractory people, who had dared to defy the general council of
Greece. It does not appear by what deputies this motion was supported, or whether or by whom it was opposed: as however the
tribes north of Thermopylm formed a majority in the council, it was
certain to be carried in the affirmative. Philip was invited; and
eagerly embracing the opportunity, for which doubtless he was well
prepared, he set out with his army for the south, proclaiming that
he had taken arms in the cause of religion as the Greeks had
requested him. He was speedily joined by the Thessalians and circumjacent tribes,- and passing Thermopy]ae with a force which neither
the Locrians nor any single Grecian state could have resisted, he
entered the north-eastern part of the Phocian territory.  Had his
sole purpose now been to prosecute the war which he had professedly come to conduct against the Amphissian Locrians, he would
have pursued his march through Phocis towards their frontier. Instead of doing so, he halted suddenly at Elatea, and began to repair
its ruined fortifications. By this step (as Elatea was on the confine
of Boeotia, and commanded the entrance to that country) it became
manifest, that his designs were against the Athenians, or the Thebans, or both.
How the Athenians viewed it, is plain enough from the celebrated description of Demosthenes. Whether Philip was openly at
war with them or not, mattered but little. Had there been ten
thousand treaties of peace between them registered on stone, the
result would have been the same. Philip's approach was not the
less dangerous, because he had made no proclamation of hostility.
He had recent failures to avenge, losses at sea, and insults to his
coast. Yet these were nothing compared.with the intense desire
which he felt to strike a mortal blow at the power of Athens. It
was indeed a necessity, unless he meant to forego his ambitious
schemes. The moment the Athenians received intelligence that he
had occupied Elatea, the whole truth flashed upon them at once.
Here at length was that terrible king of Macedon, whom Demosthenes had been so many years alarming them about. He was
now ready to fall upon Attica, as he had fallen upon Olynthus; and
where were they to look for defense? The whole city was paralyzed, until Demosthenes came forward to rouse the people from
their stupor, and point out to them what means of defense and what
hope remained. The Athenians were passive in his hands.
I shall not seek to describe in language of my own those scenes
of excitement and terror, which are so vividly brought before our
eyes by Demosthenes himself. The circumstances under which he
rose to address his countrymen, his own counsel, and all the proon for their dates, if they are for any thing else. I see no evidence for
supposing that XEschines advocated the appointment of Philip.




CHIERONEA.                         387
ceedings of the popular assembly, are fully set forth in his most interesting narrative, to which I refer the reader.  Suffice it here to
say, that under his advice, which was unanimously agreed to, a decree was drawn up,2 offering alliance on the most honorable
terms to the Thebans: an embassy was dispatched instantly to
Thebes, with Demosthenes at its head; and the Athenians with a
full muster of their military strength marched to Eleusis, in order to
encourage their friends in Thebes, and to second the efforts of the
embassadors.
The advance of Philip into their neighborhood was a thing by no
means welcome to the Thebans. They had signified their disapproval of the late Amphictyonic movement by absenting themselves
from the special congress.  The appointment of Philip to conduct
the war must have increased their uneasiness; and still more, his
fortification of Elatea.3  For some time past the Thebans had regarded Philip with no friendly eye. They were oppressed by the
weight of their obligation to him, and felt a jealousy and a dread of
his growing power, which they dared not exhibit or express. His
garrison at Nicaea, which he had nominally given to the Thessalians,
both gave them  offense and kept them  in awe.4  He had taken
possession of Echinus, a town on the Malian gulf, which formerly
belonged to them.5 Hfe had transferred to himself the Peloponnesian confederacy, of which they had once been at the head."  The
relation in which they stood to him was altogether painful and humiliating.7 Yet whatever their grievances might be, there seemed
no help for them: they were isolated from all alliances except those
which were devoted to Philip.  Athens was the only independent
See ante, pp. 68-74. Orig. pp. 284-291. Diodorus, xvi. 84, has
this description before his eyes.
2 The decree cited in the oration (De Coron. 288-291) is clearly erroneous as to the archon and the month; perhaps also in the number
of embassadors; for there are only five, and Demosthenes had proposed
ten. See Grote, History of Greece, xi. 673, note 2. As to the merits
of the decree itself there is a difference of opinion among critics. Schaefer and others think it verbose and inflated. (See ante, p. 72, note 3.)
Lord Brougham and the Edinburgh Reviewer (cited by me, ante, p. 76,
note 1,) think it a fine piece of composition. Grote considers it improbable that intermarriage should be offered by the Athenians to the Thebans in that state of the negotiation. But it was a great point with
Demosthenes to make the most liberal and friendly proposals.
3 How this would be regarded at Thebes, appears from Demosthenes,
Philipp. ii. 69.
4 Demosthenes, Orat. ad. Epist. 153. 2Eschines, Contr. Ctesiph. 73.
Demosthenes, Philipp. iii. 120.
6 See ante, p. 371, n. 2.
7 See the remarks of Demosthenes upon their position after the peace,
De Pace, 62.




388                     APPENDIX  IX.
power to which they could have recourse; but, though there gradually rose up at Thebes a party favorable to the Athenian connection, the prejudices against it were for a long time so strong as to
render it almost hopeless.  Ancient animosities had been increased
by the events of the Sacred War, and especially by the course
which things had taken at its close.l  The Thebans had reason to
complain of Athens for her intrigues with Philip, the violent language of her orators, and her endeavors to dismember Boeotia;
while they were conscious that the retention of Oropus was an act
of injustice on their own part.2  Since the peace there had been
little intercourse between the two cities.  Border disputes had
arisen, and troops were sent to guard the frontiers, though without
leading to any actual conflict.3  The inscription on the Athenian
offerings at Delphi, whatever may have been the motive which
prompted it, was an act hurtful to national feelings, and likely to
aggravate Theban ill will to Athens.4
There had long been at Athens a party anxious for reconciliation
with the Thebans; but it had not been popular.  yEschines reproaches Demosthenes for belonging to it.5  Since the spring meeting of the Amphictyons this party had been gaining strength,
chiefly through the exertions of Demosthenes, who foresaw danger
to Athens from the disturbances which had taken place at Delphi.6
Divers embassies were about this time sent to Thebes, conducted
by statesmen supposed to be most popular in that city.  They were
instructed (we may fairly presume) to offer an explanation of the
affair of the shields-to sound the Thebans as to their views of the
new religious question which had been agitated-to appease any
hostile feeling which might have sprang up against themselvesand lastly, when the Armphictyons had passed the fiatal decree
which invited Philip into Greece, to bring about, if possible, a defensive alliance between Thebes and Athens. lMeanwhile, however,
all these attempts were counterworked by an opposite party.
Philip kept his spies and agents in both cities, who informed him
Demosthenes, De Coron. 237.
2 See ante, pp. 260, 307, 308, 312.
8 Demosthenes, De Fals. Leg. 446; c. Con. 1257.
At the time when the Athenians presented these shields, they Twere
flushed with their successes in Eubcea and the Propontis; and it is possible they may have given way to a foolish feeling of pride.  Eschines,
an anti-Theban, calls the inscription T7  r-poJlicov kiiypaiua. (Contr.
Ctesipb. 70.)
5 zEschines, De Fals. Leg. 42: Kac 7cip 7pa: Tor0f (1X;otf KcacoZf iozmla'2St. Compare pp. 46, 47, and Contr. Ctesiph.'3, where he says of
Alistophon, er2EiCTOV  Xfp(voP'V T2iO  POlOzt&tU'etv tVro/eivaf atriav. See
ante, p. 281.
D6 emosthenes, De Coron. 275, 281.




CHIERONEA.                         389
of all that was going on.' Whilst he lay in apparent inaction at
Pella, recovering from his wound, he was laboring by every engine
of diplomacy to defeat the Athenian negotiations, and prevent
a conjunction which might put a check upon all his ambitious
schemes.  And so well did he manage things, with the help of his
ministers and partisans; so artfully did he work on the jealousies,
the hopes, a.nd the fears of the Theban people, that they were
induced to pass decrees in his favor, rejecting the overtures of
the Athenians: and when Philip set out on his march, it seemed
impossible that any union could take place between Thebes and
Athens.2  In one thing, however, he failed.  The Thebans refused
to send any aid to the Amphictyonic expedition.  They desired
neutrality and peace.>
At length1 Demosthenes and his colleagues arrived at Thebes.
Philip's embassadors were already there, together with those of his
allies, Thessalians, iEnianians, zEtolians, Dolopians, Phthiots.  The
Macedonian party were full of confidence, the friends of Athens in
despondence and alarm.  Demosthenes, at first, seeing how things
stood, sent discouraging letters to Athens; but he quickly collected
his energies to meet the exigency of the case. It was plain, the
confidence of his adversaries was owing not merely to the assurances
which the Thebans had lately given of their adhesion to the Macedonian alliance, but in a great measure, also, to the presence of
Philip and his army.  This, however, might operate in two ways.
It intimidated the people; yet it also suggested thoughts favorable
to a union with Athens. So long as Philip kept himself at a distance,
the Thebans were content to be quiet, and not provoke his hostility
by forming new connections.  But if they were not to have the
benefits of peace; if their territory was to be traversed by Philip's
armies, or be made the theatre of war; and still more, if he designed
to coerce them by keeping a strongly garrisoned fortress on their
borders; his alliance was no longer the advantageous thing which it
promised to be in the beginning. Such thoughts were sure to arise
in the breasts of the Theban multitude, who had no corrupt interest
Dinarchus (Contr. Demosth. 99) speaks of the traitors in Thebes.
Compare Demosthenes, De Colon. 241, 286.
2 AEschines, Contr. Ctesiph. 73. Demosthenes, De Coron. 2S1 —284.
Supposing the documents cited here to be partially genuine, it is certain
that we have not all the documents referred to by Demosthenes in the
oration. There must have been some decrees or answers of the Thebans,
to which he refers by the words: Todrot iErr'apOeS7 roS b7btiuaa Icei raif-,'rorpiuoeawv.
a Demosthenes, De Coron. 279:'Q2f oviX irVncovov ot Or/aZot. I presume that Philip, soon after his nomination to be Amphictyonic general,
solicited the Thebans to join him. They declined; and then he solicited
the Peloponnesian states.




390                     APPENDIX  IX.
in Philip's friendship: and of these Demosthenes prepared to take
advantage.'
A popular assembly was held, to consider whether the proposal
of Philip or that of the Athenians should be accepted. The embassadors on both sides were introduced to the people. The Macedonians, holding already the character of allies, were allowed to have
the first word.2  They extolled the merits of the king of Macedon,
enlarged upon the services which he had done the Thebans, enumerated the various causes of antipathy and jealousy which subsisted
between Thebes and Athens, the many injuries which the Athenians
had in a long series of years inflicted upon the Theban people. Now
was the time, they said, for the Thebans to show their gratitude to
Philip, and take vengeance upon long-standing enemies. But if
they were unwilling to join in the invasion of Attica, Philip would
be satisfied with their neutrality: let them only allow a passage to
his army, and he would himself chastise the Athenians. If Philip
had asked this of them before he lent them his aid in the Sacred
War, they would have promised it easily: it would be unjust to refuse it because Philip had been generous and relied upon their
honor.3 By adhering to Philip's friendship they had every thing to
gain; their own country would be secure, and they would share in
the plunder of Attica; whereas, if they joined the Athenians, Bceotia
would be exposed to warfare and pillage.4
Demosthenes rose to combat these arguments. Not a fragment
of his speech is preserved. In the oration on the Crown he discreetly abstained from repeating any portion of it to the jury; as,
however gratifying the recital might have been to his own feelings,
it' could at that time have answered no useful purpose. The position
of affairs suggests to us the topics upon which he must have principally dwelt; and the substance of what he said may have been as
follows:Men of Thebes, if this were a question only of punishing Athens,
or even of destroying her, I might never have ventured to address
this assembly. But it is a question which deeply concerns you and
your own safety. Thebes is in no less danger than Athens; and as
i The seizure of Elatea turned the tide of Theban feeling in favor of
Athens: MEr7yvowav eivOif, d6 TorT' eCNov. Demosthenes, De Coron. 2'8.
2 Amyntas and Clearchus were the chief Macedonian envoys, according to Plutarch, in Vit. Demosth. 18. Python is mentioned by Diodorus, xvi. 85. But quaere, whether he does not confound this with another
occasion. See ante, p. 373.
9 Aristotle, Rhetor. ii, 23. 6. Philochorus, apud Dionysium ad Amm.
s. 11, pp. 739, 742: Etl rplv foaR/0cat ei  atOKEc  #rigov, 37reGXovro dv'
0ro7rov Ove, ri, dt&rt 7rpoEio Ka i 7iareGv7e,,t) dt7uaovatv. Aristotle cites
this to illustrate a point of rhetoric-that a man should do out of gratitude for a past favor that which he would have promised to obtain it.
4 Demosthenes, De Coron. 298, 299.




CILERONEA.                      391
the Athenians would consider your subjection to Philip as one of the
greatest calamities to themselves, such they conceive should be your
feelings with regard to Athens. For if (which heaven forbid!) we
should be disabled from lending assistance to you in the hour of need,
what alliance, what protection will remain to you? All your Peloponnesian confederates have gone over to Philip. He commands
the pass of Thermopylke. He has surrounded you with his garrisons.
The Thessalians, all the tribes of Pindus and Olympus, Oeta and
Othrys, are devoted to him. Why do they come to invade Attica,
and what mean they by this present embassy? We have no quarrel
with the people of Thessaly, or with the.Etolians or (Etsans or any
of them. They follow the king of Macedon against us, because they
are his vassals; and they come here to dictate to you, what votoe
you shall give to-day. Dolopians and Perrhmebians would compel
you, a free people, to render the same obedience to Philip which they
are content to pay themselves. Their very presence here is an insult;
and the whole conduct of Philip proves the light estimation in which
he regards you. His envoys have reminded you of the obligations
which you are under to him, and demand that they should be requited. The merit of an obligation depends on the motives of the
party who confers it. Philip has shown, that the aid which he lent
you was to further his own ambitious schemes and to make you
subservient to them. There can be no gratitude, where there is no
equality. H-Ie imagines that, having once assisted you, he is entitled
to treat you as his inferiors. If he regarded you as allies on equal
terms, he would have consulted you before his march; he would
have asked leave for a passage through your territory before he approached the frontier. He has come without your permission, intending to make Bceotia the marching-road for his army; and he is
now fortifying a post on your confines, in order to intimidate you.
His conduct agrees with the language of his ministers. They threaten
Boeotia with pillage, if you dare to refuse compliance with his will.
The occupation df Elatea is the strongest proof, what Philip's opinion
is both of himself and you. It proves that he distrusts you, that he
regards you as doubtful friends; and for the best of all reasons, because he is conscious that he deserves not your friendship. It is but
a short step from a suspicious ally to a declared enemy. At this
very moment you are esteemed in no other light than as enemies, to
be crushed on the first favorable opportunity. It is enough that you
have deliberated about alliance with Athens; this alone he will never
forgive: he expects from every people an unconditional and unhesitating obedience. Bethink you, how he treated the unhappy Olynthians. They assisted him against Athens; they helped him to
deprive us of our Thracian dominions: yet, notwithstanding this, he
attacked them without any provocation, and razed their city to the
ground. Philip's enmity is the more to be dreaded, when it is not
open and avowed. Every Grecian city is infested by his spies and




39f2                  APPENDIX IX.
agents. Among you, as among us, there are miscreants who would
sell their country to Philip, that they may rule in it by his influence.
These are the men who have hitherto contrived by their artifices to
keep you and the Athenians asunder. They know that citizens of a
fiee republic are the natural allies of the Theban people, whereas
Philip wvill help his own hirelings to oppress their fellow-countrymen.
Philip has the same motive for overthrowing your commonwealth
that he has for destroying ours; for we both set an example of freedom to the other Greek states, which is an obstacle in his way to
empire. But he declares no war against Thebes. H-e would be
foolish to do so, if he can gain his objects without it. There will be
no necessity for war, if, as he seems to expect, you submit to his
commands without a murmur. If you are inclined, like us, to dispute
Macedonian supremacy, then he considers it better to deal first with
us, and with you on a more convenient occasion. It is thus that
he proceeds step by step to reduce every Greek city to subjection.
Can you be blind to his projects? Or are you afraid to resist them?
I know not whether he calculates on your credulity or your fears.
lie came hither under a religious pretense, to chastise the Locrians
for sacrilege: he never told the Amphictyons, whom he summoned
to join his standard, that he was about to lead them against Attica:
not till he is in within two days' march of our frontier, does he avow
his real object.  Who can safely trust a man, who thus ever dissembles his plans, till they are ripe for execution? Honor and good faith,
which prevent other people from committing acts of wanton aggression, are no manner of restraint to Philip. He pays an ill compliment
to your state, by supposing that you will aid and abet him in his
treachery. It is plain, he imagines you are no longer the soldiers of
Leuctra: he ranks you already among his dependents. Let him see
that he is mistaken in his estimate. Prove to the Greeks, that you
have the courage to stand up for their independence and your own.
No middle course is open to you. These envoys indeed say, that
Philip will be content with your giving him a passage through
D ceotia. Mark the insidious nature of their argument, and the contempt which it shows of the Theban people. If the Thebans (they
say) are unwilling to share with Philip the dangers of the field, he
kindly permits them to stay at home. Why, if the war with Athens
were just and beneficial to Thebes, and Philip had for the Theban
people that respect which he ought to have, he would not be satisfied
without their hearty co-operation. But he knows it is a war which
by aggrandizing him must injure you; and therefore he tempts you
to your ruin by offering you this base alternative. His orators are
instructed to suggest this timorous counsel, in the hope that you will
sacrifice your country to the desire of present ease. If Philip can
succeed without your help, flatter not yourselves that you can be
neutral with impunity. No I You must either be with us for Greece,
or with Philip against her. If corrupt statesmen have already ac



CHERONEA.                        393
quired such influence over your counsels, that they can persuade you
to forget what is due to yourselves, and to disregard the dignity of
the commonwealth, hearken to the call of Philip, obey his summons
to arms, follow him to the walls of Athens, and be content, like
Dolophians and Perrhmbians, to be the subjects of a prince whom
Pelopidas brought as a hostage to Thebes. But if you would rather
imitate those gallant men who raised your country to greatness and
renown, then join with us in resisting an aggressor who comes to
despoil us of all that is most dear and valuable. You lhave now the
opportunity, which may never come again, of defending Hellenic
liberty against barbarism, of blotting out other painful memories in
the glory of one heroic struggle for your father-land. Arouse ye then,
men of Thebes! Let the spirit of Epaminondas awaken in the
bosom of every man sentiments worthy of his country. The Athenians will fight by your side. They that helped you when the
Spartan had seized your acropolis, will not desert you now. Are
there any in this assembly who look on Philip as invincible? Have
we not driven him in confusion from the walls of Perinthus and
Byzantium?  Have we not expelled his tyrants from Eretria and
Oreus? And shall we not no1w chase him from your frontiers, fiom
the strongholds which he has chosen for his sallying-places against
the Greeks?  What need of many words?  Our troops are already
at Eleusis: at your call they will march to Thebes, and enable you
to bid defiance to this man who now so insolently threatens you.
Nor do we stand alone in the conflict. Achaia, Corinth, Megara,
other states are our allies, who will not permit the sacred soil of
Greece to be trampled on by a barbarian. But if you, men of Thebes,
adopt that course which your true welfare requires, the war will
speedily be brought to an issue. For when Philip sees that Athens
and Thebes are firmly united, le will lower hlis arrogance, he will
yield as he did at Byzantium, to a combination too powerful for him
to conquer. i-Iis hopes are founded on our discord. Let that cease;
and he will retire in haste to Macedonia. That you, men of Thebes,
understand your duties, and that all which I have said is in accordance with your own honest judgment, I know full well. There is
but one thing which gives me any anxiety: the remembrance of
those jealousies which have divided us, and which have brought so
many evils upon Athens and upon you and the rest of the Greeks.
They indeed would have long since died away, but for the traitors in
both cities, who, bribed by the gold of Macedonia, have made it their
business to foment and keep them alive. It is these persons that
you should view with jealousy and suspicion; aye, that you should
execrate and abhor: and when they appear to support by their voice
or their presence the foreigner who has hired their services, let them
see by unmistakable signs, that you know them, and that you will
not suffer yourselves to be deceived and betrayed. The people of
Athens have by this resolution, which has been read to you, deliber —
R2




394                    APPENDIX  IX.
ately recorded the feelings with which they regard the people of
Thebes.  It is their sincerest wish, that all former animosities be
buried in: amnesty and oblivion. They will remember only the mutual kindnesses which have passed between you; and that the Thebans are Greeks of the same nation as themselves, for whose dignity
and prosperity they will consult as they would for their own. They
offer you alliance, friendship, brotherhood.  I conjure and implore
you, men of Thebes, to receive this solemn act of the Athenian-people
in the same spirit in which it was decreed. You have heard from
my lips the sentiments of my countrymen; and with a few more
words I shall have discharged my duty.  Be assured, 0 ye Thebans,
that union with Athens brings you security and honor; connection
with Macedonia is but another name for servitude. You are about
to give your votes on a question of the deepest moment to yourselves
and your posterity. May the gods so direct your counsels that you
may decide as becomes Greeks and freemen!
These and other arguments, expanded into the glowing language
and delivered with the energy of Demosthenes, carried the day.
The Thebauns voted alliance with Athens, and invited her troops into
the city. A large body of their own civic force was encamped
without the walls, while the Athenians were quartered in their
houses among their women and children, and received with the
kindest hospitality, of which by their strict discipline and good behavior they proved themselves fully worthy. It is touching to see
these two people, late such deadly foes, now in the expiring day of
Grecian freedom  united as friends and brothers, preparing to issue
f6rth to their last common battle-field, and to shed their blood together in the same sacred cause.l
Eschines, in the impotence of his malice, will not allow to his
adversary the least share of merit in the success of this negotiation;
urging that it was the force of circumstances and not the eloquence
of Demosthenes, which prevailed upon the Thebans to take the side
of Athens. This wretched piece of sophistry, which it is not worth
while to refute, has not found much favor either at Athens or elsewhere. Modern readers of history lament only that a speech which
achieved so signal a triumph should be lost.
I Demosthenes, De Coron. 299, 300.
2 yEschines, Contr. Ctesiph. 73. He says also here, that the Thebans
sent for the Athenians to join them, before Demosthenes proposed one
word of a decree for an alliance. Of course the treaty -was not finally
decreed until the return of Demosthenes from Thebes. But EIschines
insinuates something more.  Demosthenes frequently boasted of his
triumph at Thebes, and not without reason. See De Coron. 278, 288,
308. His remarks in p. 298 are most just and forcible-that Eschines,
while he allowed him no credit as an orator or an adviser, attributed to
him all the failures in the war. Compare Dinarchus, Contr, Demosth.




CHIERONEA.                         395
At the time when all the Athenians were rejoicing in the consummation of the Theban alliance, AEschines never muttered a word
of complaint against it; but long afterwards he found cause of reproach against his rival in the terms of the treaty, which he contended were too favorable to Thebes.  It was agreed, he says, that
the Athenians should assist the Thebans in maintaining their sovereignty over Bceotia; that two thirds of the' expenses of the war
were to be defrayed by Athens; that the command at sea was to
be shared between the two countries, though Athens was to pay
the whole expense; and tile supreme command by land was given
virtually to Thebes: there could be no necessity for making such concessions, because the Thebans were in much greater peril than the
Athenians, and were only too glad to obtain their succor. To all
this, however, Demosthenes himself furnishes a complete answer;
that it was neither prudent nor possible, to stand bargaining about
conditions, when Philip was ready to outbid them, and when there
was not a moment to be lost. We may add, that a liberal and generous policy was not only the best means for.securing the immediate object, but the wisest thing also for the future, that there might
be an end to the jealousies which had so long kept Thebes and Athens at variance.'
The Thebans having thus decided in favor of alliance with Athens, both sides prepared for war. Of the events of the war a very
imperfect description is given us in the few ancient works that remain. Of English historians, Grote is the only one who has taken
a correct view of the campaign. Others, misled by the brevity of
Diodorus, and also by the records cited in the oration on the Crown,
have conceived that the whole war occupied but two months, from
Scirophorion to AMetagitnion (June to August), 338 B.c It has been
already noticed, how inaccurate Diodorus is in the connection and
general outline of history. Not only does he omit many important
events, but he observes no proportion of length and brevity in his
narrative, sometimes wearying us with prolixity of description, at
other times cutting short matters about which we are curious to obtain further information. And as to the records in the published
91. Plutarch, in Vit. Demosth. 18, cites the words of Theopompus:
Tb  vh, ov cvuyE~pov oV &CEtvyE rotg rS-V OTfiaicov Xtoyt/mzovl, dX' iev /iljtaap,'oacror EC,-E i rToi T ro, u#ov detva, E;t r7eZv (OlclK4CSV tpav/yiUMv veapSv irapactev6vovT)v   6~ -Oi to/7ropOcf d6svajut, c3S 0~rlt Oe6rropFro~, KptFIi(ovGc Trov OvQeov aVtrrcjv, Kat d&alcaiovaa  -v QtXLOTlt/tia, rwealc6rr7jCE   70ro
aZolotf (iracrt'- aTre 6gov  catd ZoyLaybv cal xa ptv K/3oa2ecv a6roilg, EvOovUtlc7vrPa 1rr roi 7T6yov y pbo   r0b aO6v.
1 AEschines, Contr. Ctesiph.'7,'74. Demosthenes, De Coron. 300, 307.
A crown of gold was conferred by the people of Athens on Demosthenes: De Coron. 302.
2 Mitford. in his History of Greece, vol. iv. ch. xlii. s. 4, says with
justice -" The narrative of Diodorus seems to imply that, before the




396                     APPENDIX  IX.
editions of the oration on the Crown, we have seen that the dates
are incorrect; and if this be so, it is impossible to draw from them
any conclusions which are opposed to other and better evidence.
From  the comparison of various passages in Demosthenes, ZEschiles, Dinarchus, Pausanias, Plutarch, and Polyvenus, it appears
beyond all question, that a protracted war was carried on in Phocis,
Amphissian Locris, and B3cotia; during which there wras much
maneuvering on both sides, and three or four battles were fought
before tjhat of Chmeronea with various success, one of them occurring
in the winter season;' that Amphissa was taken by Philip; that
embassies were sent to Peloponnesus and other parts of Greece
both by Philip and his adversaries, and the latter succeeded in obtaining  auxiliaries; that negotiations for peace awere opened by
Philip; and that the Athenians and their allies exerted themselves
to reassemble the scattered population of Phocis, and to fortify
some of their more important towns.  All this argues not only extended military operations, but diplomatic proceedings, councils of
war, plans, preparations, and arrangements, requiring a mnuch longer
period of time than -what Clinton and those who follow him allow
to the campaign of the Chmeronea.  That Philip began his march
from  Macedonia soon after the autumnal congress of B.c. 339, at
which he was appointed to be Amphictyonic general, and that the
war lasted for ten or eleven months from that time to the August
of the following year is the opinion of Grote, formed upon a juster
view of the historical data which are left us.2
Philip, disappointed of that success at Thebes which he had reason to expect, redoubled his efforts to procure assistance fiom the
Peloponnesians.  They had already been requested to send contingents in aid of the religious -war against Amphissa; but none of
them had complied with the summons. His letters were now more
competition of oratory between Python and Demosthenes at Thebes, the
army of the Athenian confederacy had taken that station near Chseronea
vhich it occupied to the time of the decisive. battle. But Diodorus,
abridging greatly, and perhaps often writing from memory, not unfrequently manages narratives so that it is difficult to guess whether he
intendls that the reader should take what precedes or lwhat follows as
prior in time; and he still oftener omits, as here, to notice intervenitng
transactions necessary to connecet parts of his story." It is fair to state,
that Mitford has not fallen into the error of omitting the w-inter and
autumnal campaigon: (ibid. ss. 4, 5.)
1 Demosthenes, De Coron. 300: Td~''rp'rzae,uZXa, rev r' EInT roS
7rorayotLov  eae rv XFct/epi7,?v. Clinton (Fasti Hellenici, 271), in order to
make this square with his chronology, says: "The word Xet#e.Eptl7,YV is
probably corrupt; perhaps capable of another interpretation."  It has
accordingly been interpreted to mean " the battle of the storm." Schaefer, in the Apparatus Criticus, remarks that this should be Xet/Iptov.
" Grote, History of Greece, xi. p. 683.




CHUERONEA.                         397
pressing, yet not more successful than before. None of the Peloponnesians could be deceived by the religious plea which Philip set
up; for they speedily heard the truth firom the envoys on the other
side; and the members of the old Theban confederacy would naturally be reluctant to make war upon their former ally, with whom
they had Lhad no quarrel.' In the meantime Philip remained at Elatea, which he had chosen for the base of his operations; and we may
presume that he employed himself in strengthening his position,
while he awaited the arrival of reinforcements.
Nor was Demosthenes idle. After arranging the terms of alliance
at Thebes, he returned to Athens, and immediately passed a decree
to ratify the treaty. He dispatched embassies to the Peloponnesian
and other cities, to solicit succor: he went in person to some of
them, and obtained considerable success. - Aid was promised by the
Acheans, Corinthians, Megarians, Euboeans, Leucadians, and Corcyrmeans. Contributions in money were furnished by some states,
and a large body of mercenaries was levied.2  An unwonted vigor
was infused into the Athenian administration.  The spirit of the
people rose to meet the peril which hunog over them.  Under the
advice of Demosthenes, they suspended some works that were
going on for the improvement of the docks and arsenal; and they
gave a still stronger proof of their warlike zeal, by repealing the
law of Eubulus, and allowing the theoric fund to be used for the
purposes of war.  Thus was accomplished, under the pressure of
stern necessity, a measure which Demosthenes had long in vain
recommended.  HIe was now (in all but military talents) the Pericles of the day: an energetic and powerful war-minister, counseling,
directing, animating  all.2
Having -completed all those measures of preparation which required his presence at Athens or elsewhere, Demosthenes hastened
back to Thebes, to assist at the councils of war. Such was the zeal
and ability which he had displayed, that even the Theban cornmmanders paid the highest deference to his judgment.  Doubtless he
Demosthenes, De Coron. 279, 301, 302. The letters which Demosthenes refers to in the last passage would appear, friom the context, to
have been written after the first successes of the allies against Philip.
But it i.s impossible to rely upon such an argument. Philip's letters
would never have disclosed that he had been defeated. The date was
sufficiently vague for Demosthenes to refer them  to the period which
suited his purpose. That none of the Peloponnesians joiued Philip, appelrsL fioni Pausauias. See ante, p. 374.
2 Demosthenes, De Coron. 306. iEschines, Contr. Ctesilbh. 74, allows
that ten thousand mercenaries were raised. Compare Plutarch, Vit..
Delnosth. 17. Vit. Decein Orat. p. 851. Justin, ix. 3. 3. Legationibus
Greciam fatigant."' Philochorus, apud Dionysium  ad Amm. xi. p.'142. Demosthenes,
De Coron. 301, 302.




398                     APPENDIX  IX.
was incompetent to give advice on the details of military tactics;
yet in concerting the plan of a campaign, many questions might
arise which required the help of a statesman and diplomatist. So
entirely was Demosthenes identified with the cause, that he would
spare himself no personal labor where he could be useful, and would
leave nothing to be done by others which he thought he could do
better himself. JEschines, who charges him with mischievous interference, admits that his influence was great both in the assembly
and in the camp.'
One of the first measures determined on by the allies was, to reestablish the Phocian people, and to put their country in a state of
security against Philip.  It has been related how at the end of the
Sacred War the Phocian cities were destroyed, their population dispersed into villages, and large numbers of men driven into exile.
The country was at this time in a perfectly defenseless condition,
having neither a force of its own to resist invasion, nor shelter for
a protecting army. The Thebans, who had been so instrumental in
the depression of their neighbors, now repented of the mischief
which they had done, and exerted themselves to repair it. This
(says Grote)2 evinced on their part the adoption of an improved and
generous policy, worthy of the Panhellenic cause in which they had
embarked. They marched with the Athenians into Phocis, restored
the ruined cities wherever it was practicable, and brought back the
scattered inhabitants: in some cases uniting together several communities, which would have been too weak to defend themselves
singly. The work of restoration was complete and permanent.
Ambrysus, a city in the south-western part of Phocis, commanding
one of the passes into Bceotia, was fortified with a double wall of
extraordinary strength, the building of which must have cost much
time and labor,3  During all this time, it is clear, the Athenians
and Thebans must have held the command of the Phocian territory.
That Philip, however, did not leave them wholly undisturbed, we
may infer from  the mention of two engagements-one called the
battle by the river, another the winter battle; in which, according
JEscbines, Contr. Ctesiph. 74, 75. Demosthenes justly says of himself (De Coron. 288),'Edwjc' jtyavr4v vivr i7rX(g ei  ro  7repLtearK6Crag,' wr62etz KZtvd6vovg. Plutarch, Vit. Demosth. 18, says:'TwypereZv d6E /,
6vov ro70vg 6cparzyovf' r(.L7Vu No0cEvect'otovraf  ro 7wpoararro0Yevov, aa
Kam ro7i  BouBorJpxan'  dtlOtLtcEaat rdf MKilC2](iaS (iT7r(aac oOvtlv T-rTov Vr'
eKerV0V OT E  7(if 01/3aCiWv 7/ rf'A027vaiwv, ayarr'EaVov Trap' cduyoorrpotf
ai 6wvvariEovVogf, OV/c (ddiKSg acY- Trap' 1i4avc, da-rep cl'roaiverae OCE6o/trof, dln /cai Tratv' Trpoa7yc6vr&w.
2 History of Greece, xi. 682. Notwithstanding this, the Phocian soldiers in Alexander's army exhibited a most revengeful spirit against the
Thebans. See Arrian, Anab. i. 8. PIitarch, Vit Alexand. 12.
Pausanias, x. chaps. 3, 33, 36; iv. 31.




CMHERONEA.                        399
to Demosthenes, the allies had so much the advantage, as to afford
occasion for public rejoicings and thanksgiving at Athens.t
It was, perhaps, in the spring of n.c. 338 that Philip, either having serious misgivings about the issue of the contest, or, which is
more probable, with the intention of misleading his adversaries or
distracting their counsels, sent proposals of peace to Thebes. The
3ceotarchs were inclined to consider them  favorably, but were
opposed by Demosthenes, whose counsel prevailed with the Thebans, and caused them to reject Philip's overtures. So far we may
safely credit the statement of 2Eschines, who, however, goes on to
charge his rival with the most unseemly conduct; viz. that he
jumped up in the Theban assembly before the question had even
been introduced, and swore that, if any one advised the making of
peace with Philip, he would seize him by the hair and carry him to
prison: and that, when the Theba~n magistrates had ordered the
return of some Athenian troops for the express purpose of deliberating on the question of peace, Demosthenes became quite out of
his mind, denounced the Bceotarchs as traitors to the causeaof
Greece, and said he would advise his countrymen to send an embassy to Thebes and ask for a passage through Bceotia to attack
Philip: and that, by such menace, he forced the Thebans to continue the war. All these additions we may set down to the malice
of the accuser. Whether Demosthenes acted imprudently in dissuading all pacific negotiations, we are unable to judge, for want of
knowing the circumstances. If there was a chance of obtaining a
real peace, it might have been advisable to treat with Philip. But
if he was trying to negotiate separately with Thebes, with a view to
create disunion or dissension between the allies, or if he was maneuvering to gain time or any other advantage, and if there was any
danger that the allies would fall into the snare, we can only say,
that Demosthenes, by defeating Philip's crafty design, acquired an
additional claim to the gratitude of his country.2
Demosthenes, De Coron. 800. There is no occasion to suppose with
Reiske, that the battle by the river has any reference to the district of
Parapotamii. Yet it is likely enough, that it took place near the Cephisus.
2 Eschines, Contr. Ctesiph. 74, 75. There is a difficulty about the
words-roOf crpatc rtdra  roof Ler'Epovr 7rOdktv Zdvacrpecav  e?.~7?vOS0rac,
tva fiovvea6c7cOe ireop r-fj elpivvrf. Thirlwall interprets them thus;-" A
body of troops, which had been sent perhaps to counteract the effects of
Philip's proposals, was turned back by the Theban magistrates." (History of Greece, vi. 07.) I think him right in supposing, that it was only
a division of the Athenian troops that were sent back: as to the purpose for which they were sent from Athens, his suggestion is very
doubtful.  Grote explains' the passage differently-" They proposed,
even before the negotiations had begun, to send home the Athenian soldiers into Attica, in order that deliberations might be taken concerning




400                     APPENDIX  IX.
The first advantage obtained by Philip over the allies was in forcillng his way to Amphissa.  It was important for him to accomplish
the general object for which the Amphictyons had invited him into
Greece. It -would have discredited him with many of his followers,
if he made it appear that he had come on a false pretense, or if he
allowed himself to be baffled in his original purpose; whereas, if he
succeeded in it, they would be encouraged to assist him in his own
private enterprises. The road from Delphi to Amphissa, probably
that which Philip took, traversed the declivities of Parnassus.  The
defense of it was intrusted to Chares and the Theban Proxenus,
who commanded a large body of mercenaries furnished by the
Athenians. They occupied the entrance of a defile, which they
could have defended against very superior numblers. Philip, in order
to draw them  from  their strong position, forged a letter from himself to Antipater, stating that he had postponed his expedition to
Amphissa, andcl was about to march instantly for Thrace, where he
heard the people were rising.  He contrived that this letter should
falt into the hands of the enemy. Chares and Proxenus, deceived
by its contents, neglected their guard of the pass: upon which
Philip, marching through without opposition, surprised and routed
their army, and afterwards made himself master of Amphissa.':E;chines bitterly reproaches Demosthenes for having lent the mercenaries to the Amphissians, and for having thus divided the forces
of the allies, and enabled Philip to attach and defeat them separately.
For this there may be better ground than for most of his charges.
The defeat of the mercenaries was a severe loss and discouragement
to the allies, and perhaps it might have been avoided by keeping the
whole army together.  While the generals are chargeable with the
immediate miscarriage, it is very possible that the plan of operations
was badlty designed.A
Philip, having inflicted due punishment on the vanquished people
the peace." (History of Greece, xi. 689.) The word (vteracpre,nv however points to an act done rather than one proposed to be done: while
the context indicates that the main body of the Athenian troops was not
separated fiomi the Bceotian. A reinforcement may have been on its
way from Athens, which the Bceotarchs ordered to return, with a request that the Athenians would deliberate on the question of peace.
That they did deliberate appears from  Plutarch, (Vit. Phocion, 16,)
which Grote with much probability refers to this period.
Polycelnus, Strater. iv. c. 2, s. 8, confirmed by Dinarchus, Contr.
Demosth. 99.'Enri (l 7;oil iC votC 70o7S ei "A/['catv cvUv2R2EyEZIt 7rp6fevof
6 rp'o,((or7C ieyfvrro, and the passage of JEschines cited below.
2 E3chtines, Conti. Ctesiph. 74, He accuses Demosthenes of taking
the public money to pay mercenary troops who did not exist; also, of
making a profit of those who were lent to the Amphissians. He says
that he himself protested against this last measure, but does not state
upon what grounds.




CHIERONEA.                         401
of Armphissa,'and having thus performed his promise to the Amphictyons, and given them increased confidence in his fortune and ability, resolved vigorously to push the war against the Athenians and
Thebans. The intermediate steps are unknown to us. It appears,
however, that shortly after the midsummer of 338 B.c., by which
time he had received strong reinforcements from Macedonia, he was
in a condition to strike a decisive blow.  The allies, after the loss
which they had sustained, retreated from Phocis, and took up a
defensive position in Boeotia; whither Philip speedily followed them,
taking (as it seems) the easiest road which led by the vale of the
Cephisus fiom  Panopeus to Chseronea.'  Finding that they were
posted on a hill commanding one of the passes, he began to ravage
and plunder the adjacent country; upon which the allies quitted
their vantage-ground, and descended into the plain to offer him
battle.3  They met not far from Cheronea; Philip encamping on
the banks of the Cephisus, the Greeks near the temple of Hercules,
on a stream called Iscmron. Plutarch says, he remembered an oak
near the Cephisus, which the people of the country called Alexander's oak, because his tent was pitched under it.4  Philip's army
numbered above thirty thousand foot, and two thousand horse, consisting of Macedonians and troops from Thessaly and the north. The
allied army, composed of Athenians, Thebans, Achbans, Corinthians and Phocians, were, according to Diodorus, inferior in number;
according to Justin, greatly superior.  The chief difference lay in
the quality of the troops and their commanders."5
i Grote thinks it may be gathered from Diodorus, xviii. 56, that the
sacred domain was restored, and those Amphissians who had taken a
leading part against Delphi were banished. (History of Greece, xi. 6S7.)
Pausanias, x. 4; x. 35. Strabo, ix. 407.
s Polymenus, Strateg. iv. 2. 14.
4 Plutarch, Vit. Alexand. 7. Vit. Demosth. 19. He cites an ancient
oracle, which thus predicted of the battle:Tic er OepJU6dov7T #,(fxri  dTrdvev0e yevoiU/zlv
AiErcT-i   v veo6ecaat kcae 7'1pt Ocr/aacaOt.
K2uaet 6 vtKoiOekf, O de vt/cvaac dr6a2ore.
Of which one explanation was, that the river HIemon, which flows into
the Cephisus, was anciently called Thermodou, but after the battle got
a new name from the carnage which polluted its waters. A different
explanation however was given, as he tells us, by Duris.
6 Diodorus, xvi. 85. Justin, ix. 3. Pausanias, vii. 6, 5; x. 3, 4. Strabo,
ix, 414. The account of Diodorus, as to the number of the Grieek army,
seems nearer the truth than that of Justin. The Theban and Athenian
civic force would hardly exceed 22,000 foot. The Acheeans, (judging
from the succor which- they lent in the Sacred War,) we may set down
at 2,000: the Corinthians and Phocians at about the same. The mercenaries who returned to their standards, and possibly some contingents




402                     APPENDIX  IX.
The Macedonians had never yet fairly tried their strength against
the best troops of southern Greece. Philip had frequently encountered small bodies of the Athenians in Thrace and Macedonia, and
had generally, but not always, overcome them. He had defeated
the standing army of Onomarchus; superior on the whole to any
which a single Greek state could have brought into the field, yet
consisting chiefly of mercenaries, not animated (it might be thought)
with the spirit of citizen-soldiers fighting for their country. He had
never engaged in a fair pitched battle with the heavy-armed infantry
of Athens, Thebes, or Sparta, the leading republics of Greece. The
present confederacy was the most formidable which had yet been
arrayed against him; nor could he have been entirely free from misgivings as to the result. We can not doubt, therefore, that, in order
to decide so important a contest, Philip took every precaution which
became a prudent commander; and that he had collected around
him not only a force powerful in point of numbers, but the flower
of the Macedonian army, and especially the celebrated phalanx,
which he had brought to perfection by his own training and discipline.' Of this it may here be proper to give a brief description.
The Macedonian phalanx, as organized by Philip, was an improvement on the order of battle already in use among the Greeks.: The
long line of heavy-armed infantry, standing with spear and shield
in close array, was called a phalanx.3  In this way most of the
Greek republican armies were drawn up for battle, the depth of the
line varying according to circumstances.  At Mantinea, in the Peloponnesian war, the Lacedmmonians were drawn up in a line of
four hundred and forty-eight men, eight deep.4  At Leuctra the
Lacedsemonians stood twelve deep, the Thebans fifty deep.5 The
soldiers held their spears couched in two hands, the left arm being
passed through the ring of the shield, which was also suspended by
a thong from the neck, and covered the whole body down to the
from other states, may be.reckoned at 4,000 or 5,000. In number of
cavalry Philip was most probably superior.
1 Mitford in his History of Greece, vol. iv. c. 42, s. 4, contends that
Philip's -was a miscellaneous Amphictyonic army, with a small proportion of Macedonians, and probably without the phalanx. In support of
his opinion he cites Demosthenes, Philipp. iii. 123. which however is
not in point.
2 Diodorus, xvi. 3.'Errecv61ac 6de   cai r7iv -r- ~Za~Tyyoc rrvCKv6rra Kcna
xaraacKEvrv,?tl/uLcau  Evo~ bv Iv Tpor i  rpv Itp6cov uvvarawtyr6v, Kna
7rp7ro~ uvveCaraaro 7rv MatCedoVtnKcv ~;Zayya. He refers, as Polybius
does, to the descriptions of the close ranks (7rvclvavi 0diayyer) in Homer.
See Iliad. xiii. 131; xvi. 214.
9 Hence lbrr~ ~bdayyo cidyev, opposed to icarl KCipa, See Schneider
ad Xenoph. Anab. vi. c. 5, s. 25. Zvybv is a file.
4 Thucydides, v. 63.
5 Xenophon, Iellen. vi. c. 4, s. 12.




C(HERONEA.                         403
knee.  In this order they made their charge, generally at a running
pace, endeavoring to bear down the enemy by the force and pressure
of their spears. Troops unprovided with good defensive armor were
unable to withstand the shock of the heavy-armed Greeks. Thus
the Athenians at Marathon, and the Spartans at Platrea proved
themselves superior to the numerous hosts of Darius and Xerxes:
after which the Persian infantry never dared to face the Greek in a
fair field of battle.,
Philip, having in his younger days seen and admired the welltrained battalions of Thebes, determined to introduce a similar discipline into the Macedonian army. He formed his phalanx upon
the general model of the Greek, making some alterations which he
thought would increase its efficiency. He adopted the shield and
other defensive armor of the Greek infantry, but lengthened the
spear and the sword, as Iphicrates had done for his Peltastse.  The
Macedonian spear, called sarissa, was at first sixteen cubits or
twenty-four feet long, though afterwards reduced to twenty-one
feet.2 The tactical arrangements, which Arrian and other writers
describe as in use under Alexander or his successors, were substantially the same as those adopted by Philip.  The whole phalanx,
containing from sixteen to eighteen thousand men, was divided into
battalions, each of which was drawn up sixteen deep.3 The file was
halved or doubled, if occasion required; but sixteen was the ordinary depth. When the phalanx advanced to the attack, there was
a distance of three feet between the soldiers both in rank and file;
the first five ranks couched their sarissas,4 so that those of the first
rank projected fifteen feet in front, those of the second rank twelve
feet, those of the third nine, those of the fourth six, and those of
the fifth three. Thus the soldiers in the first rank were guarded by
five spears projecting on each side. The sixth and hinder ranks held
their spears uplifted, resting on the shoulders of those before, and
protecting theln in some measure from the arrows and missiles that
flew over their heads. The pressure from behind added to the force' The arms of the 6?-gXrr-f are comprehensively described by.AEschylus in the Persee, v. 243:-'E)X7 acraCaca Kai Oepdarrt&Ef aayai.
Thie spear for standing fight, and covering shield.
He carried also, but seldom used, a short sword; and wore a helmet,
cuirass, and greaves.
2 Polybius, xviii. 12. KIaq  t'v i-,v: i dpXris tir6Oeatv  Kaicet6a
r7XSv, Ecartd e Tv dp/tZOyV 7v 7p6V rpr riv d2crOetav decareaocdpwv.
3 In later times it was divided into ten battalions, each containing
sixteen hundred men, a hundred in rank, and sixteen in file. (Livy,
xxxvii. 40.) If all the battalions were in line, the whole phalanx would
occupy about three-fifths of a mile.
Supposing the spear to be of twenty-one feet.




404                      APPENDIX  IX.
of the whole battalion, by rendering it impossible for the front ranks
to retreat.
Such was the phalanx, whose very aspect, two centuries after its
first formation, struck Paulus 2Emilius with dismay.2 Encountered
front to front, and upon ground favorable to its operations, it was,
as Polybius affirms, irresistible.3  Its defects were, that it was unwieldy and slow in its movements, and not adapted to varieties of
place and occasion.  The perfect order and regularity, which were
required for its efficient action, could not well be maintained except
upon level ground, free from  impediments, such as trees, bushes,
ditches, streams, and the like.  A plain perfectly suitable for the
movements of so large a body could not always be found.  Again,
it could not act with advantage, if vigorously assailed in the flankk
and rear. The wheeling round to meet a flank attack was a difficult
and dangerous evolution in the presence of an active enemy:4 and
if the phalanx were threatened on both sides, and the rear had to
face about, every step which it made in advance had a tendency to
open the files and break the continuity of the mass.  Once thrown
into disorder, the complex machine became utterly useless, and the
individual soldier with his long weapon was ill fitted for a hand-tohand combat. All these defects fully appeared in the wars with the
Romans: especially at Pydna, where the legionaries, attacking the
Macedonians on all sides at once, disordered their ranks, and breaking in at the openings, slaughtered them almost without resistance.6
Polybius, xviii. 12, 13.
Polybius, Fragmentum, xxix. 6. Livy, xl. 40, suppl. 3. "Progrediebatur interim  /Emilius: utque aspexit quum reliquos Macedonas,
turn eos qui in phalangem contributi erant, partim clypeis, partim cetris
ex humero detractis, inclinatisque uno signo sarissis, excipientes Roma'
norum impetum, admiratus et illam  deusatorum agminum firmitatem,
et vallum protentis sarissis horrens, stupore simul et terrore perculsus
est, tanquam non aliud unquam tam terribile spectaculum conspicacus:
ac postea id ssepius commemorate et prl se ferre solitus est."
3 Polybius, xviii. 13-15.  The advantages and disadvantages of the
phalanx, as compared with the Roman legion, are here fully set forth.
A good description is given in Rollin's Ancient History, lib. xiv. s.l.
4 Polybius, xviii. 9. T/~ dle r7cv 0cayyLtzr)v peiac' dtVV(r7VO IcaOecreger EK  tEra3o?/c Kcat KlaT' fvdpa Kctv6vvUrctv. These maneuvres were
perhaps better executed in Philip's and Alexander's time than in the
later periods to which Polybius has reference. See Arrian's description
of Alexander's arrangements before the battle of Arbela: (Anab. iii. 12.)
from which indeed it appears that the light troops were called in aid, to
protect the phalanx from attacks on the flank and rear.
5 When the Italians attempted to close with the front ranks, and
break their pikes, they fared no better than the Persians did at Platea.
(Livy, xliv. 40, suppl. 3.) " Illi prcelongas Macedonum hastas aut ferro
incidere, aut umbone impellere, aut nudis etiam interdum manibus aver



CHIIRONEA.                           405
The Greeks however, who fought the Macedonians in their own
way, ranks meeting and spears crossing in the accustomed fashion,
allowed them the full advantage of their improved organization and
discipline.
While the phalanx constituted the main strength of Philip's army,
it was supported by other troops, which had often followed him to
victory. rl'here were the foot guards,  who had been long talked of
in Greece; from whom  afterwards were taken the Hypaspists of
Alexander, a body of men who wore the long shield of the phalanx,
but carried shorter spears and lighter armor.  Of these there were
about six thousand.  A select body of them, distinguished for their
superior bravery, were called Argyraspids, from the bright silver
plates on their shields.2  Light troops of various-kinds, slingers,
archers, and javelin-men, were furnished by the Thracians, Peonians,
Illyrians, Agrianians,3 and other warlike tribes of the north, who
tere. Hi ambabus firmiter comprehensas tanta vi adigere in temere ace
furore cseco ruentes, ut transfossis scutis loricisque transfixos etiam homines super capita projicerent."  ~Emilius however soon discovered the
true way of proceeding: (Ibid. suppl. 4.) "Animadvertit peritus dux
non stare ubique confertam illam hostium velut compagem, eamque dehiscere identidem quibusdam intervallis, sive ob inaequalitatem soli, sive
ob ipsam porrectae in immensum frontis longitudinem, dum qui superiora
occupare conantur ab inferiora tenentibus, vel tardiores a citatioribus,
et progredientes i subsistentibus, instantes denique hosti ab impulsis,
inviti licet, nccessario divelluntur. Ergo ut cmnino rumperet ordinem
hostium, et inexpugnabilem illam universae phalangis vim in multa minutatim prcelia carperet, imperat suis, ut intenti quacunque riimas agere
hostilem aciem viderint, illuc quisque impetu inferantur, seque cuneatim
in hiantia vel tantillum  spatia insinuantes strenue rem agant."  The
result is described iwith equal clearness: (Ibid. 41.) " Neque ulla evidentior causa victorire fuit, quam quod multa passim prcelia erant, qum
fluctuantem turbarunt primo, deinde disjecerunt phalangem; cujus confertoe et intentis horrentis hastis intolerabiles vires sunt; si carptim
aggrediendo circumagere immobilem  longitudine et gravitate hastam
cogas, confusA strue implicantur; si vero ab latere aut ab tergo aliquid
tumultus increpuit, ruinse modo turbantur.  Sicut tum  adversus catervatim incurrentes Romanos et interrupta multifariam acie obviam ire
cogebantur; et Romani, quacunque data intervalla essent, insinuabant
ordines suos. Qui, si universa acie in frontem  adversus instructam
phalangem concurrissent, quod Pelignis principio pugnae incaute congressis adversus cetratos evenit, induissent se hastis, nee confertam
aciem sustinuissent.
1 1Ie~rcTapot. Demosthenes, Olynth. ii. 23.  OG 6v7racrGraG Tr ev ratpwv. Arrian, Anab. i. 14.
a Diodorus, xvii. 57. To r76v'Apyvpac7 Gov T''crv rdcylua, dtcaopov 7r7
re Ti'v 6w2lv 2a#rp6r7r7t icai ir rS-v vdppv  idper.  Justin, xii. 7.
s These four people are described by Alexander as, Tov~ e-rpcrorairov'TE ireV iCard rTlv EvpirnYv ca taXtTcord(4iTOVS. Arrian, Anab. ii. 7.




406                   APPENDIX  IX.
were now annexed to the Macedonian empire. The Poeonians and
Thracians supplied squadrons of light horse: the heavy cavalry
came from Macedonia and Thessaly.  It is not unlikely that there
were,Etolians in Philip's army; as that people, afterwards the
deadly enemies of Macedonia, were now ranked among his allies.2
The choicest of the troops opposed to him were the heavy-armed
of Thebes and Athens. Twenty years before, the Thebans were
considered the best soldiers of Greece. The military exercises, to
which they partly owed their pre-eminence, were probably not discontinued; yet, that their discipline and energy had greatly declined
since the battle of Mantinea, is shown by the events of the Sacred
War. Among the Athenian ranks there were plenty of brave men;
the whole body of them were animated with a good spirit: but they
were deficient in that training, which teaches soldiers to act in combination, and converts a multitude into an army. It had been the
boast of Pericles, that his countrymen fought well enough by their
native valor, and did not need to prepare themselves by laborious
drilling.3 But Delium and many other battles proved how unsafe it
was to rely upon such a principle. In the time of Pericles, indeed,
the constant service for which Athenian citizens were called out
was of itself a species of training. At this time they were little
used to serving in person; many of them had never seen the face
of an enemy in the field, and knew little of the art and practice of
war beyond the use of their arms, which they learned in early years.
How could such men, a mere national militia, be a match for the
veterans of Philip, who had not only been the victors in numerous
battles, but even in time of peace were exercised in toilsome
marches, to keep them in perpetual activity?4
But if the soldiers of the allied army were not equal to those of
Philip, still less were their commanders to be compared with him.
Well might they have exclaimed-" Oh for one hour of Epaminondas 1"  He would have contrived some means, by charging on the
flanks of the phalanx or otherwise, to counteract the skillful tactics
of his adversary and turn the fortune of the day. But there was
no man at all equal to the emergency. Phocion had been absent in
the AEgean when hostilities began: on his return to Athens he declared himself favorable to peace; perhaps he expressed himself too' Alexander led from Europe an equal number of Macedonian and
Thessalian horse, fifteen hundred of each. (Diodorus, xvii. 177.) Philip's
army at Cheronea could not have differed much from that which followed his son into Asia a few years after. See the descriptions in
Arrian, Anab. i. 14; ii. 9; iii. 11, 12. Thirlwall, History of Greece, vi.
147 149.
2 See ante, pp. 373, 389.' Thucydides, ii. 39.
4 Polyeenus, Strateg. iv. 2, s. 10.




CILERONEA.                          401
strongly against the war, and this prevented his obtaining an appointment, for which, of all his countrymen, he was the best fitted.1
The Athenians were now commanded by Lysicles, Chares, and Stratocles; the Thebans by Theagenes; none of them fit to be at the
head of an army. Demosthenes was with them, sanguine himself
as to the result, and advising them to seek the enemy in spite of
discouraging omens and unpropitious sacrifices:2 but he could render no service in the hour of battle.
For a description of the battle itself we have but scanty materials.
The best history of it is to be found in the comparison of the two
armies. A few special incidents only are recorded. Athenians and
Thebans rushed upon the bristling forest of sarissas, and fought with
a valor worthy of ancient times and of a better fate. It is said that
Philip, knowing the Athenians to be impetuous in onset but incapable of endurance, ordered his soldiers to keep on the defensive till
the strength of their adversaries was exhausted. At one point so
furious an attack was made by Stratocles, that the Macedonian line
gave way; Stratocles drove before him  the retreating phalangites,
crying —" Let us chase them  to Macedon;" but pressing on too
hastily, he threw his own troops into disorder; when Philip directed
a timely charge which put them to the rout. On the other wing
Alexander, supported by the ablest of his father's generals, was
opposed to the Thebans, and was the first to charge the hitherto
invincible Sacred band. The contest was bloody, and for a long
time doubtful. Alexander made extraordinary efforts to prove himself worthy of the post assigned to him.  The Thebans, after obstinately disputing every inch of ground, yielded at last to the superior
strength of their opponents. As soon as they had given way, Philip,
determined not to be outdone by his son, led his phalanx in person
against the Athenian line, and decided the victory. A fearful slaughter was made of the allied army, now broken on all sides. Of the
total loss of the Thebans we have no account.  Their general Theagenes was slain,3 and the three hundred of the Sacred Band fell: Plutarch, Vit. Phocion; 16.
2Eschines reproaches him for this: and also for his sneering at the
Delphian oracle, which they had proposed to consult, and saying that
the priestess philippised.  (Contr. Ctesiph.'2.)  Oz 7rept ro7rcv'Ayet-'v6fi #Ev wrpoieiyev evRtaficOat ica Kai nrlretv elf AS;Ooirf i7reppaoypvovf
Ob V OeY 0TL XP 7TrpaTTECv, Aioa06E vg dS dV7 YTeye t;t7r7ri[retv r'v UnvOiav
ac/KuV,'Jai~devrof Iv KaI d7ro;avdv Kay EtTi7rirtevor Trf 46tdo/vrUf f'
v/uLtv adr5 Et ovaa; o' T' rTreTvratov dci0rTW icat d/tcaX2tepjitowv Ovruv ri-v
tlpSv ESrr&elet rov arpaT-af C7 -lrrrOv 7rp66dytov Icivdvvov.  Conf. Cicero, De Divinat. ii. 57.
a Dinarchus, seemingly without cause, denounces him as a traitor:'AvOpwror drvCX' ical dopod6Kiof. (Contr. Demosth. 99.) Timoclea, who
after the capture of Thebes pushed the Thracian soldier into the well,
was his sister. (Plutarch, Vit. Alexand. 12. Polyeenus, Strateg. viii. 40.)




408                      APPENDIX  IX.
side by side, perishing to a man. Of the Athenians there fell more
than a thousand, and two thousand were taken prisoners. Demosthenes, who had fought in the ranks, escaped with the fugitives to
Athens.  In one short day all his lofty hopes had been overthrown:
all his toils and labors for the safety of his country and the independence of Greece had been rendered fiuitless.'-" Hic dies universm Grmcia3 et gloriam  dominationis et vetustissimam libertatem
finivit."2
The news of this dreadful calamity was speedily brought to Athens.
It is said to have killed Isocrates, who at the age of ninety-eight
was in the full possession of hlis health and faculties, but now abstained from food, heart-broken at the sad tidings of his country's
defeat.3  The general grief and terror may well be imagined; but
they are described to us by an eye-witness.4  It was uncertain for
the moment, how many of the citizens had been slain or captured.
Almost all capable of bearing arms, between the ages of twenty and
fifty, had been sent out: and the hopes of defending Athens seemed
to rest upon those who were past the age of active service. Women
were seen standing at their doors in an agony of distress, asking
every one that passed if their husbands, fathers, sons, or brothers
were alive.  Old and infirm  men were walking about the streets
Diodorus, xvi. 86. Pausanias, ix. 40. Plutarch, Vit. Alexand. 7;
Vit. Pelopid. 18. Demosthenes, De Coron. 314. Demades, Fragment.
179. Polyzenus, Strateg. iv. 2, s. 2, and s. 7. What is told in this book
of Stratocles, is attributed to Theagenes in viii. 40. That Demosthenes
was accused of cowardice in the field, of having shamefully deserted his
post and thrown away his shield, is well known. (See Dinarchus, Contr.
Demosth. 91. lEschines, Contr. Ctesiph. 74, 76, 89.)  But, as Grote observes, the continued confidence and respect shown to him by his countrymen prove that they did not credit these charges. It seems that he
only shared in the general flight of the army. A story is told in the
Lives of the Ten Orators, p. 845-that, as he was running away, his
cloak was caught by a bramble, and he, thinking the pursuers were behind him, cried Zd7ypet, " Take me alive!" This looks very like an invention of his enemies.
2 Justin, ix. 3. Compare Lycurgus, Contr. Leocrat. 154. "Acua yap
ovrot re rTv pi'ov Er n;7-anav catc r7  nyr'E2X6doS eis d(ov2,eiav #erireae'
aVVer(i07 yiap ro7i rovr7wv cd/lOaav aV r76v lu ov'EX2v)rev,' -ervOepia.
s Pausanias, i. 18. IlpObf r77v dyyeiav TrS  ev Xatpcdveia priX7C dXyicaf 7reEvrr71Cev e eowvr.C. Milton refers to it in one of his sonnets:As that dishonest victory
At Chreronea, fatal to liberty,
Killed with report that old man eloquent.
The fact however has been contested. See Mitford's disquisition at the
end of section 6, chap. 42, vol. iv. of his History of Greece.
I Lycurgus, Contr. Leocrat. 149, 152, 153.




CHlERONEA.                       409
with their mantles doubled up, as if girdinlg themselves to perform
the duties of the young. As the fugitives successively flocked in,
the real extent of the disaster was ascertained, and the people, rallying from their first dismay, hastened to meet as became them  the
distressing exigency of the hour. It was no longer possible to act in
co-operation with the Thebans; each of the allied cities was thrown
entirely upon its own resources: and it was uncertain against which
of them the conqueror would first advance. It was necessary to put
Athens in a condition to sustain a siege, and that without any delay.
Resolutions for that purpose, framed chiefly by Hyperides and Demosthenes, were immediately passed in full assembly, ordering
(among other things) that the women and children should be brought
in from the country; that the generals should be empowered to
require for garrison duty the services of all residents in Athens,
whether citizens or foreigners; that the members of the council
should go down in arms to the Pirseus, and execute what measures
they thought best for its security; that slaves bearing arms for the
commonwealth should be emancipated, aliens be made citizens, and
the disfranchised restored to their rights. Energetic measures were
taken for the restoring and strengthening the fortifications.  Mfen of
every age lent a helping hand for the national defense. The country
(says Lycurgus) contributed her trees, the dead their sepulchres, the
temples their arms. Patriotic citizens came forward with large
donations of money for the public service, Demosthenes himself
contributed liberally towards the repair of the walls, which he had
been appointed to superintend.  It was further deemed expedient
to solicit aid from some of the nearest friendly states. Embassies
were sent to Trcezen and Epidaurus: and subsidies were collected
from some of the nearest islands. Demosthenes, who was sent on
one of these expeditions, is reproached for it by.LEschines and Dinarchus, as if he had' deserted his country for fear of the enemy.
We learn from Dinarchus, however, that Demosthenes was by a
decree of the people appointed envoy, and it appears that at this
time, notwithstanding the unfortunate issue of his counsels, he continued to enjoy the confidence of the Athenians; for not only did
they pass divers decrees which he had moved for the public safety,
but they appointed him to hold the office of a commissioner of grain,
and afterwards conferred upon him a still higher proof of their esteem, by selecting him to speak the funeral oration in honor of their
fellow-citizens who had fallen in battle. Further, when his adversaries, thinking their position strengthened by the peace, assailed
Demosthenes with indictments and other legal proceedings, he obtained a triumphant acquittal upon all. 
1 Lycurgus, Cont. Leocrat. 149, 153. Dinarchus, Contr. Demosth.
100.  sEschines, Contr. Ctesiph. 76. Demosthenes, De Coron. 267 285,
809, 810, 320, 321, 329. Pluitarch, Vit. Dec. Orat. 846.
VOL. II.-S




410                   APPENDIX  IX.
To the general zeal displayed by the citizens of Athens a few
disgraceful exceptions are recorded. There were men who left or
attempted to leave the city, in order to secure themselves and their
families: and the example was considered so dangerous, that a
special decree was passed, making it treasonable to desert the
country in such a way.. One man who had embarked for Samos
was apprehended by the Council of Areopagus, and on the same
day sentenced to death. Autolycus, an Areopagite, was condemned'
for having sent away his wife and children, though he himself
remained in Athens. But the most remakable case is that of Leocrates; who, as soon as he had heard that the battle was lost,
sailed away clandestinely with all his family and moveable effects to
Rhodes, where he reported that Athens was taken, that Pirosus was
besieged, and he was the only person who had escaped. The
Rhodians, believing his story, sent out cruisers to commit piracy in
the 2Egean; and the merchants in the harbor unshipped the corn
and other goods which they were about to export to Athens.
When the real truth became known, Leocrates quitted Rhodes, and
came to live at Megara, contriving by means of his friends to sell
what property he had left at Athens. After the lapse of seven years
he returned to his country, and was impeached by Lycurgus in the
manner already mentioned.'
While we admire the spirit with which the people of Athens bore
up against their misfortunes, and the generous support which they
gave to Demosthenes in the hour of his humiliation, one is sorry to
find an act of the Athenian public recorded, which it is impossible
to view with the same approving eye. Lysicles, who had commanded the army at Chsronea, was on the accusation of Lycurgus
brought to trial, condemned, and executed, apparently for no other
reason than because he had lost the battle. Mitford conceives it to
have been a bold stroke of the war party, who, knowing that popular vengeance would demand a victim, resolved to sacrifice Lysicles
to secure their own safety.2  Thirlwall seems to think, that the
character of Lycurgus the prosecutor affords some proof of'the justness of the sentence.3  The extract from his speech, preserved to
us by Diodorus, exhibits the Spartan-like severity of the speaker's
character, but indicates no special ground of cowardice or misconduct, distinguishing the case of Lysicles from that of his colleagues
or any other unfortunate generals. His words are these:4_- You,
Lysicles, were the commander: a thousand citizens have fallen;
two thousand have been made captive; a trophy has been raised' ycurgus, Contr. Leocrat. 149, 150. fEschines, Contr. Ctesiph. 89.
Ante, p. 330.
2'Mitford, History of Greece, vol. iv. c. 42, s. 5.' Thirlwall, History of Greece, vi. 72.
" Diodorps, xvi. 38.




CH:EIRONEA.                        411
against Athens; and the whole of Greece is in servitude. When all
this has taken place under your conduct and command, dare you to
live, and to behold the light of the sun, and to make your appearance in the market-place: you that are a monument of shame and
disgrace to your country?"
Whether the Athenians with all their preparations could have
successfully defended themselves against Philip's army, had he advanced to besiege Athens, was not put to the trial. Philip adopted
such prudent and conciliatory measures, that they were tempted to
abandon the high ground of resistance to Macedonian power, and
to accept terms of peace which he prescribed.  It is said that.jn the
first moment of victory Philip gave way to feelings of indecent triumph, and insulted over his fallen enemies. Having drunk to excess at the banquet, he walked over the field of battle, and sang in
iambic verse the prefatory words of Demosthenes' decree, stamping
with his feet and dancing to the cadence. I Visiting the Athenian
prisoners, he. derided their misfortunes, and was rebuked by Demades in the manner already related.2  These were but the intemperate sallies of the moment.  It is said however, that he at first
refused the Athenians the customary permission to bury their dead,
which they had sent a herald to demand.  His object in so doing
perhaps was, to prevent their opening any communication with the
Thebans: and he may for prudential reasons have assumed an appearance of rigor, which he never meant really to exercise. Certain it is, he very quickly decided upon adopting lenient measures
Plutarch, Vit. Demosth. 20i/oa60EVEs A7?/1oaO6EVovf alavtsLv r7a' rtlcrev.
In the Life of Pelopidas (18) he is represented to have expressed his
admiration of the Sacred Band, whose bodies he saw on the field.
2 Ante, p. 327. It may be thought that Demades, who is said to
have been long before this engaged in the cause of Philip, would not
have ventured to use such freedom with him. Demades however was a
strange compound. It is certain that he was a man of consummate assurance; and it is not at all unlikely that he may have taken this way
of introducing himself to Philip. The positive testimony of Diodorus is
not lightly to be rejected; for, with all his faults of omission and negligence, he is too honest to record any thing destitute of authority. The
accounts of Philip's conduct given by Diodorus and Plutarch are seemingly indeed at variance with those of other writers. Justin says, (iv. 4)' Hujus victorite callide dissimulate letitia est.  Denique non solita
sacra Philippus ill& die fecit: non in convivio risit; non ludos inter epulas adhibuit; non coronas aut unguenta sumpsit; et, quantum in illo
fuit, ita vicit ut victorem nemo sentiret."  Compare  Elian. Var. Hist.
viii. 15. The different statements are perhaps not irreconcilable. Philip
assumed a grave and severe deportment; but it gave way on one or two
occasions to a fit of intemperance.  What is more likely?




412                    APPENDIX  IX.
towards the Athenians.  He entered into confidential discourse
with Demades, who must have been already known to him as an
opponent of Demosthenes and the war party at Athens; and whom
he found to be a man of agreeable manners, and likely to be a useful instrument to serve his present purposes. The orator doubtless
exerted his powers of persuasion to recommend a mild and pacific
policy: and a careful reflection upon his position and prospects convinced Philip, that it was wiser to conciliate the Athenians than to
drive them to desperation.' He therefore intimated his willingness
to restore the Athenian prisoners without ransom: he burned the
bodies of the slain, and sent a deputation carrying their bones to
Athens. It was headed by his son Alexander and Antipater, who
communicated the terms upon which he was willing to treat for
peace. These, though not honorable, were much better than the
Athenians had expected, and they were favorably received by the
people: the war party could not venture under existing circumstances to advise a prolonged resistance. Demades, who had been
sent home for this very purpose, framed a treaty of peace, which he
carried in the assembly without any opposition: by the terms of
which the Athenians renounced all their pretensions to naval sovereignty, and all their dominions in the Egsean sea, except Lemnos,
Imbrus, and Samos. Virtually, though not in words, they acknowledged Philip as the head of the tHellenic community.  In exchange,
for these concessions, they obtained peace and present security, and
a return of their prisoners; likewise the city of Oropus, which was
transferred to them from the Thebans, but to recover which in such
a way was more of a disgrace than an advantage.  Votes of honor
to Philip were passed in the assembly on the motion of Demades;
who now, together with the other members of his party, began to
regain credit and influence in Athens.  iEschines boasted that he
was on terms of friendship with the king of Macedon, and went on
an embassy to his camp. Submission and subserviency were the
order of the day.2' Philip's title to the praise, which Polybius bestows upon him for
his lenity to Athens, is upon good grounds disputed by both Thirlwall
and Grote. The former observes, that after his severity to Thebes he
had the less reason to dread the hostility of Athens; that it was by no
means certain that he could have made himself master of the city and
Pireus; the danger of a failure, and even the inconvenience of delay,
was greater than the advantage to be reaped from it; he had more
brilliant objects in view: time was precious to him, and it would have
been wantonly to tempt his fortune, if by too grasping a policy he had
raised unnecessary hindrances to his designs.  (History of Greece, vi.
2 Diodorus, xvi, 87; xviii. 66.  Demades, Fragment. 179. Demosthenes, De Coron, 319, 320, 321, 352. Plutarch, Vit. Decem. Orat. 349.
Pausanias, i. 25.




CEHERONEA.                        413
While Philip was carrying on peaceful negotiation with Athens,
he was taking measures of a very different character against the
Thebans. Towards them his conduct was as harsh as it was lenient
to their allies. He not only exacted ransom for their prisoners, but
made them pay a price for the burial of their dead. Yet this was
nothing in comparison with what followed.  Very shortly after
the battle, he contrived to make himself master of Thebes itself.
Whether he took it by surprise, or whether it was surrendered to
him by the philippising party or otherwise, we are not informed.
There are no Theban writers to give us any historical particulars
about their countrymen.  It may be presumed that Philip lost no
time in following up his victory; and the severe loss which the
Thebans had sustained at C(hseronea must have materially impaired
both their courage and their means for defense. Philip, having got'
possession of the city, treated it as the Spartans had done forty-four
years before, subjecting it to all the rigors of military occupation.
A Macedonian garrison was placed in the Cadmea. As a further
check upon insurrection, Orchomenus and Platsea were re-established, and filled with a population hostile to Thebes. All the Bceotian towns were declared independent.  Some of the principal
Theban statesmen were put to death by Philip's order; others were
banished; their property was seized for his use. He recalled a
large number of exiles, three hundred of whom  he formed into a
council, invested with summary powers, both executive and judicial.
One of their first acts was, to bring their political enemies to trial
for having sentenced them to exile. The accused gloried in their
crime, and courted the vengeance that was prepared for them.
This was but a foretaste of what the unhappy Thebans we'e to
suffer under an oligarchy devoted to the conqueror and upheld by
his troops. Three years of domestic and foreign oppression drove
them into a new -war, which ended in the extirpation of Thebes.1
1 Diodorus, xvi. 37; xvii. 8, 9, &c. Justin, ix. 4. Dinarchus, Contr.
Demosth. 92. Pausanias, iv. 27; ix. 1 and 6. Arrian, Anab. i. 7.




414                     APPENDIX  X.
APPENDIX X.
WHETHER OTESIPHON BROKE THE LAW.
TEi two special grounds upon which AEschines contended that
Ctesiphon had violated the law, were,
First, because he had proposed to crown Demosthenes, before he
had rendered an account of his official administration, Demosthenes
having been a conservator of walls, and a treasurer of the Theoric
fund:
Secondly, because he had proposed to publish the coronation in
the theatre of the Dionysian festival, at the performance of the new
tragedies.
In support of the first proposition, 2Eschines' cites a law which
expressly forbade the bestowing of a crown upon any magistrate
or official personage who had still his account to render. Anticipating an objection, that the offices held by Demosthenes were not
magistraciesj such as the law applied to, but rather inferior agencies
or employments,2 he shows that by the law of Athens all offices to
which the people elected were to be deemed of a magisterial character, and that all superintendents of public works, and all persons
who were intrusted with any of the public money for more than
thirty days, or who held a legal jurisdiction, were to be considered
as holding such offices, and were subject to the usual scrutiny3 before they entered upon their duties. A conservator of walls was
clearly a superintendent of public works; and he also presided in
a court of judicature. Demosthenes had been appointed to that
office by the Pandionian tribe in pursuance of a decree of the people, and had had the disbursement of ten talents of the public money.
He had been elected treasurer of the Theoric fund by the people in
general assembly. It made no difference, whether or not he had
expended any of his own money gratuitously.  He was liable to
render an account in one or both of the aforesaid characters, even
though none of the public moneys had passed through his hands.
It was a principle of the democracy, that no magisterial functionary
should be irresponsible.
He then proceeds to the second point,4 and produces a law, enI For this part of the argument, see ~Eschines, Contr. Ctesiph. pp.
65-58.
2'Etiecte d6taicovct, lo rpcayuarEiat, commissions, agencies, emeployments, are distinguished from dpXai, magisterial offices. See Sch6mann,
De Comitiis, 308, &c.
3 Aotlcaacca.
4 Eschines, Contr. Ctesiph. 58-60.




WHETHER CTESIPHON BROKE THE, LAW.    415
acting that, if the council bestowed a crown upon any citizen, it
should be proclaimed in the council-chamber, if the people, in the
assembly, but not in any other place; the object of which law he
declares to have been, that honors of this kind, which concerned
the commonwealth and its members only, should not be ostentatiously displayed before foreigners. Ctesiphon had infringed this
statute, for the pnrpose of making an idle parade of his friend's
honors at the Dionysian festival, when a large number of the Greeks
were present.
Upon this part of the case he anticipates the answer which we
find to have been actually made-viz. that there was a law which
permitted crowns to be proclaimed in the theatre, if the people authorized it by their decree. That law, says lEschines, is not inconsistent with the one upon which I rely: nor indeed can there be two
inconsistent laws: but it relates to an entirely different matter. A
bad practice had sprung up; that men, who possessed influence in
foreign states, got crowns presented to them by those states, and
then had them proclaimed inthe theatre at home. To put a stop
to such an objectionable custom, a statute was passed, making it unlawful for crowns given by foreign states to be proclaimed in the
theatre, except under a special resolution of the Athenian people.
The law which Ctesiphon violated, which defined the places where
crowns were to be proclaimed, applied to those which were given
at home.
To these arguments Demosthenes makes but a short reply.l He
does not at all dispute his general accountability in respect of the
offices which he had held. He denies, however, that he was accountable to the state for what he had expended out of his private
purse; and he contends that the crown was bestowed upon him, not
for the acts of which he had an account to render, but for his gifts,
which were not the subject of account. With respect to the place
of proclamation, he adduces a law (as iEschines had expected)
seemingly at variance with that on which the prosecution was
founded, and not admitting the construction which /Eschines had
put upon it. He censures iEschines for misrepresenting the object
of the lawgiver in fixing the place of proclamation, and not seeing
that the proclamation was for the benefit of those who conferred,
not those who received the honor. He refers also to a variety of
cases, in which decrees similar to that of Ctesiphon, and under similar circumstances, had been passed in favor of other men.
With regard to the contradictory laws, we have not sufficient
data to form an opinion. Each of the orators accuses the other of
garbling the law which he cites: and we have not the whole of the
statutes before us to enable us to see which is right. But the defense
which Demosthenes sets up as to the time of crowning we have
1 See ante, pp. 46-51.




416                        APPENDIX X.
little difficulty in pronouncing to be sophistical.  The law which enacted, that no public functionary who had not passed his audit should
be crowned, meant that the honor should not be conferred either
for official services or on any other account.  Besides, the crown
given by Ctesiphon to Demosthenes actually purported to be a requital of his official services: for those donations to the public,
which were specially commended, related to the business of his administration.  In any point of view, therefore, Ctesiphon had by
his decree violated the letter of the Athenian law: but it is clear
also, that he violated the spirit of' it.  For a magistrate might be
very liberal in donations to the public, and yet might in some way
or other grossly abuse his trust: he might be generous with the one
hand, and squander the public money with the other. At his official
audit the whole of his administration would be inquired into: and
he would be liable to punishment, if in any particular he had seriously neglected his duty.  But by commending him  for one part
of his conduct, while the other was kept out of view, the merits of
the case were unfairly prejudged before it came to the auditors.
And this is the very abuse of which ZETschines complains: crafty
orators got premature votes of honors for their friends, to screen
them from charges for official misconduct. 
The precedents cited by Demosthenes prove no more than what
_Eschines admitted; that the law had often been broken before;
not that it ought to be broken, or was not still in force. If any
weight were attached to them, it concerned the penalty rather than
the verdict of guilty or not guilty.
Had Y Eschines confined himself to these two questions upon the
laws, it appears undeniable, that the verdict ought to have been in
his favor.  But this did not satisfy him.  He  wished to cast reproach upon the character and politics of Demosthenes; and therefore he introduced the third charge, which raised the issue, whether
Demosthenes had deserved well of his country.  By mixing the
three issues together, he thought to insure success in the cause;
and he expected that a verdict against Ctesiphon, on whatever
I AlEschines, Contr. Ctesiph. 55.'Ev yb p  -rotc fuirpoOev XpOvotr (rpXovrif rtveGf 7'rd tS yiacra dypxf icai'r 7rpooi(6ovf  iJtO'coivrTEf, ICC) dwpOdoloi~Ovrcf repi  ie:Laca TOVrt  CWV, IrpelOZapi/U VVTVef ro7vet e  b/c -re 3ovZaEvrcrpiov fJ5/ropaC icat rf i/c TOo  s 6C,uov T7rP)WO'0v irpoariEiciiCavov  -C eVOf6vaf e7raeavovfc lcca  ipVyTuactv, Oafr' ev raZs- esvSvalc rTWv CIdpcV EFl r?)v  ueiZrv1Yv peIr cp7'opiav (dulctveaOat i-roof Ica7rcybi)pov,  7rowe  6C. LT:t /tclZUOV
rovef  (t/Iccei —oc-i XvsoVrto yap oCip   oi c-z/i-carn, Ei  av2eEcatL 6 ac(v)f
utvcp;'i-p aOCT 7ur6es, A rvx7b  6~ Icca oy  cet   ie Eavla',  rpelPv  /)?:v crre
(tJvayopEUivO/s hi'cc   7o!e iC7 (yetv i-c7  c-roavOivat tdpETGf evEICat ical dclcatoavvw7i Vro' TOV  Jji/ov  XpveG ore6rS0v, 6 (t azvi-f dvCiip putcpov ErtaXCy&v  tEtcLtv
Eic rol - lcltTagrrplov lccor77~. veKica i  et3ere Vva~ 6Tcjrtcj- o'  7re?/vaylcaovo
Ti/iv ~)Ileeov 0pEtv o clctaorai oV Tersp r~,rgapvrof dcticccwzarof d12,' VTRif)
TrC alaXtvry troi jyi/6v.




WHETHER CTESIPHON BROKE THE LAW.    417
ground obtained, would be a triumph over Demosthenes, and would
have the effect of disgracing him and his party in the eyes of all the
Greeks. Hereupon arises a question-whether _Eschines should
have been allowed to succeed in his manceuvre, and obtain such an
indirect triumph over his rival. Not that Demosthenes ever raised
such a point for the consideration of his judges-he was too old an
orator to admit that any part of his case was weak.  It is a point,
however, which the Athenians who decided the cause ought to have
considered, and perhaps did consider-a question of ethical jurisprudence, upon which the merits of their decision very much depend. Tile reader will be better able to form his opinion upon this
and other parts of the subject, after seeing in what light they are
presented by the always just and clear-sighted Thirlwall:."Eschines had indicted Ctesiphon as having broken the law in
three points: first, because it was illegal to crown a magistrate before he rendered an account of his office: next, because it was forbidden to proclaim  such an honor, when bestowed by the people,
in any other place than the assembly-ground in the Pnyx, but particularly to proclaim it, as Ctesiphon had proposed: and lastly, because the reason assigned in the decree, so far as related to the public
conduct of Demosthenes, was false, inasmuch as he had not deserved
any reward. Among these points there was one, on which it seems
clear that the charge of illegality was well grounded.  Though the
superintendence of the repairs was probably not a magistracy in the
eye of the law, which indeed forbade any one to hold two at once,
the treasurership of the Theoric fund certainly was one, and one to
which the law, which forbade the crowning of a magistrate still
accountable, applied with peculiar force. As to the mode of the proclamation, it seems doubtful, whether the law on which the proseeution rested had not been modified by another, which declared that
proclamation might be made, as Ctesiphon proposed, if the people
should so decree; though IEschines speciously contended, that this
exception was only meant to relate to crowns bestowed on citizens,
not by the people, but by foreign states. But the third point, the truth
or falsehood of the reason alleged in the decree, was that on which,
according to the manifest sense of both the parties, of the court,
and of all present at the trial, the case really turned. The question
at issue was in substance, whether Demosthenes had been a good or
a bad citizen. It was on this account that the court was thronged
by an extraordinary conflux of spectators, both citizens and strangers. Hence the prosecutor, after a short discussion of the dry
legal arguments, enters, as on his main subject, into a full review
of the public and private life of Demosthenes: and Demosthenes,
whose interest it was to divert attention from the points of law,
which were not his strong ground, can scarcely find room for them
I-istory of Greece, vol. vii. 135.




418                    APPENDIX  X.
in his defense of his own policy and proceedings, which, with bitter
attacks on his adversary, occupies almost the.whole of his speech.
" The spirit displayed by the tribunal, which decided in favor of
Demosthenes on such grounds as he alleged, is at least as noble as
that of the Roman senate and people, when they went out to meet
and thank the Consul on his return from Cannse. But the case may
seem to exhibit the Athenian administration of justice in a much
less favorable light. On one point at least it is clear that Ctesiphon's decree was contrary to law. The attempt made by Demosthenes to prove that the law, which forbade an accountable magistrate to be crowned, did not apply to his case, only shows the
extreme looseness of' legal reasoning which was tolerated in Athenian courts. It seems indeed to have been admitted, that there had
been numerous precedents for whatever was illegal in the decree as
to the circumstances of time and place. But this only proves the
laxity which prevailed in the observance of the laws. It appears
that, according to that theory of the constitution, which had been
universally approved and acted on in the purest times,. immediately
after the expulsion of the Thirty Tyrants, the court which tried the
author of a decree denounced as illegal was bound to compare it
with the letter of the law, and to give judgment on the simple question of their strict agreement. But it is evident that the courts had
afterwards assumed greater freedom; and it is not at all certain
that this was repugnant, either to the spirit of the constitution, or
to the practice of preceding ages, with the single exception of the
short period in which the restoration of the democracy awakened
extraordinary jealousy for the maintenance of the laws. The will
of the people, declared in a decree, had been subjected to the revision of a tribunal which might be expected to possess superior
means of information, to secure the people itself against the pernicious consequences of temporary measures into which it might be
surprised. This seems to have been the general object, to which all
others were subordinate; and for this purpose it might be necessary
that in such cases the courts should be invested with an ample discretion, and should not be required to adhere to the letter of the
laws, so as themselves to commit wrong, or to iujure the commonwealth. The form of the proceedings was such, that a verdict
against Ctesiphon must have been interpreted as a condemnation of
Demosthenes: and it was the deliberate will, and the highest interest of the people, to show that it still honored the man who had
not despaired of the commonwealth. It would have been better
that the prosecutor should not have been able so to embroil the
question: but where he did so, it was desirable that the court
should have the power to decide on what it deemed the most important point."
THE END.




HARPER'S NEW CLASSICAL LIBRARY.
Reprinted from "Bohn's Classical Library." Comprising Literal
Translations of the principal Greek and Latin Authors.
The works which it is proposed to issue are reprint's from " BOHN's
CLASSICAL LIBRARY," brought out uniform with the English edition,
and comprising faithful translations of the principal Greek and
Latin classics.
Each work will be given without abridgment, and will include
short suggestive notes, adapted to the comprehension as well as
the actual wants of the student.  Copious and accurate indexes
will be appended to every translation.  No version will be adopted
without ample and thorough revision, correcting its errors by the
lights of modern research, and placing it on a level with the pres
ent improved state of philological learning.
The following Volumes will be succeeded by others as fast as
they can be got ready.
C/ESAR, Complete, with the Alexan- WATSON'S XENOPHON. TheAn.
drian, African, and Spanish Wars, lit-   abasis and Memorabilia of Socrates.
erally translated. With Notes, and a   With a Geographical Commentary by
very copious Index. 12mo, Muslin,   W. F. AINsWORTH, Esq. 12mo, Mus75 cents.                            lin, 75 cents.
DAVIDSON'S VIRGIL.Revised by  BUCKLEY'S   HOMER'S  ILIAD.
DAVIDSON'S VIRGIL,                  7 o Mo n st
T: A. 13UCKLEY. 12mo, Muslin, 75   12mo, Muslin, 75 cents.
cents.                             DALE'S THUCYDIDES. 12moMuslin, 75 cents. (Bohn's Edition, vols.
SMART'S HORACE. Revised by T.   $1 7
A. BUCKLEY. 12mo, Muslin, 75cents. CARY'S HERODOTUS.  Complete
WATSON'S SALLUST, FLORUS,   in one volume. With Index. 12mo,
and VELLEIUS  PATERCULUS.   Muslin, 75 cents.
12mo, Muslin, 75 cents.            SOPHOCLES. The Oxford Translation, revised by BUCKLEY.  12nio,
EDMOND'S CICERO. Cicero's Of-   Muslin 75 cents.
fices, Old Age, Friendship, Scipio's
Dream, Paradoxes, &c. 12mo, Mus- /ESCHYLUS. By an Oxonian. Re,
lin, 75 cents.                      vised by B UCKLEY. 12mo, Muslin, 75
cents. With an Appendix. containing
YONGE'S CICERO.  The Orations   all of Hermann's Emendations, trans,
contained in the Text-Books used in   lated and explained by BURGES. (Not
the Schools and Colleges of America.   contained in Bohn's Volume.) 12mo,
12mo, Muslin, 75 cents.             Muslin.
MAYHEW'S WONDERS OF SCIENCE.  The Wonders of Science; or,
Young Humphry Davy (the Cornish Apothecary's Boy, who taught himself
Natural Philosophy, and eventually became President of the Royal Society).
The Life of a Wonderful Boy written for Boys. By HIENIY MAYHEW, Author of " The Peasant-Boy Philosopher." 16mo, Muslin.




BOOKS FOR SCHOOLS AND COLLEGES,
AT GREATLY REDUCED PRICES,
PUBLISI-IED BY
HARPER & BROTHERES, NEW YORK.
Abbott's Illustrated Histories,
Suitable for Reading Books in Schools.  Illuminated Title.
pages and numerous Engravings.  16mo, Muslin, 60 cents
each; Muslin, gilt edges, 75 cents each.
Cleopatra.-Josephine.-Madame Roland.-Xerxes.-Cyrus,
-Darius.-Alexander.-Hannibal.-Julius Cnesar.-Alfred.William  the Conqueror.-Queen Elizabeth.-Mary Queen of
Scots.-Charles 1.-Charles II.-Maria Antoinette. -Romulus.
-Pyrrhus.-Nero.
Abercrombie on the Intellectual Powers.
Essay on the Intellectual Powers. Inquiries concerning thle
Intellectual Powers and the Investigation of Truth.  With
Questions.  18mno, Muslin, 45 cents; Half Bound, 50 cents.
Abercrombie on the Moral Feelings.
The Philosophy of the Moral Feelings.  With Questions.
18mo, Muslin, 40 cents; Half Bound, 50 cents.
Alison's Essay on Taste,
Essay on the'Nature and Principles of Taste. With Corrections and Improvements, by ABRAHAM MILLS. 12gmo. Muslin,.75 cents.
Andrews's Latin-English Lexicon,
Founded on the larger German-Latin Lexicon of Dr. WILLIAM
FREUND. With Additions and Corllections from the Lexicons
of Gesner, Facciolati, Scheller, Georges, &c.  Royal 8To,
Sheep, $5 00.
Anthon's Classical Dictionary.
Containing an Account of the Principal Proper Names mentioned in Ancient Authors, and intended to elucidate all the
important Points connected with the Geography, History, Bi-'ography, Mythology, and Fine Arts of the Greeks and Romans;
together with an Account of the Coins, Weights, and Measure,
of the Ancients, with Tabular Values of the same. Royal 8vo,
Sheep extra, $4 00.
Anthon's Latin-English Dictionary,
A Latin-English and Eng'lish-Latin Dictionary, for the use of
Schools. Chiefly from the Lexicons of Freund, Georges, and
Kaltschmidt. Small 4to, Sheep, $2 00.




BOOKS FOR SCHOOLS AND COLLEGES.
Anthon's Classical Series.
Latin Lessons. Latin Grammar, Part I. Containing the most important Parts of the Grammar of the Latin Language, together
with appropriate Exercises in the Translating and Writing of
Latin. 12mo, Sheep extra, 75 cents.
Latin Prose Composition, Latin Grammar, Part II.  An Introduction to Latin Prose Composition, with a complete Course of
Exercises, illustrative of all the important Principles of Latin
Syntax. 12mo, Sheep extra, 75 cents.
A  KEY to the Above is published, which may be obtained by
Teachers.  12mo, Half Sheep, 50 cents.
Zumpt's Latin Grammar. From the ninth Edition'of the Original,
adapted to the use of English Students.  By LEONTIARD
SCHImITZ, Ph.D.  Corrected and enlarged.  12mo, Sheep extra,
75 cents.
An ABRIDGMENT of the Above. 12mo, Sheep extra, 50 cents.
Latin Prosody and Metre. From the best Authorities, Ancient and
Modern.  12mo, Sheep extra, 75 cents.
Latin Versification. In a Series of Progressive Exercises, including
Specimens of Translation from English and German Poetry
into Latin Verse. 12mo, Sheep extra, 75 cents.
A KEY to the Above is published, which may be obtained by
Teachers.  12mo, 1Half Sheep, 50 cents.
gUsar's Commentaries on the Gallic War, and -the First Book of the
&reek Paraphrase; with English Notes, Critical and Explanatory, Plans of Battles, Sieges, &c., and Historical, Geographical, and Archaeological Indexes. Map, Portrait, &c.  12mo,
Sheep extra, $1 00.
The Aneid of Virgil.  With English Notes, Critical and Explanatory, a Metrical Clavis, and an HIistorical, Geographical, and
Mythological Index. Portrait and many Illustrations.  12mo,
Sheep extra, $1 25.
Eclogues and. Georgics. of Virgil.  With English Notes, Critical and
Explanatory.  12mo, Sheep extra, $1 25.
Fallust's Jugurthine War and Conspiracy of Catiline, With an English Commentary, and Geographical and Historical Indexes.
New Edition, corrected and enlarged. Portrait. 2lno, Sheep
extra, 75 cents.
The Works of Horace,  With English Notes, Critical and Explanatory. A new Edition, corrected and enlarged, with Excursions
relative to the Vines and Vineyards of the Ancients; a Life
of Horace, &c. 12mo, Sheep extra, $1 25.
eoer   Select Orations.  With English Notes, Critical and Explanatory, and Historical, Geographical, and Legal Indexes. An
improved Edition. Portrait,  lmo, Sheep extra, $1 00.




BOOKS FOR SCHOOLS AND COLLEGES.
Anthon's Classical Series, continued,
Cicero de Senectute, De Amicitia, and Paradoxa, and the Life of
Atticus by Nepos. With English Notes, Critical and Explanatory. 12mo, Sheep extra, 75 cents.
Cicero's Tusculan Disputations,  With English Notes, Critical and
Explanatory.  12mo, Sheep extra, $1 00.
The Germania and Agricola, and also Selections from the Annals,
of Tacitus. With English Notes, Critical and Explanatory.
12mo, Sheep extra, $1 00.
Cornelius Nepos. Cornelii Nepotis Vite Imperatorum Excellentium.
With English Notes, &c.  121no, Sheep extra, $1 00.
Terence. Terentii Comcediae, with English Notes, Metrical Tables,
and an Essay on the Scanning of Terence, &c. 12mo, Sheep
extra. (zin press.)
First Greek Lessons. Containing the most important Parts of the
Grammar of the Greek Language, together with appropriate
Exercises in the Translating and Writing of Greek; for the use
of Beginners. 12mo, Sheep extra, 75 cents.
Greek Prose Composition. Greek Lessons, Part II. An Introduction to Greek Prose Composition, with a complete Course of
Exercises illustrative of all the important Principles of Greek
Syntax.  12mo, Sheep extra, 75 cents.
Grammar of the Greek Language. For the use of Schools and Colleges. 12mo, Sheep extra, 75 cents.
& New Greek Grammar,  From the German of Iiihner, Matthive,
Buttmann, Rost, and Thiersch; to which are appended Remarks on the Prouunciation of the Greek Language, and Chronological Tables explanatory of the same. 12mo, Sheep extra,
75 cents.
Greek Prosody and Metre,  For the use of Schools and Colleges;
together with the Choral Scanning of the Prometheus Vinctus
of Alschylus, and CEdipus Tyrannus of Sophocles, to which are
appended Remarks on the Indo-Germanic Analeg;es.  l2mo,
Sheep extra, 75 cents.
A Greek Reader, Principally from the German of Jacobs. With
English Notes, Critical and Explanatory, a Metrical Index to
TIomer and Anacreon, and a copious Lexicon. 12mo, Sheep
extra, $1 00.
Homer. The First Six Books of Homer's Iliad, to which are appended English Notes, Critical and Explanatory, a Metrical Index, and Homeric Glossary.  New  and enlarged Edition.
12mo, Sheep extra, $1 25.
The Anabasis of Xenophon. With English Notes, Critical and Explanatory, a Map arranged according to the latest and best Authorities, and a Plan of the Battle of Cunaza. 12mo, Sheep
tra, $i 25.




BO30KS FOI SCHOOLS AND COLLEGES.
Anthon's Classical Series, continued.
Xenophon's Memorabilia of Socrates. From the Text of Kiihner,
With Explanatory Notes, &c., by D. B. HIrcKIE, LL.D. First
American Edition,ecorrected and enlarged. 12mno, Sheep ex.
tra, $1 00.
Manual of Roman Antiquities.  From  the most recent German
Works. With a Description of the City of Rome,  &c. 12mo,
Sheep extra, 87J cents.'Manual of Graeik Literature, With a Critical History of the Greek
Language.  L2mo, Sheep extra, $1 00.
Manual of GreeR Antiquities.  From  the best and most recent
Sources.  2Smo, Sheer extra, 87 2 cents.
Manual of Greek and Roman Mythology, 12mo, Sheep extra.
Latin Syntax, Latin Lessons, Part II.  Containing Latin Syntax,
with Reading Lessons, and Exercises in double translation, on
the basis of Kiihlner's.  12mo, Sheep extra. (Uniform with
Latin Lessons, Part I.)
Ovid., Selections from the Metamorphoses of Ovid. With English
Notes, Critical and Explanatory.  12mo. (In press.)
Euripides. The Hecuba, Hippolytus, Modea, and Bacchie of Eurip,
ides. With English Notes, Critical and Explanatory.  12mo.
(Ir press.)
Juvenal,  The Satires of Juvenal. With English Notes Critica)
and Explanatory. (In press.)
Bigelow  on1 the Useftul Arts,
considered in Connection with the Applications of Scienca
With numerous Engravings.  2 vols. 12mo, Muslin, $1 50.
Boucharlat's IMechanios,
An Elementary Treatise on IMechanics. Translated from the
French, with Additions and Emendations, by Prof. EDWARD H.
COURTENAY. Plates.  8vo, Sheep extra, $2 26.
Boyd's Eclectic lMsoral Philosophy;
prepared for Literary Institutions and general Use. 12mo,
Muslin, 75 cents.
loyd's Rhetoric and Criticism,
Elements of Rhetoric and Literary Criticism, with copious
Practical Exercises and Examples. Including, also, a succinct
History of the English Language, and of British a nd American
Literature, fiom the earliest to the present Times. On tho
Basis of the recent Works of ALEXANDER REID and R. CITNNALL;
i'ith large Additions from other Sources. 12mo, Half Bound,
0.ylnto.




BOOIKS FOR SCHOOLS AND COLLEGES.
Brande's Encyclopedia.
A Dictionary of Science, Literature, and Art; comprising the
History, Description, and Scientific Principles of every Branch
of Human Kinowledge; with the Derivation and Definition of
all the Terms in general use. Illustrated by numerous Engravings on Wood. 8vo, Sheep extra, $4 00.
Burke on the Sublime and Beautiful.
Essay on the Sublime and Beautiful. A Philosophical Inquiry
into the Origin of our Ideas of the Sublime and the Beautiful.
With an Introductory Discourse concerning Taste. Edited by
ABRAHAM MILLS. 12mo, Muslin, 75 cents.
Buttmann's Greek Grammar,
A Greek Grammar, for the use of High Schools and Universities. Revised and enlarged by ALEXANDER BUTTMIANN. Trans,
lated from the 18th German Edition, by EDWARD ROBINSON,
D.D., LL.D. 8vo, Sheep extra, $2 00.
Campbell's Philosophy of Rhetoric.
Revised Edition. 12mo, Muslin, $1 25.
Cicero's Orator,
Cicero's Three Dialogues on the Orator. Translated into English, by W. GUTHRIE. Revised and Corrected, with Notes.
18mo, Muslin, 45 cents.
Clark's Elements of Algebra.
Embracing, also, the Theory and Application of Logarithms;
together with an Appendix, containing Infinite Series, the
General Theory of Equations, and the most approved Methods
of resolving the higher Equations. Svo, Sheep-extra, $1 00.
Comte's Philosophy of latthematios.
Translated from the Cours de Philosophie Positive, by W. M.
GILLESPIE, A.M. 8vo, Muslin, $1 25.
Crabb's Synonyms.
English Synonyms explained. With copious Illustrations and
Explanations, drawn from the best Writers. 8vo, Sheep extra, $2 00.
Dickens's Child's History of England.
2 vols. or 1, 16mo, Muslin, $1 00.
Docharty's Arithmetic.
12mo, Sheep extra. (In press.)
Dooharty's Institutes of Algebra.
Being the First Part of a Course of Mathematics, designed for
the use of Schools, Academies, and Colleges. 12mo, Sheep extra, 75 cents.
Draper's Text-book on Chemistry,
for the use of Schools and Colleges. Carefully revised, with
Additions. With 300 Illustrations. 12mo, Sheep, 75 cents.