A 698,019 I<' lr' " A4~~~~~~~~~~~~ V l I ~ '. C cl P L;~ i:; i F J,..I a?. PRIVATE SMITH AT THE PHILIPPINES - ALL QUESTIONS RELATING TO THE PHILIPPINES DISCUSSED AND ANSWERED BY VETERANS ON BOARD THE U. S. TRANSPORT "CENTURY"' EN ROUTE FROM MANILA TO SAN FRANCISCO BY MARION tLEOIDAS w FRANKLIN PRINTING AND PUBLISHI',IG CO. Entered, according to Act of Congress, in the year 1899, BY THE FRANKLIN PRINTING AND PUBLISHING CO., In the Office of the Librarian of Congress, at Washington, D. C. PREFATORY NOTE. THE American people must finally determine the Philippine policy of the United States. Thus far what has been done in the Philippines is without their authority. They will do justice when they know the truth. This book is published as a contribution to a discussion that must continue until the question of right is determined in harmony with those principles of liberty and self-government, which have so long made America distinctive among the nations. The war of "criminal aggression," now in progress in the Philippines, is but an incident of a blundering course which threatens to destroy the character of American institutions. Whether the war ends sooner or later is not material. The real firing line is at home. Here must be determined whether we shall hold the advanced ground won through so many sacrifices, or relapse into militarism. The author desires to acknowledge his indebtedness to Mr. Edwin Burritt Smith, of the Chicago bar, who has kindly read the proofs and made many valuable suggestions. MARION LEONIDAS. OCTOBER, I899. FROM ABRAHAM LINCOLN. No man is good enough to govern another man without that other man's consent." "Our reliance is in the love of liberty which God has planted in us. Our defense is in the spirit which prizes liberty as the heritage of all men in all lands, everywhere. Those who deny freedom to others, deserve it not for themselves, and under a just God cannot long retain it." It was in the oath I took that I would, to the best of my ability, preserve, protect, and defend the constitution of the United States. * * * Nor was it my view that I might take an oath to get power, and break the oath in using that power. * * * I did understand * * * that my oath imposed upon me the duty Opf preserving, to the best of my ability, by every indispensable means, that government, that nation, of which the constituton was the organic law." 4 A FORMER INSTANCE, A. D. 1565: "He (Menendez) knew, he said, nothing of greater moment to his majesty than the conquest and settlement of Florida. The climate was healthful and the soil fertile, and, worldly advantages aside, it was peopled by a race sunk in the thickest shades of infidelity. ' Such grief,' he pursued, seizes me, when I behold this multitude of wretched Indians, that I should choose the conquest and settling of Florida above all commands, offices, and dignities which your majesty might bestow.' "-PARKMAN'S WORKS, VOL. I, P. 99. "' I am here to plant the gospel. If you [French heretics] will give up your arms and banners and place yourselves at my mercy, you may do so, and I will act toward you as God shall give me grace. Do as you will, for other than this you can have neither truce nor friendship with me. — PARKMAN'S WORKS, VOL. I, P. 139. "May the Lord deliver us from all cant. May the Lord, whatever else He do or forbear, teach us to look facts honestly in the face, and to beware (with a kind of shudder) of smearing them all over with our despicable and damnable palaver." —THoMAS CARLYLE. The late M. Guizot once asked me how long I thought our republic would endure? I replied: 'So long as the ideas of the men who founded it continue dominant,' and he assented. "-LOWELL. 5 For never land long lease of empire won, Whose sons sate silent when base deeds were done." -LOWELL. * In vain we call old notions fudge, And bend our conscience to our dealing; The ten commandments will not budge, And stealing will continue stealing."-LOWELL. Be hushed before the high Benignant Power That moves wool-shod through sepulcher and tower! No truth so low but he will give it crown; No wrong so high but he will hurl it down. O men that forge the fetter, it is vain; There is a still hand stronger than your chain. 'Tis no avail to bargain, sneer, and nod, And shrug the shoulder for reply to God." -EDWIN MARKHAM IN McClure's Magazine. 6 " Governments derive their just powers from the consent of the governed."-Declaration of Independence. THE PHILIPPINE CLUB. Veterans enroute to the United States from Manila form a debating club on board the transport " Century." TOPICS DISCUSSED: i. Can Americans successfully colonize the Philippines? 2. Would annexation open a new market for American products? 3. Are the Filipinos incapable of self-government? 4. Charges of bribery and cruelty against Aguinaldo. 5. Had the Filipinos a right to regard the Americans as their allies? 6. Who was responsible for the beginning of hostilities? 7. Have the Americans a moral right to conquer the Philippines? 8. In order to maintain national honor must the Americans force the Filipinos to submit? 9. A large standing army a menace to liberty. Interests of labor. io. Into the maw of the Orient. Compiled from minutes by the SECRETARY. 7 ,-, i I CHAPTER I. ORGANIZATION AND PRELIMINARY DISCUSSION. T HE United States transport Century was three days from Manila, en route to San Francisco, before her passengers began to get acquainted with each other. There were aboard two colonels, three majors, one captain, and a half-dozen lieutenants of the regular or volunteer service, three wives of officers, a red cross nurse, half a hundred discharged privates, a lawyer and a newspaper correspondent. The officers and soldiers had all been in the Philippines from the time of the American occupancy of Manila, and were well acquainted with the Filipinos, the island of Luzon, and the causes which led to hostilities between the Americans and natives. They had participated in the fighting from Manila to San Fernando under McArthur, or had been with Lawton or Wheaton in their operations, both north and south of Manila-all, except Captain Bevans, 9 10 ORGANIZATION. having taken an active part in the campaigns. Captain Bevans had gone to the Philippines as a commissary officer, where he had served his country from behind a desk in the office of the collector of customs. He had never been on a march, had never heard the sound of a hostile bullet, had eaten the best food, slept in a big, airy room, high above the poisonous earth, and had his tongue examined each morning by a physician. In other words, Captain Bevans had a snap. But that fact was in no way surprising to him, as he had always had a snap when his party was in power. In return for these snaps the captain gave his party faithful service during every campaign, national and state. He was an eloquent and forceful speaker, an adroit organizer, and always accepted without question the men and measures put forward by the state and national conventions of his party. He was a politician in the popular meaning, and politics paid him in dollars and cents. As the Century steamed along toward Nagasaki, where she would coal for her ORGANIZATION. 11 long homeward voyage, the passengers gathered in little groups on the decks, and the topic of conversation generally related to the President's policy in the Philippines. "I am astonished," said Captain Bevans, "that the officers and soldiers in the Philippines are so generally opposed to the annexation of the islands to the United States." He addressed his remarks to a young man dressed in citizen's clothes, who walked with a crutch. His name was Smith, and he had served as a private in the South Dakota regiment, participating in every battle from Manila to San Fernando, where he had been wounded by a Mauser bullet fired 'by Filipinos who were too far away to be damaged by shots from the antiquated Springfield rifles, with which the American volunteers were armed. Private Smith had put in an application for discharge when peace with Spain was restored, feeling that the term of enlistment, as well as its cause, had expired. The discharge was not granted until the bullet had made further service impossible, and he was then permitted to return home to 12 ORGANIZATION. resume his profession of teacher in the public schools. "On the other hand," said Smith in reply to Bevans' observation, I am astonished that anybody favors annexation of these islands under any consideration, particularly since forcible annexation involves such a grave departure from all the traditions of our government. ' The dialogue caused several of the passengers to draw their steamer chairs nearer to where the annexationist and his opponent were talking. "By the way," said the lawyer, "I have given very little study to the Philippine problem. In my state I am in the habit of taking the stump for the 'republicans when the ca mpaigns are on, and, unless all signs fail expansion is going to be the issue in I900. I propose that we have a series of debates on the subject, during our voyage. They would relieve the monotony and would be instructive to me, as I was on the island of Luzon for a few weeks only and was busy professionally every day. " The newspaper man seconded the motion ORGANIZATION. 13 of the lawyer and the officers and their wives gave a ready assent. On motion of Colonel Handy, the lawyer was made chairman and the newspaper man was elected secretary, and it is from his notes this volume is made. A program committee which had been appointed proposed that the first question to be discussed should be: "Resolved, That the war now being waged in the Philippines is morally justifiable." "I object to that question being the first one discussed," said the chairman. "Whichever way it might be decided would end the discussion. There are other questions which I want to hear debated, after which we may take up that of morals, by which it must be finally decided whether the President's policy in the Philippines can be justified. "The anti-imperialists say that the administration is responsible for the sacrifice of life, both American and Filipino, entailed by the war. If we are guilty of murder, and are attempting to commit robbery, I want to.know whether, if judged from a robber's 14 ORGANIZATION. standpoint, the spoils sought will pay for the trouble we are taking. I have more respect for a wicked wise man than for a wicked fool, though the reverse should be true." The committee retired and brought in the following question: "Can the Philippine,^ < islands be successfully colonized by Americans?" Capt. Bevans, affirmative. Private Smith, negative. The debate to be opened in a conversational way after breakfast the next morning. "A discussion of that subject would be useless," said Bevans. "I am quite aware that Americans can never colonize the Philippine islands for two reasons: i. Europeans have never been able to live in low tropical countries. Why, there were only a few English, German and Spanish business men in Manila when the Americans took the city, and few of them remain on the island more than two years consecutively. Dean Worcester, whose book I have, confirms Foreman and the experience of all Americans when he says: 'If one is permanently situated in a good ~1 ORGANIZATION. 15 locality, where he can secure suitable food and good drinking water, if he is scrupulously careful as to his diet, avoids excesses, keeps out of the sun in the middle of the day, and refrains from severe and long continued exertion, he is likely to remairl well; always supposing that he is fortunate enough to escape malarial infection. But how is it with the explorer, the engineer, the man who would fell trees, cultivate new ground, or in some other way develop the latent resources of the country? This, as Mr. Kipling so often remarks, is another story.... It is unfortunately true that the climate of the Philippines is especially severe on white women and children. It is very doubtful, in my judgment, if many generations of European or American children could be reared there.' "That," said the captain, "is true, as we all know. Why, most of the white business men in Manila have two families on that account. Their European wives could not live there, so they stay in Europe, while 'hired wives' have taken their place and mestizo children-half-brothers and half-sisters of the European brood-may be found in the houses of nearly all white residents." 16 ORGANIZATION. "You don't- suppose Americans will 'hire wives,"' said the wife of an army officer who had remained on duty while she returned to California to regain the health she had lost during her six months' residence in Manila. " Certainly not," smiled the captain, "our Americans are nothing like the English, Germans, and Spaniards in that respect. Though if some of them should fall into the customs of the Europeans there, it would be small wonder." The young wife rose and walked into the social hall with a troubled look on her face. "Yes," said Colonel Handy, " one of the most serious problems confronting us is the climate. When we sailed from Luzon the rainy season had just got well started, yet out of 30,000 men there were 2,500 in the general hospitals, and more than as many more in the regimental hospitals, while it is safe to say there were fully 3,000 more sick in quarters who should have been in the hospitals had there been room. Then it must be remembered that more than I,aoo sick ORGANIZATION. 17 men had been sent to the United States during the two months before we sailed." "It may also be well to bear in mind," said a captain of volunteers, "that no force of Americans can stay more than a year and a half in the Philippines without becoming totally disabled, so far as campaigning goes. Mr. Robert De C. Ward, instructor in climatology in Harvard University is authority for the statement that fully twenty-five per cent. of the Spanish soldiers sent to the Philippines during the fifteen months preceding the insurrection of I896 died from the effects of the climate. With our superior hospitals and better sanitary conditions in the camps, we have never been able to keep the percentage of the sick lower than twenty-five. When we reached San Fernando the number on the sick roll of the volunteer regiments amounted to from fifty-five to seventy per cent. of the entire force of many regiments." Captain Bevans admitted the truth of these statements, and stated his second reason for declining to debate the affirmative of the colonization question. " Remove the climatic barrier," he said, and we have left the fact 2 j j$+ *>i K <~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~I." —. NEW MARKETS. 31 visions, may be set aside on the plea of public policy. With a sufficient army to back him, the President could say with equal justice: ' Public policy demands that I establish a monarchy; and, like Napoleon, I hereby crown myself William I.' Should he do so, you, and all like you, would call all men traitors who did not willingly bend the knee to the new policy, 'so obviously correct' on account of 'changed conditions' and the fulfillment of our 'manifest destiny.' Of course the Constitution would be against it, but the Constitution is not a 'fetich to be worn round our necks.' Certainly it would be a violation of the Declaration of' Independence, but Senator Platt, of Connecticut, has solemnly told us that the declaration that 'governments derive their just powers from the consent of the governed,' means, from the consent of some of the governed. And General Merritt says, 'we have outgrown the Constitution.' It is certain, at least, that we have not outgrown the legal way to amend the Constitution. 'Eternal vigilance is the price of liberty,' and never more need for it than now. But I am again NEW MARKETS. reminded by the chair that we are getting away from the question." Captain Bevans —" Well, if we are to have no discriminative duty in our favor, we cannot sell breadstuffs in competition with India or Siberia, but beyond doubt the natives would buy our lumber for the purpose of building better houses. Nipa huts are not seemly looking structures in which to find pianos, but I understand that our people do find them in such huts all over the island." "You are wrong there, captain," remarked the secretary. "A San Francisco lumber firm asked me to look up the subject for them and see if some soft woods could not be sold in the Philippines. Old residents say the ants eat the hardwoods frequently and that they would go three hundred miles to get a chance at a soft wood house. Besides, in that land of earthquakes and typhoons, houses made of nipa grass are more durable; and the inhabitants are not in danger from falling joists and flying beams, as they would be in a house made of timbers and boards should an earthquake or typhoon catch them. You cannot even sell window glass to the Euro. NEW MARKETS. 33 peans, because it would be jarred out by the earthquakes. The oyster shells are more durable and are quite pretty, polished as only Filipinos know how to polish them, and will always take the place of window glass in the Philippines. " Chairman-" I guess we can't furnish lumber for the Philippines. But there are millions of dollars worth of hardwood which we might get if the islands were subjugated." Private Smith-"Hardwood in the Philippines would create no market for any American product. If the chairman means that some American syndicate might make money by shipping hardwood, he is probably correct, though it has been on the market for years, just as Philippine twine and rope, and Philippine sugar and tobacco have been seeking purchasers. " "Quite true," said Colonel Handy, "and if we want any Philippine product sold in the United States all we have to do is to remove the tariff on such imports. Take the duty from tobacco and you will drive every American cigar manufacturer out of the business and deprive every cigarmaker 3 4 44 4K mKK44442WK> 4. 4444 4&4444K4 9 4K 9 1 7 40 NEW MARKETS. 'rich field for exploitation by a gigantic trust.' As Belford adds, the 'richness in fertility and production is notfor the masses of our people."' Captain Bevans —" I must protest against the imputation of such motives to the administration. It is treasonable." Private Smith-" You mistake, captain, the servants of the government are not the government proper. Ours is a republic-a 'government of the people, by the people and for the people.' The President is the people's hired man. He is paid a salary of $5o,ooo a year to obey the Constitution and.execute the laws. When criticism of a president becomes treason, you then concede that he derives his powers from God and is the agent of divinity, instead of the agent of the people. You overthrow the Declaration of Independence. 'Governments derive their just powers from the consent of the governed.' You also sustain the contention of the Kaiser, the Czar, and the Sultan. Even in China, the 'divine-right' theory received a severe shock when the emperor learned that if he was 'the son of heaven,' he was NEW MARKETS. 41 more recently the nephew of the Dowager Empress, who lifted him from the throne as unceremoniously as she had previously placed him there." Chairman —" I guess it will be some time before the public acts of an official become too sacred for criticism by the people who elect him and pay him to Act as their agent. ' The. state- -I am the state ' was very well for Louis XIV, but will not do for William McKinley." Private Smith-" To show how absurd it is to expect to sell supplies of cloth or food produced in the United States to the Filipinos, I again call your attention to the following from Assistant Adjutant-General Belford in the same number of the Review of Reviews: 'The most northerly point of the Philippines is south of Santiago de Cuba, and American goods, to be salable, must be suitable for use in a peculiarly tropical clime. They must also be thrown upon the market at from 50 per cent. to Ioo per cent. less than they bring in the United States. The clothes of men and women alike usually consist of plain garments of cotton and duck and are of Indian and Chinese manufacture. It is at 42 NEW MARKETS. least doubtful whether we could successfully compete in the sale of such goods. The food of the natives consists of rice and fruit, grown at their doors, and fish, in which the waters of the islands abound. We have nothing to offer them in the way of foodstuffs. We cannot export sugar and rice to the Philippines, and must undersell the cotton goods of Iidia and China to get into the market.' "No one can doubt that Assistant AdjutantGeneral Belford has had. ample opportunity to judge the situation correctly." Colonel Handy-"A stronger illustration of the fact that the Philippines afford no market for American products is found in the fact that our army and navy there are fed on beef and pork from Australia, butter from Australia and Holland, and potatoes and beans from Australia and Japan. The clothes worn by officers and men are purchased in Hong Kong-all except the shoes, and they could be brought there cheaper than they can be made in the United States." Captain Bevans —" That is true as to army supplies, though it never struck me that way before. I think it a shame that the supplies NEW MARKETS. 43 are not bought at home, even if they do cost more. It would keep the money at home." Private Smith-" Yes; but it would be a great drain on the treasury, and that is what counts just now." Colonel Handy-" To emphasize the absurdity of the Philippines ever becoming a market for American products, we have but to consider the fleet of seventeen big transports now in the government service on the Pacific. For six of them the government paid about $I,ooo,ooo apiece in purchase and repairs, while it pays from $750 to $1,000 a day for those hired, except one. It also pays for all the coal used, and that is a pretty item." Chairman-" It is a little diversion, but what does the coal for a transport cost?" The skipper who had come up, said: "I can answer that. Except this boat, which is the smallest in the service, the coal bill of the transports is pretty high. It costs about $I,300 a day to keep the Hancock sailing, while the Warren, Senator, Grant, Sherman, Sheridan, and the other big boats, cost from $900 to $I,0oo a day. The expense of the :m-sm, ia NEW MARKETS. 45 transports, from all sources, will average about $35,000 a day for the seventeen. The money for the coal goes to England, of course, for only Cardiff coal is suitable for this use. We shall coal at Nagasaki, taking on Cardiff coal, just as we did before leaving San Francisco and Honolulu. We have no coal on the Pacific coast that can be used for these long voyages." i" What I was about to observe," said Colonel Handy, "was that with such a fleet of transports to carry our army supplies, free of cost to the producer in the United States, we purchase nearly all the food and clothing abroad, because we can get them laid down in Manila cheaper than they can be put on board a transport at San Francisco." Chairman-" So Great Britain's colonies furnish the clothes for our army and navy and most of the food they eat, and Wales supplies our transports and battleships with coal while we are carrying on war in the Philippines! It strikes me that Great Britain has cause for congratulation that we have taken up the white man's burden! n' Private Smith-" The humiliation of it is, 46 NEW MARKETS. that the administration at Washington does not seem to realize that it is making a spectacle of itself. All the rest of the world knows that when the Filipinos are reduced to submission, we will do the policing while England and her colonies get the trade! " Chairman-" Captain Bevans, what have you to say for our trade in the Philippines? It strikes me we are being left like a rat terrier watching a knot-hole in a plank fence." Captain Bevans-" Like many other people, I spoke without having investigated. It is rather catchy to say 'Trade follows the flag.' I supposed it would hold good in the Philippines, but I guess that is the exception which proves the rule." Chairman —"Well, we have learned that from a business standpoint, imperialism does not appear to be a glittering success. But Captain Bevans has said from the start there are stronger reasons for annexation and we will have another discussion to-morrow morning." XI; = =.... CHAPTER III. QUESTION: "ARE THE FILIPINOS INCAPABLE OF GOVERNING THEMSELVES?" HAIRMAN —" Last evening the committee informed Captain Bevans and Mr. Smith that they would be expected to discuss the capability of the Filipinos for self-government, and it was regarded as only fair that Captain Bevans should be called upon to affirm their lack of capability, as our government now assumes it. For the sake of the administration I helped to elect, I hope he will be more successful than yesterday when called upon to show how American business interests would be conserved by annexation. The extreme anxiety of the administration to have it appear that the Filipinos are wholly unfit for self-government seems a little queer, in view of its proposal to make them, or at least their children, American citizens. That point is, however, waived for the purposes of this discussion." Captain Bevans-" For many reasons, the 48 FILIPINOS GOVERNING THEMSELVES. 49 people of the Philippines are not fitted for self-government. The various tribes of the islands would soon be at war with each other; they are not generally educated; they have had no opportunity to know how government should be conducted; and, while highly imitative, they have little executive ability. The virtues they possess have been acquired from Spain, and if left to themselves, they would soon drift back to savagery. The United States drove the Spaniards out and the islands fell to us by the fortunes of war. Whether we want them or not, we have become morally responsible to the world for their government. 1' Chairman --- Wait, captain. We will discuss the rights and duties of the United States toward the Philippines when the right time comes. Just now we are discussing the Filipino." Private Smith-" Like all expansionists, Captain Bevans deals wholly in generalities." Captain Bevans-" Isn't it a fact that the Filipinos are incapable of self-government?" Private Smith-'- That is for you to prove." Captain Bevans-"Have I not shown that 4; 50 FILIPINOS GOVERNING THEMSELVES. the Filipinos would soon fight among themselves?" Private Smith- You have asserted it. Before taking away human liberty it is necessary to do more than assert. The world bows only to proof when a man is charged with murder, or even with insanity. Guardians for adults are permitted only in extreme cases. " Captain Bevans-" You will admit that they are not generally educated, and education is necessary to government." Private Smith-" I admit that they are not educated in English, but are prepared to prove that they are eduated in Tegallo and Spanish. I see you will go no further than to assert and that I shall be compelled to prove your assertions untrue. Truly a queer position for a negative debator to be compelled to take. " Captain Bevans:-"I should like to see you prove that the Filipinos will not fight among themselves, unless a strong hand is kept over them. " Private Smith-" If I mistake not we we who are willing to run the universe-have FILIPINOS GOVERNING THEMSELVES. 51 done a little fighting among ourselves; Eh! captain? During the past ten years we have had riots that would be wars in the Philippines, and twice in five years portions of our country have been under martial law. Do you think we are capable of self-government?" Colonel Handy-" We have had two presidents assassinated within thirty-four years, another evidence of incapacity for self-government." Private Smith-" We will not harry the captain any more. He means well enough, but, instead of considering the facts, he has accepted, without question, statements made by Spaniards or irresponsible persons who were either ignorant or careless as to the truth. "General F. V. Greene, regarding whorr General Merritt expressed the highest opinion as to judgment, veracity, and opportunity to ascertain the truth as to the Philippines, says the Christians in the Philippines number about 6,ooo,ooo, while the remainder of the population consists of Chinese, 75,000; Mohammedans, 309,000; heathen, 830,000. The heathen number about 50,000 on the island OR FILIPINOS GOVERNING THEMSELVES. 53 of Luzon, and are the ancient Negritos, a few of whom had come down out of the mountains, where they live by fishing and hunting, and were used by Aguinaldo to assist in building trenches. Some of them were captured and photographed, and the photographs were reproduced in newspapers and magazines in the United States as fair samples of the Filipinos who had established a republic, and were fighting the United States. You know they would be about as representative of the Filipinos as a band of clouted Indians would be representative of the population of California. The other heathen are found on the small islands, which were regarded by the Spaniards as too insignificant and scattered to be even worth the attempt of conquest. According to General Greene, fully 5,000,000 of the 6ooo,ooo Christians are Tagalos and Visayas, and we know now that the entire Christian population is in sympathy with the Aguinaldo government." Chairman-" I tho u g h t Aguinaldo's strength was limited to his army of 30,000 or 40,000 men." 54 FILIPINOS GOVERNING THEMSELVES. Colonel Handy-" Aguinaldo's army has always been just as large as could be made effective by his limited supply of firearms. He has kept it down to the armed force in order to keep as many men on the farms, producing rice, catching fish, and gathering fruits to sustain the population and feed the army." Private Smith-" It is also true that the United States has found every employe, and every mayor we have installed in captured towns, Aguinaldo sympathizers. The Associated Press sent out the following dispatch: ' Recent events have proved somewhat discouraging to officials who are trying to accompany war with a policy of conciliation. Two municipal governments have collapsed through the treachery of the mayors. To-day the mayor of San Pedro Macati, who was elected by the people, under the direction of Professor Worcester, of the United States advisory committee for the Philippines, was brought to Manila and lodged in jail. The United States officers at San Pedro Macati found that he was using his office as a recruiting station for the Filipino army. Disguised insurgent officers were helping him. The mayor of Balinag was also arrested and FILIPINOS GOVERNING THEMSELVES. -i5 confined in the same prison. The Americans found him passing between the lines of the two armies with incriminating documents, which the authorities secured. Another prominent native mayor is under surveillance. When the result of the election at Imus, which General Lawton and Professor Worcester engineered, was announced, the Americans inquired as to the whereabouts of the people's choice, and were informed that he was in prison at Bilibid, where the authorities had placed him on suspicion of being a revolu; tionist.' " So you see the sentiment against American ' canned liberty,' as Tom Reed calls it, is about unanimous, and even if we accept Senator Platt's new declaration of independence, 'all just powers of government are derived from the consent of some of the governed,' we must find our saving 'some,' among the polygamous and slave-holding Mohammedans of the little Sulu group, who were bought by General Bates to fight the Tagalo and Visaya Christians, as the British hired the heathen Indians to fight the colonists." Captain Bevans —" The treachery of those 56 FILIPINOS GOVERNING THEMSELVES. Filipino mayors shows that they are incapable of self-government. Every one of them should be shot." Private Smith-" So the colonel of the Twelfth infantry, at Angeles holds. And when Filipino families come seeking the protection of the American lines he has the men shot and sends the women and children back to the 'insurgents.' Of course, he could take them prisoners, but the old Spanish way seems the best manner of 'civilizing' the Filipinos whom we are to rule for their own benefit. I presume he has them shot under the stars and stripes, which the president declares means 'liberty and the well-being of the people over whom it will float.' " Chairman-" As to those mayors, they are guilty of the same kind of treachery as Champ, who was sent into the British lines by Washington to capture Arnold. If Champ was guilty of treachery, Washington, who sent him, was more guilty. I hardly think we should grow red in the face over the mayors. But we are getting away from the subject." Private Smith-" Since it is shown that 4 J 58 FILIPINOS GOVERNING THEMSELVES. practically all the Filipinos except the Sulu slave-holders whom we bought, guaranteeing them by solemn treaty in the continuance of the slave trade under the American flag —" Colonel Handy - "President Schurman says it is really a benevolent form of slavery. But I notice that the treaty provides that if a slave buys his freedom it shall be at the ruling market price." Private Smith-" As I was remarking, since all the Christian Filipinos, constituting as they do six-sevenths of the entire population, support the Aguinaldo government, I think it fair to assume they would not engage in internecine war if they had an independent government." Colonel Handy-" Particularly since General Greene reported them as being 'industrious and docile.' Consul-General Williams, in a letter to Secretary of State Day, under date of June I6, 1898, says: ' While the Spaniards cruelly and barbarously slaughter Filipinos taken in arms, and often noncombatants, women, and children, the insurgent victors spare life, protect the helpless, and nurse, feed, and care for the Spaniards taken FILIPINOS GOVERNING THEMSELVES. 59 prisoners and for Spanish wounded, as kindly as they care for the wounded fallen from their own ranks.' (Page 329, Senate Doc. 62.) We all know the statement of Mr. Williams to be true. Also it is true that, so far as has been learned, all American prisoners have been well treated by the Filipinos. They are a humane, kindly people by nature, and, so far as disposition goes, are as much entitled to self-government as any people on earth. " Private Smith-" The simple assertion that they would butcher each other, if given independence, can hardly stand in the face of so much testimony to the contrary." Chairman —" I think all will agree to that proposition. Meantime authorities can be looked up so that we may know how well the Filipino is educated. " During the discussion to-day it has been established by good authorities that about six-sevenths of the Filipinos are Christians, that the Christians are supporters of the strugglefor independence,- that Aguinaldo seems to have the support and sympathy of them all; that the Filipinos are not a cruel 60 FILIPINOS GOVERNING THEMSELVES. people; that they treated captured and wounded Spaniards with great humanity, when revenge would have been expected; that the Mohammedans of the Sulu islands, who are slave-holders and polygamists, have been brought under our flag, with a guarantee that their slave-holding and polygamy shall have the sacred protection of the stars and stripes; that those Mohammedan pirates have been hired to fight the Christian Tagalos and Visayas. I hope we shall soon be able to have some facts more to the credit of our land which has been glorious because its flag represented freedom and justice." CHAPTER IV. A DISCUSSION OF EDUCATION IN THE PHILIPPINES. THE Century had taken on its load of Cardiff coal, bought through an American agent at Nagasaki that the deception might be maintained that it was bought from an American, and we had sailed a day and a night toward the inland sea. As morning dawned we were entering the narrow strait of Shimonoseki, and when breakfast was over we were dodging here and there, threading our way among the green islands which dot the beautiful body of water lying between the islands of Nipon and Kinshu. But the chairman had become interested in the Filipino question and he called the passengers together on the deck for another discussion. Captain Bevans came up with a care-worn look and took his seat in silence. Private Smith-" As my profession at home is teaching 'the young idea how to 61 , X RUM I SEll;X 4 i; Ti i R; i i i ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ Z l X en ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~I i nIn EDUCATION IN THE PHILIPPINES. 63 shoot,' I have naturally tried to inform myself as to education in the Philippines. I was fortunate in becoming acquainted with Chaplain McKinnon, into whose charge General Otis gave the educational affairs of the territory occupied by our army. The chaplain is an unusually well educated man, and he made it a point to learn everything possible as to the schools and the percentage of illiteracy among the natives. To Agoncillo I am indebted for these facts: There are about 2,200 schools for children in the Philippines, there being two schools in each town of 5,000 inhabitants. Towns of 0,000 have three schools. In addition to these public schools there are many private schools for primary instruction. Primary teaching is widely extended and nearly all the Christian population can read and write. The primary schools teach reading, writing, arithmetic, geography, composition and histories of the saints. There are training schools of a polytechnic order in Manila, Iloilo and Bacolor. They will compare favorably with such schools anywhere. There are a number of colleges and universities, the annual attendance of which is esti 64 EDUCATION IN THE PHILIPPINES. mated by Agoncillo, a competent authority, at 20,000. The same authority estimates that about 800 girls study the higher branches in the convent schools of Manila each year. "General Charles King, who is an educator, a writer and a fighter, wrote to the New York Journal, June 3, I899: 'They (Filipinos) are infinitely superior in point of education to the negroes of our Southern States. Nine-tenths of them can read and write and have some knowledge of geography and history.' It may be added that nearly every soldier of Aguinaldo's army could read both Tegalo and Spanish and that there are about 4,5oo different books published in Tegalo, including text-books on law, medicine, astronomy, surveying and navigation, mental and moral science, and one Filipino, a dramatist, was shot by the Spaniards in San Isidro because he was the 'insolent' translator of Renan's 'Life of Christ,' from the French into Tegalo, and had it published for general circulation.' There was a look of amusement on the face of the chairman when he asked Captain EDUCATION IN THE PHILIPPINES. Bevans what he had to say about Filipino education. Captain Bevans —"All the education they have is an impractical sort gained in the Jesuit schools. To be able to govern themselves a people should have the broad, liberal education of the Anglo-Saxon." Private Smith —" When you find an education broad enough to turn out lawyers, physicians, dentists, machinists, navigators, meteorologists, metallurgists, and civil engineers, first-class in their lines, I think it is a rather practical sort of education. Not a great many of them are so well educated; but, when I come to think about it, I believe that there are several people in the United States who have not completed university courses., Colonel Handy —" Captain Bevans knows the facts too well to tell us that old yarn about the Filipinos having conspired to massacre all Europeans, though both Secretary Long and Senator C. K. Davis have alleged it in public speeches. For the chairman's information I will quote what Lieutenant C. G. Calkins of the United States navy, says, after 5 66f EDUCATION IN THE PHILIPPINES. having made a thorough investigation: In 1896 a proclamation attributed to the chiefs of the Katipunan was issued, of which the essential clause was as follows: ' When the signal H. 2. Sip. is given each brother will perform the duty imposed by this grand lodge, murdering all Spaniards,women and children, without consideration for kindred, friendship or gratitude.' Nothing of the kind was ever attempted. 'The rumor,' says Lieutenant Calkins, 'was revived on December 15, I898, substituting Americans for Spaniards.' You will find Lieutenant Calkins' article in Harper's Magazine for August, I899. As it makes the speech of Secretary of the Navy Long look worse than ridiculous, he certainly would not have written it without feeling fully warranted by the facts. It was simply an idle rumor, the vaporings of a fanatic or a Spanish lie put into circulation to cause trouble between the Americans and Filipinos." Private Smith-" There is one well-authenticated case where friars were issuing the incendiary circulars of which they accused the Filipinos,and those famous orders for the rI Ri 68 EDUCATION IN THE PHILIPPINES. massacre of Spaniards and Americans doubtless originated from the same source." Chairman-" Dewey was level-headed and saw much of the Filipinos, what did he say of them?" Private Smith-" In his statement read before the Paris commission, Admiral Dewey says: 'In a telegram to the department on June 23, I expressed the opinion that " these people are far superior in their intelligence and are more capable of self-government than the natives of Cuba, and I am familiar with both races.' Further intercourse has confirmed me in this opinion.'" Chairman-" President Schurman, of the Peace commission, also gives some testimony as to the Filipinos. He says: 'It will be a surprise to many Americans to know that the educated Filipino is the equal of any other civilized people in the world, Americans must deal gently with the Filipino."' Private Smith-" The statements of Betford, Greene, King, Dewey, Williams, Worcester, Foreman, Schurman, and others who have studied the Philippines and the Filipino people should be conclusive; but the aver EDUCATION IN THE PHILIPPINES. 69 age expansionist, though he has never been within Io,ooo miles of the Philippines, has never seen a Filipino, nor even read a book on the islands, will be ready to swear that all of these men are wrong and that the Filipino is an uneducated savage into whom we must shoot liberty and civilization; and that we must burn their houses to convince them how much we dote on their welfare." Colonel Handy-" Lincoln was one of the few really great and good men. Perhaps his greatest utterance was this: 'No man is good enough to govern another man without that other's consent. When the white man governs himself, that is self-government; but when he governs himself and also governs another man, that is more than self-government-that is despotism.' Talk about 'Americanism!' Wherever you find Abraham Lincoln you are up against the real thing. "John Hay, who, as his private secretary, sat at the feet of Lincoln, exactly expressed the Filipino case in the preface to his 'Castilian Days' in these words: 'There are those who think the Spaniards are not fit for freedom. I believe that no people are fit for 70 EDUCATION IN THE PHILIPPINES. anything else.' That was written \,efore Mr. Hay became a member of Mr. McKinley's cabinet and a convert to the latter's doctrine of ' benevolent assimilation."' Captain Bevans —" Do you mean that the Philippine archipelago should be turned over to a dictatorship with a corrupt man, like Aguinaldo, at its head? ' Private Smith-" Is Aguinaldo a corrupt man? Has he done anything to justify such an accusation?" Captain Bevans-"Certainly. He betrayed his people to Spain for $400,000, and the:l failed to 'stay bought.' Everybody knows that is true. If he would sell out one time, he would sell again. The only reason Mr. McKinley has not bought him, as he bought the Sultan of Sulu, is his fear that he is not honest enough to stay bought." Chairman-" There seems to be much difference of opinion as to the character of Aguinaldo. Suppose we discuss him tomorrow." The suggestion of the president was agreed to, and the 'meeting' adjourned for the day. CHAPTER V. QUESTION: HAS AGUINALDO SHOWN HIMSELF TO BE CORRUPT AND CRUEL? HEN the passengers had gathered on W the deck and the chairman had called the "meeting" to order, Captain Bevans said, "I asserted yesterday that Aguinaldo is corrupt, and that he sold out his co-revolutionists in 1897, receiving $400,ooo in Mexican silver for abandoning the war and for leaving the Philippines. The money was paid him. -When he received it, he passed beyond the pale of patriotism or even common honesty. IHe was a traitor to his followers whom he had used for his own financial advancement. To add to his despicable record, he broke faith with the Spaniards and incited another insurrection, even before war was declared by the United States against Spain. There should be honor among thieves, but he appears to be a thief without the honor of his class." The captain twitched his mustache savagely and sat down.. 71 _I~~~~~~~~N, I " ",............ V4~ ~ ~;ljj;I| IS AGUINALDO CORRUPT AND CRUEL? 73 Private Smith-" If the captain's statements were true Aguinaldo would be a bad manabout as bad as a large number of American politicians who hold office, and plunder, steal, and sell out whenever an opportunity offers. But it happens that Aguinaldo is not quite so corrupt as some of our fellow citizens who might be sent to run things in the Philippines, should we succeed in conquering the islands." Captain Bevans-'"You do not mean to assert that Aguinaldo did not sell out to Spain?" Private Smith-" I will assert nothing; I shall prove what I say, and leave assertions to the expansionists who have no proofs to support them." Private Smith took up Senate Document 62, and the captain began to look nervous, that official publication having floored him so often. Private Smith-" E. Spencer Pratt, United States Consul-General at Singapore, one of the most important consular positions in the Orient, wrote a letter to Secretary of State Day, under date of May 5, I898, inclosing 74 IS AGUINALDO CORRUPT AND CRUEL? a clipping from the Singapore Free Press and stating that the facts in the clipping were correct. That article says: 'Primo de Rivera (the Spanish captain-general) sent two well-known Philippine natives, occupying high positions in Manila, to propose terms of peace to General Aguinaldo in Biacna-Bato. A council of the revolutionary government was held in which it was agreed to lay down their arms on condition that certain reforms should be introduced. The principal of these were: 'l. The expulsion, or at least secularization, of the religious orders, and the inhibition of these orders from all official vetoes in civil administration. '2. A general amnesty for all rebels, and guarantees for their personal security and from the vengeance of the friars and parish priests after returning to their homes. '3. Radical reforms to curtail the glaring abuses in public administration. '4. Freedom of the press to denounce official corruption and blackmailing. '5. Representation in the Spanish parliament. '6. Abolition of the iniquitous system of secret deportation of political suspects, etc. 'Primo de Rivera agreed to these reforms IS AGUINALDO CORRUPT AND CRUEL? 75 in sum and substance, but made it a condition that the principal rebel leaders should leave the country during His Majesty's pleasure.' "Here comes the interesting part, aside from the great reforms promised by which Aguinaldo was induced to lay down his arms: 'As these (insurgent leaders) had lost all their property or had it confiscated and plundered, the government agreed to provide them with funds to live in a becoming manner on foreign soil.' " The war could not be closed and the reforms desired granted unless Aguinaldo and his chiefs agreed to leave the island. They had lost their property and the government agreed to see that they were not left stranded on foreign soil where they would have no chance to secure early employment. "As is shown by Lieutenant Calkins of the navy, in an article in Harper's Magazine for August, I899, the sum of $400,000 in silver, worth about forty-seven cents to the dollar in gold, was paid to Aguinaldo and thirty-six others who were banished with him. It amounted to about $5,ooo apiece, I I ": IS AGUINALDO CORRUPT AND CRUEL? 77 not a large amount for men who were thrown out to make their way in a strange country. Calkins says it is shown by the records of the English courts at Hong Kong that Aguinaldo's share was one thirty-seventh of the $400,000, Mexican silver. "Again I cite what General Greene said in a communication to the Paris commission, (Senate Doc. 62, p. 42I): 'A portion of the money, $400,000, was deposited in banks at Hong Kong, and a lawsuit soon arose between Aguinaldo and one of his subordinate chiefs named Artacho, which is interesting on account of the very honorable position taken by Aguinaldo. * * * * Aguinaldo claimed that the money was a trust-fund, and was to remain on deposit until it was seen whether the Spaniards would carry out their promised reforms, and if they failed to do so, it was to be used to defray the expenses of a new insurrection. The suit was settled out of court by paying Artacho $5,000.' "Murat' Halstead, who went to Manila, with General Merritt, as the official historian of the expedition, in his book, 'The Story of the Philippines and Our New Possessions,' says: 78 IS AGUINALDO CORRUPT AND CRUEL? 'He (Aguinaldo) accepted the money as a war fund, and has held and defended it for the purchase of arms, and resumed hostilities when all promises of reform were broken.' "To complete the record of the alleged bribe I quote from Consul Williams' letter to Secretary of State Day (Senate Doc. 62, p. 328): 'To-day I executed a power of attorney, whereby Aguinaldo releases to his attorney in fact $400,000, now in bank at Hong Kong, so that the money therefrom can pay for 3,000 stand of arms bought there and expected here to-morrow.' "It is also stated in the consular correspondence that Aguinaldo refused any financial aid from the United States for the assistance he gave against Spain, and far more important is the fact that he refused to be bribed by American officials to betray his own people. He was offered more than $5,000 a year by the Schurman commission if he would come over to the Americans, and was offered the support of the American arms, if needed, to enforce his authority as governor, or head chief, of the Tegalos, so long as he kept the tribe pacified and under IS AGUINALDO CORRUPT AND CRUEL? 79 American rule. He rejected the offered bribe, and said nothing but independence would satisfy the Filipinos." (See "Special" from Ithaca, N. Y., home of President Schurman, in Chicago Tribune, September I5, 1899.) "The remainder of the firearms used by Aguinaldo were furnished him by Admiral Dewey, who treated him as he would have treated an ally only. "Much as annexationists would like to regard Aguinaldo as corrupt, our own published official documents prove him the reverse." Colonel Handy-" The charges of cruelty are also easily shown to be false. Of him Lieutenant Calkins says in Harper's Magazine of August, I899: 'He restrained cruelty and repressed lawlessness with a strong hand. His popularity was largely due to the fact that he was simple in his manner and always accessible.' Calkins says further in the same article: ' The president, Bonifacio, is said to have been put to death as a rival by Aguinaldo, but authentic testimony shows that, having been wounded in a skirmish, he was 80 IS AGUINALDO CORRUPT AND CRUEL? carried many miles in a hammock until the pursuit became pressing and dangerous. Aguinaldo was urged to hurry, but refused to abandon his comrade, although capture would involve the slaughter of the whole party. An impatient and unscrupulous lieutenant relieved the strain by shooting Bonifacio.' Lieutenant Calkins might have added what is well known in Manila, that Aguinaldo at once ordered the lieutenant shot for insubordination and for murder. "It has also been charged in the United States that Aguinaldo had General Luna assassinated. The following cable dispatch to the New York Sun, dated, 'Manila, June I3,' tells the story as has since been authenticated from numerous sources: ' Last Tuesday General Luna and his adjutant, Colonel Ramon, visited Aguinaldo's headquarters at Cabanatuan, their purpose being to secure Aguinaldo's authority to imprison 'all Filipinos suspected of being friendly to the United States. General Luna asked the captain of the guard * * * if Aguinaldo was at home, to which question the captain replied insolently, "I don't know." Luna berated him vigorously, a IS AGUINALDO CORRUPT AND CRUEL? 81 whereupon the captain put his hand upon his revolver. Luna instantly drew his weapon and fired at the captain who was only an instant behind the general in drawing his weapon. The captain returned the fire. Both missed, and Colonel Ramon interfered, drawing his sword, whereupon a sergeant of the guard stabbed him with a bayonet. The entire guard then pounced upon Luna and Ramon with bayonets and bolos, killing them both.' Private Smith —" Aguinaldo shows his humane character in his letter to Consul Williams under date of August x, 1898: 'Say to the government at Washington that the Filipino people abominate savagery; that 'in the midst of their past misfortunes they have learned to love liberty, order, justice, and civil life.' The fact is, we only show the rottenness of the administration's position when we attempt to blacken the character of Aguinaldo." Colonel Handy-"Consul Wildman says: 'Aguinaldo has made life and property safe, preserved order and encouraged a continuation of agricultural and industrial pursuits. He has made brigandage and loot impossible, respected private property, forbidden excess, either in revenge or in the 6 X# I-, -, E L EE iiEE XE XI ili a in-l IS AGUINALDO CORRUPT AND CRUEL? 83 name of the State, and made a woman's honor safer in Luzon than it has been in three hundred years.' "Still, the administration says a solemn duty has been imposed upon it to shoot Filipinos until they accept American civilization. Since the occupancy of Manila, that boasted civilization has opened more than three hundred saloons for the purpose of carrying on ' benevolent assimilation '" Chairman —" So we have been lying about Aguinaldo to bolster up our cause and Senator Davis, chairman of the Senate committee on foreign relations, who was a member of the Paris Commission, could find no better justification for the administration's policy than to repeat the lie in his St. Paul speech. Instead of Aguinaldo being open to the charge of bribery one of the best known American generals,an American naval officer, and three American consuls of high rank all testify to the 'very honorable' position taken by the Filipino chief. Instead of his being open to the charge of cruelty, the same high authorities show that he was most humane in his treatment of Spanish prisoners and 84 IS AGUINALDO CORRUPT AND CRUEL? wounded; that he risked not only his own life, but the lives of his men, while attempting to save a wounded comrade from falling into the hands of the pursuing Spaniards. It has been claimed that his humane treatment of American prisoners was for policy's sake; but if that was true, why did he treat the Spaniards so humanely when he could expect nothing but torture and death from them? Heretofore in our country the stars and stripes have been emblematic of liberty and justice, an argument for freedom and selfgovernment and a menace to the old-world policy, that 'might makes right.' Russia's flag is emblematic of power only. We have loved and cherished the flag because it was 'the flag of the free.' Somehow I don't feel good when I see it on its present mission in the Philippines. It is a good deal as I should imagine it would be to see one's sister go into a bawdy house. Her mission might be one of mercy, therefore right. The administration says the flag is on a mission of mercy, and I hope it is true. But a good, sound, honest, clear explanation will be necessary before the respectable people of IS AGUINALDO CORRUPT AND CRUEL? 85 the world will know that the 'Star Spangled Banner' has not got into very lewd company. If it has, the damage to ourselves is infinitely greater than to the Filipinos, and the administration will have to give a fearful accounting to the government, the sovereign people." Colonel Handy-" Yes; it is well to place the responsibility where it belongs-on the administration. Until the people have spoken at the polls, the government is not blamable. In a speech in Congress, January 12, I848, Lincoln rebuked the imperialists of that day, saying: 'To you the President and country seem to be all one. You are interested to see no distinction between them. We see the distinction clearly enough.' The President can commit treason against the government, but no one can commit treason against the President, for the President is not the country, but the country's paid servant subject to the criticism of every sovereign citizen.'* *It was charged by the imperialists in the United States that American prisoners had been beaten, starved and otherwise cruelly treated by the Filipinos. On September 30th, fourteen American prisoners were surrendered by the Filipinos to the American authorities at Angeles. The report sent out by the Associated Press, and by special correspondents, say that the American prisoners had been treated with the greatest consideration. The report as published in the Chicago Tribune of October 1, 1899, says: 86 IS AGUINALDO CORRUPT AND CRUEL? "There soon appeared a party of fourteen Americans, marching between files of insurgent sl)Idiers. They looked the picture of health and were dressed in new Filipino uniforms of blue ginghams and were carrying monkeys and other presents from their Filipino friends. "The prisoners unanimously praised their treatment. One man said: "We have been given the best the country afforded; fine houses for quarters, servants, good food, plenty of wine, and a money allowance. Aguinaldo visited us and shook hands. Three of the boys refused to shake hands with him. "Judging from the stories of the prisoners they have been lionized by the people. They report that five sailors, survivors of Naval Cadet Wood's party, arrived at Tarlac Wednesday. Though small importance is attached to their judgment, they agree that the Filipinos all say they are 'tired of war, but will fight for independence to the last.' " The Filipinos treated their Spanish prisoners in other wars with kindness equally as remarkable as that shown to the Americans. CHAPTER VI. QUESTION: HAD THE FILIPINOS A RIGHT TO REGARD THE AMERICANS AS ALLIES? THE ship had passed from the inland sea into the Pacific Ocean and was plowing the waves toward San Francisco. The chairman called the meeting to order on the "aft deck," and said the subject for discussion was: "Had the Filipinos a right to regard the Americans as their allies?" and that Private Smith would open the discussion for the affirmative. Private Smith-" When persons or nations act in concert for the accomplishment of a certain purpose they are allies-'bound together' by a common interest. "The Filipinos had a provisional government, formed soon after the beginning of the insurrection of I896, which has been continued to the present time. In a letter under date of November 3, 1897, five months before war was declared against Spain, Consul Wildman wrote to Secretary of State Day 87 88 THE FILIPINOS' RIGHTS. that he had been called upon by Agoncillo, foreign agent and high commissioner of the new 'republic of the Philippines;' that Agoncillo had a commission, 'signed by the president, members of the cabinet, and general in chief of the republic of the Philippines, empowering him absolutely with power to conclude treaties with foreign governments.' (Senate Doc. 62; page 333.) That was after the Spaniards had refused to carry out the reforms promised, when Aguinaldo and thirty-six of his chiefs went into exile, and the war had been renewed, as is shown by the letter of Consul Williams to Secretary Cridler, under date of February 22, 1898, in which he says: 'A republic is organized here, as in Cuba. Insurgents are being armed and drilled; are rapidly increasing in numbers and efficiency, and all agree that a general uprising will come as soon as the governor-general embarks for Spain, which is fixed for March.' Again Mr.*Williams says: 'All authorities now agree that unless the Crown largely reinforces its army here it will lose possession.' (Senate Doc. 62; page 320.) THE FILIPINOS' RIGHTS. 89 " We see, by our own official document, that the Filipinos had a republic and that the Spaniards would be driven from the islands unless strong reinforcements were speedily sent. That was only a few months before the beginning of our war with Spain, and Aguinaldo, although then in Singapore and Hong Kong, was directing the movements of an army fully 5,000 strong, near Manila. When war was begun between the United States and Spain, Mr. E. Spencer Pratt, the American consul-general at Singapore sent for Aguinaldo and asked to put him in communication with Dewey. Pratt telegraphed Dewey through the American consul at Hong Kong as follows: 'Aguinaldo insurgent leader here. Will come Hong Kong arrange with commodore for general co-operation of insurgents at Manila if desired. Telegraph.' Dewey telegraphed 'Tell Aguinaldo come soon as possible.' Pratt received the cablegram late at night and succeeded in getting Aguinaldo, his aidde-camp, and his private secretary off for Hong Kong by the British steamer, Malacca, on Tuesday, April 26, I898. 90 THE FILIPINOS' RIGHTS. "In closing his letter, giving the above details, Consul Pratt says: 'The general impressed me as a man of intelligence, ability, and courage and worthy of the confidence that had been placed in him.' (Senate Doc. 62, page 342.) "To continue the story connectedly, I will now turn to a letter from Consul Wildman at Hong Kong to Assistant Secretary of State Moore, and find that Aguinaldo arrived in Hong Kong May 2, I898, after Dewey had left. Wildman says: 'It was May i6 before I could obtain permission from Admiral Dewey to allow Aguinaldo to go by the -United States ship MccCulloch, and I put him aboard in the night so as to save any complications with the local Government. Immediately on the arrival of Aguinaldo at Cavite he issued a proclamation, which I had outlined for him before he left, forbidding pillage and making it a criminal offense to maltreat neutrals.' "Mr. Wildman adds: 'He, o course or- ganized a government, of which he was die tator, an absolutely necessary step if he hoped to maintain control over the natives, THE FILIPINOS' RIGHTS, 91 and from that date until the present time he has been uninterruptedly successful in the field and dignjfied and just at the head of his government.' "Again, Mr. Wildman says in the same letter: 'The insurgents are fighting for freedom from the Spanish rule, and rely upon the well-known sense of justice that controls all the actions of our government as to their future.' "T hen, as though having an inkling that trouble might arise through a misapprehension by the administration of the kind of people the Filipinos are, Wildman concludes as follows: 'I wish to put myself on record as stating that the insurgent government of the Philippine Islands cannot be dealt with as though the people were North American Indians, willing to be moved from one reservation to another at the whim of their masters.' (Senate Doc. 62; pp. 337-338.) "So it will be seen that Consul-General Pratt, at Dewey's request, sent Aguinaldo from Singapore to Hong Kong and that Consul Wildmah, at Dewey's request, put him on board the MlcCulloch and sent him 92 THE FILIPINOS' RIGHTS. to Cavite on the island of Luzon, where he issued a proclamation, outlined by Wildman, and at once began to co-operate with the American forces for the expulsion of the Spaniards. He had bought arms with part of the money in the banks of Hong Kong, part of the arms being furnished by Dewey. All of which looked as though our government regarded the Filipinos as allies. "But since the state department itself assumed that Consuls Pratt and Wildman had given Aguinaldo the right to believe that the United States government regarded him as an ally, is it to be wondered at if he did so understand their words and actions? "Under date of July 20, I898, Secretary of State Day wrote to Consul-General Pratt at Singapore: 'The address presented to you by the twenty-five or thirty Filipinos who gathered about the consulate discloses an understanding on their part that the object of Admiral Dewey was to support the cause of General Aguinaldo, and that the ultimate object of our action is to secure the independence of the Philippines "under the protection of the United States." Your address ,II> THE FILIPINOS' RIGHTS. does not repel this implication.' (Senate Doc. 62; p. 357.) "That Secretary Day had been correctly informed as to what was said to Pratt and what Pratt said, is attested by Pratt himself who sent marked copies of the Singapore Free Press and the Straits Times, and said that he had sent duplicate copies so that Mr. Day could have the reports published in the United States if it was thought desirable. (Senate Doc. 62; p. 350.) Mr. Day did not think it desirable, and the clippings and correspondence only saw the light by virtue of a Senate resolution callingfor them. "It is also worthy of note that the state department rebuked Consul Wildman for writing the following to Aguinaldo: 'Do not forget that the United States undertook this war for the sole purpose of relieving the Cubans from the cruelties under which they were suffering, and not for the love of conquest or the hope of gain.' He had assured Aguinaldo that the purpose of the United States was not to seize the Philippines by conquest and he further told Aguinaldo that he could always depend upon the 'justice and THE FILIPINOS' RIGHTS. 95 honor' of our government." (Senate Doc. 62; p. 340.) Colonel Handy-" It is quite' as well to call attention also to the fact that General Thos. M. Anderson, commanding the United States land forces on the island-of Luzon, treated Aguinaldo as an ally. Here is a letter which will admit of no other construction: 'HEADQUARTERS FIRST BRIGADE, UNITED STATES EXPEDITIONARY FORCES, Cavite A rsenal, Philippine Islands, July 4, i898. ' Senor DON EMILIO AGUINALDO, Commanding Philippine 'Forces, Cavile, Luzon. 'GENERAL: I have the honor to inform you that the United States of America, whose land forces I have the honor to command in this vicinity, being at war with the Kingdom of Spain, has entire sympathy and most friendly sentiments for the native people of the Philippine Islands. 'For these reasons I desire to have the most amicable relations with you, and to have you and your people co-operate with us in military operations against the Spanish forces. a 96 THE FILIPINOS' RIGHTS. 'In our operations it has become necessary for us to occupy the town of Cavite as a base of operations. In doing this, I do not wish to interfere with your residence here and the exercise by yourself and other native citizens of all functions and privileges not inconsistent with military rule. 'I would be pleased to be informed at once of any misconduct of soldiers under my command, as it is the intention of 'my Government to maintain order, and to treat all citizens with justice, courtesy, and kindness. 'I have therefore the honor to ask your excellency to instruct your officials not to interfere with my officers in the performance of their duties and not to assume that they can not visit Cavite without permission. 'Assuring you again of my most friendly sentiment and distinguished consideration, I am, with all respect, 'THOMAS M. ANDERSON, Brigadier General, U. S. Volunteers, Commanding.' (Senate Doc. 62; p. 390.) "The most conclusive evidence thatAguinaldo was treated as an ally is shown in General Anderson's requisition on the Filipino general for supplies for the American army: THE FILIPINOS' RIGHTS. 97 'HEADQUARTERS FIRST BRIGADE, UNITED STATES EXPEDITIONARY FORCES, Cavite Arsenal, Philippine Islands, July 23, i898. 'Senor Don EMILIO AGUINALDO, Connmanding Philippine Forces. 'GENERAL: When I came here three weeks ago I requested your excellency to give what assistance you could to procure means of transportation for the American army, as it was to fight in the cause of your people. So far we have received no response. ' As you represent your people, I now have the honor to make requisition on you for 6oo horses and 50 oxen and ox carts. 'If you cannot secure these, I will have to pass you and make requisition directly on the people. 'I beg leave to request an answer at your earliest convenience. 'I remain, with great respect, 'THOMAS M. ANDERSON, Brigadier-General, U. S. Volunteers, Commanding.' (Senate Doc. 62; page 394.) Private Smith-"Not only were Aguinaldo and the Filipinos fully justified in re7 98 TIlE FILIPINOS' RIGHTS. garding the Americans as their allies, but Commander R. B. Bradford, chief of the bureau of equipment of the United States navy, stated before the Paris Commission unqualifiedly that the Americans and the Filipinos were allies. Here is an excerpt from the proceedings: ' Mr. FRYE.-I would like to ask just one question in that line. Suppose the United States, in the progress of that war, found the leader of the present Philippine rebellion an exile from his country in Hongkong, and sent for him and brought him to the islands in an American ship, and then furnished him 4,000 or 5,000 stands of arms, and allowed him to purchase as many more stands- of arms in Hongkong and accepted his aid in conquering Luzon, what kind of a nation in the eyes of the world, would we appear to be to surrender Aguinaldo and his insurgents to Spain to be dealt with as they please? 'A. [Commander BRADFORD.]-We become responsible for everything he has done. He is our ally, and we are bound to protect him.' (Senate Doc. 62;page 488.) Chairman-" It strikes me that if he was our ally to protect he was also our ally to respect." THE FILIPINOS' RIGHTS. 99 Captain Bevans-" I have listened patiently to the web you have been trying to weave round the administration. You are all followers of Aguinaldo at heart. You would all be willing to see the flag disgraced in order to favor a set of semi-barbarians." Colonel Handy-" Steady, captain, I fought through the civil war for the flag, and have fought the Indians on the plains; I also fought the Spaniards at Santiago, and received this shot through my hip while fighting Filipinos. I love the flag better than any man who wants to see it carried in a wrong cause. To me the flag has been the emblem of liberty, justice, and right until now. As a soldier, I obey; but, as a man, I know that the flag was never less respected than now. 1 am glad it is never carried on a battlefield in the Philippines. I have fought under it too long when it represented freedom, not to shed tears when I see our army shooting men who have simply insisted that they be given the same kind of freedom for which our forefathers fought. I love the flag, but I hate the men who have soiled it in the cause of tyranny." I M|E X Whi K; i~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~444 THE FILIPINOS' RIGHTS. 101 Private Smith "The men who do the shouting about never hauling down 4he flag are careful not to expose their precious lives to:eep it from being hauled down. Both the regulars and the volunteers, officers and privates alike, with few exceptions, believe the war to be an unholy one. Here is a dispatch to the Chicago Tribune from Fredrick Palmer who says: 'Nine out of ten of the returning soldiers hasten to say that we have no business in the Philippines. They regret the steps which made them the subject of insults from the Filipinos and are as strongly opposed to expansion as the junta itself.' Palmer told the truth, only the wonder is, that the Chicago Tribune would publish it." Captain Bevans-" Young man, you may talk all you wish against the government under which you live, but it won't change the fact that the Filipinos will be subdued and the honor of the nation preserved." Private Smith-"Captain, you imperialists are in a queer position. The Filipinos are fighting for their freedom and you say the Americans are fighting for the freedom 102 THE FILIPINOS' RIGHTS. of the Filipinos, yet they are fighting the whole Filipino people. The anti-imperialists want the war stopped to save the Declaration of Independence and the honor of the flag; you say the country has outgrown the Declaration of Independence and that the honor of the flag must be maintained byvindicating the doctrine of George III. Worse than George III, who wanted to hold recognized colonists and subjects, you are engaged-in conquering a people who were your recognized allies." Chairman-" Come to order, gentlemen. The question is as to whether or not the Filipinos had a right to regard themselves as our allies; the rightness or wrongness of the American policy must be discussed later. It appears to me that the Filipinos had a right to regard the Americans as their allies, particularly so since Americans high in official life regarded the Filipinos as our allies. The fact that the state department disapproved of the assurance of Pratt and Wildman to Aguinaldo, butfailed to communicate such disapproval to Aguinaldo himself, or to his agents, does not place the administra THE FILIPINOS' RIGHTS. 103 tion in any better light. Aguinaldo was dealing with high agents of the government, and what is done by the agent is done by the principal. The fact that those agents denied to the state department that assurances of independence had been given to the Filipinos, is disproved by the construction placed upon the speech of Mr. Pratt and the letter of Mr. Wildman by the state department itself. And certainly General Anderson would not, could not, have made an official requisition upon the Filipino general for supplies for the American army unless he regarded the Filipinos as the allies of the Americans. Aguinaldo claimed in his proclamation of January 7, I899, that the Filipino flag was saluted in Manila bay by the American vessels, just as they saluted the flag of Great Britain and Germany. The fact is the case against the United States, so far as treating Aguinaldo as an ally, is complete and we must face it, whether we like it or not."* *Private Smith-"Admiral Dewey actually assisted Aguinaldo in the formation of the Philippine government, as is shown by his dispatch to the Secretary of the Navy under date of June 27, 1898: 'I have given him (Aguinaldo) to understand that I consider insurgents as friends, being opposed to a common enemy. He has gone to attend a meeting of insurgent leaders for the purpose of forming a civil government.' "Now the administration is shooting Filipinos for trying to maintain the government Dewey encouraged Aguinaldo to form, Has the century-has any century witnessed a greater outrage?" CHAPTER VII. QUESTION: WERE THE FILIPINOS RESPONSIBLE FOR THE OPENING OF HOSTILITIES BETWEEN THEM AND THE AMERICAN FORCES? HE Century had gone another day's journey toward the United States, and the cool winds were fanningthe decks when the chairman announced that it was time to learn something more about the Philippine question. The committee had reported, and Captain Bevans was called upon to show how the Filipinos were responsible for the beginning of hostilities between the forces of Aguinaldb and the Americans. Everybody recognized that the showing made by the captain for his side of the question in the previous discussions had been weak, and some of the passengers, though opposed to expansion, were of opinion that he should have done better. But when they turned to the speeches and magazine articles of the imperialists they found them all quite as 104 OPENING OF HOSTILITIES. 105 weak as Captain Bevans. Secretary Long, General Merritt, Senators Davis, Platt, Frye and Lindsay, Barrett and Halstead-all of them gave only " glittering generalities " and assertions without the slightest regard to the facts. Captain Bevans had done quite as well as any of them and had, in fact, given every argument, on the subject under discussion, presented by the champions of imperialism in America. The speeches and writings of the imperialists abound in talk about the flag and national honor and the "manifest destiny " of the United States and the "mission of the Anglo-Saxon people," and "the white man's burden." When they are driven to the wall, and can find no other excuse for the overturning of the Declaration of Independence and the desecration of the American flag and the sacrifice of the lives of American soldiers, and the slaughter of Filipinos fighting for the same independence for which we fought and would if need be die, they raise their red hands to Heaven and say, "God did it." Mr. McKinley himself said at Boston that the "Philippines, like Cuba and Porto Rico, were intrusted to our 106 OPENING OF HOSTILITIES. hands by the Providence of God." Abonminable hypocrisy! Outrageous sacrilege!! From the beginning of the world until now, every national crime has been committed in the name of God. But Captain Bevans must be allowed to proceed with his argument. Captain Bevans - When A gu i na Ido learned that he would not be allowed to do exactly as he wished, he became hostile. His purpose was to take Manila, loot the European portion of the city and set up a government of his own, with himself as military dictator. To this program the Americans objected. The Filipino soldiers became abusive, and called the Americans cowards and tried by all means possible to provoke a fight. At last, on the night of February 4th, it was determined that a crisis should be brought about. The United States Senate had the Paris treaty under advisement, and Agoncillo cabled Aguinaldo to attack before the treaty was ratified. A Filipino lieutenant advanced toward the American lines. When ordered to halt he refused to stop. Private Grayson of Nebraska shot him and the whole Filipino OPENING OF HOSTILITIES. 107 army attacked the Americans at once. The Filipinos had tried, by every means possible, to draw the American fire at other times. In my opinion the Filipino officer went to his death, at Aguinaldo's command, in order to force the Americans to fire. When attacked the Americans could do nothing but defend themselves. Since that time the war has been one of defence by the Americans. They took the field in order to crush a foe that was trying to destroy them." Private Smith-" Captain Bevans has presented the stereotyped explanations of the origin of hostilities given by the imperialists, but the explanations do not explain owing to the fact that they lack the very essential element of truth." Captain Bevans-" Do you deny that I have stated the facts?" Private Smith-" Certainly, and I shall prove that you have not stated the facts. The truth you tell is made false by not giving all the truth." Chairman-" Let us have all the truth then; I always want to know both sides of a AA>~AAAA~Aj <~~<~A OPENING OF HOSTILITIES. 109 case before I make up my mind as to which side is in the right." Private Smith-" It was the purpose of the administration from the start to 'seize' territory in the Philippines. That purpose is shown by the cablegram to Admiral Dewey: ' f we took but one island, which is the best to seize upon.' (Senate Doc. 62; p. 365.) There is not much talk of the 'Providence of God,' 'manifest destiny' or the 'white man's burden' in that. It is not common for a nation to 'seize upon' its own territory. It saw no 'obligation to the nations of the world' then. The 'glory of theflag' and' national honor; were not on tap at that moment. ' Canned liberty' was not necessary for more than one of the islands and the administration wanted advice as to which one it should 'seize upon.' Later it could raise its pious eyes to heaven and charge the whole matter up to the ' Providence of God.' "Merritt said Dewey 'naturally selected the largest and most populous island.' (Senate Doc. 62; p. 366.) "Later it was decided to 'seize upon' the 110 OPENING OF HOSTILITIES. whole group, and Spain was paid $20,000,ooo for a quitclaim deed to a territory of which she did not control fifteen square miles. The forces of the Philippine republic were in control and the problem of the administration was how to dispossess them. "Aguinaldo had driven the Spaniards into Manila; had done all the hard fighting and the long marching, and was shoved aside while the Americans fought an opera bouffe battle and received the surrender of the city, according to the programme arranged between the Americans and the Spaniards by the Belgian consul. The refusal to allow the Filipinos recognition for their services was the first serious affront. " General Merritt and Admiral Dewey were instructed to give Aguinaldo and the Filipino government no official recognition, and Merritt said he could treat Aguinaldo with no more regard than if the Filipino chief were a boy in the street. "Aguinaldo was asked to withdraw his forces from Cavite and Manila on the ground that it would prevent friction between.the American and Filipino forces. He complied OPENING OF HOSTILITIES. 111 in a friendly manner, though General Merritt said force would have been resorted to had Aguinaldo refused to withdraw. "Aguinaldo's telegraph line was seized and was returned to him only after a most vigorous protest. "Naturally the Filipinos had become suspicious and angry under the treatment they were receiving and complied under protest with General Otis' order that they should retire from Pandacan and Singatong, neither of which had ever been regarded as a suburb of Manila. A delegation from Aguinaldo called on General Hughes, who had charge of Cavite, and were driven away with abuse. Every effort made by the Filipinos to learn the intentions of the American government met with scorn, and they were given to understand that they had no rights which the Americans were bound to respect. "Rev. Clay McCaulay, after going over the whole question, said in a letter from Tokyo, February 9, I899: Our whole attitude and action, however, seemed determined toward alienation and not friendship. The Filipino leaders were, 112 OPENING OF HOSTILITIES. from almost the first, repelled and ignored. Hardly could men have set about in a better way to arouse resentment, suspicion, anger, and rebellion than the men in charge of the administration of American interests in Manila. 'The Filipinos were made to feel that Americans considered them not worth either political or social consideration. Driven back upon themselves, their soldiers treated with contempt, their wishes not listened to or respected if heard, told nothing of our Government's ultimate desires or purposes, or, if told, left without judicious, sympathetic explanations of the 'course of events in Washington, - the Filipinos gradually accepted their isolation, organized their government more and more thoroughly, and began to import arms and ammunition for their own support and defence. I cannot blame them for having done this. They could so easily have been retained as our allies and friends. A sympathizer, a conciliator, a politician, in the good sense of the word, could have kept them with him step by step, while the administration at Washington was coming to a consciousness of its own wishes and aims. But we let them go; we let them misunderstand us; or we did not try to keep them with us, as we came to understand our OPENING OF HOSTILITIES. 113 selves better. On our own authorities, not on the Filipinos, falls the blame that the Filipinos changed from friends to enemies, and at last turned toward us in the trenches at Manila a hostile front. A more lamentable series of lost opportunities, of neglected openings for having one's own way, of deliberate manufacture of enemies, it would be difficult to find in the history of nations. I am not alon2 in this judgment.' "Meantime the Paris Commission held its conference and the Filipino commissioner was ignored, though he was allowed to submit memoranda which received no consideration. The treaty was concluded and the Filipinos were bought from Spain for $20,000,000, like so many cattle. "Although the treaty of Paris had not yet been ratified, the president issued instructions to General Otis to take possession of the Philippine islands, and, under date of Jan4, 1899, General Otis issued a proclamation as military governor, in which he says: 'I am also convinced that it is the intention of the United States government to seek the establishment of a most liberal government for the islands in which the people themselves shall have as full representation as the main8 114 OPENING OF HOSTILITIES. tenance of law and order will permit; and which shall be susceptible of development on lines of increased representation and the t bestowal of increased powers, into a govern-, ment as free and independent as is enjoyed by the most favored provinces in the world.' "The Filipinos were told that bye and bye they would be given 'a government as free and independent as is enjoyed by the most favored provinces in the world.' How like the promises of Spain! The good things were always just ahead. "Aguinaldo issued a proclamation January 6th, in which he accused the Americans of treachery and cited numerous examples to prove his accusation. The Manila Times, the recognized mouthpiece of General Otis, said editorially in its issue of January Io, I899: 'Aguinaldo says he received specific pledges from U. S. Consuls Pratt and Wildman, that he would be placed at the head of an absolutely independent nation. Possibly he may have some ground for what he says; or possibly he may have entirely misunderstood. In any case, it is immaterial, for the times have changed, the circumstances are different, and the United States government now finds it impossible to leave the Philip OPENING OF HOSTILITIES. 115 pines to themselves. Why it is impossible, there is no use in discussing now. The thing is impossible, and that is all there is about it.' " The Times is quite as clear in its reasoning as'the imperialists are to-day. 'The government now finds it impossible to leave the Philippines to themselves; wvhy it is impossible, there is no use in discussing now.' In the same editorial it is said: 'However, the Americans have no desire to use Aguinaldo harshly nor unfairly. H-e had, at one time, reasonable justification for expecting what he now cannot have. Very well. Nobody desires to do him an injustice, least of all the United States authorities. Owing to circumstances which cannot be prevented, any more than they could be last May, the Philippines must come under the American flag, and there is no arguing any further about what cannot be helped. But if it is a grievous disappointment to some of the Filipino leaders, nobody regrets the necessity of disappointing them more than the Americans, and nobody is more willing to do whatever is fair by way of making some satisfactory arrangements with Aguinaldo. But it must be understood, as a basis, that, in spite of what have been said or 9 * 116 OPENING OF HOSTILITIES. thought last May, circumstances have now made it absolutely necessary that the United States must remain responsible for these islands. If Aguinaldo did really receive official pledges to the contrary, then those pledges simply involve an impossibility, and all the bonds and agreements in the world cannot achieve an impossibility.' "A Spanish editor would have been equally frank." Major Handy-" The Times editorial is particularly important from the fact that the press censor was rigidly scrutinizing its columns when that issue appeared." Private Smith-" The same editorial says further: 'One reassuring feature is that the insurgent leaders have issued strict orders to all their forces to act only on the defensive. This indicates a willingness to be friendly; the Filipinos do not yet fully understand why they must submit, and so they remain on their guard, but they have no desire to begin to fight.' '"But a fight did take place on the night of February 4th, and an American fired the first shot, killing a Filipino officer." Chairman-"From all appearances the Fil V~~~~~~~~~~ 0 Q f~~~~g ~ ~ 118 OPENING OF HOSTILITIES. ipinos might have fired the first shot and still the Americans would have been the aggressors. It appears that our attitude toward the *Filipinos was much like that of a robber who would say to his victim, 'Your money or your life; and if you resist and I kill you, you will be the murderer.' I borrow that from Lincoln, whose homely logic had a happy way of driving home the truth." Private Smith-"General Reeves, of Minnesota, who was chief of police under General Otis, in Manila, said in an interview published in the Omaha World-Herald, that the trouble between the Filipinos and Americans had been forced by General Otis. He said further: 'Of course we never saw the orders, but it was general talk among us at the time that the fight had been started by the commands for a general extension of the outpost lines. Now those orders could have come from no other source than General Otis.' General Reeves said also: 'I am certain that the attack was not premeditated on the part of the insurgents. None of their generals were on the line. Several times before OPENING OF HOSTILITIES. 119 our outpost officers all along the line had had encounters with little bands of insurgents under irresponsible subordinates, which might have terminated as seriously as that upon the night of February 4th, had not their superior officers interfered and given them a raking over the coals.' "General Otis, in his report to the war department, under date of April 6th, and published in the Army and Navy Register of June 3rd, says: 'It is not believed that the chief insurgent leaders wished to open hostilities at this time, as they were not completely prepared to assume the initiative.' " That it was the administration's purpose to force a fight, unless the Filipinos humbly submitted to any condition the Americans might see fit to impose, is shown by the refusal of General Otis to discontinue hostilities after they had been begun. A fight first then would force the ratification of the treaty It was, in fact, an administration necessity It is easy to believe that General Otis was directed to deliver to Mr. McKinley, on the eve of the vote in the Senate, one 120 OPENING OF HOSTILITIES. moderate-sized war and charge the same to the account of Aguinaldo. "General Otis' cablegram to the war department confirms the following by General Reeves: 'The trouble might have beep compromised in the start if Otis had wished. On February 5th, Aguinaldo sent General Torres to General Otis as an ambassador, saying for the leader that the attack of Santa Mesa was wholly without his knowledge or sanction, that he deplored the catastrophe and asked that a neutral zone be declared about the city until the trouble could be amicably arranged. 'General Otis replied to this, in effect, that the Filipinos had started the trouble and would now have to fight it out. The ambassador returned, but Aguinaldo, not yet despairing of an understanding with the Americans, sent a commission to confer with General Otis on the 8th. They met with the same reception as had been accorded the agent who preceded and war was resumed merrily and continues to the present day.' "President Schurman, of the Peace Commission, has expressed his disapproval of the OPENING OF HOSTILITIES. 121 causes which lead to the war (see Nagasaki Press, July I9) but adds that peace can only be had now by recognition of American sovereignty."' Chairman-" Well! It looks pretty clear that the position of the Americans is becoming less and less enviable. It is to be hoped that Captain Bevans can clear it all up in the discussion of the next question relating to the justice of the American policy in the Philippines." CHAPTER VIII. QUESTION: HAS THE ADMINISTRATION A RIGHT TO SEIZE TERRITORY IN THE PHILIPPINES? V ATTELS' law of nations: He who is engaged in war derives all his right from the justice of his cause. Whoever, therefore, takes up arms without a lawful cause can have absolutely no right whatever; every act of hostility that he commits is an act of injustice. IHe is chargeable with all the evils, all the horrors of the war; all the effusion of blood, the desolation of families, the rapine, the acts of violence, the ravages, the conflagrations are his works and his crimes. He is guilty of a crime against the enemy whom he attacks, oppresses, and massacres without cause; he is guilty of a crime against his people, whom he forces into acts of injustice, and exposes to danger, without reason or necessity, against those of his subjects who are ruined or distressed by the war, who lose their lives, their property, or their health, in consequence of it; finally, he is guilty of a crime against mankind in general, whose peace he 122 RIGHT TO SEIZE TERRITORY. 123 disturbs, and to whom he sets a pernicious example. Shocking catalogue of miseries and crimes! Dreadful account to be given to the King of kings, to the common Father of men! " The Century had plowed the waves for another day and night and the passengers had gathered under the awnings, and had seated themselves on the steamer chairs, when the chairman called the " meeting" to order and said the question under discussion was one of morals. If the administration is -right, the Filipinos are wrong; and if the Filipinos have justice on their side, the administration has become the champion of injustice. " Do unto others as ye would that others should do unto you." Under the same circumstances the Golden Rule is for nations as well as for individuals. If we are not treating the Filipinos as we would wish them to treat us, were the circumstances reversed, we are wrong. If the flag is not engaged in an honorable warfare it is engaged in a dishonorable one, and it is the duty of every American patriot to rescue it. If we are treating the Filipinos wrongly, our first i M z I I 'I gg RN I M II 4 RIGHT TO SEIZE TERRITORY. 125 thought should be to get ourselves right. We would be injuring ourselves much more than we can injure the Filipinos. Thus spoke the chairman before he called upon Captain Bevans to show cause why the administration should not be condemned for waging an unjustifiable war. Captain Bevans-" I recognize fully the gravity of the burdens that have fallen upon the shoulders of the American people; but our people will never shrink from them, notwithstanding the opposition of 'copperhead' politicians. Lincoln encountered the same brood that are biting at McKinley now. I shall quote to you from a speech delivered by Senator Lindsay before the American Bar Association in session at Buffalo, N. Y. He is one of the great constitu/ tional lawyers of the country, and has made, I think, the ablest speech on such of the constitutional questions as he discusses. HIe has clinched the argument in favor of the administration's policy. He bases his argument upon an early decision of the Supreme Court, which said: 'The Constitution confers absolutely on 126 RIGHT TO SEIZE TERRITORY. the government of the union the power of making. war and making treaties; consequently that government possesses the power of acquiring territory either by conquest or by treaty.' "That should be clear enough for any copperhead. The Constitution confers the ' right of acquiring territory either by conqnest or by treaty.' Chairman-' You must not misquote, captain. That opinion was handed down in 1824, by Chief Justice Marshall, in A merican Ins. Co. vs. Canter, and says, as you first quoted, 'that government possesses the power of acquiring territory," etc. The righlt of acquiring territory is quite another matter. Charles IX had the power to order the massacre of St. Bartholomew, and Pontius Pilate had the power to crucify Christ, but the world of to-day does not hold that either Charles or Pilate had the right to perpetrate such horrible primes. I have the power to take human life, and, under certain conditions, I might have the Zight to do so. 4 We are now to determine whether the RIGHT TO SEIZE TERRITORY. 127 administration has the right to send American soldiers into the clutches of disease and death and to inflict death upon the Filipinos. The fact that it has done so shows that it has the power. Captain Bevans — Senator Lirqdsay said further: 'Having overthrown the authority of Spain, against which the Filipinos, for countless generations, had vainly struggled, we sought to give them free institutions under a government able to maintain and pledged to uphold peace, justice, and order. We offered not principalities, or powers, or largesses, or subsidies to ambitious chieftains, but protection to the lives, liberty, and property of the people; and it was indefensible and wicked in those disappointed chieftains to turn their arms against us. There can be but one ending to the unfortunate contest. The sovereign authority of the United States will be established; and under and through their beneficent control peace will take the place of war, order will supplant lawlesspess, and justice and mercy prevail where force and fraud and cruelties once seemed to have their perpetual abiding place.' Private Smith-" That is a beautiful bit 128 RIGHT TO SEIZE TERRITORY. of generalization but it will not bear analysis. Senator Lindsay, like all imperialists, fails: " i. Because we only assisted in overthrowing thle authority of Spain in the Philippines. Most of the overthrowing was done by the Filipinos themselves. During 1896-7 they had forced the Spaniards to promise radical reforms and pay the expenses of the insurrection. We gave no assistance then. Spain failed to inaugurate the reforms, the insurrection had sprung into new life, andsthe Filipinos saw independence certain, sometime in the future. We became their allies, and when the Spaniards were expelled, we turned and bought from the common enemy a quit-claim deed to our allies. "2. We did not seek to give them 'free institutions,'but attempted to force upon them a despotism differing from that of the Spaniards only as an American despot may possibly differ from a Spanish despot. The American would not derive his powers of government from the consent of the governed any more than the Spaniard. Indeed, America can exercise in the Philippines only selfassumed and despotic power. RIGHT TO SEIZE TERRITORY. 129 "3. The Filipinos did not need our protection of life, liberty, and property. Lieutenant Calkins, of our own navy, made a careful investigation of the character of the Philippine Republic and said that Aguinaldo 'restrained plunderers and repressed cruelty with a strong hand.' And our army officers and the United States consuls say the Filipino leaders would be leaders in any nation. General Charles King is a close observer of people. He spent quite a time in the Philippines and fought the Filipinos, yet he wrote the following letter to the Milwaukee Journal: SAN FRANCISCO, June 22, I899. ' To the Editor of the Journal, Milwaukee, Wis.: 'DEAR SIR: Thinking over your telegram and request of June 7th, I find myself seriously embarrassed. As an officer of the army, there are many reasons why I should not give my " views of situation in the Philippines, how long fighting is likely to continue, and thoughts as to America.s part in future of islands." 'The capability of the Filipinos for selfgovernment cannot be doubted; such men as 9 130 RIGHT TO SEIZE TERRITORY. Arellano, Aguinaldo, and many others whom I might name, are highly educated; ninetenths of the people read and write; all are skilled artisans in one way or an other; they are industrious, frugal, temperate, and, given a fair start, could look out for themselves infinitely better than our people imagine. In my opinion they rank far higher than the Cubans or the uneducated negroes to whom we have given the right of suffrage. 'Very truly yours, 'CHARLES KING.' "Are we to accept what General King says, and what we know to be true, or shall we accept the unsupported word of an imperialist,whose 'wish is father to the thought,' and go on sacrificing life? "As to the government maintained by the Philippine republic, I shall quote from a letter of Lieutenant Henry Page of the United States army to the Chicago Record. It was written February 25, I899. In it he says: 'When we reached the headquarters of Santa Ana another surprise awaited us, for here was found some of the machinery of Aguinaldo's government. Among the papers scattered about in confusion by the retreat RIGHT TO SEIZE TERRITORY. 131 ing officials were telegrams, letters, and commissions, showing something of their system. One letter was from a township governor asking relief from his duties; a surgeon's certificate was inclosed. It had been forwarded through official channels to Aguinaldo's secretary of state and returned with abundant indorsements approved. With it was an order to the governor of the province to have a new election. Another letter was a complaint made against another local governor for mal-administration. It stated the charges in real legal form, and was duly signed. The numerous papers concerning school teachers' appointments showed that the Filipinos had already perfected arrangements for the education of the youth on a large scale. 'I might also mention the deeds of property, records of births, deaths, etc., to show that Aguinaldo's organization is at least not a laughable farce. I might mention also meteorological and other scientific instruments and records to show that the Filipinos didn't neglect science during those busy, warlike times. Letters dated February 4th, from Malolos, showed that they had a good courier system. A book on tactics, engravings of the several uniforms, beautiful topographical maps, copies of the declaration of independ 132 RIGHT TO SEIZE TERRITORY. ence and the revolutionary constitution, military and state seals, and other articles all went to show that labor and intelligence were united in their production.' "Notwithstanding the difficulties under which the Filipino government existed, how much inferior was it, as indicated by Lieutenant Page's letter, to our own government? Was it the work of a people who need the guardianship of the United States? "In a letter to the Secretary of State Agoncillo said, on January 4, I899: 'The Philippine Islands are in a state of public order. They possess a government satisfactory to their inhabitants, and are without an enemy within their borders offering any resistance to its just operations, and they find themselves to be at oeace with all the world.' "Every people, if left to themselves, will have as good government as they are entitled to, and they cannot be given a better one. It is novel doctrine that a remote people must have a government satisfactory to us. Since when has it become essential that every weak people must have a government of our choosing? The truth is that public order RIS w i ~~~~~~~,i 134 RIGHT TO SEIZE TERRITORY. prevails in the Philippines save where we are breaking the peace." Colonel Handy:-" It may be well to quote General T. M. Anderson in the Chicago Times-Herald: 'As to the Filipinos themselves, I understand many erroneous impressions are current. I was in the Philippines until the latter part of March, having been sent there in June, I898, in command of the first military expedition, and during that time I had some chance for studying the Filipino character and mind. I regard the Filipinos, such as have been carrying on operations against our forces in the island of Luzon, as being not far below the Japanese in intelligence and capability of culture. Nearly all can read and write; they have many schools, and there are a number of newspapers. Their cities are populous and well laid out and kept. There are many engineers and artists among the Filipinos.' "The generals and other army officers who have lived for months in the Philippines, with every opportunity to study the natives, should know more of them than the imperialists who have gained their pretended knowledge Io,ooo miles from the islands." CHAPTER I X. QUESTION: HAS THE ADMINISTRATION A RIGHT TO ' SEIZE TERRITORY IN THE PHILIPPINES?-( Continued.) CAPTAIN BEVANS-" You talk so much of an American despotism, is it not a fact that the Aguinaldo government is a despotism?" Private Smith —"The Aguinaldo government is only provisional. It was his purpose to have a government conducted upon a basis of suffrage similar to that of the United States, when the American army would give the Filipino people an opportunity to exercise the right of selfgovernment. "I Thez, there vould bbea vast d/f/erence betweeiz havizg a despot, whose rule depended zwholly upon the will of his own people, and a deso spot s orted by the bayonets of an Am erican army. It is the difference between the glory of independence and the humiliation of servitude." 135 136 RIGHT TO SEIZE TERRITORY. Captain Bevans —" Do you call American liberty servitude? It is outrageous!" Private Smith-" Let us see for a moment. Aside from the proclamation by General Otis, assuming control of tho islands as military governor, the only statement of the purpose of the administration is found in the proclamation by the Peace Commission, headed by President Schurman. The Commission gave out the following as of 'cardinal importance' and containing the principles upon which the Americans would proceed: 'i. The supremacy of the United States must and will be enforced throughout every part of the Archipelago, and those who resist it can accomplish no end other than their own ruin. '2. The most ample liberty of self-government will be granted to the Philippine people which is reconcilable with the maintenance of a wise, just, stable, effective, and economical administration of public affairs and compatible with the sovereign and international rights and obligations of the United States. '3. The civil rights of the Philippine people will be guaranteed and protected to the fullest extent; religious freedom assured; RIGHT TO SEIZE TERRITORY. 137 and all persons shall have an equal standing before the law. '4. Honor, justice, and friendship forbid the use of the Philippine people or Islands as an object or means of exploitation. The purpose of the American government is the welfare and advancement of the Philippine people. '5. There shall be guaranteed to the Philippine people an honest and effective civil service in which, to the fullest extent practicable, natives shall be employed. '6. The collection and application of taxes and revenues will be put upon a sound, honest, and economical basis. Public funds, raised justly and collected honestly, will be applied only in defraying the regular and proper expenses incurred by and for the establishment and maintenance of the Philippine government and for such general improvements as public interest may demand. Local funds, collected for local purposes, shall not be diverted to other ends. With such a prudent and honest fiscal administration, it is believed that the needs of the government will in a short time become compatible. with a considerable reduction in taxation. '7. A pure, speedy, and effective administration of justice will be established where 138 RIGHT TO SEIZE TERRITORY. by the evils of delay, corruption, and exploitation will be effectually eradicated.' '8. The construction of roads, railroads and other means of communication and transportation, as well as other public works of manifest advantage to the Philippine people, will be promoted. '9. Domestic and foreign trade and commerce, agriculture and other industrial pursuits, and the general development of the country in the interest of its inhabitants will be constant objects of solicitude and fostering care. 'IO. Effective provision will be made for the establishment of elementary schools in which the children of the people shall be educated. Appropriate facilities will also be provided for higher education. ' It. Reforms in all departments of the government, in all branches of the public service, and in all corporations closely touching the common life of the people, must be undertaken without delay and effected, conformably to right and justice, in a way that will satisfy the well founded demands and the highest sentiments and aspirations of the Philippine people.' Colonel Handy-" A Spanish proclamation would have said as much. It might mean = 07M MERION"N',, m~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~mmg~~77 77 MI TR M IN-, Il~ M m, NFR NA 4~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~i I~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~; 140 - RIGHT TO SEIZE TERRITORY. much or little. General Reeves gives an interesting addition to what has usually been known of the peace proceedings. In his Omaha interview he says: 'The policy of the Peace Commission was all right, But there was one condition appended that never appeared in the dispatches sent back to the people of the United States. That was the ultimatum which General Otis never failed to add or to have added to every proposition for a liberal government offered the natives, that before being eligible to enjoy the blessings of our liberality they should first come in, one and all, and lay down their arms.' Private Smith-"The proclamation promised nothing except what a governorgeneral with despotic powers might be expected to carry out. When asked by General Pilar, Aguinaldo's commissioner, President Schurman admitted that the governor-general must have absolute power, but of course an American governor-general would not abuse it as the Spaniards had done." CHAPTER X. PRIVATE SMITH INTRODUCES A COMPARISON BETWEEN PRESIDENT MC KINLEY'S MESSAGE TO THE FILIPINOS AND THAT OF AN ANCIENT ASSYRIAN KING TO THE PEOPLE OF ELAM. CAPTAIN BEVANS -- "Every word from the administration has breathed friendship and good will for the Filipino people." Colonel Handy —"And every action, so far, has given its words the lie. We shall do well not to confuse the issue with what Mr. McKinley says; the truth is not in him." Captain Bevans —"You do a great and good man injustice. In his instructions to' Governor General Otis, Mr. McKinley said: 'Finally, it should be the earnest and paramount aim of the administration to win the confidence, respect and affection of the inhabitants of the Philippines by insuring to them in every possible way the full measure of individual rights and liberty which is the heritage of a free people, and by proving to 141 142 A COMPARISON. them that the mission of the United States is one of benevolent assimilation, which will substitute the mild sway of justice and right for arbitrary rule. In the fulfillment of this high mission, while upholding the temporary administration of affairs for the greatest good of the governed, there will be sedulously maintained the strong arm of authority to repress disturbance, and to overcome all obstacles to the beslowal of the blessings of good and stable governmient upon the people of the Philippine Islands."' When Captain Bevans had finished reading from the instructions of the President to General Otis, Private Smith was laughing immoderately. When asked what had so excited his levity, he said he could not keep from laughing because of the similarity of McKinley's words to those of an old Assyrian King to the people of Elam. Private Smith —" Asshurbanipal, the McKinley of Assyria, lived about 850 years before Christ. He decided to 'expand,' and therefore invaded the land of Elam. One thing in his favor was that the Elamites had not been his allies. HIe did not resort to treachery but he did have a large fund of g I 144 A COMPARISON. cant. Like McKinley, he carried on his 'expansion' for the glory of God and the good of the people he was subjugating. In Ragozin's history of Assyria we find that after Asshurbanipal had invaded Elam and had laid waste the country, killed the men who bore arms and filled up the wells of drinking water so that the women and children perished in the fields, and caused the death of Nabubelzikri, the Elamite King, he sent Belibni to be governor-general over Elam and issued the following proclamation: 'The will of the king to the men of the coast, the sea, the sons of my. servants.-My peace to your hearts; may you be well.-I am watching over you, and from the sin of your king, Nabubelzikri, I have separated you. Now I send to you my servant Belibni to be my deputy over you, I have joined with you, keeping your good and your benefit in my sight.' " Compare the proclamation of Asshurbanipal with that of McKinley and see how much alike they are! The glory of God and the good of the people are the excuses for the ancient and the modern oppressor alike. In the name of self-governing America, the A COMPARISON. 145 blessings of 'good and stable government' are to be 'bestowed upon the people of the Philippine Islands.' In order to bestow good government we are to destroy something far better, self-government." 1.0 CHAPTER XI. COLONEL HANDY SHOWS HOW ABRAHAM TREATED HIS ALLIES AND HOW FRANCE MIGHT HAVE TREATED ITS ALLIES AFTER THE REVOLUTIONARY WAR. COLONEL HANDY —"The Filipinos were our allies as we were the allies of France at the close of the revolutionary war. The comparison is so striking that it must have been made for a lesson to the American people. "The American colonies were fighting for independence, and France was the enemy of England. A French fleet was sent to American waters and a French army landed on American soil. The Americans drove the British to Yorktown, where the French and American armies besieged the army of Cornwallis. The French general, Count Rochambeau, had command of both the French and American forces during the siege and when Cornwallis surrendered, while the French fleet protected the bay. 146 HOW TO TREAT ALLIES. 147 "How similar this: The Filipinos were ili rebellion and the United States was at war with Spain. An American fleet and an American army were sent to Manila. The Filipinos drove the Spaniards into Manila and the Americans and Filipinos, under the American commander, besieged the Spaniards, while the American fleet kept guard in the bay. The Spaniards surrendered. Then comes the difference. "Abraham once had some allies and his treatment of them is well worth imitating to-day. The I4th Chapter of Genesis tells the story of how the king of Elam, with three other kings, made a raid-into the land of the Amalekites and the Amorites, and camped in the vale of Siddin, where they were attacked by the five kings, whose territory had been invaded. The five kings were routed and the invaders took their goods and made captive their people, and were returning to Elam, when Abraham fell upon them and recaptured the goods and the people taken from the five kings. One of the five kings proposed that Abraham return the captive people but keep the goods. Abra 148 HOW TO TREAT ALLIES. ham was horrified that the kings should imagine that he would treat allies in such an unholy manner, and said: 'I have lifted up my hand unto the Lord, the most high God, the possessor of heaven and earth, that I will not take from a thread even to a shoe-latchet, and that I will not take anything that is thine. ' Abraham was chivalrous in his treatment of his allies, and has left a lesson for the rest of mankind. "But history affords another example in the treatment, by France, of our fathers at the close of the Revolutionary war. Let us assume that some French imperialist, then, wrote the following letter about November 25, 1782: ' You have doubtless heard of the arrival of M. John Adams, who claims to be an envoy of the American people, but is, of course, a mere tool of that ambitious soldier of fortune, Washington. 'We are making history today, and it will record the disgraceful policy of the government in completely abandoning French sovereignty in the American colonies, wrested by France from the grasp of England. You will ask why the triumph of our I 150 HOW TO TREAT ALLIES. army and navy, and not least of all our diplomacy, should have such a miserable result. 'First, this M. Adams, who to the manners of a Cossack joins both rugged talents and ' Yankee ' shrewdness, appeals to French hotior. Hle claims that M. de Lafayette assured the rebels that his majesty would allow them to establish their independence, not merely of England, but of all governments such as are recognized among the enlightened nationso Such an assurance would be quite characteristic of the Quixotic marquis, but he neither affirms nor denies making it, probably following some one's advice. 'Then the envoy skilfully touches the chord of sentiment, especially when, among his friends the disciples of Rousseau, he quotes from the declaration of independence that governments "derive their just powers from the consent of the governed.' 'What madness to pretend to govern with abstract ideas, rhetorical generalities, and incomplete notions of equality! 'These sophistries are always on the lips of subverters of social order. 'Calonne says that M. de Lafayette considers chivalry a part of the law of nations, and we all know that such theories hold firm possession of his wooden head. HOW TO TREAT ALLIES. 151 "But M. Adams reaches the climax of impudence in asserting that the ragged and half-starved guerillas under Washington, armed with rusty firelocks and pitchforks, except a small nucleus equipped by our bounty, overcame the disciplined forces of England. W;hile it seems to be true that the English (with a view, doubtless, to render our position harder) made some important surrenders to the rebels in the absence of our forces, yet all was due to the intervention of France, and it was an act of treachery to deny her sovereignty. In fact, it has always existed by virtue of the discoveries of Cartier. "' * X But, in addition the interests of humanity required that we take possession and guarantee to the ignorant and disorderly population, so long in a chronic state of rebellion, the blessings of a stable government. They are a widely separated, dissimilar, and discordant community, few of which could govern themselves under any circumstances, and an independent nation composed of such elements is an Utopian dream. If left to themselves they would degenerate to the condition of the aborigines, Illini Indians, but they will doubtless fall a prey to some nation not possessed of the fantastic notions of honor which seem to inspire M. de Vergennes." 152 HOW TO TREAT ALLIES. Substitute Filipinos for Americans in this letter and you will have a characteristic imperialist plea for the subjugation of the Philippines. It shows that France had every reason to 'seize upon' the colonies that the imperialists give for the administration having seized upon the Philippines." CHAPTER XII. PRIVATE SMITH SHOWS THE SIMILARITY BETWEEN THE MANNER IN WHICH GEORGE III. TREATED THE AMERICAN COLONISTS AND THE MANNER IN WHICH M'KINLEY IS TREATING THE FILIPINOS. CHAIRMAN —" If our intentions toward the Filipinos were never so good, there would always be the keynote of human liberty, of independence, of self-respect to make the Filipinos discontented. Webster expressed it thus: 'No matter how easy may be the yoke of a foreign power-no matter how lightly it sits upon the shoulders, if it is not imposed by the voice of his own nation and of his own country, he will not, he can not, and he means not to be happy under its burden.' Private Smith-" The American people have made- an unfortunate record against themselves, if they mean to start upon an era of conquest, denying to others that liberty which they claim for themselves. When the 158 154 SIMILARITY OF TREATMENT. old bell in Philadelphia rang out its peals of liberty to the world, it was because a body of great and good men had formally declared to the world that, 'alljust powers of government are derived from the consent of the governed' and that,' all menr are created equal.' Lincoln said that those words were' placed in the declaration 'for future use.' "What was in the future then, has reached us now, and those living, burning truths of the declaration are proving a stumbling block to the imperialists who are seeking to turn back 'a free people into the hateful paths of despotism.' Lincoln said our fathers 'knew the proneness of prosperity to breed tyrants, and they meant when such should reappear in this fair land and commence their vocation, they should find left for them at least one hard nut to crack.' " Washington was against the imperialists, and stamped his disapproval of' world politics,' in his letter to the American people; Jefferson, Franklin, Hancock and the Adamses were against imperialism and pledged their lives and their fortunes to fight it; Lincoln and Grant, Webster and Sumner, Garrison and SIMILARITY OF TREATMENT. 155 Lovejoy-in fact every American who has made our history glorious was opposed to imperialism. "To whom then does the administration look for a precedent? See how well the language of George III. fits the doctrine of McKinley and Long and Davis and Frye and Platt and Lindsay. In a proclamation to the colonists who had rebelled because they believed in the declaration of independence, King George said: 'I am desirous of restoring to them the blessings of law and liberty equally enjoyed by every British subject, which they have fatally and desperately exchanged for the calamities of war and the arbitrary tyranny of their chiefs.' "How like McKinley's solicitude for the Filipinos! How like the proclamation of Asshurbanipal to the people of Elam! How like the above suggestion as to the disposition of the United States after the surrender of Cornwallis." Captain Bevans-" You know that the rule of the United States would be better for the Filipinos themselves." 156 SIMILARITY OF TREATMENT. Private Smith-"So George III. said of the colonists." Colonel Handy-"A Filipino once said to me: 'The American people say they have a great and free government and wish to extend that freedom to us. But do they offer us the kind of government they enjoy? All your territory, except Hawaii, has been annexed with a distinct declaration that the people should be admitted to the privileges of statehood. Your organized territories have always had legislatures for local government, courts where the writ of habeas corpus could be readily invoked against the action of a governor, or any other official, and under general laws made with the advice of the territorial delegate in congress. To us you offer a governor-general who will appoint an advisory council and will appoint judges, whose opinions he is not bound to respect and whom he can remove at pleasure. You'will tax us without representation and will quarter troops among us without our consent. What grievances did your ancestors have against King George which you do not now propose to inflict upon us? You I~~~~~~~~~~II~~~~~~~ I~~~~~~ 158 SIMILARITY OF TREATMENT. propose to give us a form of government under which no American has ever lived or would ever live.' The Filipino added with great emphasis: 'You propose to give us a form of government against which we have fought for three hundred years and against which we will fight for three hundred years more if necessary, and every true American must honor us in his heart for that determination.' The Filipino's statement was unanswerable." Captain Bevans — God pity the day. when I will not defend my country against a Filipino. I stand by the famous toast of Decatur: My country; may she be ever right, but right or wrong, my country."' Private Smith —Captain, you are again confounding the president with the country. "I can quote a more patriotic sentiment than that of Decatur. It is this: ' My country; may she be ever right; when right remain right; when wrong get right.' We have another parallel in the history of our independence. George III., Lord North, and the Tories were the imperialists of England. McKinley, Long and Davis are SIMILARITY OF TREATMENT. 159 copies of them in new binding. The Tories were the men who shouted against pulling down the flag, prated about national honor, and were shooting Americans in the name of God and for the purpose of 'restoring to them the blessings of law and liberty.' " Pitt, Burke, Fox and their followers championed the rights of man, declared that national honor could be maintained only by doing justly, and that the flag should be hauled down wherever it had been raised unjustly. Pitt said in one of his great speeches: 'The Americans, irritated by repeated injury, and stripped of their inborn rights and dearest privileges, have resisted and entered into associations for the preservation of their liberties.' " See how well Pitt gives conditions of to-day' Had the early situation of the people of Boston been attended to, things would not have come to this. But the infant complaints of Boston were literally treated like the capricious squalls of a child, who, it was said, did not know whether it was aggrieved or not.' 160 SIMILARITY OF TREATMENT. "How like the Filipinos were treated after Manila had surrendered! But let me quote Pitt a little farther — ' What has government done? They have sent an armed force, consisting of I7,ooo men, to dragoon the Bostonians into what is called their duty. * * * And we are told in the language of menace, that, if 17,000 men won't do, 50,000 shall.' "Substitute Filipinos for Bostonians and you have the story of to-day as accurately as it can be written. "But Pitt said more 'If I were an American, as I am an Englishman, while a foreign troop was landed in my country, I would never lay down my arms-never, never, never!' " God pity the American who does not feel as Pitt felt! "But Pitt said more'But, my lords, who is the man that, in addition to the disgrace and mischiefs of the war, has dared to authorize and associate to our arms the tomahawk and scalping-knife of the savage?' "We might substitute the Mohammedans, the slave-holding and polygamous Sulus for SIMILARITY OF TREATMENT. 161 the North American Indian, the barong for the scalping-knife, and go on with the story. All know how Dato Mundi was hired by the President's agents to attack the Christian Filipinos. " Lord Suffolk justified the hiring of savages, saying: 'It is perfectly allowable to use all the means which God and nature have put in our hands.' "You see that God has been ever made the excuse for crime. "In reply to Suffolk, Pitt said: ' What ideas of God and nature that noble lord may entertain, I know not; but I know such detestable principles are equally abhorrent to religion and humanity.' "Senator Hoar could not have said it better when discussing the Philippine policy of the administration. "Edmund Burke, during the revolution, also encountered in England the same spirit that to-day demands the forcible annexation of the Philippines on the ground of national dignity. Speaking of the right to rule the colonies Burke said: 11'I 162 SIMILARITY OF TREATMENT. 'They tell you, sir, that your dignity is tied to it. I know not how it happens, but this dignity of yours is a terrible incumbrance to you; for it has of late been ever at war with your interest, your equity and every idea of your policy.' "Just as the Tories in England, during the revolution of the colonies, the imperialists of America now say that 'our dignity' forces us to fight the Filipinos until they submit whether we are in the right or the wrong. " Charles James Fox said of the prosecution of the war in the colonies: 'The war of the Americans is a war of passion; it is of such nature as to be suDported by the most powerful virtues-love of liberty and of country; and at the same time by those passions in the human heart which give courage, strength and perseverance to man-the spirit of revenge for the injuries you have done them; of retaliation for the hardships you have inflicted on them; and of opposition to the unjust power you have exercized over them." Colonel Handy-" Pitt, Burke, and Fox were the anti-imperialists of their day, who believed that the flag of England should be saved from an unjust wa- They were de i I I li! IM 4 164 SIMILARITY OF TREATMENT. nounced as the enemies of their country and charged with sympathy for Washington and the colonists. The calm, inflexible judgment of a century has been passed upon them. George III., Lord North, and their imperialist associates are classed as tyrants and blunderers; Pitt, Burke, and Fox are written down as the true patriots and the wise statesmen who would have saved the flag of their country from disgrace." Private Smith:- " And McKinley, Hanna, Davis, and Frye can no more change the verdict of the world, as to the wisdom and patriotism of Pitt, Burke, and Fox, than they can change what history has written of Washington, Hancock, Adams, Franklin, and Jefferson. The effort to vindicate Geoi ge III. and Lord North comes too late to be effective. The step between famr e and intfamy- is a short one and McKinley will never gain fame by attempting to revise the declaration of independence." Captain Bevans (wrathfully)-""I should like to know how the President is attempting to 'revise' the declaration of independence. Such charges are outrageous." SIMILARITY OF TREATMENT. 16t Private Smith " The declaration of independence says 'All just powers of government are derived from the consent of the governed.' Speaking for the President, Senator Platt said that it should read 'some of the governed.' But since it has been shown that none of the Filipinos want American rule the President strikes out all of that great declaration and substitutes therefor: 'All just powers of government are derived from purchasing the governed from any one who may give a quit-claim deed." " The declaration: ' All men are created equal,' is stricken out altogether. 'Life, liberty, and the pursuit of happi ness,' are not ' inalienable' when they come in conflict with the interests of a 'gigantic trust' bent upon exploiting the Philippine Islands by means of cheap Asiatic labor. "' Taxation without representation,' is all right under the new revision. " Troops may be quartered in the Philippines in times of peace without consulting the wishes of the people. "It is all right to have judges in the Philippines dependent upon the will of the Pres 166 SIMILARITY OF TREATMENT. ident, or his governor-general, for their appointment and for the length of their term of service. "Such are a few of the revisions of the declaration of independence made by the President, who also denies to the Philippine people the ' right of trial by jury.' What is done to the Filipinos may be done to the American at home. As Senator Mason said: 'I am speaking one word for the Filipino and two words for my own country.' "Lincoln said: 'Those who deny freedom to others deserve it not for themselves; and, under a just God, cannot long retain it.' Colonel Handy-" So important is the declaration of independence to the human race that Lincoln declared he would not save the Union itself if its preservation should involve the sacrifice of the principles of that only really great document of the American people. On his way to Washington to assume the reins of government he made a speech in Independence Hall, Philadelphia, in which he said: 'All the political sentiments I entertain SIMILARITY OF TREATMENT. 167 have been drawn, so far as I have been able to draw them, from the sentiments which originated in or were given to the world from this hall. I have never had a feeling politically that did not spring from the sentiments embodied in the declaration of independence. * * * * Now, my friends, can this country be saved upon this basis? If it can, I shall consider myself one of the happiest men in the world if I can help to save it. If it cannot be saved upon that principle, it will be truly awful. But if this country cannot be saved without giving up that principle, I was about to say I would rather be assassinated on this spot than surrender it.' "By that declaration he wanted to live, and by it, if it pleased God, he was willing to die." CHAPTER XIII. IN WHICH PRIVATE SMITH ANSWERS SOME SOPHISTRIES OF THE IMPERIALISTS. CAPTAIN BEVANS -" To the want of consent by the Filipinos, great importance is given. As Senator Lindsay says,' The United States did not ask the consent of the inhabitants of Louisiana or Florida or New Mexico or upper California to the cessions made by France and Spain and the republic of Mexico; nor was it understood when we assumed sovereign jurisdiction over these peoples that we were violating the principle that governments derive their just powers from the consent of the governed."' Private Smith-" The cessions referred to by Senator Lindsay were of contiguous territory and with an ultimate view to statehood. Chief Justice Marshall described the territories as being ' in a state of infancy, advancing to manhood, looking forward to complete equality so soon as that state of man168 ]41444 444 444 44 4444 44< 44 444 4 4 "4K44 t44k44Kw 4444 444 >44 A 444 44 4 44 44 4 444 4 4 4 44 444444" 4KV <444"4"<" >V ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~1 NATIONAL HONOR. 189 national dignity in the minds of some people, so let us see how we are to get out honorably. You have the floor." Captain Bevans —" While I do not concede that the war in the Philippines is wrong, or that the policy of annexation is a bad one, still, if the war was wickedly waged at the beginning, and if our policy is unwise as to annexation, the only thing we can do now is to force the Filipinos to submit to the will of our government. If we ended the war now, it would be admitting to the world that we are not able to cope with a few thousand Malays; we would become the laughing stock of the world and our efforts at expansion would be about as ridiculous as were the ambitions of the frog that undertook to become an ox. McKinley defined the only policy left for us when he said'Peace first, then, with charity for all, establish a government of law and order, protecting life and property and occupation for the well-being of the people who will participate in it under the stars and stripes.' Private Smith-"If you are a big strong man, a regular John L. Sullivan in his 190 NATIONAL HONOR. prime, and are engaged in licking a little boy unjustly and the boy shows his manhood by scratching and kicking to the best of his ability, I suppose you would have to preserve your ' dignity' and maintain your 'honor' by continuing to pound the boy until he got down on his knees and begged! "The United States-rather the administration-is making just that kind of a spectacle of 'dignity' and ' honor' before the civilized world. " Great Britain decided to annex the Transvaal-entirely for the good of the Boers, of course-and their forces were defeated in every engagement and were forced to surrender at Majuba Hill. Gladstone stopped the war, even in the face of defeat, on the ground that it had been commenced unjustly by Great Britain and that his government was great enough to do justice at all times. It was the truest way to preserve the dignity and honor of Great Britain." "Justin McCarthy's 'Life of Gladstone,' (pages 351'3): 'The war with the Boers broke out. The English government seems to have been NATIONAL HONOR. 191 deceived into the belief that the Transvaal republic had become anxious to be taken under thedirect protection of England. Sir Theophilus Shepstohe... was sent out to investigate the situation. He seems to have entirely misunderstood the condition of things, and to have taken the frightened desires of a few Boers as the honest sentiment of the whole Boer nation. In an evil hour he hoisted the English flag in the Transvaal and declared the little republic a portion of the territory of the British crown. Mr. Gladstone again and again denounced the conservative policy which had brought about the temporary annexation of the Transvaal. The people of the Transvaal soon proved that they were not anxious to be under the government of England. They rose in revolt, if it ought to be properly called a revolt, and they defeated the English troops more than once. Mr. Gladstone had in the meantime succeeded to power. Many Englishmen, and even some of those who generally supported Mr. Gladstone, were strongly of opinion that we ought not to come to terms with the Boers until we had inflicted on them some crushing defeat. Mr. Gladstone was not of that opinion. He thought we were wrong in annexing the Transvaal republic, and he could not believe 192 NATIONAL HONOR. as a statesman and a Christian, that we ought not to make peace with the Boers and give them back their republic without first massacreing enough of them to satisfy our heroic sense of honor. Nobody doubts that England could have conquered the Boers, could have sent out troops enough to extirpate the whole male population of the Transvaal republic. Mr. Gladstone did not see honor, or credit, or glory, or Christianity in any such performance. He sent out one of the bravest and one of the most successful generals in the English service, Sir Evelyn Wood, with the express purpose of coming to honorable terms of peace with the Boers. 'Peace was established on fair and honorable conditions... Mr. Gladstone, of course, was denounced by the jingoes of England. They raged against him because he had allowed the curtain of this drama to fall upon what they called the triumph of the Boers. Mr. Gladstone went on his course unheeding. He had asked of his own mind and heart and conscience what was the right thing to do, and he had done it.' "Williamson's 'Gladstone, Statesman and Scholar' (page 314), says: 'Mr. Gladstone bravely defended the retrocession of the Transvaal, taking high ground. The occa NATIONAL HONOR. 193 sion was the debate on a resolution introduced on the 5th of July by Sir Michael Hicks Beach censuring the government.' "Gladstone said: 'Our case is summed up in this. We have endeavored to cast aside all considerations of false shame,...., we have endeavored to do right and eschew wrong, and we have done that in a matter involving alike the lives of thousands and the honour and character of our country.' "In his Midlothian campaign Gladstone also said: 'It is an eternal law of the Universe of God that sin is followed by suffering. An unjust war is a tremendous sin. * * * * * The time will arrive-come it soon or come it late-when the people of England will learn that national injustice is the surest road to national downfall.' "We boast that the United States is the greatest nation on earth; yet we insist that she must continue killing people in an unrighteous war because to do right would not be 'dignified' or 'honorable!' "The president says 'peace first,' by unconditional surrender, then he will begin IS 194 NATIONAL HONOR. 'benevolent assimilation,' by denying the Filipinos either citizenship or independence." Chairman-" How would you get the Americans out of the Philippines?" Private Smith-" By opening negotiations with the Filipinos at once. Do by them as Gladstone did by the Boers. They have repeatedly attempted to open negotiations with us, but have always been met by a demand for unconditional surrender. Under date of February 9,x 899, General Otis reported to the war department: 'Aguinaldo now applies for a cessation of hostilities and conference; have declined to answer.' "Such has been our method of meeting every proposition from the Filipinos for negotiations. "Change all that. Meet them and agree to assist them in the establishment of a stable government, just as we have agreed to do in Cuba with a less intelligent and a less capable people. Let our forces hold Manila and Cavite, which command the bay, until a republic is established and has received recognition from the nations of the world. If we NATIONAL HONOR. 195 are afraid that some other nation might attempt to 'seize upon' the islands, let our government negotiate treaties with Russia, Germany, France, Great Britain and Japan, whereby the Philippines would be declared neutral territory, like Belgium, Switzerland, the Suez Canal and the Congo Free State. If we are afraid that justice would not be done in the native courts, let there be consular courts as there were in Japan until the I7th day of July, I899, or as there are in China now, for the trial of foreigners. The Filipinos have offered us a coaling station with a good harbor which we could fortify fully for what the war costs each week. Doubtless the Filipinos would agree to pay us back the $20,000,000 we paid Spain, although it would be more honorable for us never to mention again that disgraceful and barbarous bargain. It should be 'expunged from the records' and forgotten, if possible. That course would be honorable for our country, and statesmanlike as well. Gladstone has showed us how the 'honor of the flag' should be maintained, but I want to quote the ven 196 NATIONAL HONOR. erable Senator Hoar on that point. In his reply to Senator Platt, he said: 'In general, the friends of what is called imperialism or expansion content themselves with declaring that the flag which is taken down every night and put up again every morning over the roof of this Senate Chamber, where it is in its rightful place, must never be taken down where it has once floated, whether that be its rightful place or not-a doctrine which I shall have occasion to say before I get through is not only without justification in international lawv, but if it were implanted there would make of every war between civilized and powerful nations a war of extermination or a war of dishonor to one party or the other. ' If you can not take down a national flag where it has once floated in time of war, we were disgraced when we took our flag down in Mexico and in Vera Cruz, or after the invasion of Canada; England was dishonored when she took her flag down after she captured this capital; and every nation is henceforth pledged to the doctrine that wherever it puts its military foot or its naval power with the flag over it, that must be a war to the death and extermination or the honor of the state is disgraced by the flag of that nation being withdrawn.' 4 NATIONAL HONOR. 197 "I hope that the friends of the flag may know that greater disgrace attaches to hoisting it in an unjust cause than to taking it down from where it has no right to float. If the chance location of a naval battle, even the hoisting of a flag without authority, is to impose on us a 'white man's burden' from which we may not without dishonor escape, may God deliver us from naval victories and flag raisings. "No one has arisen to defend our course in the Philippines on the merits. It is claimed that we have been impelled by destiny, even by the 'Providence of God,' into a desperate position, and that, being into it, we have no alternative but to fight our way out. This is but a weak submission to fatalism. The action of Gladstone in the Transvaal is a shining example for our imitation at this crisis." CHAPTER XV. PRIVATE SMITH, AND OTHERS, DISCOURSE ON THE ILLS WHICH MUST FALL UPON THE PEOPLE OF THE UNITED STATES IF THE POLICY OF IMPERIALISM IS PERSISTED IN. THE sea gulls had come out to meet the Century and form a fluttering escort for the end of her journey. Yellow patches of moss were marring the dark blue waters, sure indications that land was not far off. The debates on the desirability of annexing the Philippines, and on the moral right of the administration's policy of conquest had ended. The arguments of Captain Bevans seemed puerile, but when the speeches of the leading expansionists were read, it was found that he had given every argument they contained except one. Even Captain Bevans sneered at the appeal made to ministers of the Gospel, by Senator Davis, in which it was urged that the war should be prosecuted in order to 198 SOME OF THE ILLS. 199 save the souls of the Filipinos. "That," said Bevans, 'would be a return to the old doc. trine, that it was right to kill men's bodies in order that their souls might be saved. That doctrine was responsible for the massacre of St. Bartholomew, the rack of the Spanish inquisition, and the fires of Smithfield." "Quite true," said Colonel Handy, "but that would not be a greater revolution against the spirit of religious liberty than an effort to subjugate a people fighting for independence, is a rebellion against the spirit of political freedom enunciated in the Declaration of Independence." Private Smith-" From shooting men in order to confer upon them the blessings of national servitude, it is but a short step to where we could conscientiously, yea piously, burn men in order to save their souls." Chairman-" Well, how is imperialism going to affect us at home?" Private Smith —" Whenever there is one end, there is another end; whenever there is a sin, there is a punishment in waiting; the law of compensation is inexorable. I again quote what Lincoln said: 200 SOME OF THE ILLS. 'Those who deny freedom to others deserve it not for themselves; and, under a just God, cannot long retain it.' "' If the President of the United States can use the army and navy, contrary to the Declaration of Independence and in violation of the Constitution, to subjugate a people abroad, give him a navy big enough and an army strong enough and he will use it to subjugate the people at home, whenever he and his clique of multi-millionaires decide that the country has again 'outgrown the Constitution,' and that a vulgar republic is not up to the required 'dignity' of such an 'expansive' nation. " One of the greatest dangers to our country is the excuse a colonization policy gives for the maintenance of a great standing army. This nation has gone forward with leaps and bounds. Order has been maintained, and our borders protected with a standing army of never more than 25,000 men. With the addition of some provinces containing about o,ooo,ooo, the cry goes up for a regular army of 10o,ooo soldiers. While such a force would be quartered in the colonies, it SOME OF THE ILLS. e 201 could be transferred to our own shores within a few weeks. The regular soldier is a fighting machine who obeys his superiors without question. Charles James Fox saw the danger of such an army when he said: 'Such a possession of America must be secured by a standing army, and that, let me observe, must be a very considerable army. Consider, sir, that that army must be cut off from the intercourse of social liberty here, and accustomed in every instance to bow down and break the spirits of men, to trample on the rights and live on the spoils cruelly wrung from the sweat and labor of their fellow-subjects. Such an army employed for such purposes, and paid by such means, for supporting such principles, would be a very proper instrument to effect points of a greater, or at least more favorite, importance nearer home; points, perhaps, very unfavorable to the liberties of this country.' "When the President can use the army and navy to wage war against another people, without waiting for the consent of the American people, and without authority of Congress, can he not do anything with that army and navy.?" Captain Bevans —" When has the Presi 202 SOME OF THE ILLS. dent waged war without authority? Congress only can declare war." Private Smith-" If you want to know when the war in the Philippines actually originated, read the proclamation of President McKinley, issued December 21, I898, and published in the Philippines January 6, 1899, a month before the fighting actually began, and dated in the United States nearly two months before the Senate had ratified the treaty of Paris. The' proclamation, issued by Mr. McKinley without authority, said: 'The military government heretofore maintained by the United States in the city, harbor, and bay of Manila is to be extended with all possible dispatch to the whole ceded territory.' "The President further stated that whatever force was necessary would be used to carry out his order. In compliance, Colonel Miller went to Iloilo, a city on an island where there had never been an American soldier, where the Filipinos had driven out the Spaniards, and had established a safe government, satisfactory to both the foreign and native population. When Colonel Miller summoned the city to surrender, the SOME OF THE ILLS. 203 authorities refused. Had he followed in. structions he would have bombarded. But he was too humane to commit such a crime, even at the order of the President. He also knew that the President could not seize the city as a war measure, because the Spanish war had been closed; and he knew that the President had no authority to give such order, because the Senate had not ratified the treaty of Paris by which the territory was ceded from Spain. ' He was probably the only officer in the army who would have refused to obey the order to kill the Filipinos unless they surrendered. " When Presidents are liable to such usurpations of power, it is dangerous to place in their hands such a dangerous force as a large standing army. In his speech in the Senate, Senator Hoar said: 'Our fathers dreaded a standing army; but the Senator's doctrine, put in practice anywhere, now or hereafter, renders necessary a standing army, to be reinforced by a powerful navy. Our fathers denounced the subjection of any people whose judges were appointed or whose salaries were paid by a 204 SOME OF THE ILLS. foreign power; but the Senator's doctrine requires us to send to a. foreign people judges, not of their own selection, appointed and paid by us. The Senator's doctrine, whenever it shall be put into practice, will entail upon us a national debt larger than any now existing on the face of the earth, larger than any ever known in history. 'Our fathers dreaded the pational taxgatherer; but the doctrine of the Senator from Connecticut, if it be adopted, is sure to make our national taxgatherer the most familiar visitant to every American home.' ' The taxgatherer ybu have with you always when a great navy and a large army are to be maintained. The Czar of Russia called a disarmament congress on the ground that the military taxes were crushing the life out of the masses of the people. The increase in our standing army is a long step toward the same kind of oppression. "The labor of the United States is menaced as never before. Filipino and Chinese labor exists in the Philippines by millions. The laborers have no coal bills to pay, no expensive clothes to purchase, and they find their food at their doors with little exertion SOME OF THE ILLS. 205 and no outlay of money necessary to secure it. Their chief items of expense are for drugs to protect them against the diseases incident to the climate, and for taxes which are now enormous. On the other hand, the American laborer must have fire and clothes to keep himself and his family warm; he must eat good food and live in as good home as he can afford. The actual necessities for the maintenance of an American workingman's family for a week cost more than the wages of these Filipinos or Chinese laborers for a month. American labor cannot compete with Oriental labor. When the Philip. pines are once subjugated then will come the exploitation by the trusts. Vast factories will be established, filled with Chinese labor at $3.75 a month. It will then be discoverd that, notwithstanding our declaration for an 'open door,' the Constitution makes free trade between all territory of the United States imperative. The treaty with the Sultan of Sulu, by which we protect his majesty in the perpetuation of slavery and polygamy in his dominions and make him our ally, also provides free trade with the United States. 206 SOME OF THE ILLS. B. W. Snow, statistician of the Orange Judd Farmer, was summoned before the sub-committee of the Senate on agriculture, and said: 'If the territory which has come into our possession-Porto Rico, which is actually ours and the Philippines which must eventually pass under our control-is to be considered as an integral portion of our country, given territorial government with the natural sequence of statehood at some period however remote, it follows that all the agricultural lands thus acquired may be forcibly and suddenly brought into direct competition with our own farm lands. If these acquisitions become integral territory, no tariff duties can be levied on products imported from them, and their sugar and tobacco lands are placed immediately upon the same footing as our own. This means an immediate and unequal contest in two lines of production, tobacco and sugar, with others to follow as the capabilities of their soil are intelligently tested. ' The Philippines alone, with the shiftless and unsystematic methods of cultivation now in vogue, export about 20,000,000 pounds leaf tobacco and oo,00ooo,ooo cigars a year. Last year our imports of leaf tobacco from all sources were about Io,ooo,ooo pounds, so SOME OF THE ILLS. 207 it follows that from the start the Philippines, if our tariff barrier is to be set aside, could furnish more than our present total purchases of foreign tobacco, and it is reasonable to believe that with no custom duties to pay the greater part of their production would flow this way. In sugar with the crudest appliances imaginable the Philippines produce some 500,000,000 pounds a year; this means enough to furnish all needed for consumption in the counfry lying west of the Missouri river, and if admitted duty free, to this the greatest sugar market of the world, it would all flow in this direction, just as all the sugar of Hawaii comes here. Such an avalanche of sugar produced by yellow labor would absolutely wipe out the now promising beet sugar industry of this country. Further, it is a matter of history that the admission of sugar free of duty to our great market results in enormously increasing the producing capacity of the country so favored. - When the reciprocity treaty zwith Hawaii was negotiated, she was shipping us less than 30,000,000 pounds a year, and it was most positively urged as a reason for negotiating the treaty that the production of the island had reached its maximum. Last year, however, Hawaii sent us more than 500,000oo000 pounds 208 SOME OF THE ILLS. and a similar elasticity in the Philippines would enable them to supply all the sugar we consumed. ' It must be borne in mind that all the territory involved in this question lies in tropical regions and is already thickly populated. We do not need lands upon which to colonize our surplus population, and if we did it is the history of the Anglo-Saxon race that it does not successfully populate tropic lands. It follows, therefore, that these new acquisitions will not be exploited by emigration of our own people, but their agricultural capabilities will be exploited by combinations of capital, which will, under the direction of superior intelligence, bring the labor of the Orient with its low standard of life into direct and immediate competition with the American farmer at home.' "When it is time, there will be free trade with all the Philippines. Then, God help the American workingman! He will go out of the shoe factories, the cotton nrflls, the cigar factories, and from every other factory where the cost of transporting the raw materials will be less than the difference between the prices of American and Oriental labor. Then, too, the Filipinos can come SOME OF THE ILLS. 209 here to any extent they choose. The Constitution will not permi-t the confinement on the islands of Io,ooo,ooo citizens of the United States without conviction of crime. The liberty to go where one pleases is a fundamental right under the Constitution. Mere annexation will probably confer it upon all the inhabitants of the islands, and certainly on all persons hereafter born there. The Supreme Court settled this only last year. (United States vs. Wong Kim Ark, I69.U. S. Rep., 649.) " No Chinese ' exclusion act ' can save the American workingman then; neither strike nor boycott will avail anything, and there will be a regular army of Ioo,ooo men to keep him in order if he should complain because he is hungry, or should shiver too violently because he is cold." Chairman-" If we want to expand' our trade, a great field lies within our own borders. As I came across the continent from Chicago, I saw a thousand miles of territory practically barren, except in Utah, where irrigation has chased the desert away and made the 'wilderness blossom as the rose.' 14 210 SOME OF THE ILLS, Of that arid and semi-arid region there are about 600,000 square miles, five times the area of the Philippine archipelago. Experts report that by an outlay of less than $200,ooo,ooo, enough of that land can be reclaimed to support I5,000,000 people in opulence. They would be Americans, in sympathy with our institutions. They would not require the ' benevolent assimilation' of the bayonet. They would produce wealth and would consume the products of our fields and factories. It would be an empire in extent and wealth, and it would not cost as much as the war in the Philippines costs in a single year. As Senator Pettigrew has said,' Let. us annex the arid regions at home.' "Besides, a republic has never governed colonists successfully. You cannot maintain a government part republic and part empire, a population part free and part slave. 'A house divided against itself cannot stand.' We do not want a chief executive who is half president and half emperor. He might take a notion to be all emperor. Besides, we would disgrace ourselves in any event. SOME OF THE ILLS. 211 "Professor Creasy, in his 'Six Decisive Battles of the World,' well says: 'There has never been a republic yet in history that acquired dominion over another nation that did not rule it selfishly and oppressively. There is no single exception to this rule either in ancient or modern times. Carthage, Rome, Venice, Genoa, Florence, Pisa, Holland, and republican France, all tyrannized over every province and subject state where they gained authority.'" "The powers that shall henceforth be exercised in the government of the Philippine islands must come from their people or from Washington. Such powers have neither been delegated nor can they be delegated to Mr. McKinley. The powers which he has thus far exercised in his personal crusade in behalf of trade and religion are self-assumed and despotic in character. "The Constitution makes no provision for the forcible intervention by our government in the affairs of a people who do not form an integral part of the union. To the extent we permit our chosen representatives to exercise arbitrary powers, whether at home or abroad; we allow them to sap and destroy 212 SOME OF THE ILLS. representative government itself. Mr. McKinley is introducing, at Washington, the principles and methods of absolutism. He mistakes a passion for power, which is as old as despotism, for the currents of destiny. Currents of destiny set toward human freedom and away from despotism. "At this moment in our country the right of free men-whose duty it is to pass upon the acts of their official servants-to know the truth and to utter their protests is questioned. The spirit of impatience of constitutional processes has already reached the stage in which the words 'treason' and 'traitor' are made to do duty in place of arbitrary power. The question is squarely presented, shall ours become a government of men instead of a government of laws? The powers which Mr. McKinley claims in the Philippines cannot be exercised by a govern. ment which is merely representative. "Despotic power has already appeared at Washington, there to compete with the delegated authority for final supremacy. These forces are as old as history. They cannot exist together. Our choice lies between them." 7$ 2 222 2224222 224> 222 "2244 <2 2274 <2 > 2724 <7 <2244 4224 4222274 22 2222 2242 22K< <22> 2422242222222 2 <2" 2 <4+ 2 222 2<2222> <2222422>222 (22< 222222. 227222 2222) 2242.42< 24<2<22 22 2" 42>4:22 22> <242<22 2 ""<2< 22>2>. "2< "222< .. <222224444722.<4>.22>2 42" ~~22222722424244 CHAPTER XVI. CONCLUSION. HE morning sun had glorified the heavens and tinted the sea when the Century came in sight of the Golden Gate. Handkerchiefs were waved, and the sick men walked to the deck-rail and laughed, and everybody joined in singing "America" while every head was uncovered. As the homeward-bound boat steamed through the gate and into the bay a big steamer was seen slipping her cables and moving away from the wharf. Her decks were crowded with American soldiers, bands; were playing and whistles screaming. It was another United States transport starting for Manila with a regiment of regulars and seven hundred recruits to take the places of the killed and discharged. Other transports bearing such cargoes had just preceded it, and there were others soon to followbearing thousands of the bravest and the best young men of the land into the maw of the 214 CONCLUSION 215 sweltering, suffocating, poisonous, pestilential Orient. Hundreds of those laughing boys would that day look for the last time upon the shores of their native land; hundreds more would come back wrecked and ruined, to drag out lives of pain. Little wonder that the Red Cross nurse wept! She had seen nothing of the shouting and the romance of battle. Hers had been to see the ghastly effects-the wounded limbs, the fever-racked bodies, the loathsome diseases of tropical Asia. Should the Philippines be conquered, a lar -e army of occupation will be necessary always.* Fully twenty thousand new victims will be sent there each year to replace those who have died or become disabled. The recruiting officer, and after him the conscripting officer, will haunt the heretofore peaceful American fireside. The mothers of America must furnish the victims for the sacrifice. *Joseph T. Mannix in "The Review of Reviews" for June, 1898: "About eight years ago General Manager Higgins of the Manila and Daguapan railroad, having secured a concession from the Spanish government, organized in London a party of about forty civil engineers to survey the route and build and afterward assist in the management and operation of the road. Mr. Higgins gave special attention to the physical condition of his assistants, selecting only such men as he believed could stand the severe climate of the archipelago. To-day not more than half the members of the party are alive. " 216 CONCLUSIN. A sphinx sat upon a hill above Thebes and propounded a riddle. So long as the riddle was unsolved, she devoured the young people of the city. At last CEdipus solved the riddle and delivered the city from the monster. "Whosoever hath ears to hear, iet him hear." THE END. i, 1d I C:,,: . I. *4y. Filmed by Preservation 1987 | 905111i 011i i 35 3 9015 01103 3548 s