E
MT I  r./.S b/I




IJYlPtget-ory  t 
ASTEPHEN JSPA ULNDIG  I
UNIVERSITY oFMICHIGAN..,m \,\\,  7




,171.  D 








I








The Santiago Campaign








~jo
X\  lop




Gen. N. A. Miles.




The Santiago Campaign
RE M     INISCENCES
of the operations for the capture of
Santiago de Cuba in the SpanishAmerican War, June and July, 1898
Written by participants in the campaign
and published by the Society of '*" -;*'-'  s
Santiago de Cuba
With Maps and Illustrations
WILLIAMS PRINTING COMPANY
Richmond, Virginia
1927
V




Copyright, 1927, by the
Society of Santiago de Cuba




-Mebitation


To ttje officers; aub %olbier%; of the 2mierican Mrm wb4o,
in the b'antiago campaign, gabe their libe%; that Cuba migbt
be free, tbim; bolume i1% bebicateb in enburing lobe anb abmitration.


vii




"t




FOREWORD
Cones a period after the close of all great wars,
when old soldiers of the "late unpleasantness" are
wont to foregather and to fight again the battles of
the past.
How quickly their eyes glisten with the fighting
spark, and with what intense concern they love to
wrangle over every little detail, which in their eyes,
served to snatch victory from defeat. Now and
then, some amusing incident of the past, which long
ago separated tragedy from comedy, causes a quiet
chuckle or a ripple of merriment. But by and large,
these discussions of the gray-haired veterans are of
serious moment. Like the thoroughbred war-horses
that they are, they sniff the dust of battle from afar,
and as the debate grows warm, are wont to pound
the ground with their canes, as though once again
swinging sword or bayonet.
On the outskirts of the little groups, small grandchildren drink in these tales of an all but forgotten
past, with kindling eye and bated breath. Did men
ever live who performed such marvelous things as
their grandsires did in that long ago? Will such
wonders ever happen again, and happening, will the
boys and the girls of today measure up to the old
standards?
Yes! American boys and American girls, such
marvels will happen again. Wars will come and
wars will go, so long as international cruelties and
brutalities and injustices and suffering unhappily
remain part of earthly existence.
ix




FOREWORD


And, God willing, American manhood and American womanhood will again, as in all great crises of
our country's history, demonstrate to a, perhaps
marveling world, that, though a complex and enervating civilization may have sapped some of the
more homely virtues which once characterized the
American pioneer, the genius of American ideals
and of American citizenship will ever, like the Phoenix, rise from the ashes of a forgotten past, and
bring to our beloved country as in the long ago,
peace with honor.
And so this little chronicle of deeds of more than
a quarter of a century ago, has been gathered together by the Society of the Army of Santiago de
Cuba, to perpetuate to the children and the childrens' children of the Santiago soldiers of 1898, some
conception of the delights and the discomforts, the
joys and the sorrows, of those who, in their country's service, went down to the sea in ships.
In no sense is it a history of the first overseas expedition sent to a foreign shore, an expedition which
was to be the deciding factor in bringing peace between our country and the kingdom of Spain.
Rather, is it an effort to bring into relief and make
of record for future generations of Americans, such
things as are not to be found in histories; side-lights
in the personal experience of American officers and
men at Santiago de Cuba, which, if not preserved,
may pass with the passing of the years.
All honor to the soldiers of 1898!
CHARLES DUDLEY RHODES,
Brigadier-General, U. S. A.
x




INTRODUCTION
From the series of monographs published in this
volume the reader will be able to obtain a fairly
complete picture of the campaign for the capture of
Santiago de Cuba. Certain gaps, however, will not
escape notice. There is, for instance, no separate
article on the interesting and epoch-making work
of the Gatling guns, nor about the scanty wheel and
pack transportation. No champion has come forward to tell the story of the sufferings and service,
by sea and land, of the faithful beasts, so long the
dependable stand-by for the supply of our troops in
the field.
Repeated efforts were made to secure contributions from the regular regiments of cavalry and infantry, giving more in detail the record of their services in this campaign, but unfortunately without
avail, except in a few cases. The editor and the
book committee must disclaim responsibility for this
failure of representation.
The events of the World War overshadow the
minor affairs of this conflict with a third rate power.
Yet, the Spanish-American War marks the entry of
the Great Republic into the arena of World Politics,
and the Santiago Expedition is a wonderful monument to the fighting qualities of the trained American rifleman, and to the ability and resourcefulness
of his leaders in overcoming the serious handicaps
imposed by lack of military policy and preparationdeficient organization, especially in the staff, antiquated weapons, unsuitable uniform, paucity of artillery, and inadequate transportation and medical
personnel and equipment. The fortified positions
of El Caney and San Juan were stormed, the city
of Santiago was captured, and the war brought to a
close by a fighting force scarcely equal in numbers to
a single one of the many divisions composing the
armies of 2,000,000 soldiers we sent to France.
xi




Apparently the reports of the foreign observers
with the Santiago Expedition made no lasting impression on European statesmen and the general
staffs of their armies, for their attitude during the
early part of our service over there was one of hopefulness, born of their great necessities, rather than
of faith in the fighting qualities of the American
soldier. They considered it indispensable to develop
his confidence by a period of service in the trenches
of a quiet sector-a course more likely to produce a
contrary effect.
To us who participated, the fighting at Santiago
forms a notable part of the glorious record of the
American soldier, added to whenever given a fair
chance through proper organization, armament and
training.
For the Book Committee:
J. T. DICKMAN.
BOOK COMMITTEE, SOCIETY OF SANTIAGO DE CUBA
Washington, D. C., July 28, 1927.
To Major General J. T. Dickman, U. S. Army, the
Souvenir Book Committee of the Society of the Army
of Santiago de Cuba hereby expresses its gratitude
and appreciation for his services as Editor, and for
the supervision of the printing of this volume. The
arrangement of the matter, preparation of the index
and the editing of the copy and page-proof was all
done by General Dickman personally and represents
many hours of close and able attention to the work.
ELI A. HELMICK,
Major General, Inspector General.
HARRY F. RETHERS,
Brigadier General, Asst. Q. M. General.
C. McK. SALTZMAN
Major General, Chief Signal Officer.
J. T. KERR,
Brigadier General, Retired.
FRANCIS B. WHEATON,
Lieut. Colonel, Q. M. Corps.
xii




TABLE OF CONTENTS
Page
FOREWORD --- —--------------------                          lx
Brigadier General C. D. Rhodes.
]INTRODUCTION --- —-----------------                        Xi
Major General J. T. Dickman.
Article                                                  Page
I. EVENTS LEADING OF TO THE SPANISH-AMERICAN WAR- -    1
IL. THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN --- —---------                 3
Brigadier General E. J. McClernand.
III. THE REGULARS --- —--------------                    45
Brigadier General M. B. Stewart.
IV. BATES' INDEPENDENT BRIGADE --- —------— 53
Colonel Harry E. Wilking.
V. THE N1NTH INFANTRY IN THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN. -- 58
Colonel Edwin V. Bookmiller.
VI. THlE SIXTH AND SIXTEENTH U. S. INFANTRY --- —— 68
Colonel B. T. Simmonds, and
Colonel E. R. Chrisman.
VII. THE THIRTEENTH U. S. INFANTRY --- —----— 90
Brigadier General Paul B. Malone.
T- III. THE, ROUGH RIDERS ---------------— 102
Lieutenant Colonel Arthur F. Cosby.
IX. THE SECOND MASSACHUSETTS INFANTRY AT SANTIAGO_ 110
General Embury P. Clark.
X. THE NINTH MASSACHUSETTS INFANTRY, U. S. VOLU-NTEEtS --------------------— 123
Captain Peter J. Cannon.
XI. THE SEVTENTY-FIRST NEW YORK INFANTRY --- —-— 127
Chaplain George R. Van Dewater.
X1I. THE EIGHTH 01110 INFANTRY, 0. N. G. --- —---— 147
General Edward Vollrath.
XIII. THE THIRTY-THIRD MICHIGAN INFANTRY --- —-— 160
From offcial records.
XIV. THE THIRTY-FOURTH MICHIGAN INFANTRY -----— 164
From official records.
XV. THLE FIRST ILLINOIS NFANTRY AT SANTIAGO --- —— 167
General J. B. Sanborn.
XVI. THE FIRST DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA INFANTRY ----— 176
Major F. S. Hodgson.
XVII. PERSONAL RECOLLECTION OF THE ARTILLERY AT SANTIAGO 182
Brigadier General Dwight E. Aultman.
XVIII. THE QUARTERMASTER DEPARTMENT --------— 195
Major General C. F. Humphrey.
XITX. THE MEDICAL CORPS AT SANTIAGO ---------— 207
Colonel Valery Havard.
xiii 




TABLE OF CONTENTS
Article                                                Page
XX. THE ARMY CHAPLAINS AT SANTIAGO -------------—. 222
Chaplain Cephas C. Bateman.
xxr. THE BLOODY FORD ----— _ --- —----------— _-________ 226
Mapor George J. Newgarden.
XXII. THE FIELD HOSPITAL AT SIBONEY --- —------— __ —___ 239
Colonel Francis A. Winter.
XXIII. ADDRESS AT LOS ANGELES ----------------------— __ 246
Major General William R. Shafter.
XXIV. THE ARRIVAL OF REINFORCEMENTS --- —--------------- 264
Brigadier General S. D. Rockenbach.
XXV. MEMORIES OF SANTIAGO -_ --- —------------— ______ 268
Colonel James A. Moss.
XXvr. THE DIARY OF A CAPTAIN ------------------------—. 286
Brigadier General William C. Brown.
XXVII. AS A CAPTAIN TELLS THE STORY_ --- —---—, --- —-- 311
Colonel R. C. Van Vliet.
XXVIII. A REMINISCENT STORY -----------------------— ___ 320
Colonel O. R. Wolfe.
XXIX. DIARY OF A LIEUTENANT' -------------------— ___- 334
Brigadier General C. D. Rhodes.
XXX. RECOLLECTIONS OF LAS GUASIMAS_ --- —-------------- 398
Major General C. McK. Saltzman.
XXXI. SOME RECOILLECTIONS OF SANTIAGO ------------------ 406
Brigadier General William D. Beach.
XXXII. THE BATTLE OF SAN JUAN --- —--------------------- 413
Brigadier General William E. Horton.
XXXIII. LETTER TO CAPTAIN E. D. DIMMICK, 9TH CAVALRY ----- 421
Theodore Roosevelt.
APPENDICES
I. ORGANIZATION OF THE FIFTH ARMY CORPS_ --- —--— _- 424
II. FAREWELL LETTER FROM A SPANISH DOUGHBOY --- —--- 426
Pedro Lopez de Castillo.
III. CONGRATULATORY ORDERS TO THE FIFTH ARMY CORPS --- 429
Major General William R. Shafter.
IV. SANTIAGO BATTLEFnIED MEMORIALS ---— _ --- —--- 432


xiv




ILLUSTRATIONS
Lieutenant General Nelson A. Miles --- —-------— Frontispiece
PAGE
Major General W. R. Shafter _ —__ ---      _ --- —--------     xz
Brigadier General E. J. McClernand --- —----------— facing     8
Major General H. W. Lawton         _ ------------— facing    16
Lieutenant General A. R. Chaffee --- —_ ----   --- -— facing   24
Major General S. S. Sumner_ ---------------— facing          32
Lieutenant General S. B. M. Young --— _-        --- facing   40
Eight Generals --------------------------------      facing  48
General Bates and Staff _-_ ---- ------ -------- facing       56
Colonel C. A. Wikoff —__ ---_____ —____ ------        facing  64
The Capture of the Block House on San Juan Hill ---_facing    72
General H. S. Hawkins at San Juan_ -----------— facing       80
The Hotchkiss Battery at Las Guasimas --- —------- facinlg 104
General Russell A. Alger Inspecting Santiago
Battlefields -— _ ----   __ --- —--  ------ -     - -- - _ facing 120
Company K, 9th Massachusetts Infantry     __ --- —----- facing 120
Generals Inspecting Lines at El Caney ------------— facing 168
Camp of Third Battalion, First Illinois Infantry ----— facing 168
Major General C. F. Humphrey -------------- -- facing 200
The Hospital Near Santiago-__ --- —-------— f —   -— acing 208
View of El Caney, Cuba ----------------------- facing 208
Bloody Ford Dressing Station ---------- ---    --- - facing 232
The Landing at Daiquiri --- —-------------------— facinlg 248
Raising the American Flag in Santiago_ --- —------ facing 248
Meeting of Generals to Arrange Surrender -— _ ---- _facing 256
The Capture of El Caney ----------------     -----   facing 272
Refugees at El Caney    ------- ----------— ___   -- facin'g 280
The Surrender Tree, Santiago ---------------— facing 280
Observation Under Fire --     --------------------— facing 304
Trench of the Second Infantry --- —------ -------- acing 304
Colonel E. P. Pearson _ --- —--------- -    -----— _facing 312
American Trenches at Santiago     _ ------------- ----- facing 328
Trenches of Colored Troops -------------------— facing 328
Colonel Evan Miles -------------------------- faciing 368
Colonel A. C. Sharpe ----------     ------- -- _facing 392
Major General Joseph Wheeler_ --- --------------- facing 408
Battle Monument at Sevilla_ —   --— a ---------       facing 432
Officers Killed or Mortally Wounded at Santiago --- —-facing 424
Battle Monument on San Juan Hill --- —------— facing 432


XV








Gen. W. R. Shafter.




/v  v




EVENTS LEADING UP TO THE
SPANISH-AMERICAN WAR
January 25.-U. S. Battleship Maine, Captain C. D.
Sigsbee, U. S. N., is ordered to Havana, Cuba.
February 8.-The publication of a letter written by
Sefior Dupuy de Loine, Spanish Minister to the
United States, speaking disparagingly of President McKinley, leads to the Minister's resignation of his post, and the appointment of Sefior
Luis Polo y Bernabe.
February 15.-The U. S. Battleship Maine, lying in
the harbor of Havana, was destroyed by an explosion between 9 and 10 o'clock P. M.
February 17.-Rear Admiral Sicard, commanding
the North Atlantic Squadron, orders a Court of
Inquiry into the loss of the Maine.
February 19.-The request of the Spanish officials in
Havana for a joint investigation into the loss of
the Maine, is declined.
February 21.-The U. S. Senate orders an investigation into the Maine disaster.
March 8, 9.-Congress voted to place $50,000,000 at
the unqualified disposal of President McKinley
as an emergency fund. The bill passed both
houses unanimously. The President signed the
bill March 9.
March 16.-Spain remonstrates against the presence
of the U. S. fleet at Key West and against other
measures of defense by U. S. Government.




2


THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


March 17.-Facts concerning Cuba stated in the
Senate by Senator Proctor, of Vermont, as the
result of personal observation.
April 10.-President McKinley sends a message to
Congress, recommending armed intervention in
Cuba.
April 15.-Army ordered to mobilize.
April 19.-Congress passes resolution demanding the
withdrawal of Spain from Cuba.
April 21.-U. S. Minister at Madrid, General Stewart
L. Woodford, was notified by the Spanish Minister of Foreign Affairs that diplomatic relations
between Spain and the United States were
terminated.
April 21.-President McKinley cables ultimatum to
Spain, demanding a reply by April 23.
April 21.-Sefior Polo y Bernabe, Spanish Minister,
receives his passport and leaves Washington.
April 22.-U. S. S. Nashville captures Spanish merchant steamer Buena Ventura off Key West.
U. S. S. New York takes Spanish steamer Pedro,
2,000 tons, fifteen miles east of Havana.
April 23.-The President issues his proclamation
calling for 125,000 volunteers.
April 24 (Sunday).-A Spanish decree declaring war
against the United States was gazetted at
Madrid.
April 24.-The cable between the United States and
Cuba was cut about ten miles out from Havana,
and the Key West end taken possession of by
U. S. Government.
April 25.-Congress passed a resolution declaring
that a state of war had existed since April 21.




THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN
BRIG. GEN. E. J. MCCLERNAND, U. S. Army, Retired1
A telegram from Washington dated May 30, 1898,
started the Santiago Campaign. It was addressed to
General Shafter and stated:
Admiral Schley reports that two cruisers and
two torpedo boats have been seen in the harbor
of Santiago. Go with your force to capture garrison and assist in capturing harbor and fleet.
Orders from the 5th Corps Headquarters were at
once given for loading a large number of ships at
Port Tampa, and for the embarkation of some of
our troops. The vessels mentioned had been secured and assembled hurriedly after the declaration of war, and while most of them were good ships
there were neither conveniences nor time to fit them
properly for transport purposes. The selection of
Port Tampa as a place for embarkation had strategic merit, for it would have been hazardous for
the enemy to penetrate that section of the Gulf with
his cruisers. Therefore, the concentration camp at
Tampa.
It was natural to believe that the warships of the
enemy would attempt to capture or sink our transports and supply vessels as they passed back and
forth between the United States and Cuba, for we
lAn address at a dinner of the Society of the Army of Santiago
de Cuba at the Army and Navy Club, Washington, February 25,
1922.






4


THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


could not reasonably assume, what later actually occurred-that the Spanish fleet would cross the Atlantic
simply to bottle itself up in a Cuban harbor. For the
actual embarkation of troops, however, the port was
a failure. The water system there did not permit
the establishment of a large camp in the vicinity.
Its single track rail connection with Tampa and its
limited dock facilities were wholly inadequate to permit the rapid embarkation of the troops, and the
loading of supplies for two months ordered, from
Washington, to be taken. With the utmost effort it
was not possible to accomplish the work with the
despatch desired either by the War Department or
Corps Headquarters.
General Shafter originally contemplated taking
Snyder's division of Volunteer Infantry in addition
to Kent's and Lawton's divisions, almost entirely composed of Regulars. However, as Snyder's men were
but partially trained and were armed with the old
Springfield rifle, supplied with black powder ammunition, the General accepted the arguments presented
for substituting dismounted cavalry in their place.
This proposed use of our cavalry did not receive
the approval of some of the prominent cavalrymen.
Generals Sumner and Wheeler, among others, pointed
out that the separation of the men from their horses
might be for a long period, and might result in injury to the morale of the army. Finally General
Wheeler was told that we did not have transports
enough to take the horses and could not get them,
and that if his division did not go dismounted it would
have to stay at home and be replaced by Snyder's.
I-e replied that under those conditions he withdrew




THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


all objections. If any further objections were made
they, at least, did not reach my office. General Sumner also accepted the situation.
On the evening of June 7, a telegram received from
the War Department directed that we sail at once,
but with not less than ten thousand men. The situation at that time can best be understood by quoting
from a message sent by General Shafter in reply, at
9 P. MI. He said:
There is loaded tonight one division of Infantry (9 regiments), 16 companies of dismounted
cavalry, 4 light batteries, 2 siege batteries, 2 companies of engineers and the troops from Mobile.
I will try to get on the rest of the cavalry and
another division of Regular Infantry by morning.
I will sail then with whatever I have on board.
The troops referred to as being from Mobile were
Bates' brigade, composed of the Third and Twentieth
regiments of Infantry, with Rafferty's squadron of
the Second Cavalry with their horses; this squadron
being the only mounted cavalry accompanying the expedition.
Orders were at once issued for those of the selected
troops still at Tampa to entrain for the Port at prescribed hours during the night. You will recall that
the railroad from Tampa to the Port was not only
single track, but that there were insufficient switch
facilities, so that great delay was caused by trains
waiting to pass each other in going and returning between the two places.
At this point I wish to say we were fortunate, indeed, in having as Chief Quartermaster and as Chief




6


THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


Commissary of our expedition two men of acknowledged ability, with fine training and marked determination, Colonels Humphrey and Weston; and but
for their energy and good judgment, both at Tampa
and Siboney, the discomforts of our embarkation,
voyage and life in the field, great as they were, would
have been immensely increased.
Daylight on the 8th found the embarkation far from
complete.
The loading went on all day, and late afternoon
came before the transports commenced dropping down
to the lower bay. After the Headquarters ship, the
Seguiralna, had left the wharf, the weary Commanding General and most of his staff sought to get some
much needed sleep. Personally, I had not slept or
lain down for forty hours, and I must have fallen
asleep the instant I struck my berth. In a few minutes Lieutenant Miley, Aide-de-Camp, aroused me and
handed me a telegram that had been brought out on
a tugboat. It said: "Wait until you get further orders before you sail. Answer quick. R. A. Alger,
Secretary of War." Telling Miley to take it to General Shafter, I said I would follow as soon as possible.
Miley returned in a moment and informed me the
General said he would attend to the matter in the
morning. Realizing that General Shafter had had the
hardest job of all, and that he could not have been
fully awake when he spoke to his aide, I hurried to
his room and taking him by the shoulder to thoroughly awaken him, said: "Here, General, this must
be attended to at once." He sat up, rubbed his eyes,
read the telegram and replied "God! I should say
so." He immediately commenced to recall the trans



THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


7


ports. This work consumed the greater part of the
night. You may rest assured the task was not a light
one.
The order for delay was the result of the Navy having reported that two Spanish war vessels had been
sighted in the Nicholas channel; and as our naval
escort had not yet joined it would, of course, have
been hazardous to have put to sea. Later the Army
gave the name of "The Phantom Fleet" to the imaginary ships of the enemy just mentioned.
During the delay that followed we increased our
command to the full capacity of the transports, and
the expedition finally sailed on June 14 with 815 officers and 16,072 enlisted men.
At daylight on the 16th we found ourselves under
the escort of a number of warships. We sailed, as
you will remember, in three lines with the Navy in
front and rear, and on either flank. You will recall
the signalling between the vessels, and especially between the warships at night. The latter was particularly interesting because of the bright and varied
colors used.
One night, while passing along the north coast of
Cuba, a large barge, in the tow of one of the transports, broke away, or was cut loose, and was lost.
This was most unfortunate. It had been secured after
great labor by the Chief Quartermaster, and its use
as a dock at Daiquiri and Siboney would have saved
both labor and time, particularly in unloading supplies, and this in turn would have added greatly to
the comforts of the Army in the field.
The morning of June 20 found us off Guantanamo,
and by noon we were in the vicinity of Santiago. Ad



8


THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


miral Sampson came aboard the Seguranca, which
then sailed for Aserraderos, 18 miles west of the
Morro, to enable the Commanding General and the
Admiral to visit the Cuban general, Garcia.
On arrival at our destination the Admiral and the
General landed, each accompanied by several staff
officers. Garcia was encamped in rugged mountains,
and the paucity with which his army was supplied
was evident at a glance. His troops were poorly
armed, practically without artillery, and almost naked;
but their spirit was good and their welcome cordial.
General Garcia confirmed our opinion that Daiquiri
and Siboney were the best places for disembarkation.
There were four thousand Cuban troops in camp with
Garcia, and he had about five hundred more under
General Castillo at the town of Cujababo, a few miles
east of Daiquiri. The Cuban leader gladly entered
into arrangements to co-operate.
The work of Garcia and his men in the campaign
that followed was harshly judged by many. When
we consider their poor arms and equipment, the wonder is not that they accomplished so little, but that
they did so much.
Admiral Sampson promised to shell the hills back
of Daiquiri to drive out any Spaniards who might
be there with the intention of opposing our landing;
and also to bombard several other places along the
coast, off which transports were to appear with a
view to misleading the enemy as to the real point
of disembarkation. He stated, however, that, as he
expected to engage the Spanish fleet sooner or later,
he would have to limit the amount of ammunition




Gen. E. J. McClernand.




* K
Pu,. 




THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


9


thus expended. The conference then closed and the
Seguranca returned to Daiquiri.
In a conversation between General Shafter and several of his staff aboard the Seguranca, the former
said we were a long way from the Civil War; that the
country was no longer accustomed to hear of heavy
losses in battle and would judge us accordingly; that
he intended to get his Army in position around the
city of Santiago and demand a surrender. As I had
known the General but a short time, never having
imet him until I reported for duty as Adjutant General
at Tampa two days before the receipt of the order
for the Santiago campaign, I listened attentively to
his remarks, with the hope that I would get his innermost thoughts about the work confronting the Army,
and his statement impressed me. It is referred to
now for, as you will see later, the idea suggested
played a controlling part in the battle before the
city.
While the order for the disembarkation of the
troops was being prepared our chief insisted that a
provision be inserted directing that the company cooking utensils be left on shipboard. Two of the staff
tried to persuade him to the contrary, on the ground
that they meant so much to the comfort, and perhaps
to the health, of the troops; but he would not agree,
saying he recalled how the men in the Civil War got
along for long periods without them and that our
limited field transportation demanded that the baggage be reduced to the lowest limit. It is thought
he later regretted this decision, for the companies
would have managed in some way to have gotten
the utensils to the front, and their use there would




10


THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


have spared the General many complaints that greatly
distressed him.
The division commanders were called aboard the
Headquarters ship on the 21st and given such maps
as we had been able to secure, with copies of the order for disembarkation. The Commanding General
then added verbally some explanations and instructions, and announced that the disembarkation would
commence the next morning.
All who were present will recall the lively bombardment of the hills back of Daiquiri by the Navy on the
morning of the 22d. This was followed by bringing
the small boats belonging both to the Navy and Army
alongside the transports occupied by Lawton's division, and his men began to enter them. When they
were fairly loaded the Navy launches towed them in
long lines to the beach. The sea was somewhat rough,
but by good management on the part of the Navy
all went well. Without the assistance given by the
sailors the work would have been well nigh impossible.
While the small boats were being assembled an
incident occurred between General Shafter and one
of the reporters on the Seguranca that doubtless
materially affected the future reputation of the General. He, Mr. Richard Harding Davis, and I, were
together on the promenade deck, when Mr. Davis
said: "General, I see the order for disembarkation
directs that none but fighting men be allowed in the
boats of the first landing party. This will keep back
reporters." He was told that was true, but it did not
indicate any unfriendliness to reporters, only a desire
to be prepared as far as possible to return the fire




THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


11


of the Spaniards in the event that some of them still
remained in the woods back of the beach. Davis persisted in his argument and apparently did not realize
the intense anxiety of our Commander about the approaching landing, and the fear that concealed detachments of the enemy might shoot down our men
as they approached in their open boats and while
they were forming on the beach.2
Finally, Mr. Davis said he was not an ordinary reporter, but a descriptive writer. At this the General's
patience, never very long, gave way and he replied
in a sharp tone:    "I do not care a damn what you
are. I'll treat all of you alike." Mr. Davis was offended at the abruptness of the reply and never afterwards, so far is I know, said a kindly word about
General Shafter. It is thought several of Mr. Davis'
friends sympathized with him and that, in a measure,
this incident colored some of the reports of operations sent home.
We learned later the Spaniards had retired from
Daiquiri at daylight, although a few      properly constructed trenches would have enabled them to seri2What might have occurred had the initiative of the Spaniards
been equal to their courage, will be appreciated by mentioning
what actually did occur at Gallipoli under similar circumstances.
In a most interesting account of that campaign by Lieut.-Col.
J. H. Patterson, D. S. 0., entitled, "With the Zionist in Gallipoli," while describing the landing of a number of British
troops from a transport that had been intentionally beached,
and of others who "were towed to the beach in open boats and
barges by little steam pinnaces," he says: "The men in the
boats suffered equally heavily and had even less chance of
escape. Many were mown down by rifle fire, and sometimes
a shell cut a boat in two and the unfortunate soldiers went to
the bottom, carried down by the weight of their equipment."
Other pages of this story show the striking similarity of this
campaign to that of Santiago in the peculiar and exceedingly
difficult problems presented for solution.




12


THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


ously oppose our landing with, probably, small losses
to themselves.
By night we had six thousand troops on shore.
The throwing of the animals into the sea to swim
ashore seemed cruel, but no other course was open
to us. They were started by sending a "bell mare"
overboard, led by a long rope held by a man in a
small boat after which the mules and horses in the
vicinity followed without much urging. A few only
that headed for the open sea and could not be turned
back were lost.
The disembarkation continued on the 23d and about
six thousand more men were landed. Kent corninenced landing during the afternoon at Siboney. The
work was continued during the night of the 23d-24th
and was practically complete, as regards the troops,
on the evening of the 24th.
Lawton reached Siboney from  Daiquiri on the
morning of the 23d. The Spaniards had withdrawn
and had been followed by Castillo and his Cubans,
who skirmished with them.
The orders for the 24th contemplated Lawton's
division taking a strong defensive position a short
distance from Siboney, on the road to Santiago, with
the other troops farther back. These positions were
to be maintained until a reasonable quantity of supplies were landed. However, General Young's brigade
of the dismounted cavalry division, or rather a part
of it, passed Lawton's bivouac on the night of the
23d-24th, and early on the morning following became
engaged with the enemy at Las Guasimas, about three
miles beyond Siboney toward Santiago.  Young's
force consisted of one squadron of the First Cavalry,




THE SANTIAGO CAMNI'.A(;I(;N


13


one of the Tenth and two of the First U. S. Volunteer
Cavalry; in all nine hundred and sixty-four officers
and men.
Captain Mills, Adjutant General of the brigade, was
first sent to reconnoitre, and located the enemy about
7:30 A. M. He reported the Spanish position was not
only naturally strong, but was further strengthened
by intrenchments, barb wire fences and other means.
General Young completed his plans, which General
Wheeler, the division commander, approved on his
arrival on the field; and the troops advanced to the
attack, which was executed with great gallantry in
the face of many difficulties. The enemy made an
obstinate resistance, but was finally driven from the
field, but not before he had inflicted a loss upon us
of one officer and fifteen men killed, and six officers
and forty-four men wounded.
The Spanish loss was variously reported. General
Wheeler states that the Santiago papers of the following day placed their killed at seventy-seven.
General Linares later told General Wheeler their
force at Las Guasimas numbered 1,400, while other
estimates named it even greater.
The dispositions made by General Young for the
attack not only met with the approval of his Division
Commander, but their execution won his commendation, as well as that of all who were present.
While the fight at Las Guasimas was not contemplated by the Army Commander, the victory nevertheless was cordially welcomed. It inspirited our
troops and must have discouraged the enemy correspondingly; and it gave us a well watered country in
which to encamp. Moreover, some enterprising Span



14           THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN




THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


15


lard with a long range field gul placed on one of the
high points in the vicinity, might have greatly annoyed our shipping off Siboney before he could have
been overcome.
As the days passed, Humphrey and Weston made
strenuous, almost super-human efforts to unload the
absolutely necessary supplies-coffee, bacon and hard
bread for the men, and forage for the comparatively
few aninials. Thus necessity forced upon our unacclimated troops a food that was too concentrated
for the tropics; and this, in addition to the heavy
packs, hot sun, poor trails, and attacks by mosquitoes,
showed to close observers that an oppressive tax was
being laid on the physical vigor and mental aggressiveness of many. It began to show itself in the worrying and in the complaints about details that, while
they were certainly annoying, would have been
laughed at in a bracing climate, like that found in
Montana, for instance.
However, hard work may be expected to produce
good fruit; and in spite of all these difficulties the
Army completed its concentration within easy striking distance of its goal.
Each one present remembers with what enthusiasm
we had been pursuing target practice for years. In
the order directing the disembarkation the Commanding General stated he wished "to impress officers and
men with the crushing effect a well-directed fire will
have upon the Spanish troops," and he cautioned all
officers to "rigidly enforce fire discipline."
In the last days of June much speculation was engaged in throughout the Army as to what results
might be expected from attacking well prepared in



16


THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


trenchments held by trained and resolute troops.
Some inferences were drawn from the affair at Las
Guasimas, but not much importance was assigned to
them, as the enemy held that point as an advanced
post only, and although the position was strong the
intrenchments were not elaborate. It is recalled that
during a visit General Sumner made to Headquarters
about the 29th, he asked, in substance, what, in view
of the effectiveness of the modern rifle, are we to do
if we find the enemy strongly intrenched? I replied:
"There will be nothing to do but to fight; we are here
now and cannot turn back."
Perhaps some of you may recall like speculations
and conversations. On the morning of June 30, General Shafter directed me to accompany him in making a reconnoissance of the country about Santiago.
From El Pozo hill the city was in plain view, as were
San Juan Heights and the country around El Caney.
The roads were mere trails leading through tropical
jungles until the San Juan river and the village of
El Caney were reached. The General thought the
position of El Caney of importance as holding the
road to Guantanamo, from which place the enemy
might attempt to draw re-inforcements, and as offering shelter to a force, that might be assigned to attack the right and rear of any troops sent to assault
San Juan Heights, or, as frequently called San Juan
Hill. He therefore decided to open the attack with
one division at El Caney, and to assault later at San
Juan Hill with two. To prevent the Spaniards at
Aguadores from moving against our left flank, a small
force was to be sent from Siboney, directly along the
railroad, to attack there.




Gen. H. W. Lawton.




I C




THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


17


On the afternoon of the same day, June 30, the division commanders were assembled at Headquarters
and informed of the plan of battle. Lawton's division,
with Capron's battery, was to move at once toward
El Caney in order to open the attack there early the
next morning.
It may be said here that the possibility of an attack at that place had been foreseen and that both
Wheeler and Lawton had sought permission to conduct it. Generals Lawton and Chaffee had each personally reconnoitered the position and stated two
hours would be sufficient to capture the town.
After this, Lawton was to move out by the El CaneySantiago road and take position on the right of the
line we intended to have the Dismounted Cavalry and
Kent's divisions form facing San Juan Hill. The two
divisions last named were directed to move forward
on the Siboney-Santiago road, the Cavalry Division
leading with the head of column resting for the night
near El Pozo, towards which Grimes' battery moved
during the afternoon with orders to take position
thereon the next morning and, at the proper time, to
prepare the way for the assault of the two divisions.
General Sumner represented the Cavalry Division
at the conference, General Wheeler being temporarily
ill. As the meeting broke up General Lawton, assuming presumably that I, as Adjutant General,
would have to do with the issuance of orders on the
following morning, said, within hearing of others:
"McClernand, do not order the other divisions to attack until I get up. Give me time to reduce El
Caney;" and with that understanding he departed.
Our preparations for battle were far from what was




18


THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


desired at General Shafter's Headquarters. In unloading supplies but little gain had been made over the
daily consumption; but we were in a sickly climate,
the roads were mere trails which the rains might render practically impassable at any time, we were told
a storm might drive our transports to sea thus separating us from our food; and, finally, information was
received that Pando with 8,000 re-inforcements for
the Santiago garrison might arrive in a few days.
These conditions demanded that we fight at once.
At three o'clock on the morning of July 1, I entered
the tent of the Commanding General. He said he
was very ill as a result of his exertions in the terrifically hot sun of the previous day, and feared he would
not be able to participate as actively in the coming
battle as he had intended. He then asked if the staff
officers understood the plan of battle, and upon being
assured they did he directed me to establish Battle
Headquarters at the El Pozo House and Hill, and said
he would send staff officers to carry orders.
Capron's battery opened at El Caney at 6:15 A. M.
The battle there soon became general and was hotly
contested. It was evident Lawton was fighting with
his wonted impetuosity. The brigades of Chaffee,
Miles and Ludlow strove to outdo one another in the
results accomplished. The natural strength of the
enemy's position was increased by blockhouses, a
stone fort, intrenchments and the loopholing of a
solidly built stone church. The opposition offered
was greater than had been anticipated and prevented
Lawton from marching on San Juan Hill during the
day. After the battle had continued for some time
without substantial gains, Bates' Independent Brigade




THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


19


reached the Headquarters Camp from Siboney and
was sent to re-inforce Lawton. After joining him it
rendered arduous and efficient service, but nevertheless the battle continued with varying intensity until
about 4:30 P. M., when the enemy's position was carried by assault.


EL CANEY


Night came before Lawton could assemble his
troops and move toward Santiago.
Sometime after the artillery had opened at El Caney
and the roar of small arms indicated the Infantry
there was hotly engaged, General Sumner, in command of the dismounted Cavalry Division, which had
been formed in column in rear of El Pozo Hill, and
in the underbrush near the road leading to the San
Juan river, came to Battle Headquarters and asked




20


THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


when the order to advance would be given. His attention was called to the understanding with Lawton,
previously mentioned, and to his (Lawton's) request
to be allowed reasonable time to join in the main attack. So far there had been no firing from El Pozo
or from the enemy in its front.
However, as time went on and the roar of battle
continued at El Caney, it became evident that Lawton
might be materially delayed; and fearing that the
enemy at Santiago, if left longer disengaged, might
detach to beat him before the troops near El Pozo
could cross the river and form for attack, the Cavalry
Division was ordered forward with instructions to
cross the San Juan and to deploy to the right, with
its left resting on the Santiago road. Sumner had
previously examined San Juan Hill fron El Pozo, and
knew the Spaniards occupied it.
General Kent came up, in person, to El Pozo, and
I pointed out to him the position he was to attack
on San Juan Heights, and added that after fording
the river his division would deploy to the left with
its right resting on the Santiago road. The division
was following close on the heels of the Cavalry.
About this time, or a little later, instructions were
given to Grimes' battery to open fire from El Pozo
on the blockhouse and the adjacent trenches on San
Juan Heights. The smoke of the black powder used
seemed to reach the heavens, but the fire was effective and many of the enemy could be plainly seen
running to the rear. After a time the Spanish artillery
returned Grimes' fire and with so accurate a range
that the first shell killed and wounded several of our
men.




THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


21


At several places the trail between El Pozo and
the river was so narrow that the troops could not
maintain the column of fours in which they were trying to march, and the density of the underbrush on
either side prevented the deployment of skirmishers.
It naturally followed that the progress made was slow,
and as the head of our column drew near the river,
the long range Infantry fire from     the "Heights" in
front fell now and then along the line of march and
killed and wounded a number of Sumner's and Kent's
men.
The division commanders were urged to push forward with all possible haste and to put their troops
in position to engage the enemy. Lieutenant Miley,
Aide-de-Camp, who was with me, and who was every
inch a fighter as well as a most capable officer, said
that with my permission he would go to the head of
the column and try to hurry it forward. I approved
and told him to take several troopers from Lieutenant
Clark's mounted troop, a few     hundred yards away,
in order to keep in touch through frequent reports.
In connection with the efforts made to hasten the
advance I recall the alacrity with which Colonel Brown
responded to the order to go forward.3
31 personaly visited and gave the order to advance to several
organizations, among them the First U. S. Volunteer Cavalry,
Lieutenant Colonel Roosevelt commanding, and the First U. S.
Cavalry. As my orderly had departed with my horse to seek
cover from the shells previously thrown at Grimes, I was obliged
to go on foot. After giving Colonel Roosevelt the order to move
forward, which seemed to please him, I passed to the First
Cavalry. The following extracts from a letter dated March 18,
1922, from Col. W. C. Brown bear directly on the subject: "Soon
afterward our battery (Grimes') opened up and the Spaniards
replied immediately. They got our range at once and several
men were killed or wounded..     Shortly after Colonel
McClernand came up and I heard him tell the Adjutant General




22


THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


General Wheeler came up. The enemy's positions
were pointed out to him, and he was told of the orders given to Sumner and Kent. He expressed the
intention of going forward, and as the column was
still making painfully slow progress he was requested
to urge haste upon the Division Commanders.
In his report of the battle he says:  "Colonel McClernand, of General Shafter's staff, directed me to
give instructions to General Kent, which I complied
with in person, at the same time personally directing
General Sumner to move forward."
General Wheeler looked ill and it was thought he
could do little more than observe. He, however, returned to duty from the sick list and'rendered gallant
and efficient service. The orders given to him for
Kent were specific and did not in any sense contemplate his assuming command of the latter. Nevertheless, all were fully impressed with his experience
in battle and gladly sought his advice. General Kent,
in speaking of him in his report of the battle, says:
"He inspired all of us with assurance." As General
Wheeler left El Pozo several mounted orderlies from
Lieutenant Clark's troop were ordered to report to
him to carry the orders mentioned to Sumner and
Kent, in case he didl not meet them, and to bring
of the Cavalry Division (Col. J. H. Dorst) that Lawton was
hard pressed and that troops must be sent to his assistance....  Dorst passed on and some time elapsed when Col.
McClernand, who was near me and who was dismounted and
somewhat flushed from the exertion of climbing the hill, said,
rather impatiently: 'Brown, why don't these people move?'
I replied to the effect that I did not know, but thought that if
I took the lead with my troop the others would follow; adding
that if he authorized it I would move out. He did so and I
moved off."
Colonel Brown's letter has been filed with the Secretary of
the Society (Colonel C. A. Williams.)-E. J. McC.




THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


23


back any messages he desired to send. It was difficult to recover these orderlies, and some others who
were sent to him in the succeeding days. He can
hardly be blamed for holding on to them, for mounted
men were very scarce and very useful.   General
Shafter did not press the point but said to even up
by sending orders and letters to Wheeler's headquarters to be transmitted along the line; which accounts
for the frequent instructions, entered in the records
for this period of the campaign, for him to give orders to commands other than his own.
About the time General Wheeler went forward,
Lieut. Col. Derby, Chief Engineer, approached well
to the front in a captive war balloon. Many thought
the balloon caused the enemy to direct more of his
small arms fire along the road occupied by our troops,
which those holding the balloon also followed, and
thus increased our casualties. However, this may
have been, Derby discovered the road forked a few
hundred yards before reaching the river, and this information given to Kent proved valuable, enabling
him to give directions to the First Division to utilize
both forks and thus hastened its formation. However,
in order to get on, Kent was obliged at times to string
his men out in column of twos, and even files, to
pass alongside of the Cavalry Division which, as previously stated, was leading and which he says in his
report "moved up very slowly."
A message that is of record but not at present available was received from General Wheeler, saying that
General Sumner wished to know if General Shafter's
orders contemplated attacking intrenchments.  He
was informed, in substance, the Commanding General




24


THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


expected Division Commanders to fight all their men
when they could do so to advantage; that our men
were now being shot down in the road without an
opportunity to fight; that this was demoralizing; and
that they should be placed in formation to return
the enemy's fire. A copy of the reply was not filed,
but its receipt was later acknowledged.
A despatch from Miley said: "The Heights must
be taken at all hazards. A retreat now would be a
disastrous defeat." Miley was told, or perhaps the
message had already started from El Pozo, that:
"From present firing I think Lawton is hard at it.
Don't let him fight it out alone."
The cause for Sumner's inquiry and Miley's message is not clear. As to "attacking intrenchments,"
the orders of General Shafter for the coming battle
given at the conference the day before, June 30, applied to the Cavalry Division as well as to Lawton's
and Kent's divisions, and we have seen how Lawton
had already assailed the enemy's intrenchments at El
Caney. The additional orders given on the morning
of July 1 to the cavalry and to the First Division
were alike, except that the former was told to deploy
to the right after crossing the river and the latter to
the left, with the inner flank of each resting on the
Santiago road.
A little later the First Division crossed, formed and
assaulted at once.
Sargent, in his excellent history, says the cavalry
waited for orders to attack. Why? The battle was
on. The two divisions had been sent forward without waiting for Lawton, as agreed upon, to prevent
a possible concentration against him. The orders to




............


General Chaffee in the Field.




M i~




THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


25


cross and deploy had been given. It cannot be seriously maintained that General Shafter expected to
find Santiago without intrenchments. As soon as the
troops were over the river and formed they must
necessarily attack, and at once, for the enemy was
firing on them. There was no alternative, except retreat, and General Shafter's most severe critic has
never charged he contemplated such a thing on the
first.
It is not known if the advance of the column was
checked by a discussion at its head about the advisability of attacking the intrenchments in front, but
certainly considerable delay was caused by sending
back the inquiry mentioned and awaiting the reply.
When once over the river the cavalry found the
enemy strongly posted on a hill between the stream
and San Juan Heights. Many of our people called it
Kettle Hill. Here the fight soon became fast and
furious.
Sumner, possibly due to Wheeler's physical condition, is understood to have exercised to a considerable
extent the active management of the division, although it is not intended to imply that General
Wheeler was not retaining the general direction of
its movements. The cavalrymen justified all that had
been said in their favor when, at Tampa, it was a
question whether they or untrained Infantrymen
should be taken; and after an exhibition of courage
and dash seldom equalled the hill was carried in spite
of a withering fire that was exacting a heavy toll in
officers and men. The Spaniards finally retired and
the cavalry remained masters of the hard won field.
As soon as the road was open Kent hurried his




26


THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


division forward, fording the river and promptly
formed for attack in front of San Juan Hill, with his
right resting near the Santiago road as ordered. During this formation the Third Brigade suffered severely,


BATTLE OF SAN JUAN HILL


and its gallant commander, Colonel Wikoff, was killed.
The command then devolved upon Lieut. Colonel
Worth who was soon severely wounded, when Lieut.
Colonel Liscum took charge, but five minutes later
he also was wounded under the terrific fire from the




THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


27


Heights, and the command of the brigade finally
rested with Lieut. Colonel Ewers.
Kent hastened the formation of his other brigades
and handled his troops skillfully. Both his division
and the Cavalry now had in their front a wide, open
bottom, with barbed wire fences here and there, and
the enemy intrenched on the Heights beyond.
Nothing daunted, Kent's brave men pushed on. As
his line advanced and stormed the Hill, with sections
halting here to fire as others passed on only to halt
and fire in their turn, thus enabling those who were
in rear and whose fire had been delivered to rush to
the front, or as technically termed, as they "advanced
by rushes," the picture presented to observers on El
Pozo was like a blue ribbon fluttering in a breeze,
the parts alternating in taking the front and rear
while the entire ribbon was being carried rapidly forward.
In the fierce fighting for the Heights words fail to
do justice to the magnificent training and courage of
the regimental and company commanders and their
men; for while the generals prescribed the formations
and indicated the points for attack it was, after all,
the intrepid dash and bravery of the subordinate officers and men that carried our flag to the summit of
San Juan Hill and thus sealed the fate of Santiago.
Both Wheeler and Kent in their reports praise the
gallant conduct of their divisions, and deservedly so,
and mention by name a number of their commanders
who particularly distinguished themselves by gallantry and good judgment.4
4Their reports will be found in "Report of the War Department-1898-Vol. 1, Part 1, Secretary of War, Miscellaneous
Reports."




28


THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


In the battle between the river and the Heights great
credit is due Lieutenant Parker and his Gatling gun
detachment.
The enemy retired to a second line of rifle pits
and the fight went on.
As the afternoon passed continued calls from the
firing line for closer support from the artillery caused
an order to be given to Major Dillenback, Artillery
Commander, to send two batteries forward, and later
Grimes also moved near the front; but the change
was a mistake, and after sustaining some losses the
three batteries were established again at El Pozo,
which, in fact, offered the only suitable artillery position to be found. It was only about 2,450 yards from
San Juan Heights, and from 3,000 to 3,200 yards from
the enemy's next position, and these, of course, were
easy ranges for artillery.
At night we intrenched and held on.5
During the day Duffield, with the 33d Michigan
from Siboney, attacked Aguadores, but was unable
to do more than to retain the enemy there.
Night came on before Lawton's command (with
the exception of Bates' Brigade) could get away from
El Caney. Bates started at once6 upon the cessation
of the fighting, and next morning found him on the
line at San Juan Heights, to the left of Kent. His
brigade had performed arduous and heroic service,
having marched much of the night of June 30-July 1,
and a good part of the latter day, during which it
5General Shafter made a short visit to El Pozo during the
afternoon, and thus gave a fine exhibition of will power over
physical weakness.
6Bates marched via an indistinct trail leading from El Caney
to El Pozo.




THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


29


fought also at El Cancy, after which it marched until
2:30 A. M., July 2. Its energy and aggressiveness are
characteristic of the vigor displayed by our little army
in the assaults of July 1.
As Lawton moved in the night toward Santiago he
encountered the enemy's pickets, and being uncertain
of what was in his front he halted and reported the
situation to Army Headquarters. It would have been
fortunate if he had ordered Captain Brett with his
mounted troop to reconnoitre the Santiago road before dark and then establish an outpost upon it.7 His
7Brigadier General E. J. McClernand.
My Dear General:
Your most interesting article on the Santiago Campaign read
at the dinner of the Society of the Army of Santiago, the evening of February 25th last, not only awoke dormant memories
but also started discussion among individual members as to
what the results might have been had other tactical dispositions
been made.
It will be recalled that the final attack on El Caney by General
Lawton's troops, consisting of his own division and Bates' Independent Brigade, was successful, and that the town and its
defenses were in his possession by about four o'clock in the
afternoon of July first. General Lawton held in reserve during
the day's fighting one regiment of Regular Infantry, the First;
two troops of cavalry, less one platoon; and about two thousand Cuban Infantry. Yet he did not block the retreat of the
defeated Spanish survivors. General Lawton's orders required
him, as soon as possible after taking El Caney, to join the right
of the forces attacking the defenses of the City of Santiago de
Cuba and prolong it. His first thought should have been for
a clear, safe line of march, especially as darkness was only
three hours away and his troops unassembled. There was no
known reason why he should not send his cavalry out to reconnoitre the El Caney-Santiago road and the contiguous country,
and dispose his fresh reserve Infantry as an advance guard
along this same road with orders that would regulate its movements with reference to the main body as soon as it was
formed. By so doing he could have assembled his battle-weary
troops and have marched them unchecked to their new position
on the battle line which had been previously reconnoitred by his
cavalry.
Yours most truly,
LLOYD M. BRETT.




30


THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


message reached me at 12:30 A. M., July 2, and upon
informing General Shafter of its contents I was told
to direct him to march by the Headquarters Camp and
El Pozo, as the only certain way of reaching his position, although it added considerably to the distance
to be covered. I personally met General Lawton on
the morning of the Second and indicated his position
to the right of the Cavalry.
During the morning of July 2 the 34th Michigan
and the 9th Massachusetts came up from Siboney.
The first was placed in rear of Kent, and the 9th was
assigned to Bates, who placed it on his left.
With all the additional troops added on the second
to those who fought victoriously at San Juan the
day before, there should have been no doubt in the
mind of any one about our ultimate success, and
there would not have been except for the fact that
our Army was tired, very tired. Its wonderful burst
of speed was followed by great physical weariness,
but it would have been well for all to have recalled
that the enemy had been beaten and driven back
everywhere, and certainly must have been greatly
discouraged.
Throughout the second, the firing continued with
more or less intensity and we sustained a good many
losses.
Sometime during the afternoon as I was returning
to Battle Headquarters from the San Juan River, I
met a staff officer belonging in the front lines who
had been back to General Shafter's camp. He said:
"I just ordered a pack train loaded with ammunition
and going to the front by your order to halt and un



THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


31


load at the El Pozo House." Upon being asked why,
he replied: "because we are going to fall back tonight." This was the first intimation that reached
me that any such movement was contemplated, but
later I learned that strong pressure had been brought
to bear upon the Commanding General to withdraw.
General Wheeler, in his history of the campaign, says
he sent a note to him stating that appeals were being
made to do so.
While thinking it strange that such information
should come to me through an officer not connected
with the Headquarters, I made no reply, but inwardly
determined to oppose the retreat, and on reaching El
Pozo I directed the packmaster to reload the ammunition and to take it forward.
That evening about dusk the division commanders
and General Bates, commanding the Independent
Brigade, reported at Battle Headquarters, and General
Shafter also came there. He was still ill and so weak
that a door was taken from its hinges in the El Pozo
House and placed for him to recline upon. His pluck
at being there at all was so manifest that all present
admired it. Besides those mentioned several staff
officers, including myself, attended the Council of
War, if it may be so termed. It was held in the open
and sentinels were posted to keep all except those
authorized to be there at a distance.
Undoubtedly the advice given and the opinions expressed on such occasions should be divulged only by
the person concerned, but General Shafter, in a magazine article published during the Winter of 1898-1899,
made public his course at the meeting and in what
follows I am only relating what he himself made




32


THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


known. He opened the discussion by saying, in substance, that it had been represented to him that he
had pushed the Army too far to the front, and that
if this could be shown to be the case he would withdraw some distance until better preparations could
be made to capture the city. IHe then called for an
expression of opinions. Conflicting views were given,
and both withdrawal and holding on to our hardearned gains were urged, until finally the Commanding General said, in effect: "Well, gentlemen; it is
possible I have gotten you too far to the front, but I
have always thought I had the courage to admit an
error if I made one, and if we fall back I will take all
blame, if any comes, upon myself; unless, however,
you get orders to the contrary you will hold your
positions." His offering to take all censure upon himself for withdrawal, if decided upon, was manifestly
so generous, especially as others and not he had originated the idea, that all present recognized and were
impressed by it.
The Council broke up and each officer started for
his proper post.
The night was so intensely dark that Captain Brett,
who presides here this evening, and who with his
mounted troop was escorting our chief, had difficulty
in following the trail to the Headquarters camp, notwithstanding thousands of men had been tramping
over it for two days.
Suddenly a terrific roar of musketry burst upon the
stillness of the night. Will any one here ever forget
it? Apparently every man in the two armies who
was armed with a rifle was engaged in "rapid fire."
It seemed as if the inferno had broken loose. Some






ii::::li-T"IZ'::i:-:: j~:-lii:j:~.-:i:'j:::-: i::::::::::::::i'l:::::_:::


---- - --—:::,.:.:l:: ~i::::i::~-: I il:::






Gen. S. S. Sumner.




(z'o~)




THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


33


of our people thought the Spaniards were trying to
cut their way out, and later we learned they thought
we were trying to break in.     The din was doubtless
started by a few tired men, nervous because they were
tired, and every one else not being much more composed, hastened'to join in the racket. In a short time
the firing ceased with no particular harm      done.
Early the next morning, July 3, my chief sent for
me and said he wished to cable Washington. He dictated and I took down his words. His message is
now to be found in the printed records of the War
Department.8 Among other things he said: "I am
8The records of all communications sent from or received by
General Shafter's Headquarters during the campaign were carefully arranged, for filing in the War Department, by the undersigned at Governors Island, New York, in October, November
and early December, 1898. Many headquarters and organizations had been short of stationery in the field, and frequently
communications were written on scraps of paper and backs of
envelopes. These, however, were all neatly assorted at the
Island and placed in bundles with wrapper coverings showing
the contents. The more important communications were also
copied into large books (two, I think), in the back of which I
entered a certificate of correctness. After this work was finished and before the records were actually shipped to Washington, I left to join General Young who commanded the Second
Corps in Georgia; but a reliable clerk who remained with General Shafter at Governors Island wrote to me in a few days that
they had all been shipped in good shape. It is recalled that
other headquarters were ordered at Montauk Point to box and
ship their records. All these are presumably stored today in
the War Department.
The Government printed all the correspondence passing between the Department and General Shafter's Headquarters,
but with the exception of several reports of battle none of the
interior records; that is, those communications passing between Shafter and his subordinates and among the latter, as
was done with corresponding papers pertaining to the Civil
War. The reports of battle referred to are by Wheeler, Kent
and Lawton; these, together with General Shafter's report of
the campaign, will be found in the "Report of the War Department 1898, Vol. I. Part I, Secretary of War, M scellaneous
Reports." General Shafter's report, except so much as refers
to recommendations for brevet commissions, was prepared in




34


THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


seriously considering withdrawing about five miles."
After all that had been said the evening before against
the proposition to withdraw, it seemed useless to offer
further opposition and after completing the despatch
I gave it to a clerk to copy and to forward to Siboney,
there to be sent by cable. This was probably about
6:30 or 7 A. M. I felt confident that with a little rest
no one in the Army would care to fall back, and had
emphatically expressed the opinion the night before
that all we had to do was to hold on and the ripening
fruit would fall into our hands. Fortunately about
an hour later the General's remark, previously mentioned as having been made on the transport, about
placing his Army around the city and demanding a
surrender recurred to me. Returning to him I said:
"General, let us make a demand on them     to surrender."  He was still ill and lying on his cot. He
looked at me for perhaps a full minute and I thought
he was going to offer a rebuke for my persistence in
opposing those who had advised withdrawal, but
finally he said: "Well, try it." I went under a tent
fly that served for my office and wrote the demand
of 8:30 A. M., addressed to the Commanding General
of the Spanish Forces, Santiago de Cuba. As will
be seen by referring to the records he was told that
unless he surrendered we would shell the city; and he
was asked to inform the citizens of foreign countries,
and all women and children that they should leave before 10 o'clock the next morning. It may be said
my office aboard ship while the General and his staff were en
route from Santiago to Montauk Point; and I have not hesitated
to draw freely upon it. Copies of the two large books, mentioned as having been made at Governors Island, were also prepared for General Shafter, and these I have consulted in recent years.-E. J. McC.




THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


35


that we not only wished to avoid hurting the women
and children, families of our Allies, but also desired
to secure a truce that would give our tired Army some
hours rest, and it was thought the communication was
so worded as to accomplish this if the enemy consented to the suspension of hostilities. General Shafter
approved, and the demand was sent through the lines
under a flag of truce.
When the white flag appeared the firing that had
been going during the morning in a desultory manner ceased; the nerves of our troops relaxed, their
confidence returned and in a short time it would
have been difficult to have pulled our men off of San
Juan Heights.9
General Toral, Linares having been wounded on
the First, replied acknowledging the receipt of our
message at 1 P. M., and said he would notify those
concerned about departure from the city, but that the
city would not surrender. However, certain prominent residents of the place sent General Shafter word
that the Spaniards would surrender if he gave them
9The tension seemed to abate immediately, and the laxation
that succeeded is shown by the following message:
Headquarters Fifth Army Corps,
El Pozo, July 3, 2:30 p. m.
General Wheeler, Comanding Cavalry Division.
Sir:
The Commanding General directs me to ask if
any reply has been received to our message sent
under flag of truce, and for the situation generally. A good many of our men can be seen straying away from the trenches where they would
be at a disadvantage if the enemy should attack
suddenly.
Very respectfully,
E. J. McCLERNAND.
-A. A. G.




36


THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


time, and he conformed his policy to the hint thus
received.- About an hour, or an hour and a half after
the demand for surrender had been made, Lieutenant
Allen, who with his mounted troop, had been off on
the extreme right of our line, reached El Pozo with
the information that the Spanish fleet had sailed out
of the harbor at 9:30 A. M., and not long after a message fron one of my assistant, Major Smith10 (my
other assistant, Captain, now Colonel J. C. Gilmore,
is with us this evening), was telephoned or wired to
me from Siboney that a great naval battle had been
fought and a great victory won.     This good news
was rushed around our lines by order of General
Shafter.
It is significant that the fleet ran out of the harbor
within forty-eight hours of our assault on San Juan
Hill, although it had been there for weeks before our
arrival. Admiral Cervera evidently was convinced the
fall of the city was imminent. He is reported to have
said it was better to die fighting than to sink his
ships.
A reply was received from   the Secretary of War,
dated July 3, 12:10 P. M., to General Shafter's cablegram about "seriously considering withdrawing about
five miles," in which the Secretary said: "Of course
you can judge the situation better than we can at this
end of the line.  If, however, you could hold your
10Major Smith had been left aboard the Sezcuranqa in charge
of an intermediate office, and saw the naval engagement from
shipboard. In General Wheeler's history of the campaign the
message from Smith is given as if sent from the Headquarters
of the Cavalry Division. This error and the entering of a
number of other despatches out of the order of their proper
sequence, thus often materially affecting their relative value,
shows the haste with which the book, that appeared soon after
the campaign, was prepared.-E. J. Mc.




THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


37


present position, especially San Juan Heights, the
effect upon the country would be better than falling
back."ll
In his history, General Wheeler says he stated a
withdrawal would cause a loss of prestige.      It certainly would have done so, and more. It would have
sacrificed the efficiency of the Army.   A retrograde
movement is always discouraging to the force executing it, and correspondingly encouraging to the foe.
Our distinguished Surgeon General, General Ireland,
has told us this evening that disease had driven its
fangs into our men before the day of battle.       We
know its progress was rapid, and beyond question a
delay followed by a demand to retake positions that
had once been captured only to be surrendered would
have been    fatal.  While   we waited    the physical
strength of officers and men would have lessened,
and never again would our gallant little Army have
been equal to the burst of speed and conquering
energy that enabled it to capture El Caney and carried it to the Heights of San Juan on July 1. It would
l1When I returned to the Headquarters Camp in the evening
of July 3, General Shafter said he had cabled Washington that
"early this morning I sent in a demand for immediate surrender
of Santiago, threatening bombardment tomorrow," but that he
had not quoted the actual message because the retained copy
could not be found. He showed me a long letter a clerk had
prepared from memory, but he, the General, said he did not
think it was correct. I told him it did not resemble in the
least the demand we had sent in, but I thought I could rewrite it word for word, and immediately rewrote the message
and cabled it to Washington. The printed records show it
reached there at 5:22 a. m., July 4. If the communication, as
it appears in our records, differs in any way from the original
in the hands (presumably) of the Spaniards, it is due to the
fact that the copy in our records was written twelve hours, or
more, after the original was prepared.-E. J. Mc.




38


THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


have been necessary to have sent another Army to
accomplish its mission.
General Escario, with probably about 3,000 men,
slipped by Garcia and his Cubans, who had been told
to stop him, on the night of July 3-4, and entered the
city, but their arrival was too late to turn the scales
in favor of the Spaniards.
There was no further firing until the 10th, and in
the meanwhile letters continued to pass between the
two commanders. It was evident the Spaniards were
getting ready to surrender gracefully. However, sickness due to rains, exposure, mosquitoes and general
climatic conditions was making great headway in our
Army. That we would have to contend with disease
was fully foreseen by the Chief Surgeon, Colonel Pope,
who, on the way down from Tampa, repeatedly cautioned us that trouble was ahead, and he labored
diligently to meet it. The Colonel was one of the
best informed men in our service, and one of the
most earnest. It might have been better, perhaps, if
he had shown more ruthlessness in tramping upon
obstacles in his path, but let it be remembered that
few chief surgeons have had to encounter the difficulties that confronted him. Later, after the surrender, ill health required him to give way to Major
Havard, a most competent administrator, filled with
aggressive energy.
To go back a little, it will be well to say here that
on July 8, General Shafter cabled the Secretary of
War as follows: "I am just in receipt of a letter from
the Commandant of Santiago de Cuba, who proposes
to march out of the city with arms and baggage and
not to be molested until he reaches Holguin, surren



THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


39


dering to the American forces the territory now occupied by him. I have replied that while I have submitted the matter to my Home Government I did not
think his terms would be accepted."12


INNER DEFENSES OF SANTIAGO


This message brought a prompt reply from the Adjutant General saying the President directs "that you
will accept nothing but an unconditional surrender."
12See report of the War Department, 1898, Vol. I, Part I,
Secretary of War-Miscellaneous Reports.




40


THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


Later in the day, but before the instructions just
quoted from the President were received, great pressure was brought to bear on General Shafter by a
number of his prominent officers to accept General
Toral's proposition to evacuate the city.13 The (eneral had previously asked my opinion on the subject,
and I had emphatically disapproved of the offer and
told my Chief I did not think the country would sustain him in adopting such a course. However, several of those who advocated acceptance stood very
close to him and he sent a second cable, saying that
since sending his first message on the subject he had
"seen the general officers commanding divisions, who
agree with me that it should be accepted."
This brought a second strong disapproval from the
President and the Secretary, signed by the Adjutant
General, and which is shown in the printed records.
On July 10, those two fine regiments of the National
Guard, the First Illinois and the First District of Columbia, Colonel (now General) Harries who sits near
me, commanding the latter, arrived and were placed
on the line to the right of the cavalry. As re-inforcements were received we continued to extend our right
until on the 12th Ludlow's Brigade rested on the bay,
beyond the city, thus completely severing the enemy's
line of communications, except that the British Consul and employees of the Cable Company had been
13I did not know at the time the names of all the officers
mentioned, but in after-years I saw among General Shafter's
private papers a letter addressed to him, with a number of
signatures, advocating the acceptance of Toral's offer. It may
be added that these officers, like those who urged the retreat
on July 2nd, never came forward to share with the General
the severe public criticism that their advice called forth.E. J. Mc.




.Gen. S. B. M. Young.




-,  11% 
1 SI  I 




THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


41


permitted to return to the city to enable Toral to
communicate with his superiors about surrender.
Because of the increasing sickness, as well as of
the orders of the President requiring an unconditional
surrender, the truce with Toral was broken off at
4 P. M. on the 10th, with the hope that active battle
would hasten the final decision of the Spaniards to
surrender.14  The enemy anticipated us a few minutes
in opening fire, but we promptly replied with four
batteries, and there was also some small arms firing.
Our Navy assisted by throwing shells into the city
and vicinity over the high intervening hills, for it had
not yet entered the harbor.
General Shafter, accompanied by several of his staff,
went to Lawton's position to see the firing just mentioned opened.    It is recalled that General Lawton
was seen walking up and down immediately in rear
of his trenches, in full view   of the enemy, and all
the time cautioning his men to keep under cover. His
exposure was entirely unnecessary for there was no
danger of his men breaking; but this attitude was
nevertheless inspiring, and was an exhibition of the
14The following extracts from instructions given to the division commanders on the morning of July 10 show the situation at that time and how an end was put to the efforts of
those urging General Shafter to permit the enemy to march
out with arms and baggage without molestation:
Sir: The Commanding General directs me to
say a demand has been made this morning for the
unconditional surrender of Santiago, with notification that unless favorable reply is received by 3
p. m., hostilities will be resumed at 4 p. m..  A shot from the battery with General
Lawton's Division will be the signal to authorize
firing to be commenced.
Very respectfully,
E. J. McCLERNAND, Assistant Adjutant General.




42


THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


same indifference to danger that later caused his
death in the Philippines.
On the afternoon of the 10th, and during the next
morning, we lost Captain Rowell and one man killed,
and Lieutenant Lutz and ten men wounded, making
our total losses at Las Guasimas, El Caney, San Juan
and Aguadores 260 killed and 1,431 wounded.15
At 2 P. M., on the 11th, the firing ceased and was
not again renewed.
On July 12, we informed General Toral that Major
General Miles, commanding the American Armies, had
arrived, and he was requested to grant our two generals an interview on the following day. He consented, and at the meeting his resistance lessened still
further, permitting of paving the way to the end.
Doubtless the arrival of our General-in-Chief, with
his well known masterful leadership in battle, in
addition to the re-inforcements that had been coming to us, hastened the decision of the Spaniards to
capitulate.
The terms agreed upon included the surrender of
about twelve thousand Spanish troops in the city and
as many more in the surrounding district. Not a bad
bag considering we landed first with 815 officers and
16,072 enlisted men, or in fact with something less
as quite a number, for one cause or another, were
left aboard the transports. As nearly as I could estimate we did not have over 12,000 or 13,000 on the
firing line on July 1, as various reasons kept a number from actually engaging in the fight.
l5These figures are taken from the "Report of the War Department, 1898, Vol. I, Part I, Secretary of War. Miscellaneous
Reports."




THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


43


The formal surrender took place between the lines
on the morning of July 17, each Army being represented by one hundred armed men. Captain Brett
with 100 mounted troopers of the 2d Cavalry, looking
unusually smart considering what they had passed
through, appeared for us, and General Toral with a
number of officers and 100 Infantry for the Spanish
Army. General Shafter was accompanied by his staff
and the general officers of his command, some with
members of their staffs.
The ceremony was impressive, even dramatic. It
marked one of the most important closing scenes in
the death throes of Spain's vast empire in the Western
Continent, and at 12 o'clock noon you witnessed the
Stars and Stripes replace the flag of Spain in Santiago
de Cuba, where it had floated for 382 years. Nothing
remained to be done but to arrange the details to
carry out the surrender already made.
Consider for a moment, gentlemen, the obstacles
you had to overcome before accomplishing your end.
Recall the rocky and precipitous coast with no sheltered landing places; the absence of wharves; the
roads that were mere bridle paths and after rains
almost impassable; the effect of the tropical sun and
rains upon our unacclimated troops; their dread of
strange and unknown disease; your personal discomforts incident to the impossibility of rapidly unloading your baggage, stores and supplies; the courage of
the enemy behind his intrenchments; the aid given
him by his Navy,16 and you will begin in a measure
i6In the battle of July 1-2, the Spanish navy tried to shell
our lines, but, due to the configuration of the ground, did little
more than add to the noise and confusion of the battle. About




44


THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


to appreciate the magnitude of your deeds. The
medical officers, like those of the line, were confronted with the most appalling difficulties, but they
worked night and day to relieve the suffering of the
sick and wounded, and won, I think, the respect,
affection and admiration of every man in the Army.
In concluding this outline of our campaign I cannot do better than to read the last paragraph of the
complimentary order published to you at Santiago:
"All who have participated in the campaign, battle
and siege of Santiago de Cuba, will recall with pride
the grand deeds accomplished, and will hold one another dear for having shared great sufferings, hardships and triumphs together. All may well feel proud
to inscribe on their banner the name of Santiago de
Cuba."
one thousand of their sailors assisted in the trenches and, it
was said, sustained considerable loss; among others, it was
reported that Admiral Cervera's Chief of Staff was killed.




THE REGULARS
BRIGADIER GENERAL M. B. STEWART, U. S. A.
The story of the short-lived Santiago Campaign is
largely the story of tile regular regiments that took
part in it, and the story of one regiment is, in its
essentials, that of any other regiment.
After long, unbroken years of peacetime inactivity and garrison routine, for the most part in isolated stations, war broke upon the little regular
army, officers and men, veteran campaigners and
callow recruits alike, with something of the thrill
of adventure. Months of excited speculation had
gradually given way to apathy, to be aroused again
to fever pitch by the news of the Maine disaster.
Long days of investigation and delay again gave
birth to apathy until sudden orders sent regiment
after regiment speeding toward southern concentration camps. Again the scene in one post was much
the same as that in any other. A brief order, a
period of frenzied packing, a moment in which each
donned a blue flannel shirt, exchanged cap for campaign hat, wrapped his trousers around his calves
and encased them in canvas leggings, strapped on a
revolver, kissed his wife, if he had one, and was
ready.
From Canada to Mexico, from the Atlantic to the
Pacific, regiments hurriedly entrained during those
early spring days, for the long tedious trip Cubaward, that will remain always in the memory of
each who made it. For one thing, there was travel
ration-canned beans, canned corned beef, hard
bread, and, I seem to recall, a dab of jam once in




46


THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


a while and an occasional green pickle-with a stop
three times a day for coffee of a kind, while officers
scurried forth to snatch hurried meals from wayside lunch counters and restaurants. Then there
was the speculation.  Where were we headed?
What were we going to do when wo got there?
What?But withal, it was not bad. The country was alive
with wartime enthusiasm and turned out on all occasions to cheer us onward and to admonish us not
to forget the Maine.
One by one, regiments began to arrive in one concentration camp or another, pulled themselves together, spent a day or so making things shipshape,
then settled down to training as training was understood in those days. Organization of a kind was
gradually effected but under many handicaps. With
few general officers or staff officers, everything had
to be extemporized. Unprepared in every sense for
war, we went about our job with a cheerfulness,
activity and zeal born of our own vast ignorance.
Most of our efforts would have caused a modern
commander to go gray over night and would have
bred hysterics in our present highly-schooled staff.
However, we were doing the best we knew and
our lack of knowledge was more than outweighed
by the magnificent spirit and discipline of both officers and men.
Congress, with belated energy, provided for general officers, staff officers, expansion and organization, and in due season, out of seeming chaos, brigades and divisions began to take form and substance. Gradually, also, regiments began to migrate




THE REGULARS


47


Tampa-ward in preparation for we knew not what.
Incidentally, we began to receive recruits whom we
had no time to train, various articles of winter
clothing, for which we had no use, and other impedimenta which were chiefly impedimenta. At Tampa
and Mobile, fleets of extemporized transports were
slowly assembling. At Tampa, the Fifth Corps came
into being and in time emerged triumphant from
the bottle-neck of Tampa Bay and clambered wearily aboard the transports. In time, also, a naval
escort assembled off Tampa and the transport fleet,
augmented by a smaller one from Mobile, after
jockeying back and forth for a time, moved down
the bay, was marshalled into shape by the fleet
and-we were off.
In due season, we sighted Cuba and after standing off shore for a day or so, during which time
plans for our landing were completed, we prepared
to go ashore. The morning of June 22nd saw the
Second Division landing at Daiquiri, under the protection of a bombardment by the Navy, with the
8th Infantry and the 22nd Infantry racing for the
honor of being first ashore. Following close on their
heels came the 2nd Massachusetts Infantry and the
2nd and 3rd Brigades, composed of the 1st, 4th and
25th, the 7th, 12th and 17th regiments of Infantry.
By nightfall, the greater part of the division was
ashore and the 1st Brigade was pushing on over the
jungle trail toward Siboney. Bivouacking for the
night along the trail, the advance was resumed at
daylight and in the early morning we entered
Siboney without opposition. Once in possession, our
first thought was of food. Orders had been issued




48


THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


to land with three days haversack rations, but something had happened and food was at a premium.
In consequence, stray chickens, pigs and goats found
themselves precariously situated. Once fed, we outposted our position for the night and lay down in
bivouac to await orders.
In the meantime, debarkation had continued at
Daiquiri and Bates' Independent Brigade, the 3rd
and 20th regiments of Infantry, had landed, and was
followed closely by the Cavalry Division, with
1st, 3rd, 6th, 9th, 10th regiments of Cavalry and the
Rough Riders, all pushing full speed over the narrow jungle trail to the front. Once in possession of
Siboney, the First Division began to come ashore
at that place. Of greater importance, to our way of
thinking, the landing of rations was begun under the
energetic direction of Colonel Weston.
During the night of June 23rd-24th, the leading
regiments of the Cavalry Division reached Siboney
and daylight found them again pushing on to the
front. By early morning, they were engaged with
the enemy at Las Guasimas and parts of the Second
Division were on their way to support them. The
engagement over, Lawton's men trudged back to
Siboney to draw rations, then retraced their steps
toward the front, and nightfall found his leading
elements bivouacking in the neighborhood of the battle ground. The close of the day also found the
First Division ashore with the 6th, 16th regiments
of Infantry, the 71st New York Infantry, the 2nd,
10th and 21st, the 9th, 13th and 24th regiments of
Infantry, together with batteries A, F and K of the
artillery, and Troops A and C of the 2nd Cavalry.




II
Z:..( 1,A


yn:: ^.;
"1: I;
D

j 1II


I I     1


- L


Eight Generals.




rjA, ~:VI




THE REGULARS


49


The first expedition, some sixteen thousand of
Uncle Sam's veteran regulars, together with three
selected volunteer regiments, was ashore and ready
for business.
That business shortly proved to be both exhausting and nerve-racking. Unaccustomed to, and unprepared for, a tropical climate, this little army
sweltered day after day under a Cuban sun, stewed
in the turkish bath which the daily downpour left in
its train, and worried restlessly through sodden
nights. In spite of these discomforts, it pushed
steadily on from position to position, until June
30th, found it fronting the heights surrounding Santiago and the main force of the enemy.
The situation presented many difficult considerations. We were not prepared to engage the enemy
decisively. Much was lacking for an engagement
such as this promised to be. On the other hand,
each day endangered rather than improved the
situation. The increasing difficulty of supply which
cut the troops down to bare necessities, the increasing effect of climate and disease on their health, and
the prospect of still more unfavorable weather conditions, all made it imperative that the campaign
be brought to a speedy conclusion. The only thing
in our favor was the character of the troops. Composed of seasoned veterans, unrivaled in spirit and
discipline, it was felt that the little army could be
depended upon for the effort, and it was finally
decided to put it to the test. Accordingly, the morning of July 1st saw the 5th Corps deploying for attack.
In front of El Caney, Chaffee, with the 7th, 12th




50


THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


and 17th, occupied the right of the line and opened
the attack. Ludlow, with the 8th, 22nd and 2nd
Mass., extended the line to the left across the El
Caney-Santiago highway and joined in the fight.
Miles, with the 4th and 25th was held in reserve,
while Capron's battery, supported by the 1st Infantry, lay in the hills behind.
Over in front of the Heights of San Juan, the Cavalry Division was pushing forward to a position in
front of Kettle Hill, with the 3rd, 6th and 9th regiments leading, and the 1st, 10th and Rough Rider
regiments following.
The First Division, following close on the Cavalry
and on a trail to the left of the main highway, extended the line to the left, with the 6th, 16th and 71st
New York regiments leading, followed by the 13th,
9th and 24th regiments, while the 2nd, 10th and 21st
regiments formed the extreme left.
The Second Division had opened its attack on El
Caney while the Cavalry and the First Division were
deploying, and it met with stubborn resistance from
the works in and about the little mountain town.
While the artillery gave excellent service, its
strength was such that it could contribute but little
to the attack. In consequence, both at El Caney
and San Juan, the engagements resolved themselves
into infantry fights in which foot soldiers literally
shot the enemy into submission and drove them
from their positions at the point of the bayonet.
At El Caney, the fight lasted until late afternoon
before the little remnant of the gallant Spanish force
attempted to fight its way out and escape to Santiago. Darkness was falling when Lawton was able




THE REGULARS


51


to start to the assistance of the troops at San Juan.
In the meantime, the latter had successfully carried
the ring of hills overlooking Santiago and were busily making their positions secure.
It had been a Regular's fight, an almost incredible
thing to all who had never before seen them in
action. With the exception of three regiments, all
who took part in the day's action were regulars.
Of the three exceptions, one regiment was early
withdrawn from action on account of the target furnished by their antiquated black-powder ammunition.
The little regular force, poorly equipped for the
work, weakened by lack of proper food and by exposure to a malign and pestilential climate, between
daylight and dark, by skill with rifle and bayonet,
backed up by supreme physical effort and an unconquerable spirit, had accomplished the well-nigh
impossible.
The story of the rest of the campaign is one of a
succession of truces, broken by periods of activity
which were filled with movements, trench digging
and gradual extension of the position around the
city, periods of scorching days and sodden nights,
of toiling, uncertainty and anxious waiting, which
sapped our strength and paved the way for the disease which was creeping insidiously upon us.
The final surrender came in time to save us from
the prostration which was slowly reducing our
efficiency.
The days that followed the surrender will live with
us always as a night-mare of sickness, suffering,
anxiety and death. When the Armistice finally re



52


THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


leased us and made possible our return to the United
States, the 5th Corps was in a pitiable condition. As
regiments, one by one, packed up and staggered
painfully to the transports, they were mere shadows
of the splendid units that had landed a short six
weeks before.
But as they trudged wearily down the jungle trails
to the little harbor, each was filled with the consciousness of having done the job. In less than two
months, they had embarked, had sailed, had landed
on a foreign soil, in a malign climate, had advanced
over unfavorable terrain and overwhelmed a force of
approximately equal strength occupying strong positions, and were returning, though broken, to the
homeland.
Short-lived, crudely conducted, of little interest
from the viewpoint of the military student, the Campaign of Santiago yet constitutes a brilliant chapter
in the history of the American soldier. The losses
through battle and disease, heavy though they were,
are not a discredit to the army in Cuba. Rather,
they stand out as an everlasting monument to our
traditional policy of unpreparedness.




BATES' INDEPENDENT BRIGADE
BY COLONEL HARRY E. WILKINS, U. S. Army, Retired.
Bates' Independent Brigade was organized at
Mobile, Alabama, about May 15, 1898.
The personnel and organizations were as follows:
Brigadier General John C. Bates, U. S. V. (Colonel
2nd Infantry).
Lt. Wm. M. Wright, 2nd Infantry, A. D. C.
Lt. Harry E. Wilkins, 2nd Infantry, A. D. C., Acting
Quartermaster and Commissary.
Major John A. Logan, Jr., Adjutant General, U. S. V.
Major D. M. Appel, M. C., Brigade Surgeon.
Lt. Samuel E. Smiley, 15th Infantry, Ordnance
Officer.
Major Frank J. Ives, M. C., afterward became Brigade Surgeon.
3rd Infantry, Col. John H. Page, Commanding.
20th Infantry, Major W. S. McCaskey, Commanding.
Squadron 2nd Cavalry, Major Wm. A. Rafferty,
Commanding.
(These were the only mounted troops with the
Santiago expedition).
Shortly after the first of June, the brigade sailed
from Mobile in several vessels, hastily and illy fitted
for the transportation of men and animals. This
was to have been expected, as it was the first time
any troops had been transported by sea for a hostile
purpose, since the Civil War.
Brigade Headquarters were on the S. S. Matteawan. In the light of present day sanitation, most of
the troops, and especially Brigade Headquarters,




54


THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


should have died from typhoid, para-typhoid and
typhus fever. Headquarters messed and slept in
the cabin.
Upon arriving at Tampa, the animals were unloaded pending the sailing of the 5th Corps for Cuba.
Fortunately the officers and men retained their quarters on the vessels, so when orders were issued for
the re-embarkation, so far as Bates' Brigade was
concerned, there was no unseemly scramble for
transportation.
As is well known, the expedition sailed from
Tampa Bay June 14, and arrived in the vicinity of
Santiago, June 20. The Brigade followed Lawton's
2nd Division in landing at Daiquiri on June 22,
bivouacking on the beach that night.
Upon landing, we were met by those hardy spirits
found in all commands, who had scaled the hill on
which a block house was located. Their sole booty
was a demijohn of vin du pays, which tasted no
worse than our more recent acquaintance, vin rouge.
The next day the brigade marched toward Siboney, camping that night along a water pipe line that
had supplied the residents and industries at Siboney
and other villages on the railroad, from the iron
mines to Santiago Harbor.
On the morning of the 24th, the brigade reached
Siboney. General Bates was placed in command at
that point. The troops assisted in unloading vessels,
repairing roads to the front, and making reconnaisances along the railroad leading to Santiago.
On June 24, the wounded from Las Guasimas field
began to filter down to the beach and were cared
for as far as hospital facilities permitted.




BATES' INDEPENDENT BRIGADE


55


About 8:30 P. M., on June 30, the march to General Shafter's headquarters began. We marched
till midnight, bivouacking near General Wheeler's
headquarters. Camp was broken about 6:30 in the
morning of July 1. General Shafter's headquarters
were reached in due time and the column halted.
About 10:00 A. M., we began our march to El
Caney, where the troops were eventually put into
the line between Chaffee's and Miles' brigades. On
our way to the front we met Colonel Patterson, 22nd
Infantry, who had been wounded early in the attack.
The brigade joined in the assault and capture of
the stone fort. While firing upon the village after
the capture of the stone fort, Capt. John B. Rodman,
20th Infantry, was wounded. At the conclusion of
the engagement, General Bates withdrew his command, and after halting it at the first stream, proceeded with his staff to General Shafter's headquarters, where he received orders to march his troops
to San Juan Hill and form on the left of Pearson's
brigade.
This movement was completed by midnight, July
1st, and on the morning of July 2nd, we were agreeably surprised to find our position was to be on the
left of the 2nd Infantry, which General Bates,
Wright and myself had last seen on May 11th, when
we left it at Chickamauga Park. The 20th Infantry was placed on the left of the 2nd and the 3rd
Infantry on the left of the 20th. The position was
consolidated and extended in the next few days.
The Seventh Massachusetts reported about July 6,
and was placed on the left of the 3rd Infantry.




56


THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


Firing on both sides without an advance by either
was had on July 2nd and 3rd, after which hostilities
practically ceased.
Captain C. W. Rowell, 2nd Infantry, was killed
by a shell on July 2nd.
In the attack on El Caney, three men were killed,
Captain John B. Rodman, 20th Infantry, and ten
men wounded. On July 2nd and 3rd, one man was
killed, Capt. H. B. Moon, 20th Infantry, and seventeen men wounded. These were all the casualties
due to action in the brigade from July 1st to July
17th, on which day Santiago de Cuba surrendered.
The casualties in General Shafter's command,
while very great, considering the comparatively few
men in the trenches opposing us, would have been
much greater but for the fact that the Spaniards
fired at a fixed high elevation. This was a source
of much gratification to the writer subsequently, for
while we were marching by the flank in rear of the
25th Infantry, the sound of bullets striking the
branches overhead, with the leaves and branches
falling on us, convinced me that with a lower elevation some one else, perhaps, might have been
writing this brief report.
On July 4th, while on my way to the subsistence
dump, I noticed that the branches and trees had
been cut off about eight or nine feet above the
ground by bullets fired on July 1st, by the enemy.
Had the elevation been five feet lower, it would have
been fatal to many more of our men.
Because of his expert marksmanship, Lt. C. H.
Muir, Adjutant 2nd Infantry (later Major General




General Bates and Staff.




I.,
I-E 0




BATES' INDEPENDENT BRIGADE,


57


U. S. A.), completely silenced one of the dangerous
heavy guns of the enemy.
Bates' Brigade did not suffer from lack of subsistence. On leaving Siboney, five wagons of subsistence were taken with us.   These wagons were
parked near General Shafter's headquarters when
the brigade went to El Caney. On our return, they
were taken to San Juan Hill, the rations dumped
on the reverse slope of the hill, and the wagons sent
to the rear. The brigade quartermaster guarded the
rations till morning. Additional rations were obtained July 4th, and afterward as needed.
The writer remembers meeting while enroute to
San Juan Hill on the night of July 1, Lieutenants
Pershing, Farnsworth, Hersey and McAlexander,
who were also quartermasters of various other units
on the field, Lt. John L. Hines, who was quartermaster 2nd Infantry, Omar Bundy, of the 3rd Infantry; F. R. Day, of the 20th Infantry, and M. E.
Hanna, of the 2nd Cavalry Squadron.
In passing, it is well to state that the five ambulances first available were brought, two each, by
the 3rd and 20th Infantry, and one by the squadron
2nd Cavalry, from Mobile. The buck board used by
General Shafter, after he landed, was a part of the
equipment of the 3rd Infantry, brought originally
from Fort Snelling.
General Bates' Brigade, with additional troops,
was organized later as a Provisional Division, and
in due course, sent to Montauk Point.
I left the command sick on July 8th, and did not
have the pleasure of again serving directly under
General John C. Bates.




THE NINTH U. S. INFANTRY IN
THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN
BY COLONEL EDWIN V. BOOKMILLER, U. S. Army,
Retired
On February 3, 1898, at Madison Barracks, N. Y.,
Colonel W. H. Powell assembled the officers of the
Ninth Infantry and read a telegram directing that
the regiment be ready for field service in Florida.
Several orders were received and countermanded
before April 19th, on which date the regiment entrained for Tampa. April does not bring spring on
the shores of Lake Ontario, but on the morning following, from the vicinity of Philadelphia, we began
to notice rapid changes in climate. Many people
took notice of the troop train enroute. We wondered if there would be any change in the enthusiasm of the people on crossing Mason and Dixon
line, but Civil War time was no more and Yankee
Doodle, when played by the band, brought forth the
same cheer as Dixie. The news of the declaration
of war, while we were enroute, undoubtedly accounted for our popularity.
A few regiments had arrived at Tampa ahead of
us and many followed. On the 22nd, we made our
camp in a pine grove on Tampa Heights. More
regiments of the regular army were soon assembled
in this camp than had been brought together in the
memory of the older officers. It would seem natural
that there would be much to learn from observation of other camps. There was no more variation
in camps than in training, which was good, in regi



THE NINTH U. S. INFANTRY


59


ments as units. A temporary brigade was soon announced. The announcement was about all that it
amounted to. The training and supplying of units
larger than a regiment, the Army lacked. This
temporary brigade did have a few marches and extended order drills, but they will be remembered
more by the heat, dust and occasional swim in a
stream, at the finish, than as any new experience.
The six weeks at Tampa lagged while we were
awaiting orders and settling the war in our own
minds; nevertheless, they had their pleasant side.
Officers who had not met in many years, renewed
old acquaintance, in camp or at the Tampa Bay
Hotel. The "Youngsters" of the Ninth were all
anxious for a touch of war. All wanted to be left
alone with the regiment, and any temporary duty,
elsewhere, caused much anxiety. An order from
Washington required an officer at Atlanta to receive
recruits for the regiment. The Colonel called for
volunteers, but none answered. And, by lot, the duty
fell to a lieutenant who had just joined, and who
shed many tears before the oldest lieutenant agreed
to take the detail. The Colonel remarked afterward,
"It was like choosing for a death ballot."
The Ninth, Thirteenth and Twenty-fourth regiments of Infantry became the Third Brigade, First
Division of the Fifth Army Corps. The embarkation began June 5th, at Port Tampa, and June 8th
was the date set for the Ninth. At 10:00 P. M., on
the 6th, orders were received that the expedition
would sail on the 7th, which we interpreted, if
aboard you would go along. Colonel Powell was
commanding the brigade, and had taken the regi



60


THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


mental staff with him. Lieutenant Colonel E. P.
Ewers was in command of the Ninth. The rush
order left each regiment to act independently as to
getting aboard, and the Ninth did not contemplate
being left behind. It corralled wagon trains and a
freight train, that other regiments under earlier
orders might have claimed. The esprit of the regiment was seldom more evident than on this night.
A few hours after daylight and the same rustling
officers and men were transferring property from
the train to the transport Santiago.  During and
after that memorable night, the faithful army mule,
without relief, kept on hauling regiment after regiment through the Florida sand. As the expedition
did not sail on the 7th, the Sixth Infantry, from
whom we stole a wagon train, lost nothing, and being good sports, never kicked. The delay gave us
an opportunity to send back to Tampa Heights for
our abandoned tents. This duty was well and
promptly carried out by our new Chaplain, Galloupe, and young lieutenants were spared another
risk.
On the Santiago, we had a battalion of the Tenth
Infantry and the Division Commander, General
Kent. Colonel Powell was ordered to remain at
Tampa, and was succeeded, as brigade commander,
by Lieutenant Colonel Worth, Thirteenth Infantry,
and he, in turn, before we landed in Cuba, by Colonel
Wikoff, Twenty-second Infantry.
Considerable time on board was taken up by the
numerous inspections, and the exercising of troops.
After the expedition sailed south on the 14th, the
question as to where we were going, became upper



THE NINTH U. S. INFANTRY


61


most. Around a map in the salon, when the ship's
location at noon was posted, the "guess" changed
from day to day. We learned afterward, that at
home nearly everyone knew; but no one on board
knew, unless it was General Kent, and he must have
had considerable doubt.  After we turned south
through the Windward Passage, and later, west,
opinion began to settle on Santiago, and when our
main Naval Fleet was seen off that city, little doubt
remained. On the 22nd, the shelling of the coast
east of Santiago by the Navy, gave us our first intimation of real war. Later, on that day, with other
ships carrying the First Division, passing the entrance to Santiago harbor, we drew the fire of the
Estrella Battery. Two shells passed over our ship.
Here, not alone the fact that this was real war, was
brought to many, but also, that the "Doughboy's"
place in war was on land. A few days later, similar
shells, then jokingly referred to by the men as
"stoves," throwing up the earth around us, attracted
little attention. Aware that other troops were landing at Daiquiri, men and officers were becoming
restless. This became more so when we learned, on
the 24th, of an engagement at Las Guasimas. Orders
to land at Siboney on the 25th were finally received
by General Kent.
The landing of troops from the Santiago began at
3:00 P. M. The regiment camped near by on a hill,
and the transfer of property ashore began. On the
26th, about 3,000 of Garcia's men were brought to
Siboney by one of our transports. This was our introduction to our "Brown Brothers" of the future.
A motley crew they were; ragged and half starved.




62


THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


Naturally, they were more interested in our ration
piles than in us. Many a soldier gave the Cubans
most of the contents of his haversack before an
issue was made them. On the 27th the Third Brigade, Thirteenth, Ninth, then the Twenty-fourth,
followed the First Brigade (Hawkins) toward Santiago. A short distance from camp, a broken bridge
caused the regiment to march on a hilly trail to the
right. The only transportation with the regiment
was an old grey Cuban mule that was picked up
about one camp near Siboney. "Sigerita" she was
called, and she carried the Surgeon's medical supplies. Her value was not thoroughly appreciated
until three days later, when her load was more important than rations. All, from the Colonel down,
carried a full pack, which had not time to dry between showers. The four mile march to Sevilla, on
this jungle trail under a tropical sun, was sufficient
for the first advance. Strung along the road from
Siboney toward Santiago, the troops were employed
in repairing the road and in making reconnaissance
during the two days following.
On the 30th, we noticed that ammunition and rations were being transported ahead of us, and while
we were expecting a forward movement on the 1st,
at 4:00 P. M., the "General" was heard, and we were
soon on the march in the same order as before. The
advance was very slow and continued, with many
interruptions, until 10:00 P. M. About sunset we
saw the outskirts of Santiago. Our Signal Corps balloon had been high in the air in front of us for some
time. At midnight, an issue of three days' rations,




THE NINTH U. S. INFANTRY


63


just arrived by pack train, caused us to wonder
about the morrow.
The column advanced in the early morning, on
hearing the guns toward El Caney, passing El Pozo,
where Grimes' Battery was engaging the enemy. Its
black powder drew the enemy's fire, which usually
passed over the Infantry.  We soon came under
rifle fire but were unable to determine its direction.
Our packs were then left in company stacks, and the
advance continued, from the road along the Aguadores, on a trail toward the San Juan river. The
enemy's infantry fire increased as we approached
the river, and the Second Battalion was directed to
make a reconnaissance to the right. It was almost
immediately recalled, but the delay allowed one battalion of the Twenty-fourth to precede it. A part of
the Seventy-first New York was halted along this
trail while we passed. Colonel Wikoff was killed
and Lieutenant Colonels Worth and Liscum were
wounded, near the ford of the San Juan. The brigade practically had no commander during the attack on San Juan Hill, as Lieutenant Colonel Ewers
was not aware that he was the senior officer on duty
until the ridge was occupied. Near the ford, orders
were given by General Kent, in person, and through
his staff. After crossing the river, the enemy could
be seen on the ridge about six hundred yards in
front, across an open space covered with grass about
waist high. The leading troops formed line and
returned the enemy's fire. In a short time the entire
brigade was advancing toward the Block House on
the ridge, the Ninth on the left of the line. The
Division Commander ordered the ridge to be held,




64


THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


as soon as it was reached. At this time, all were
more or less exhausted, and, fortunately, the enemy
had made good time in reaching his inner line of
works.
That afternoon and night was spent in "digging
in"; the bayonets, as picks, and meat cans, as shovels, were roughly handled. Major W. H. Boyle
was in command of the Regiment from July 1st until the 22nd, when Colonel Powell rejoined. It remained in this position on the ridge, to the left of
the Block House, until the surrender of the Spaniards. The position afforded good protection from
the enemy fire and the loss sustained, after it was
reached, was very slight. On the 14th we observed
a meeting of some American and Spanish officers
under a tree between the lines near our front. This,
we learned later, was the preliminary surrender arrangement. On the 17th the Regiment marched into
Santiago for the formal surrender, having been assigned the duty of occupying the city thereafter. At
noon on that day, the Regiment, with Cavalry escort
of the Commanding General, formed in the Plaza.
and the Spanish flag on the Governor's Palace was
replaced by the Stars and Stripes, with appropriate
ceremony.
The theater became the principal quarters for men
and officers. The stage was the hospital. The most
appreciated part of the building was its roof. Since
landing, protection from sun or rain had been received by very few, and by them, very seldom. The
sick list was increasing from this exposure as well
as from other causes. While our relations with
Spanish troops and citizens were most friendly, the




r


CoG f
IW-c t
x-u^f


"'\
1.::


f


Col. C. A. Wikoff.




kV~
~ O o




THE NINTH U. S. INFANTRY


many places to be guarded required the scattering
of the command into small details. In a few days,
one-third of those present were ill, and many, with
little or no medical attention, continued to do duty
when they should have been in a hospital. This
condition applied to officers as well as men. The
regiment was put in camp near the city on August
3rd, its duty having been taken over by the Second
Infantry, U. S. V., a newly arrived regiment. On
the 10th it was transferred to the steamer St. Louis,
which, later, sailed for Montauk Point. The St.
Louis seemed truly palatial, but the dream of marble
halls did not dispel the effect of that first and short
campaign in the tropics. The Third Brigade had
ceased to exist, as such, from the day of the surrender. The Thirteenth and Twenty-fourth were
assigned to guarding Spanish prisoners and the yellow fever camp.
The new khaki uniforms, issued in camp in lieu
of our abandoned blue, seemed inadequate as we
sailed North. It, in turn, was abandoned in a disinfecting process at Montauk Point, during which, all,
from the Colonel down, emerging from a bath, were
supplied by a generous government with new underclothing, a blanket and a private's blue uniform.
After a few days in quarantine, we were allowed
to mingle with friends and visitors. On September
11th, the Regiment arrived at its home station, Madison Barracks, a weak remnant of its former self, and
set about the reconstruction for future tropical
service, which we knew was coming.




THE SIXTH AND SIXTEENTH
REGIMENTS OF INFANTRY
By COLONEL B. T. SIMMONS, U. S. A., Retired, and
COLONEL E. R. CHRISMAN, U. S. A., Retired.
When war with Spain was declared, the Sixth Infantry was stationed at Ft. Thomas, Ky., the Sixteenth Infantry had its headquarters at Ft. Sherman, Idaho, with two companies at Ft. Spokane,
Washington, one company at Boise Barracks, Idaho.
These regiments were later assigned to the First
Brigade, First Division, Fifth Corps.
The regiment consisted of eight companies, each
being about sixty men in strength. The companies
were disciplined and well instructed organizations.
There was little opportunity in the Army for instruction in higher command and staff duties.
Wagner's books on Minor Tactics had been recently
introduced in the schools, making a long step in
the right direction.
Several of the captains were Civil War veterans,
men of fine soldierly qualities, but who would now
be considered too old to command a company in
the tropics.
On account of the infrequency of changes of station of officers and organizations, these old posts
were veritable homes to the officers and men. This
homelike condition of Army posts disappeared forever when the regiments marched away for concentration camps in the Southern states.
A bachelor looked on at the tearful partings of
the married officers with their families and was




THE SIXTH AND SIXTEENTH U. S. INFANTRY


67


grateful that he had no family to leave behind. He
was quite overcome a few minutes later as we
marched out of the post, by seeing his old striker
presenting arms with his shotgun, while nearby sat
his setter dog.
Everywhere on the trip to the South we were
cheered by most enthusiastic crowds. It sent our
pride sky high, it had its effect when we met the
Spaniard.
At Tampa, where we went into camp, we found
many Cuban refugees and enjoyed practicing our
Spanish and gained much information of conditions
in the Island.
We complained a great deal about the jump in
prices of necessities as soon as the troops arrivedwe have since become quite accustomed to that.
Cigars were cheap when bought from the maker,
who retained the box. A jest frequently heard was
that we were going to whip the Spaniard and make
him take Florida back.
Here we received recruits who were given intensive training. Selected ones were taken to Cuba
with the companies, then about eighty men strong.
Many rumors were current as to our next move, a
favorite one being that we were going to land on
the southern coast of Cuba, opposite Havana, and
march across the Island to attack that city. The
great fear of yellow fever made this rumor anything
but cheerful.
On May 31st, the order was issued for troops to
be held in readiness to go upon transports. On
the night of June 7th, at about 11:00 o'clock, an
officer of General Miles' staff came to the Sixteenth's




68


THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


camp and informed us that the transports would
sail at daybreak and that we were to be aboard by
that hour or be left. We were on our way within
an hour.
The Sixth Infantry was assigned to the Miami, the
Sixteenth to the San Marcos. Due to a request for
reassignment by Colonel Roosevelt, a battalion of
the Second Infantry was later changed to the San
Marcos. It is a misnomer to call these ships transports. The Miami was a converted cattle boat. The
San Marcos was a freighter with some accommodations for passengers.
We were crowded on these ships and remained in
the Bay for a week. The delay in sailing was said
to be due to the report that some Spanish torpedo
boats had been sighted off the northern coast of
Cuba. There were thirty ships beside those of the
Navy escort. These ships were assigned numbers
beginning with 1. No ship's captain would accept
the number 13.
We sailed from Port Tampa on June 14th. The
enlisted men and some of the lieutenants slept on
the bare decks, often without any cover to protect
them from the June sun and the rain, excepting the
soldiers' individual equipment. There was little
complaint. There was always the interesting sight
of the three ships abreast, and ahead and behind, as
far as the eye could see, ships dwindling with the
distance. There was no let up of discussion of questions of navigation and conditions that might confront us should the enemy ships appear. Gunsling
Dave broke up a discussion of this kind that was
interfering with his sleep with the following words:




THE SIXTH AND SIXTEENTH U. S. INFANTRY


69


"Cut that out for a while, you Columbus. Some of
you recruits think because your grandfather once
got his feet wet you know all about navigation."
As we neared the Windward Passage, the sea became rough and the roll remained with us. To add
to the miseries of seasickness the water on the San
Marcos became very salty and remained so until we
landed. Speaking of being bone dry, we were certainly so during that long week. It is not surprising
that many men suffered with weak stomachs after
spending sixteen days crowded on these boats with
food unsuitable to the climate, bad water, much
seasickness, followed by arduous work ashore in
the hot sun, very cold nights, and eating a ration of
hardtack, fat salt pork, with occasionally a can of
tomatoes.
We wore blue woolen shirts and heavy blue trousers tucked into leggins. This would hardly be considered appropriate uniform for a summer campaign in Cuba, but, considering that we carried no
change of uniform, that our clothing was seldom
dry, that the nights were cold, it was probably more
suitable than a single suit of khaki.
By July 1st, Lieutenant Dunning, of the Sixteenth,
had lost as much as seventy-five pounds in weight
and had occasion on that day to be very grateful for
such loss. A Spanish bullet made a long furrow
across his abdomen. We had fun joking him about
what this bullet would have done to him at his usual
weight.
The sight that greeted us when we awoke opposite
the entrance of Santiago Bay cannot be forgotten,with majestic Morro Castle standing defiantly on the




70


THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


heights and our fleet blockading the harbor in which
was bottled up the Spanish fleet, under Admiral
Cervera. We were later to get a happier view of
this entrance from the opposite direction.
Our transports were sent on a day's slow cruise
to the south (probably to get us more distant from
some supposed danger.) Why did not Cervera come
out then instead of waiting ten days? WNe then returned to points opposite Daiquiri and Siboney.
After gunboats had shelled these villages, troops
commenced to land. Our Brigade, the Sixth and
Sixteenth Regiments of Infantry, and the Seventyfirst N. Y. Volunteer Regiment, General Hamilton S.
Hawkins, Brigade Commander, did not complete its
landing until early on June 24th, due to erratic conduct on the part of the master of the San Marcos.
He was ordered to take his ship to a point just off
Siboney. He started towards shore, became afraid
and ran toward El Moro until he was turned back by
a ship of the blockading squadron. When he repeated this, General Shafter followed us, and,
through a megaphone, gave the master a characteristic and artistic "cussing out." The outcome,
however, proved to be something of a compromise,
for they never got the ship as close to the shore as
it had been ordered.
I recall the sickening odor that greeted my weak
stomach as we marched through Siboney. Some
houses had been burned in the village, cooking a
number of the land crabs so abundant there. A
few minutes of this smell made several men of the
company vomit. We encountered these crabs everywhere on land, and more than one sentinel alarmed




THE SIXTH AND SIXTEENTH U. S. INFANTRY


71


his command by firing at a crab that he thought
was an enemy creeping up on him in the dark.
The Sixteenth was hurried up the hill immediately
after landing, to support a cavalry force which had
encountered the enemy near Las Guasimas. The
brigade camped north of Siboney until June 27th, to
protect the landing. We were visited by many
Cuban insurgents, whom we eagerly plied with questions about the country and the enemy. I lost all
sympathy with them on the second night, when one,
who had declared himself muy amigo, ran away
while I was in bathing, with the one pair of shoes
I had ashore. Jules Ord went to get me his extra
pair, which he said was with his hammock. He
soon returned, announcing that both shoes and hammock had been stolen. That was about all the baggage Ord took ashore.
Here we first became acquainted with the Cuban
mango. The imemrory of the strong taste of turpentine of the fruit and the sickening odor one encountered under the mango tree prevented me for three
years from liking the delicious mangoes of the
Philippines.
On June 27th, our brigade marched about six
miles toward Santiago and camped along with John
Henry Parker's Gatling guns. We were very grateful on July 1st, that Parker had brought them along,
for they saved the Sixth and Sixteenth many casualties. It was understood at that time that Parker
had met with little encouragement from higher
authority. Here also we saw the Dynamite gun,
which appealed greatly to our imaginations. I recall that this six miles march used up about all of




72


THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


our strength. The men of the Sixteenth carried 200
cartridges, the extra ones were put into a sock, as a
rule, and made a very inconvenient package.
While at this camp we experienced some of the
hardest downpours of rain we had ever known. A
shelter tent gave very little protection from it. Some
of us made the experiment of sleeping in a canvas
hammock with a poncho over us. After each shower, one would find himself sitting in about a foot of
water unless he had taken the precaution to punch
a few holes in the hammock to allow the water to
run out.
We found our heavy trousers, wadded under our
leggins, very uncomfortable. Our adjutant wore
high top boots. He thought it would be wise to cut
off his trousers just below the top of the boot. After
a thorough wetting, the boot tops ran down and the
trouser legs ran up, leaving several inches of knee
unprotected from the Spanish bayonet. After the
rains set in the roads were at times impracticable
for ration wagons. At the front we depended at
such times on pack trains. How we learned to love
these faithful old pack mules! Everyone wanted to
pet them when they came to us. Sometimes they
were late in the night in arriving. We were often
deceived by a bell-bird, which made a noise at night
very much like that of the bell on the bell-mare
of a packtrain.
Our brigade was visited by General Shafter on two
occasions. Once he was riding in a very close fitting phaeton. We wondered how so fleshy a man
could stand the tropical heat. At another time we
saw him on a mule. Accounts differ as to the num



I 7I7-I


('


-Uk ":., _.~.


T:           Capture of  B H    o
The Capture of Block House on San Juan Hill.


— W. -I~~~~~ep




OO 




THE SIXTH AND SIXTEENTH U. S. INFANTRY


73


ber of men required to boost the General when he
mounted and to steady the mule. The soldiers had
much fun in expressing sympathy for that mule.
The brigade started on its march to the front at
about 4:00 A. M., July 1st, with regiments in the following order: Sixth Infantry, 71st N. Y. Volunteers,
Sixteenth Infantry. The progress was very slow,
due to the narrowness of the road, which was much
crowded. This was the only road available for
troops and supplies. Soon we could see Derby's captive balloon going up the road ahead of us. We
overtook it at El Pozo, where Grimes' Battery was
in action on the hill, and Parker's Gatling guns
nearby. The enemy had dropped some shrapnel in
this vicinity and wounded several men. We did not
like having that balloon over us, in range of the
Spaniard's guns. Shortly after leaving El Pozo, we
began to hear the whiz of Mauser bullets. We were
halted to let some cavalry, with General Joe Wheeler, pass. He had been ill and looked very pale but
determined. Near here, he was said to have pointed
out the blockhouse on the hill to General Kent, saying, "That's where the 'Yankees' are firing."
The Sixth Infantry was ordered to deploy on the
left to the cavalry. The Sixteenth on the left of the
Sixth. In making this deployment in the jungle,
we came under a murderous fire, which we were
unable to return. Our officers and non-commissioned officers wore the white stripe on the blue
trousers. The great proportion of officers and noncommissioned officers killed and wounded, strengthened the report that the Spaniards had sharpshooters hidden in the tree-tops, close enough to pick off




74


THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


these officers. I have never heard that such report
was verified.
After heavy losses, the Sixteenth was deployed on
and near the sunken road, and we could see to our
right front the blockhouse on San Juan Hill. There
was considerable mixture of units of the two regiments and with us were many enlisted men of the
71st New York, who exchanged their old Springfield
rifles for the more modern Krag of our dead. The
losses continued very heavy. There was nothing to
do but go forward. It was slaughter to remain
where we were. All realized this, as did General
Hawkins. While General Hawkins gave the order
for the assault, different parts of the brigade line
were already about to advance. The Gatling guns
opened up on the Hill about this time-thank God!
Both of General Hawkins' aides were killed-Dennis
Michie and Jules G. Ord-the latter by a wounded
Spanish officer on the Hill. The Sixteenth Infantry
colors were quickly brought up and Lieutenants
Palmer and Preston waved them from the reverse
slope of the Hill to prevent our troops firing into
us. Our Brigade was ordered to withdraw from the
Hill and extend the line to the left. The Sixteenth
immediately moved out, with the exception of two
companies, which were some distance to the right
of the blockhouse and were late in receiving the
order. General Sumner ordered these two companies to remain in the emergency and help to hold
the hill, upon which the Spaniards had opened a
vigorous fire. A platoon of artillery was wheeled up
on the Hill and opened fire. Immediately, the enemy
dropped two big shells near the blockhouse and in



THE SIXTH AND SIXTEENTH U. S. INFANTRY


75


creased his infantry fire. The position was too near
the enemy's line for artillery firing by direct laying.
Captain Palmer captured some Spanish soldiers
and, in doing so, had his hat shot up. A soldier
exhibited these prisoners to the regiment as "dandy
kitchen police."
The following description of the experience of the
Sixth Infantry was written by Colonel Edward R.
Chrisman, who was a first lieutenant of that regiment:
The Sixth Infantry was well versed in security
and information. It understood the importance of
these subjects and was thoroughly trained in these
elements of minor tactics long before it detrained
at Tampa for the two or three months' of intensive
preparation in the hot sands of Florida. Other pens
are more effective than mine to describe this period.
It is sufficient to say that later the Santiago Campaign offered abundant opportunity to apply practically the elementary principles of maneuver and
combat as well as the requirements of organization
and tactics contained in a magnificent volume by
that name produced by the same distinguished
author and soldier.
All who participated in the campaign learned
truly, by actual experience and contact, their fundamental value; the immense advantages that accrue
from a correct observation of the rules and, on the
other hand, the penalties that must follow from a
disregard of them.
Lieutenant Colonel H. C. Egbert, commanding the




76


THlE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


Sixth Infantry was ordered to form line on the left
of the Cavalry. He asked where the Cavalry was,
but received no exact information, and on we went.
He and his adjutant, W. C. Bennett, went out into
and beyond the thicket to reconnoiter and Egbert
fell, seriously wounded. After that it became a captains' fight, the same as it always will be, or possibly more of a platoon leader's flight. We had left
our packs at the stream crossing, near El Pozo Hill,
where the battery was firing over our heads. Shortly
afterward, when we were in column of twos and
files on the trail, with Derby's captive balloon overhead, we were halted and pushed into the bushes,
to allow the Rough Riders to pass by us, presumably
to give them the first chance at the Spaniards. We
saw no more of them. Richard Harding Davis, in
full khaki regalia, was with them. About that time
it was shouted from the balloon: "Is there a General officer below"? No answer. "Is there a field
or staff officer down there"? No answer. "Is there
any officer"? "Yes, quite a few." Then came this
information from heavenward. "I see two roads in
front."  "Where do they lead to"? was asked.
Answer: "I can't tell"! The balloon was a good
target and was soon hauled down.
The next interesting object we saw was what appeared to be the celebrated but mysterious dynamite gun and we caught a glimpse of John Henry
Parker, with his Gatling guns, praise to him! We
heard it rumored afterward that the dynamite gun
exploded before firing a shot, and were glad this
did not occur just as we were passing along. Then
we arrived in the tropical thicket along the creek.




THE SIXTH AND SIXTEENTH U. S. INFANTRY


77


Bullets were thick, but no one knew the exact place
or direction they were coning fron. The Sixth lost
four officers killed, and seven wounded in this
jungle. Our casualties there were close to thirty per
cent, but we did not know we were licked.
Jules Garesche Ord, General Hawkins' aide, was
our brigade hero. The Sixth, Sixteenth, Seventyfirst, and other regiments, in whole or part, were
lying along a barbed wire fence partially concealed
by the thick undergrowth, but not covered, firing
and receiving fire, when Ord came up and yelled:
"General Hawkins orders a charge"! Ord led the
"charge," if it can be said that any one officer led.
Garesche Ord was killed at the top of the hill by
a wounded Spaniard, who had indicated his willingness to surrender. Just as Ord was leaping the
trench the wounded man fired the fatal shot.
Shortly before the advance, the soul-stirring Gatlings opened up. Those present will never forget
the inspiration. Spaniards in the trenches could be
seen throwing up their hands. It looked like a long
distance to charge-four or five hundred yards it
seemed-across the comparatively open terrain in
front of us, but we charged. Thirty years' subsequent experience and invention have introduced
nothing particularly new relating to an infantry
final. Most of its features were represented, with
climatic heat added to the heat of the battle on that
July day. The books have appended little. We
were fired on from the front and from the rear;
there was marching fire in all its forms, including
"halting fire"; fire and movement; advance by
rushes; infiltration and counter-filtration; Gatling




78


THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


gun barrage-perhaps for the first time in history.
And so on indefinitely, almost every theory and
thing except artillery and the horse. The former
was changing position in the distant hills and the
horses were left back in the States, most of them.
Enticed by the bugle calls from the shore, a few
horses swam from the transports whilst we were
effecting a landing at Daiquiri, thanks to the Navy,
from the never to-be-forgotten Miami, an old tub
hastily converted from a cattle boat. It looked and
was the part. Transport regulations were not yet in
print if memory serves aright. It is well they were
not, for they would have found no application on
the craft that carried the Sixth Regiment to Cuba.
Resting in the hastily constructed intrenchments
or on the reverse slope of the ridge that had been
so dearly acquired, we found time that night to review in our minds the events of the day. There
were reasons why sleep was disturbed. A counterattack was expected and hunger gnawed at our
vitals. The day had begun at 3:30 A. M. At about
four the brigade was massed in readiness some distance back of El Pozo Hill. From there we plainly
heard the opening guns on El Caney. Eagerness to
advance and general restlessness, together with
speculation as to what was going on, occupied the
next two hours or so of waiting before we began
our backing and filling on the trail that led into the
Hell Hole along San Juan Creek. Nowadays, the
officers under such circumstances would be assembled and our mission explained.
It was an ideal situation to inform every officer
and man what they needed to know. It so happened




THE SIXTH AND SIXTEENTH U. S. INFANTRY


79


that the writer had divined something of the purpose in view, as well as gained a bit of information
of the topography in front, as he had on the day
previous commanded the advance party of the advance guard of the Sixth, which started out toward
Santiago. We gained a glimpse of San Juan Hill
before we were turned back by an excited messenger
who conveyed the intelligence that the movement
had not been intended and there was a mistake in
the orders transmitted. It is probable that we barely
escaped bringing on an engagement which might
have disrupted the general plans to attack El Caney
first. This was the second time the Sixth was turned
back. On our first arrival at Siboney from Daiquiri
we were hurried up the long hill enroute to reinforce
the cavalry brigade in its fight at Las Guasimas. We
marched up the hill and then back down again. An
incident illustrating the assertion of nationality may
here be inserted. It was so hot that the men while
moving up the hill began to throw off their rolls. A
soldier of European extraction collected and was
carrying five of these rolls. I asked him what his
idea was. He replied that he intended to take them
back to the States and sell them. Their owners allowed him to carry them up and down the hill before claiming and receiving them from the collector,
against his strong protest. This same soldier picked
up Dennis Michie's revolver, belt and field glasses
on the battlefield, with like object in view. These
articles were afterward placed in the hands of Professor Michie at West Point.
San Juan was not the Sixth's first battle on Cuban
soil; this was at Daiquiri, on the beach, with the




80


THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


land crab as an enemy, the first night after landing
there. The fight lasted all night long and he almost
drove us from our position, outnumbered as we were
dozens to one in the darkness and the ceaseless rain.
Wet through, with coffee and hard tack for breakfast, marching capacity was tested by the ten or
fifteen miles forced hike to Siboney early next day.
Seriously, there is doubt whether the 1st of July
stands out more vividly in the minds of old Sixth
Infantry men than does this little Daiquiri experience. To be awakened from a doze of exhaustion
by soaking rain, with land crabs clinging to one's
ears, nose and hands and creeping all over the body,
is not soothing to the nerves of those unaccustomed
to the ways of this scavenger. Several shots were
fired during the night by sentries who mistook their
movements for the real foe. The recollection of this
first night ashore is enhanced by the fact, we learned
a day or two later, that the regiment was not destined to land at Daiquiri, but was supposed to disembark at Siboney.
Passing from the ridiculous to the sublime, brings
us back to the regiment in trenches around Santiago.
It requires no stretch of the imagination to re-picture
the miles of sandbags. What a view it would have
been for an aviator! In front of this line were to
be found listening posts. There are those who seem
to think that this device and many others, with
newly-coined fancy names, were purely products of
the World War. Not so, my brothers. For simple
instance, there were a half dozen or more listening
posts belonging to the Sixth Infantry portion of the
line.




cc:
m
4,
c:c
ad
k4.      


T:




V Vi




THE SIXTH AND SIXTEENTH U. S. INFANTRY


81


Reports of contemplated night raids constantly
reached our ears. One night an attack seemed to
be at hand. Would it be an exaggeration to say
that a half million rounds of ammunition were fired
by the American troops before the thing stopped?
And then it was discovered that it was a false alarm.
The casualties in our outfit amounted to one man,
in an outguard with listening post, if you please.
The surgeon pronounced it death from heart disease.
The men dreaded the shells from the big Spanish
gun, which they denominated "Long Tom." Occasionally one landed in the trenches with destructive
effect and then we again wondered where the artillery was. After some days' routine of firing and
truces, the brigade was marched around the extreme right of our line, prolonged in that direction
to encircle the city more completely. One day, at
four o'clock, when a truce expired, we renewed fire,
range approximately 1,700 yards. In a neighboring
regiment a volunteer officer was using revolver fire.
One of his men was heard to ask: "Are you hitting
any of them, Lieutenant"? The fire all along the
line at least convinced the Spaniards that the enclosing troops almost completely hemmed them in.
Cervera's fleet was gone. Some time before, while
lying in the trenches, we had listened to the reverberating sounds of this decisive naval engagement
and soon afterward learned the results.
Negotiations for surrender were shortly in progress. All that followed is historical.
The flower of the Fifth Corps was not in sympathy with the so-called "Round Robin." Discipline
was of too high order for that. The Sixth Infantry




82


THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


that sailed for Cuba was as fine a regiment, officers
and men, as ever carried the colors, on parade or in
baftle, before or since the day it sailed from Port
Tampa. It was sadly decimated in battle, by fevers
and by other hardships incident to a campaign in
which its record can be scrutinized with becoming
pride by every one of its surviving members and
friends.
On the night of July 1st, we dug in on a ridge to
the left of San Juan Hill, separated from it by a
deep ravine, and exchanged shots with the Spaniards, whose trenches were in plain sight, all the
following day. Some very good sniping was done
by a few of our best shots. A distant gun near the
city fired a shell down our trenches at intervals during the day. One of these killed and wounded ten
men. On the night of the 2nd, we threw up a high
traverse across the left of our position, to give us
some protection from these shells.  Dirt from a
spade never flew faster. At daybreak "Gunsling
Dave" rubbed his eyes, looked at this mound, and
inquired how that thing got there. "We built it last
night," said a recruit. "Gosh! It would have taken
a Ft. Sherman fatigue party six months to have
done that."
After the very heavy firing by both sides on the
night of the 2nd had suddenly started up and continued, the Regimental Commander of the Sixteenth,
believing it was due to an alarm, ordered a company musician to blow "cease firing." All the musicians of the regiment followed him. Now, none of
these musicians had had any occasion to blow




THE SIXTH AND SIXTEENTH U. S. INFANTRY


83


"water call" during their service with the regiment.
The call was not used by the infantry. We had
heard Cavalry regiments using it in Chickamauga
Park. "Cease firing" was a call with which every
musician was most familiar, and yet every musician
in the regiment blew "water call" until attention was
called to the mistake.
We had no surgeon with our regiment at this time.
Dr. Leman, a recruit in "F" Company, established a
dressing station behind our line and treated many
wounded of the Sixteenth and a neighboring regiment. He no doubt, saved the lives of several. The
road back to Siboney was a long and rough one to
a severely wounded or sick man. It was surprising
to hear the number who survived the trip. One of
these had been struck near the spinal column by a
fragment of shell. Leman kept him for two (lays,
although the man did not regain consciousness but
seemed completely paralyzed. A member of his
company came from the hospital ten days later and
reported to his company commander that the man
was taken from the wagon at Siboney, dead, and
that he helped make the coffin. The officer found
letters in the man's haversack from a girl and wrote
her as consoling a letter as possible. He was greatly
surprised a few weeks later to receive a letter from
the soldier, who was recuperating in the States, expressing his gratitude for the very helpful letter that
had been written to his girl.
We had to cook our "S. O. B." (consisting of hardtack fried with fat pork, with a sprinkling of large,
juicy black ants) at some distance from our line
here, and often it was brought up after the abundant




84


THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


grease had solidified. Under such conditions it is
not recommended for steady diet in the tropics. It
was entertaining to watch these big ants and some
small ones climb up the sides of a hot pan and then
dive to a greasy grave.
Many of us carried in a pocket, some little article
of food as an emergency ration. Some chipped
beef, wrapped in a piece of newspaper, carried for
two weeks, a part of that time wet with rain or
sweat, and green in color, proved to be very palatable. A small piece of it gave a better flavor to the
hardtack and coffee. Captain Levin C. Allen carried a big onion, from which he cut a small sliver
each day. After a hearty meal of fat pork and hardtack with no fruit or vegetable, the sight of that dirty
onion brought tears to our eyes. One officer took
in his pocket some sweet chocolate. This soon
melted and spread over his clothing where it made
excellent pasture for ants. When we were ordered
to deploy on July 1st, we stacked our blanket rolls
and heavy haversacks and left men to guard them.
These men were later taken away, in the emergency,
to help remove the wounded. It was only after several days that we recovered the rolls; many were
never recovered, and some had been rifled.
On July 3d, we heard the guns of our Navy firing
upon Cervera's fleet emerging from the harbor. The
firing seemed to us more like the noise of demolition. We wondered if the Spaniard was blowing up
his ships in the harbor with the intention of transferring all of his guns and men to the land forces.
At noon, July 3d, we saw a flag of truce go out
from our line and meet a party from the enemy.




THE SIXTH AND SIXTEENTH U. S. INFANTRY


85


In the evening an order came, from what seemed
to be good authority, that the truce was over. It
proved to have been a mistake, although it had been
shouted down the line from other regiments, coupled
with the name of a senior officer. Luckily, there was
no firing. Such a disgrace might easily have befallen us.
Something like the following might be found in
many diaries:
"July 4. Had a good sleep last night. Went down
to the creek today and had my first bath-it was
fine. Washed all my clothes and hung them in the
sun until they dried.  Got beautifully blistered.
General Miles is arriving with volunteer reinforcements. Wrote my report of operations July 1-4.
Find it differs somewhat from the accounts of the
action of July 1st of other officers. It is not surprising that one's memory makes mistakes under
such exciting conditions, besides, one sees a small
fraction of what is going on, even within his own
short radius of view."
"July 8. Truce still on. Received first mail today.
Feel great sympathy for the poor fellow who did
not receive any."
"July 10. Our brigade marched at daybreak to a
position extending to the right of the Corps line.
It was understood that we might make the principal
attack upon the city from that flank. Truce will
end at 4:00 P. M. Grimes' Battery will give the
signal by opening fire at that hour. The enemy
trenches were not close to ours. We were ordered
to have only a few best shots fire on any bodies of
Spaniards that might appear and to keep the other




86


THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


men under cover. Near the right of our line was a
regiment of volunteers which had only recently arrived. They were very keen to get into the fight.
As the hour of 4:00 approached, the whole force
crowded into their trenches and took position for
firing. A thunder storm was brewing in the mountains behind us. It was nearly four o'clock when
there came a clap of thunder. That regiment pulled
the trigger and the truce was over. The Spaniard
replied with a high shot, then Grimes opened up.
July 11. Terrific rains, half rations. Truce begins
at 1:00 P. M. On this site we have been annoyed
by a pest worse than the crab-the tarantula. At
night, often a man would scream with fear, thinking
or dreaming that a tarantula was in his blanket with
him. This would awaken the others, and in a few
minutes, another man would be certain he felt one
and soon the whole company would be up shaking
imaginary tarantulas out of their blankets. They
got badly on our nerves. Someone told the men that
a tarantula would not hurt one unless he was afraid
of it. That helped the situation somewhat.
About this time some officers of the 71st New York
approached a gathering of regular officers, exhibiting a New York newspaper with a description of the
fight of July 1st, and expressed their deep humiliation that an account so unjust to regular troops
should be printed in a paper in their city. There
were several minutes of silence. The tension was
broken by the remark of a young officer: "I bet
Napoleon was no more than a good newspaper
soldier."
Our mail came more frequently after the sur



THE SIXTH AND SIXTEENTH U. S. INFANTRY


87


render. Articles sent by our friends, especially underclothing, socks, washcloths, were greatly appreciated. We were fairly well supplied directly from
ships in Santiago Bay; also we could make some
purchases from the commissary. We usually buried
the "embalmed beef" issued to us. It seemed a poor
time to make experiments with new articles of ration.
The first issue of soft bread was made on July 26th.
A barrel of vinegar was brought into our camp. It
tasted to men who had been eating fat pork without vegetables, more delightful than any wine.
The following is from the diary of Lieutenant
John E. Woodward, 16th Infantry:
"July 27. Slept without trousers for first time."
Surely our regimental supply officers had a heavy
burden. We knew of only a small part of their difficulties.
We now had opportunity to work on and mark
more permanently the graves of our dead, who had
been buried where they fell. It was difficult to find
some of them, as the appearance of the terrain had
greatly changed since the first of the month. Mrs.
Morrison sent an undertaker to take home the body
of Captain Theophilus W. Morrison, 16th Infantry.
Captain Morrison was nearly sixty years old. When
he started to the front, he grew visibly younger. At
Chickamauga, he lived again the days of his youth,
spent in battle there. No youngster could have been
more eager to get into the fight than he. He fell in
the Bloody Angle, while leading his company to its
place on the line. Beside him, fell his first sergeant.
We Lieutenants (now Colonels), doff our hats to
the gallant captains who set us so fine an example




88


THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


in soldierly qualities in Cuba. There were no "old"
captains, they had become to us surpringly young.
Nor do we forget the uncomplaining loyalty of the
enlisted men.
We also had the opportunity to visit our old
trenches to the left of San Juan Blockhouse and
look down into that terrible ravine, where we had
kept a post. It required some nerve to stay at that
post at night. It was damp and dark, an ideal place
for creeping things. There were many uncertain
noises, several Spanish corpses, and one could see,
against the sky, manned trenches almost surrounding him, Spanish and American, from any of which
he might receive a fusillade.
We also visited a camp of Spanish prisoners of
war and made some purchases; also envied them
their clean, cool uniforms.
Lieutenant Sorley had been wounded in the arm
about July 3d. He was wearing a loose fitting coat
and sitting in an unusual position looking through
his field glasses. There were many wrinkles in the
front and sleeve. A bullet came and cut two holes
in every wrinkle. That coat looked as if it had met
the contents of a shrapnel. Later at Montauk, Sorley loaned it to the lieutenant that accompanied Captain Morrison's body to Pittsburgh. The small boys
had some fine thrills from seeing that coat, but were
much disappointed that the wearer refused to show
his wounds.
Sickness was increasing at a frightful rate. At
times, we were not able to get sufficient quinine.
Early on August 8th we marched to our transport
in Santiago, to embark for the United States.




THE SIXTH AND SIXTEENTH U. S. INFANTRY  89
Here we looked back with great interest from the
enemy side at the hills we had fought for and occupied, waved a good bye to our comrades sleeping there, then turned to the most beautiful view we
had ever seen. The harbor was lighted by the rising
sun. There were the masts and funnels of the
Merrimac almost blocking the channel; beyond,
through the narrow gap, a white ship was running
up a United States flag; El Morro on the height was
no longer defiant, as we had seen it at first, but beautiful and peaceful. Nearby was a large ship, loading
Spanish soldiers to be taken home. Surely, this was
a glad day for both victor and vanquished.
9,      B. T. SIMMONS.




THE THIRTEENTH INFANTRY IN
THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN
By BRIGADIER GENERAL PAUL B. MALONE, U. S. A., First
and Second Lieutenant, 13th Infantry, during
the Campaign.
(NoTE:-The following narrative is written from a diary prepared at the time and from other documents furnished from
numerous sources, but partly from memory. It is not possible
to insure absolute historic accuracy.)
The Maine lay a twisted wreck in Havana harbor.
After thirty-two years of unbroken peace, "The
Army" was mobilizing; war was upon us. Companies
A, C, E, G and H, 13th Infantry, boarded a train at
Fort Porter, N. Y., April 19, 1898, destined for Tampa,
Florida. As the train was about to pull out, a Mrs.
Johnson lifted her little son in her arms to shake
hands with the departing officers; she was pledging
him to service. Twenty-seven years later a Gold Star
Mother at a re-union of the Second Division in Cleveland, Ohio, advised me that this little boy had fallen
for his country in battle on the western front.
Arriving at Tampa on the morning of April 22nd,
we detrained and, in heavy blue uniforms and full
field equipment, we marched to camp, the temperature registering 90 degrees in the shade. The men
collapsed but we were sagely assured that this was
part of the "hardening process." The rest of the regiment joined us and we began a period of intensive
training under a tropical sun in uniforms suitable
for the Dakotas.
The Army bill had passed, providing for escape




THE THIRTEENTH U. S. INFANTRY


91


from the organization employed during and since the
Civil War; once more we were to re-organize on the
eve of battle —but we did not do it. We needed recruits with which to expand from eight rifle companies of about fifty men each, and two skeleton companies, to three battalions of four rifle companies
each-but no recruits came. Somebody had forgotten
that. There was no General Staff, no plan of operations, no co-ordination. The railways were congested.
Troops arrived without uniforms, ammunition or
medical supplies. There was chaos.
Time passed. Rumor followed rumor, conjecture
was built on conjecture.  Orders came and orders
were revoked or otherwise passed into innocuous
desuetude, while the reserve strength of the troops
was fried out in the "hardening process" on the drill
field.
Came May 12th, and with it orders "To pack up all
surplus baggage, turn it in and prepare for embarkation on transports at a moment's notice." We packed
up and then unpacked, and waited for the next convulsion.
Nevertheless, we were making progress, the troops
had been organized into the 5th Army Corps, General
Shafter commanding. The 9th, 13th and 24th Infantry, under Colonel Alfred T. Smith, 13th Infantry, had
been organized into the Third Brigade, 1st Division.
I was appointed Brigade Commissary-a title without
a job.
More orders! On May 31st, to prepare for "immediate embarkation." We were equal to the emergency; the order was not executed. June 3rd-we lost
our Colonel (Smith), who, with others, was ordered,




92


THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


broken hearted, to his home, and command of the
regiment went to Lieutenant-Colonel Wm. Worth.
News that Hobson had sunk the Merrimac in Santiago Harbor was followed on June 6th with orders
"to get ready to move at a moment's notice to Tampa
Bay." The moment stretched into twenty-four hours
and then, at 8:00 P. M., June 7th, the regiment was
ordered to pull out immediately to follow the 6th and
9th Infantry, with inside information that "if we did
not reach Tampa Bay and get aboard before daylight
we would be left behind."
A grand scramble! A chaotic night!
Unable to procure transportation, the 13th moved
to the railway line at 8:00 A. M., the next morning.
No organized transportation was in sight; apparently
no one was in charge. An empty freight train and
some recently used cattle cars were on the track. We
were "on the way" and trifling details were not to
stop us.
A volunteer reconnaisance party, consisting of
Lieutenants "Freddie" Fuger, Harry L. Ferguson,
myself, and others sallied forth to see what could be
done. An Engineer was snaked out of bed, a fire was
lit in a wood-burning engine, cars were jammed together and the regiment rushed aboard and sounded
the whistle. We were off! Standing space only, low
rankers in the cattle cars.
Our train reached Tampa at about 10:30 A. M., wild
cheers echoing down the line-we had beaten the 21st
and the 24th Infantry to the "jump-off!"
Orders on arrival? No, sir. Every man for himself
and the devil take the hindmost.
It was time again for personal reconnaissance. I




THE THIRTEENTH U. S. INFANTRY


93


was again on this detail. Lieutenant William R. Sample, Lieutenant Monroe McFarland, myself and some
others ganged up and found the chief Quartermaster
on the tracks. Lieutenant Peter C. Harris, Quartermaster of the regiment, finally brought order out of
chaos-we were to go aboard the S. S. Saratoga, but
we lad to wait till 5:00 P. M. before a place at the
wharf could be obtained for our boat!
The gang plank was no sooner down than the
troops were swarming into the boat. By 9:00 P. M.,
the melee was about over and all except the 24th
Infantry were aboard. Then the movement was suspended! A Spanish gunboat was reported off the
harbor. To add to the comforts of the situation, the
S. S. Florida crashed in the side of the S. S. Miami.
Animals that had been rushed frantically aboard
some of the vessels were unloaded the next day.
Rest!
For six mortal days we lay at the dock in Tampa
Bay, the men sweltering in the holds of ships that
had never been intended for the transportation of
troops. The only bright spot during the period was
the receipt of a telegram at 6:30 P. M., June 11th, as
we pushed off from the wharf, that a ten-pound baby
boy had been born to the house of Malone on the 10th
of June. And the diary states, "He will be called
Paul Bernard Malone, Jr., and will go to West PointI hope," and he did.
At 6:30 A. M., June 14th, the army moved out in
column of ships (Navy take notice), and at 3:30 P. M.,
in three columns, with gun boats scouting around our
front, flank and rear, the first army of invasion to




94


THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


leave American shores, in a grand fleet of thirty-three
vessels, headed toward Cuba.
The Saratoga had been taken off the Atlantic Coast
service and we were told "That the haste of movement had been such that it was impossible to ice the
ship again." The ice melted; the meat violently protested with its fetid breath. How I loathed the man
who could complacently smoke a rancid pipe.
Imagine the happy situation for the "soldiers of
the Republic" in the holds below.
On the night of June 19th, from "Somewhere south
of Cuba," we beheld the Southern Cross as we headed
westward just two months from the date of departure from Buffalo, New York.
On the morning of June 20th, our fleet hove to
near Santiago Harbor, where Sampson's fleet could
be seen guarding the entrance; Cervera's doomed fleet
was inside. On the heights above stood Morro Castle,
seemingly badly battered, but with the Flag of Spain
floating defiantly from its turrets. During the early
morning hours of June 22nd, the Saratoga, Santiago
and the City of Wlashington, having on board the 3rd
Brigade, one battalion 10th Infantry, and six companies 21st Infantry, withdrew from the big fleet.
At daybreak we were opposite the Harbor, with
none of the rest of the fleet in sight. The Texas, the
Brooklyn and I believe, the New York, engaged the
forts at the mouth of the Harbor, in a spectacular
battle, apparently to create the impression that we
were about to force a landing. All day the 22nd and
23rd, the sound of heavy cannonading was heard along
the shore to the east and word came that landings
had been made by the rest of the expedition. Late




THE THIRTEENTH U. S. INFANTRY


95


at night on the 24th, we moved to the eastward and
found ourselves in the morning off Siboney. Navy
boats drew alongside. We entered the surf boats and
started for the shore, where, at about 7:15 A. M., the
whole brigade landed by wading waist deep, and
learned that the Rough Riders and the First and Tenth
Cavalry had won their fight at Las Guasimas. Captain Allyn Capron was among the killed.
Just as I landed I ran into Lieutenant Briant, (Z. B.)
Wells, my class mate, Major Hell-Roarin Jake Smith
and 2nd Lieutenant James V. (Jimpsie) Heidt. We
pooled our rations, cooked a delightful meal, within
a short distance of a heap of smouldering embers,
which covered the charred body of a Cuban woman.
Half naked Cuban soldiers straggled along the hillside; they seemed to be pathetically interested in
food.
"Rationed the Brigade on the 26th, moved out on
the 27th, right over the battlefield of the Rough Riders."
We marched to camp about six miles from Siboney,
essentially without medical supplies or transportation. Perhaps the lack of equipage was unequaled in
the history of American campaigns.
It was clear on the morning of the 30th that battle
was imminent and that neither food nor transportation would be available. Being Commissary of the
Brigade, the responsibility rested with me. A demand for transportation was carried to Division
Headquarters and Captain McAlexander accompanied me to General Shafter's Headquarters, where
Fagan's train was, after much profanity, made available. Back to Siboney.




96


THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


After difficulties which I do not like here to relate,
3,000 rations were loaded on Fagan's train and we
started forward along the trail previously followed by
the First and Tenth Cavalry. Night had fallen before
our camp site was reached and it was found that the
advance against Santiago had started. It was 4:30
A. M., July 1st, before the rations had been partially
distributed. Colonel Roosevelt later appropriated the
rest of the dump.  While washing an undershirt
saturated with bacon grease, mixed with goo from
cracked tomato cans and liquified sugar, the first gun
was fired far off to our right, in the direction of El
Caney, about 6:45 A. M. The wet shirt went into the
saddlebags on top of some hard-tack, a handful of
food was grabbed and we went off, blue blouse over
bare skin! The Brigade was marching in the order
13th, 9th and 24th (colored), Colonel Wikoff, a veteran of the Civil War, in command, with Wendell L.
Simpson, Adjutant General, Lieutenants Koehler,
Chase, and myself the remaining members of the
staff. The 13th at the head of the column was commanded by Colonel William Worth, with Lieutenant
Monroe McFarland Adjutant, and Lieutenant Peter C.
Harris Quartermaster. By 8:00 A. M., the sound of
musketry to the right had become intense. Wounded
Cubans were straggling back along the road; we
loaned a shovel to bury one by the road-side.
Lieutenant John Henry Parker, 13th, mounted on
a mule and in command of his Gatling Gun Detachment, moved to the front about 10:00 A. M., as we
reached El Pozo Hill, from which our Artillery
opened fire; one shot every five minutes! Shades of
the Argonne seek cover! By 10:45, shots began sing



THE THIRTEENTH U. S. INFANTRY


97


ing through the brush and shells began bursting to
the right and left, but only a few casualties were inflicted and the column continued its advance.
Tremendous confusion prevailed in front. We
reached General Kent's Headquarters, where a trail
led off to the left. Colonel Wikoff was ordered by
General Kent to advance along the trail and form on
the left of the first Brigade (General Hawkins). We
came head on in column to San Juan Creek.
On the far side of the creek was a light barbed
wire fence; beyond it a flat plain about 500 yards
wide, covered with knee-high growth and ending abruptly in San Juan Hill, along the crest of which lay
the deep-cut Spanish trenches. Fording the stream,
the men and officers of the 13th battered down the
barbed wire fence, and under the heaviest rifle fire I
have ever encountered, moved with the precision of a
parade ground formation out into the open. Never
have I witnessed more splendid discipline. Contact
was gained with the First Brigade through the left
Company, Capt. Drum, who was killed a few moments later. Orders were given at the crossing for
the formation of the battle line, the 13th on the right,
one battalion of the 9th in the center, the 24th on the
left, and one battalion of the 9th, in reserve.
Major Ellis, 13th Infantry, and many others had
already been wounded. Major Auman, 13th Infantry, among the first to cross, formed on or near the
right, about 200 yards from the stream, under a withering fire, which took its heavy toll at the ford. As
he crossed, Lieutenant Sater fell, pierced through the
heart, and died in the arms of Lieutenant Harris, as
he poured some restoratives between the dying offi



98


THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


cer's lips. Just beyond the crossing, Captain Guthrie
was hit in the leg. His wound was dressed by Lieutenant Harry Ferguson, and the aged Captain then
stumbled on behind his company till he sank exhausted.
Crossing the creek with Colonel Wikoff, we watched
the companies gallantly form with losses that had
already approached ten per cent, and conferred with
Major Auman on the progress of the terrific fight,
which was rapidly consuming our ammunition. A
Spanish officer, in broad brimmed hat, and almost
white uniform, walked placidly up and down the
trenches for several minutes in contemptuous disregard of the singing bullets, and then sank into the
trenches, I hope not the victim of his heroic effort to
sustain the courage of his men.
As we turned away, Captain Albert B. Scott, Commanding Company "C," 13th Infantry, advanced into
the open. Scott halted his company and I thought
he was delivering a slow lecture on discipline. Instinctively, I moved toward him to urge immediate
deployment. He was standing in front of his company, his back toward the enemy, when a rifle bullet
struck him in the back of the neck, barely missing
the spinal cord as it entered and the jugular vein as
it emerged beneath his chin. He crumpled like a
leaf and Lieutenant Harvey W. Miller, in the file closers, came around the flank of the company at a run
and in an instant deployed the company and moved
it forward. I turned to call the attention of the Brigade Commander to the splendid handling of the
company by Lieutenant Miller, and saw Colonel
Wikoff lying upon his back, apparently seriously




THE THIRTEENTH U. S. INFANTRY


99


wounded. Some one had already reached him and
together we carried him back to the edge of the creek.
From his side the blood trickled and on the opposite
side a large blue mark showed apparently where the
bullet had lodged as it had all but pierced his body;
he was mortally wounded.
Colonel Worth was next in rank and automatically
assumed command.    I reported to him.   Major
Auman took command of the 13th.
The Spanish were putting up a game battle-producing one casualty for every soldier in the front line
trenches. Captain H. G. Cavenaugh had been shot
through the hips. Captain Fornance had been hit in
the leg. Binding the wound, he resumed the advance,
when a bullet pierced him through the body. One of
the finest soldiers who ever served his country had
gallantly fulfilled his rendezvous with death.
Our losses had been heavy; Colonel Worth thought
that we must either withdraw to the edge of the creek
or go forward inmmediately to the attack. No orders
for the attack, but merely orders to form on the left
of General Hawkins' Brigade, had come front the
I)ivision Commander.
Colonel Worth directed me to go to the Division
Commander, report the situation and get orders. I
left at a run.
It was just about this time that Lieutenant John
Henry Parker, with his Gatling Guns, opened fire on
the enemy trenches. Never did happier sounds roll
over a battlefield; the effect was tremendously stimulating. Soldiers have the habit of solving battlefield
situations for themselves. I have never known exactly how it happened, but believe that at the proper




100


THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


psychological moment, that grizzled veteran of the
Civil War, Major Auman, 13th Infantry, wounded
near Richmond, Virginia, in 1864, and conscious that
the moment for victory had come, ordered the bugler
to sound the charge. Be that as it may, I found the
Division Commander had left his C. P. to go to the
front lines, leaving Lieutenant W. P. Jackson as his
representative. We could not find the Division Commander, but the Division Commander desired the Hill
captured. Returning at a run, I beheld the thin blue
line on the crest of San Juan, the valley dotted with
the killed and wounded. A victory hlad been won,
which would carry with it consequences greater than
any event since Appomattox.
It had cost the 13th Infantry twenty-nine per cent
of its officers and twenty-four per cent of its enlisted
men, but before its rifles and its bayonet points, an
Empire was vanishing on the American Continent and
the surrender of Santiago and of Cuba to American
arms was an assured result. Only one other Regiment, the 6th Infantry, I believe, paid a bigger price
for victory. Colonel Worth had fallen a few moments
after I left. Colonel Iiscum, 24th Infantry, his successor in command, had been shot through the shoulder, and Colonel Ewing had a loose shoulder strap
where a bullet had severed the threads without breaking the flesh. Among our casualties should be included the name of Captain Gilman, who, hearing
of the battle, left the hospital at Siboney and paid
the supreme price of patriotism on his deathbed
three weeks later.
Our line had captured the Block House. Authorities differ. I am not a witness, but from the available




THE THIRTEENTH U. S. INFANTRY


101


evidence, it seems clear that Lieutenant Thomas M.
Anderson, with H Company, 13th Infantry, made the
capture. Private Arthur Agnew pulled down the
Spanish flag. Men gathered to look at the trophy,
alnong them some of the 6th Cavalry (?) Two men
of the 13th, who had hold of the flag, were hit. And
then in fury, they slashed the flag to pieces and thus
destroyed the banner which, if preserved, would have
become one of our most prized trophies.
Captain Goe, Captain Safford, Lieutenants Sample,
Ferguson, Gose, Threlkeld, Bash, Anderson, and others, reached the crest of the hill at about the same
time. The position was consolidated. El Caney and
Kettle Hill fell before the gallant assault of General
Chaffee and General Wheeler. The lines were extended and Santiago was doomed.
From the hilltop of San Juan on July 3d, we heard
the roar of Sampson's guns as he destroyed Cervera's
fleet and saw HIobson march to Siboney after his release from captivity. Sickness struck me down and
I was not present to witness the surrender of the Spanish forces, which closed one of the most brilliant chapters in American history in which my old regiment,
the 13th Infantry, is entitled to honors unsurpassed
by those accredited any other participant.




THE ROUGH RIDERS
[This story was prepared by HERMANN HAGEDORN,
Director, Roosevelt Memorial Association, and is
vouched for by the undersigned.]
Arthur F. Cosby, Lieut. Colonel, General Staff.
Formerly Private, 1st U. S. Vol. Cavalry.
The first U. S. Voluntary Cavalry (later christened
the Rough Riders) was organized in pursuance of a
Resolution of Congress authorizing the Secretary of
War to raise three regiments of mounted riflemen
in the states and territories west of the Mississippi.
The public response to the announcement was a vast
stirring in the more adventurous sections of the country, especially the Southwest, which became fervid
enthusiasm when it was announced that one of the
regiments was to be organized by Theodore Roosevelt.
Roosevelt at that time held the comparatively obscure post of Assistant Secretary of the Navy, but he
had been in the public eye for fifteen or sixteen years
as a member of the New York Legislature, Civil
Service Commissioner, head of the Police Board in
New York, politician, historian and ranchman. He
had many personal friends among the types which
the Government was seeking to enlist in this volunteer regiment, and he was deluged with applications.
General Alger, Secretary of War, offered one of
the regiments to Dr. Leonard Wood, the President's
personal physician, who had distinguished himself
in a peculiarly arduous campaign against the




THE ROUGH RIDERS


103


Apaches ten or twelve years previous, and in spite
of the fact that he held his commission as an Army
Surgeon, was generally regarded as having all the
qualities needed to make an extraordinary regimental commander. Secretary Alger offered another
regiment to Roosevelt, but Roosevelt refused it, saying that he was at the moment not equipped by experience or training to organize and command a
regiment and asked that he be permitted to serve
as second in command under Colonel Wood. This
was done and Roosevelt commissioned as Lieutenant
Colonel under Wood as Colonel.
The rendezvous for the regiment was San Antonio,
Texas, to which Colonel Wood instantly repaired
while Roosevelt remained in Washington to cut red
tape and secure the necessary supplies. The recruits
for the regiment were gathered in various parts of
Arizona, New Mexico, Oklahoma and the Indian
Territory by individuals that without military training or background, had been designated as officers
by the Governors of the four territories. Conspicuous among them were Alexander Brody, a former
Army Officer who became Major and later Lieutenant
Colonel of the regiment, and William O'Neill, who
resigned as mayor of Prescott to become Captain of
a troop. Under the leadership of these men a body
of two hundred stalwart Westerners proceeded to
San Antonio and were mustered into the regiment.
Similar smaller groups arrived daily from other
territories, and less than three weeks after the
declaration of war, the rolls of the regiment were
filled and the work of training had begun.
It was an extraordinary aggregation that was




104


THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


gathered in the old Cotton Exhibition grounds outside of San Antonio to be formed into a regiment
by a former surgeon and a New York writer and
politician. There were cowpunchers and actors and
saloon-keepers and lawyers and doctors, professional
gamblers and sheriffs and hunters, beside a small,
but notable contingent of college athletes from
Harvard, Yale, Princeton and other eastern universities, and certain men of fashion conspicuous in the
society of New York and Washington. These latter
were regarded at first with considerable apprehension by their western brethren as dudes, but promptly
gained the respect of the vigorous outdoor men of
the West.
A.
The training of this extraordinary regiment offered
peculiar difficulties which pessimists prophesied
would be insurmountable. The majority of its members were independent, untamed creatures who had
lived their lives in the open and had, since their
childhood, known no master. Under less wise direction the question of discipline might have caused
endless friction. But both Wood and Roosevelt
knew the type of men with whom they were dealing, and even while they held them firmly in hand
on all essential matters, gave them a latitude in nonessentials which prevented any irritation.
No man was taken into the regiment who could
not both ride and shoot. In spite of the fact, therefore, that the horses supplied to the regiment were
most of them unbroken, and the rifles did not arrive
until the training was well advanced, the regiment
was reported as being ready for action in an in



The Hotchkiss Battery    at Las Guasimas.
The Hotchkiss Battery at Las Guasimas.




I-v 
* 




THE ROUGH RIDERS


105


credibly brief time. Early in June, orders came to
proceed to Tampa where the army of invasion was
being gathered.
B.
This is not the place to enter upon a description
of conditions, mental and physical in that hot little
town in Florida during those broiling days of June,
1898. The invasion of a foreign country was not a
matter in which the War Department at that time
had much experience. The Colonel of the Rough
Riders, and his second in command, had to acquire
food for their men where they could find it. To
reach the point of embarkation at Port Tampa they
had to hold up a coal train (it was rumored at the
point of a pistol), and in order to assure transportation to Cuba, they had to seize a transport and hold
it more or less in defiance of other eager and anxious
commanders who had at least as good a right to the
S. S. Yucatan as they had. At the last moment, the
regiment was ordered to leave half its members and
all its horses behind for future transportation to
Cuba, as the need there developed.
After a hot week of waiting on the transport, and
another week of slow steaming through the placid
southern waters, the Rough Riders disembarked at
Daiquiri, on June 22nd. At noon the following day
they were ordered to proceed to Siboney, some eight
miles nearer Santiago. It was a gruelling march for
the dismounted cavalrymen and it ended in a tropic
downpour which gave the troopers their first hint
of the meaning of a Cuban "rainy" season.
At four o'clock next morning, by order of General
Joseph Wheeler, Commander of the Cavalry Divi



106


THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


sion, the regiment proceeded over a trail back of
Siboney in the direction of Santiago. It was known
that in the hills some three or four miles back from
the village, where the trail met a road which skirted
the hills back of Siboney, the Spaniards were in
ambush. General Young, commanding the brigade
consisting of the First and Tenth Regular Cavalry,
and the Rough Riders (all dismounted) was ordered
to follow this road to the same destination.
The skirmish at Las Guasimas, June 24th, is a
matter of history and needs no further description.
It was the Rough Riders' baptism of fire, and they
bore it with the fearlessness and exaltation and
humor which every one who knew the Western type
expected. In this skirmish the Rough Riders lost
eight men, and some thirty were wounded. Hamilton Fish, member of a distinguished New York
family and prominent athlete at Columbia, and Captain Allyn Capron, of the Regular Army and of an
old army family, were both killed at the first volley
of the enemy, as they were leading the advance
march.
Shortly after the skirmish at Las Guasimas, General Young was taken ill with fever, and Colonel
Wood was given the command of the brigade which
included the Rough Riders. Roosevelt, therefore, became commander of the regiment. His men already
knew his courage and felt the inspiration of his leadership; it was during the days of inaction that followed the first skirmish that they learned to appreciate his peculiar feeling for his men. Owing to
the desire of the War Department to transport as
many men as possible to the front, and our state of




THE ROUGH RIDERS


107


national unprepardness, no provision had been made
for supplying, adequately, the Commissary and the
Quartermaster Departments of the Army. The regiment suffered greatly for lack of suitable food and
it was only when Roosevelt went to Siboney at the
head of forty men and purchased supplies at his own
expense, that his men received enough to eat.
On June 30th, the Rough Riders proceeded seven
miles nearer Santiago and camped at the base of
El Pozo Hill, which overlooked the city. Next morning, when the first gun was fired by Grimes' Battery,
the regiment was breakfasting in the courtyard of a
farm-house directly behind the hill and received in
its midst the first thrill of the Spaniards' returning
shell fire.
Shortly after, the regiment proceeded down the
famous sunken road in the direction of San Juan
river. For the two or three hours that followed, the
history of the Rough Riders is the history of the
14,000 other American soldiers blocked on the road,
or lying panting with the heat in the heavy grass
nearby, while their officers waited under the Spanish fire for orders which did not come. The plan
for the battle had gone awry, owing to the unexpected tenacity of the garrison at El Caney. The
casualties along the banks of the San Juan river,
and on the road where thousands were packed in
a narrow defile unable to retreat or to advance,
were heavy and hard to bear. Roosevelt exposed
himself constantly to the galling fire; men fell to
right and left; one man whom he was about to send
searching for a General who might tell him what to
do next, fell dead over his knees.




108


THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


At last Roosevelt received orders to capture a redtiled block-house on a hill directly in advance of
his position. Instantly, he moved his lines forward
across the basin that lay between the San Juan river
and the foot of Kettle Hill.
The moment that Roosevelt's men broke from
cover, the brigade commanded by General Hawkins,
started to rush the Spanish intrenchments on San
Juan Hill. The Rough Riders drove the Spaniards
from Kettle Hill, and then at Roosevelt's orders,
turned, and with volley fire, supported the attack of
Hawkins' brigade on the neighboring hill until the
proximity of the Americans to the Spanish trenches
made further firing impracticable. Thereupon, under orders from General Sumner, commanding the
cavalry division in the absence of General Wheeler
who had been taken ill with fever, they reached a
further line of hills which constituted a continuation of the ridge of which the so-called San Juan Hill
was a spur. This position the Rough Riders held
in spite of a heavy fire by the Spaniards and there
they intrenched.
During the days and weeks that followed, the
Rough Riders, like the Regulars, suffered from a lack
of food and from fever. In spite of the courage of
the "hired men" of the army who ran the mule trains,
the transportation system proved entirely inadequate
and supplies rotted in the sun at Siboney, for whose
lack soldiers at the front were suffering intensely.
Meanwhile, Colonel Roosevelt was incessantly demanding that the American expeditionary forces be
ordered without delay to a northern climate. His
demands resulted in the famous "Round Robin" ad



THE ROUGH RIDEIRS


109


dressed to the commanding general by the brigade
and division commanders and given by him to
the Associated Press correspondents. The "Round
Robin" did exactly what it was intended to do, it
brought down on the War Department the indignant
protests of the country, so that what the War Department had declared impossible became instantly
possible. The "Round Robin" was published in the
newspapers on August 4th, and on the 6th, the Rough
Riders received orders to embark on the S. S. Miami,
at Santiago, and on the following day they set sail
for Montauk Point. There they remained until they
were mustered out of the service on September 15th.
The sobriquet, "Rough Riders," by which the regiment was generally known, was early given it because the mounts purchased were largely half-broken
bronchos with some wild and outlawed horses.
Breaking these mustangs kept the "broncho busters,"
with which the regiment was well supplied, busy.
A favorite diversion of the camp was watching the
rough riding of these cowboys.
The "Rough Riders" were distinguished by their
lack of uniform. While all other troops wore the
Regular Army blue, the "Rough Riders" wore the
brown canvas fatigue uniform of the Cavalry. For
a tropical campaign this was appropriate but not
smart. Before being mustered out there was issued
to the regiment the newly adopted khaki. Until that
time the men looked more like tramps than soldiers
-picturesque perhaps because of variety, but not
according to regulations.




THE SECOND MASSACHUSETTS
INFANTRY AT SANTIAGO
DE CUBA
GENERAL EMBURY P. CLARK
The Second Massachusetts Regiment was one of
two regiments of State troops selected to join the
army for the invasion of Cuba, and was assigned
to a brigade with two regular regiments, which led
the advance, and of which this regiment constituted
in numbers more than one-half of its strength.
The regiment was seriously handicapped by being armed with the old Springfield rifle which necessitated the use of black powder, while all other regiments, as well as the enemy, were armed with smallcalibre magazine rifles using smokeless powder. As
soon as the regiment was assigned to the army of
invasion, I attempted to remove this handicap by
effecting an exchange of rifles, but for want of time
was not successful.
Under such conditions the regiment went to Cuba
and rendered such service as was possible throughout the Santiago campaign, and when in battle or
under the most distressing circumstances imaginable,
its members displayed a degree of fortitude which
marked them as good soldiers. On the 22nd of June,
amid the cheers of Massachusetts Yankee soldiers,
the landing of the regiment actually took place.
During the afternoon of that June day, all of the
regiment were landed at Daiquiri in spite of considerable difficulty through rough water, except the




THE SECOND MASSACHUSETTS INFANTRY


ill


officers and men of the third battalion. However,
the following morning the third battalion effected a
landing under the direction of Lieutenant Colonel
Shumway, and joined the remainder of the regiment
near Daiquiri under Major Southmayd. At this
time, I was temporarily in command of the brigade
composed of the 8th and 22nd Regulars and the
Second Massachusetts, later taken over by Brigadier
General Ludlow.
Here at Daiquiri, a tiny mining town, the regiment saw the first tangible evidences of war-houses
shattered by shell-fire from the American gun-boats,
some wounded Spaniards, and several disabled
Cubans. Here, too, were also seen the first starving
native, families, to whom generous hands soon offered the meagre contents of Massachusetts haversacks. Here, too, Company I discovered and ceremoniously adopted Kebir-the-Goat, a mascot, who
successfully carried the organization through many
hazardous adventures by flood and by field, and
who habitually wore a haughty expression on his
hirsute face, in compliment to his Castilian ancestry.
After a night in which many New England soldiers,
as well as regulars, went to bed hungry for lack of
rations, the regiment started the next morning on
the march to the town of Siboney, with well-filled
canteens, but empty haversacks. Although the tropical scenery was grand and picturesque, hungry
soldiers fail in their appreciation of beauty, whether
pastoral, ethereal, or even martial. Nothing looks
so beautiful to the fighting man with an empty stomach, as smoke which rises from the camp-fire of the
industrious company cook!




112


THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


The atmosphere was heavy and humid, and with
two weeks enforced idleness on board ship, the men
of the Second Massachusetts were not in good physical training for even short marches in the tropics.
The trail was so narrow in places, that the troops
moved in column of files. Occasionally, the route
passed through beautiful cocoanut groves, where
food and drink, such as it was, were consumed with
alacrity and despatch.
A Spanish detachment vacated Siboney as the
American troops entered, leaving behind them, some
wine-casks and griddle cakes! Here at Siboney,
June 24, 1898, the Second Massachusetts received the
first hysterical news of the fight of the Rough Riders,
at Las (uasimas, and excitement fairly seethed
through the new England regiment. The Second
Massachusetts had facetiously dubbed the Rough
Riders, the Weary Walkers, and all the doughboys
of Lawton's infantry division, had somewhat resented the fact that the dismounted cavalry had been
moved to the front and gained first contact with the
Spanish forces. But now that our valorous American
soldiers had actually met the enemy, all else was forgotten except to get quickly forward and give every
support to the Rough Riders and the 1st and 10th
Regular Cavalry, who were reported as having suffered considerable losses at Las Guasimas.
However, about four o'clock in the afternoon of
the 24th, the regiment started for Las Guasimas, having drawn ample rations now unloaded from the
transports and having, like good soldiers in all lands
and under all conditions, taken the precaution of
eating several full meals, little knowing where, per



THE SECOND MASSACH USE'T1S INFANTRY


113


haps, the next was coming from. For two days, the
regiment encamped on a plateau near the late scene
of the Rough Riders fight, and took life as easy as
conditions permitted.
On the morning of June 27th, the regiment was
again on the move, and Companies C and D were ordered forward on outpost duty. Captain Crosier, of
Company D, has this interesting little story to tell
of that experience:
"When my company arrived at the position
assigned, the city of Santiago came into full
view for the first time, and was indeed a beautiful picture. From every building of any size,
including the bull-ring, Red Cross flags were
flying, and from the governor's palace, the gorgeous banner of the Kingdom of Spain. As impressive as this was, the thought of the soldiers
was reflected in the remark of one of my men,
gazing at the not far distant city: 'Well, anyhow, when we get in there, we'll get plenty of
grub.'
"The outposts for the brigade were from the
8th U. S. Infantry on the right, the 22nd U. S.
Infantry in the centre, and from our Second
Massachusetts on the left. The officers of the
two regular regiments were fine fellows, always kindly and helpful. But as this was to be
the first experience of the Second on outpost
duty, we were more than anxious to make a good
job of it on our own initiative. In these trying
moments, we recalled with a thankful heart the
highly practical training which Colonel Clark




114


THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


had given us during the past two years, in
Security and Information and we felt somewhat
reassured.
"However, our comforting assurance was soon
subjected to a severe strain. One might almost
call it a jolt. For we learned that Colonel Arthur
L. Wagner, U. S. Army, author of the famous
little text-book, Security and Information, and
an acknowledged authority on such subjects,
was in the near neighborhood and would inspect our outposts.
"But our fears were unwarranted and were
soon dispelled, for we found Colonel Wagner
most agreeable and helpful. It is recalled that
Major Whipple, of our regiment, field officer of
the day, was asked some question by Colonel
Wagner, and the Major replied, 'Colonel, I take
it that there are just two things for a soldier on
guard to remember, and they are to keep the
fellows in you don't want out, and to keep the
fellows out you don't want in.' Colonel Wagner
smiled broadly and replied, 'Major, you have
the true essence of guard-duty.'"
It was shortly after noon on June 30th, that the
regiment began to receive those underground soldier
rumors which travel in all armies, that an advance
would be made on the city of Santiago, on that or
the following day. And, sure enough, orders soon
came for a forward movement, objective as yet unnamed. A welcome pack-train reached the regiment, loaded with rations, and with tobacco and
rations in plenty, life actually took on a new aspect.




THE SECOND MASSACHUSETTS INFANTRY


115


But how it rained! A tropical storm while it lasts,
fairly pours out all the rain in the universe. Rubber blankets were of little avail. Both officers and
men just had to accept the inevitable of a wet soaking, and wait for the sun to dry things out.
It was late in the afternoon of the 30th of June,
that the Second began its hectic march on the little
town of El Caney, then occupied by a strong Spanish garrison, which acted in a way as a flanking
force for the garrison of Santiago. Investment of
the two places was to be made simultaneously on
July 1st.
And what a night march for the Second Massachusetts that was! The trails through the jungle were
soft with the tropical rains, and to increase the difficulties, much of the marching was up-hill, and not
infrequently over rocks and boulders. The night
was pitch dark, and men had difficulty in keeping
touch. But by midnight, the order came to halt, and
without fires or even the light of cigarettes, the
Second bivouacked in its tracks alongside the trail.
By 4:30 o'clock, the morning of historic July 1st, the
regiment was again on the march, having had no
more filling breakfast than a cheerless repast of
hardtack and water! It was not a good preparation
for a day of fierce fighting with Spanish troops, and
the regiment looked with somewhat envious eyes on
the soldiers of Capron's battery, cooking coffee and
bacon over campfires which Lawton's men had been
ordered to omit, in order to make the advance a
surprise attack, if possible. As a matter of fact,
it was afterwards learned, that the Spanish garrisons




116


THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


were well acquainted with every move of the American forces.
July 1, 1898, was a momentous day for the Second
Massachusetts, as it was for Cuba and for the future
of much of the world's history. Capron's battery
early opened up on the stone fort at El Caney, and
as the Second moved forward, the men heard for
the first time the peculiar hiss of Spanish Mauser
bullets, as they came over, high in air. As the regiment advanced, the wounded of other organizations
began to filter back to the rear. Soon, the whine of
the Mausers was broken by the heavier sound of
Remington bullets, which had an explosive snap, as
they passed overhead. Rolls were thrown off and
left under guard, and through the tall grass and delayed by occasional barbed-wire fences, the regiment
moved forward and took position in a sunken road,
which served as part protection from the hot fire of
the Spanish troops.
El Caney, a little town nestling against the hills,
lay almost directly in front of the regiment, with the
now famous stone fort to the right on a small elevation. Well constructed trenches could be seen in
front of the stone fort and surrounding the edges of
the town, while attractive looking little block-houses,
each occupied by a few Spanish sharpshooters, effectively flanked any effort by American troops to
encircle the town. A little to the left of the position
was the village church, converted into a fort with
pierced loopholes, and the entire Spanish field of
rifle fire was strongly protected against an American assault, by row upon row of wire entanglements.




THE SECOND MASSACHUSETTS INFANTRY


117


The duty assigned to Ludlow's brigade on July
1st, was apparently to take position on the left of
the American line of battle, and block the enemy's
possible retreat to the city of Santiago. As the
Second Massachusetts opened fire on the Spanish
lines, the remainder of the brigade, the 8th and the
22nd Regular Infantry, were hotly engaged in firing
regular volleys with their Krag-Jorgensons. But the
Second, with its Springfield rifles and lacking smokeless ammunition, soon found itself at a tremendous
disadvantage, as the smoke from the black powder
cartridges betrayed to the Spanish riflemen, the
position of the Second, with uncanny accuracy. This,
indeed, proved such a murderous handicap, that in
a short while, most organiaztions of the regiment
were instructed to hold their fire, and wait until
the Spanish forces were driven from their defenses
by American rifle and artillery fire.
And so the Second Massachusetts was placed in
the most uncomfortable and nerve racking position,
of lying prone under terrific hostile fire, without being able to reply in kind. Physical activity under
fire, either forward or to the rear, is not to be compared in nerve strain to an inactive passivity, which
is nevertheless quite as important at times, as the
more dramatic movement of charging troops. "They
also serve who only stand and wait." And the
Second, mistakenly equipped with out-of-date weapons, acquitted itself at El Caney as New England
soldiers have done in every war of the Republic.
And so the time wore on until late in the afternoon, the tropical sun pouring fiercely down on the
regiment in the sunken road, until by a quite gen



118


THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


eral advance which was initiated by a charge of the
25th and the 12th Infantry regiments, the Spanish
stone fort was captured, the block-houses were hastily evacuated by the Spanish sharpshooters, and
within a short time, the entire Spanish position fell
into American hands, and the American surgeons
were busy, not only aiding the American wounded,
but were giving generously of their skill and surgical
dressings to the hundreds of Spanish soldiers, who
had been put out of action by nine hours of relentless battle. They showed themselves in every way,
brave and gallant soldiers of their king, and they
upheld in the highest degree, the proud traditions
of old Spain.
El Caney taken, the regiment set about getting in
touch with the rations and blanket-rolls which had
been hastily discarded in the excitement of early
morning. It was a painstaking job for the regimental
officers, this reorganization of a regiment which had
passed for the first time, through nine hours of fierce
fighting. But it was accomplished in good order,
and the regiment ultimately found itself withdrawn
from El Caney to San Juan, by much the same route
which had been traversed during the night march of
June 30th. Passing the so-called "Bloody Ford" and
"Bloody Bend" of the battles of the previous day,
where Mauser bullets were still dropping with uncomfortable accuracy, the Second Massachusetts
finally took position in front of Santiago de Cuba,
on what became known to the regiment as "Slippery
Hill" or "Sloppy Hill." Either name was suitable
and applicable. Here it was that the regiment, on
the night of July 2nd, turned out late in the evening,




THE SECOND MASSACHUSETTS INF'ANTRY


119


to repel what seemed to be an advance by the entire Spanish army. This fierce night attack by the
Spanish garrison, brought most American troops
into the trenches. But the rain of Spanish bullets
lasted less than an hour, and was barren of results
except, perhaps, to stabilize each side in the positions
already occupied. Perhaps it was intended by the
Spanish forces to be their last aggresive show of
resistance; the spectacular display of fire-works before making overtures for peace.
For on the following day, July 3rd, a flag of truce
brought about a complete cessation of hostilities between the two armies; and although both sides industriously undertook to improve their trenches and
even to extend their defenses, no serious hostilities,
except for a period on July 10th and 11th, were resumed during the remainder of Spanish occupation
of Cuba.
Space does not permit of following the Second
Massachusetts through the days which succeeded the
Armistice. Santiago de Cuba surrendered to the
American forces; a small American unit occupied the
city to preserve order, while the remainder of the
Corps withdrew from the trenches to higher ground,
and proceeded to make themselves comfortable.
The most pressing duty was that of caring for the
increasing number of sick, and in preventing, as far
as possible, the spread of those dread camp diseases
peculiar to tropical countries. Looked at in retrospect, the scientific world has made vast strides
since 1898, in its knowledge of camp sanitation and
in the control of such deadly diseases as yellow




120


THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


fever, typhoid fever, pernicious malarial fever and
dysentery.
Suffice to say that many gallant soldiers of the
Second Massachusetts lost their lives in battle, and
a still greater number through illness in line of duty.
And when, at last, the army transports took back to
the homeland, the depleted organizations of the old
regiment, the company rolls recorded many glistening gold stars-stars which were hallowed by the
life-blood of brave men and by the tears of devoted
women.
This New England regiment gave of its best. Its
devoted soldiers gloriously, unselfishly and uncomplainingly dedicated their lives to the service of their
state and country in a war which was possibly the
most altruistic in history; a war which, once for all,
freed a neighboring people from the hand of the
oppressor, and gave solemn warning to the world
that the country for which these soldiers fought, was
willing to make the supreme sacrifice for the sake
of righting great international wrongs and injustices.
On the day the Second Massachusetts Regiment
left Camp Wikoff for home the following communication was sent to me from Headquarters:
HEADQUARTERS U. S. FOR(ES
CAMP WIKOFF, L. I.
Aug. 27, 1898.
To the Officers and Soldiers of the Second Massachusetts Regiment:
Today you return to your homes, and you will
receive the plaudits and adulation of the people of
the great Commonwealth of Massachusetts.




Gen. Russell A. Alger Inspecting Santiago Battlefield~s.


4


Company K-9th Massachusetts.




%1
I-,




THE SECOND MASSACHUSETTS INFANTRY


121


You have cheerfully endured hardships and privations, and have bravely met and conquered a foreign
foe in a foreign land. You have contributed your
full part in a campaign which has elevated this great
republic to the leading position among the nations
of the earth. You have proved yourselves worthy
descendants of the heroes of Lexington, Concord and
Bunker Hill, and have taught the world that the
same spirit which animated those who won renown
in the battles of the Revolution, the War of 1812, the
War with Mexico, and the great armed conflict of a
third of a century ago, is today fresh and strong in
the hearts of the people of the great State of Massachusetts.
Joining you in revering and honoring your heroic
dead, I bid you adieu, and beg you to take with you
my congratulations and best wishes for your future.
(Signed) Jos. WHEELER,
Major General U. S. V., Commanding.
GOVERNOR WOLCOTT'S LETTER TO COLONEL
CLARK
COMMONWEALTH OF MASSACHUSETTS
EXECUTIVE DEPARTMENT
Boston, September 9, 1898.
Colonel Embury P. Clark, Second Regiment, Massachusetts Infantry, U. S. V.,
Springfield, Mass.
My dear Sir:
I desire to express to you personally and through
you to the officers and enlisted men of your command, my high admiration of the splendid courage




122


THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


and earnest loyalty shown by the gallant Second
Regiment, Massachusetts Infantry, U. S. V., while a
part of the army of the United States. The second
regiment from this Commonwealth to be mustered
into the National Service, it was the first to leave
the State for active service, and, again the first to
set foot on foreign soil. It has been called upon to
endure extreme hardships and to undergo perils in
battle and by disease. It has shown that the men
of today offer their lives as freely to their country's
service as did their fathers, and that heroic courage
is as common today as in the past.
You have returned with many vacant places in
your ranks and with many of your number weakened in body, although unbroken in spirit.
For these brave sons who have died the Commonwealth proudly mourns. For the living who have
courageously fought and endured, she gratefully
renders her thanks and admiration. Both the living and the dead have won glory for the National
arms and have brought added lustre to the fame of
the Commonwealth. Their deeds will live in history
and in the remembrance of a grateful people.
With cordial personal regard, I am,
Very truly yours,
(Signed)  ROGER WOLCOTT.




THE NINTH MASSACHUSETTS INFANTRY U. S. VOLUNTEERS
CAPT. PETER J. CANNON
This regiment was the successor of the Civil War
"Fighting Ninth," so nanied by General Fitz John
Porter during the Peninsular Campaign, of 1862, and
when the call came in 1898 they volunteered to a
man, and were mustered into the U. S. Service at
Framingham, May 11th.
They were in training at Camp Alger, June 1-24,
being brigaded with the 33rd and 34th Michigan
under General Duffield. They embarked at Newport News, June 25th on the U. S. S. Harvard, landing at Siboney, July 1st, and leaving there for the
front at 10:00 P. M. in such haste that even blanket
rolls were left behind. Then followed an extremely
trying night march, but it brought the 9th Massachusetts and 34th Michigan to the firing line on the
morning of the 2nd.
The 9th Massachusetts was here assigned to Bates
who placed it in an important position on the extreme left of the line of investment, where it kept
a strong line of outposts down the river and upon
the road leading toward the city, thus protecting the
extreme left of Shafter's line. (See official map.)
The 34th Michigan was posted in rear of Kent.
These regiments were armed with the Springfield
Caliber 45 and carried 100 rounds per man of black
powder ammunition and three days rations. From
this time until the surrender, July 17th, these two
regiments formed a part of Shafter's battle line, the




124


THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


details of whose operations are a matter of history.
On the 3rd and 4th, Companies G and K, 9th Massachusetts, performed service with the 10th U. S. Infantry under Lt. Col. Kellogg.
After the surrender the regiment was detailed for
guarding prisoners and for hospital work. The hospital work was most severe and trying upon the
men. Medical supplies were inadequate and especially was there a lack of disinfectants. The men,
no doubt, carried the germs to their quarters and
very soon the whole regiment was infected. The
work of the regiment in nursing malarial, typhoid
and yellow fever patients without any of the usual
safeguards, was more fatal to it than would be the
effect of several battles. It served probably longer
in Cuba than any other regiment, being there nearly
two months. It is not an exaggeration to say that
it constituted the rear guard of Shafter's army corps,
the last detachment reaching Montauk Point, September 4th.
Colonel F. B. Bogan took the regiment to Cuba
and upon his being disabled by sickness (resulting
in death six weeks later), Lt. Col. L. J. Logan took
command about 10:00 P. M., July 1st; when he fell
sick July 20th, Major Patrick J. Grady succeeded
him, retaining command until his death July 29th,
when the command devolved on Major Wm. H.
Donovan, who brought the regiment back to the
United States.
The regiment lost by deaths, three field officers,
Colonel Bogan, Major Grady, Major Michael J.
O'Connor and one company officer, Lt. Philip Connealy, of L Company; four officers, and 125 enlisted




THE NINTH MASSACHUSETTS INFANTRY


125


men-129 in all, or about thirteen per cent of the
men taken to Cuba. Most of these died in Cuba, at
sea, or Montauk or other camps shortly after their
return.
The regiment's stay in Cuba was longer than that
of any other volunteer regiment and probably longer
than that of any other regiment of the Corps. It
was exposed to the enemy's fire in the early morning of July 2nd, during the night attack at 10:00
P. M., and during the morning of July 3rd, and what
firing was afterward sustained to the surrender July
17th. No one was killed in action and only a few
slightly wounded. The unprotected work in the hospital, the lack of proper food and medical supplies,
the rainy season, the exposure to tropical malaria,
typhoid and yellow fever and the lack of proper cooking utensils which were carried away by the Harvard,
caused the great loss of life.
They did their duty-no man can do more-and
at the final roll call when each must answer to his
name, no distinction will be made by the Great Captain between those to whom death came suddenly
and swiftly by an enemy's bullet and those who
met their death in serving their comrades in the
fever hospitals of Cuba.
The man who gives his life for his Country and
his Flag is a hero, but the boys who suffered and
died from fever, pestilence and starvation are more,
they are martyrs!
"Little recks the soldier in the fullness of his pride
and strength whether the hissing bullet sings his
sudden requiem, or the cords of life are severed by
the sharp steel," but he who wrestles day after day




126


THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


with his grim, unrelenting enemy-tropical fevereach morning's sun finding him weaker, has a lot
harder, much harder to bear.
The turmoil of battle with its rattle of musketry,
rat-tat-tat of machine guns, roar of artillery, bursting of shells, and the shouts of comrades which
stimulate and carry even weak spirits forward in
the headlong rush towards the enemy's lines, are
here lacking, and instead of these inspiring sights
and sounds, whispered announcements are heard of
deaths of comrades and the patient makes mental
calculations as to how soon he will follow them.
To quote Hamley: "Such are some of the gloomier
pictures which hang in the Temple of Fame, where
the bright eye of Glory is covered with a patch."
The order to any regiment under conditions which
obtained in Shafter's Corps early in August, 1898,
to remain behind, guard prisoners, nurse yellow and
malarial fever patients, and to bury the dead, is
one which would not be received with enthusiasm.
Those who got out just in time to avoid the losses
from fever just enumerated may well do honor to
those to whom fell this unwelcome task. Let us,
therefore, take off our hats to the Ninth Massachusetts!




THE SEVENTY-FIRST REGIMENT,
NEW YORK VOLUNTEERS AT
SANTIAGO DE CUBA
CHAPLAIN GEORGE R. VAN DEWATER*
It was felt from the beginning that our stay in
Florida would not be long. As each day wore on,
however, and men became better satisfied with the
surroundings the longer they remained, hope was
expressed on every side that the regiment might be
fortunate enough to be left at Tampa Heights for at
least three weeks before it should be summoned to
leave for the front. Not but what it wanted to go
to the front, nothing it wanted more, but its best officers and men wanted to go thoroughly equipped and
prepared, and this they knew every day made more
possible. Their good wishes in this respect were not
destined, however, to be fulfilled, for in exactly one
week's time orders came suddenly to strike camp,
proceed to Ybor City, take train to Port Tampa, and
there board transport ships for the Island of Cuba.
At precisely 4:30 of the afternoon of June 7th, the
anticipated order was received. Officers' call was at
once sounded, solemn stillness reigned throughout
the camp, men assembled in the company streets
ready to receive their orders as soon as they might
be received from their First Sergeants.
The "general" was sounded at the earliest practical moment, 6:30 P. M., tents all dropping together
in a very satisfactory manner. Through the failure
*Extracted from Report of Historian, State of New York.




128


THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


of mules and wagons to arrive at camp to transport the luggage it was after midnight before the
regiment took up its three-mile march to Ybor City.
The night was hot and close, and the road very
dusty for a mile until we reached the sidewalk leading into the city. The march was uneventful enough,
but its weirdness in the early morning hours and
passing by United States Army wagons drawn by six
mules conveying luggage from several camps in the
neighborhood, made it memorable. Lieutenant Williams, of Company I, with a detail, had preceded us
with orders to ascertain our train and load it with
our luggage. It was not until 11:30 that any train
at all appeared upon the track, and it was only then
that this train, said by the authorities to be assigned
to the Thirteenth Infantry, was literally captured,
loaded and held for our benefit. The whole regiment
was indebted to Lieutenant Williams for this assumption of authority and dignity which he did not
officially possess. A detail of Company F, under
Captain Rafferty, went to Tampa to load ammunition which had been left there and was to be picked
up by us en route to Port Tampa. It was not until
6:30 o'clock the following morning that the train
moved out and we proceeded to Port Tampa.
Port Tampa, a distance of nine miles from Tampa
city, was reached about 9:00 o'clock, a long wait having been made at the Tampa station to take on the
car in which the ammunition had been stored, and
to give opportunity for the men to eat their breakfasts. On arriving at Port Tampa a condition analogous to Bedlam presented itself; train after train
filled with troops and luggage pulled into the long




THE SEVENTY-FIRST NEW YORK INFANTRY


129


pier. There passed us on a side track before we
detrained the Roosevelt Rough Riders, from whom
we learned that they had received orders to go to
Cuba dismounted. Such a set of disappointed men
one seldom has seen. Our entire regiment, like
scores of others, had to stand or sit for six or seven
hours in hot sand, with no shelter, before the transport ships, which were in the outer bay, sailed up
to the dock and were ready to receive the troops.
Both Major-Generals Miles and Shafter were there
with their staffs; but arrangements seemed utterly
ineffectual for the work in hand. The whole affair
was, as one of the officers characteristically described
it, "a game of grab." Fortunately for the SeventyFirst Regiment its Colonel, ordinarily modest, persistently pushed his claims, conformed to conditions,
and what he needed and could not secure through
the ordinary channels took unappropriated. At the
last moment he was told that only a limited number
of horses could be allowed to go; what they expected to do with the others nobody seemed to know.
One officer would turn you over to another officer,
he to a third, and finally it would be discovered that
no one knew what boat you were going on, what
time the boats would come to the pier or anything
else which a little system and some management
might have provided. Under these conditions Colonel Downs concluded to do what was best for the
regiment despite orders or the lack of them. Indeed,
he was told by one officer to go ahead and arrange
for his regiment without reference to orders. Accordingly, he selected the Vigilancia, the finest boat
of the whole fleet, the newest boat of the Ward




130


THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


Line; and to secure it he sent Lieutenant Colonel
Smith and a detail of twelve men in a small boat
down the bay, hired for the purpose, who, on arriving, informed the captain that the Vigilancia must
at once proceed to the dock and take aboard the
Seventy-First New York Volunteers. It was most
fortunate that this ship was secured, because not a
single command in the fleet could have held this
regiment. As soon as it came to the pier the regiment was boarded and immediately, though the men
were fatigued with the day's heat and tiresome waiting, they at once turned in and loaded the boat with
tents, provisions, luggage and ammunition; finally
the horses were put on board-all of them, too-no
officer forbidding. This kind of work had been going on all day, and, indeed, all the night and part
of the day before, until, when the work was finished,
there were thirty-nine transport ships, carrying eighteen thousand troops, their luggage and ammunition,
horses and mules, wagons and carts, and all other
paraphernalia of a moving army of invasion. When
the fleet had started there were seen, in addition,
twelve United States vessels as convoys, floats for
transferring troops and horses in tow of several of
the vessels, a small steam yacht, with reporters and
representatives of foreign governments, the Hospital
Ship and the flagship, on which were General Shafter
and his staff. Just as the officers were being seated
at their first meal in the salon of the Vigilancia the
Division Quartermaster came about and announced
that the expedition to Cuba had been temporarily
suspended. More weary waiting followed. Indeed,
we remained lashed up to the railroad dock until




THE SEVENTY-FIRST NEW YORK INFANTRY  131


the following afternoon, when fortunately for our
comfort, we sailed three miles down the bay and
anchored and there remained until the following
Tuesday night before the fleet set sail for Cuba. Nobody knew, but everybody guessed, the reason for
the delay. The best guess, because the one confirmed by newspapers, was that President McKinley's
great anxiety to protect the troops, having heard that
the Spanish fleet had been sighted outside the bay,
had caused a temporary suspension of the order to
proceed.
Finally getting under way, the highlands off the
southern coast of Cuba were plainly visible on the
morning of the twentieth of June, the fleet having
passed through the Windward Passage during the
night. It was found at 8:00 A. M. that we were off
the Port of Guantanamo, where it was supposed we
should land, but soon orders came to proceed on
our course towards Santiago. All began to prepare
to disembark after inspection, there being no further
drills during the day.
At 5:00 o'clock Thursday, June 23rd, the Seguranca
steamed alongside the Vigilancia and General Shafter, commanding Fifth Army Corps, standing upon
the bridge, summoned Colonel Downs, ordering him
to begin unloading his men at once, to work all night,
each man to take one hundred rounds of ammunition and rations for three days. The great applause
of the men, anxious to get on shore, almost prevented the orders being heard.
Siboney is a small village, lying directly on the
coast back of an abrupt sandy beach, about sixteen
miles east of Santiago.




132


THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


Some other troops had previously been disembarked at Daiquiri which was made a principal
base of supplies; both of these places had previously
been bombarded by the naval vessels, preparatory
to the landing of troops. A feint was made to land
troops at Aguadores, which was also bombarded,
the attempt here being made to deceive the Spaniards as to the real place of landing; this attempt
proved entirely successful, as all the troops were
landed without any opposition from the enemy.
Preparations began at once, and by 7:00 o'clock
all was bustle on board the Vigilancia. The work of
landing and loading the troops continued all night;
not until four o'clock in the morning were the last
of them on shore.
The large yawls and steam launches of the war
ships would draw alongside the companionways,
down which men went singly in heaviest marching
order, and stood in the yawls until sufficiently near
to the shore to jump from the bow into the surf and
make for dry land; the shore at this point was a
very abrupt beach, the surf ran high and the undertow was severe. The wonder is that this whole army
corps was thus landed with but the loss of two men,
members of a colored regiment, drowned in the attempt to board the yawl.
It was early dawn of Friday, June 24th, when the
Seventy-First, now entirely landed, bivouacked on
the Siboney beach and at once breakfasted.
One observed stretching back from the beach, a
series of foothills, terminating everywhere in lofty
mountains; these were all thickly wooded, rank with
luxuriant underbrush. The mountain trails were




THE SEVENTY-FIRST NEW YORK INFANTRY  133


poorly developed and could accommodate hut one
foot passenger, not being room for two abreast in
any place along their tortuous windings. Back of
the little plain at Siboney and extending up the valley was the only road to Santiago, a most miserable
affair.
For miles about the country houses had been
burned, property destroyed, homes desecrated and
pillaged, and all women and children concentrated
in town, like this at Siboney, were called "Reconcentrados," and were miserably treated and nearly
starved. This was General Weyler's plan to exterminate the insurgent spirit in Cuba, involving
necessarily the extermination of the insurgents themselves.
Beyond this Siboney beach, to the west, at the base
of the first foothills and directly upon the bluff,
coral coast, there was a collection of houses, cheap
and poorly built, in which had lived the workmen
on the railroad running from the mining camp at
Firmeza, some three miles distant in the mountains
through Siboney, and along the coast to Santiago;
there was also here a large engine house, with several lathes and other machinery within its walls, adjoining which was another building of considerable
size used as an office, toolhouse and railway station.
The Seventy-First pitched camp in the large engine house, the Adjutant took the tool-house as his
office, and the Colonel and his staff and field officers
established headquarters in the house adjacent,
where, until the time of bombardment, the Spanish
Colonel in charge of all forces at Siboney had resided.




134


THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


Everywhere one could see at the summit of the
hills the prominent, securely built and strongly fortified block-houses, which had been used effectively
in the war with the insurgents and were destined to
play such an important part in the subsequent engagements with the American forces; our naval bombardment had been so effectual that all the houses
had been wholly deserted, much stuff in them being
left, and not a sign of a Spaniard was visible.
Men of best judgment, however, were not misled
by the unopposed landing of our troops, even when
they learned from the remaining Cubans at Siboney
that the Spanish Colonel had been torn asunder in
the midst by an exploded shell, and that all Spanish troops had fled toward Santiago; our officers still
feared and felt that they were not far distant in the
mountains and that they could and would soon be
found.
These expectations were sadly and unfortunately
realized, for in a very few hours after landing the
enemy fired upon our troops, and the first engagement of the United States army on Cuban soil took
place at Las Guasimas.
Shortly after breakfast we saw ascending the
mountain path, to the west of Siboney beach, the
First United States Volunteer Cavalry, commonly
and famously known as Roosevelt's Rough Riders,
though Colonel Wood commanded them, and, like
all cavalry troops in this campaign, the riders were
dismounted; there was no place for horses in a
country like this. These Roosevelt Rough Riders
were Wood's Rough Walkers, and, as was subsequently learned, walked right into a body of Span



THE SEVENTY-FIRST NEW YORK INFANTRY  135


ish troops thicketed in the jungle some four miles
along the trail toward Sevilla. Orders came to us
about 9:00 o'clock for the Seventy-First Regiment
at once to proceed along the trail where had gone
the First United States Cavalry, and reinforce them,
our troops having encountered the enemy, met with
heavy losses and been repulsed. When we learned
the real truth of the rumor all but the repulse proved
to be so. The Seventy-First got under way in a few
moments. Every man in it was ready for any duty
he might confront. We had gone but a little way,
when returning wounded men confirmed our fears
of a stern battle, and made us fearful that victory
would not be ours. General Hawkins ordered the
Seventy-First to precede the First Regiment of the
brigade, and followed himself with the Sixth and
Sixteenth Infantry, Regulars. On went the SeventyFirst Regiment over rocks and through thorns and
past cacti and struggling in thick underbrush for
some four miles, when word came for the regiment
to halt and await further orders. These came in
about an hour, much to the disappointment of our
men, directing the brigade to return in route step
to Siboney, which it at once proceeded to do.
Sunday, the 26th, was a very busy day, so many
details from our regiment being required for brigade
and division duty, even whole companies having
been sent to bring from the boats to the shore and
thence to the different commands additional ammunition, needed commissary stores and other things
evidently being got together for an early contemplated attack upon the enemy. We sent Sergeant
Howe, of Company E, a locomotive engineer, to




136


THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


make alive a dead engine, which the Spanish had
sought to destroy, and which was afterward extensively used.
General Wheeler, in charge of the Cavalry Division, had rallied his troops along the left and taken
encampments just beyond Sevilla, where from the
tops of the hills one could plainly see Santiago at
the left, nearest the coast, and back of it, about four
miles to the northeast, the little, well-fortified town
of El Caney.
Early in the morning of the 27th of June we
started upon our march. No transportation of any
kind was provided for our regiment, since we were
ordered to take with us 200 rounds of ammunition,
and no man could carry more than 100 of Springfield cartridges; all of the officers' horses had to be
turned in for pack mules and officers had to walk.
The march was made easily, frequent stops being
ordered for rest, the Seventy-First marching behind
the Sixteenth and the Sixth, and by General Hawkins'
orders turning to the right at a place called Sevilla,
about five miles from Siboney, pitched camp where
a company of Cubans had been previously. Along
the route there were many evidences of the recent
Las Guasimas engagement.
The camp was a most picturesque little plain,
backed by lofty mountains, at the highest peak of
which was seen a Spanish block-house; a glass
clearly revealed several Spaniards walking about.
About five hundred yards from the camp was found
a running stream of pure mountain water, descent
to which by a narrow path was easy. Not so much
can be said for the return journey.




THE SEVENTY-FIRST NEW YORK INFANTRY


137


Before night came on the Second Battalion was
detailed to encamp on the other side of the road at
the top of a hill about one mile distant, from the
summit of which one could easily see Santiago, some
ten miles distant. Major Wells reported next morning that they had had a stormy night of it on the
hill, that bullets were occasionally whizzing about
and that men on picket duty found frequent occasion
for firing.
Nothing occurred the following day worthy of
mention until afternoon, when a terrific thunder
storm, lasting an hour, completely deluged everything and everybody not wholly sheltered. As the
day went on delay in moving to the front became
irksome; there was every reason for speedy action;
the rainy season had begun, fever that always accompanies it would soon attack our troops, the Spaniards had already retreated to their entrenchments
before El Caney and Santiago. But we could do no
effective work without artillery. All our guns were
at Daiquiri; condition of the roads made their transit
almost impossible. Sixteen guns passed here in the
morning of Thursday, but they were all light ones,
our heavy siege guns never really reaching the front.
At 2:00 P. M. the usual hour for the daily storm,
there came a terrific shower, drenching everything.
The rain is beginning to be our most dreaded
enemy; with lightest apparel and little of it, no tents
whatever for officers and only shelter ones for men,
daily soaking is a trying ordeal. At 8:00 o'clock on
Thursday morning General Garcia passed along the
road at the side of our camp with his staff, his army
having advanced toward Santiago in the night.




138


THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


Rumor had it that an attack was contemplated on
El Caney the following day, the engagement to begin promptly at 10:00 o'clock. The especial mission of the Cuban army was to intercept reinforcements of 5,000 coming from the west to the aid of
the Spaniards at Santiago. Word came early in the
evening that reveille would be sounded at 3:30 in the
morning and that the regiment would march toward
Santiago, engaging the enemy in battle. They all
retired at an early hour, fully realizing the seriousness of events immediately before us.
July 1st was the most eventful day of the whole
Cuban campaign; on it were fought the greatest battles of recent times. Both at El Caney and San Juan,
for reasons that can easily be named, there took
place battles of a kind most unusual, with results
marvelously victorious for our forces. Reverent men
entered on this campaign believing in the righteousness of their cause and that God would prosper it.
Few men out of this campaign, we venture to believe, without firm conviction that had not God been
on our side, the enemy would have swallowed us.
Santiago is a city with natural fortifications of hills
and mountains on every side; such entrenchments as
the Spaniards had made in the last five years, with
such a block-house system for spy and signal service,
cannot be found in the history of Wars. After the
action at Las Guasimas the Spanish army had retired to their block-houses and entrenchments, making a solid phalanx of troops of every arm of the
service, extending from San Juan on the right toward
the sea in an unbroken line three miles to the left,
and at this point occupying the strongly garrisoned




THE SEVENTY-FIRST NEW YORK INFANTRY


139


town of El Caney. The mountain road from Sevilla
to San Juan Hill, where the principal engagement
took place, was in no place wide enough for two
wagons comfortably to pass, frequently crossed
streams without bridges and for most of the entire
distance ran through thickets of underbrush of rankest growth, which would naturally have been almost
impenetrable, but which, strung all along with barb
wire, coiled like a spider's web, became absolutely
impassable. After marching three miles along the
road our regiment was ordered to turn into a thickly
bushed field behind the Sixth, which had just arrived
before us. Field and staff dismounted and had a
brief conversation with General Hawkins and his
staff, who had clustered around beneath a large
cocoanut palm. But a few moments elapsed before
orders were received to move on and the whole
brigade took up its march. Just before starting,
Lieutenant Ord, the efficient Brigade Quartermaster,
from whom our regiment had received many favors,
removed his undershirt, the better to endure the heat
of the day, which was fast becoming oppressive, jokingly saying to the Chaplain of the Seventy-First:
"Now I am ready for whatever may come." He was
among the very first officers to be shot, dying on the
field but a few hours later.
We had scarcely proceeded two miles, having
crossed one stream, where many had to wade in
water more than ankle deep, before the sound of
light artillery was heard ahead, and occasionally, as
we could easily 'distinguish by the difference in
sound, there would be a return fire of the enemy.
Before very long we rounded a little turn on the




140


THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


road, just before reaching El Pozo Hill, where a
light artillery battery had been stationed on the site
of an old sugar mill, and whose firing we had previously heard.
Later, and further along the road, when the Rough
Riders and other cavalrymen passed by our brigade,
we having been ordered to rest, and our men cheered
the popular Colonel Roosevelt, now in command of
the First Volunteer Cavalry, Colonel Wood acting as
Brigadier-General, vice Young disabled by illness
since the Las Guasimas action. Just as our regiment
reached the stream at the foot and the east of El
Pozo Hill there rushed back upon us a perfect stampede of Cubans with several men on litters, who
had been seriously wounded by shells aimed at the
battery guns of El Pozo and exploding over them
in the road at its rear. About a mile from the foot
of El Pozo, the road meanwhile passing through two
streams of considerable width and about four inches
deep, there is a thick gulch fully one-half mile ahead
surrounded by high banks of thickest undergrowth.
After waiting for the cavalry troops to pass us at the
entrance of this gulch, which our soldiers subsequently named "the Bloody Bend," our brigade resumed its march, the field and staff of the SeventyFirst Regiment mounted.
Scarcely had we taken up our march and entered
the bend when bullets and shell began to pour in
thick and fast upon us, not at any time demoralizing,
but somewhat interfering with the steady march forward. Before and above us went a balloon under
the direction of Captain George McC. Derby, Engineer Corps, U. S. A. What purpose it ever served,




THE SEVENTY-FIRST NEW YORK INFANTRY


141


except to indicate to the enemy the exact location of
our troops, nobody has ever discovered. At last,
riddled by shot, the old thing collapsed, and certainly nobody in the Fifth Army Corps outside of
the Signal Corps and a few back at headquarters,
some four miles distant, regretted its destruction.
This firing along this road was peculiar and constitutes a feature of the San Juan engagement.
Everybody had to go through it. Everyone, therefore, of the regiment who started out from Sevilla
that morning, including colored servants, must have
been under fire. Some remained under it longer
than others, but nobody was wholly beyond its
danger. The Seventy-First as a regiment was for at
least one hour under continuous fire, under the following conditions, which made the experience particularly distressing:  The Spanish used smokeless
powder. They knew we must come by this one road.
Their scouts and spies, or, if not these, our balloon,
told them just when. They put sharp-shooters in
the tall cocoanut palm trees along this portion of
the road. They fired from their block-houses and
entrenchments at the top of the hills, and besides
volleys of musketry and single bullets of the sharpshooters, there was frequently the bursting of shell
over our heads and shrapnel flying in every direction. Under these conditions one would think pandemonium would have reigned. Nothing of the
kind. There was a silence that was ominous. Other
than "ping," "ping," the noise of Mauser bullets and
the sound of hundreds of leaves pierced instantaneously, a sound all its own, and the mournful "whirr,"
"whirr" of passing shells, it was like a funeral march.




142


THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


We couldn't see any smoke. We couldn't tell where
the enemy was. We were marching into the jaws of
death. Men fell dead and wounded on every side.
The marvel still is that so few were killed. One
would think that half a regiment under these conditions would have been extinguished. It cannot be
recalled by anyone there without a thought of the
marvelous mercy of God. Not a return shot was
fired. None was ordered. Nobody could tell where
to shoot. Occasionally we would hear the report of
one of our light artillery guns which would encourage
us, but for all too long a time we marched in columns
of fours, under the trying conditions here faithfully
narrated.
At last reaching a trail that turned into this road
at the left, on a little eminence by the turn stood
General Kent, who said-the writer of this history
distinctly heard the order-"Colonel Downs, you
will take your regiment along this trail and follow
it to the ford of the stream and there rest." The
Colonel said: "How far, General, is this ford from
here?" The General replied: "I do not know."
"Very well, sir," said Colonel Downs, who at once
dismounted, ordered staff to do likewise, said to the
Chaplain, "Your place is with the Surgeons looking
after sick and wounded," then ordering his regiment
to column left, he boldly and bravely and confidently
led them, shot and shell still and for hours subsequently, continuously pouring in upon them.
The Selventy-First Regiment obeyed its orders and
was obeying orders when there it halted. As subsequently it proved that the whole engagement was in
no sense a general's battle; that the original plan




THE SEVENTY-FIRST NEW YORK INFANTRY


143


of an attack upon El Caney, with the troops on the
left under General Kent, held in reserve, was absolutely changed by the turn of events, it might
have been well for the Colonel of the Seventy-First
to have done what Captains and Majors did, go forward without orders. There is no doubt about it,
much as was the success of this famous engagement
of San Juan due to regiments and battalions and
even companies going independently to the hill without orders from Brigade and Division Commanders;
had not success crowned these efforts, and nothing
succeeds like success, these very officers whose gallantry we admire might have been court-martialed
for acting independent of orders.
Colonel Downs waited for orders, and not receiving any preferred to wait rather than move a regiment forward without orders. It will be found by
anyone who takes the trouble to make the investigation that General Kent's order to Colonel Downs
was in strict accord with General Shafter's idea for
General Kent's division to be held in reserve, and that
Colonel Downs' strict obedience of his orders was
carrying out the plan.
It was not the original plan of General Shafter to
take San Juan Hill that day. Indeed, as late as 2:00
P. M. of the following day he was seriously considering the withdrawal of our troops to the rear. The
first intention was to enter Santiago by the El Caney
road. All this was subsequently modified to suit
changed conditions, rendered possible by the brilliant charge and occupation of the San Juan Hill,
which, be it remembered, was done, not simultaneously, but successively, some troops going up under




144


THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


regimental commanders, some as battalions, some
even as companies and even parts of companies. The
result at the end of the first day's fight was in every
way favorable to our side. We had captured their
block-houses, forced them out of their first line of
entrenchments and driven them back towards Santiago. Had we had a sufficient force of artillery, we
could have then bombarded the city and taken it at
once.
The fighting began the following day and continued until sundown, the fire being continuous and
intense. The enemy's shells were fired five miles in
the rear, making work at all the emergency hospitals
dangerous and freedom from fire as far back as the
Division Hospital exceedingly uncertain. At midnight of Saturday the enemy made their last daring
attempt to destroy us, suddenly pouring into our
trenches a terrific fusillade of musketry and firing
shells in every direction. Our troops, not wholly
taken by surprise, returned the fire with the heaviest
musketry fire heard during the whole engagement.
On Sunday morning orders having been given to
Admiral Cervera by Captain-General Blanco to take
his entire fleet out to sea, he endeavored to run our
blockade off Morro, at the mouth of Santiago Harbor, in doing which he lost every vessel in his command, not a single one escaping destruction. After
the third, flags of truce were repeatedly raised by the
enemy, and it was evident that negotiations were
pending for a surrender.
On the 6th Lieutenant Hobson and his famous
crew were exchanged, notable Generals on both
sides meeting in the open before the trenches, bands




THE SEVENTY-FIRST NEW YORK INFANTRY


145


playing the "Star Spangled Banner," Spanish prisoners of equal rank exchanged for ours, troops shouting all along five miles of entrenchments from San
Juan to El Caney, making a scene forever memorable.
Until the 14th siege guns were being armed and
put in position, troops from various States came by
transports to Siboney and were sent to the front as
reinforcements, and when flags of truce were not
up firing was indulged in, but mostly by our side.
It was evident that General Shafter wished to avoid
bombardment of the city for humanitarian reasons,
though on the 2nd of July it was not at all certain
that we could hold our position and the Commanding
General seriously considered a retreat; by the 5th
it was evident that the enemy was ours. Much to
General Shafter's credit measures from this time on
were more merciful than drastic. Famine faced the
enemy with every passing hour. It was only a question of time when they must surrender. The city
could be taken at any time by bombardment, but
not without a very heavy loss in charging by our
troops upon their secure entrenchments.
Delay was, however, most discouraging for our
soldiers because the dreaded fever was beginning already to deplete our troops. Yellow fever made its
appearance, and in a few days, the numbers increasing to one hundred. Through the influence of
Dr. Guiteras, an expert in the disease, a special quarantine hospital was established for these patients
two miles along the line of the railroad in the mountains of Firmeza.
Little now of unusual character occurred until




146          THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN
Santiago finally surrendered, relinquishing the entire province of Santiago de Cuba, laying down their
arms and stipulating merely that the Spanish army
be returned to Spain. The other terms of the surrender, all favorable to the United States and merciful to Spain, were mutually settled by a council of
six, three United States Officers and three attaches
from foreign governments to represent the side of
Spain.




THE EIGHTH REGIMENT OF INFANTRY, OHIO NATIONAL
GUARD, IN WAR WITH
SPAIN
GENERAL EDWAID VOLLRATH
Upon the President's call for volunteer troops in
1898, the Eighth Ohio Regiment of Infantry had better cause to respond than any other organized body
of troops in the country, for to them the proclamation of the Chief Executive appeared in the light of
a personal appeal. They were the "President's Own"
regiment and popularly known as such throughout
the country. In consequence, they were justly entitled to the feeling that their services would be used
in the coming strife.
The regiment had attained an unusual degree of
proficiency during a long period of years preceding
the outbreak of hostilities in the spring of 1898, and
was considered one of the most compact and united
bodies of citizen troops in the service of the state.
In the spring of 1898, the Eighth Regiment possessed a complete twelve-company formation as follows: A, Bucyrus; B, Akron; C, Polk; D, Wooster;
E, East Liverpool; F, Canton; G, Wadsworth; H,
Shreve; I, Canton; K, Alliance; L, Canton and M,
Mansfield. The city of Canton, President McKinley's
home, was thus represented by three companies and
in addition, the hospital and signal corps were also
located in Canton and as the majority of their members were later enlisted in the volunteer service, that




148


THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


city practically furnished four companies for the
war.
Colonel Curtis V. Hard received orders from the
Governor of Ohio to assemble his command, on the
evening of April 25, 1898. On the 26th the regiment
was assembled at Akron, where Major Bryan had
prepared temporary headquarters and two days later
proceeded to Camp Bushnell, where they were mustered into the United States Service as the Eighth
Regiment, Ohio Volunteer Infantry, May 13, 1898.
On the 16th day of May the Eighth Ohio was ordered to Camp Alger, near Falls Church, Va., and
about nine miles from the city of Washington. The
regiment arrived at this point on May 18th. The
Eighth was one of the first to reach the location
selected and did yeoman service in the preparation
of the grounds and the establishment of the camp.
Shortly after its arrival at Camp Alger the regiment was assigned to the 2nd Brigade, 1st Division,
2nd Army Corps. The Second brigade consisted of
the Eighth Ohio, Sixth Illinois and Sixth Massachusetts regiments. Colonel Foster of the Illinois regiment was temporarily placed in command of the
brigade until Brigadier General George A. Garretson, of Cleveland, assumed command.
Life at Camp Alger was one of hard work and
careful preparation. Assurances were given that if
the regiment maintained its reputation they would
see ample service before the war was over and they
worked like Tartars to make assurance doubly sure
for the coveted place at the front. Great crowds
came out from the city of Washington every afternoon to view the troops on parade, the "President's




THE EIGHTH OHIO INFANTRY


149


Own" coming in for an unusual degree of attention.
The people of Washington had had ample opportunity to develop a critical taste for military demonstrations, but they certainly could find no fault with
the Eighth, whose perfect intervals and distances
and even cadence placed them upon equal footing
with the regulars.
On the memorable Fourth of July, 1898, orders
were received by Colonel Hard to move his regiment
to New York City, there to take the U. S. S.,St. Paul
for Cuba. On the evening of July 6th, the St. Paul
steamed out of New York harbor for Santiago, bearing General Henry and the brigade staff, together
with the Eighth Ohio, to the scene of conflict. On
the voyage the members of the Eighth were treated
to several exciting incidents, the St. Paul giving
chase to a number of suspect steamers. Since the
destruction of the Spanish fleet at Santiago harbor
on July 2nd, the American transports had become
somewhat bolder and were ever on the alert for
the capture of prizes. In every case, however, the
suspect turned out to be either a neutral or friendly
vessel and the St. Paul arrived off Santiago harbor
without further incident. Captain Sigsbee reported
the arrival of the troops to Commodore Schley and
received instructions to disembark the regiment at
Siboney, about twelve miles down the coast from
Santiago. As the St. Paul proceeded to her destination famous vessels of the American Navy could be
seen on every hand, while here and there along the
coasts, bearing witness to the unerring skill of the
American gunner were scattered the dismantled
wrecks of the Spanish fleet. High up and standing




150


THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


out against the sky the boys could see Morro Fort
and the Spanish Flag floating over it. The decks and
rigging of the St. Paul, which were crowded with the
soldiers of the Eighth, could be plainly seen from
the fort. The British Consul, Mr. Ramsden, referring
in his diary to the arrival of reinforcements on July
10th, is said to have attributed to the presence of the
Eighth Ohio, so plainly in view to the defenders of
the fort, the cause of the increased despondency of
the Spaniards and their growing conviction that
further resistance was useless.
On the way to Siboney ammunition and rations
were issued to each nan. On arriving at the point
of landing, two officers of General Shafter's staff,
Lieutenant Colonel John J. Astor and Major Groesbeck, came aboard with orders for General Henry,
directing the troops to be landed and taken to the
front as soon as possible. Meanwhile the firing of
the artillery could be plainly heard coming from the
direction of Santiago.
In the afternoon the work of disembarkation by
means of rowboats was begun and by night the first
battalion, in command of Major Vollrath, was landed.
The work of taking the soldiers ashore was a difficult task, as the sea was very rough and tossed the
boats around like shells, making the work as dangerous as it was slow and difficult. At nightfall the
sailors of the St. Paul were badly worn out from
their task and Captain Sigsbee refused to allow them
to work any longer. That night, while waiting for
the Second and Third Battalions to land, the First
Battalion encamped on the devastated plantation of
the Cuban patriot, General Garcia, whose house had




THE EIGHTH OHIO INFANTRY


151


been burned to the ground and his crops ruined.
The next morning the remainder of the regiment
was landed or, owing to the roughness of the sea,
it might better be expressed "dumped out on the
beach."
As soon as all were landed the advance over the
mountain trails was begun. The heat was oppressive and the tropical sun beat down hard upon the
boys from northern Ohio, but they stood it cheerfully, drinking in the details of their new surroundings. As they advanced the signs of the ravages of
war became more evident. Here and there small
mounds of earth had been hastily thrown up by the
roadside to mark the grave of some poor fellow who
had made the supreme sacrifice. Occasionally dead
mules and horses rotting under the blistering sun
caused slight deviations in the line of march. But
the most impressive sight was that of the wounded
coming back from the front. Some were piled in
army wagons, some were on horseback and some
were on foot. They were weak and pale looking and
had that sickly yellow color with which the boys
of the Eighth were so soon to become acquainted.
But they were a cheerful lot of fellows and had a
greeting for the boys all along the line, such as:
"Hurry up fellows and help finish up the devils,"
"There's a hot time in the old town," "You're all
right," etc.
When the regiment had covered some nine miles
a heavy rain began to pour down upon them, the
deluge continuing until the trails became impassable. Raging torrents of water swept around their
feet while the downpour from above kept up in



152


THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


cessantly. When within half a mile of the Aguadores
river, Colonel Hard was met by Major Mills, assistant adjutant general, on General Henry's staff. General Henry had already visited General Shafter's
headquarters, and Major Mills was the bearer of
dispatches directing Colonel Hard to encamp his
regiment on the east bank of the Aguadores river,
a short distance ahead. When the regiment had arrived at the point indicated General Henry was already there and had established his headquarters.
Before the pup tents were up the men were soaked
through and through and darkness had come on. At
this juncture a little unexpected diversion was
created by the firing of several shots from the neighboring thickets. A reconnoitering party failed to
divulge the presence of the enemy, and Company K,
under the command of Captain Gyger, was detailed
to guard the regiment for the night. The various
companies were instructed where to assemble in case
of alarm and the boys of Company K were picketed
in the woods. Meanwhile the storm increased in
violence and the inky blackness of the night made
it almost impossible to discern objects in the immediate vicinity. The cracking of thunder and the
leaping lightning were such as is never experienced
in northern climates. Streaks of lightning would
start ripping across the eastern heavens and rush
like great trains of fire along the mountain tops,
disappearing in the west. Then would come a stunning crack of thunder, until it seemed as if creation
were tumbling into chaos. Sleep was an impossibility, as the camp was literally swamped. The only
thing to do was to squat down on some little emi



THE EIGHTH OHIO INFANTRY


153


nence of earth or stand out in the downpour and
watch the artillery of the skies. That night is said
to be known in the history of the Santiago campaign as "the night it rained."
The boys of the Eighth stood their initiation like
veterans and when morning came they were impatient for the advance to the front. The trails had
become mountain torrents and the rivers which it
was necessary to cross were badly swollen and flowing too swiftly for passage. Matters looked rather
dubious for the advance of the regiment. Along
toward noon an orderly came from General Shafter
bearing orders to the commanding officer to hold
the regiment in its present camp until further orders. This caused all kinds of remonstrance on the
part of the impatient men, but there was nothing to
do but settle down in the ankle deep mire and make
the best of it. This encampment was known as
"Camp Mud" and, although only occupied for a
short time was a severe test on the health of the
men. The disappointment to the Eighth Ohio was
great, but they still hoped to reach the front, and
subsequent events proved that theirs was not to be
a life of inaction.
On July 13th the Third Battalion, under Major
Weybrecht, was detailed as guard to General Shafter
and the headquarters of the Fifth Army Corps. This
battalion, which consisted of Companies B, of Akron,
K, of Alliance, E, of East Liverpool and G, of Wadsworth, rendered excellent service until after the surrender of Santiago, when headquarters were removed
into the city, the battalion remaining on guard of
the Ammunition Reserve and Small Arm Park until




154


THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


August 10th. While acting in these details the Third
Battalion furnished men for the Engineer Corps,
built bridges, threw up entrenchments, furnished details to three hospitals for fatigue, and guarded all
the commissary and quartermaster stores. Besides
these duties the regular fatigue detailed from the
battalion furnished over thirty drivers for mule
trains for the commissary and quartermaster departments, to take the place of quartermaster employees who were sick or had died in the service.
The work laid out for General Henry's brigade, of
which the Eighth Ohio formed a part, in further
operations against Santiago had been fully discussed
and the plans all but matured. They were to have
embarked from Siboney and landed at a point a
few miles west of Santiago, there to take up their
position at the extreme right of the line. This position was regarded as one of some strategic importance and contemplated participation in the general
advance, being at the same time designed to cut off
a possible avenue of escape to the westward. General Shafter was in communication with the commander of the Spanish Forces and had notified General Toral that his reply to the demand for surrender
must be received by noon of the 14th of July. At
the expiration of the time specified, General Shafter
was asked for a respite of another day, and the history of that memorable event tells of the surrender
of Santiago and its formal transfer to the United
States Government. Pending these negotiations, the
Eighth was held in reserve and the surrender of the
city made the movement unnecessary, thus depriv



THE EIGHTH OHIO INFANTRY


155


ing the regiment of its only chance of reaching the
firing line.
On July 15th, General Nelson A. Miles made a short
visit to the camp of the Eighth. He made inquiry as
to the health of the men and was shown the wet
and unhealthy condition of the camp. Colonel Hard
asked his permission to change the location and the
request was promptly granted. Colonel Hard lost
no time in getting out of the place, and that same
day the First and Second Battalions were encamped
on Sevilla Hill, the Third Battalion having already
established itself at headquarters for the performance of its detail of guard duty.
On the 19th an order came to the commanding
officer directing him to place the regiment in total
isolation for ten days. The order stated that if at
the end of that time the health of the regiment were
good it would be sent to Porto Rico. Extraordinary
precautions were taken as to the sanitary condition
of the two camps, but at the end of the period designated none of the regiments was found to be sufficiently free from sickness, to warrant its transportation to the scene of operations in Porto Rico.
On Sevilla Hill the First and Second Battalions
underwent a heroic struggle against disease. Here
was located the regimental hospital. The companies
furnished day and night details to care for the sick
and assist the hospital corps. In a secluded spot a
short distance from the camp, high up on the hillside and commanding a view of the red-tiled roofs
of Santiago, five miles away, was the regimental
graveyard. It requires a brave heart to face the
momentary shock of battle where victory only is




156


THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


the paramount thought, but it requires a still braver
heart to endure week after week without proper
food and care, the inevitable diseases of the miasmaladen atmosphere of the Cuban swamp, tending the
sick and dying, and at nightfall to carry out to new
made graves comrades who have died during the
day. No sacrifice was too great for the officers and
men of the Eighth to make for their suffering comrades, and in this heroic struggle against a foe that
would not be subdued, the Eighth Ohio continued in
the performance of the most desperate duty to which
they were assigned in the volunteer service.
The burial of the dead was a simple but impressive ceremony. Cracker boxes were fashioned into
rude coffins as long as the boxes held out, but when
this material was exhausted a bed of bamboos and
twigs was made at the bottom of the grave, and the
unfortunate soldier, clad only in his honorable garb
of blue and wrapped in his blanket of gray, was laid
in the soggy ground. A sealed bottle containing the
dead soldier's name, company and regiment was
buried with him, and last of all, to mark the humble
resting place, a small head-board made from a
cracker box and rudely carved by some mess-mate
was placed at the head of the grave.
Early in August it became evident to the officers in
charge of the army of invasion at Santiago that the
health of the troops was growing rapidly worse and
the situation was getting desperate. Accordingly the
authorities at Washington were impressed with the
facts by the famous "Round Robin" signed by the
officers in charge of the entire army at Santiago. The




THE EIGHTH OHIO INFANTRY


157


following is a copy of this document, which was addressed to General Shafter:
"We, the undersigned, officers commanding
the various brigades, divisions, etc., of the army
of occupation in Cuba, are of the unanimous
opinion that this army should at once be taken
out of the island of Cuba and sent to some point
on the northern sea-coast of the United States;
that it can be done without danger to the people
of the United States; that yellow fever in the
army at present is not epidemic; that there are
only a few sporadic cases; but that the army is
disabled by malarial fever to the extent that its
efficiency is destroyed and that it is in a condition to be practically destroyed by an epidemic
of yellow fever which is sure to come in the near
future. We know from the reports of competent
officers and from personal observation that the
army is unable to move into the interior and that
there are no facilities for such a move, if attempted, and that it could not be attempted until
too late. Moreover the best medical authorities
of the island say, that with our present equipment we could not live in the interior during the
rainy season without losses from malarial fever,
which is almost as deadly as yellow fever.
"This army must move at once or perish. As
the army can be safely moved now, the persons
responsible for preventing such a move will be
responsible for the unnecessary loss of many
thousands of lives. Our opinions are the result
of careful personal observation, and they are




158


THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


also based on the unanimous opinion of our
medical officers with the army and who understand the situation absolutely."
Signed,
J. FORD KENT, Major General Volunteers,
Commanding First Division, 5th Army Corps.
J. C. BATES, Major General Volunteers,
Commanding Provisional Division.
ADNA R. CHAFFEE, Major General,
Commanding Third Brigade, 2nd Division.
SAMITEL L. SUMNER, Brig. General Volunteers,
Commanding First Cavalry Brigade.
WILLIAM LUDLOW, Brigadier General Volunteers,
Commanding First Brigade, 2nd Division.
ADELBERT AMES, Brigadier General Volunteers,
Commanding Third Brigade, 1st Division.
LEONARD WOOD, Brigadier General Volunteers.
Commanding City of Santiago.
THEODORE ROOSEVELT, Colonel,
Commanding 2nd Cavalry Brigade.
This document brought matters to a climax and
the order to bring the army of Santiago north came
as fast as the cable could bring it. On August 5th,
Colonel Hard received the following:
HEADQUARTERS FIFTH ARMY CORPS
Santiago de Cuba, Aug. 5, 1898.
COL. C. V. HARD,
Eighth Ohio Volunteers:
The Major General commanding directs that you
hold your regiment in readiness after the 6th instance to embark on transports going north. The
regiment will be examined by a medical board of




THE EIGHTH OHIO INFANTRY


159


officers, and all suspicious cases of yellow fever will
be left behind. Tents will be left standing and only
private horses will be embarked. All clothing and
bedding that can possibly be spared will be burned
to prevent infection. Very respectively,
Signed.     J. C. GILMORE,
Ass't. Adjutant General.
On the 10th of August the entire regiment was
reunited and encamped on San Juan Hill, and on
the 16th orders were received that the Eighth was
to embark on the Mohawk, a transport that had
just landed 1,200 mules in Porto Rico. A detail of
men from the different companies was sent aboard
to prepare the vessel for the reception of the troops
and to assist in putting it into shape for the return
voyage. Meanwhile the regiment was waiting on
the wharf, and as soon as the transport was ready
they were embarked for the voyage home.




THE THIRTY-THIRD MICHIGAN
VOLUNTEER INFANTRY
The Thirty-Third Michigan Volunteer Infantry
was organized from eight companies of the Third
Infantry, Michigan National Guard. Three companies, I, K and L, being recruited and organized
after the President's call for volunteers, the fourth,
Company M, had been organized since 1896 as part
of the Detroit Light Infantry and had been waiting
since that time for a vacancy in the National Guard
into which it could be incorporated.
The eight companies of the Third Infantry were
mobilized at Camp Eaton, Island Lake, Michigan,
on April 26, 1898. Reorganization and muster into
the service of the United States being completed on
May 20, 1898. Forty-four officers and 978 enlisted
men.
The regiment left Camp Eaton on May 27, 1898,
arrived at Camp Alger, Va., on May 30, 1898, and was
assigned to the Separate Brigade Second Army Corps,
Brigadier General H. M. Duffield, Commanding.
On June 22, 1898, the regiment entrained for Newport News, Va., arriving on the 23rd and immediately
embarked on the S. S. Yale for Cuba. Arrived off
Siboney, Cuba, on June 27, 1898, and disembarked
same date.
June 30, 1898, the Brigade Commander, Brigadier
General Duffield, received the following order:




THE THIRTY-THIRD MICHIGAN INFANTRY


161


IN THE FIELD
CAMP NEAR SEVILLA, CUBA.
June 30, 1898.
BRIGADIER GENERAL H. M. DUFFIELD,
U. S. Volunteers.
SIR:
The commanding general directs you go along the
railroad to Aguadores with a regiment and open
fire on the Spaniards across the bridge. Move at 4:00
A. M. tomorrow and make a vigorous attack.
If the balance of your brigade arrives in time,
take it with you, in addition to the regiment mentioned, the battalion at Siboney, or more if you can,
leaving one battalion.
Very respectfully,
E. J. MCCLERNAND,
Asst. Adj. Gen.
The battalion mentioned in the order was the battalion of the Thirty-Fourth Michigan which had arrived in Cuba on the S. S. Yale with the Thirty-third.
As the balance of the brigade, the Thirty-Fourth
Michigan and the Ninth Massachusetts, had not arrived the brigade commander in complying with the
above order took the Thirty-Third Michigan and left
the one battalion of the Thirty-Fourth Michigan at
Siboney. The following has been extracted from
the report of the Brigade Commander on the action
before Aguadores on July 1, 1898:
"The command was entrained at 3:30 A. M.,
July 1st. The first part of the 2nd Battalion
formed the first section, as there were not sufficient cars to take the entire command on one




162


THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


train. On arriving at a point about one mile
east of Aguadores bridge and out of view of the
enemy, I detrained the command and sent the
train back for the remainder of the regiment.
"The River Aguadores not far from this point
joins the San Juan river, which at the bridge
is from 600 to 700 feet wide and not fordable.
"Our troops were at a great disadvantage because their Springfield rifles and black powder
disclosed their location to the enemy. * * *
The demonstration was continued until about
3:00 P. M., when the command was withdrawn
and entrained for Siboney arriving about 6:00
P. M. Casualties-two enlisted men killed and
six wounded. The demonstration was renewed
on July 2nd by one battalion of the Thirty-Third
Michigan, commanded by Major Webb. Casualty-one enlisted man wounded fatally."
There has been considerable discussion as to the
real nature of this action before Aguadores. That
General Shafter never intended it to be anything,
but a demonstration is evident from the following
extract from his report to the Adjutant General of
the Army, dated September 30, 1898:
"This officer (Brigadier General H. M. Duffield, U. S. Vol.) was at Siboney with a small
command and was expected to make such a
demonstration at Aguadores as would hold at
that place all Spanish troops occupying it and
prevent their reinforcing the main body at San



THE THIRTY-THIRD MICHIGAN INFANTRY


163


tiago. This he accomplished perfectly and with
small loss. There was no intention of attempting to capture this place, as it would naturally
fall with Santiago, and besides was very strong."
Major Webb's battalion of the Thirty-Third remnained on outpost duty opposite the railroad bridge
over the Aguadores river until about July 10th.
Various duties in and around Siboney kept the
regiment busy until August 21, 1898, when Headquarters and Companies A, B, C, D, F, H, I, K, L
and M embarked on the S. S. Harvard for Montauk
Point, N. Y., arriving August 26th. Companies E
and G embarked on the S. S. Minnewaska on August
23rd and arrived at Montauk Point on August 28,
1898. On September 2nd the regiment entrained for
Detroit, Mich., arriving September 4, 1898, from
which place the men were furloughed home for sixty
days. Muster out started on November 9, 1898, and
was completed January 6, 1899: Forty-seven officers, 1,159 enlisted men. Casualties while in service: officers died of disease, one; killed in action,
enlisted men, two; wounded, ten; died of wounds,
one; died of disease, fifty-seven.
FIELD AND STAFF
Col. Chas. L. Boynton, Lt. Col. Frederick J.
Schmidt, Major Paul M. Roth, Major Frank H. Burton, Major Merrell E. Webb, Surgeon Chas. B. Nancrede, Asst. Surg. Louis W. Pease, Asst. Surg. Guy
G. Bailey, Chaplain Chas. H. Sage, Adj. Geo. L.
Harvey, Q. M. Oscar W. Achard.




THE THIRTY-FOURTH MICHIGAN
VOLUNTEER INFANTRY
This regiment was organized from the 5th Infantry Michigan National Guard. Like the Third
Infantry it had but eight companies. These eight
companies answered the President's call for volunteers mobilized at Camp Eaton, Island Lake, Michigan, on April 26, 1898.
Between that date and June 2nd, when muster in
was completed, the remaining four companies were
recruited and organized. Fifty officers and 980 enlisted men.
Ordered to Camp Alger, Va., the regiment entrained on June 6th, arrived on June 9, 1898, and
assigned to the Separate Brigade, Second Army
Corps.
On June 22nd, 23rd and 24th the movement to
Cuba via port of embarkation at Newport News, Va.,
began. Companies F, I, K and L sailed from that
Port on the S. S. Yale, June 23rd with the 33rd
Michigan. Headquarters and the remaining eight
companies sailed on the S. S. Harvard, June 27 and
arrived off Siboney, Cuba, on the morning of July
1st.
The command was disembarked and in shelter
tent camp by 3:00 P. M., July 1, 1898. That same
night at 10:00 P. M. it started for the front, arriving
at 5th Corps Headquarters, Sevilla, Cuba, about 5:00
A. M., July 2. Orders were received to report to
General Wheeler, this was done at 8:00 A. M., July
2, 1898.




THE THIRTY-FOURTH MICHIGAN INFANTRY  165


General Wheeler ordered the regiment to support
General Bates on the extreme left of the line. At
3:00 P. M., July 2nd, it was ordered to report to
General Kent in the center.
During the "furious" night attack, July 2nd and
3rd, the regiment formed in column of masses and
moved into position about one-half way up San Juan
Hill.
There was some apprehension on the part of the
higher command that this raw volunteer regiment
would open fire on the rear of our troops occupying
the front line trenches. Nothing was farther from
the minds of the men of the Thirty-Fourth. They
would have closed with the bayonet, but they would
never have fired a shot, for they had had their baptism of fire and they knew the results of using the
old Springfield with black powder.
During the period July 5th to August 17, 1898, the
regiment was engaged in all kinds of duties. Construction of roads and bridges; guarding refugees
at El Caney; outpost duty at El Pozo; guard and
labor duty at 5th Corps Headquarters. All of this
the regiment performed cheerfully and willingly.
On August 1, 1898, S. O. No. 54, Headquarters Provisional Division, 5th Army Corps, organized the
3rd Brigade Provisional Division consisting of 9th
Massachusetts Volunteer Infantry, 33rd Michigan
Volunteer Infantry, 34th Michigan Volunteer Infantry.
Col. J. J. Peterman, 34th Michigan, commanded
the Brigade. S. 0. 6, Headquarters Provisional Division, August 2, 1898.
On August 17, 1898, the 34th embarked on the S. S.




166


THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


Badger and arrived at Montauk Point, N. Y., August
23rd.
Entrained for Detroit, Mich., on September 2nd,
arriving September 4, 1898, when all companies were
furloughed to home stations for sixty days.
Muster out started November 4, 1898, and was
completed January 2, 1899-forty-five officers, 1,153
enlisted men. Casualties while in service: Officers
died of disease, one; enlisted men died of disease,
seventy-nine; killed, one; drowned, one.
FIELD AND STAFF
Col. J. P. Peterman, Lt. Col. J. R. Bennett, Major
Edwin B. Winans, Major William G. Latimer, Major
Fred M. Hodskin, Surgeon James A. King, Asst. Surgeon John Bobb, Asst. Surgeon Julius M. Wilhelm,
Chaplain William E. Wright, Adjutant John McNaughton, Quartermaster Henry Roach.
The historical data used herein was furnished
through the courtesy of Col. John S. Bersey, the
Adjutant General of Michigan.




THE FIRST ILLINOIS INFANTRY
AT SANTIAGO
By GENERAL JOSEPH B. SANBORN
During the latter part of June, constant rumors
had reached us of heavy fighting in Cuba; that General Shafter had arrived at Santiago and had given
battle to the Spaniards. Everyone in the regiment
was eager for action.
One June 27th, orders were received to have the
regiment ready to board transports. Immediately
everybody was excited and the men were wild with
delight. All day the 28th and 29th wagon trains
were busy hauling ammunition, and every nerve was
strained to prepare for the final departure. The
transports Gate City and City of Macon had been assigned to carry the First Illinois, three other transports to carry other troops. On Thursday, June 30th,
shortly after noon the regiment was formed, marched
over the trestle from Picnic Island to the mainland
and to the wharf where the transports were docked,
and the long lines disappeared into the sides of the
vessels. Colonel Turner boarded the City of Macon,
with him were Companies D, E, F, G, L and M, and
headquarters staff. Lieutenant Colonel Lauman was
assigned to the Gate City with Companies A, B, C,
H, I and K. At 4:30 P. M., the lines were cast off
and with a naval escort consisting of the Layden,
Machias and Wilmington, the transports sailed down
the bay.
On July 1st the expedition passed the Dry Tortugas Islands and arriving at Key West July 2nd,




168


THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


cast anchor inside of a large fleet of warships. The
view here was inspiring. In the offing the slate
colored crusier Columbia and the monitors Puritan
and Terror, the gunboats San Francisco and New
Orleans, also numerous Spanish prizes and other
transports rode at anchor.
The regiment was held at Key West until Tuesday
morning, July 5th, when at 8:30 A. M., it sailed for
Cuba. The vessels comprising the fleet which left
Key West were the transports City of Macon, Gate
City, Comanche, Specialist, Hudson and Nunist. The
gunboats Wilmington, Helena, Machias and the
cruiser Columbia.
On July 7th, the fleet passed with the coast line
of Cuba in sight. Friday, July 8th, arrived off
Guantanamo Bay. At this point the gunboat steamed
in for orders. From here the fleet proceeded down
the coast and dropped anchor opposite Siboney about
two miles off shore. Just previous to stopping, the
fleet passed through an area in which a number of
corpses were floating in the sea, the remains of
Spanish sailors killed in action on July 3rd.
On July 9th the regiments began to unload in a
heavy sea with the assistance of the small boats of
the warships. This occupied the greater part of the
day. Horses were pushed into the water and made
to swim behind the boats toward shore. The landing was covered by the guns of the warships. Heavy
firing could be heard further down the coast. The
hamlet called Siboney where the expedition landed
consisted of a few huts with their backs against the
hill, a small round house and a depot situated at the
terminal of the railroad to Santiago. A field hos



Generals Inspecting Lines at El Caney.




Camp of 3rd Battalion, 1st Illinois Infantry.




- -  -'s,
/.0-   ' (
(, 4.. 
I  I '. 1




THE FIRST ILLINOIS INFANTRY


169


pital had been erected to the right of the town on
the beach near an old stone fort. Here we were met
by Colonel Nicholas Senn, of Chicago, a noted surgeon, later Surgeon General of Illinois, who was
busy performing operations on soldiers who here
being brought in from the front.
Major Sanborn left in the morning of July 10th to
report the arrival of the regiment to General Shafter
and await instructions. General Shafter said, "We
have a place for the First Illinois Regiment in the
firing line in the morning. Your regiment will march
out of here tonight, go into bivouac and proceed to
the firing line at daybreak." Later an order came
from General Shafter directing the regiment to
march at once and report to his headquarters. At
the same time, another order was received directing the detachment of two companies from the command to be attached to the Division Hospital at
Siboney. These men were to go into a specially
selected camp and were not to be permitted to leave
the camp after once going on duty at the hospital.
The grave character of this assignment was not
realized by the men until later. Two provisional
companies were formed from the recruits who had
recently joined the regiment. It was late in the
afternoon before the regiment started on its march
for General Shafter's headquarters.  Horses and
equipment were not available at that hour, consequently everybody including the colonel marched on
foot.
Arriving on the crest of the range of hills at the
foot of which Siboney is situated, a view of magnificent grandeur and scenic beauty was disclosed.




170


THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


From here could be seen the lofty ranges of the
Sierra Maestra mountains upon the tops of which the
setting sun was casting its last rays. Below in the
gloom of the valley, indistinct in the fading light,
the royal palms, majestic ceiba trees and a profusion
of trailing vines and tropical vegetation were faintly
visible. Down into the valley the long lines slowly
wended their way and in a few moments the column
was enveloped in inky darkness with here and there
a glimpse of the sky seen through the network of
foliage overhead. '0o add to the general discomnfort, it soon began to rain and the men stumbled
along the narrow trail slipping and sliding in their
slow progress. Arriving at General Shafter's headquarters long after dark, the men dropped down
on the ground and made the best of a bad situation
until daylight.
On July 11th the regiment continued its march,
passing in rear of the lines occupied by the American
forces. On the way up we met many of our old
friends, officers with whom we had passed many
delightful days hunting in years gone by in Oklahoma, Wyoming, Montana and the Dakotas. Conditions did not look assuring. Vultures were slowly
circling around over the battlefields and nearly
every one had some tale to tell of the hardships they
had undergone. The principal governing desire
seemed to be for one good square meal of ham and
eggs, for clean clothing and soap.
As we passed along under the shelter of the hills
the distant booming of cannon could be heard with
occasional desultory firing of small arms. Now and
then a Mauser bullet would strike in one of the trees




THE FIRST ILLINOIS INFANTRY


171


above with a sharp crack. Arriving in rear of our
position the troops were scattered along the hillsides
to make the best of a situation, without cooking
facilities, without tentage for officers and no food
except the meagre supply carried on the persons of
the men. Our position was on the ridge overlooking
Santiago in General Lawton's Division.
We relieved the 12th, 17th, and 21st U. S. Infantry
regiments, who were assigned a position extending
the lines still farther to the right. The relief was
soon accomplished by placing a few men in the forward trenches, the remainder of the command being
held along the slopes in the rear. While executing
the relief a rather disquieting incident occurred. A
soldier was brought to the rear from one of the
trenches with a serious bullet wound in the hip.
The relief was made without incident or casualty.
During that first night the rain fell in torrents
augmenting in no small degree the general discomfort of everybody. Details in the trenches were cautioned not to fire except in case of an attack by the
Spaniards as patrols from our troops were covering the front. As time wore on however, the men
became nervous and now and then from some trench
would burst forth a volley of musketry. This was
stopped in a short time with a lecture to the men
cautioning them not to let their imagination run
away with them. In fact conditions were such that
a night attack was out of the question. Conditions
quited down thereafter and the occupation became
one of routine until the Armistice was signed, later
followed by the formal surrender of the Spanish on
July 17th.




172


THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


In the meantime the food question had become
acute. The roads to the rear were impassable to
wagon transport and it became necessary to organize
a pack train which partially relieved the situation.
The food brought up consisted almost entirely of
canned beef and crackers, with no cooking facilities
except here and there a small camp fire. With men
unaccustomed to shifting for themselves, the situation gradually grew from bad to worse. Cases of
sickness were becoming frequent and the howl that
went up developed into a roar that was heard all
the way back to the United States.
No man who was present at 9:00 A. M., July 17th,
and who had never seen the Stars and Stripes unfurled on a foreign shore will ever forget that occasion. The troops were formed in long lines on
the ridge overlooking Santiago with their colors flying and the bands playing the National Anthem.
Men forgot the hardships they had encountered, they
embraced each other in transports of joy, and the
one exclamation along the lines was, "Now we will
go home."
Following the surrender of the Spanish forces, the
1st Infantry was transferred to General Bates' Division, was moved to the left opposite San Juan Hill
on ground formerly occupied by the "Rough Riders"
on the spot known as Kettle Hill. On July 18th,
Major Sanborn's Battalion was assigned to take
charge of the stores and commissary work of the 5th
Army Corps and performed that arduous duty until
August 1st, when it was ordered to move and take
charge of the Spanish prisoners' camp, which duty
it performed until the prisoners were put on board




THE FIRST ILLINOIS INFANTRY


173


ship for their journey homeward. This duty was a
trying one for the reason that these prisoners were
simply herded into a prescribed area without tentage
or any other comforts of camp life. Food was slow
in reaching them, many were falling sick daily,
necessitating a continual line of transportation to
hospitals, and the suffering encountered was piteous.
Many of these Spanish soldiers were mere boys who
had no idea of what they had been fighting for and
their predominating hope was to return home to
sunny Spain as soon as possible. They had no money
and gladly exchanged the few trinkets they possessed for cigarettes or any other article possessed
by the American soldiers. Sickness was on the increase, but in a general way the situation gradually
improved. The men were housed in comfortable
tents, cooking ranges were set up, refrigerated beef
took the place of canned food, hospital relief ships
came into the harbor, medicines became available
and spacious hospital tents were erected. The provisional companies left at Siboney had fared badly.
Forty-five of the detachment were sick in hospital
and seven sick in quarters leaving only forty-three
available for duty.
As there was no likelihood of immediate return to
the United States' the camp of the First Illinois was
divided and localities were selected with a view to
the health of the men. Many of the surgeons fell
sick. One old Scotchman, Capt. Charles Bruce Walls,
alone escaped. If the truth were known, he probably was as sick as some of the others, but every
day, mounted on a diminutive pony with an old
green umbrella over his head, he made his rounds




174


THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


and ministered to the long lines of sick soldiers
awaiting him. On the day when the celebrated
"round robin" was signed, Colonel Turner accompanied General Bates into Santiago and sent the following telegram to the Governor of Illinois: "If
you can do anything to get the Army out of Cuba,
you will help avert a great disaster." In reply,
Colonel Turner received a dispatch stating that the
8th Illinois Volunteers of Infantry of Colored Soldiers from Chicago would be sent immediately to the
relief of the First Illinois.
The day the 8th Illinois arrived, arrangements had
been completed to ship the First Illinois north. Orders were received just before noon August 24th to
march to Santiago and board the transport Berlin
then waiting in the harbor. Dinner was being prepared at that time, but Colonel Turner ordered the
food taken off the fires at once and buried, the march
to be taken up without delay. There was no further
waiting. Leaving the tents standing, packs were
slung and the movement was well on the way before 1:00 o'clock. The hold of the transport Berlin
had been fitted out with canvas hammocks in long
rows leaving only a narrow passage way between
extending from the floor to the ceiling and into these
bunks the men threw their equipment many of them
climbing in after it. Due to rough sea outside the
transport remained in the harbor until 2:00 P. M.,
August 26th, at which hour it moved out.
As the ship moved slowly down the beautiful bay
of Santiago, every one paused and looked back upon
the luxuriant tropical verdure reaching to the top of
the mountains until passing through the narrow




THE FIRST ILLINOIS INFANTRY     175
neck where the wreck of the Merrimac allowed scant
passage, the ship passed into the open sea and gradually the shores of Cuba receded from view. The
voyage to Montauk Point, L. I., New York, was without special incident. The transport arrived at its
destination August 30th. Quarantine officers had
decided the regiment might land and spend its five
days of quarantine on shore. Disembarkation was
made in the afternoon of the 31st and at 4:30 P. M.,
the regiment marched into Camp Wikoff, the detention camp.




FIRST DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA
VOLUNTEER INFANTRY
By MAJOR F. S. HODGSON, U. S. V.
The First District of Columbia Volunteer Infantry
was organized immediately after it became known
that the War Department would not accept the Brigade of the District of Columbia National Guard, as
a whole, for service in the Spanish War. A majority
of the officers volunteered in ranks inferior to those
they had previously held in the Guard, and as a consequence the regiment started its career under most
capable leadership. George, H. Harries, the Brigadier General, Commanding the District of Columbia
National Guard was its Colonel. The Lieutenant
Colonel (detached almost immediately for other
duty) was Charles H. Heyl, a Regular Army Officer.
The Majors were M. Emmett Urell, a veteran of the
Civil War, Charles DeLano Hine, a graduate of West
Point and Richard A. O'Brien, a Lieutenant Colonel
in the Guard. Under such leadership, and due to the
strict discipline maintained from the first, the regiment was second to none among the volunteer organizations finally selected for service in Cuba.
The recruiting of the regiment was soon under
way, and as fast as a company was filled to its
authorized strength of seventy-seven men, it was
mustered in and sent into camp at Dun Loring, Va.,
where the organization established what was later
known as Camp Alger. The first company was mustered on May 10th and on May 18th muster-in was
completed and intensive training followed until May




THE FIRST DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA INFANTRY 177


21st when the regiment entrained for Chickamauga
Park. It remained in Camp Thomas until June 1st,
when it was ordered to Tampa and there on June
4th a camp was established on the shores of the Bay
adjacent to the old Tampa Barracks. While there
the regiment experienced its first night attack. Cries
of alarm from the guard, shots in darkness, and the
thunder of a thousand hoofs tearing through the
camp galvanized everyone into action and visions
of an attack by a force of Spanish Cavalry somehow
mysteriously transported to these shores flashed
through the minds of the half-awakened soldiers.
However, it turned out to be only a stampede on
the part of a bunch of green mules that had just
been acquired by the Quartermaster. Being disturbed in the night they started milling in their corral
and then breaking out, dashed through the camp
several times before departing for the suburbs of
Tampa with the Quartermaster in hot pursuit. Being mules, they succeeded in avoiding all obstacles
and the camp suffered no material damage. On
July 14th, Company H was sent with a company
from the First Illinois to Picnic Island, near Port
Tampa, to be trained as a provisional engineer organization and later to be attached to General Miles'
Porto Rican Expeditionary Force. While this company did not land at Santiago, it was so fortunate as
to be the first organization ashore at Guanica on
July 25th and participated in the various engagements incident to the capture of Porto Rico.
Immediately on arrival at Tampa, rumor became
rife as to the possibility of getting into action and
after many disappointments orders were finally re



178


THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


ceived for the regiment to proceed on July 2nd to
Port Tampa where it boarded the Transport Catania,
an ancient and disreputable British tramp. Leaving
Tampa Bay, on July 3rd, the ship succeeded in getting as far as Key West where she had to put in
for repairs to her boilers. Repairs accomplished,
the Catania now far behind the rest of the vessels
of the transport fleet proceeded on her lonely way,
convoyed by the converted yacht Wasp, which made
up in fighting spirit what she lacked in size. Two
days out, off the north coast of Cuba, smoke was observed on the horizon and immediately the news
spread over the ship that a Spanish gunboat was
approaching. The Commander of the Wasp, nothing daunted, hailed the Catania and instructing the
Captain "You proceed and leave the enemy to me."
dashed away to intercept the stranger. Fortunately,
the approaching enemy proved to be the U. S. S.
Machias, homeward bound. The Catania anchored
off Siboney on July 10th and disembarkation, at once
begun, was completed by midnight. The Battalions
as they landed moved up the Santiago road and
bivouacked for the night at Las Guasimas, the scene
of the Cavalry fight of June 24th.
On the morning of July 11th the regiment, leaving
its shelter tents and blanket rolls, and carrying only
its arms and haversacks with three days' rations,
and extra ammunition, made a forced march to the
front and were immediately ordered into the line
just to the left of the position occupied by Capron's
battery in which position it became acquainted with
the ways of the Spanish sniper and the whine of
passing bullets, for though a truce was supposed to




THE FIRST DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA INFANTRY  179


exist at this time, the regiment was on three different
occasions under fire before the surrender. That
night two companies were ordered out in front of
the existing lines to dig an advanced trench and in
the midst of a tropical down-pour and violent electrical storm, had its first taste of real warfare
with the elements. In fact this night has always
since been known and celebrated as "Wet Night"
by the regiment. The regiment maintained its position on the line until after the surrender of Santiago on July 17th. On the 19th, it evacuated its
trenches and moved back to Kettle Hill, celebrated
as the scene of the charge of the Cavalry Brigade,
where it settled down in camp for the remainder of
its stay in Cuba. During this period of enforced
inaction, broken for some of the companies by service in guarding the Spanish prisoners' camp, the
strictest discipline was maintained by the Regimental Commander, visits to the captured city were
few and far between, and it is unquestionably due
to these! facts that the losses of this regiment from
sickness were less than in any other regiment that
accompanied General Shafter to Cuba. From the
time of its arrival on the firing line the regiment
performed every duty assigned to it with patriotic
energy, patiently enduring the daily hardship incident to the climate and to the lack of equipment,
which lack was not repaired until after the surrender of the city and the opening of the harbor to the
American transports, when tentage and supplies
were finally unloaded from the Catania, behindhand
as usual.
Then began another period of speculation as to




180


THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


when orders would be received to re-embark for
home. Rumors of the presence of yellow fever and
the unhappy duty of burying the dead both contributed to lower the morale of the men, but even under these handicaps the physical condition of the
regiment was superior to that of any other in the
expedition. Finally, late in August, orders were received to embark, and the regiment packed up for
the last time on Cuban soil, and on August 19th
marched into the captured city. Two battalions
boarded the Transport Hudson which sailed on
August 20th and reached Montauk Point on August
26th. The, other battalion left on the Minnewaska
on August 23rd and arrived at Montauk on August
28th. After several days in the detention camp the
regiment established its own camp and settled down
to recuperate and enjoy itself. During this period
the men, due to the interest taken by a committee
representing the citizens of Washington, were in
receipt of many comforts and delicacies that they
had not known since they first volunteered, and in
the bracing atmosphere of Montauk Point a steady
improvement in their condition was to be noted.
On September 8th, the regiment entrained for
home, arriving there early in the afternoon of the
9th, and escorted by the District of Columbia National Guard, marched up historic Pennsylvania Avenue to be reviewed by President McKinley, after
which, in the grounds of the! White House, the men
were dismissed and allowed to again make the acquaintance of their families and friends. On September 12th the men were furloughed for sixty days
and dispersed for the first time since early May with




THE FIRST DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA INFANTRY  181
no thought of taps or assembly to worry them.
Finally on November 10th, the regiment, including
Company H which had returned from Porto Rico
on September 19th, was mustered out.




PERSONAL RECOLLECTIONS OF
THE ARTILLERY AT SANTIAGO,     898
By BRIGADIER GENERAL DWIGHT E. AULTMAN,
U. S. Army.
The lapse of nearly twenty-eight years, with the
intervening growth and development of our country
as a world power, culminating in the mobilization
of 1917 and our successful participation in the World
War, seems to throw into the distant past the incidents and achievements of the War with Spain.
Yet those operations were fully as serious to those
who participated in them, though their duration was
happily short, were as full of danger of wounds and
death, and far more fraught with the perils of disease, and perhaps we may even boast that they were
the forerunners of those great events that ended in
the victory of 1918.
That we succeeded may be attributed as much to
good fortune as to any other cause. Our Army was
small, training was unknown except formal drill
and target practice, there were no maneuvers for
the development of high command, and the senior
officers lived in the memories and traditions of the
Civil War. The Volunteers, though their spirit was
high, were raw, untrained levies, possessed of little
more than courage to qualify them for their place
on the battlefield.
At the outbreak of the war, we had five regiments
of Artillery, comprising both heavy and field. Each
regiment consisted of ten batteries of heavy artillery




RECOLLECTIONS OF THE ARTILLERY


183


for coast defense, and two batteries of light artillery
of four guns each. These light batteries were, with
the exception of a few batteries of the National
Guard, the only available field artillery for an expeditionary force. In garrison they were a sort of
corps d'elite, exempted from guard and practically
all other post duties, almost independent of the
commanding officer, and, though possessing a high
morale and interior discipline, were the spoiled children of the Army.
In the early nineties the light batteries had been
equipped with the then new 3.2-inch gun, which was
the latest, and last, development of the old nonrecoil material, firing unfixed ammunition with
black powder charges and unprovided with any of
the laying apparatus for indirect fire. It seems
strange and almost inexplicable that the adoption
of this gun anteceded by only a few years the French
75, with its fixed ammunition, rapid fire and indirect
laying. Yet such was our backwardness in military
science that the whole Army was ignorant of the
tremendous advance in Field Artillery that in 1898
was an accomplished fact.
Our Field Artillery, presumptuous to a degree,
claimed powers far beyond its capabilities, and the
other arms expected from  it even more than it
claimed.
There can be little wonder that it lost in prestige
when subjected to the acid test of war when both
the artilleryman and those whom it was his duty to
support on the battlefield, were totally ignorant of
its powers and limitations, as well as of the most
elementary principles of its employment.




184


THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


Just prior to the declaration of war in April, 1898,
the field artillery was mobilized at Chickamauga
Park, whence it was moved about May 1 to Port
Tampa, Florida, where the ten light batteries were
organized into a provisional brigade under the command of Brigadier General Wallace F. Randolph,
U. S. V., one of the most attractive figures of the
old Army and far more progressive than the large
majority of his school and generation.
From the arrival at Port Tampa until the sailing
of the expedition, the time was spent in acquiring
the necessary recruits, material and animals to
equip the batteries for field service, and in training.
The plan to increase the batteries to six guns and
place them upon a war footing had to be abandoned,
on account of the congestion of the line of supply
over the inadequate railroads that entered Florida,
and the consequent inability to procure the necessary men, equipment and animals.
It also developed that sufficient ocean transport
could not be assembled to embark the entire brigade and the number to accompany the initial expedition was consequently limited to four batteries,
which were chosen by lot, the good fortune falling
to Light Batteries E and K, 1st Artillery and Light
Batteries A and F, 2nd Artillery. These batteries,
following the tradition of previous wars, were in
that day more generally known by the name of the
commander than by their official designation as
Capron's, Best's, Grimes' and Parkhurst's.
In like manner the commander of the provisional
battalion thus formed was chosen, the lot falling to
Major John W. Dillenback.




RECOLLECTIONS OF THE ARTILLERY


185


From about the first of May until the ninth of
June the Light Artillery lay in camp adjoining the
railroad at Port Tampa, in dirt and smoke and sand,
when at last the order to embark was issued.
The uttermost confusion reigned around the little
port, but, after much backing and filling, the necessary transport accommodations were assigned and
instructions issued for the embarkation.
However, in spite of the fact that the expedition
was expected to disembark upon a foreign shore
and go into immediate action, the only arrangements
possible with the ships assigned, required the loading of the men and animals on one ship, the guns on
a second, and the ammunition on a third. The effect
upon the expedition of the loss of any one of the
these vessels is obvious.
On June 9th the loading was commenced and completed with reasonable despatch. A day or so afterward, on the receipt of a rumor that Spanish vessels
had been sighted in the Gulf of Mexico, the command was disembarked and bivouacked for a night,
then re-embarked and dropped out into the stream.
Sailing was expected at once, but it was not until
June 13th that the transport fleet, convoyed by a
cruiser and a number of gunboats and converted
yachts, started on its memorable voyage to some
destination unknown except to those entrusted with
the secrets of the Fifth Corps.
When we rounded Key West and the course became easterly, conjecture assigned our mission to
various ports, Cardenas, Nuevitas, Guantanamo,
Santiago, and even Porto Rico, and speculation was




186


THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


rife as to destination and the operations that would
follow our landing.
The conditions of existence on the transports were
far from pleasant. About two days out fresh bread
and meat were lacking, except at the table of the
ship's captain. There was no ice and the drinking
water was foul with the taste of the new oaken
casks in which it was stored. The ships were overcrowded and malodorous, adding to the discomfort
that already weakened the landlubber's stomach.
The ship on which were, embarked Grimes' and
Parkhurst's batteries was the Berkshire, a small Merchants and Miners Liner, unfitted in any way for
the transport of animals, and with accommodations
for only a few passengers. The ports were small
and ventilation possible only through the use of
windsails.
In consequence there was no duty ever performed
by seasick soldiers more nauseating than to descend
to the hold of the ship, reeking with the odors of
the stable, to feed and water the horses, and only
a few of the hardier spirits could withstand the test.
Yet it had to be done and was done. As for the
animals, how they lived through the confinement in
the stifling atmosphere and tropical heat of the hold
is even yet a matter of wonder.
The expedition arrived off Santiago on June 20
and welcomed the sight of our war fleet on the blockade and we lay to, rolling and pitching in the Caribbean swell for a day or two, until the orders for
the disembarkation were issued.
The Artillery was disembarked at Daiquiri, the
guns and ammunition lightered ashore to the steel




RECOLLECTIONS OF THE ARTILLERY


187


dock of the Juragua Iron Company, while the horses
were unloaded by throwing them overboard where
they were caught up by the ship's boats, led to the
breakers by their halter shanks and turned loose
to be washed ashore or received by a detachment on
the beach. A few of the bolder spirits among the
landing detachments attached a heaving line to their
waists and went through the heavy surf to receive
the animals and were then drawn through the
breakers by others on the shore, dangerous work but
exciting sport.
In spite of the conditions, the horses were disembarked with comparatively small loss, but were almost unfit for any kind of service for an extended
period as a result of their confinement in the hot,
dark hold of the transport. They were a sorry
looking lot as they stood on the picket lines, the
picture of dejection and weariness.
When the disembarkation had been completed, the
batteries were assembled and prepared for the advance. On June 25th the news of the clash of the
"Rough Riders," and the 1st and 10th Cavalry with
the Spanish outpost at Las Guasimas was received
and we realized that the war was on at last. The advance of the entire command soon followed, a slow
march along the valley that lay between the coastal
hills and the Sierra Maestra, along a trail that could
hardly be described as a road, over which the jaded
horses could scarcely drag the guns and caissons.
In two marches we reached the assembly point
around Sevilla, where the Fifth Corps Headquarters
was located, went into camp and waited. It was understood that a reconnaissance was being made, but,




188


THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


as far as has ever come to the knowledge of the
writer, no artillery officer was ever sent out on such
duty.
On July 30th, orders were received for the advance
against the Spanish position. Two batteries, Grimes'
and Capron's, were assigned to accompany the advance, the remaining two batteries to be held for the
time being in reserve. Grimes was assigned to the
attack of the San Juan Hill position, while Capron
accompanied Lawton's division in its attack on El
Caney. The retention in reserve of half the pitiful
quantity of artillery that accompanied the expedition seems amazing in the light of latter training
and experience, yet it is typical of the ignorance and
ineptitude of our Army at the time and of the lack
of study and training.
The reserve batteries remained in camp most of
the morning of July 1st, listening to the rather desultory cannonading toward the front and inferring
from the rate of fire that there was comparatively
little action. Some time prior to noon they were
ordered forward and took position in line with
Grimes' battery at El Pozo. Here we heard the story
of the preliminary artillery bombardment, a duel between Grimes and a Spanish battery located on San
Juan Hill. A few shrapnel had been received in the
battery, with some casualties, and other projectiles
passing over the guns had fallen among elements of
the cavalry division, which had assembled in rear,
causing considerable confusion. The Spaniard had
been driven off, and at the time of the arrival of the
reserve batteries there was no artillery firing, as the
infantry advance was about to begin and orders had




RECOLLECTIONS OF THE ARTILLERY


189


been issued from higher authority to the artillery to
cease its fire. At the time the rifle fire at the front
was intense and increasing, indicating a serious action from which the artillery was entirely excluded.
That the batteries, which were most advantageously located to fire over the Infantry, with their
objectives in plain view, were not permitted to render the support that is now their normal role, is only
another striking indication of the military ignorance
of the time.
The Artillery waited, observing the front from the
battery positions, until the Infantry line appeared
in full view in the open meadows at the foot of San
Juan Hill, and then, by whose orders the writer
knows not, fire was opened upon the blockhouse and
the adjacent trenches and maintained until the attacking line was seen to be approaching the position, the only real support to the Infantry that was
rendered during the action.
It was an inspiring sight to see the blue line move
forward, climb the hill in a wavy line, and finally
disappear into the trenches so recently occupied by
the enemy. The charge was over and the position
wonl.
The Artillery remained in position until late afternoon, then moved under orders to Kettle Hill, on
which it took position, for what purpose it is unknown, as our own Infantry was in our immediate
front and no support or assistance of any kind could
have been rendered them except perhaps to cover
their withdrawal. Indirect fire was unknown, no
enemy positions could be observed from the bat



190


THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


teries, there were no forward observatories and no
telephones to transmit information to the guns.
During this period it was noticed that the dead
on Kettle Hill were colored troops. The writer was
called upon in the course of the evening to identify
a dead officer on the summit of the hill and found
that it was Lieutenant Colonel John M. Hamilton,
9th Cavalry, from which it is to be inferred that the
hill was captured by that regiment.
Bivouac was established and the tired gunners
slept at their guns until about midnight, when orders to move were received and the batteries filed
off the hill in the darkness and moved over to San
Juan Hill, where we went into position on the summit, in plain view, as afterward developed, from
Spanish Infantry trenches some five hundred yards
in our front. Work was at once commenced on gun
pits and the men labored with feverish energy to
secure the necessary shelter. But the rock was hard
and by daybreak the pits were little more than a
foot in depth, furnishing little or no protection to
the cannoneers in the service of the guns.
At daybreak the order was received "to bombard
Santiago" and, as there was a thin mist overhanging our entire front, through which nothing could
be distinctly observed, there was nothing else to do
but cock the guns up to a convenient angle, point
them in the direction of the city and open fire. No
objectives were visible; and none was prescribed, nor
was there a mission of any kind assigned to the batteries. Merely another commentary upon our military preparedness and efficiency.
The reply was immediate and emphatic. The great




RECOLLECTIONS OF THE ARTILLERY


191


clouds of white smoke from our obsolete powder
hung over the batteries and, while obscuring everything from us, rendered our position beautifully
visible to the Infantry and Artillery of the enemy.
The crash of rifle fire from our immediate front
commenced almost instantly, with the continuous
whine of bullets through our position and the sharp
cracking sound when they struck wood or metal on
the guns and carriages. The Artillery fire of the
enemy was not long delayed and very soon shrapnel
and shells were adding their share to our discomfiture. The men, absolutely in the open and for the
first time under fire, at once took refuge in the
trenches of the captured position, which were somewhat in rear of the battery positions and our firing
ceased. Only with time and effort could the gun
detachments be collected and driven back to the
guns, yet this was accomplished and in a short time
a desultory fire was again opened, the usual target
being the vacant world in front, though as quickly
as the source of enemy fire could be recognized from
the trenches in our front, the guns were roughly
pointed in that direction, loaded with canister or
shrapnel cut at zero and fired point blank.
The writer cannot speak for the other batteries
engaged, Grimes' and Best's, though the inference
must be that their experience was similar to that
of Parkhurst's.  Captain Parkhurst himself was
wounded and left the field.
Order was finally restored and our firing became
fairly regular. The Spanish Artillery fire was ineffective and the Infantry fire was sufficiently kept
down to permit us to continue, when the order for




192


THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


the withdrawal was communicated to the battery
commander from the rear. The batteries were never
driven from their positions, and, when the order
to withdraw was received, were fully in action and
able to continue their fire indefinitely.
The limbers, horsed, were immediately in rear of
the positions, protected from hostile fire by the steep
slope in their front. It was only necessary to move
the guns by hand down the slope and limber them
in order to comply with the order for the withdrawal.
This was done in an orderly manner by all except
one section, in which the gun got away from the
detachment and rolled down the hill causing considerable confusion, but no delay or damage.
The retrograde march to El Pozo was then commenced. There was delay at the ford of the San
Juan river, which had become so muddy from the
previous passage of the Artillery and other vehicles
that the weakened horses could not draw the carriages through. Brush was cut and the entire ford
corduroyed before the batteries could pass. The delay was somewhat increased by meeting Lawton's
division, which had marched all night from El Caney.
Capron's battery, which accompanied that division
was headed off and routed to El Pozo, and by about
noon on July 2nd, the Artillery battalion was assembled in the old positions, waiting, the only incident until its next move being the "night attack,"
when the battalion was called to arms and held
ready to move until the disturbance was over.
During this period a reconnaissance was made to
the front, in search of new positions. The reconnaissance was made under the direction of Colonel




RECOLLECTIONS O; THE ARTILLERY


193


Geo. McC. Derby, Corps Engineer. Positions were
selected for Grimes and Best on the left of the line;
those ordered occupied were too far in rear to be
effective, but the decision was rendered that certain
desirable positions further to the front were too
dangerous. As a consequence, in the only firing that
took place later, these batteries could not participate in the action.
Capron was assigned a position in the front line
just north of the Santiago-El Caney road and Parkhurst's battery, now become Hinds' through Parkhurst's absence, was assigned to a position south of
the railroad cut on the Santiago-San Luis railroad.
The positions were occupied and carefully fortified during the days on which the parleys under
flag of truce for the surrender were taking place.
The siege was practically over. Between July 9th
and 11th, negotiations were broken off and bombardment resumed, but as far as our troops were concerned there was no serious action.
Our fire was returned by the enemy Artillery, but
there were no casualties. Fire ceased on orders
from the Corps Commander on July 11th. Between
that date and the 14th the remaining batteries of
the Artillery brigade arrived and were placed in
position, but terms of surrender were reached and
the capitulation of the city agreed upon on the 14th.
However, the brigade was reconstituted and General
Randolph resumed command of the organization.
After the surrender the Artillery was removed
from its positions in the line to the hills above El
Caney, where it went into camp. With the arrival
of the transports, tents and equipage were received




194


THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


and none too soon the troops were sheltered. Fevers
and dysentery then made their appearance and found
easy prey in the weakened troops. During this
period the lot of the Artillery was somewhat harder
than that of the others, as, ill or well, his horses
had to be cared for. All were ill from time to time,
yet the command was cared for as well as possible
until we were: finally repatriated at Montauk Point
during the closing days of August.
That the Artillery obtained little credit or renown during the campaign cannot be charged to that
arm alone. Modern Artillery, indirect laying, the
close support of Infantry, rapid fire, all were unknown. The quota of guns, sixteen guns to approximately fifteen thousand rifles, was pitifully inadequate when contrasted with a major action in the
World War, when the proportion rose at times to
as many as twenty guns per thousand Infantry.
Yet even with the small number of guns available,
their effective action was handicapped by the total
ignorance of those under whose orders they were
employed of the primary principles of the collective action of the combined arms.
The lesson, however bitter, was not lost, for, with
the passage of years and the realization of our deficiencies, the Field Artillery has emerged with an
organization, an efficiency and a prestige undreamed
of in the days of '98.




THE QUARTERMASTER'S DEPARTMENT AT SANTIAGO
DE CUBA
By MAJOR GENERAL CHARLES F. HUMPHREY, U. S. A.
In obedience to the order of the Major General
Commanding the Army, I reached Tampa, Florida,
May 1, 1898, to inspect the Quartermaster's Department there, and the following day, at the request of
Major General Shafter, took charge of the: Quartermaster's Department at that point, so far as pertained to the fitting out of the expedition to Cuba,
which he had been ordered to organize and command.
On May 2nd, upon General Shafter's request, I
was placed in general charge of the Quartermaster's
Department at Tampa, by telegraphic order of the
Honorable the Secretary of War.
Transports began to arrive at Port Tampa early
in May, and as fast as reported, were fully coaled,
watered and policed; fires were drawn to prevent the
waste of fuel and water, both being very expensive
and quite difficult to place aboard, owing to the large
number of vessels in the harbor, and limited facilities afforded.
The transports were later fitted with bunks or
stalls, or both in a few cases, for the comfort of the
men and animals embarked.
The holds of several of the transports were filled
with coal for future use, and the coal so stored was
of the greatest value in subsequently coaling many
of our vessels in the harbor of Santiago, and those




196


THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


arriving from Porto Rico, enroute to the United
States.
Under the order of General Shafter, the loading
of transports with commissary stores, ammunition,
etc., began at once, and was carried on speedily and
systematically, and continued to completion without
regard to hours or fatigue.
The Commanding General of the Army arrived at
Tampa, June 1st, and ordered that the Expedition
should sail at the earliest day possible. He gave his
personal attention, on the ground, to the loading of
the vessels, with the result that the work, if possible, was pushed still more. The place afforded in
all particulars, most insufficient facilities for fitting
out so many ships and embarking so large a force.
The loading of commissary stores, property, ammunition, arms, accoutrements, forage, wagon, transportation, etc., was completed at 11:00 A. M., June
6th. Word had been sent to General Shafter that
all would be ready to receive troops at 12:00 M. of
that date, and though the necessary orders were
given, the first troops did not arrive-owing to lack
of railroad facilities and the congested condition of
the road about Tampa and Port Tampa-until about
2:30 A. M., June 7th, subsequent to which time the
embarkation was most rapid and continuous (excepting from 10:00 P. M., June 7th to daylight June 8th),
and by 9:00 P. M., June 8th, the Expedition was embarked, with intention to sail on the morning of
June 9th. The Expedition was, however, delayed
until June 14th by the apparently well founded report, by Naval authorities, that Spanish war vessels
were seen in Nicholas Channel and might be within




THE QUARTERMASTER DEPARTMENT


197


a few hours sail of Port Tampa, with a view to the
interception and destruction of the Expedition.
Nearly all the transports, as fast as troops were
embarked on them, had steamed down to the lower
bay, ready for an early start the next morning; during the night they were ordered back, and as many
as possible placed in the canal (three abreast), and
the others placed as near shore as practicable in order that, if any attack were made on them, the
troops could get ashore. It is to be regretted that
the report reached the Expedition, for it was subsequently ascertained that it was without foundation, and by the delay the Expedition lost a week of
the best weather for its operations in Cuba; the
troops and most of the animals were necessarily
kept on board the transports, to their great discomfort and undoubted injury. The weather was exceedingly warm, and the air, in and about the transports crowded into the canal, stifling. With the
greatest care exercised in the use of fresh water on
the vessels, its consumption was large, and it was
impossible to replace it. Indeed it was a question
of but a short time when some of the vessels would
have been without water, or the supply on all,
greatly diminished.
The Expedition sailed after about a week's delay
as stated; the transports were in good order, but
not in the prime condition as when the troops and
animals were embarked. They were not overcrowded, but it would have been better had there
been one or two more vessels, though the Commanding General of the Army gave the Expedition three
additional vessels, which were originally intended




198


THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


for the Porto Rican Expedition. The "Florida,"
however, one of the original fleet, was so badly
damaged by collision June 9th, after her return to
Port Tampa, that she was necessarily left in port.
About midnight of June 13th, upon the urgent request of General Shafter, the Major General Commanding the Army, authorized me to accompany
the Expedition, and the following day I was assigned
to duty as its Chief Quartermaster.
For general work in debarking troops and lightering the fleet, there were two light draft steamers,
one steam lighter, one tug-boat, and two large
decked-over lighters. One large steam lighter, which
had been ordered to join the fleet early in the organization of the Expedition, failed to reach it owing to breaking down of machinery and the necessity of putting into Pensacola for repairs; the tugboat deserted during the first night out, and one
lighter was lost off Sand Key, Florida.
The Expedition arrived off the coast of Cuba
(vicinity of Santiago) June 20th, and debarkation
began the 22nd at Daiquiri, some seventeen miles
east of Santiago. This place is not a harbor, but
rather an indentation with a fairly good beach, on
a rock or precipitous coast. The surf was always
high in the afternoon owing to the prevailing trade
winds, and high winds and the rapid shoaling along
the shore made the sea so rough at times as partially
or fully to prevent the landing of stores, etc. There
is here an iron pier, but owing to its great height,
it was of no use to us except for vessels to lie against
and receive water in limited quantities from a pipe
found in place for that purpose. There is also a




THE QUARTERMASTER DEPARTMENT


199


cribbed wharf, some thirty by forty feet, with piled
tramway about ten by 150 feet, connecting it with
the shore. In connection with the wharf was a railroad track and two small push cars, which were
generally used in landing everything but men and
animals. While the wharf was not wholly floored,
and the boat platform and steps were of little use,
except for a single boat, it was of enormous service
in facilitating the landing of troops and making the
landing of supplies and property easy when compared with landing them through the surf. The
place has a small water system, which supplied considerable water for vessels, as also for men. There
were a number of buildings, but no use was made
of them by the men, and being situated on a plateau,
about forty feet of abrupt rise above the landing,
and somewhat distant, no use was made of them
for storage purposes.
The debarkation of Infantry and Cavalry from
transports off this place was quite completed by the
night of the 23rd. The light artillery and battalion
of heavy artillerymen were debarked two or three
days later, and troops of General Kent's Division, on
the "Cilty of Washington," "Saratoga," and "Santiago," at this time lying some miles off the mouth
of the harbor of Santiago, were debarked at Siboney
on the 25th of the month.
As soon as the debarkation of the troops was well
under way, the landing of the pack trains and pack
equipage was begun, and continued during the night
and following day until all the men, animals and
equipage were ashore. Then the draft mules, harness, teamsters, etc., were landed, followed by the




200


THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


landing of the rations, small-arm ammunition, light
artillery and cavalry horses, harness, horse equipment, artillery carriages, artillery ammunition, and
men.
The landing of wagon transportation was now begun, and pushed to the limit, but as the wagons were
knocked down, great difficulty was experienced in
setting up and sending them forward as fast as the
Department desired.
The debarkation, at this time, of the personnel of
the Expedition, its artillery, transportation and supplies, was most expeditious.
The Navy was of valuable service in the landing
of troops, and should receive great praise for the
assistance rendered at this time, though I am not of
the opinion that a landing could not have been made
without its aid, as claimed by some Naval officers.
The Navy expedited debarkation by the manning
and use of their rowboats and steam launches, and
with their trained knowledge of the proper handling
of small boats under all circumstances, to say nothing of their work being done by disciplined men,
quite at home in the performance of it, their service was most efficient.
Many of the troops, however, debarked themselves,
in boats belonging to their ships, during the two days
and subsequent to 6:00 P. M. both days, at which
hour the Navy hauled off and returned to their
ships. I can safely say that the men could in all
cases, have been depended upon to debark themselves, as we had 153 ship's boats capable of carrying ashore 2,500 men and equipments at one time.
Besides the Expedition's small boats, it had the steam




Gen. C. F. Humphrey.




.. --
'I,/
0j
/c\)~
1,!  




THE QUARTERMASTER DEPARTMENT


201


lighter "Laura," capable of easily carrying half a
regiment at a time, and in which work it was employed during the two days of debarkation. This
vessel was by far the most expeditious and comfortable means employed, and, furthermore, had it been
necessary the "Cumberland" and "Manteo," both
light draft steamers, would have been utilized for
this service.
The debarkation of troops was not at all difficult
when compared with the work incident to the landing of animals, and especially the landing of war
material and supplies belonging to the Expedition,
and in all of this work the Expedition received no
material assistance from the Navy, though it has
been stated, under oath I believe, that the only lighter
the Expedition had in Cuba was borrowed from the
Navy, while, as a matter of fact, no lighter was obtained from that source.
The landing of the animals was difficult and tedious, owing to the high surf and rough sea. It was
not possible to land them at the wharf, even if time
had permitted. They were, therefore, run overboard,
with halters and ropes on, and led ashore by men
in small boats. Often the animal would take a different course from the boats, and often when they
had passed through the surf to firm footing, where
men were ready to receive them, they would turn
back and swim out to sea. The chase was often long
and difficult before capture, and in some instances
the animals were drowned.
The steam lighter "Laura" and the light draft
steamers "Manteo" and "Cumberland," and the large
decked-over lighter, did not meet the requirements




202


THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


of the Expedition in means for communicating with
vessels, debarking troops, and lightering supplies,
etc. However, had it not been for the failure of the
steam lighter "Bessie" to join as expected, the desertion of the tug-boat "Captain Sam," and the loss of
a decked-over lighter, the Expedition would have
been fairly well supplied in that respect, and more
satisfactory and expeditious results would have been
accomplished.
All artillery, ammunition, land transportation,
forage and other supplies generally, and a part of
the commissary supplies, were unloaded at Daiquiri.
Though this base was some miles farther from the
front than Siboney, the facilities for unloading the
transports were better in all respects.
Siboney, another base of supplies some ten miles
from Santiago, has a harbor of about the same
natural features as Daiquiri. The place had no
wharf, and the Engineers therefore constructed a
small pier, which afterward was replaced by a large
one, constructed by the 33rd Michigan Volunteers.
At this place the larger part of the commissary supplies were unloaded, and all reinforcements by
transports or Naval vessels were debarked.
The road leading from Daiquiri to Siboney, and
thence to Santiago, was scarcely more than a trail
at the time we began using it, though it had been
in use by natives for centuries. That part between
Siboney and Santiago was particularly bad, as it
passed over a range of high ground and through
depressions, ravines, water courses and small rivers.
There were no bridges, and cuts in the hilly portions, and for long distances on nearly level ground,




THE QUARTERMASTER DEPARTMENT


203


were deep, having apparently been cut down by their
long usage, constant erosion, and the effects of heavy
rainfalls. The road required a great deal of work
to make it of any use; being exceedingly narrow,
turnouts had to be made at intervals to provide for
passing of teams and pack trains. With the use of
the road when wet it became impassable in many
sections, and a new road was cut through brush and
timber where possible. The time given to the road
by the U. S. Engineers, 33rd and 34th Michigan Infantry, was very considerable, and the amount of
work done very great, resulting in the material improvement of the old road by corduroying with
brush, filling depressions, removing boulders, bridging streams, and cutting through woods, and roughly
making new road in part. With all this work done
upon it, however, it was at no time in really good
order, and a part of the time, as stated, it was all
but impassable, thus rendering it most difficult to
meet the demands from the front.
To what is already said I may properly add that
much of that part of the road ascending the east
side of the range of high ground before referred to
was so narrow, deeply cut, and with such precipitous
sides that from first to last wagons could not pass
on it, nor could a mounted man pass a wagon, but
it was impossible to widen it or build new road by
any other route. Therefore, the moving of pack and
wagon trains leaving Siboney and the front had to
be timed, and with all care possible temporary
blockades occurred, especially when the sick and
wounded were being brought to the rear.
For a few days subsequent to the landing, diti



204


THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


culties were also experienced in supplying the troops
and animals at the front, owing to the great lack of
experienced teamsters. The pack trains and teams
were manned at first by civilians, but they rapidly
fell sick-especially the teamsters and wagon masters, and their places had to be filled by soldiers not
always skillful in this work. One of the worst instances I will mention, in order that actual conditions may be more fully understood: Returning
from Guantanamo Bay, where I had been ordered
July 10th to make an inspection for a large camp, I
stopped at Daiquiri at daylight on the following
morning, to see how matters were progressing there.
I found Major Jacobs, Quartermaster in charge,
down sick, as were also his assistants, wagon masters and teamsters generally. There were but seventeen teamsters for duty, fourteen of whom were sent
to the front with supplies, and three placed in charge
of so large a number of mules that they could
scarcely feed them, much less take care of them
properly. I hurried on to Siboney and telegraphed
the Major General Commanding for a large detail
of soldiers to drive teams and care for the animals,
which was at once granted. This is one of the worst
cases, though others of exceptional hardship were of
almost daily occurrence, requiring greater efforts to
meet demands.
As early as the 26th of June orders were received,
and subsequently repeated, to unload and send transports north for General Miles' Expedition to Porto
Rico. This was done with the greatest possible expedition, but it was found to be impracticable in
many cases, to accomplish the unloading of com



THE QUARTERMASTER DEPARTMENT


205


missary stores, in complete rations, owing to the
scattered disposition of supplies in the ships and
there being no way to provide for their storage on
shore.
These conditions continued until the ships were
all brought into the harbor of Santiago, where each
vessel, when reached, was wholly discharged. I was
ordered to send all unloaded transports to Guantanamo Bay, to report to Admiral Sampson, who
would send a convoy north with them. I soon
learned that vessels did not leave there promptly
and therefore allowed vessels ready to sail to proceed to the States alone.
All transports were taken into Santiago harbor
the 18th of July and by August 1st fifteen of them
had been unloaded and sent north.
August 4th orders were received to ship the expedition north, and this was done with great dispatch. It should be stated that all the vessels were inspected, and reported in good condition for the service required by Major Ives, Chief Surgeon, 1st Division, Fifth Army Corps. It should be understood that
many of the vessels had to be coaled and still many
more watered, and nearly all required ice.
August 8th the transports began to arrive for the
Spanish prisoners of war. Though their contract
stated that they should furnish themselves with
water, in view of our controlling all of the limited
supply, such quantity as they required was furnished
from this source.
The embarking of the Spanish prisoners was entirely by small steamers and steam lighters; it was




206         THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN
most tedious, owing to the slowness of the Spanish
officials and the wretched condition of the men.
The work done by the Department throughout the
campaign (beginning at Tampa) was enormous;
there was no rest by day, and often none at night,
and while much did not run as well and smoothly
as it would have done at a later period, the Expedition fulfilled its mission exceedingly well.
It seems appropriate to call attention to the fact
that in the transportation of the Expedition not a
single accident occurred, resulting in the loss of life,
the loss or crippling of a ship, or the serious delay
of a vessel.




THE MEDICAL CORPS AT
SANTIAGO
COLONEL VALERY HAVARD, M. C., U. S. A. (Retired)
Shortly after the breaking out of the SpanishAmerican War, in compliance with orders, I left Fort
Slocum, May 28, 1898 and, on the 30th, reported to
Major General Joseph Wheeler, U. S. V., at Tampa,
Fla., for duty as Chief Surgeon of the cavalry division. This division consisted of the 1st, 3rd, 6th, 9th
and 10th Regiments, U. S. A., and the 1st U. S. V.
(Rough Riders), in all about 5,000 men. The camps
established on dry porous sandy soil were in excellent sanitary condition. In spite of the oppressive
heat the health of the troops was very satisfactory.
Each regiment was provided with two or three complete ambulances and a sufficiency of medical supplies for three or four weeks.
Surgeon Geo. McCreery was assigned to command
of the cavalry division hospital, and Assistant Surgeon F. A. Winter, of the ambulance company (never
organized).
An order, issued shortly before sailing, dismounting the cavalry and leaving a part of each regiment
behind, as well as all our ambulances, required corresponding changes in the medical organization.
To the 3,000 cavalry troops (in two brigades under
Generals Young and Sumner) designated to embark
on transports, the following medical officers were assigned:
Major V. Havard, Chief Surgeon; Surgeon Geo. McCreery, to the division hospital; Assistant Surgeon




208


THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


F. A. Winter, to the ambulance company and A. A.
Q. M.; Assistant Surgeon Ashton B. Heyl and (A. A.
Surg.) J. M. Delgado to the 1st Cavalry; Assistant
Surgeon G. J. Newgarden, to the 3rd Cavalry, Acting
Assistant Surgeon F. E. Menocal, to the 6th Cavalry;
Assistant Surgeon H. S. T. Harris and (A. A. Surg.)
Danforth, to the 9th Cavalry; Assistant Surgeon L.
A. Fuller and (A. Surg.) M. M. Brewer, to the 10th
Cavalry; Surgeon H. La Motte and (A. Surg.) J. R.
Church, to the 1st U. S. V.
In all thirteen medical officers, namely, three surgeons, seven assistant surgeons and three acting assistant surgeons.
Others were left behind with the remaining troops,
namely: Assistant Surgeon H. D. Snyder, Assistant
Surgeon H. A. Webber and Assistant Surgeon J. J.
Massie; U. S. V., who rejoined their regiments at the
first opportunity.
As many hospital corps men (stewards and privates) were taken with the embarking troops as could
be obtained but they hardly exceeded one per cent
of the latter.
The loading of the transports was done in a hurry,
without much system or preparation, causing much
confusion and waste of time when unloading. The
division embarked on June 7th. The transports were
uncomfortably crowded, but probably not more so
than should be expected under the circumstances,
due attention being paid to the water supply, cooking of food, latrines and ventilation. On the 10th
the transports steamed into the bay where they anchored, and on the 13th sailed away for their unknown destination.




The Hospital near Santiago.


View of El Caney, Cuba.




\i  Ji o
KJe,




THE MEDICAL CORPS


209


The voyage was favored by a smooth sea and clear
breezy weather. On June 22nd the fleet stood in
front of Daiquiri (about eighteen miles east of Santiago), where most of the troops were landed. On
the 23rd, a battalion of the 1st and 10th Cavalry, together with the regiment of Rough Riders, led the
advance and, on the 24th, attacked and drove away
the enemy at Las Guasimas. In this encounter, Surgeon La Motte and Assistant Surgeon Church, of the
Rough Riders, deserve much credit for efficient work
under fire, the latter in particular for his fearless
activity in applying first aid. The conspicuous services of Assistant Surgeon Fuller with the 10th Cavalry
and Assistant Surgeon Heyl with the 1st, also deserve mention. In the absence of litters, ambulances
and any kind of vehicles, the wounded unable to
walk, were brought down upon roughly improvised
stretchers, the bearers having to carry their burdens
four or five miles over very bad roads, in very hot
and oppressive weather.
With the assistance of Assistant Surgeon Winter
and a few hospital corps men, I organized, as
promptly as possible, a provisional hospital at
Siboney in a large frame building, utilizing for the
purpose all the medical supplies landed from the
transport Allegheny. In addition to the wounded,
many sick with malarial, thermic and bilious fevers,
diarrhea, etc., were also admitted, so that the building soon became overcrowded. Cases of measles
were provided for in a separate building. For all
these patients we had an adequate supply of medicines and dressings, but bedding was scant and most
of them lay on the hard wooden floor, with or with



210


THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


out an intervening blanket. We had plenty of rations,
but little special food for the sick. The capture in
the village of several casks of excellent and wholesome Spanish claret wine provided a very much
needed stimulant. The Rio Grande which had the
reserve supplies of the division, still being at Daiquiri
and there being no other transport within reach,
from which help could be procured, I applied to the
Red Cross Ship, State of Texas, which rode at anchor near the shore, and from Miss Clara Barton
obtained a number of blankets, some cots and sick
food, so that the condition of our patients was made
much more comfortable. Several female nurses
from the Red Cross ship came to offer their services,
but through some misunderstanding (in my absence) they failed to return. The arrival of the
hospital ship, Olivette, permitted us, within two or
three days, to transfer most of our patients on board
of her.
Dr. John Guiteras, yellow fever expert, carefully
inspected our sick on several occasions and, at that
time, failed to discover positive symptoms of yellow
fever.
Our few hospital corps men worked with rare devotion and energy. Not a single patient died in this
makeshift hospital.
On June 29th, I transferred my remaining patients
to Surgeon La Garde, U. S. A., and rejoined the
headquarters of the cavalry division, being followed,
within a few hours, by Assistant Surgeon Winter
bringing with him the three ambulances which had
been landed.
On consulting with Surgeon McCreery (who had




THE MEDICAL CORPS


211


marched up from Daiquiri with the 3rd and 6th
Cavalry) it was found that our medical supplies were
getting quite low and that an immediate effort should
be made to get our stores, tentage, bedding and furniture from the transport Rio Grande so as to be
able to establish a field hospital as near to the front
as possible. Therefore, on the morning of the 30th,
having obtained an order for four wagons, I returned
to Siboney with Surgeon McCreery. The Rio Grande
was now anchored about a mile from the landing
and, in the absence of any available row-boat or
lighter, she, as well as all other transports, was inaccessible.  This lack of row-boats and steam
launches was one of the serious oversights of the
transport service and the cause of much trouble.
After strenuous but futile efforts, realizing the impossibility of obtaining supplies on that day, I returned empty-handed to the front, in view of an
impending battle, leaving Surgeon McCreery behind
to procure the needed supplies and rejoin the division as soon as practicable.
Finding that headquarters had moved away, I followed on the morning of July 1st and arrived at
El Pozo as Grimes' battery was opening fire upon
the enemy (with smoky cartridges). Here Spanish
shells killed and wounded a number of our men.
Fortunately many other of these shells failed to explode; thus, two of them falling within a few yards
of me buried themselves without doing any harm.
It was while attending to the wounded at this point
that Assistant Surgeon Heyl was dangerously overcome by the heat.
Having myself to examine some patients in the




212


THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


thicket, I tied my horse to a tree, taking with me the
saddle-bags which contained needed supplies. On
my return, soon after, the horse had disappeared
and no sign of it could be seen, a serious loss leaving me in a state of vexatious embarrassment inasmuch as I greatly desired to rejoin my division.
Meanwhile, a field hospital was being set up two
or three miles back on a suitable spot by Surgeon
M. W. Wood, Chief Surgeon of one of the Infantry
divisions, who labored there with zeal and energy,
under the supervision of Lieutenant Colonel Pope,
Chief Surgeon of the Corps.
As I advanced toward the river San Juan, I began to meet the wounded, first a few, then many
more, walking to the hospital in rear, rather uncertain of their destination; the more seriously wounded
being carried on improvised litters, or in empty
wagons returning from the front, no ambulances
having yet come up. The first-aid had necessarily
been hurriedly applied and much of it needed readjustment. Under these circumstances, I thought best
to set up a dressing-station by the roadside, in the
shade of trees, near a stream. Here many of the
wounded from the San Juan region were inspected
and their needs attended to, so far as possible. For
that purpose I secured the services of two hospital
stewards and several hospital corps privates whom
I found on the road with a fair amount of medical
and surgical supplies in an ambulance. Much good
work was done at this station. Late at night, when
patients had become few, hearing that the wounded
from El Caney were also brought to the same hospital, I left this station and with my personnel, pro



THE MEDICAL CORPS


213


ceeded to the hospital where I found the services of
all available surgeons very much needed.
On my way I had another evidence of the carelessness with which soldiers often handle clothing
and equipment on the march. The road was strewn
with various articles, but specially blankets. We
picked enough of them to fill our ambulance, and
they were of the greatest use to our patients in the
unexpected cold of the night.
At the hospital, the few medical officers present
labored strenuously all night. The wounded from
El Caney kept streaming in for several hours. Fortunately it was a beautiful calm night, with bright
full moon, taking the place of artificial light which
was lacking. Most patients had to be accommodated
on the sandy soil, with or without blankets, and scant
shelter. As soon as they were in condition to travel,
and ambulances available, they were transported to
the hospital ship.
In the morning (July 2nd), I started towards the
front with my orderly to join the headquarters of the
cavalry division. But few patients were met on the
way, being carried to the hospital in the three ambulances in charge of Assistant Surgeon Guy Godfrey
who handled them with great efficiency.
On a bend of the San Juan river was the dressingstation established on the previous day by Assistant
Surgeon G. J. Newgarden, where through his intelligent activity many patients had received their
primary dressing, the place being called the "Bloody
Bend" from the number of men wounded hereabout.
A few moments before my arrival Acting Assistant
Surgeon Danforth had been shot through the fore



214            THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN
head and lay unconscious under the bank of the
river. He died two days later at the hospital, the
only medical officer thus killed.
Assistant Surgeon Newgarden was assisted by Acting Assistant Surgeon Menocal1 and Acting Assistant
Surgeon Delgado.2 The other medical officers of the
cavalry division were at the front with their respective regiments which they had accompanied under
fire across the creek to the summit of the hills;
among them, Assistant Surgeons Harris, Brewer,
Fuller and Church being conspicuous for their cool
bravery in attending to the wounded while climbing
the slopes of San Juan.
Inasmuch as all transportable wounded were being
carried to the hospital where they still needed much
attention, and my continued presence was not required anywhere else, I deemed it best, towards
evening, to return to the hospital and labor there
another night.
The next day (July 3rd), having procured another
horse, I revisited the "Bloody Bend," thence reaching
General Wheeler's headquarters near the San Juan
1Dr. Menocal, nephew of President Menocal, was, after the
war, appointed director of the Cuban Immigration Department
which he created and managed with rare success, making it one
of the most useful and attractive institutions of Havana.
2Dr. Delgado related a striking instance of the wanton brutality of many Spanish officers in Cuba. His plantation had
been visited by a detachment of Cuban patriots who helped themselves to whatever they needed without asking for it. On their
trail appeared a company of Spanish soldiers. The Spanish captain asked Dr. Delgado if he had given the Cubans any supplies.
The Doctor replied that he had not, but that they had taken
various things in spite of his remonstrances. Without further
parley the Doctor and five or six of his workmen were set against
a wall and shot down. Fortunately, the Doctor was not hit in
a vital part. He recovered consciousness during the night and
made his escape.




THE MEDICAL CORPS


215


block-house. Besides the cavalry division, I was
also directed to supervise the first-aid of the infantry
troops on our left. But few serious engagements
took place after the 3rd, so that our dressing-stations,
carefully prepared, were of greater use to the sick
than to the wounded.
The last few days before the surrender were
mostly spent in discussing terms of peace with the
enemy, and various meetings took place for the purpose under the Arbol de la Paz (Peace Tree). The
Archbishop of Cuba, whose seat was Santiago, was
one of the Spanish representatives who met General
Shafter under the Peace Tree. Being with the General on this occasion, I witnessed the zeal and
eloquence of the venerable churchman in endeavoring to obtain such indulgences as were possible for
the Spanish Army and Cuba. He could accomplish
but little under the circumstances although producing an excellent impression.
After the surrender (July 14th) the men came out
from their trenches and were made as comfortable
as possible on neighboring sites. But instead of
recuperating, as was expected, they became an easier
prey to malarial and other forms of fever, as well
as to digestive and diarrheal troubles. Inasmuch as
yellow fever probably already existed or would soon
break out, a detention camp, in charge of Acting Assistant Surgeon Pietts, and a segregated hospital in
charge of Assistant Surgeon H. P. Jones were established on July 13th and 14th, on the Siboney road,
at a safe distance from the field hospital. This yellow fever hospital was later extended so as to admit
and isolate all contagious diseases, and was placed in




216


THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


charge of Surgeon Gorgas. On or about the 19th,
a general change of sites was made, leaving all suspicious cases behind in the abandoned camps until
their nature was determined. The cavalry division
was moved to high foot-hills watered by a mountain
stream west of El Caney, on almost ideal ground.
The number of fever cases continued to increase
in the entire command. A careful examination at
this time led to the conclusion that from ten to
twenty per cent (perhaps less) of the sick were yellow fever in the infantry divisions, and less than
five per cent in the cavalry division. These cases
were sent to the yellow fever hospital or otherwise
segregated and did not spread, but the malarial and
bilious types of fever steadily increased to an alarming extent, amounting to sixty, seventy, or more,
per cent of the command. This situation placed a
very anxious responsibility upon the Medical Department, and presented a problem which has never
been satisfactorily solved, namely: Why should the
command (5th Corps) remain in good health during the hardships of the campaign (heat, fatigue,
scant and indifferent food, lack of shelter), and as
soon as the enemy surrendered and our troops began to enjoy rest, comfort and plenty of food, malarial and other undefined forms of fever rapidly
spread to such a frightful degree? Opinions differ.
Mine is that yellow fever and malarial fever were
never widespread, and that most of the sickness thus
following a short but exhausting campaign, was the
result of improper diet, overeating and intemperance in a tropical climate.
The indications for treatment were, without doubt,




THE MEDICAL CORPS


217


after excluding yellow fever, to send back the 5th
Corps to the United States and replace it by fresh
troops, as was subsequently demonstrated. But the
fear of importing yellow fever was so great that the
decision to do so was very slowly and grudgingly arrived at by the War Department, and only after a
"round-robin," in which all medical officers joined,
was formulated and forwarded to Washington.
The Spanish army had also a high percentage of
sickness after the surrender, but much smaller than
that of our own army. It included a number of
malarial and typhoid cases, but consisted chiefly of
cases resulting from unhygienic conditions, such as
fatigue, overheating, bad and deficient food. The
Spanish sick also improved more rapidly than our
own and were all deemed (justly or not) well enough
to return home with the troops. Doubtless many
would have had their lives saved by more prolonged
rest and treatment before embarking.
On July 23rd, Lieutenant Colonel Pope having been
relieved from duty, at his own request, on account
of illness, I was appointed Chief Surgeon of the command (5th Corps) by General W. R. Shafter.
One of my first duties in that capacity was to devise a system of daily report to headquarters of the
number of sick and of deaths in the whole command. This report was daily cabled to Washington.
On the 25th and following days, a general hospital
was established on a high plateau near the city, connected with it by passable roads and as near the
center of our camps as possible. In this situation
the hospital was gradually enlarged and perfected,
with abundant material and sufficient personnel, un



218


THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


til it could give the 300 patients it was capable of
accommodating all necessary conveniences and comforts. For its setting up and management, credit is
especially due to Surgeon S. Q. Robinson, ably seconded by Surgeon R. W. Johnson and Assistant
Surgeon Guy Godfrey, as well as by excellent volunteer surgeons, especially Guillermo Dolz and
Turnbull.
The question of medical supplies during this campaign proved often troublesome, not so much from
actual deficiency as from lack of prudence and foresight on the part of many medical officers in using
them. So far as I could ascertain, no serious suffering ever resulted from any shortage. Of medicines
most necessary, such as quinine, morphine and other
alkaloids there was always enough on hand. In
August, the hospital ship Olivette failed to bring the
amount of supplies that had been expected. Fortunately, at that time, the largest pharmacy in Santiago received an ample stock of drugs and special
diet articles. I proceeded at once, under telegraphic
authority, to purchase the great bulk of it.
On August 1, 1898, I was promoted to the rank of
Lieutenant Colonel in the Volunteer Army, being
honorably discharged from said volunteer service on
November 5th.
In September, 1898, the 5th Corps was ordered
back to the United States, volunteer troops taking
its place. The Department of Santiago and Puerto
Principe was organized, with Brigadier General Lawton as Commanding General, but almost immediately replaced by Brigadier General Leonard Wood.
I remained as Chief Surgeon of the Department.




THE MEDICAL CORPS


219


One of my principal endeavors, thereafter, was
the instruction of the medical officers of the volunteer regiments in the special sanitary duties which
tropical conditions imposed upon them. Military
posts, each with hospital or dispensary, were established or re-established in all the principal towns
and visited as often as possible, generally with the
Commanding General.
A medical depot was set up in Santiago, where all
approved requisitions were filled. After some initial
difficulty, I was fortunate to secure the services of
Surgeon L. C. Carr, U. S. V., in charge of this depot,
an officer of great administrative ability, who under
exacting requirements enforced complete order and
system in his department. Later, he was placed in
command of the renovated military hospital (Alfonso XII) in the city.
In 1899 a new yellow fever hospital was constructed on an ideal site, an island in the bay of
Santiago, placed in charge of Dr. Fabricius, expert
bacteriologist, and later of Dr. Orlando Ducker.
Sad and gloomy was the summer of 1899 in Santiago, through the breaking out of a virulent epidemic of yellow fever from which a number of
Americans were victims. Surgeon Clendennin, U.
S. A., who was in command of the general hospital
and devoted to his arduous work died from it in a
few days. Dr. Fabricius, as before stated on duty
at the Yellow Fever Island, was another victim at
about the same time. Assistant Surgeon Newgarden,
U. S. A. had a severe attack but recovered. This
epidemic was so successfully fought that it had entirely disappeared in November. Since then, it is




220


THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


believed that not a single case has originated in
that city. It should be noted that this result was obtained before the agency of the mosquito as transmitter of yellow fever had been suspected.
In April of 1900, upon the recommendation of General Wood, I was transferred to Havana as Chief
Surgeon of the Department of Cuba, my duties including not only the administration of the medical
department of the troops of occupation, but also the
supervision of all infectious diseases on the island.
Yellow fever prevailed to an unusual extent in
Havana during the year 1900, especially among
Americans. Much of my time was accordingly devoted, in concert with Major Gorgas (then health
officer of Havana) to the study and application of
measures of prevention, isolation and disinfection.
During the same year there were three other outbreaks of yellow fever, namely, at Pinar del Rio,
Santa Clara and Quemados, towns which I personally visited as often as was advisable to insure the
carrying out of all necessary regulations.
In October of that year, I myself suffered from
an attack of yellow fever.
As soon as the Reed Commission had conclusively
proved the transmission of yellow fever by mosquitoes, Major J. R. Kean, then Acting Chief Surgeon
of the Department of Cuba, recommended the issue
of G. O. No. 6, December 21, 1900, in which he stated
that: "It is now well established that malaria, yellow fever and filarial infection are transmitted by
the bites of mosquitoes,"-the first official publication of this fact. On my return from leave to Havana,
in April, 1901, having likewise become convinced of




THE MEDICAL CORPS           221
the scientific accuracy of the experiments of the Reed
Commission, and with the approval of the Surgeon
General, it became necessary to lay greater emphasis
upon the new measures of prophylaxis and treatment
imposed by the Commission's conclusions. Instructions were accordingly sent (Circular No. 5, April
27, 1901) to all military posts and civil hospitals on
the Island, directing explicitly the institution and correct operation of these measures. Thus was first
and fully applied on a large scale, by Major Kean
and myself, the wonderful and epoch-making discovery of Reed and his colleagues.




THE ARMY CHAPLAINS AT
SANTIAGO DE CUBA
By CHAPLAIN CEPHAS C. BATEMAN, U. S. A., Retired.
So far as is now recalled there were ten chaplains
with the expedition which sailed June 14, 1898, from
Egmont Key, the entrance to Tampa Bay, Florida.
Eight of these were of the Regular Army. It seemed
to me there should have been two or three more.
The chaplains of the regular colored regiments were
not present, though accounted for in the usual form.
I asked a colonel commanding one of these regiments why the negro chaplains had been left behind and his significant reply was noted at the time
and never forgotten: "The white man of the cloth
is by common consent the universal clergyman, and
the only man who is qualified to minister to men
of every race and color in times of stress without
reserve and without exciting resentment." That officer was not a Southerner, but a native of Ohio and
a veteran of the Civil War. The view was new to
me and may not be challenged with entire success.
Some of the colored chaplains were sent to recruiting duty, joining their commands after the capitulation.
I had no acquaintance with the chaplains of the
Massachusetts and Michigan regiments which joined
us at Siboney, though I heard their work referred
to in terms of sincere appreciation. Chaplain Henry
A. Brown, of the First Volunteer Cavalry, and Chaplain George D. Van De Water, of the Seventy-First
New York Infantry, were known to me. Both were




THE ARMY CHAPLAINS


223


in the major offensive against Santiago. Van De
Water was a rather fleshy man and being unaccustomed to life in the open he found the service extremely hard. Brown was in contrast. He hailed
from Arizona whither he had gone years before as
a consumptive and where he had recovered by sleeping out of doors. Far, indeed, at any time from the
class of "heavy weights," he was particularly energetic and won historical recognition at the hands of
Theodore Roosevelt.
The senior chaplain on the field was Henry Swift
whose fearless devotion to duty under heavy fire
caused him to be recommended for the Congressional
Medal of Honor, which, I regret to say, was never
awarded to him. No sooner was the fighting over
than Swift asked to be relieved from duty with
troops and assigned to a yellow fever camp hospital.
The request was granted and he continued to serve
thus with the sick until ordered home. Chaplain
Leslie R. Groves contracted yellow fever from the
effects of which he never fully recovered, though he
lived to win honors and historical mention before
the walls of Peking with the Allies. These were types
of men who served their country as chaplains, in
both hemispheres during the War with Spain. When
it came to matter of toil under the broiling tropical
sun, where should we turn to find a finer, more unselfish spirit than was evinced by Walter Marvine,
Patrick J. Hart, Edward H. Fitzgerald, Ruter W.
Springer and Halsey C. Gavitt? Here are Catholics
and Protestants working side by side and knowing no
differences, all for God, country and humanity!
These men were so changed in appearance within




224


THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


a few weeks that they seemed mere shadows of
their former selves. However, this experience was
common to all alike. The fact serves only to demonstrate that chaplains can take pot-luck and go
through the mill of war and get away with it. In
other words, it does not hurt a regular soldier to be
a regular soldier of the Cross. On the contrary, the
Cross helps the soldier who bears it with a steadfast
heart. The survival value of that double commission is very great here or hereafter. The World War
proved as much when the Corps of Chaplains of the
A. E. F., sustained a greater number of casualties
in proportion than any other Corps.
More than a quarter of a century has slipped away
since the summer of 1898. I am glad I bore a never
so insignificant part in the smallest and at once the
greatest potential international struggle of modern
times.
As I think over and visualize the stirring events
of that period, I recall a conversation with General
Shafter held in the Venus Restaurant, overlooking
the plaza of Santiago. The General concluded with
substantially these words: "I wish you would assure your brother chaplains that their work is highly
appreciated by their Corps Commander. I have
heard many remarks made by officers of a complimentary nature and not a word to their discredit."
I should fail in gratitude if I closed these comments without making reference to Miss Clara Barton, head of the American Red Cross. Her fame is
secure among the great women of our country. She
was not only a friend of chaplains, but a helper as
well. I treasure a testimonial written by her months




THE ARMY CHAPLAINS          225
after we had returned to the United States. What
she had said of one might justly be applied to all
chaplains who served in that history-making campaign which terminated with the fall of Santiago.




THE BLOODY FORD
THE STORY OF THE DRESSING STATION
MAJOR GEORGE J. NEWGARDEN, U. S. Army.
Surgeon in Charge.
Many things have been told us about the Santiago
campaign. Descriptive articles and excellent illustrations by our ablest correspondents and artists have
been forthcoming in plenty.
One feature, however, has been merely touched
upon in these writings-a feature very important, indeed, for the poor sufferers involved at the time. I
refer to the dressing-station, and in particular to the
one designated as the "Bloody Ford" station. So
many pathetic events occurred there-examples of
heroic fortitude, entire lack of selfishness, true
American courage in the very presence of deaththat I think a few lines devoted to that alone will
not be amiss. If all who were there feel as I do,
there were many things that happened so deeply
impressed on their memories that they will carry
them to the grave.
To lead up to this dressing-station proper, I will
ask you to go back with me to El Pozo. I was on
duty as Regimental Surgeon with the Third United
States Cavalry, a gallant body of men, indeed. On
the night of June 30, we bivouacked on El Pozo Hill.
Tired with our slow laborious night march to this
point, we dropped quietly into the long grass and
tried to get a little sleep, little imagining what was
before us for the morrow. Just before the break of
day, July 1, the cavalry division, of which our regi



THE BLOODY FORD


227


ment formed a part, descended to the road at the
foot of the hill and halted, awaiting our turn to advance. We were strung out in one long column of
twos along that road, with dense jungle on either
side. Captain Grimes's battery, in position on the
summit of the hill right above us, opened fire on
the Spanish lines. We were all intensely interested
watching the firing. Shot after shot was sent into
them without any reply. We began to think we were
going to have an easy victory. Rash conclusion; for
suddenly and without warning a shell comes screaming through the air, followed immediately by another. All eyes are strained upward at these terrible
missiles, uncomfortably near to us, many of them
bursting directly over our heads. Everybody unconsciously crouches as they come tearing and shrieking along. An instinctive feeling of trying to get
into as small a compass as possible-"to crawl into
one's self," as it were-comes over all. These shells
were skillfully directed and properly timed to do
the greatest amount of damage, and one old sergeant
with a grim smile expressed aloud the thoughts of
the command by the remark.
"Them Dagoes is got the range down fine."
The road was beginning to get pretty hot for us,
and when the forward movement came, it was hailed
with silent relief; for it is certainly discouraging,
and not conducive to good health and a happy frame
of mind, to be pounded by an unseen enemy, without any opportunity to retaliate. The men were all
eager to go ahead and get a chance at them. With
grim determination they adjusted their packs, shouldered their pieces, and trudged along through the




228


THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


mud toward Santiago. Eventually we reached the
San Juan creek-a pretty little stream of clear water,
hardly knee-deep where the road crosses it. On the
farther side several strands of barbed wire obstructed progress, but it was only the work of a few
moments to cut these and pull them aside. It was
soon evident that the expected battle was about to
begin at this point. The cavalry division crossed
the stream, mounted the bank, and formed for fight.
Men took their places quietly and silently, and there
was a stillness about it all that was ominous, like
the lull before the storm, and which boded ill for
the Spanish in the trenches beyond on the hills of
San Juan. It is at this stage that my tale begins.
The thought now came to me that I had better be
looking up a place for a dressing-station without
delay, and this point of the creek seemed naturally
created for the purpose. There was a cut bank,
varying from a few inches to about three feet high,
serving as partial protection for a man lying down
behind it, and in some places for one even sitting.
From this bank a shelf of gravel and sand about
twenty feet long and perhaps eight or ten feet wide
extended out into the shallow waters of the creek.
After a rapid taking in of the situation, I determined
to open a dressing-station right here, and together
with Dr. Menocal, on duty with the Sixth United
States Cavalry, set about making it comfortable as
a joint station for our two regiments. The staff
and field officers had left their horses on this gravel
shelf, and proceeded from that point on foot. After
having these horses moved down the creek about
fifty feet, men were put at work with shovels to ex



THE BLOODY FORD


229


tend the shelf and increase its area. Other men at the
same time gathered boughs and soft leaves, spreading them over the ground to make as comfortable a
resting-place as possible for the unfortunates about
to come in. These details were completed none too
soon, for hardly was the place in readiness before
the silence was broken suddenly by the sharp incessant rattle of rifle fire, and a hail of bullets came
whizzing right into the station and all around us.
All day long this continued, with occasional short
lulls, and at times the din was terrific, particularly
when shrapnel would go cutting its way over us as
well. It is a marvel that every living thing thereabouts was not either killed or wounded. Even the
black dog with H Troop, Third Cavalry, the mascot
of the troop, seemed to realize that it was an unhealthy locality about that time, for he crouched below the bank and shivered miserably, with occasional
low whines, as though he understood it all, poor fellow. The fight was on, and hardly had one time
to collect his thoughts before the wounded came
pouring in from over the bank in a steady stream,
some limping, some hopping, others holding their
arms to their sides or abdomen, many using the rifle
as a crutch or support, and a number carried in by
their comrades-one, two, or four, as the case happened to be-themselves in a condition of utter exhaustion from fatigue and heat, but cheerful to be
of use to their poor suffering companions. The capacity of the dressing-station was very soon strained
to its utmost.
The first thing that impressed me was the curious
expression of the faces of the wounded. None were




230


THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


without it, except those mortally hurt. As nearly as
I can interpret it into words, the look was one of
"dazed anxious surprise." The men carried as part
of their equipment an emergency or first-aid packet.
This consisted of two gauze compresses, a roller
bandage, a handkerchief sling, and two safety-pinsall enclosed in a mackintosh or rubber sheeting, and
the whole packet so prepared as to be absolutely
free from germs of any kind. Before the battle
opened, many of these had been thrown away by
the thoughtless as being so much unnecessary encumbrance; but later, so high did they rise in the
estimation of the men, that I several times overheard
them trying to buy of one another, but without success. They evidently realized the value of the packet
then. It was very gratifying to note the disappearance of the set expression, the dazed look mentioned
before, from the faces of the injured after the dressing was applied by means of this packet; and with
the completion of the dressing, one of intense relief,
and one might almost say content, takes its place.
No matter how great the suffering then or even after,
it was the case with all. Small and almost insignificant as this first-aid packet appeared before the
fight, it was really one of the most important parts
of the equipment next to the actual munitions of war
and commissary supplies. We owe to it directly and
its prompt use the low mortality from wounds and
the small number of amputations necessary. All
hail to the first-aid packet, say I, in time of war.
Many injuries which are not disturbed for some days
after the first dressing was applied were found completely healed, and required no more care when the




THE BLOODY FORD


231


dressing was removed, presumably to put on a fresh
one.
The freaks of some of the bullets were strange,
to say the least. Several particular wounds made
by them I remember very distinctly on account of
their peculiar nature. One young cavalry officer was
shot through the mouth, the bullet entering on the
right side of the face, sadly battered a beautiful set
of teeth, splintering eleven of them, was deflected
and turned downward by one of the molars on the
left side, and lodged in the muscles on the left side
of the neck, where it now is and can easily be felt.
I have since met this officer, again, in excellent
health. He is now in the toils of a dentist getting the
damage repaired. The only mark he bears is a
pretty little dimple at the right corner of the mouth,
simply intensifying his former pleasant expression.
Another was shot through both thighs, and I found
the bullet in his trousers pocket. When told of the
fact he simply remarked: "That's a mighty smart
bullet, to stop in my pocket after plugging me. I
wouldn't lose it for a farm." Another lad-he was
merely a boy, in fact-was carried in by two comrades, and evidently did not know how badly he
was hurt. While dressing his wounds-there were
three of them, any one of which would render him
helpless for some time to come-he said to me: "Fix
me quick, doctor. I want to go up and have another
crack at them." Of course that was out of the question, but it goes to demonstrate the spirit of the men,
the kind of material they were made of. One poor
lad, mortally wounded, was lying on the sand, staining it with his life-blood, and struggling so hard with




232


THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


death that it made me heart-sick to feel my utter
helplessness when face to face with the inevitable.
He wanted so much to live, and his look of mute appeal, and the oft-repeated question, "Will I pull
through, Doctor?" will haunt me for a long time
to come. I am comforted by the knowledge that
his death was quiet and painless, just like falling
into a deep sleep. Most of the injuries to bone
caused by these bullets were clean perforations only,
instead of the terrible splintering fractures of previous wars, produced by soft bullets of larger calibre
and less velocity. One, instead of penetrating the
abdomen, after entering apparently straight, passed
around from one side to the other between the muscles, and escaped from the opposite side to that on
which it entered, making only a simple flesh-wound.
A number of men were shot right through the lung,
and yet all those of this class whom I dressed seems
to suffer very little, and have ultimately recovered.
The strange pranks of these bullets were so many
that to mention more would tire you.
As the wounded lay under the low, sheltering
bank, the bullets came singing incessantly by, with a
sound something like the quick momentary hum of
a large mosquito, clipping the leaves from the trees
in their flight, and allowing them slowly to flutter
down in the faces of the men; then splashing into
the creek, would bury themselves in its bed. At times
they fell there so thickly for short intervals that it
appeared as though it were raining. To vary the
excitement, an occasional shrapnel would come tearing through the trees above us, smashing limbs, and
dropping splinters and branches all about us. Men




I:Lc IlyZ q:
"
ds::::. B


Bloody Ford Dressing Station.




Ia) J
Of-'
4f i C




233


THE BLOODY FORD


coming up the road from the rear to join the firingline were frequently wounded right in the creek
while crossing it, and it was often necessary to wade
out and get them before they drowned, as many of
them surely would have done otherwise. Now and
then a wounded horse would plunge through the
station; and one poor animal, bleeding profusely
from his side, dropped half-way across the creek,
and drowned and bled to death simultaneously. His
struggles to gain a footing and keep his head above
water were pitiful to see. A number of the staff and
field horses were killed close by the station. Some
dropped dead in their tracks; others, frantic,
plunged and broke their halters and disappeared in
the brush to die. To add to the feeling of insecurity
about this place, it was but a very short time before
shots very close at hand were heard from time to
time, and bullets fell among us, apparently from
above and behind us. There was no natural protection from that side, and the only solution of this
problem that we could arrive at was that we were
being shot at from the trees. There were several
very large ones with dense foliage close by. Such,
we found afterwards, was really the case. We were
being made targets of by the Spanish sharp-shooters.
It was quite a task to reassure the wounded that they
were in no danger where they were, if they would
only lie quietly. After the first shock of this discovery, many of the injured passed the time watching the trees to determine if there were any signs
of life in them, and occasionally pointed out to one
another what they thought were living beings hidden
in the foliage.




234


THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


A little later in the day several other surgeons
stopped at the station on their way to the front, and
it was an intense satisfaction to me to see them, as
we had more than we could handle-the place having developed into a general station by reason of its
locality, nearest the firing-line and on the only road
to and fro. Not only the wounded of the two regiments for which it was originally intended, but those
from infantry and cavalry, regular and volunteer,
kept coming in steadily. Major Robinson and Captain McCaw, two of the surgeons who came up,
worked indefatigably and unceasingly. By afternoon we managed to secure the pack-wagons on
their return trip from carrying ammunition to the
men, and load them with the wounded able to be
transported in that manner. Here again the heroism
of the men showed itself universally. Throughout
the day hardly a groan was heard, and never a complaint of any kind; and now, when the opportunity
was present to get back to the division hospital in
comparative safety and out of the zone of fire, men
severely wounded volunteered, without request, to
wait for another wagon, in order that some one else
whom they fancied in worse plight than themselves
might get back first. With such material, why
shouldn't we win battles? Every time a man came
back from the front, the one question put to him by
all, the wounded included, was, "How is it goinghave we got 'em licked yet?" There was never a
thought of defeat. I recollect one lieutenant being
carried into the station by four of his men. They
handled him so tenderly and with such care on the
rude litter they had hastily improvised of boughs and




THE BLOODY FORD


235


shelter-tent canvas that I concluded he had better
go all the way back in that manner, after having his
wound dressed. Upon asking the men whether they
were equal to the task, the reply from one of them
was, "If the captain thinks the lieutenant can stand
it, we'll get him there all right." Never a thought
about themselves; and yet they were all of them
ready to drop from exhaustion right there in their
tracks. This is the kind of stuff our men were made
of, and their grim determination to win and surmount all obstacles has never been equalled in history. Many of the volunteers who had brought
wounded comrades back, seeing a heap of KragJorgensen rifles, originally belonging to wounded
regulars, begged me to let them exchange their
Springfields for them. Upon telling them that I had
no authority to dispose of the guns, and was entirely
too busy to watch them, it was not long before
every one had disappeared and Springfields were lying there instead. The others had all gone to the
front again.
At one time in the afternoon there was quite a
commotion at one end of the long line of wounded,
a restlessness on their part that was quite noticeable. Asking one of them if anything was wrong,
he said, "I don't know whether my wound has made
me flighty or not, but I'm pretty sure I just saw a
big snake crawl around the roots of that tree there."
It really proved to be the case. I soon impaled it
with a sword that had been abandoned there earlier
in the day. It was quite a large snake, about six
feet long, and formidable-looking, but perfectly
harmless. I don't wonder the men were restless,




236


THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


not knowing its nature, yet unable to move out of
harm's way. At different times large hideous landcrabs would rustle out of the brush into the open,
stop for a few moments and stare around, then
scamper off sidewise into cover again. These creatures would come and go so suddenly that it seemed
almost a nightmare. To make the surroundings
more dismal and oppressive, great numbers of buzzards kept circling about overhead. Such happenings were sufficient to try the nerves even of the well
and sound, yet never a murmur was heard anywhere
along the line of the wounded. They all seemed
resigned to their fate.
Some of the slightest wounds were the most fearful to look upon. During the early morning a gallant captain of cavalry was brought in by four men
of his troop, perfectly limp, and evidently unconscious, or nearly so, with blood pouring down his
face in perfect streams. At first glance it appeared
to be all over with him. After examination it proved
to be merely a glancing wound of the scalp, about
two inches long.
After washing the mask of blood from his face, I
recognized Captain Dodd of the very regiment with
which I was on duty. It was a very close call, indeed. After dressing his wound and seating him
under the bank, I had occasion to notice him several times. He was conscious, but quite dazed by
the shock, and it was painful to see him from time
to time try to get upon his feet in order to rejoin
his troop, only to find he could not even stand steadily, then drop down again, with a look of thorough
disgust with himself for his ill luck. As I told him




THE BLOODY FORD


237


later, he was a fortunate man not to be killed outright.
Men coming up from the rear would stop long
enough to fill their canteens in the creek, and a number who were fortunate enough to possess smoking
tobacco voluntarily left it at the station for the comfort of the smokers among the wounded. Others
left their pipes, perhaps their most valued possessions, and gave them up cheerfully. Very thoughtful were these acts, indeed, and much appreciated
by all. We were lucky enough to secure an abandoned camp-kettle and some coffee and sugar that
had been left behind, and soon had good strong
coffee boiling for the wounded and exhausted.
One wounded Cuban, an officer-who, by the way,
was the only wounded one I saw-was carried in by
four insurgents, and while I dressed his wound his
four bearers were put to work building a shelter out
of boughs and palm leaves, which they know so well
how to construct, to protect the badly wounded from
the sun and rain. Over this we placed shelter-tent
canvas. This shady little spot was very soothing to
them, for the heat was almost unbearable. Great
numbers, after having their wounds dressed here,
being able to walk, continued toward the hospital
on foot. Later in the day the ambulances reached
us, and we managed to keep them, as well as the
wagons, full all the time. After dark, when the
firing ceased for the day and no more men were
being hit, was the first time that there was any
empty space whatever in the station. Several who
were mortally hit and could not be moved were made
as comfortable as possible right where they were




238


THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


for the few short hours still remaining to them. On
the 2nd the firing recommenced, but the casualties
were not so many, and our capacity was not strained.
It was then we began to feel the fatigue resultant
upon such a hard day's labor. We needed no rocking to sleep that night, though all we had was the
wet ground and a rubber poncho. Hardly had we
closed our eyes, however, when heavy firing began
again. We were in a quandary, and could not imagine the meaning of it. It was not until daylight that
we were enlightened, when he heard that the enemy
had attempted a surprise by night, but met with
heavy disaster. There was more firing on the morning of the 3rd, but as our men were by that time in
fairly good shelter on the firing-line, the casualties
were very few, and we managed that day to clear
the station completely. There were constant rumors
of the fight starting again at any moment for the next
two days, but on the 5th I received orders to rejoin
my regiment, after abandoning the "Bloody Ford"
station for good, and Dr. McCaw and myself, who
were now alone with our few men, packed our traps
and supplies, and were nothing loath to move on and
up to the safe protection of the San Juan hills, where
our regiments were encamped. Bloody Ford station
had outlived its usefulness, and was henceforth a
thing of the past. The waters of the creeks glide on
as smoothly as before the conflict, and-so peaceful
look the surroundings-it is almost impossible to
believe that such terrible scenes could have occurred
there during those few short but eventful days.




THE FIELD HOSPITAL AT
SIBONEY
By COLONEL FRANCIS A. WINTER, U. S. Army
(Retired).
By special order No. 2, Headquarters, U. S. Forces
in Tampa, Florida, dated May 30, 1898, Major Louis
A. LaGarde, Surgeon U. S. Army, was directed
to establish a Field Hospital for the troops at Port
Tampa. The personnel of the hospital thus established consisted of Major LaGarde in charge; Captain M. W. Ireland, U. S. Army, Executive Officer;
1st Lieutenant P. C. Fauntleroy, U. S. Army and
seventeen enlisted men of the Regular Army. This
was the nucleus of the Medical Staff and personnel
of the Base Hospital afterwards established and
maintained at Siboney from June 27, 1898, until
August 25, 1898. Though there were several changes
in the name of the unit, the integrity of the personnel
was kept practically intact until August 15th, when
most of them, together with many of those subsequently added to the unit, were embarked for the
United States on account of exhaustion and illness
themselves or to care for the sick being sent North.
It may be noted that Captain Ireland was the only
one of the original staff who did not contract fever.
On June 27th, Major LaGarde began to set up the
hospital ashore, the necessary labor being performed
by the medical officers and men of the unit. At first
the only facilities for debarking the hospital supplies
were three small boats, one of which was rowed by
the hospital personnel, towing the other two which




240


THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


were loaded with supplies-from the hold of the S. S.
Saratoga-unloaded in the high surf and carried on
the backs of the men to the location of the hospital
one-quarter mile from the landing. Later in the day
a lighter was substituted for the row boats and the
commanding officer of combat troops furnished details to assist in packing the supplies from the shore
to the hospital. That day the hospital, immediately
upon being set up, received eighty patients with
wounds, measles, heat-stroke, fever, etc.
When the expedition embarked at Tampa, owing
to military requirements and shortage of transports,
the full equipment and supply of medicine, dressings, etc., for the hospital could not be loaded; and
such as was taken aboard was placed in the bottom
of the hold with troop material loaded on top in
order that combat equipment and troop supplies
could be unloaded first when the fighting troops debarked. As a result the hospital was established
and arranged with a minimum of proper equipment.
Operating tables were improvised by placing litters
on the frames of bunks from Spanish barracks.
Tables were gotten from nearby habitations or made
from boxes. Barrels and kegs sawed in half served
as tubs and buckets. Glass demijohns were found
and utilized as jars, etc.
By the morning of July 1st, the hospital was ready
for the reception of two hundred sick and wounded.
The Base had been stripped of troops, leaving the
hospital personnel alone to meet such situations as
might arise. At noon that day a train bearing two
dead and seven wounded from the 33rd and 34th
Michigan pulled into Siboney, and later in the day




THE FIELD HOSPITAL AT SIBONEY


241


the wounded from the main front began to arrive
in considerable numbers. Many of these were able to
walk and came back on foot. The hospital personnel
worked all night. At dawn of the following day a
wagonload of wounded came in and for four days
thereafter wounded crowded into the hospital faster
than large details of men could provide them with
canvas shelter. As rapidly as possible the wounded
were evacuated to transports, and all the surgeons
and nurses were working under such stress that it
was impossible to make the usual sick records. The
hospital staff, nurses and cooks, worked day and
night with the operating room always active. The
surgeons of the hospital worked until exhausted and
overcome with fatigue, but their places were filled
by surgeons from other commands who gave their
services. Outstanding in the care of the sick and
wounded were Captains M. W. Ireland and Powell
C. Fauntleroy, of the hospital staff, assisted by Surgeons Spear and Elliott, U. S. Navy; Majors Victor
C. Vaughan and Nancrede, and Doctors W. E. Parker
and John C. Guiteras, U. S. V.* Doctor Lessor and
four nurses, one of whom was his wife, were sent
by the American Red Cross. They rendered very
great service and furnished delicacies which limited
transportation had prevented the hospital authorities
from bringing, such as malted milk, soups, gruels,
etc., also ice. Mr. Hearst of the New York Journal
and Mr. Lyman of the Associated Press sent ice to
the hospital by the ton. Some Spanish claret taken
*The writer of the above article has not mentioned his own
services. Colonel Winter, as a captain in the Medical Corps,
U. S. Army, was an efficient and helpful surgeon, who assisted
in the care of the sick and wounded at Siboney.




242


THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


from cellars in Siboney, cooled by this ice and dipped
out by Chaplain Gavitt was the welcome and refreshing beverage served to the wounded as they arrived from the front and awaited treatment and
beds.
In addition to caring for the sick and wounded,
the Siboney hospital became a base of supply for
medical stores and equipment for the Army at the
front, the surgeons on duty with the organizations
there sending orderlies or appearing personally to
make appeals for bandages, medicines, instruments,
etc. Practically all of these requisitions Siboney was
able to fill on account of the generosity of the Red
Cross and the gradual unloading of the medical supplies from the holds of the Saratoga and other transports which arrived after the battle.
On the evening of July 4th the hospital contained
five hundred wounded and sick officers and men, a
number far in excess of calculations. This number
was only a fraction of what had already been treated
and evacuated, yet many more were to come. During the entire active campaign the hospital facilities
were greatly overtaxed, due, firstly, to the rapidity
of fire and the increased range of the modern small
arms with which both armies were equipped (this
was the first major engagement where such arms
were used) resulting in men being wounded in numbers surprisingly large, far behind the actual battle
lines and very early during deployment; secondly,
to the intense heat, unsuitable uniforms and lack of
transportation which resulted in the exhaustion of
many and; thirdly, to dysentery, typhoid fever, ma



THE FIELD HOSPITAL AT SIBONEY


243


laria, yellow fever and other tropical and camp diseases.
The shortage of skilled nurses was most distressing. Troop details were called upon to perform not
only orderly duties, but to act as nurses. Owing to
military requirements these troop details were frequently changed or withdrawn. Finally the Chief
Surgeon in the Field appealed to Headquarters and
the 24th U. S. Infantry (colored), which had already
suffered heavy battle casualties at San Juan Hill,
was called upon for volunteer nurses. The entire
regiment, officers and men, responded on the evening of July 15th, and led by their commander, Major
A. C. Markley, made a forced night march to the
hospital to undertake its new duties. Most of this
regiment contracted disease themselves.
A branch hospital for contagious diseases was
established a short distance away about July 9th
and Major W. C. Gorgas placed in charge. By July
11th the hospital had been cleared of all wounded
by transfer to transports, and the entire personnel
and equipment was utilized for the care of the sick,
a large proportion of which were yellow fever and
malaria patients. The medical authorities deemed
Siboney an infected area and on account of its proximity to the hospital and being a point of debarkation for troops and supplies, the Chief Surgeon recommended that the town be burned. Upon authority from Headquarters this was done on July 12th.
The hospital continued to expand rapidly. In fact,
practically all of the wounded and sick incident to
the campaign were cared for at Siboney during their
hospitalization on Cuban soil. As stated above the




244


THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


wounded were evacuated to transports as rapidly as
possible, but fever cases were kept at the hospital because authorities in the United States were fearful
of having an epidemic started at home if infected
patients were shipped there. On July 31st ten supposedly immune surgeons and thirty-five male and
female nurses arrived on the S. S. Resolute and on
August 2nd the S. S. Olivette brought large quantities
of supplies and thirty-five more supposedly immune
nurses. By August 5th the register showed 816 fever
patients. On August 7th, Major LaGarde, who had
been ill with yellow fever since the 5th, but continuing to perform duty, was overcome and turned
the command of the hospital over to Major William
C. Gorgas.
The clamoring against the quarantining of the sick
and convalescent in a tropical and unhealthy country, together with the approach of cool weather in
the United States, finally resulted in overcoming the
objections of federal and civil authorities at home
so that by August 15th transfer of the sick and
wounded to the United States was begun. A large
number including Major LaGarde and most of the
original hospital personnel were embarked for the
United States under the care of Captain Ireland. By
August 25th the evacuation had been practically completed and Siboney was soon only a memory.
On account of the lack of transportation, limited
personnel, lack of supplies, American inexperience
in the tropics, campaign exigencies, and happenings
impossible to foresee, the hospital at Siboney was
never what it should have been to care for sick and
wounded. Yet the deficiencies in equipment and sup



THE FIELD HOSPITAL AT SIBONEY


245


plies were largely offset by the heroic sacrifices and
efforts of the hospital personnel and those of the
medical profession, Red Cross, 24th Infantry and
others who assisted in the care and treatment of the
sick and wounded. The conditions under which the
work was performed were appreciated not only by
Generals Shafter, Young, Patterson and Worth, who
commended Major LaGarde, his staff and enlisted
personnel most highly, but by such medical authorities as Nicholas Senn, Victor C. Vaughan, C. B. Nancrede and Mr. Lyman, of the Associated Press, and
Mr. Hearst, of the New York Journal.
Major LaGarde and Captain M. W. Ireland were
especially commended by the Chief Surgeon in the
Field, Colonel Greenleaf, who said, "To Major Louis
A. LaGarde, Surgeon, and Captain M. W. Ireland,
Assistant Surgeon, U. S. Army, too much praise cannot be given for their untiring devotion to the
arduous and trying duties that were imposed upon
them, and if there is any promotion the Government
can give them for their services I most cordially
commend them for it."
The greatest praise, however, came from the sick
and wounded who were sheltered, fed, nursed, and
treated at Siboney.




Address of Major General William R.
Shafter, U. S. Army, Before the
Chamber of Commerce, Los Angeles, California
GENTLEMEN OF THE LOS ANGELES CHAMBER OF COMMERCE:
No man with a particle of sensibility, can fail to
be profoundly moved by such acclaim as you have
given me tonight upon the mention of my name.
There is nothing so dear to a public servant as to
feel and to know that his countrymen, the people
who employ him, approve his course! I take your
enthusiastic welcome as evidence that you do approve the campaign which I recently commanded.
(Applause).
In time of peace, the Army of the United States
occupies perhaps, a not very enviable position. We
are tolerated because we may be necessary. But
when war comes and we can be made useful to the
state and to the great army of militia of the United
States, which we always have, and we achieve victory for our country, you then give us praise-all
that we deserve, and probably more in many instance. (Voices, "No, no, no!").
I cannot feel that I have done anything more than
that for which I have been paid for many years;
and it has been my fortunate lot, that I was selected
to command the campaign that, to the astonishment
of myself and everyone in this country, resulted in
peace between the United States and Spain.
No one dreamed that the little expedition to Cuba




ADDRESS AT LOS ANGELES


247


would result as it did. But with the destruction of
the Spanish fleet, and the capture of 24,000 of the
160,000 troops that were in Cuba, Spain saw that
there was but one thing to do; that, sooner or later,
she had to surrender, and she had the good judgment to accept it at the outset. Although her fleet
was destroyed, she still had 145,000 of her best soldiers on the Island of Cuba, but it was impossible to
reinforce them by a single man, or carry to them a
single pound of provisions or a dollar in money.
And without men, money, and provisions, an army
cannot long survive!
It was for that reason, and appreciating our position, that, immediately after the destruction of Admiral Cervera's fleet-the last fleet of any consequence in the Spanish Navy-and the fall of Santiago, she sent the French Minister to our Secretary
of State, and asked him upon what terms peace could
be had.
In talking with General Toral about his surrender,
after the proposition had been made to him that his
army should be transported free or at the expense
of our government, he asked me if that would embrace his entire command. Up to that time I knew
nothing of his territorial command. And I said to
him, "What does your command consist of?" He
replied, "The Fourth Army Corps." I said, "Where
is it?" He said, "11,500 men are here, 7,000 are at
Guantanamo (which was fifty-five miles from us),
3,500 men at San Luis (which was twenty-five miles
away), and about 1,500 about twenty-five or thirty
miles away." I said, "Certainly, it takes everything."
I do not hesitate to say to you that I was simply




248


THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


thunderstruck that, of their own free will, they
should give me 12,000 men that were absolutely beyond my reach. I had no earthly chance of getting
them. My men were not strong enough, and we
could not have proceeded against them at that time
of year. A fresh army could not have marched
through that country; they would have sickened and
died. They might have reached the 3,500 men at
San Luis, which was only twenty-five miles away,
but they could not have marched to the others.
At first, I thought General Toral meditated treachery. I had, at first, thought that the whole of that
army of 25,000 men, none of whom were more than
fifty-five miles away, and 3,500 of them only twentyfive miles away, would any day be upon us. Why
they did not come, is something no military man can
appreciate or understand.
When a single officer of my command, with a troop
of cavalry, went out to receive their surrender five
days after the fall of Santiago, the Spanish troops
proposed to fire on the white flag they carried. But
our troops kept marching on, and they did not fire.
When the Spanish officer who accompanied our
men, informed the general in command that General
Toral had surrendered him as part of his command,
he refuse to believe it, refused to believe that the
city of Santiago had fallen.
They did not molest the troops, although they could
have wiped my men up in a minute. They would
not surrender, however, unless an officer was permitted to go into Santiago to see if the American
Army had possession. I was surprised that afternoon, to see a detachment ride into town. And when




The Landing at Daiquiri.


Raising the American Flag in Santiago.




/i A l   i
*  ti  C,   /S
'
'{  ^  (-: i 




ADDRESS AT LOS ANGELES


249


I asked the officer what it meant, he said, "These fellows have come down to see if you have Santiago."
They soon made known, through an interpreter, what
they had come for, and I said, "Look about!" They
said they didn't care to look any more. They
mounted their horses and rode back, and the next
morning the command at San Luis surrendered.
You can hardly appreciate that, in a campaign
which actually lasted from the 23rd of June until the
16th of July-about twenty-four days-these Spanish troops should have remained so near and, as they
claimed, have been absolutely unaware of the fighting that was going on at Santiago. I do not believe
it. But they said that they did not know, and they
acted as though they didn't.
It would take me too long to enter into any detailed account of that campaign, but you know and
every student of history knows, that every expedition which has been made to the Caribbean Sea, has
either been an absolute disaster or met with very
poor success. The single exception where they were
successful, was on account of the death by disease
of nearly all the Spanish troops. In 1761, from the
6th day of June until the 12th day of August, the
English and the American colonial troops assisting
them, did succeed in capturing the few poor, sickly
wretches in Havana. Napoleon sent an army of
25,000 men to Santo Domingo in 1801, and it is said
in his history that within three weeks 20,000 of the
25,000 were dead or dying, including his brother-inlaw, the commander of the expedition. And of the
34,000 men he sent there in the course of about six




250


THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


months, he managed to get back to France less than
2,000 men.
Considering the history of that expedition, and the
history of Walker's Nicaragua Expedition, and Admiral Vernon's expedition against Santiago in 1840 -in which the men actually quit upon the same ground
over which I took our's-our victory was remarkable. At that time, 1840, the men actually quit without armed resistance, because they were unable at
that time of the year to march and cut their road
through the jungle, and live in that climate. They
became sick in a couple of weeks, so ill that they
were absolutely broken up, and had to take to their
ships and go away.
When English troops in the last century, at a
period when they were not over particular about loss
of men and suffering-quit under such circumstances, you can imagine it was a pretty hard task
that our men had. With knowledge of these previous expeditions before me, you can imagine the
feelings with which I entered upon that campaign.
I have had yellow fever myself, and I knew just as
well before I landed as I do now, that within three
or four or perhaps five weeks (it came sooner), that
army would be prostrated with disease. And I determined I would make it a question of brawn and
strength of the American Army, against disease and
death which lurked in the jungles of that island.
If I could get Santiago before the men gave out,
well and good. If not, we were gone. There was
nothing else to do. We had declared war against
a nation. The President ordered me to Washington
and gave me my orders, which were entirely differ



ADDRESS AT LOS ANGELES


251


ent than to go to Santiago; that was not contemplated
at that time. The President said at that time, no
matter what clamor the newspapers made, he would
not order the volunteers who had been called out,
into Cuba during the sickly season. He would wait
until later in the autumn when they could be moved
there with greater safety.
When the news came that Cervera's fleet was
cooped up in Santiago harbor, and Admiral Sampson telegraphed that it was impossible to go into the
harbor, but that with 10,000 men the harbor could
be taken within forty-eight hours, the President ordered me to proceed without delay.
The orders given me were, "Proceed without delay, land your forces at such places as you see fit,
capture the city of Santiago, and assist in driving
the Spanish fleet out of the harbor.
With these orders I started, and I was never interfered with. There has been some talk that I was.
It is a mistake. I never was interfered with by anyone. I had lots of advice, but I did not have any
orders from anyone who could interfere with me.
I might claim that if the campaign had been a failure, no one else would have been responsible but
myself (applause).
I speak more freely than I have at any other time,
because I am at home and, I feel, among my friends.
And although I dislike to speak of that campaign as
I think it ought to be spoken of, for it would seem
egotistical on my part to do so, still, there are some
things that I can tell you about, I can tell you what
we had to do with, and what the results were. There
has been a lot of criticism about that campaign.




252


THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


There never has been a campaign which was not
criticized. You men who are business men, and take
responsibilities every day, know that you see things
much better after they have happened than you did
before. I doubt if there is any business man of many
years experience, who has not made mistakes. It is
more than likely, some mistakes were made in this
campaign. I don't say there were not, but there were
no fatal ones. The result speaks for itself.
As I say, we had declared war. And although we
might have waited, and made some minor attacks in
Cuba which would have kept the troops employed
until cold weather came in October, and the great
campaign could have been made at Havana where
the great body of Spanish troops were-when the
Spanish fleet was caught in the harbor at Santiago,
it had to be captured or driven out, or we would
have been the laughing stock of the world.
For this reason I was sent out and ordered to proceed with my troops as early as possible. I was to
take not less than 10,000 men. I had been ready for
a week to go. We had been stopped by a scare that
some Spanish men-of-war had been seen in the
vicinity, and I had been lying in Tampa Harbor for
a week. The animals had been taken off ships during this delay. It took a little longer to put the
animals on board the transports than it did the men,
and by the time the 2,000 horses and mules were on
board, I had managed to get 17,000 men on board
instead of 10,000. I can tell you that it was almost
necessary to use force to keep the men who were
to stay back, from coming on board, so anxious were
they to go. The ships were packed full, and if we




ADDRESS AT LOS ANGEIES


253


had had storms, there would have been suffering.
But we did not have any storms. You may call it
luck or anything else, but there was no disaster or
suffering.
We needed every one of the 17,000 men before we
got through, as we had opposed to us when we
started, 8,500 men in Santiago and 3,000 reinforcements which came in on the night of the 2nd of July.
There were within fifty-mile miles of us, 21,000
troops against less than 17,000. This was in addition to the 11,500 Spaniards in Santiago. Including
officers and men, we had 16,800 who went aboard the
ships. Many who are here who have been in the
military service, know what numbers of soldiers are
necessary to do work about camps, and care for the
sick. As a matter of fact, during the engagements
of the 1st and 2nd of July, I did not have more than
13,000 men on the firing line, at any one time. As
I have told you, I determined to rush it, and I did
rush it (applause). If we had not started from the
morning we landed and kept going-with only one
or two short stops to get a little more ammunition,
a few more rations, and a few men-that army
would have broken down and would have been a defeated army today, and we would not have taken
Santiago.
There is no more use in thinking that men can go
into that climate at that season of the year and escape
diseases, than there is that you can put your hand
in the fire and escape burning it. It is sure to come.
That army, I believe, was the best that ever stood
up in America! (applause). I won't except even the
gallant fellows of the northern and southern armies




254


THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


at the close of the civil war. The armies of the north
and south excelled my men in only one thing-they
knew what fatigue meant. In every other respect,
that army has never been excelled by any army we
ever had in this country. They were intelligent and
enthusiastic. Every man of them felt that he could
whip his weight in Spaniards, if he could only get
at them (laughter).
I had with me going to Cuba, a number of foreign attaches. They predicted disaster. They talked
to me most consolingly. One, a French major who
was very friendly, said that it was certain to be a
disaster. We were not prepared for foreign service,
and he cited the time it took the French to get ready
for Madagascar a few years ago; that they were a
year in embarking and disembarking; that they had
all sorts of boats to go on shore with, etc. We had
only two scows and two tugs. One tug ran away, and
one scow was lost, leaving but one scow and one
tug-a little thing about the length of this roomand one steam lighter. So, we had to depend mainly
on the ships' boats and those of the Navy, to get
ashore.
Some people do not understand that every man in
that command knew enough to get himself into a
boat and go ashore alone (applause). People do
not appreciate what a thinking American soldier is
(applause). That is the secret of the whole business. The men piled into the boats themselves; they
did not have to be led in; they rowed themselves
ashore. They say the first man who landed inquired
the way to Santiago (laughter) (applause). I don't
know whether he did or not, but the first organized




ADDRESS AT LOS ANGELES


255


command which reached shore, took the road to Santiago, and didn't stop until they got there (applause).
A Spanish Lieutenant-Colonel who was shot
through the body, said-"Oh, if we had only known
that you would treat us as you have done, we would
have surrendered when the demand was first made,
because we knew your command was larger than
our's. But we thought we were going to be killed
and we would die fighting."
As I told you, I started General Wheeler and General Kent in at ten o'clock. They were under fire
all the morning in the road, and really lost more men
there, than they did after the charge was made. I
knew that no disaster could come to Lawton, although it was taking him longer than he anticipated,
to get in a position to assist in the main attack. The
order to charge San Juan Hill was given and it took
two or three hours to take those heights. They were
taken with comparatively little loss. The city is
about a half or three-quarters of a mile away from
these heights, and in plain sight.
Lawton captured El Caney, as I told you, at half
past four o'clock, and early the next morning he was
in his place on the right and prepared to resist or assist in any attack, if it was necessary.
The Spanish troops made a weak attack on the
morning of the 2nd of July, but were soon driven
back, and the city of Santiago was captured, practically within ten days from the time we landed. To
be sure, the talk and negotiations went on about
twelve days longer, but there was no time in that
week that it would not have been possible-with the
reinforcements that were coming in every day




256


THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


amounting to about 4,000 (21,000 in all)-to have
taken the place by assault. But had we taken it by
assault, 2,000 good, American soldiers who are now
alive at home, or have gone back to Cuba, would
have laid their bones in front of that place; and all
we would have had would have been that 11,000 men
in front of the city of Santiago. General Toral as a
prisoner, could not have surrendered the rest of his
corps, because, being a prisoner would have relieved
him from any authority, and they would not have
respected a surrender made by him. The war would
not have come to a close when it did.
During the few days of talk, I had every opportunity to strengthen my lines and I improved it. I
convinced the Spaniards of the absolute uselessness
of their cause and gave them time to deliberate at
home. On the 14th of July they had received approval from their home government and they surrendered. They feared to accept our terms and go
back to Spain, without approval of the home government, for fear that they would be torn to pieces by
the populace when they got there. And they refused
finally to accept the terms that had been agreed upon,
until permission was accorded them to surrender.
After they had received such permission, they informed me that they were ready to complete their
surrender.
I telegraphed the President, notifying him that
day of that fact, and said that in my opinion that
closed the war with Spain. It was thought that I
was over sanguine and that part of my despatch was
not given to the public. But when, four days later,






Meeting of Generals to Arrange Surrender.




c F
IQ p'c




ADDRESS AT LOS ANGELES


257


the French minister called and asked on what terms
they could have peace, it was given out.
As you know, the result of that surrender was
23,446 prisoners who were captured, several million
rounds of cartridges, 16,000 good guns and a large
number of poor ones, and the destruction of the Spanish power in Cuba. The object for which we had
gone to war with Spain, was accomplished (applause).
That there was suffering and lots of suffering,
there is no use in denying. Men who go to war, those
who are unfortunate, always suffer; and if you are
going to get yourself in a position to hurt your enemy,
you have got to give him a chance to hurt you. It
is not all on one side if you get close to him, and
you have got to get close to him if you are to accomplish anything.
But at the same time, the losses were comparatively small. We lost less than 250 men killed in
action and 1,400 wounded. Of these 1,400 wounded,
but thirteen died. You could hardly stand up a lot
of men and shoot 1,400 of them and try to wound
without killing-and have but thirteen of them die.
As far as I know, there was but one capital operation-a man had his leg taken off on the troop ship
on the way home.
We were illy prepared for war as you all know.
We declared war with an army of but 25,000 men,
when the army opposed to us and in the country in
which we were to operate, numbered 165,000 men.
Those are pretty big odds, but those are the odds that
were against us. But it was over quickly, and it
was over so quickly that but few of the volunteers




258


THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


who gallantly turned out, were able to have a hand
in it. They did have a little of it in Porto Rico, but
it was simply a walk-over. It was a foregone conclusion that they would not make a stand. They
knew it and did not try it.
I want to say a word for the doctors. It has been
said that we didn't have medicine enough. We
didn't have very much medicine; they did not have
as much as they should have had. But at the same
time, I don't think that anyone suffered materially
from want of it. The medical men tell me they did
not. I don't know about it, but I can say that the
doctors there worked as the doctors of our army have
always worked. They were magnificent fellows, but
they are men, and they became sick as other men
did. But that they neglected any man or that any
man was neglected unnecessarily or carelessly, is
absolutely untrue.
There was no time, that full rations of bread,
meat, sugar, and coffee, were not in the hands of the
men, except that one day when they laid their haversacks off, and before they had time to go back to
get them, and the two days referred to before. But
by twelve o'clock the night of July 1st, pack-trains
of ammunition and food were on hand, and rations
were being distributed all along the lines.
If there are any here who went through the Civil
War on either side, you know how many times we
went hungry and did not complain of it either. On
the 1st of January, 1865, within two miles of Joe
Wheeler's farm in Alabama, in the pursuit of Hood,
we had so far outstripped our transportation that
my regiment and the whole division was without




ADDRESS AT LOS ANGELES


259


food. And at the little town of Courtland, ears of
corn were issued to us and we were glad to get
them, and there wasn't a complaint uttered.
There is all the time that haunting fear which men
cannot avoid in a strange country, when they are
expecting disease they know nothing of. The health
of my command held up remarkably well until the
17th of July. We had five or six hundred cases of
yellow fever before that, and a few hundred cases
of malarial fever.
But after that they became sick very fast, so that
on one occasion about the 3rd or 4th of August, there
were 842 men placed on sick report in one day. That
same day, 600 odd men were returned to duty, but
they were returned to duty still sick. They were
not so sick as those men who came in, but they had
to go back to their quarters to make room for others.
It was out of the question to hope that men coming
from the north, would recover in that climate, and
it was very fortunate that we were able to get them
away as soon as we did.
I have it from the Adjutant General's Office that,
including the loss in battle and by death from the
1st of June until the 30th day of September, there
were only 500 men who lost their lives-250 men in
battle and 250 men by disease. Five hundred men
are a great many men to waste on Cuba, but we had
to do it; and I am of the opinion that that loss, great
as it is, is amply paid for by the magnificent results
achieved.
I have recently been through the south and the
west with the President, and such enthusiastic loyalty
I have never seen anywhere as I have throughout




260


THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


every part of the United States where I have been
(applause). It is the first time in the history of this
nation that there has been but one side. In every
other war, we have had bitter opponents. In the Civil
War we were pretty nearly evenly divided, but in
this war we were a unit (applause). I tell you that
a knowledge of that fact was a wonderful sustainer
of the spirits of our soldiers. We knew that we had
the sympathy of every man, woman, and child at
home, and we knew that everything that could be
done, would be done to help us.
I was going back to speak of that wounded Spanish Lieutenant Colonel. Doctor Goodfellow, who is
present tonight, said that it would be a good thing to
send the wounded prisoners into Santiago. I asked
General Toral if he would take some dangerously
wounded prisoners we had, into the town; that I
could not give them proper care. He answered
promptly that he would like to have them. Doctor
Goodfellow went over the next morning and put them
in ambulances, twenty-seven of them, and carried
them into the town of Santiago with a military escort.
It was something unheard of, and the men were received with the greatest joy. It was the first time
the Spanish army had had opportunity of finding
out what was going on outside, and I was told that
the story those men gave of their treatment had a
marked effect upon the men inside Santiago. These
men were suspicious, they were starving, they had
no heart in the business. It was as foreign to them
as it is to our men who are in Cuba now. They
wanted to go back to their beloved Spain, and they
were only too happy to know that they would be




ADDRESS AT LOS ANGELES


261


accorded the treatment given by civilized armies to
prisoners, and I believe this, in a great measure,
brought them to the opinion that the best thing they
could do was to surrender.
I had given to me by a friend, a copy of a telegram sent by a Spanish General who was severely
shot on the first day of the battle, written on the 12th
of July, in which he said he had risen from a sick
bed to notify the Minister of War in Spain of the
condition of affairs at Santiago; that surrender was
inevitable; that the enemy had the town invested
where he could with impunity and without loss to
himself, shell the town; and that it was only a question of time when they must surrender. Furthermore, he stated that the cablegrams he had received,
urging him to make an assault, were impossible of
execution; that it was useless to think of it; that a
third of his men could not march out of the riflepits; that another third would be killed in any assault which would attempt to break through our
lines; and that the remaining third would soon fall
an easy prey to our army.
He was right about it. If he had had three times
the number of men he did have, he could not have
broken out of those lines. It was absolutely impossible for him to do it with anything like the force
he had. He very wisely counseled surrender, and
two days later he did surrender.
There was one thing that struck me more than
anything else, and that was the sentiment that pervaded my own army and the Spanish army, the moment the surrender was made. To us who served
throughout the Civil War, it is known that the most




262


THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


bitter feeling had to be brought about before civil
war could possibly have started. And although prisoners were always treated humanely and with propriety by both the north and the south, at the same
time there wasn't any love lost between them.
But these men, the moment they were prisoners,
mingled with my men upon the friendliest terms.
The camp was full of them. My own men mingled
with the Spanish soldiers in such numbers that I
feared there might be trouble until I rode my horse
in among them and discovered they were simply
swapping trinkets, and were as happy as could be,
without animosity or hatred, although the day before they had been doing their utmost to kill each
other. It was a revelation to me in warfare.
Upon leaving Santiago, I received a letter from a
Spanish soldier, written on behalf of 11,000 men,
thanking the American army in the kindliest terms,
for the treatment which had been accorded them;
that they had been given everything that civilized
armies accorded. It was a remarkable letter, such
as, I think, had never before been received by a commanding general from a defeated army (applause).
There has been, as I said in the beginning, a great
deal of criticism, and some of it was very bitter.
But I am glad to say that there has never been any
by any military man of any prominence or by any
person whose judgment was ripe enough to give a
sound opinion.
On the contrary, every military writer, both at
home and abroad, has spoken of that campaign as
one of the most remarkable in modern history.
There has never been a campaign finished as quickly




ADDRESS AT LOS ANGELES        263
as this one was, except perhaps, the six-weeks war
between Germany and Austria, where they only had
to walk across the road and they were in the enemy's
country.
I believe the results of that war will redound immensely to the benefit of this country. I do not regard myself as competent to speak about it, but
simply as an American soldier, I would hate to see
one foot of territory which has been paid for by
American blood and by American treasure, given up
(great applause).




THE ARRIVAL OF REINFORCEMENTS AT SANTIAGO
BRIGADIER GENERAL S. D. ROCKENBACH, U. S. A.
As Second Lieutenant, 10th U. S. Cavalry and Aidede-Camp to General Guy V. Henry, I arrived, on the
St. Paul, off Siboney before daylight, July 10, 1898;
went ashore and reported by telephone, to General
Shafter's headquarters, the arrival of General Henry
and the 8th Ohio and received the order for General
Henry to disembark his division as rapidly as possible and send it forward by regiments, as they were
badly needed at the front. That afternoon I reported
in person to General Shafter, about three miles east
of San Juan, and then went to the front, remaining
under the desultory fire after 4:00 P. M., about an
hour, until ordered to Siboney. On the 11th, I
marched with the command, General Henry and
Staff, and the 8th Ohio, to the vicinity of General
Shafter's headquarters and was sent to General Lawton to get location and go over ground that General
Henry's command was to occupy on right of line
confronting Santiago.  Made this reconnaissance.
12th-Rise in San Juan prevented command taking
position; spent most of day on line confronting Santiago.
As a result of announcement of General Miles that,
to hasten the surrender of Santiago, he would land
Henry's troops west of the Morro and shell the city
from the west, if necessary, I was ordered to proceed
aboard the flag ship, give the plan and ask for assistance in making the reconnaissance for the landing




THE ARRIVAL OF REINFORCEMENTS


265


of Henry's troops (still aboard transports); the positions to be occupied, and the location for batteries
to shell Santiago from the west. 13th-Reported to
Admiral Sampson off Morro. He stated that his orders prohibited him risking his ships against land
fortifications and urged that the army take Punta
Gorda. He would then enter the harbor and force
the surrender. In company with Naval Constructor
Hobson and Lieutenant Blue of the Navy, I landed
near Punta Cabrera, about three miles west of the
entrance to Santiago Bay and reconnoitered the
country for about five miles northwest of the city
of Santiago and the right of General Shafter's line.
Stated my observances to Major Webb, Staff Officer
of General Lawton. Selected position for General
Henry's command and for battery to command Punta
Gorda Battery. On landing, we were met by a detachment of Cuban troops belonging to General
Sebreco and guided by them to Sebreco, to whom we
stated our mission. We were furnished an escort
and guides and proceeded on our way. On getting
within view of the city of Santiago, we found white
flags flying on the prominent buildings, indicating
a truce. We discussed the situation, and Lieutenant
Hobson decided that he could go no further and left
us and returned to the coast. I decided that I must
carry out my orders, taking the chance of being fired
on or captured. In this, Lieutenant Blue agreed,
and we proceeded. On approaching the El Cobre
railroad we were fired on. We withdrew and started
for the high ground opposite Punta Gorda. We
found suitable location for our batteries, but were
driven away by several volleys. Retiring about sun



266


THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


set toward the coast, we heard the signal which informed us that the Spaniards had discovered our
movement and had sent troops from the Socapa to
prevent our return. Making a detour, we finally
reached the coast and were taken aboard the Gloucester and returned to the flagship. I reported the
result of my reconnaissance to Admiral Sampson
and then was sent ashore at Siboney, whence I proceeded to report to Generals Henry and Miles.
On the 14th the transports were ordered to move
to the west of the entrance to Santiago harbor and
General Henry and staff to proceed to Siboney and
thence on board the Yale, preparatory to landing to
the west of the Morro. Definite agreement having
been reached as to the surrender of Santiago, these
operations in Cuba were stopped and we were ordered to rendezvous in Guantanamo Bay and became
part of the Porto Rican Expedition. It was difficult
to leave Siboney as both the 5th Corps and Navy had
quarantined against the place. General Miles ordered General Henry and staff to go aboard the Yale
and I was directed to notify the Captain that we were
to come aboard. He got much excited, ordered, from
the bridge, my small boat to stand off, stated that
he was quarantined against Siboney and would not
take us aboard. I informed him that we had not
been exposed to yellow fever and that the order was
from General Miles and I insisted on delivering it.
He replied that he would forcibly prevent me boarding his ship. As the Yale was bristling with guns,
and I had only two armed men in my boat (Privates
McKinley and Barber, nephews of the President), I
shouted back, in my chagrin, that only the difference




THE ARRIVAL OF REINFORCEMENTS


267


in armament prevented me boarding his ship. Returning to Siboney, the Adjutant General, Captain G.
B. Duncan, secured the use of a press tug from Mr.
Fox and I was taken to the New York, saw Admiral
Sampson and secured from him an order for us to
be taken aboard the Yale. Returning, I ran alongside the Yale and informed her that I had secured
an order from the Admiral for General Henry and
staff to come aboard and that we would be out in
about one hour. We picked up General Henry and
the rest of his staff and started for the Yale, but she
had steamed away and when we caught up with her,
the Captain informed us that he had communicated
with the Admiral and gotten the order countermanded. However, the Adjutant General and myself, disappointed at not getting in the fight at Santiago were determined to get into the Puerto Rico
campaign. On reaching Siboney we consulted Coloncl Humphrey and he agreed to put us aboard the
Santiago de Cuba and send us to Daiquiri where we
could transship to the Comanche which had aboard
Henry's artillery. We succeeded in this.
My observation of the Santiago and Puerto Rico
campaigns, in the light of the World War, is that
the energy per man exerted and the hardships endured, were many times that of 1918 and on half
the food. The success was miraculous.
Considering numbers, state of training and equipment, and climatic and sanitary conditions, no general staff of today would approve the Santiago or
Puerto Rico expeditions. The only way to account
for the success is that the moral was to the physical
as ten to one.




MEMORIES OF SANTIAGO
ITINERARY OF COMPANY "G," 25TH U. S.
INFANTRY
COLONEL JAMES A. Moss, U. S. A. (Retired)
Thursday, June 30th.-Regiment mustered about
7:30 A. M. About 3:00 P. M. the officers assembled
near the Commanding Officer's tent, and were officially informed that a general attack would be made
on the Spanish lines the following morning (July
1st), and that our brigade would be held in reserve
near the Ducoureau Mansion.
The following was the plan of battle:
"Lawton's Division, assisted by Capron's Light
Battery, was ordered to move out during the afternoon of June 30th toward El Caney to begin the attack there early the next morning. After carrying
El Caney, Lawton was to move by the Caney road
toward Santiago and take position on the right of
the line. Wheeler's Division of dismounted cavalry,
and Kent's Division of Infantry were directed on
the Santiago road, the head of the column resting
near El Pozo, toward which heights Grimes' Battery
moved on the afternoon of the 30th, with orders to
take position thereon early the next morning, and
at the proper time prepare the way for the advance
of Wheeler and Kent on San Juan Hill. The attack
at this point was to be delayed until Lawton's guns
were heard at El Caney, and his infantry fire showed




MEMORIES OF SANTIAGO


269


he had become well engaged." (General Shafter's
Official Report.)*
Between 4:00 and 5:00 o'clock in the afternoon
some members of the Signal Corps ascended in a balloon in order to observe the position of the enemy.
Shortly after 5:00 P. M. we broke camp, and after
a delay of several hours started on a disagreeable
night march, during which we passed a number of
troops, and forded several shallow streams. Between 10:00 and 11:00 P. M. went into camp near the
ruins of an old sugar mill, near El Pozo.
THE BATTLE OF EL CANEYt
Friday, July 1st.-At 5:30 A. M., July 1st, the Twenty-Fifth Infantry started for a point near the Ducoureau Mansion, a relic of grandeur, and the object
designated as the pivot of operations on the right of
the American line.
At 9:00 o'clock we reached our destination, a
mango grove, a mile or so from El Caney, a village
occupied by about six hundred Spanish soldiers.
We were here held in reserve, and a detachment sent
under Lieutenant Lyon to reconnoiter in the direction of a heavy, continuous fire.
*However, everyone familiar with the events of July 1st
knows that what actually happened is very different from this,
the original plan.
tThe only merit (if such it be) the author claims for this
article is that every detail described actually happened, and not
a single statement, however unimportant, is an invention; it
is a plain, sequential description, woven of facts taken from
notes made soon after the battle, and compiled as faithfully and
as accurately as the exciting and confusing conditions under
which they occurred would permit.




270


THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


As we were taking cat-naps, nibbling at our
rations and chatting, the musketry fire could be
heard as plainly as our own words, but on account
of the high weeds, underbrush and trees, we could
see nothing, although some of the officers climbed
into trees and used their fieldglasses with diligence.
The intensity of the firing varied considerably, and
the many volleys fired were almost perfect-indeed,
so much so, that we all thought they were fired as
only United States Regulars can fire volleys, and
must be American volleys. So, every time one was
delivered, we would wish from the very bottom of
our hearts and souls that more men had been killed
or wounded. Not many hours later, however, we
learned, to our grief and sorrow, that they were
Spanish and not American volleys!
About noon orders were received to strip for action, and leaving a guard of eight recruits in charge
of the blanket-rolls and haversacks, the regiment
started to advance. Two hundred yards takes them
to the main El Caney-Santiago road; turning to the
right they follow this road half a mile or so, and
making another turn in the same direction, the command enters a by-road. Here they halt. A Spanish
sharpshooter, stationed in the top of a cocoanut tree,
has just seen the column, and is making things interesting for some of them-bullets from El Caney
are beginning to whiz overhead-word is passed "Lie
low, men!"
The dead, dying and wounded are being taken
past to the rear; the wounded and their attendants
are telling the Twenty-Fifth: "Give them hell, boys;
they've been doing us dirt all morning."




MEMORIES OF SANTIAGO


271


A member of the Second Massachusetts, carrying
several canteens, and going to the rear for water,
says to our soldiers: "The buggers are hidden behind rocks, in weeds and in underbrush, and we just
simply can't locate them; they are shooting our men
all to pieces."
The procession is, indeed, terrible! Men with arms
in slings; men with bandaged legs and bloody faces;
men stripped to the waist, with a crimson bandage
around the chest or shoulder; men staggering along
unaided; men in litters, some groaning, some silent,
with hats or blood-stained handkerchiefs over their
faces; some dead, some dying!
It all seems like a dream-a terrible dream!
"Forward, march," comes the command.
The regiment advances a few hundred yards and
halts. Two companies ("G," Lieutenants McCorkle
and Moss, and "H," Lieutenant Caldwell) are at once
ordered to form the firing line, the position of which
is about 800 yards from and facing a stone fort on
a high, commanding hill almost in the town of El
Caney.
The other two companies of the Battalion (Captain Scott's) are in support, and the rest of the regiment is in reserve.
The Twenty-Fifth's left connects with the Fourth's
right.
"Forward, guide left, march!" is given, and advancing two hundred yards through a grass field,
hidden from the enemy's view by a double row of
trees, they reach a barbed wire fence. Some of the
soldiers are supplied with wire cutters-the command at once cuts its way through, and crossing a




272


THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


lane enters an open pineapple patch. Ye gods! it Is
raining lead! The line recoils like a mighty serpent,
and then, in confusion, advances again! The Spaniards now see them and are pouring a most murderous fire into their ranks! Men are dropping everywhere! "C" Company (Lieutenant Murdock) is rushing up to re-inforce the line. The bullets are cutting the pineapples under our very feet-the slaughter is awful!
One platoon of "E" Company (Lieutenant Kinnison) is running up to strengthen the left of the line.
"D" Company (Captain Edwards and Lieutenant
Hunt) is on the right, working its way through high
weeds and jungle underbrush.
The Spaniards are using smokeless powder, and
being under cover, we cannot locate them. A few
yards to our left are high weeds, a few paces to the
right thick underbrush and trees, a short distance to
the front, a veritable jungle-all, for more than we
know, alive with Spaniards. The bullets, missives
of death from sources unknown, are raining into our
very faces. A soldier comes running up, and cries
out, "Lieutenant, we're shooting our own men!" Mid
the cracking or rifles, the whizzing of bullets, the
killing and wounding of men, and the orders of the
officers, great is the confusion! How helpless, oh,
how helpless we feel! Our men are being shot down
under our very feet, and we, their officers, can do
nothing for them. It seems as if Fate is about to
turn against us. Those faithful darkies, with determination and devotion stamped in every line of their
black faces, are looking appealingly to their white




Ki:


~,~ ~ '....  "i,......-...i..,~:7,....


The Capture of El Caney.




OF
41,1I'~




MEMORIES OF SANTIAGO


273


officers, almost saying, "Lutenant, jes tell me wat
ter do, an' ah'll do it!"
The officers in the pineapple patch are now holding a consultation, and decide there is but one thing
for United States Regulars to do-Advance! Advance until they find the enemy!
The onward movement is just about to start. Lieutenant McCorkle is under a small cherry tree, kneeling on one knee; unbuttoning his shirt, he lowers his
head and beholds in the pit of his right arm a
ghastly wound, and then, poor fellow, he falls over,
mortally wounded. A man on his right exclaims,
"Ugh," and dropping his rifle, falls dead! Another
just in front cries out, "I'm shot!" Bullets are dropping like hail! One officer and two privates made
two attempts to carry their wounded commander's
body to a place of shelter, but both times they are
driven back by Spanish bullets; a third effort, however, is successful.
McCorkle is dead! Moss takes command of the
company. A rush of fifty yards takes them to a place
of comparative shelter; here they rest a while.
Lieutenant Murdock is wounded, and Lieutenant
Moss takes command of his company also; another
rush over exposed ground, and "C" and "G" Companies find shelter in a small stream.
Lieutenants Caldwell and Kinnison have been
gradually working their way up another stream, and
are now about two hundred yards from the fort, and
for the first time since the firing line was formed
do our men see the Spaniards.
Zip, zip, zip! The air is filled with bullets! Captain Edwards drops, wounded through the right




274


THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


groin, and Lieutenant Hunt takes command of the
company.
"Now, men, altogether!" and a dash of forty yards
takes "C" and "G" Companies to the crest of a small
hill, where they join Lieutenants Caldwell and
Kinnison.
Lieutenant Hunt's company is firing over the crest
of a hillock fifty yards to the front and right.
Our firing line is now no more than one hundred
and fifty yards from the fort, and our men are doing
grand work. A general fusillading for a few minutes, and then orders are given for no one but marksmen and sharpshooters to fire. Thirty or forty of
these dead-shots are pouring lead into every riflepit, door, window and porthole in sight. The earth,
brick and mortar are fairly flying! The Spaniards
are shaken and demoralized; bare-headed, and without rifles, they are frantically running from their
rifle-pits to the fort, and from the fort to the riflepits! Our men are shooting them down like dogs!
A young officer is running up and down, back of the
firing line, and waving his hat above his head, is exclaiming to the men in the rear: "Come on, come
on, men-we're got 'em on the run!" "Remember
the Maine!" shouts a sergeant. "Give them hell,
men!" cries out an officer. "There's another!" shouts
a soldier-bang! bang! bang! and another Spaniard
drops! Four are shot down in the door of the fort 
A Spaniard appears in the door of the fort, and
presents to the Twenty-Fifth a white flag, but is shot
down before the firing line can be controlled. Another takes up the flag, and he, too, falls!
The fort has been silenced!




MEMORIES OF SANTIAGO


275


However, a galling flank fire is now coming from
the village and a small block-house on our left. As
long as we remain in our present position, we can
accomplish but little, as the walls of the block-house
are impervious to our bullets. It is, therefore, decided to rush forward and change direction to the
left, thus gaining a position facing, and slightly above
the block-house.
The line is now being formed for the final rushall is ready-they're off!
One company of the Twelfth Infantry, which has
been working its way up on the right, is also rushing up.
Lieutenant Kinnison is wounded and taken off the
field.
Men are still dropping by the wayside, but on, on,
up, up, they go, those dusky boys in blue!
The line is now occupying its new position-some
of our men are shooting into the town, and others
are shooting down through the roof of the blockhouse-the Spaniards are falling over one another
to get out!
The heavy firing has ceased, and after twenty-five
or thirty minutes of desultory firing, El Caney itself
surrenders!
Where but a moment ago floated the Spanish flag,
now flutters the Stars and Stripes!
And thus it was that at El Caney, "The Hornets'
Nest," our colored Regulars fought and won!
An inspection of the captured fort could but cause
one to soliloquize with General Sherman, "War is
hell." The rifle-pits were open graves, while the in



276


THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


terior of the fort, with its walls, floor and ceiling
bespattered with human blood, was a real "Chamber
of Horrors."
One of the rifle-pits presented a scene which baffles
description-a scene as ineffaceable as the image of
death, for it was, indeed, death itself in a most horrible form. At one end of the pit lay a dead Spaniard in a sitting position, his back resting against
the end of the pit, his knees raised, the legs being
drawn toward the body, his hands flabbily resting
by his sides, his head slightly thrown back, exposing
to view the white of his eyes, and his partially opened
mouth showing his teeth. In his lap rested a straw
hat-partially filled with his own brains!
The fort captured by the Twenty-Fifth was the
key to the town, and was made of brick and stone,
measuring twenty by twenty-one paces, and the walls
being about two feet thick, except at two of the
corners, where they were about five feet thick. There
were from fifteen to twenty portholes on every side.
By examining on the map the lines of advance of
"C" and "G" Companies, and that of "H" Company,
it will be seen that they cross each other. Neither
the officer commanding "H" Company, or myself
knew, until after the battle, that the companies had
crossed each other during the fight, so thick and high
were the weeds and underbrush.
It has been stated over and again that, a day or
two before the battle, a thorough reconnaissance had
been made of the country around El Caney.
In connection with this statement, attention is invited to the following:
(a) It was expected that Lawton's Division would




MEMORIES OF SANTIAGO


277


carry El Caney after one, or perhaps two hours'
fighting. As a matter of fact, it took over nine hours
to capture the place, and troops that had been designated to remain in reserve that day were ordered
on the firing line by one o'clock in the afternoon.
(b) Until about 4:00 P. M. our Artillery did not
know of the existence of the block-house that so
annoyed the Twenty-Fifth's left.
(c) None of the officers of our Brigade knew of
the existence of the streams southeast of El Caney
until they came across them in their advance on the
stone fort.
(d) The town was protected on the north by three
block-houses and the church; on the west by three
block-houses (and partially by the church); on the
east by the stone fort, one block-house, the church,
and three rifle pits; on the south and southeast by
the stone fort, three block-houses, one loopholed
house, the church and eight rifle pits. However, the
Second Brigade was sent forward against the southeast of the town, thus being exposed to fire from
fourteen different sources, nearly all of which were
in different planes, forming so many tiers of fire.
The cover on the south and southeast of the town
was no better than, if as good as, that on the other
sides.
As well as the writer remembers, and as far as he
has been able to learn from his fellow officers, the
only orders given the firing line were: "Our left is
to connect with the right of the Fourth Infantry;
be careful how you fire, as some of our men (presumably the Second Massachusetts) are supposed to
be in the weeds and underbrush to our front." When




278


THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


the Fourth Infantry firing line started forward, the
Twenty-fifth took up the march.
In the second field the companies became separated, and in the high weeds, underbrush, etc., lost
sight of one another, so that from that time on, the
battle (so far as the firing line was concerned) was
necessarily fought by the company commanders and
their lieutenants, the non-commissioned officers and
privates.
To go from one place of shelter to another it was
sometimes necessary to advance along a narrow
path, or pass through a narrow opening through a
wire fence or dense underbrush, in which cases the
rushes would be made by file, the company commander at the head of the column, and a lieutenant
or non-commissioned officer at the rear.
It is now well known that the Infantry at El Caney
was ordered against positions that had not been
shaken by artillery fire; in short, the Infantry was
called upon to do the Artillery's work. An artillery
officer who was with Capron's Battery at El Caney
admitted to the writer that such was really the case,
but stated that the artillery officers were not to blame,
as the Division Commander not only regulated in
person the intensity of the artillery fire, but also
selected the objectives, which were being continually
changed.
The first two shots, according to this officer's statement, fired at the El Viso stone fort, took effect, and
the place would have soon been razed to the ground,
had not the objective then been ordered changed.
It is the opinion of a number of old and experienced officers, that had the Artillery been properly




MEMORIES OF SANTIAGO


279


handled at El Caney, our losses would have been at
least fifty per cent less.
After the battle, the companies that had formed
the firing line were marched back to the pineapple
patch, where they found the rest of the regiment;
the men and officers sitting and standing around,
many of them eating pineapples and chatting over
their first battle. Here we waited-waited until the
Pioneer Corps had finished digging the graves, when
the regiment was marched to a field near by, where
our dead were buried. As the trumpeter blew taps
over the graves, we all uncovered, and, with heads
bowed, paid a last, silent tribute of respect to our
comrades who had that day, on the field of battle,
given up their lives for their country's flag!
We then started for the mango grove where our
blanket rolls and haversacks had been left. We
passed the Second Massachusetts standing on the
side of the road. They had seen the Twenty-Fifth
charging up the hills that afternoon, and gave us a
grand ovation as we marched by. All along the line
we were applauded and cheered.
That night the regiment bivouacked in the main El
Caney-Santiago road, and were continually disturbed by pack trains and Artillery. During the
night the troops were issued rations and ammunition.
Saturday, July 2nd.-About 1:00 A. M. all fires
were ordered put out, as an attack was feared from
the Spaniards. At 3:30 A. M. we took up the march
to the rear. "H" Company was ordered to form the
rear guard. About 4:00 A. M. there was a heavy,
continuous fire (Artillery and Infantry) at our rear.




280


THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


For a time things looked squally. Our rear-guard,
however, did not get engaged, although, from the
statement of its commander (Lieutenant Caldwell),
it looked as if it would be at any moment. About
8:00 A. M. we passed the old sugar mill near which
the regiment had bivouacked the night of June 30th,
and shortly afterwards the command stripped for
action. The brigade took position in reserve a few
hundred yards in rear of the firing line. Lots of
bullets passing just above our heads, and one or
two of our men were wounded. Were not ordered
on the firing line, and bivouacked that night at the La
Cruz house, about two thousand yards from the
Spanish lines. Several hundred Cuban insurgents
also bivouacked there that night. About 10:00 o'clock
P. M. troops near by were attacked by Spaniardslots of firing right around us; the command at once
turned out and prepared for action. In about an
hour, however, things quieted down, and we again
retired for the night.
Sunday, July 3rd.-About 8:00 o'clock A. M. the
regiment left the La Cruz house, and the First Battalion (Captain Scott) took a position back of a hill
just on the right of the main El Caney-Santiago road.
A Spanish sharpshooter or two kept us "guessing"
for nearly two hours, by dropping an occasional
bullet into our midst. At 10:00 o'clock we moved
up to the foot of a hill about one thousand yards
from the Spanish intrenchments, and an hour later
"G" Company was ordered on top of the hill to relieve "E" Company in digging trenches. About noon
the company was informed that a truce had been
established, and we were ordered to stop all work,




The Surrender Tree, Santiago.
I 6L'I-.'


Refugees at El Caney.




0,"
jot lv




MEMORIES OF SANTIAGO


281


which we did at once, and then returned to the foot
of the hill, where everyone proceeded to enjoy a
much needed rest.
About 10:00 o'clock that night Major Webb, United
States Volunteers, rode up to where we were and
informed us that the truce had expired that afternoon, and that an attack was expected at any moment. The whole thing turned out to be a false
alarm, but succeeded in disturbing and breaking the
rest of the command, as some of the companies were
ordered out to resist the anticipated attack.
The next morning the flag of truce was still flying.
About 2:30 A. M. "G" Company went into the
trenches again and worked until 5:00 A. M. when
we returned to the foot of the hill.
Monday, July 4th.-Remained at foot of hill until
4:30 P. M. when the Company ("G") went out for
outpost duty-relieved "E" Company (Lieutenant
Sturtevant). We entrenched on the left of the main
El Caney-Santiago road until 2:30 A. M.
Tuesday, July 5th.-About 5:00 A. M. women, children and other non-combatants began to leave Santiago on account of the anticipated bombardment of
the city. They left Santiago by two or three different
roads, a great many coming through our lines by
way of the El Caney-Santiago road. The procession
was a pitiful sight-a number of old, sick men and
women being carried in chairs, dogcarts, improvised
litters, etc.; weak, decrepit persons were straggling
along, and young mothers, with babes in their arms,
were leaving their homes to seek food and shelterGod only knew where!
About 9:30 A. M. the company ("G") left the




282


THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


trenches it had occupied during the night, and the
regiment started for a point about one mile to our
right.
"G" Company was ordered to intrench in a valley,
so as to control a road coming from Santiago. The
company Commander (Lieutenant Moss) protested
against intrenching the company in the bottom of the
valley, as the position was far below the Spanish
position and was controlled by the enemy's fire.
Finally, authority was obtained from the Brigade
Commander to intrench the company on the side,
and near the end, of a spur, and about one hundred
and fifty yards in front of the general lines of intrenchments.
Wednesday, July 6th.-Started to extend the intrenchment on the crest, and at the end, of the same
spur, with permission to have "G" Company occupy
the position, which was about five hundred yards
from, and slightly above the Spanish line, and which
commanded the road and adjacent ground.
Thursday, July 7th.-Worked hard and faithfully
the whole day on intrenchment and bomb-proof.
Used for head logs cocoanut trees, which had to be
carried about half a mile.
Friday, July 8th.-Completed intrenchment and
bomb-proof. On account of the prominent, advanced position occupied by the company, the company Commander expected to be shelled by Spanish
artillery; hence the great pains taken in fortifying
our position.
Saturday, July 9th.-Waited in trenches for developments.
Sunday, July 10th.-Spaniards given until 4:00 P.




MEMORIES OF SANTIAGO


283


M. to surrender unconditionally. About 4:35 P. M.
Spanish flag planted in front of our position, and
feeble cheering by the Spaniards. General engagement began at 4:45 and lasted about two hours.
Both sides being thoroughly intrenched, the losses
were very small.
Monday, July 11th.-At daybreak the company was
relieved by a company of the Seventh United States
Infantry. At 6:15 A. M. the regiment started for
another position about three miles to our right,
where we dug more intrenchments. Between 12:00
M. and 1:00 P. M. we were informed that another
truce had been established.
About 10:00 o'clock P. M. the Regimental Commander sent for the officers. They assembled in a drenching rain and were informed that the command was
to advance that night by moonlight and intrench as
near as possible to the Spanish lines.
Tuesday, July 12th.-At 1:00 A. M. the command
formed with their blanket rolls, and stood on the
top of a hill in a drenching rain until 5:10 A. M.
when we were ordered into camp again. The movement was not executed on account of the non-appearance of the moon.
The ground to our front was a veritable jungle,
traversed by a number of barbed wire fences, and,
from all accounts, no reconnaissance had been made
of it. The non-appearance of the moon that night
was regarded by all as providential.
About 1:00 P. M. a heavy rain.
At 3:00 P. M. orders were received to advance and
intrench several hundred yards nearer the enemy's




284


THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


position, as originally contemplated. The order,
however, was afterwards revoked.
Wednesday, July 13th.-In camp, just back of intrenchments, waiting for developments. Heavy rain
in afternoon.
Thursday, July 14th.-About 2:30 A. M. the company, with several others, broke camp and advanced
about a mile toward the Spanish position. We then
struck a railroad track which we followed about one
hundred yards, when the command stopped and
waited for daybreak. With the dawn of day the
troops began intrenching themselves on the side of
the track, utilizing the nearer rail as a "head-log."
Soldiers worked hard intrenching until 11:45 A.
M. Orders received that everyone should be in the
trenches by 11:55 A. M., as the firing was expected
to begin at 12:00 M. Awfully hot and oppressive.
Twelve, one and two o'clock passed without any firing. At 2:30 P. M. men of the company allowed to
sit out of trenches. The heat something awful.
Heavy shower. Cheering at our rear. At 3:00 o'clock
the Adjutant (Lieutenant Cronin) directed us to return to our old camp, as Santiago had surrendered!
Everyone returned to camp with a "we-have-met-theenemy-and-they-are-ours" feeling.
Friday, July 15th.-The First Battalion (of which
"G" Company formed a part) moved their camp on
the crest of the hill, near our trenches.
Greater part of "G" Company spent all forenoon
constructing a shade-roof.
Saturday, July 16th.-By order of the Adjutant, the
Company Commanders announced to the companies
at retreat that the Madrid Government had approved




MEMORIES OF SANTIAGO


285


the terms of surrender agreed upon by Generals
Shafter and Toral.
Sunday, July 17th.-The regiment, as well as the
rest of the United States troops, formed along the
American line of intrenchments at 9:00 A. M., the
hour the formal surrender of Santiago was taking
place. We formed again at 11:30 A. M., and while
Capron's Battery was firing a salute of twenty-one
guns, the Stars and Stripes were raised over the
Palace of the Governor of Santiago!
The following congratulatory order was read to
the troops:
VWashington, July 16, 1898.
To GENERAL SHAFTER, COMMANDING FRONT NEAR SANTIAGO, PLAYA:
The President of the United States sends to you
and your brave army the profound thanks of the
American people for the brilliant achievements at
Santiago, resulting in the surrender of the city and
all of the Spanish troops and territory under General Toral. Your splendid command has endured
not only the hardships and sacrifices incident to
campaign and battle, but in stress of heat and
weather has triumphed over obstacles which would
have overcome many less brave and determined.
One and all has displayed the most conspicuous gallantry and earned the gratitude of the Nation. The
hearts of the people turn with tender sympathy to
the sick and wounded. May the Father of Mercies
protect and comfort them.
(Signed) WILLIAM MCKINLEY.




THE DIARY OF A CAPTAIN
Extracts from Diary of CAPTAIN W. C. BROWN, Commanding Troop E, 1st U. S. Cavalry.
This diary was originally given to the Publication
Committee simply to clear up an occasional disputed
point. The Committee, however, decided to incorporate it practically entire, on the theory that the
land operations were largely what President Roosevelt subsequently characterized the Naval engagement off Santiago-a Captain's Fight-and the experiences of the various captains were quite similar.
In several instances, to make the matter more clear,
a few lines have been inserted, though invariably in
parentheses to distinguish it from that written at the
time and on the spot.
Practically none of the subordinate officers had
ever participated in a real battle. A very considerable number of us had, it is true, participated in
arduous Indian campaigns and engagements, but
Santiago presented quite a different problem.
Many of the general officers and colonels were
veterans of the Civil War, though, with but few exceptions, they had participated there in a subordinate r6le, and after a lapse of thirty-three years,
with the Art of War gradually developing in the
meantime, their former experience was of limited
value.
Santiago therefore led to many surprises, not the
least of which were the merits of a uniform of neutral color and the advantages of smokeless powder.




THE DIARY OF A CAPTAIN


287


1898
April 16, Friday, Fort Sill, Oklahoma. All Company and Troop Commanders awakened at 2:30 A.
M., and assembled in the Adjutant's office and were
notified that the Infantry was ordered to Mobile and
Cavalry to Chickamauga Park, Georgia, and to leave
as soon as transportation could be provided at Rush
Springs, twenty-eight miles from post.
April 17. Busy packing.
April 18. Command left post at 2:00 P. M. * *
April 19. Had to return to post with Troop E on
account of wild rumors of threatened outbreak of
Geronimo's band of Apache prisoners of war then at
Fort Sill.
April 20. Commanding Post. (I sent for Geronimo
and Natchez and demanded reasons for these disquieting rumors. They disclaimed any bad intentions and Geronimo said, "I am a soldier of the
United States and wear a blue uniform, and it makes
my heart sore to be thus suspected." He left no
doubt in my mind but that he was absolutely loyal
and that the trouble lay in loose talk by irresponsible young bucks of the tribe.)
April 21. Sent off report to Department Headquarters, Denver, as to situation at Fort Sill. Was
notified that not only Tompkins' Troop (from Fort
Grant), but also Lieutenant Gaston's Troop, 8th
Cavalry, would come from Fort Meade. (I protested
that one troop was ample, but both came.)
April 24. Troop B, 7th Cavalry, "Tommy" Tompkins, arrived at Sill at 4:00 P. M., and at 4:15 P. M.
we again left for the R. R., this time at the trot 




288


THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


April 27. Arrived with Troop E at Chickamauga
Park.
May 3. News received of promotion of Colonels
Arnold, Young, Chaffee and Sumner, Samuel S., to
be Brigadier Generals of Volunteers, and all the
regular Brigadier Generals, except Coppinger, to be
Major Generals.
May 11. The 2nd and 6th Cavalry went south today, the latter loading at Rossville and the 2nd at
Chattanooga. Orders received that all of us are to
go to Tampa, as papers say that Naval Officers protest that they cannot protect convoys from all ports
of New Orleans, Mobile, Galveston and Tampa at
the same time. Dispatches say that 5th Cavalry has
been ordered to Galveston.
May 14. Reveille at 4:00 A. M. and E Troop was
ready to move to Ringgold to entrain for Tampa at
8:45 A. M., but on account of scarcity of wagons we
did not get started until 10:45 A. M. E Troop had
two six-mule and one four-line team and carrying
one day's forage and sixteen days' rations. In half
the troops men were sitting on top of the wagons
on account of not having enough horses. Arrived
at Ringgold 2:15 P. M. and rushed horses aboard
cars in a hurry.
May 16. Lieutenant W. C. Rivers, Q. M., 1st
Cavalry, announced at 4:00 A. M. that the whole
plan had been changed and that we would all go




THE DIARY OF A CAPTAIN


289


to Lakeland, Florida. Arrived Lakeland about 2:00
P.M.
May 25. General Joseph Wheeler visited camp.
May 31. At 8:00 P. M. sent six men down to Tampa
for new horses. Wish they would hurry up filling
up troop for all I've got since leaving Fort Sill has
been thirteen recruits, five horses and four carbines.
June 1. * * Learned that the 1st squadron was
to be held in readiness to be dismounted, which
caused much excitement in camp.
June 7. Reveille at 3:00 A. M. Left camp about
5:30 A. M. (leaving my horses, mounted equipment,
etc., in care of my most dependable Sergeant-Lonzo
F. Koon.) Waited for cars at Lakeland R. R. Station till about noon. Arrived at Fort Tampa at 3:30.
Got aboard transport, with other troops of 1st
Cavalry, about 5:00 P. M. Bought coffee and meat
to give men supper which they got about 9:00 P. M.
Nothing from cars unloaded except a little hard
bread for supper.
June 8. Reveille 4:00 A. M. and immediately after
breakfast the troop commenced unloading cars and
putting baggage on transport. General Miles came
down and, it is said, expressed dissatisfaction that
"Leona," our ship, was not ready to pull out. Up
to that time I know that Lieutenants W. C. Rivers
and A. L. Mills were loading our baggage in a systematic orderly manner. Orders then given by General Young, our Brigade Commander, to rush things,




290


THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


which was then done without regard to order or
system and much confusion resulted. Gang planks
pulled in about 9:30 A. M. and we anchored in the
stream. At about 2:00 P. M. we were about starting,
several of the transports having actually started,
when orders were given that we were not to go. At
supper word went around that "Tex" Scott, 1st
Cavalry, had just passed in a small boat and called
out to us that the War was over. This he told us
the next day, 9th, was intended as a joke.
June 9. "Bejay," First Lieutenant O. J. Brown,
1st Cavalry, now Colonel of the 2nd Georgia Volunteers, came over to visit the regiment. (Brown wittily
remarked: "My regiment is all ready for the war,
except we have no uniforms or guns.") General
Wheeler and Colonels Dorst, Garlington and Leonard
Wood came over. In the forenoon, we were brought
up to the dock and later placed alongside the
"Miami" carrying the 6th Infantry and 9th Cavalry.
Dorst, Wheeler's Adjutant General, says there are
40,000 troops at or near Santiago and that there will
be fighting enough to go around. Special attention
is being paid to sanitary regulations on board today.
June 10. Pulled up to dock and men sent out by
squadron for exercise, swimming, etc. Pulled out in
the afternoon and anchored in the bay so as to get
fresh air for the men. Dorst came aboard today,
also Lieutenant J. C. Gilmore, one of Shafter's Aides,
and the latter thinks we will get off about the 13th.
There is no doubt now but what we are being held
up on account of fear of Spanish Cruisers.
June 11. At anchor out in Tampa Bay. The exercises in School of Soldier ordered. Rumor tonight




THE DIARY OF A CAPTAIN


291


that Cervera has surrendered.   The "Castine,"
"Helena" and "Annapolis" are here. Fleet of transports remains out in the bay today. All gambling,
both by officers and men, stopped by Brigade Commander. Got ice for the troop today, $1.50. News
received that all outgoing mails (letters) have been
held for the present for fear of information as to
our fleet getting into hands of Spaniards.
June 12, Sunday. Lay by at anchor. A few men
from each troop were allowed to go ashore. Captain
T. W. Jones' and Grierson's troops (of 10th Cavalry)
ordered to the "Alamo." Horses and mules are being reloaded, which is regarded as evidence that we
will move tomorrow.
June 13. Lay by at anchor until about 5:00 P. M.
when we weighed anchor and moved six or seven
miles down the bay. Most of the transports moved
down to the lower bay, leaving one at a time and
commencing about noon. Things are in good shape
for an early start tomorrow. Jones' and Grierson's
troops left at about 3:00 A. M., making possible
some re-arranging of troops in the vessel. (These
troops left because the "Leona" was too crowded.)
June 14. Left about 4:00 A. M. and went down to
Egmont, at entrance to Tampa Bay, but did not get
started from there until about 4:00 P. M. The
"Leona" is at the rear of the column. On duty as
Officer of the Day and had trouble owing to men
using about three gallons of water per man. Captain of vessel cut the water off and a guard was
placed over each barrel of which there are six, 140
gallons each, on the ship. Weather delightful, but
fleet only making four or five knots an hour.




292


THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


June 15. Making about five or six knots an hour.
Weather very pleasant and nearly everyone on deck.
We passed about three miles to the west of Rebecca
Shoals and light. We passed the ship "Dall" of Bath,
Maine.
June 16. Off Matanzas at 7:00 A. M. Head wind,
but with little rolling. The "Indiana" and other
warships joined us last night near Key West. Passed
about fifteen or twenty miles south of Key West.
At noon we were in Latitude 23~ 51', Longitude 80~
46'. Considerable excitement caused this afternoon
by the "Indiana" overhauling a Norwegian, firing a
signal to make her heave to. She was allowed to
pass. Torpedo boats keeping well out on the flanks.
The "Detroit" and Shafter's boat, No. 12, made a
trip to the rear of the column and back.
June 17. About midnight vessel stopped by signal
from Naval vessel to "Hold up," and about thirty
minutes afterwards we were examined by a searchlight. Our Captain stopped for an hour and then
ran ahead slowly. In meantime, the other vessels
all got ahead of us, disappearing to the southeast.
Then we went ahead again at speed and then
stopped. Our Captain, it seems, did not know just
where we were, and it is dangerous navigating
through the Bahama Channel. Four (4) troops
turned out under arms at 4:00 A. M. and E Troop
went on with three others from 7:00 to 8:00 A. M.
Torpedo boat and gun boat sighted about fifteen
miles to the south at 10:00 A. M. No officers now
allowed on the bridge except Regimental and
Squadron Commanders and their Staffs. At 3:00
P. M. we sighted the "City of Washington" and her




THE DIARY OF A CAPTAIN


293


tow off our starboard bow slowly overtaking her
during the afternoon. Target practice today with
Hotchkiss guns. The "Bancroft" came down at Retreat to see what had become of us and was greeted
with enthusiastic cheering. At noon we were in
Latitude 20~ 55', Longtitude 78~ 32'. Making good
time today and hope to overtake the fleet tonight,
which the "Bancroft" says is fifteen miles ahead.
Saw many flying fish this morning.
June 18. At 7:00 A. M., the fleet was finally visible
about five miles ahead. An hour or two later a halt
was called to let everyone catch up, to transfer the
sick to the hospital ship, and allow proper formation to be again taken. This consumed about three
hours and fleet started again at about 11:00 A. M.
Latitude 21~ 28', Longtitude 76~ 04' at noon. Men
are getting tired of the travel ration. Beans used
up today, but the men don't like the meat, and permission was secured to cook bacon on the galley.
North coast of Cuba visible at 2:00 P. M. Southern
Cross visible tonight for the first time.
June 19, Sunday. After starting south through the
Windward Passage, as we still had an east wind, the
ship rolled badly. More or less seasickness on board.
"City of Washington" continually lagging behind.
Stopped awhile this morning to straighten out the
column, etc. Orders out tonight that troops disembark with one day's rations in haversacks.
June 20. Arrived off Santiago about 11:00 A. M.,
and gradually drifted in until we were about six or
seven miles from Morro Castle at the entrance to
the harbor. Counted as many as thirteen vessels
with the blockading squadron. About 5:30 P. M.,




294


THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


a Naval tug came by at full speed and the order was
shouted to us through the megaphone: "Take order
of cruising-Course Southwest." The entire fleet
then got under way and for several hours cruised
southwest, but veering to south so that by 8:00 P. M.
we were going due south or a little east of south.
General impression now is that we are to describe
a big circle to the left during the night so as to keep
out of the range of Spanish torpedo boats, and that
we will be before Santiago again in the morning.
June 21. Cruised last night until about thirty or
forty miles southwest of Santiago and about 9:00
A. M. today took order of sailing and now, 11:00
A. M., are making direct for Santiago. About 2:00
P. M. we started for General Wheeler's boat, No. 17,
but arrived just after he had left for Shafter's boat,
No. 12. At 4:00 P. M., No. 12 signalled us to turn
over our scow to Captain Edw. Burr, U. S. Engineers,
on the "Alamo." On the "Alamo" I saw some of the
10th Infantry from Fort Sill. At 7:00 P. M. a vessel
steamed alongside with the order to land at daylight the next morning. Orders just issued to disembark with two days' rations.
June 22. Expected to disembark at daylight today
as per orders, but waited till about 4:00 P. M., when
General Young got permission to debark if he could
do so with his own boats. Orders received from
Corps Headquarters to take three days' rations in
haversacks; also a blanket roll consisting of shelter
half, change of underclothing, blanket, slicker or
poncho. Each troop to carry three axes, three spades
and three picks. Several boat loads of 10th Cavalry
debarked in small boats and two of their men were




THE DIARY OF A CAPTAIN


295


drowned. We also heard that two of the men of the
17th Infantry were drowned in debarking. Finally,
Major Webb C. Hayes went ashore and got the
lighter "Laura," which took the remainder of the
10th Cavalry ashore. At about 10:00 to 11:00 A. M.
the heights above Daiquiri were bombarded by the
Navy and vessels up at Siboney were firing on Spaniards supposed to be collected there. It subsequently
turned out that the Spaniards had burned as many
as they could of the buildings of Iron Works, at
Daiquiri, and that when the place was bombarded
only insurgents were present, one of whom had his
arm broken by a shell. The "Laura" returned and
was on hand early next morning, leaving three men
to each troop on board in charge of property.
June 23. Debarked about 5:00 A. M. from "Leona"
to "Laura" and then went to the "Alamo" and took
on Jones' and Grierson's troops and finally landed
at wharf where men were obliged to jump from a
moving boat to a wharf at considerable risk. Things
in much confusion. Went into camp 400 yards from
wharf. Went over and saw Captain Allyn K. Capron,
Second Lieutenant, 7th U. S. Cavalry, in the Rough
Riders' Camp and while there they got orders to
move. About 4:00 P. M. a column moved out consisting of the Rough Riders and 1st Squadron of the
1st and 1st Squadron, 10th Cavalry. Went out in
the little town and found three carts with which to
carry troop rations and tools. One day's extra ration
issued. Late tonight it rained and everyone got a
wetting. False alarm at night due to sentinel firing
on some one who failed to answer challenge.
June 24. Broke camp at 6:35 A. M. having been




296


THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


preceded by some 10th Infantry and 10th Cavalry.
Weather excessively hot and moist. Men soon began to lighten their packs at regular halts, and the
entire trail, which was wide enough for two men,
but occasionally permitted of only a column of files,
was strewn with overcoats, blankets, blouses and
other articles of clothing. Arrived at Siboney about
11:00 A. M. and rested until 1:00 P. M. Private
Hyder came in and reported one cart broken down
and the other about a mile behind. While here we
heard of the fight of Rough Riders and Squadrons of
1st and 10th Cavalry, which were on ahead of us.
Took up the trail and after about a three or four
mile march arrived at scene of fight, where we found
that Spaniards had shown themselves plainly on
fortifications on a high ridge, but had concealed
troops in the undergrowth close to the trail. The
only advance guard was Lieutenant Saltzman with
ten men a short distance ahead of the column. Spanish opened with volleys well fired but too high. Our
loss was A Troop one killed; B one killed and two
wounded; G two wounded; K Knox and Byram and
two privates wounded and five killed. Lieutenant
Colonel Bell wounded; 10th Cavalry lost, one killed
and ten wounded. Rough Riders lost Captain
Capron killed and four officers wounded; enlisted
men ten killed and twenty-four wounded. G Troop,
1st Cavalry, charged the fortifications on ridge under
heavy fire, which position was also exposed to a
raking fire from Rough Riders. Spanish retreated
when our troops were within 200 yards. Hotchkiss
gun did good work here. Distance from Daiquiri to
Siboney about eight miles and thence to camp where




THE DIARY OF A CAPTAIN


297


fight took place four miles. Arrived at scene of fight
and went into camp 2:30 P. M. The dead were
buried that evening.
June 25. Remained in camp. Visited Spanish fortifications. Troops passing us constantly during the
day. Work on road taken up to enable rations and
dynamite gun to be sent forward.
June 26. Ninety pounds bacon; twenty-five pounds
hard bread; three cans tomatoes; eight pounds
coffee; twelve pounds sugar issued at 9:00 A. M. as
part of the rations for the 27th and 28th. Broke
camp at 9:00 A. M. and marched four miles, camping on large creek supposed to be Guama (see map).
Estimated distance about five to six miles to Santiago. Prisoner brought into camp and examined by
Colonel A. L. Wagner. A force of 4,000 Cubans arrived late in the afternoon and moved forward towards Santiago. Men plainly visible in vicinity of
two or three block houses, which are on the mountain peak to the north about three or four miles
distant. Not known whether they are Spaniards or
Cubans, but they have a good view of our entire
force. Parker's Gatling Battery passed at 5:00 P. M.
towards Santiago. A brigade passed this A. M. moving to the front.
June 27. Colonel Evan Miles' Brigade passed at
8:00 A. M. Additional rations issued to make up
deficiency in rations for use today and tomorrow.
Three batteries arrive.
June 28. Lieutenant Edw. Anderson, 7th Cavalry,
and myself, went down to the old sugar mill, foot
of El Pozo Hill, which the Spaniards abandoned
yesterday and having climbed El Pozo got a fair




298


THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


view, being within about two miles, or less, of the
Spanish barracks and entrenchments. (At top of El
Pozo Hill we met a Cuban officer who accompanied
us and pointed out various places, such as San Juan
Hill, Kettle Hill, El Caney and Ducoureau House.
Our presence on hill evidently excited interest of
Spaniards at San Juan Hill. I made a rough pencil
sketch of what could be seen and gave it to General
Young on my return.) Rained in the evening. Lieutenant Batson, 9th Cavalry, is said to be inside the
lines, reconnoitering.
June 29. Very heavy rains this P. M. One battery arrived. Reports say that El Caney is occupied
by 600 soldiers. Ducoureau House not occupied.
Large detachments working on roads.
June 30. Lieutenant W. H. Osborne, 1st Cavalry,
my Second Lieutenant, went in to Steamer "Leona"
after wire nippers, etc. Corporal Lindley and Lieutenant W. C. Rivers went in to Siboney sick. Signal
fires seen at noon from block houses on mountains.
Our camp is very wet and disagreeable from yesterday's rain. Troop now rationed to include July 2nd.
General Young reported sick. The "General" sounded
at 2:45 P. M. and we marched to El Pozo, three and
one-half miles distant, arriving, after many delays
and fording numerous small streams, with wet feet
at 9:00 P. M., and bivouacked as support to the batteries. Lawton moving at same time on El Caney.
Balloon in operation late this afternoon.
July 1. Lawton's batteries and infantry opened
up at El Caney about 5:30 A. M. Scarcely any of us
had previously seen a real battle. The 1st Cavalry
was in the close formation of "line of masses"




THE DIARY OF A CAPTAIN


299


directly in rear of Grimes' battery which was a short
distance in front near the top of El Pozo Hill, whence
the whole field was spread out before us like a map.
(Many officers and men whose curiosity was now
aroused to the highest pitch were unable to resist
their intense desire to "see the show" and deliberately left ranks for the El Pozo view-point. Soon
afterwards Grimes' battery opened up and the enemy
replied at once, getting the range quite accurately
and killing and wounding several men. It was amusing to note how soon these "rubber necks" lost their
curiosity, and how quickly they seemed to remember
that their proper places were with their troops which
they then rejoined with commendable alacrity.)
Lieutenant Colonel McClernand soon came up and
said that Lawton was hard pressed and we were
wanted at once to join Lawton's left. We finally
got started but there was quite a delay before getting to the ford and our fight was commenced by
the enemy in the brush firing on the balloon. Our
brigade under Colonel Leonard Wood hurried to the
north, across a stream, left our packs and a moment
later was ordered to lie down in high grass, with
head of regiment at bend of creek. Three-fourths of
an hour later men were allowed to come down to
creek to fill canteens and get better shelter. We
then charged up the hill to the iron pots, afterwards
known as Kettle Hill. Colonel Carroll directed me
to take as many men as possible and hold the hill.
Immediately afterward he was shot. Afterward I
reported to Major Tutherly and Lieutenant Colonel
Viele on ridge beyond, where the latter said Sumner
had directed him to form a support in case advanced




300


THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


lines should be driven back. At dark firing ceased
and we went back for our blanket rolls and haversacks, and then went down to hill where Major Forse
was buried. Galbraith, through Wainwright, called
for assistance to hold important hill in advance, but
Viele did not go. Entrenched troop on San Juan
hill.
July 2. Occupied the steep ridge below where
Forse was buried (San Juan). Heavy firing commenced at daybreak and continued nearly all day.
About a dozen wounded came in during the day and
E Troop men were called on for ponchos and shelter
halves to protect wounded from heavy rain. This
together with what clothing we have already lost
leaves us in very bad shape. A number of the
enemy's sharpshooters were killed in trees during
the day in rear of our lines. Some rations issued,
but troops sort of helped themselves without regard
to returns. Plenty of coffee, but short on other components. At night we got twenty rounds of extra
ammunition per man and left with such of the regiment as had been collected for Galbraith's position.
Sergeants Schuster, Sender and others had joined
during the day. Heavy rain P. M. Worked hard on
trench and about 10:00 or 11:00 P. M. there was
heavy firing. Subsequently we heard that the enemy
had lost heavily. Viele's attention called by General
Chaffee to the fact that our trench was not located
on crest.
July 3. Worked on trenches. Very heavy rain
P. M. Saw my classmate, Captain W. O. Clark. Firing ceased at noon when Dorst went in with flag of
truce to demand surrender.




THE DIARY OF A CAPTAIN


301


July 4. Camped on side hill, taking our turn in
guarding trenches. Captain Wainwright appointed
commander, 2nd Squadron. Heavy rain P. M. Men
got soaked as usual and went to sleep on wet ground.
Truce extended and all sorts of conflicting rumors in
circulation about same. Too busy and tired to write
up journal.
July 5. Major Derby, U. S. Engineers, came by and
said sandbags and brush scythes would be here tomorrow. Arrived at our new camp just north of
dynamite gun pit at 10:00 A. M. Troop in trenches
nearly all day.
July 6. Hobson exchanged about 4:00 P. M., and
band played and men cheered. Heavy artillery battery with Coehorn mortars came over to our position. Had a bath and shoes off for first time since
July 1st. Orders received that truce ends at 5:00
P. M. Troop turned out at 3:00 A. M. to man the
trenches. Lieutenant Osborne and nine men sick.
July 7. First mail since we arrived in Cuba came
tonight. Was brigade officer of day. Worked with
troop until 9:00 P. M. on splinterproof shelter and
loopholing parapet. Rations short. No coffee for
breakfast. Made written complaint that men were
being charged for tobacco, and that they should have
twelve pounds coffee to 100 rations. (This was on
the ground that this was an "emergent occasion,"
and under G. 0. 49, A.G.O. of 1896, the then Emergency Ration which should have been issued called
for one-half ounce tobacco and two ounces coffee
per ration).
July 8. Ration issued today consisted of hard
bread, full ration; meat, full ration; coffee, two



302


THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


third ration; sugar, about one-half ration; tomatoes,
about one-half ration; beans, a hatful for the troop.
Got authority to tear down house on Kettle Hill.
Corporal Shaw very sick. Another small issue of
rations made P. M. and orders taken for a few officers' supplies. E troop working hard on trenches and
finished our loopholes on top of parapet and splinterproof at dark. Started in working on parapet, etc.,
at 3:30 A. M. and completed loopholing at about
daybreak. On duty in trenches from 4:00 P. M. till
midnight. Spanish deserter came in and gave himself up to Rough Riders. Got authority to get material from house on Kettle Hill to make splinterproof.
No rain.
July 9. Cheering in camp of Rough Riders over
Wood's promotion to Brigadier General. Rumors
say Madrid Government directs Spaniards to hold
out and fight. The 2nd in command wants to hold
out, but the commanding officer wants to surrender. Very hot. Captain Ennis having trouble in
reducing charges for his mortars to correspond with
reduced ranges. Proposition on the part of Spaniards to evacuate this province and march out with
the honors of war submitted to Washington. In
trenches from 4:00 P. M. to midnight. Got a few
mess supplies.
July 10. In trenches from midnight till 8:00 A. M.
Waiting to hear from proposition submitted yesterday to Washington. In the afternoon word was received that reply was that unless city unconditionally
surrendered by 3:00 P. M. bombardment would begin at 4:00 P. M. Firing commenced at 4:30 and
was briskly kept up till 7:00 P. M. Dynamite gun




THE DIARY OF A CAPTAIN


303


did good work. Mail and Chicago Record received
during fire in trenches. E Troop fired about eighteen rounds per man by platoon volleys.
July 11. Bombardment commenced again as soon
as it was daylight and continued until 1:00 P. M.
when cease firing was sounded. Had an attack of
malaria. Rumored that there is a truce from 1:00
P. M. today until 1:00 P. M. tomorrow to let the
Spaniards bury their dead. Captain Rowell, 2nd
Infantry, killed by a shell yesterday from the Spanish gun on the hill. That gun disabled, however,
after third round. E troop in trenches from 6:00 P.
M. to 12:00 M. with eight lookouts and rest of troop
supposed to be in trenches while A troop was in support and took our places from 12:00 M. to 6:00 A. M.
July 12. Very heavy rain, one inch, which kept
nearly every one up all night and most of us pretty
well soaked. Truce still on. Rained nearly all morning. Men getting drowned out and condition of the
sick is very bad.
July 13. Troop in trenches from 10:00 A. M. to
2:00 P. M, Lieutenant Edw. Anderson, 7th Cavalry,
came around about noon and we made some estimates of distances to Spanish trenches. Generals
Miles and Shafter are said to have gone in the lines
this A. M. to see General Linares. Later Miles and
Shafter went to right of line, which Anderson says
now touches the bay, completing the investment.
River last night deep enough to swim a horse. Heavy
rain at noon today and everything got wet again.
The issue of rice to the regiment was three cups.
Chicago Record of the 30th ultimo received. Rough
Riders have now taken post on our right. General




304


THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


Randolph has landed with forty guns and is supposed to be getting into position. Twenty-six cases
yellow fever reported at Siboney and the houses
there were burned last night. Large flocks of buzzards hovering over Spanish entrenchments. Private Zipfel became suddenly delirious, hysterical
and violent at 8:40 P. M.
July 14. Rained again last night. Zipfel still out
of his head and taken in hospital. Loud cheering in
10th Cavalry camp and camp to south at 10:20 A. M.
and a man passed along saying that city had surrendered, but we doubt it. E Troop in trenches 6:00
A. M. to 2:00 P. M. Have today but forty men for
duty out of a troop of sixty-six. News came at 1:00
P. M. that the city had surrendered, but that there
must be no cheering. About an hour later, McKittrick, General Shafter's son-in-law, came around and
announced at each camp that the Spanish General
surrendered 12,000 men in the city and 8,000 to the
east of here, all of which are to be sent back to Spain
as soon as possible. Refugees from Santiago to be
allowed to return. No officer or enlisted men allowed in front of our lines. No cheering allowed.
Rain P. M.
July 15. Was on duty as Brigade Officer of the
Day. No rain. Terms of surrender said to have
been cabled today to Madrid. Heavy paper mail
received today for the troop, including Army and
Navy Journal of July 2nd. Appointed Privates Farrow and Martin corporals. Received one-half sack
potatoes and a few onions today. Said to be 100
cases yellow fever at Siboney and forty at the General Hospital near General Shafter's Headquarters.




Observation Under Fire.


Trench of the 2nd Infantry.




I..-c:




THE DIARY OF A CAPTAIN


305


July 16. No rain. Refugees going back into the
city this P. M. It is rumored that General Miles
wants the Cavalry to accompany him on the Porto
Rico Expedition.
July 17. Went over on the Rough Rider road this
A. M. to see refugees come in. Command formed at
9:45 A. M. on the trenches to see the surrender, or
rather to be under arms at that time. Spanish troops
could be seen passing out of city and trenches. At
noon all troops formed on line of trenches and twenty-one guns fired by Capron's battery, when Stars
and Stripes were run up on Governor's Palace. The
Star Spangled Banner was then played and all troops
cheered. (This was one of the most thrilling scenes
which I have ever witnessed.)
Due to lack of proper food, with no shelter except
"dog tents," exposed by turns to the debilitating
effects of torrential rains and a tropical sun, and
from sleeping in the mud, about thirty per cent of
our men were ill, but on this occasion every man
who could possibly stagger to his feet hobbled to the
line of trenches which for miles encompassed the
city of Santiago.
As they stood there in their tattered and mud begrimed blue uniforms with wan, sallow and drawn
faces, covered with a straggling three weeks' growth
of beard, they little looked like the splendid corps
which had sailed from Tampa a short month previously.
At exactly noon the signal was given, and as cheer
after cheer went up from thousands of lusty throats
along mile after mile of trenches, there was left no
doubt in the minds of those present that the partici



306


THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


pants fully realized that they were taking part in
an important event in the history of the Western
Hemisphere.
Spain's power and intolerable, tyrannical rule in
islands just south of us had been broken, and that,
too, by Shafter's little corps of 800 officers and 16,000
men; while with the raising of the Stars and Stripes
over the Governor's Palace at Santiago, a new epoch
in Cuba had begun.
July 18. Moved camp to about one and one-half
miles west of El Caney, starting at 9:20 A. M. Few
rests on the march, distance about five miles, and as
a result of this and a rather rapid gait, I had but
seventeen enlisted men when I got into camp.
July 20. * * We got twelve small cans salmon tonight to be sold to officers of the regiment.
Heavy rain at 5:00 P. M. * *
July 21. Garlington eame round this morning
making a sort of return of the regiment and an inspection of its condition as to supplies, etc. Heavy
shower 3:00 P. M. Two yellow fever suspects found
and isolated. Said to be thirty yellow fever cases in
the Division down at, and in the vicinity of Siboney.
Find myself very weak. Took shelter in Hartman's
shelter tent during the shower, the first time I've
been in a tent during rain since we landed. Major
Allen Smith, 1st Cavalry, arrived this evening and
brings news of the fall of Manila. No mail has been
received on the Island of Cuba since July 9th.
July 22. Two wagons arrived and in E Troop we
got our camp kettles, a new paulin and my bedding
roll which gives me a shelter tent, cot and change




THE DIARY OF A CAPTAIN


307


of undercothing. Had fever all last night. Captain
J. G. Galbraith started for camp with a lot of fresh
beef and took the wrong road and got stuck with his
load, but beef arrived so that we had some for supper and will have two meals tomorrow. This is the
first fresh beef the men have had since June 6th.
July 24, Sunday. Tentage distributed this morning. * * * *
July 25. Full rations of potatoes and onions issued
today, but troop had short allowance of tainted beef.
Nine men sick today.
July 29. Orders received that we are to leave for
Long Island as soon as fevers in camp here abate so
that men can travel. This order to be published to
the men.
July 30. * * *Sat in Court today. Long rain
this A. M. Our Camp is in a wretched condition
and Dorst agrees with me that conditions here are
going to get worse instead of better.
August 1. Colonel Theodore Roosevelt assumes
command of 2nd Cavalry Brigade. We hear that we
are to go north as soon as transports get here. Sick
men getting worse. Bought twenty-four cans peaches,
twenty-four cans apricots, one can soup and one can
pears for troop. They say that two men in Sumner's
Brigade died yesterday.
August 3. The last of the men's bedding distributed this A. M. Got the troop filter in working
order. Heavy rain this P. M. Meeting of Division




308


THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


and Brigade Commanders in town to discuss the
condition of affairs. Two propositions had been
sent from Washington on recommendation of the
Surgeon General: first, to change our camp every
two days and keep us here; second, to send us to
San Luis, about forty miles north of here on the
railroad. The Generals at first prepared a "To
whom it may concern," but subsequently changed
the form to a joint letter to General Shafter, stating
that we should leave at once, and that if our departure were longer delayed those ordering it would be
responsible for the loss of thousands of lives, etc.
Colonel Roosevelt also wired the Secretary of War
and Senator Lodge, and secured moreover authority
to give to the Associated Press an important letter
which he, Roosevelt, wrote to Shafter urging in the
strongest terms our removal. The letter of the Generals went to the Associated Press.
August 4. Meeting of General Court Martial at
8:00 A. M., and after meeting of Court, Colonel
Roosevelt sent for me and gave me some unimportant instructions regarding the police of camp and
then said: ("Sit down and I'll tell you what we did
yesterday at the meeting of General Officers and
Brigade Commanders." He said in effect that it
came out at their conference that the Surgeon General opposed our return to the United States through
fear of our bringing yellow fever with us; that it
was proposed that our camp be moved up into the
hills so as to be on higher ground. The Colonel said
that he had climbed those hills and no suitable camp
ground was to be found there; and moreover the
rains were heavier and more frequent in the hills,




THE DIARY OF A CAPTAIN


309


the problem of supply would be more difficult, and
we had hardly the strength to move there anyhow.
The War Department authorities he said might
pigeon-hole the official views of the division and
brigade commanders, but if he could get a statement of the situation into the newspapers he was confident that such pressure would be brought on the
administration that they would be obliged to bring
us North. He realized fully the gravity of the step
being taken, but laughingly added that he did not
fear any danger of being court martialed for it.)
Rumor received late this P. M. to the effect that
we may move on the 6th to the United States. Orders were received about 11:00 A. M. to the effect
that we were to be returned to the United States as
soon as possible. Rain this P. M.
August 5. Rumor that the 3rd and 6th Cavalry
start for United States tomorrow, but that the 9th
is to remain. * * * Condition of camp steadily
growing worse. Twelve men sick this A. M.
August 6. Worked on muster rolls till 1:00 A. M.,
Sunday.
August 7, Sunday. Destroyed a lot of old clothing
by order, as medical officers fear that it is infected.
Started at 1:40 P. M. and arrived at train at 3:00
P. M., one and one-half miles. * * * Went aboard
the Matteawan.
August 8. Sailed for U. S.
August 10. Have sixteen men sick.
August 13. Frazer still delirious.




310          THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN
An artilleryman sick in hospital at stern of ship,
jumped overboard at 8:15 P. M. and was lost.
*     t       *   *     *
August 15. Naval vessel about 6:00 P. M. gave
us the first official news of the terms of treaty of
peace. Man of D Troop died when in sight of land.
*     *     *     *     *
August 17. We got in about 5:00 P. M. and the
Red Cross people were on hand with a nice fresh
ham sandwich for each man when we landed (at
Montauk Point).




AS A CAPTAIN TELLS THE STORY
By COLONEL R. C. VAN VLIET, U. S. Army, Retired,
Late Brigadier General, N. A.
The call to mobilize at Tampa found the 10th Infantry, Colonel E. P. Pearson, Commanding, stationed
at Forts Sill and Reno, Indian Territory, now Oklahoma. The regiment was in fine condition, filled
with enlisted men wearing numerous service stripes,
and sharpshooter's insignia. Many of the officers
were Civil War veterans. I was the goat captain, although serving in that outfit as a Lieutenant for twenty-two years. My captaincy came just as war was
declared, and I inherited a splendid company, a fair
sample of the great little army that sailed away in
forty transports in June, 1898.
The expedition, commanded by General Shafter,
consisted of nearly all the available Regular Infantry, a couple of regiments of dismounted cavalry,
a small amount of field artillery, engineers, several National Guard regiments, and a regiment of
volunteers, the Rough Riders, the latter a very efficient body of men, several of the higher officers being Regulars. They sailed away from Tampa in a
great armada, convoyed by the Navy battleships,
cruisers and torpedo boat destroyers. This was a
most imposing sight to most of us, the big transports
in double column, flanked by the lesser war vessels,
and led by the battleship Indiana. We steamed at
full speed through the Windward Passage, and at
daybreak one morning, it was seen that the landing
for our division would be through the surf at Dai



312


THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


quiri, a small town a few miles east of Santiago,
where, already, our battle fleet had blockaded that
city.
In full equipment, carrying all the ammunition
we could hold, and not knowing what was before us,
we gaily climbed into the long string of life boats
provided by the Navy in some mysterious way, for
they were alongside immediately upon our dropping
anchor, each string hauled by a launch with a Naval
officer in command.
The New Orleans, flying the red flag, opened the
ball by steaming in close and shelling the neighboring ridges. As the first shell threw up a great cloud
of dust and rocks, Lawton's troops shot for the shore,
tumbled out through the surf, and deployed rapidly,
moving inland to prevent possible attack upon the
remainder of the division which quickly landed under the expert direction of our Naval brothers, who
handled this always difficult operation with such efficiency and system that I believe only two men were
lost, they being held under by the great weight of
their equipment.
The regiment quickly bivouacked, as no forward
movement could take place until the entire expedition was collected, and necessary orders given to the
different units, although I venture to say, that the
former were not as numerous as those required in
some of the minor problems of a later day.
There was a single road through the jungle from
Daiquiri, through Siboney to Santiago, and a small
railroad running nearer the coast. The latter had
been put out of commission before we landed, and
could not be used until later repaired by the 2nd




I
i
i


V


Col. E. P. Pearson.




,i.
a  0F
\. 1




AS A CAPTAIN TELLS THE STORY


313


Massachusetts National Guard regiment in whose
ranks were many railroad men and mechanics. Personally, I did not see the road in operation as we
took the road over the hills.
A couple of miles above Siboney, a Spanish force
of about 300 had fortified a ranch called Las Guasimas. General Young who commanded the vanguard of the Army, ordered the Rough Riders and
dismounted Regular Cavalry to attack. This was
done gallantly, driving the enemy before them in
flight toward Santiago.
The 10th Infantry was marching up only a few
miles away, and we could hear every shot fired in
that engagement; the skirmishing of the Americans,
and the volleys of the Spanish. My company was
the advance guard of the regiment that day and we
were some half mile in advance being much further
in advance than ordinarily, owing to other troops
being in front of us.
Here was a difficult position for a goat captain.
The war would be over and the 10th Infantry not in
it. I sent back a runner to the regimental commander, that there seemed to be quite a fight near
Siboney and suggested that I go and see what it was
all about. The firing redoubled; I looked at the men,
they were straining at the leash. I comforted myself with the thought that the Colonel was a good
sport and that I had read somewhere that it was a
good plan to follow the sound of the guns; Wagnermaybe.
We doubled most of the two miles, and as we
reached the foot of the hill, all firing ceased. It
seemed like the silence of death. The fight was over.




314


THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


As I stood at the foot of the trail the next morning,
a quiet little procession came slowly down the hillside. Leading, came Sergeant Thomas with a detail
of Rough Riders, bearing all that remained of the
gallant Captain Allyn Capron of the Regular Cavalry,
in a litter made of saplings and a blanket. He was
leading now as he led the van in the fight. Then
came other litters and men limping. I recognized
old comrades, Majors Brodie, Knox, Bell, Lieutenant
Day, also a tall young Indian from the Territory,
some fifty in all.
We were not then in possession of the efficient
Signal Corps of these later days, so the best we could
do was to tie a handkerchief to a stick and wig-wag
to the hospital ship Olivette, standing off shore, to
send in a boat for the wounded. Several days
elapsed, waiting at Siboney for concentration of command, collection of rations and ammunition, and
making plans for two rather important attacks which
must be made, before attacking the city itself. Two
advanced posts stood in our way, strongly fortified,
and held by the flower of the Spanish Army-San
Juan Hill and El Caney.
A few miles beyond Siboney we entered the Artillery zone. I remembered when the first shell
screamed close overhead, the entire regiment gracefully ducked. Lieutenant Baylies marching with the
next company in rear, called "Say, Van, to whom
are you bowing?"
Except under unusual circumstances a company
commander sees little of a battle other than the happenings immediately in his front; he is too busy attending to his own unit and then as a rule the ter



AS A CAPTAIN TELLS THE STORY


315


rain is such that an extended view to his flanks is
impossible. My recollection of the Santiago fight,
now nearly thirty years ago, must necessarily be
limited to that which happened within my actual observation.
It was slow, hot work marching in column of fours
up that narrow rough road, through a deep valley
with giant hills shutting out every breath of air and
as we drew nearer to San Juan Hill, which barred
our way to the city, signal smoke rose from the mountain tops, telling the enemy that we were approaching.
As we came to a bend in the road, a strange object appeared. It was the captive balloon. We were
quite close to it, too close, as a hail of bullets spattered around, and we thought it would be safer
nearer the front. A short distance further and we
passed through a National Guard regiment, lying
down in formation. A major called to me, "We are
ordered to remain here in reserve." "Pretty tough,"
I laughed back, "come on with us, plenty of room
at the front."
That evening, while making an inventory of our
casualties, we found a member of that regiment lying in a little depression of the ground, with his rifle
still bearing upon the enemy, dead, upholding the
honor of his country. How many of his fellows
slipped into our ranks and fought through the day,
I can only conjecture. They had taken my invitation literally. While halted for a rest during our
march forward, a fiery Cuban, on a fiery pony,
dashed down the road from the front, waved his
sombrero and shouted, "We will show you how to




316


THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


fight these Spaniards." As he disappeared in a cloud
of dust, this from one of my huskies, "Say, Jack,
he seems to be going the wrong way."
About noon of that day, we met Captain Philip
Reade. It was pretty hot and we were feeling limp
and some of us limpy. Reade was Chief Signal Officer of the division, I think. He rode a horse and
looked very comfortable, and knowing. He announced that we were in direct communication with
the White House, at Washington, and that the President sent the Army his greetings and good morning.
We were ready to believe anything, but afterwards,
I wondered how he did it and radio had not then
been discovered.
And then as we topped a ridge, right before us,
rose our objective, the rugged San Juan Hill. Already we could plainly see the black soldiers of the
25th Infantry, squirming up the hillside in a long
irregular line, they were reserving their fire and I
could see the glint of the sun upon the fixed bayonets.
We knew that several other regiments were similarly engaged on the far side of the hill. It was evident that the Tenth could not possibly catch up with
these fast moving troops and that we were intended
to reinforce if the first assault was unsuccessful.
Believing that it might be necessary to know the
exact range for my company, I fired one shot from
a man's rifle, placing the sight at 1,000 yards. Officers watching the shot through glasses saw the adobe
fly and announced a bull's eye. I was promptly
called down for firing over the 25th Infantry, as the
barrage was not popular in those days.
There has been much controversy as to the honor




AS A CAPTAIN TELLS THE STORY


317


of first scaling the height. Through my glasses I
saw a man of the 25th Infantry, spring over the
edge and engage a Spaniard who ran out of the
block-house. I could not see the other edge of the
plateau and possibly other organizations also arrived at the top about the same time.
The first charge was successful, and in a few minutes the National and Regimental colors were waving over the block-house.
At this time we could hear, three miles away, the
light guns of General Lawton's division, storming
the outpost of El Caney. San Juan having been
swept out of the way, the orders were to immediately
invest the city. It surely was "a thin blue line,"
that ran in a semi-circle around Santiago, 12,000
men for eight miles. The 10th Infantry, were directed by a staff officer to occupy "the little green
hill," promptly deployed as skirmishers, and advanced firing. The enemy using smokeless were
unseen, but the air was full of bullets. Captain John
Drum commanded the company on my right, and
through the infernal din, I could plainly hear his
great voice giving commands to his company to fire
by platoon. I was thinking what a magnificent voice
foi command, when it ceased suddenly, forever.
From the time of the advance, and for the first
two or three days of the investment, the regiment
had many casualties. Gaining our objective toward
dusk, we immediately dug in, working all night with
intrenching tools, mess pans, bayonets, and a few
shovels and picks sent to us by General Joe Wheeler.
We finally finished before daybreak and had a
chance as the sun came up to take our bearings. To




318


THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


our right oblique lay the city some five thousand
yards away, between us a seemingly impassable
jungle of chaparral, a few hundred yards to our front
a Spanish trench, which was soon vacated. Grimes'
battery now opened fire. I counted fourteen shots
and then the black powder gave the game away.
We tried rifle fire, but there was nothing much to
aim at and our shots brought such a hail of bullets
that the reserves and troops in the rear were much
endangered. In connection with this we heard that
the wounded being carried back to Siboney on
stretchers complained that they were being shot at
by snipers stationed in trees. I feel certain that most
of these shots came from the far carrying Mausers
at the front. Lying in the unprotected trenches under a tropical sun, drenched frequently by the tropical rain, made a very unhappy army. Water was
very scarce, the method of procuring it very dangerous. A man with twenty canteens slung over his
shoulder made a dash for a little stream some hundreds of yards to the rear; if he was playing in luck,
he got back. Private Cox of my company was killed
while attempting it.
Our two diversions occurred when Hobson, having been exchanged, came through the lines near us.
The cheers that greeted him showed that Americans
appreciated a gallant action. The other, when the
Spanish fleet (using the words of Richard Harding
Davis), "like great gray rats poked their noses out
of the harbor and scuttled for the open sea," was
annihilated, the thunder of the great guns of our
battleships receding as they rushed down the coast
after the unhappy Colon.




AS A CAPTAIN TELLS THE STORY     319
The official records will show the casualties of the
regiment. I do not know how they compared with
those of other organizations, but they were enough,
and when on that blistering morning I got mine, as
Bret Harte says, "The subsequent proceedings interested me no more."




A REMINISCENT STORY
By COLONEL 0. R. WOLFE, U. S. Infantry.
A Reminiscent Story, by Colonel Orrin R. Wolfe,
Infantry (DOL), of his Experiences as Lieutenant of
Company E, 22nd Infantry, in the Santiago Campaign, 1898. The places, dates and events are entirely from memory, but are believed to be fairly
accurate.
The 22nd Infantry received orders to proceed to
Mobile, Alabama, on April 18, 1898. The Regiment
was then stationed at Fort Crook, Nebraska, and
consisted of Headquarters, Band and eight companies —approximately twenty-five officers and 450
enlisted men.
Arrived at Mobile on the night of April 21st and
remained in the cars overnight. Early next morning marched to a very beautiful camp site in a grove
about five miles from Mobile.
Remained there until May 1st, when entrained for
Tampa, Florida. There, camped on the sandhills of
Tampa Heights. On June 7th marched aboard the
chartered transport "Orizaba" for Cuba.
Three attempts to sail for destination were made.
The first two were unsuccessful, as the report was,
the Spanish Fleet was outside. Life aboard the ship
was utilized for schools and instruction as well as
could be done.
On June 14, 1898, we started, passing beyond
Egmont Key and noting our coast defenses at that
point.
The trip south was interesting, as most of us had




A REMINISCENT STORY -


321


never been to sea before. There were thirty-seven
transports. The Navy with the Battleship Iowa convoyed us. There were several small Navy boats like
the Castine which kept us in formation. The formation in proceeding was three columns, 100 yards
distance and 400 yards interval. We were held up
once on account of a lighter which was being towed
by a large tug. It broke away and I believe was
never recovered.
The night of June 21, 1898, was rainy and dark. I
heard one of the Navy small boats come alongside
and call up to the Captain on the bridge to stand
twenty miles off the entrance of Santiago Bay, giving
him his bearings.
The next morning, June 22, 1898, was bright and
sunny and the Navy proceeded to shell the hills for
about an hour in the vicinity of Daiquiri. Then the
Regiment, at 6:00 A. M., was ordered to enter small
boats, forty men to a boat, with three sailors in the
boat and one Army officer, and after about six boats
were loaded a Navy steam launch towed us ashore.
There was an old iron pier, the wood mostly gone,
which we were brought alongside of, and as the
swell tossed us up we were grabbed by men and
pulled up.
Then moved a short way off the pier and halted
alongside of the road until the Regiment was all
ashore.
I walked around and saw an old shack and a
wounded Cuban in it. About that time some men
of Company B, of the Regiment, commanded by
Captain J. J. Crittenden, proceeded to climb to the
top of a hill about 200 feet high and pulled down a




322


THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


Spanish flag. I believe the flag is now in the National Museum.
About 3:00 o'clock in the afternoon all of the 2nd
Division under the command of General Lawton was
ashore and we marched inland along a narrow dirt
road, lined on both sides with dense underbrush and
Spanish bayonet.
At dark, we bivouacked along the roadside.
The next morning at daylight we moved on with
the 22nd Infantry in the advance. Lieutenant Getty
had charge of the advance party of the advance
guard.
While marching along we were suddenly halted by
a signal. The grass was very tall, but I could see
the men of the advance party taking cover along
the side. A road crossed at right angles and down
this road hurrying was a detachment of Spanish
troops. I caught a glimpse of their large straw hats.
They were apparently retreating towards Santiago
and had left early that morning from Siboney.
We continued the march into Siboney crossing a
railroad bridge just before we entered the town. On
this bridge was a water main. A shell from the
Navy had struck and broken the main and water was
shooting into the air about ten feeit.
We put up shelter tents just back of the shore line.
The first battalion was immediately put on outpost
on the high ground near a block-house.
That afternoon I strolled down to a round-house
and there were about six locomotives. Something
the matter with each one. A vital part, like a driving rod, had been removed and thrown over the sea
wall into the sea.




A REMINISCENT STORY


323


I knew I had a number of men in the company
who had been railroad men. I went to my Captain,
F. B. Jones, Company E, 22nd Infantry, and asked
him if I could use them and try and repair one of
the engines. He permitted me. We worked for
some time, taking a part from one engine' and putting it in the place of a part that was missing. One
was ready to go about 3:00 P. M. We only had a
little water, but a water tank was about 200 yards
down the road, so we had up steam. I was in the
cab with three or four soldiers, one acting as engineer. I got hold of the whistle cord and proceeded
to toot. We ran out of the round-house and down
the track, soldiers cheering.
We stopped at the water tank and just then an
orderly came up and told me the Regimental Commander wished to see me. It was Lieutenant Colonel
Patterson. He proceeded to give me h- for making so much noise. Needless to say, I had nothing
more to do with railroads. Lieutenant D. L. Stone,
now Colonel Stone, on duty in the Assistant Secretary of War's Office, took up the work and repaired
several locomotives and they were used by our Army.
That evening General Lawton used that engine to
go back and forth to his headquarters a few hundred yards back in the jungle.
That afternoon the Rough Riders were landing and
cooking their meal along the beach.
I remember sitting on a fence in front of one of
the shacks and talking to Richard Harding Davis,
Remington, Casper Whitney and several other civilian war correspondents.
In one of the shacks were several wounded and




324


THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


one or two dead Cuban soldiers. They had had a
fight the day before with the Spaniards.
The next morning, June 24, 1898, the battalion I
was in was detailed to relieve the troops of ours on
outpost. We climbed the steepest hill I believe I
ever tackled and got to the block-house. I was
standing there when the Rough Riders, headed by
Colonels Roosevelt and Wood, passed in single file
along the narrow trail. I could have put out my
hand and touched them, but being a second lieutenant-although I was promoted to a first and did
not know it —I concluded it was not exactly permissible or good form, having been brought up, thank
God, in the Old Army where such things were not
considered exactly proper with your superiors.
I heard some one remark that they should have
a point out, that the Spaniards were near, as they
had heard their bugles during the night and the digging of trenches. Some one of the Rough Riders said,
"No, there were no Spaniards nearer than Santiago,
which was twenty miles away." They found out
differently in less than an hour. We heard from our
outpost line rifle firing and in a few minutes a civilian packer came back shot in the neck and hollering,
"Come on boys and help us out." At that time a
War Correspondent, I think his name was Marshall,
was being carried back on a litter, wounded and
was singing a song which was popular then, called,
"On the Banks of the Wabash Far Away."
We were ordered down the hill then to rejoin the
Regiment and were then double-timed for hours, it
seemed to me, up a road. We passed about ten men
stretched out in a row alongside of the road with




A REMINISCENT STORY


325


their campaign hats over their faces and some one
told us they were soldiers of the 10th Cavalry who
had been killed.
We continued along this road for several miles and
then halted. Soon an order came to march back to
Siboney and draw rations. We were then marched
back over this same road to Siboney and then drew
what was supposed to be several days' rations. All
I saw were three gallon cans of tomatoes. They
were difficult to carry, but nevertheless after getting
them we tied them up and put a pole through them
and two men of a squad carried one each in that
manner.
We continued retracing our steps on this same
road, passing the same dead again, which was none
too good for my morale, and after marching to about
where we had stopped the early part of the day, and
it was then about nine o'clock at night, we bivouacked
for the rest of the night, putting out an outpost as
well as we could in the jungle.
June 25, 1898, we continued marching towards
Santiago and did this until June 30, 1898. On that
afternoon we were near General Shafter's headquarters and saw the balloon go up. It did not stay in
the air very long. I do not know whether it was shot
down or just came down to report.
Along that afternoon, as I remember, the dynamite gun was hauled along the road near where we
were halted. I also saw the 7th Infantry of Chaffee's
Brigade, which was then passing, go by. They had
recruited their Third Battalion before they left the
States, and I do not believe any other regiment had.
However, they certainly were a funny looking lot.




326


THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


All in civilian clothes, some with derby hats, and all
with a rifle and the old grey thimble cartridge belts,
haversacks and canteens. We followed Chaffee's
Brigade moving along the road about 6:00 P. M.
Marched for a couple of hours, then halted for the
night. I distinctly remember when the order came
to put out an outpost how ridiculous it seemed to
me. The underbrush, Spanish bayonet and century
plants were so dense and thickly entwined that one
could not get through it any more than a stone wall.
I had, the year before, graduated from the Infantry
and Cavalry School, at Ft. Leavenworth, and we had
an extensive course in Security and Information under Colonel Arthur L. Wagner, then a first lieutenant,
and the thought of putting out a Cossack Post any
less distance than 150 yards would have set him
plumb off. However, we managed to get a corporal
and three men about twenty-five yards into the
jungle away from the rest of the command.
The next morning, July 1, 1898, broke beautiful.
We were on the road by 4:00 A. M., marching towards the town of El Caniey. I understood we were
to attack and finish it about 10:00 o'clock A. M., and
then to go over to San Juan Hill. As it turned out,
we did not get to the town until about 4:30 P. M. that
day.
Continuing, about 6:00 A. M., we passed a gun. I
think it belonged to Grimes' Battery. It was in position and a shot from it was to start the show. There
was a lieutenant of the 1st Infantry with some Infantry men from the 1st Infantry supporting the gun;
called in those days the Artillery support. His name
was Billy Crofton. I had been in the same class the




A REMINISCENT STORY


327


year before with him at Ft. Leavenworth. We said,
"hello!" to each other and I continued along with
the Company.
I remember we changed direction off the trail
shortly and moved towards a large! and beautiful
house set in the meadow. We then changed direction again and moved on a road leading directly towards El Caney. About this time a Cuban dove
flew down and lighted for an instant on a soldier
by the name of Banforth, I think a member of Company C, 22nd Infantry. The lieutenant in the company said, "Banforth, you are in luck today." Banforth replied, "I have heard differently, Lieutenant."
Banforth was one of the first men killed. I found
his body that night when we were searching for the
wounded and dead. He had evidently been kneeling and firing from behind a large mango tree, because he was lying on his side in the kneeling position, shot through the mouth, and was as black as
coal in the face.
Returning to the story. We moved off the left of
the trail and deployed in line of skirmishers in an
open field with grass about three feet high. Ordered
to take off blanket rolls and put them in a pile, by
companies, as we were leaving the trail. We never
saw them again. The Cuban soldiers stole them all.
As were were deploying, I heard a noise which reminded me of a covey of quail. The next instant
I knew definitely the Spaniards were firing volleys
at us at a distance of about 500 yards from a line
of trenches and the church tower of El Caney. Just
at this instant my Captain, F. B. Jones, called to
me to take the Company, as he was wounded, and I




328


THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


saw him hobble off. I now realized I was commanding Company E, 22nd Infantry, and that they were
in a fight. All day long we lay in that open field in
line of skirmishers. Every time we crawled forward
and the grass moved we would get it.
Along about 4:00 o'clock the firing let up from the
Spaniards and we could move forward a little bit
better. In front was a ravine and beyond that on
the side towards El Caney was a slope and along the
top of that were the trenches, back of that the stone
church with tower. I remember standing by a large
mango tree, talking to Dalton, now Brigadier General A. C. Dalton, Q. M. C., on duty in the Quartermaster General's office. He said to me, "let's charge
those trenches." I said, after looking at about twenty or thirty soldiers of our two companies lying in
skirmish formation in front of us, "No." I saw the
ravine and wire fence beyond and thought-let's
let well enough along. So he did not press it. Just
at this time we were watching a Spanish soldier running from the church back and forth to a trench
carrying ammunition. Dalton said, "I believe I can
hit that man the next time he crosses that open
space." The space was only a few yards and the
man exposed himself only an instant, doubling over
and running. Dalton took a rifle from one of the
soldiers and waited. In an instant the runner appeared. Dalton raised and fired and the man toppled over. Some shot-distance; about 300 yards.
I forgot to mention that along during the day Captain Kell, 22nd Infantry, Adjutant General for General Ludlow, our Brigade Commander, came up to
me, perfectly unconcerned about the rifle fire we




American Trenches at Santiago.


Trenches of Colored Troops.




OF




A REMINISCENT STORY


329


were getting, he having been under fire many times
in the Civil War, and said to me, "Youngster, how
do you like war now?" He was referring to an
episode in the Officers' Club at Fort Crook, Nebraska,
when war was declared. All of us lieutenants were
talking about how we wanted to get at the Spaniards and "eat them up." I remember our Colonel
Wikoff was present and said he had been through
the Civil War and he had lost an eye in it, that he
did not want to see any war, but if one should come
he hoped we would do our duty. He was killed
commanding a Brigade at San Juan Hill, July 1,
1898. I replied to Captain Kell I was ready to go
back to Fort Crook right then, I had had all I wanted.
To go back to the story. The fight was over and
we had El Caney after about ten hours fighting. We
were supposed to have donel it in about three to four
hours. The Regiment was assembled on the road
leading into El Caney and then details were made
to search for dead and wounded and bury the dead.
This was over about dark. Then we started to look
for our blanket rolls but, as I stated before, the
Cuban soldiers who were supposed to be our reserves, had run off with them.
We started to bivouac along this road when orders came to march towards San Juan Hill. So we
started about dark and marched for some time, then
halted along a road for the night. The 8th Infantry
was in the same brigade with us and there was a
Captain Conrad in it. He had been in the Civil War
with my father and then in the regular service after
the war with him. He was a very large man and
had a large raincoat. He let me lie down along the




330


THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


road with him and shared the coat with me. Our
feet were sticking out in the, road and wagons were
passing along so close that I had to keep pulling
my feet up for fear the wheels would run over them
or a mule would step on them. The wagons were
hauling ammunition. Is was pitch dark and raining.
At daylight, July 2, 1898, we continued towards
San Juan Hill. We passed part of the 71st New
York and learned that Major Keck, with one battalion, did excellent work.
We went into position on the right of the general
line into some trenches which had been partially
dug. In about a couple of hours we were moved
further to the right and started to dig. That night
the Regiment was drawn behind the line, while
guards were left in the trenches.
I had not had my shoes off for several days and
concluded I would have a good sleep and took them
off. Along about 10:00 P. M. there was a terrible din
of firing. There I was, no shoes on. I got them on,
assembled the Company and moved up the slope of
the hill with the Regiment to the trenches. There
was a sheet of flame all along the crest to the left
of us for miles, it seemed to me. I remember a funny
thing. It was pitch dark and only by feeling could
you know you were up on the line. One of the senior
officers, a captain, evidently was excited because I
heard him called out, "Never mind your sights, men."
He meant no use trying to adjust sights. We learned
the Spaniards were putting on a night attack to get
out of Santiago. It did not succeed.
The next day, July 3, 1898, was the day the Span



A REMINISCENT STORY


331


ish fleet tried to get out of Santiago Bay. We were
in our same position; along about 2:00 o'clock in the
afternoon we heard a terrific bombardment, although we were miles away. We could see splashes
in the waters of Santiago Bay where shells from our
Navy were apparently going over the hills and dropping into the bay.
We learned it was a Navy fight, and the first report we got was the Spanish Navy had sunk our
ships and were headed towards Santiago to destroy
our transports and supplies. It was a gloomy crowd
for a while as we thought we would starve to death
and die like rats. Howiever, a little later in the afternoon a Major Webb Hayes or Seward Webb, I do
not remember-a member of General Shafter's Staff
-rode along and gave us the correct dope of the
fight, that our Navy had sunk most of the Spanish
fleet and was pursuing what was left along the coast.
I remember all regiments stood up on the parapet
of the trenches with colors flying and bands playing
and cheered. The Spanish soldiers looking at us
from afar and not firing.
In a day or two we moved farther to the right and
dug some more trenches. The 12th Infantry ranked
us out of these and we moved farther to the right,
down near a Spanish cemetery on the outskirts of
Santiago, and dug our last trenches. Then the parleys started about peace.
One day no firing-there was a flag of truce. Next
day it was off and firing again. It was about this
time Captain Rowell, 2nd Infantry, was killed by a
Spanish shell blowing his head off as he peered
over the top of the trench.




332


THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


On July 12, 1898, the fighting stopped and about
August 1, 1898, we were moved back from the
trenches to high ground and some tents were gotten
from Santiago, as our supply ships had moved into
the bay. Also some fresh beef, the first we had had
for a month.
Our men were dying very fast from fever. We had
a dear Chaplain in the Regiment, Father Fitzgerald.
He had been with us at Fort Crook. He was nearly
dead himself, but he would go from our Regiment to
the 2nd Massachusetts and 8th Infantry and perform his work burying the dead and cheering up
the wounded.
He was with us for many years after in the Philippines and Alaska. He was retired and has died,
but I understood he was at Salt Lake City during the
World War on active duty at a prison camp there.
After the 12th of July, the day of the surrender,
I remembered several of us lieutenants-including
Merch B. Stewart, 8th Infantry, now General Stewart, Superintendent of the U. S. Military Academyused to sit under a lime tree in rear of the trenches,
eat limes and put two tarantulas in a campaign hat
and watch them fight to the death. We would bet
on the one that would survive.
I also remember Lieutenant Bridges, now Colonel
Bridges, Adjutant General on duty in the War Department, had been sent to us from one of the other
Regiments. His lips were one mass of white blisters. He had cigarette paper placed over the blisters
with a slit to talk through.
On August 18th we went into Santiago, boarded
the chartered transport "Mobile," afterwards the U.




A REMINISCENT STORY          333
S. A. T. Sherman, and sailed for Montauk Point, Long
Island. Our casualties were, as I remember, five
officers and about forty enlisted men. Among the
officers were Lieutenant Colonel Patterson, Captains
Mosher and Jones, Lieutenants Godfrey and Wassell.




THE DIARY OF A LIEUTENANT
FIRST AIDE-DE-CAMP TO THE INSPECTOR GENERAL OF THE
ARMY, LATER, ADJUTANT GENERAL OF AN INFANTRY
BRIGADE, BEFORE SANTIAGO DE CUBA.
[Much of this diary may appear commonplace and
prosaic in the personal recording of daily events
which impressed the writer during the Santiago Campaign.
It is published, however, as serving to bring back
to the memory of many veterans, happenings of a
similar nature within their own experiences, or at
least calculated to strike a responsive chord among
those who participated in this first overseas expedition of our country's soldiers.-C. D. RHODES.]
On board S. S. Seguranca,
June 8, 1898.
Took special train from Tampa to Port Tampa,
about 9:00 o'clock last night; train in charge of Lieutenant Brooke, Ordnance Officer. We first ran down
to Ordnance Depot for dynamite gun and ammunition. Took it on flat car and with several newspaper correspondents and officers, reached Port
Tampa about 1:00 o'clock this morning. Spent the
night in fruitless effort to get tentage, etc., on the
Seguranfa, which was anchored out in the channel.
Waited wearily for daylight.
Troops came in early, and soon the entire wharves
were crowded and blocked with stores of all kinds.
General Breckinridge and party came out about 8:00
o'clock. Hired stevedores to transfer baggage to the




THE DIARY OF A LIEUTENANT


335


"Margaret," and by noon everything was safe on
board the Seguranga.
General Shafter waited until all troops were
aboard, but about 2:00 o'clock he received telegraphic orders to hold the transport fleet at Tampa
until further orders. It is believed that the Spanish
Cadiz Fleet has made some move. Evetryone greatly
disappointed. On board the Seguranca, we are very
comfortable-Gilmore, Alger, Foote, and myself,
occupying one stateroom. Found the First Infantry
aboard.
On board S. S. Seguranca,
June 9, 1898.
Waited all day at the dock without new developments. Took the horses off the transport and gave
them some exercise, then took them aboard again.
On board S. S. Seguranca,
June 10, 1898.
No new developments. In the morning was vaccinated on the Miami, and inspected the ship afterwards-1,200 men crowded between decks, 6th Infantry and 9th Cavalry; three tiers under an eightfoot ceiling, two men sleeping in each small bunk.
There are two small air-holes only, in addition to
hatchway, and the 6th Infantry, quarters are exceedingly dark. These accommodations for the men
are said to be better than on the other transports.
The officers on the Miami have improvised cabins
above decks, constructed of undressed lumber. It
was reported to me by Captain Kennon that there
are only twelve toilettes on board for the 1,200 men.




336


THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


Reported also by Lieutenant Hersey that on the
Cherokee, the capacity was 570 men; the quartermaster's estimate was for 950 men; and the actual
number aboard was 1,040. Reported by Lieutenant
Reeves, of Cavalry Division Headquarters, that the
Rio Grande was very uncomfortable; 120 men without bunks, sleeping on deck.
This afternoon there was a conference of general
officers at General Shafter's headquarters, or rather
on board the Margaret.
June 11, 1898.
No new developments. In the afternoon I went
up to Tampa to obtain clothing. It is reported that
there will be more transports here tomorrow, and
it is believed that more volunteer troops will be sent
on the expedition.
Sunday, June 12, 1898.
Preparations for departure are still being carried
out, but there seems to be no well defined control of
affairs from a central point. Commissaries for the
extra days of delay are being put aboard, and the
ships supplied again with fresh water.
June 13, 1898.
Preparations still going on. The Knickerbocker
has arrived and some troops were removed from
other vessels and placed aboard of her, and more
commissaries loaded on. Most of the transports
have pulled out and have anchored near the bar.
The Seguranga, flagship, on which I am quartered,
remained at the dock, although expected to pull out
at any time.




THE DIARY OF A LIEUTENANT


337


June 14, 1898.
We pulled out towards Cuba and the sea, about
8:53 A. M. Anchored near the bar at 11:15 A. M.,
awaiting arrival of vessels watering and transferring
horses from tug. At 3:30 P. M., we started to sea,
convoyed by the Helena, Castine, Annapolis, Hornet,
and Bancroft. Passed the bar in single column,
afterwards closing up into three columns. After
dark the fleet closed together still more, for safety.
In passing the bar, the new fortifications of Egmont Key were observed. The U. S. Marine Hospital quarantine station was nearly opposite.


1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
9.
10.
11.
12.
13.
14.
15.
16.


LIST OF TRANSPORTS
Miami.              17. Alleghany.
Santiago.           18. San Marcos.
Gussie.            19. D. H. Miller.
Cherokee.          20. Saratoga.
Seneca.            21. Leona.
Alamo.             22. Rio Grande.
Comal.             23. Vigilancia.
Yucatan.           24. Orizaba.
Berkshire.         25. Mattawan.
Whitney.           26. Aransas.
Olivette.          27. Stillwater.
Seguranga.          28. Breakwater.
Iroquois.           29. Morgan.
Concho.             30. Cumberland.
Florida.            31. Clinton.
City of Washington.




338


THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


This was the order of cruising, after meeting the
United States Fleet near the Dry Tortugas:
X      -- 1600 -        X
Vesuv'ius     yards     Scorpion
FIRST DIVISION
1600                    1600
yards                   yards
X          X-             -800 — X
A nnapolis   Castine     Helena yards Indiana
0           0           0


S
X-1600 — *
Panther  yards   S
0


*           0
Transports * Transports *   14600 —X
*           0    yards  Yosemite
*           S


800 yards


x
Bancroft
S


x
Manning
0


X -~800 ----X
Hornet yards Detroit
0


*            0            0
X —1600-~ * Transports * Transports 0
Wampaluck yards   *            *            *  -l6oo0 —X
*f SECOND * DIVISION *           yards Eagle
1600 yards
x
Wasp




THE DIARY OF A LIEUTENANT


339


On board S. S. Seguranga,
At Sea, June 15, 1898.
Sailed almost due south, and our destination being Santiago so far as known, it is currently believed
that we shall pass around the western extremity of
Cuba. About 10:00 o'clock tonight, after having
sighted lights on the Dry Tortugas, to our right and
on Rebecca Shoals to our left, orders came via torpedo boat that after passing Rebecca Shoals five
miles to alter our course southeast-by-east one point
south magnetic. This will apparently take us along
the northern coast of Cuba. Fleet has met us sometime during the night.
June 16, 1898.
When morning broke the battleship Indiana was
very much in evidence leading the right flank of our
fleet, while a number of scouts hovered near. During the night a number of transports got out of their
normal positions, and have now returned. About
8:00 o'clock this morning the Wasp brought a despatch to the Commanding General, and about 10:00
o'clock Captain Taylor, of the Indiana, visited our
ship and conferred with General Shafter.
Not in sight of Cuba yet, but we are dangerously
near enough for an attack by Spanish torpedo boats.
Our three long columns have been allowed to extend
to a very dangerous length, and we go to sleep tonight
with the feeling that if the Spaniards had a Cushing
or a Hobson, some of our good ships might sink to
rise no more. Not a pleasant thought for a sleeping
draught!




340


THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


June 17, 1898.
Last night passed without incident. Spent part of
morning copying map of the city of Santiago and
country to eastward. It is currently reported through
naval sources that the 800 marines landed at Guantanamo are hard pressed. General Shafter was yesterday urged to send several of his fastest vessels to
their relief.
Passed lighthouse on Grand Key about 10:00 or
11:00 o'clock, and Cayo Romano in the afternoon.
The horses are standing the trip as well as could be
expected, but their legs are badly swollen from
standing so long.
Wrote addition to our report relating to the lack
of intrenching tools with troops. Also handed in to
my chief (The Inspector General of the Army), the
names of twenty officers who in my opinion deserved
increased volunteer rank: Kerr, Capron, Rice, Dickman, Lee, Pershing, Scott, Harman, Kerr (17th Infantry), Miley, Birkhimer, Murray, Ripley, Fornance, Hoyle, Johnston W. H. (16th Infantry), Smith
W. H., Morrison, and Roberts.*
The water-schooner tow broke away and the City
of Washington went back for her. The Leona, with
a barge in tow, is missing since morning; the First
and the Tenth Cavalry Regiments are aboard of her.
June 18, 1898.
The Leona and the City of Washington caught up
to the rest of the fleet-the latter having waited for
them. This morning we passed Manati Point. Later
*Over half of these officers have since become generals.C. D. B.




THE DIARY OF A LIEUTENANT


341


in the day the mainland was distinctly visible, and
at times high bluffs could be seen through glasses.
During the day I assisted in making up General
Breckinridge's itinerary and report to the War Department, and copied maps of the Cuban coast.
As the problem of the capture of Santiago and the
Spanish ships within her harbor draws nearer and
nearer, discussion of the terrain and of the best manner of securing the desired end becomes common.
Guantanamo is from fifty to sixty miles east of
the Bay of Santiago (later reports say thirty-five
miles), and is where the marines, are said to be hard
pressed. Whether their position will affect our problem remains to be seen. The solutions seems to
have been discussed in two ways:
1. To land at either Siboney or Daiquiri under
cover of fire from the fleet, and proceed towards
Santiago via Sevilla the road being a fair one for
Cuba. The distance from Siboney to Santiago is
about nine or ten miles. The disadvantages of this
line of approach to Santiago are the distance from
the base of supplies, the route of advance passes
through defiles flanked by dense underbrush and
mountain ridges.
2. To land west of the bay and march along the
road indicated on maps of Santiago as lying west
of the city. The advantages are shortness of approach to Santiago-about five miles; unpreparedness of the Spanish for an attack from this side of
the bay; the advantage of thus taking the city in reverse; comparatively open country over which to
operate. Disadvantages-for a distance of some two




342


THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


miles from place of landing troops, the latter would
be exposed to the fire of Spanish ships in the bay.
The following facts seem pertinent: To the east
of thei bay of Santiago, steep bluffs seem to render
landing difficult nearer than Siboney or Daiquiri;
and the ground between the railroad to Santiago,
and Morro Castle, is almost impassable for troops
on account of brush. Landing at Aguadores and a
direct advance on Morro Castle from the railroad, is
impracticable on account of the steepness of bluffs,
and landing there is commanded by a Spanish battery. There seem, however, to be steep bluffs, just
east of the harbor of Santiago, which command both
the city and the bay. If our siege guns could be
mounted there, they would probably solve the problem.
If we attempt to land on the coast west of the harbor, the shore is low, but the landing facilities are
poor. If defeated either east or west of the city, the
Spaniards will probably enter the city, as the open
country means starvation for them. It is known that
the country between Daiquiri and Morro is lined with
block-houses. I favor landing west of the harbor.
June 19, 1898.
We are proceeding down the Windward Passage.
Stopped for a short time off Iguana Island, where the
Gussie took on water of which she stands in need
for the 300 mules on board that transport. The sea
is choppy and has made some of us decidedly uncomfortable.
The following are the names of the foreign mili



THE DIARY OF A LIEUTENANT


343


tary attaches accompanying this expedition, on the
S. S. Seguranga:
Count von Goetzen, First Lieutenant, Imperial German Army; Colonel Yermeloff, Imperial Russian
Legation; Major Clement de Grandprey, French
Legation; Lieutenant J. Rodler, Naval Attache, Austro-Hungary; Major G. Shiba, Japanese Army; Captain Arthur H. Lee, Royal Artillery, British Embassy;
Commander Dahlgren, Naval Attache, Norway and
Sweden; Captain Abildgaard, Royal Norwegian General Staff; Commander von Rebeur Paschwitz, Imperial German Navy; Captain Wester, Military Attach6, Norway and Sweden; Lieutenant Saneyuki
Akiyama, Imperial Japanese Navy.
Also, on the S. S. Olivette, are Lieutenant Geelmuyden, Commander Gade, Doctor Rudberg, and
Captain Thauloff, of the Royal Norwegian Navy.
We passed Cape Maisi in the evening about 7:00
o'clock, and thereafter took a south and southwest
course. We saw the Southern Cross for the first
time.
June 20, 1898.
We have had unusually fine weather throughout
the trip-clear, cool, and except in the Windward
Passage, very calm.
We arrived opposite Guantanamo at about 7:00
o'clock this morning, and stood by, waiting for some
of the towing vessels to catch up to us. The fleet
anchored here, and the Seguranca proceeded down
the coast past Daiquiri, Siboney, Aguadores, and up
to Morro Castle itself, on reconnoissance. We passed
near the New York, and the blue-jackets turned out




344


THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


en masse and gave us three cheers, which were returned with a will from our ship.
We lay to about a mile and half or two miles from
Morro Castle, where it would have been easy for
the Spaniards to put a shot through our vessel, had
they felt so disposed. But the fleet had been bombarding the forts for some days and had succeeded
in silencing their guns. Admiral Sampson, Captain
Chadwick, and Lieutenant Staunton came aboard.
and I met them. While lying to, I made sketches
through field glass observations, of El Morro and of
the railroad bridge at Aguadores.
We then proceeded past Morro Castle down the
coast some sixteen miles to Acerradores, where we
found a camp of the insurgent Cuban leader Garcia.
Admiral Sampson, General Shafter, and others, went
ashore, and a conference was held with General
Garcia, lasting all the afternoon. Garcia's men are
described as ragged, but soldierly, well armed, discipline apparently quite good, camp calls observed,
etc. Garcia is said to be able to assemble 6,000 insurgents to co-operate with us. He is very dark in
color, a negro in fact, but impressed those who saw
him very favorably. A couple of thousand pounds
of rations were' sent ashore to these Cubans. Afterwards the Seguranca returned and anchored for the
night near the naval fleet.
June 21, 1898.
During most of the morning we steamed about
with no apparent purpose to the uninitiated. Transferred some rations to the Comal, and directed that
water be given the D. H. Miller. At 12:45 P. M., we




THE DIARY OF A LIEUTENANT


345


saw a very beautiful water-spout off our starboard
bow. It was apparently half a mile in height, funnel
shaped, with the smaller end dipping into the waves
and the larger end lost in black rain clouds. It had
throughout its length a "spine" which, with the circular rings due to its revolutions, gave it the appearance of a huge skeleton, menacing all vessels which
it approached.
As we got nearer to it, one of our war-ships (probably the Indiana), began firing at the base of the
spout. Some of the shots appeared to go very near
until at length one shot seemed to pierce the great
column of water, and the spout slowly dissolved, the
lower extremity first. As it dissipated, some of the
smoke from the exploding shell was caught in the
vacuum and mounted upwards towards the stormclouds. Nearly everyone aboard the Seguranca witnessed the phenomenon, and agreed that it was the
most interesting thing thus far, on the trip.
This afternoon, General Shafter had a consultation with his general officers, in which he gave out
instructions for tomorrow. It is understood that the
fleet will bombard the forts, and that the transports
will proceed to Acerradores and take on board 2,000
Cubans under General Garcia. This will be in the
nature of a demonstration to deceive the Spaniards
into believing that the attack will come from the
west. The transports, it is contemplated, are then to
return and land their troops at Daiquiri. An advance
will then be made along the Sevilla road towards
Santiago de Cuba. General Rabi with 1,000 soldiers,
is simultaneously to assault Santiago from the north;
while General Castillo with another body of 1,000




346


THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


Cubans, will assault the Spaniards at Daiquiri at the
time the landing is made. The Cubans, during the
advance towards Santiago, are expected to act as an
advance guard.
I have been sea-sick all the afternoon, and am feeling miserable.
June 22, 1898.
At daylight, all the transports pulled in towards
Daiquiri, where we found the Detroit, New Orleans,
Castine, and Wasp, already in position; and a fleet
of small boats, towed by steam launches, ready to
assist in landing troops. General Castillo, with 500
Cubans, was landed yesterday at Sigua, some miles
east of here, and it had been planned that his troops
should facilitate our landing by a land attack on
Daiquiri. But he was slow arriving, and at 9:42 A.
M., the naval vessels be!gan a bombardment of the
block-houses and the woods and hills, surrounding
the town. A number of the houses had already been
set afire by the Spaniards, and the smoke, flames,
and booming cannon, seemed the personification of
war to those of us who had never experienced such
a dramatic scene.
As we afterwards learned, the Spaniards burned
two Baldwin locomotives and tenders, the machineshops of the Spanish-American Iron Company, and
their extra supplies, including ammunition. It is
stated that these Spaniards evacuated Daiquiri at
6:00 A. M., and that they numbered two hundred
soldiers. Their local defenses consisted of a blockhouse on the point of a steep hill, some 200 feet above
the town; and two other block-houses near the ma



THE DIARY OF A LIEUTENANT


347


chine-shops. Effort was also made by the enemy to
destroy the iron pier of the mining company, by firing some of the railroad cars, but the superintendent
of the shops pushed the cars away before they could
do any harm.
The bombardment lasted about half an hour, and
simultaneously the other vessels of the naval fleet
bombarded three other points on the coast: The
Scorpion, Vixen, and Texas at Cabaias; the Eagle
and the Gloucester at Aguadores; the Hornet, Helena,
and Bancroft at Ensfiada de los Altares; and the
Detroit, New Orleans, Wasp, and Castine, at Daiquiri.
Following this bombardment, the Second Division,
under General Lawton, effected a landing without
opposition. Investigation showed the town of Daiquiri deserted, but that a party of Castillo's Cubans
had been struck by one of our bursting shells-one
man losing an arm and two others being wounded.
All this afternoon landings were made from the different ships, and the Stars and Stripes were run up
on the flagstaff above the Spanish block-house overlooking the town.
At nightfall, our party are still on the Seguranca
impatient to disembark.
Later advices have shown that there was no reply
to the fire of the fleet along the entire coast line of
eighteen miles, except at Cabanas, where the Texas
had a hot engagement with the West Battery, resulting in one of our sailors being killed by a shell,
and eight sailors wounded.




348


THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


June 23, 1898.
Landing continued during the day, and all except
the First Division, the mounted cavalry, and the light
and the siege artillery, seem to be ashore. Late in
the afternoon a portion of the First Division were
landed at Siboney-the latter place having been occupied during the morning by the head of the Second
(Lawton's) Division, and both the United States and
the Cuban flags raised on the town buildings. A
second base is to be established here at Siboney,
which is some six miles nearer Santiago than Dai —
quiri.
Word came from Lawton during the afternoon,
that he had surprised quite a force of Spaniards in
the small town of Juraguacita (practically the same
as Siboney), that they had fled precipitately, and that
he had captured a part of their pack-train. Lawton
is also reported as saying that if he had had a squadron of cavalry, he could have captured the entire
Spanish force.
General Breckinridge, who left for the mainland
this morning, returned this afternoon, reporting that
our troops were pushing along slowly on the Juraguacita-Sevilla road. No camp equipage is ashore,
and there is much growling over delays. Daiquiri
looks like a different town. The Cubans are said to
be "treating" their American brothers, and the Americans who are not thus favored, are said to be consuming vast quantities of cocoanut water.
The dock of Daiquiri is very small and contracted,
and this has, of necessity, delayed unloading. Yesterday, a boat was overturned near the wharf, and
two colored soldiers of the Tenth Cavalry were




THE DIARY OF A LIEUTENANT


349


drowned. Today, there has been much diving, recovering submerged guns and equipment.
Several hundred thousand rations (200,000) have
been ordered unloaded at Daiquiri, and a like number at Siboney. Also, extra ammunition at Daiquiri.
Captain Padgett, British Navy, came aboard today
as a naval attache, and was assigned to our mess.
The weather continues fair, but with prospects of a
storm tonight.
In camp near Sevilla, Cuba,
June 24, 1898.
After waiting impatiently all the morning for our
horses to be unloaded, we (General Breckinridge,
Lieutenant Foote, A. D. C., and myself) got ashore
in a small boat, borrowed three mules from Major
Jacobs, Quartermaster, and started for the front
about 2:00 o'clock P. M. On the way to Siboney we
heard rumors of a fight having occurred during the
morning, and we ourselves had seen from the deck
of the Seguranca one of the small gun-boats firing
shells along the shore near Siboney.
We reached Siboney and found a number of soldiers in camp there, none of whom had any exact
statement to make concerning a fight. We pushed
on along the Sevilla road, and melt stragglers with
various stories. One man, a soldier of the 8th Infantry, seemed scared, and was taking the backtrack without arms or accoutrements. Another, a
teamster, seemed to have had enough of war. Soon
we saw men carrying a litter with a wounded man.
It proved to be Major Bell, 1st Cavalry, with the
bone of his leg crushed by a Mauser bullet. After



350


THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


wards, we met Captain Knox, shot through the liver
or intestines; and Lieutenant Byram, on a mule, a
bullet having grazed his cheek and nose near the
eye. We soon reached the camp of the 1st Cavalry,
and found here the first authentic news of the fight.
The latter was the result of a reconnaissance on our
part, the day before, and was a deliberate attempt
to dislodge the Spaniards from a strong position in
our front.
Our forces had advanced in two columns-the left
column being Colonel Wood's regiment of dismounted cavalry (Rough Riders); and the right
column consisting of the 1st and 10th Cavalry (Regulars), the former in advance.
The enemy occupied a very strong position on a
hill overlooking both roads near a little graveyard
known by the name of Las Guasimas. The Spaniards had fire'd on the heads of both our columns of
troops at about 8:00 o'clock, the range being only
400 yards. Our columns had deployed rapidly in
spite of the dense underbrush-the First Cavalry on
the right, the Tenth Cavalry in the center, and
Wood's regiment of Rough Riders on the left. One
squadron of the First Cavalry, one squadron of the
Tenth, and two squadrons of the First Volunteer
Cavalry engaged the enemy; the remainder were in
reserve. Our men gallantly stormed the hills held
by the Spaniards-Wood flanking the enemy, the
four mountain guns firing from our right flank in
charge of Captain Watson, 10th Cavalry.
The Spaniards had retreated towards Santiago
after having fired large quantities of ammunition,
most of which went over the heads of our men



THE DIARY OF A LIEUTENANT


351


they reported to me. Our forces pursued for a short
distance. Seven men of the First Cavalry, one of
the Tenth Cavalry, and seventeen men of Wood's
regiment were killed, and about twenty men were
wounded, several seriously. The. officer killed was
young Captain Capron of Wood's cavalry, a universally lamented loss. We went over the battle
ground and I afterwards returned to the camp of
the First Cavalry where I witnessed short, but impressive burial services for the dead, alongside the
little Spanish graveyard, conducted by Chaplain
Springer. A band played a hymn. The entire
cavalry brigade (Young's) was present.
Immediately afterwards, I moved on to Lawton's
headquarters where I found General Chaffee, General Lawton, General Breckinridge, Lieutenant Foote,
and many staff officers. We camped here for the
night.
In my examination of the Spanish position at Las
Guasimas, I found the Spanish defenses built with
considerable care, being constructed of loose stones
and in successive tiers. The numbers of Spanish engaged were estimated at 2,000, and they are believed
to have had at least seven killed.
June 25, 1898.
In the morning, General Lawton's division passed
us and took position two or three miles in advance
of its former position, throwing out outposts still
further to the front. General Chaffee commands the
right and Colonel Clark the left of this advance line.
Our party rode out to where the 17th Infantry was
encamped on a high hill, and met there Generals




352


THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


Wheeler, Young, Lawton, Chaffee, and parts of their
respective staffs. From this advanced point, the city
of Santiago de Cuba was plainly seen, standing out
in the sunshine with its white buildings deceptively
close to our observing party. A ridge between us
and the city was thought for a time to be occupied
by Spaniards, but they have since been identified as
Cubans. Two tiny block-houses on the high mountain ridge to our right were closely scrutinized, and
one was found to have an object resembling a heliograph near at hand.
I was told by one who said he was present, that
General Lawton had harsh words with General
Wheeler over the event of yesterday. It seems that
although Lawton's division was primarily given the
advance on Las Guasimas, Wheeler's division passed
Lawton at 5:00 o'clock A. M. yesterday, and engaged
the enemy. Lawton is said to have told Wheeler
that this was no political campaign, but a military
campaign; that he (Lawton) had been given command of the advance, and he proposed to keep it,
even if he had to post a guard to keep other troops
to the rear.
We returned to Lawton's camp, ate lunch, and
then Foote, Mr. Warren (General Lawton's volunteer aide) and myself, explored the woods below
camp in search of water. Found beautiful water, a
good bathing place, and limes growing on the trees.
Tried to knock cocoanuts from the trees, but did not
succeed. Returning to our little' camp where Foote
and I had made every preparation to pass the night,
we found that our General had gone. Saddled our
mules and followed him rapidly along the "river




THE DIARY OF A LIEUTENANT


353


road" to Siboney. Found this road much better than
the first road. Overtook the General (Breckinridge)
outside of Siboney and reached the town a little after
5:00 o'clock, just in time to attend the funeral services for young Allyn Capron, buried on the hill above
Siboney. The General remained here to take the
New York Sun boat for the Seguranca, while Foote
and I with three mules pushed on to Daiquiri, reaching there about 9:00 o'clock after a long and tiresome ride during which we lost our way several
times. Daiquiri is also called Nueva Salamanca.
Mr. Brewer, United States Post Office Inspector for
Cuba, took us in and we cooked our supper over his
fire. Coffee, hard bread, and bacon, never tasted so
good before. I slept on the front porch of the post
office.
On board S. S. Seguranca,
Sunday, June 26, 1898.
We returned aboard our vessel in time for breakfast and cleaned up. Tried to settle on a definite
plan for going to the front. About 2:00 o'clock this
afternoon, we again went ashore. Inspected our
horses. They look gaunt, but healthy. Got promise
of one packer and pack-mule from Miley. The
Seguranga left Daiquiri suddenly for Siboney, and
a large number of the staff were left at the former
place-Brice, Miley, Gilmore, Hawkins, Astor, as
well as Foote and myself. Got a launch and steamed
down to Siboney, where we found our transport near
shore.




354


THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


June 27, 1898.
The Yale and the Harvard are expected in with
4,000 additional troops. One of these vessels was
sighted about 7:30 A. M. Troops are said to be from
Newport News.
We have not yet been able to secure a pack-mule.
Foote left early this morning to bring our horses to
Siboney, and this evening we are camping on a hill
west of Siboney. Lots of mosquitoes, but we are
quite comfortable.
June 28, 1898.
We broke camp early this morning and went down
into Siboney to meet our General. Waited all day
long. He came ashore about 4:00 o'clock, and we
went to the front with Generals Lawton and Chaffee.
We aides again went into camp on the hill near
Siboney. Edward Anderson joined us for supper
and for the night. He has been made adjutant general for General Ludlow. The latter has been given
a brigade in the Second Division, succeeding Colonel
Clark, Second Massachusetts Volunteers.
Someone today stole my canteen! It rained very
hard, but we managed to get under cover.
June 29, 1898.
After breakfast in our little camp, cooking our slim
rations in our mess-pans, we broke camp and went
down into Siboney. Passed a dead Ninth Cavalryman, lying sewed in a sheet while soldiers were digging his grave. He died on the Olivette of typhoid
fever.
Got a pack-mule from the packers, and had the




THE DIARY OF A LIEUTENANT


355


latter go up hill and get our baggage. We waited
in Siboney until we saw General Shafter and his
headquarter's baggage come ashore from the Seguranqa. Then started for the front by the upper trail.
Found General Breckinridge at General Lawton's
headquarters on the Santiago road, about two and a
half miles from the city.
We aides cooked our luncheon-bacon, crackers,
and coffee, on the banks of the San Juan. Heavy
rain storm came up and we ate in the rain. Piled
our bedding in one pile and I sat on it, covering all
with my rain-cape like an old hen! After the rain
had stopped, we arranged things about our little
camp, as everything was pretty wet.
Late in the afternoon, the General, Foote, and myself, made a reconnaissance to the front. Passed the
old hacienda, El Pozo, converted into a fort with
loop-holed walls, and manned by several hundred
Cubans. We viewed Santiago from a high hill. We
could see the buildings very plainly, although the
setting sun was straight in our eyes.
Returned to camp, and had a good supper of
stewed beef, with hard-bread broken in; baked beans,
hard-bread, and cafe noir. Slept soundly under a
tent-fly. General Shafter and staff are camping
close by.
June 30, 1898.
After an early breakfast, General Breckinridge
started out on reconnaissance with Generals Lawton
and Chaffee. Foote and I followed, after feeding
horses.
Our party first reconnoitered towards Santiago




356


THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


from our observation point of yesterday, but we saw
no signs of life in the city. Afterwards, we reconnoitered towards El Caney, approaching to within
two miles. Then, reconnoitered again to within one
and a half miles of Santiago and El Caney. Saw no
Spaniards in Santiago, and it seems as though they
had retired to the sea coast forts. I have formed the
opinion that the city is to be assaulted by our forces
from the north-El Caney first, and the city of Santiago, second.
This afternoon I was sent to show two naval officers from Admiral Sampson's fleet, Lieutenant
Staunton and the chief medical officer, the view of
Santiago from El Pozo. In catching up to them on
the muddy Santiago trail, my horse slipped and rolled
on my leg. The horse was stunned by the fall, and
had to be pulled off me. Leg was badly bruised, but
I stuck to the horse and rode him to the advanced
lines.
Battlefield of Santiago,
July 1, 1898.
The battle opened today. We arose at 4:00 o'clock,
got breakfast, and started out. My leg is very badly
swollen. I can scarcely drag it along, so concluded
to go to the cavalry division near by El Pozo, while
Generals Breckinridge and Foote are to observe operations of the Second Division of Infantry at El
Caney.
Found our artillery (Grimes' battery) on El Pozo;
our cavalry behind the ridge. Saw the artillery open
fire on Santiago, but as no reply came from the
enemy, I concluded to go to El Caney. As I passed




THE DIARY OF A LIEUTENANT


357


along the road behind El Pozo ridge, two large shells
from the enemy's guns, passed over my head and
burst in the! field beyond. Truth to tell I ducked my
head involuntarily-my first experience under shellfire.
Made the best of my way towards El Caney by
"marching to the sound of the guns." But in attempting short cuts, was lost twice, the dense jungle
and underbrush interfering seriously with direct
approach on El Caney. Finally found my way to
Capron's battery by the sound of his firing. Saw
Capron break up a stone fort on a commanding position above Caney. The occupants (Spaniards) would
rush out and occupy trenches in front of the fort,
when one of Capron's shells struck their shelter.
Three or four block-houses flanked the position, and
the town of Caney seemed filled with Spanish sharpshooters in trenches.
Little by little the Second Division surrounded the
town and forts, but the Spaniards made a desperate
resistance, and protected by their trenches, our artillery and rifle fire seemed to have little effect upon
them.
I went down towards the firing line, and again,
in attempting short cuts, became almost hopelessly
cut off by underbrush, high grass, and woods, which
with my "game leg," made my progress very slow.
Crawled up within five hundred yards of the stone
fort, but as bullets began to fly about my headmany of them seemingly from the rear, I "pulled my
freight" with some promptitude, passed well to the
rear of our firing lines, and finally reached Capron's
battery once more.




358


THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


After some time there observing the fire, I joined
Lieutenant Henry T. Allen, First Cavalry, and accompanied his cavalry troop to the vicinity of the
firing line. Saw American dead and wounded carried by.
Our firing lines finally charged and carried the
stone house and the Spanish intrenchments, but the
enemy's infantry in the towun, gave us a great deal
of trouble. Late in the afternoon Capron's battery
moved up and bombarded the town at close range,
so that gradually tie hostile fire was silenced, and
we all who were withl Allen, went up to the stone
fort. It presented a battered appearance. It was of
one story, with walls about a foot in thickness. The
outlying trenches were "standing trenches," and in
these trenches a detail from the Twelfth U. S. Infantry, were piling the Spanish dead.
In front of the stone fort, the Spanish wounded
lay in all stages of life. A few prisoners had been
taken in the first charge of our troops, but later a
considerable number came in from the town and
gave themselves up, until the aggregate amounted to
nearly a hundred Spanish soldiers. The wounded
were carefully looked after by our surgeons.
I had passed Captain Rodman, Twentieth Infantry,
wounded in the neck, lying on the ground.
We returned towards Santiago via the Ducoureau
House, a beautiful hacienda, where I found General
Lawton and staff, and where I got a little bacon,
coffee and hard bread-the first food since 4:00
o'clock breakfast. Later, Lawton's party which included General Breckinridge and his aides, started
on the direct road to Santiago, which from the sound




THE DIARY OF A LIEUTENANT


359


of continuous artillery, rifle, and machine-gun firing,
had been heavily engaged by our forces during almost the entire day.
On account of my useless leg, I was slow joining
General Lawton's party, which got considerable start
on me. It had suddenly become quite dark, as it
does at sunset in the tropics, and just as I had caught
up with the staff, we suddenly ran into a Spanish
outpost which fired five shots into us, point-blank
range, out of the darkness. General Lawton and his
entire staff accordingly retired quite promptly along
the road by which we had come, concluding that at
least one road into Santiago was still in possession
of the Spaniards. This incident served to show what
imperfect communication existed throughout this
day between the operations at El Caney and at San
Juan Hill.
After thus withdrawing from contact with the
Spaniards, we received orders to take the entire
Second Division around to El Pozo. We accordingly
marched via El Caney all night long, a horrible road,
Lawton and Chaffee riding their horses in the lead.
Quite fatiguing for all concerned after a long day
spent in marching and fighting.
After the moon went down, we had to trust to our
horses in following the so-called road through jungle
and woods, very dark with overhanging vines. We
finally reached El Pozo about dawn, where we
learned that our casualties at San Juan had been
very heavy, and that our observation balloon had
been destroyed by the enemy's shrapnel.




360


THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


Battlefield of Santiago,
July 2, 1898.
Moved out on the road from El Pozo towards our
line of battle, tired, sleepy, and hungry. Found this
road pretty hot with Spanish Mauser bullets, fired
at our advanced lines and ricochetting behind the
ridge. Our soldiers also believed there were Spanish
sharpshooters in rear of our lines, sitting in darkfoliaged trees, and picking off our men as they
passed by.
We finally made our way up to the reverse side
of the ridge upon which our trenches are located,
fronting Santiago and captured from the Spaniards
yesterday. Here we were comparatively safe from
projectiles, although a continuous stream of bullets
passed over our heads, cutting the leaves from the
trees. As I started to write these notes, a piece of six
or eight-inch projectile fell at my feet not six paces
away. It was yet hot to the touch when I picked
it up.
Our men worked all last night intrenching themselves on the captured ridges surrounding the city.
Today, Lawton's division is on the right flank, the
cavalry division in the center, Kent's division on the
left of the cavalry, and Bates' brigade on the extreme
left. Rifle firing from trenches on both sides has been
going on all the morning, with fewer casualties to us
than yesterday, when our troops were fighting in the
open.
Yesterday, Michie, 17th Infantry, Smith and Shipp,
10th Cavalry, and a number of others were killed,
and a large number wounded. Sharpshooters (guer



THE DIARY OF A LIEUTENANT


361


rillas) have been shooting at our men from trees all
day long. It seems impossible to run them out.
Late in the evening, General Breckinridge and I
started back to General Shafter's headquarters, four
miles away. Heard firing ahead of us and returning
soldiers advised us not to go on. We pushed on,
however, and found a guerrilla had shot one of our
soldiers from the adjoining bushes. Our men fired
a volley and the guerrilla fled, leaving his carbine.
We proceeded in the darkness, anticipating getting a
shot at any moment, but finally reached Shafter's
headquarters in safety, where we passed the night
under our own tent-fly!
Just after supper tonight, a furious cannonading
was heard from the direction of our battle lines, and
prolonged musketry firing, which continued for about
an hour. We concluded that the enemy had made
an assault on our lines and had been repulsed. Slept
with arms ready, anticipating an attack on our camp
by Spanish guerrillas, who fired on this camp yesterday.
July 3, 1898.
There was much firing along the lines during the
morning, principally by the Spaniards. We remained in camp. In the morning's mail came my
appointment as captain and assistant adjutant general, U. S. Volunteers, and my assignment to duty
with a brigade of the Fifth Army Corps.
At twelve, noon, today, a truce was entered into.
Colonel Dorst, with a flag of truce, entered the Spanish lines and demanding the surrender of the city
(so it is reported), before 10:00 o'clock tomorrow.




362


THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


No firing. Both sides are intrenching. Spaniards
are visible along the line of works, working hard
with pick and shovel.
During the morning, Cervera's fleet left Santiago
harbor, but at this writing exact details are unknown except the rumor that all Spanish vessels
were destroyed except one, which is still being pursued.
General Pando, with 6,000 Spanish soldiers, is reported approaching the city; probably fifteen miles
away. General Garcia with 5,000 Cubans is confronting him. General Lawton's division is to support Garcia.
In the afternoon about 4:00 o'clock, accompanied
by Lieutenant Steele, 8th Cavalry, I went over to the
battle lines and reported to Colonel Miles, commanding the Second Brigade, Second Division, as his adjutant general. Found Colonel Miles at the hacienda
of Santa Cruz, towards the right of our line of intrenchments. Spent the night there. Wolf is commissary. Dennis Nolan, 1st Infantry, has been acting adjutant general.
Tomorrow is the Glorious Fourth! How glad we
would be if the war could come to an honorable end;
a little war in which so many of our gallant officers
and men have already fallen.
July 4, 1898.
The truce, which began yesterday, continued
throughout this day. Both sides however, by tacit
agreement, continued working on their intrenchments, and during the day the Spaniards complained




THE DIARY OF A LIEUTENANT


363


under flag of truce, that our soldiers were violating
the truce, by going in advance of the original lines.
A telegram from Major General Miles, received at
corps headquarters last night, was ordered read at
the head of each regiment, and the regimental bands
were ordered to play during the afternoon:
W1ashington, D. C.,
July 3, 1898.
GENERAL SHA1TER,
SIBONEY.
Accept my hearty congratulations on the
record made, of magnificent fortitude, gallantry,
and sacrifice, displayed in the desperate fighting
of the troops before Santiago. I realize, the hardships, difficulties, and suffering, and am proud
that amidst it all, the troops illustrated such fearless and patriotic devotion to the welfare of our
common country and flag.
Whatever the result to follow, their unsurpassed deeds of valor past, is already a gratifying chapter of history.
Expect to be with you within one week with
strong reinforcements.
MIIES,
Major General, Comnanding.
We retained our headquarters during the day at
the Santa Cruz hacienda, but made several inspections of our line of intrenchments. The 25th Infantry
line extends from the Ducoureau-Santiago road westward along the ridge, and joins on there to the
trenches of the 4th Infantry. After dark. a corps
staff officer whom we have termed "the alarmist"




364


THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


came around and told us a disquieting story about
a Spanish column which was reported passing about
our right flank.
I went up to notify Brown, Adjutant of the Fourth
Infantry, about the Cubans, who are! to be posted between our brigade and Ludlow's brigade, as an outpost detachment. After I returned and went to bed,
there was heavy firing by our fleet, for about an hour,
11:30 to 12:30. Our supposition is that the fleet has
forced entrance into Santiago harbor.
In the Trenches, Santiago de Cuba,
July 6, 1898.
Learned this morning that the fleet did not get in.
They were probably countermining.
The truce continues, but we believe it will end at
12:00 o'clock today. General Chaffee moved two
regiments of his brigade to the right, crowding our
25th Infantry and 4th Infantry, out of their positions.
This caused great disappointment, as our regiments
had worked very hard, making fine intrenchments.
Now they have to vacate them for others, but they
have started hard at work, improving their new
trenches.
The trenches of the 25th Infantry extend from
those of the 7th Infantry on our left, westward across
a high bluff covered with brush, which must be
cleared away. Then comes a road in the valley, going direct into the enemy's works, and across it we
have constructed an abatis. This road is flanked by
a barbed-wire fence. Then, continuing westward,
another high bluff which runs out towards the
enemy's lines in a point. On this advanced high




THE DIARY OF A LIEUTENANT


365


ground, there is a strong trench under IJeutenant
Caldwell. From here, northwestward and westward, come the 4th Infantry intrenchments, continuing as far as the trenches and gun-pits occupied by
Capron's battery. Cubans share these trenches with
the 4th Infantry.
No firing all day long, so that I was able to finish
up much routine business as adjutant general. We
learn that Admiral Sampson destroyed all of Cervera's fleet, except one vessel which was captured.
I neglected to state that we were awakened in a
hurry at 4:00 o'clock this morning by a report from
Colonel Daggett, 25th Infantry, that the Spaniards
were advancing on his works. We jumped into our
clothing and rushed to the fortifications only to find
that the supposed Spaniards were fugitives, noncombatants who were leaving the city by the three
main roads, in order to escape before our bombardment.
The sight was pathetic in the extreme. There were
young women with babies in their arms, old men
with bundles on their shoulders, women with no food
supplies, but a bottle of wine. There was a boy rolling a bed-ridden old woman, presumably his mother,
in a wheelbarrow, and a little to the rear, four
women carrying an older woman on a litter, borne
on their shoulders.  Some of the seioras and
sefioritas were quite pretty, and cast coquettish
glances in the direction of the American officers.
All these refugees from the besieged city, seemed
kindly disposed in spite of their misfortunes, and
bowed politely to us as they passed along the main
road to El Caney. Most of these Cuban women were




366


THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


dressed in white, and the poor creatures splashed
along the, muddy road, miserable in their helplessness. Our officers were most attentive and courteous,
and assisted the weak and helpless, like the true
gentlemen that they are. Not to be outdone, we soon
saw colored soldiers of the gallant 25th Infantry, assisting fair Spanish and Cuban ladies over mudpuddles.
Santiago de Cuba,
July 7, 1898.
Although notified yesterday that the truce would
cease at 5:00 o'clock P. M., last evening, we find it
still continues, and we have been informed that Admiral Sampson and General Shafter have served
notice on the Spanish military authorities that they
will both begin bombardment of Santiago, if surrender is not made by the 9th instant.
It is rumored that the Archbishop of Santiago is
trying to secure the mediation of the Pope towards
securing surrender of the city in the interest of preventing further bloodshed and loss of life. It has
been denied that Spanish soldiers came in to our
lines and surrendered, the last few nights-a rumor
which had gained credence.
All last night, my brigade commander was very
ill; first a malarial chill, followed by delirium. I was
up with him twice. Poor old fellow! He is very
weak and miserable today, and should be in the
hospital.
The day is intensely hot and enervating, taking all
energy out of officers and men. I have sent out instructions regarding the construction of covered




THE DIARY OF A LIEUTENANT


367


"approaches" to our works, and of bomb-proofs, and
these have been commenced.
July 8, 1898.
Inspected the lines early today, and found things
in quite satisfactory condition except that the 7th
Infantry, on our left (Chaffee's brigade), has encroached on our line, of trenches, until our "field of
fire" is quite restricted at that point, and a portion
of our trenches will merely have to be utilized as
support trenches. Colonel Daggett was instructed
that bomb-proofs against overhead fire must be completed. Colonel Miles, my brigade commander, continues quite ill-malaria complicated with diarrhea, and he cannot sleep without an opiate.
This afternoon, Captain Scott, Lieutenant Wolf,
and myself, rode to El Caney-a most interesting
sight. The town is crowded with a mass of people
of all colors and classes. Babies run naked in the
streets. The stream running near at hand serves the
double purpose of washing clothing and of drinking.
The church, now used as a hospital for Spanish
wounded, we found had been loopholed for musketry
at every available point. Undoubtedly the Spaniards
fireid from this church on our troops on July 1. The
Spanish wounded were being removed from El Caney
to the city of Santiago, to be cared for by their own
surgeons.
On our way back to the American lines, we stopped
at the once beautiful Ducoureau House or hacienda,
the home of a wealthy planter who had fitted it up
with running water, illuminating gas, fountains, and




368


THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


artistic furnishings, including expensive vases. Long
avenues of stately palms led to the mansion.
Now, fallen into neglect through the years of
Cuban insurrection, we found it filled with refugees
from Santiago, and the rooms filthy and unsightly.
One interesting family taking refuge here, was that
of Doctor Hoffman, an American physician; and one
of our army ambulances had just arrived to take the
doctor and his family to General Shafter's headquarters.
A grewsome sight was the body of a dark skinned
Cuban soldier, stretched at full length on the front
porch of the hacienda-dead, I was told, from the
accidental discharge of a Mauser rifle! I doubted this
story. I secured here, three of the alleged explosive
bullets, manufactured abroad-we were told, and
fired from Remington rifles.
Returning homeward, we met two Cuban maidens
at the crossing of the San Juan, who said they had
not tasted food for three days. We gave them all
the hard bread we had in our saddlebags, and they
were very grateful.
Found Colonel Miles very ill, and I made arrangements to send him to the rear tomorrow, on the professional advice of Doctor Kilbourne, who came from
division headquarters to examine him.
July 9, 1898.
It was rumored this morning that the brigade
would be moved towards the right flank, but fortunately the report proved erroneous. Sickness in
camp was on the increase this morning, as shown by
the reports of "effective strength." The prevailing




Col. Evan Miles.




AdOJ
I D/ t4S




THE DIARY OF A LIEUTENANT


369


complaint appears to be malaria, or "ague" as many
of our soldiers prefer to call it.
This morning Colonel Miles felt so much better
that he almost decided to remain with the brigade.
But after the hot sun came out he felt much worse,
and after seeing Doctor Kilbourne, he was anxious
to get started towards the rear. A red cross ambulance came for him about 11:00 o'clock, and he departed for Siboney. We feel that the change will do
him great good and will possibly prolong his life.
His departure leaves Lieutenant-Colonel Daggett,
25th Infantry, in command of the brigade.
Rumors of all kinds are rife and are eagerly discussed, as news of any kind is welcome during this
monotonous truce. It is currently reported that the
offer of the Spaniards to march out with their arms
to Holguin, unmolested by us, has been rejected by
our government. Also, a story that Colonel Randolph of our artillery has brought forty-two field
pieces from the United States and landed them at
Siboney, and that they are now enroute to our lines.
If this is so, this additional artillery will be of great
service to us. We have almost begged on our knees
for more artillery and it seems to have been deliberately withheld. Colonel Leonard Wood is said to
have been made a brigadier general. The days are
getting very, very hot. The air at noon is stifling,
and it is dangerous to expose oneself too long.
I occupied several useful hours this morning, making a sketch of the positions of the First Brigade at
Caney, from descriptions by Colonel Miles, and by
Lieutenants Cronin, Wolf, and Nolan. Handed in
the sketch to Carbaugh, division adjutant general.




370


THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


This evening, word came from General Lawton to
notify all soldiers in the trenches to be especially
vigilant, and to watch for Spanish deserters who
should be disarmed and brought within our lines,
without any firing, it possible. It is feared that the
Spanish garrison of Santiago, may attempt to evacuate the city during the night, by way of the Cobre
road. We have few troops to meet such a move, but
probably Garcia's Cubans might harrass such a
movement, and would undoubtedly give us ample
warning of it.
Today, another cablegram from Washington, was
published to the command:
Washington, D. C.,
July 8, 1898.
GENERAL SHAFTER,
PLAYA, CUBA.
Telegram, which it appears you did not receive, reads as follows:
The President directs me to say you have
the gratitude and thanks of the nation for the
brilliant and effective work of your noble army
in the fight of July 1st.
The sturdy valor and heroism of officers and
men, fill the American people with pride. The
country mourns the loss of men who fell in
battle. They have added new names to our roll
of honor.
R. A. ALGER,
Secretary of War.
H. C. CORBIN,
Adjutant General.




THE DIARY OF A LIEUTENANT


371


July 10, 1898.
We readjusted our lines this morning. LieutenantColonel Daggett, 25th Infantry, is in command of the
brigade. Our lines have been extended so as to cover
advanced positions. I spent some time at the most
advanced position in our lines, with Lieutenant
Caldwell.
About 2:00 o'clock this afternoon, we received
word that unless a satisfactory reply was received
at corps headquarters from the Spaniards, by 3:00
o'clock, bombardment of the city and of the enemy's
works, would begin at 4:00. So, we posted our men
in the trenches, not knowing just how prematurely
the enemy might open fire on our positions.
About 3:30 P. M., Capron, who was to fire the first
signal-gun of the attack, was called to corps headquarters and we supposed a truce had been agreed
upon. But about 4:30, Capron fired the first gun
and the ball opened! Colonel Miles (who had returned for duty), Wolf, Nolan, and myself, had gone
to the Fourth Infantry lines, and here General McKibben, recently lieutenant-colonel, 21st Infantry,
and now our new brigade commander, joined us.
We returned with him, and inspected all the brigade lines before the bombardment began. Soon
Spanish shrapnel and Mauser bullets came over our
breast-works pretty lively, but the enemy's artillery
fire was too high to do much damage. Later, the
hostile fire slackened, and finally almost ceased. To
try my hand, I went into the near-by trenches, and
fired about thirty cartridges from a Krag-Jorgenson.
The range was about 400 yards to the Spanish
trenches. No one was visible in the Spanish works,




372


THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


and the enemy was apparently husbanding their
ammunition in case we assaulted their positions.
At dark, all firing had ceased, and Colonel Miles
went up to place the First Infantry on the line. On
retiring for the night, I slept well in spite of the inequalities of the ground. Wolf and I have been occupying a dog-tent conjointly, which was unhappily
pitched on the slope of a hill. We, therefore, have
to counteract a constant tendency to roll out into the
niglt.
July 11, 1898.
Bombardment began again early this morning,
while our brigade was held in readiness to move to
the right of the lines. We anticipated considerable
losses in making this movement in daylight, but a
heavy fire was maintained on the Spanish lines by
our troops, and the enemy made but little reply to
it.
The 25th Infantry, of our brigade, marched with
us about two and a half miles towards the extreme
right of the American lines, keeping well behind
ridges out of sight from the Spanish works, and took
position on the right of Ludlow's brigade. Our new
position is about one mile from the Spanish lines,
and we have a wonderful view of Santiago and of
the bay. Sent Nolan back to hurry up the 4th Infantry, the 1st Infantry having already taken post on
the left of our brigade.
The bombardment continues from our lines, the
Spaniards lying low in their trenches, apparently
unscathed. However, our artillery fire was very
accurate, and now and then a projectile from the




THE DIARY OF A LIEUTENANT


373


dynamite gun would play havoc, raising a huge
column of smoke and debris where it hit. At about
11:00 o'clock this morning, the Navy began throwing big shells over the high ridges separating Santiago from the sea, and the explosion of these shellsplainly visible from our position, seemed to cause
great damage of the city.
About 3:00 o'clock General Shafter sent a flag of
truce into the Spanish lines, purpose unknown to us;
and firing ceased during the remainder of the day.
Our 4th Infantry went into the line on the right of
the 25th Infantry; and Ludlow's brigade was withdrawn from our left and placed on our right, attempting to connect with the Bay of Santiago. Ludlow was replaced by Chaffee. It looks as though
we were plugging up a possible line of withdrawal
on the part of the Spanish garrison.
Late tonight, 8:00 o'clock, orders caine from General Lawton directing a turning movement of the
division towards the left front, so as to establish it
on a new and more direct line, connecting with the
nearest point on the Bay of Santiago. Our soldiers
were to intrench on the new line as soon as their
positions were established, and the turning movement was to be made with the left of Chaffee's brigade as a pivot.
But a very severe tropical thunderstorm came on
about 10:00 or 11:00 o'clock, and continued all night
long. All troop movements were accordingly suspended. We had sent Nolan down with the orders
of the night, and the storm was so severe that he
was unable to carry out his instructions. He did not




374


THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


return to our headquarters until the morning of the
12th.
The rest of us staff officers lay on the ground under
one miserable tent-fly, and soaked! It seems that
our blankets were laid in a hollow of the ground.
The tropical lightning played about us all night,
and the thunder fairly made the ground tremble.
Some of us finally slept through sheer exhaustion,
and woke at daylight to find ourselves lying in a
couple of inches of water.
July 12, 1898.
Early this morning, about 4:00 o'clock, General
McKibben and I got out and visited the lines. We
found, as we anticipated from the severity of the
storm, that no troop movements had been attempted
during the night. The troops were, of course, soaked
to the skin, and their trenches were knee-deep in
water. Chaffee had not begun the movement, and
his brigade was to have been the guide.
The rain has ceased, but it still looks very threatening. Two companies of each of our three regiments have stood in the drenching rain since midnight last night, and they are very miserable and uncomfortable this morning. To make them more comfortable we withdrew these men to the hillsides
where they could observe the ground to their front,
and got breakfast. General Lawton came along and
stopped with us for a couple of hours, until the rain
abated.
About 11:00 o'clock we moved our brigade headquarters to a deserted hacienda near by, once, no
doubt, a very fine residence, as the windows were




THE DIARY OF A LIEUTENANT


375


protected by a very ornamental iron grill, and most
of the rooms were tiled. We moved out Cubans,
put our sodiers to work cleaning up the rooms, and
we were soon very comfortable. When General
Lawton and his two staff officers-Major Daniels and
Captain Mendoza, returned from inspecting General
Ludlow's position, we were able to give them a hot
lunch of ham, fried hard bread, and coffee.
Lawton ordered us to move our lines forward and
connect with Ludlow on our right and with the railroad on our left. I got everything ready for the
movement. Started two companies from the 1st and
the 25th Infantry, respectively, to move forward "as
skirmishers," the 4th Infantry held in reserve.
We expected fighting any minute as the troops advanced towards the Spanish position in full view. It
was a very tense and dramatic period, replete with
thrills, as suddenly General Lawton's aide, came
hurrying to our location in front of the' reserves,
bearing a note from General Lawton's aide (Miley),
that further operations against the city of Santiago
be suspended. I hastily jumped on my horse and
galloped to the advancing lines, waving my arms
frantically to stop the movement, and expecting that
the Spaniards would momentarily open fire on us,
point blank. But they did not; the forward movement of our troops was stopped, and as they slowly
retired towards the hills, I could not help but think
that it had needed but a slight spark to have, caused
the wiping out of a very large number of our brave
fellows. An advance over open ground against
trained troops protected by standing trenches is




376


THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


usually attended by serious losses, unless supported
by artillery fire.
We suspect that negotiations are in progress, and
I am very glad of it. We returned to our brigade
headquarters where Lieutenant Patterson, 201st New
York, brought me a letter from home, through General Henry, commanding our reinforcements. The
letter was dated July 4th. Pretty quick work-eight
days en route.
July 13, 1898.
The truce still continues. There was a conference
today between the generals of both opposing armies,
including in our part, Generals Miles, Shafter, and
Garcia. It has been stated that the proposition has
been seriously considered of the surrender of the
Spanish garrison, and of their transport to Spain
in our transports.
A bulletin was sent to us that the truce would continue until 12:00 noon tomorrow, and that thereafter
there would be no firing by our troops without special notice.
I rode in to General Lawton's headquarters about
1:30 P. M., and got favorable action on the requests
of Colonels Miles and Bainbridge, who desire to be
sent to the United States, sick. Then proceeded to
General Sumner's headquarters, and saw all my old
6th Cavalry comrades-Howze, Harmon, Sands,
Barnhardt, Stanton, Lebo, Kingsbury, Brooks. It
seemed good to see them all again, and I was very
glad to hear that the regimental wounded were getting along well.
The roads down and back were in fearful condi



THE DIARY OF A LIEUTENANT


377


tion, due to the constant tropical rains. Met Bandholtz on my way down, and learned that he was going to the United States tomorrow.
When I returned to camp, I found that by a strong
hint, General Lawton had caused our brigade to be
thrown out farther to the front. On account of the
truce he did not feel justified in ordering this new
movement, which sent the 1st and 25th Regiments
into the advanced line, with the 4th Infantry in reserve. The night was one of great anxiety to me.
I could not sleep, worrying about the troops, finally
falling asleep about 2:00 o'clock this morning.
July 14, 1898.
Arose about 4:00 o'clock, breakfast at 5:00 o'clock,
and the General and I then inspected the lines.
Found the 1st and 25th Regiments along the railroad tracks to our front, intrenching as fast as they
could work with anything that came to hand, including tin cups. The Spanish, close at hand, took no
notice of our troops, but worked all the harder themselves, improving their trenches. It seemed to be a
"gentleman's agreement" that neither opponent
would be too inquisitive as to what the other was
doing.
Passed through the lines of the Second Massachusetts Regiment, on the left of Ludlow's brigade;
it seems to be located in a mud-hole. Returned to
our headquarters at San Pablo, conspicuous for many
miles by a wonderfully beautiful flamboyant tree,
which overhung the hacienda. About 3:00 o'clock
this afternoon, Ethelbert Breckinridge stopped by
with news of the surrender of Santiago de Cuba. He




378


THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


also brought an order from General Lawton to withdraw our troops to comfortable camps in rear of the
line of trenches, and to man the latter with sentinels
in observation.
This wonderful piece of news was received by the
troops with the greatest joy, but for the present cheering is prohibited along our lines. It is reported that
although the surrender is not finally consummated,
the approval of the terms by General Blanco is all
that remain necessary. The Spanish troops in Santiago, some 12,000, and those at Holguin, 5,000 to
8,000, will give up their arms and will be transported
back to Spain by our government.
Yellow fever is getting very common, and two
deaths in the Second Massachusetts are reported today.
War correspondents, Frank Norris and Jim Archibald are our guests today. Stephen Bonsal stayed
with us last night.
Hacienda of San Pablo,
July 15, 1898.
The day passed very quietly and I did not have
occasion to leave headquarters but once, and that
was to go to the camp of the 25th Infantry, and get
packers for Lieutenant Farnsworth, Division Quartermaster.
We hear through Major Webb, of Lawton's staff',
that negotiations are still in progress, the Spaniards
objecting to certain clauses of the agreement hitherto
supposed satisfactory to them. It is said that among
other things, they object to giving up their arms,




THE DIARY OF A LIEUTENANT


379


and they also decline to indicate the mining casemate from which their harbor mines are detonated.
Lieutenant French returned from corps headquarters with the news that a cablegram from the United
States stated that "Spain is suing for peace." Also
that General Miles left Cuba yesterday for either
Porto Rico or the United States. We hear that
Hawaii has been annexed.
July 16, 1898.
A quiet day. General McKibben left us early this
morning to visit corps and division headquarters.
Others came during his absence, directing certain
very important sanitary measures. Also, that all
refugees from the city of Santiago, must return there
by the Caney road.
Two Spanish prisoners, "sanitarios" or hospital
corps attendants, captured by our men last night,
passed through our lines to division headquarters.
Lieutenant Stetson, 4th Infantry, passed through our
headquarters, sick with measles, and we put him on
a horse, he was so exhausted.
General McKibben returned to tell us that General Shafter has signed the articles of capitulation.
We are all anxious to have the mines in the harbor
exploded or removed, and the American fleet enter.
Frank Norris, war correspondent and writer for
McClure's, came into our headquarters and told of
the great distress seen along the Caney road-old
women, bed-ridden and sick, hobbling along in the
endeavor to return to Santiago.
Rumors are rife that our corps will go to Porto
Rico, after getting the fever out of the troops by




380


THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


changing our camps to higher ground and improved
sanitary measures.
Lieutenant "Billy" Morrow, 21st Infantry, reported
today as aide-de-camp to the general.
July 17, 1898.
We were all awakened early-about 5:30 A. M.,
by an orderly from headquarters, who brought us
the happy news that Santiago would formally surrender to our forces today, 9:00 to 9:30 A. M., and
that we were all invited to be present at the ceremony, with the major general, commanding the Fifth
Army Corps.
We reached division headquarters promptly at
8:30; corps headquarters at 8:45, and were on our
way towards the Spanish lines by nine o'clock.
Midway between the trenches of the two armies
our officers halted-the long column of generals and
their staffs being prolonged far to the rear. About
the same time, a considerable number of Spanish
officers came from their trenches, mounted, and
halted opposite us. Between the two bodies of officers of the opposing armies then marched a battalion of Spanish infantry, field music leading. At
a signal from General Shafter, one of our American
orderlies galloped from the rear of our lines to the
open space between Americans and Spaniards, bearing the saber of the dead General de Rey; and with
a flourish of trumpets and a presentation of arms,
the sword of the dead Spaniard was turned over by
the conquerors to the conquered. It was a very impressive and touching ceremony, and relieved in a
great degree the depression which the Spanish offi



THE DIARY OF A LIEUTENANT


cers and men must have felt in surrendering the city
this day to the American forces.
After this ceremony, we proceeded towards the
city, and General McKibben was very suddenly and
unexpectedly informed by General Shafter that he
was to be the temporary Military Governor of Santiago. Accordingly, we hurried up the 9th Infantry,
which was to act as escort to the corps commander,
General Shafter, and carefully posted it in the plaza
of the city, facing the governor's palace. In front of
the 9th Infantry, was our General McKibben and
staff. Directly in his front was posted the fine band
of the Sixth U. S. Cavalry, and to the right front of
the latter, stood General Shafter, his general officers
and their respective staffs. Over the palace was a
flag staff on which had lately flown the colors of
Spain.
At 12:00 o'clock, noon, precisely, OLD GLORY was
raised over the palace, and with swelling chests and
choking throats we stood at "attention" and listened
to the Star Spangled Banner from the band of the
Sixth Cavalry. Tears came to many eyes.
Just before this impressive ceremony occurred, a
dramatic incident was interjected, which for the moment threatened to mar the solemnity of the occasion. A war correspondent by the name of Scovell,
who represented the New York World, insisted in
mounting to the roof of the governor's palace where
the flag raising was to take place, but much to his
indignation was ordered down by Colonel Miley, in
charge of the ceremony. Thereupon Scovell appealed to General Shafter in a loud voice, while the
general and his staff were standing before the as



382


THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


sembled troops, ready for the formal raising of OLD
GLORY. Some words followed, and I saw Scovell
strike or attempt to strike General Shafter in the
face. Scovell was hustled off by soldiers and the
ceremony proceeded.
During the afternoon, all American troops except
the 9th Infantry, were withdrawn from the city; the
Spanish garrison proceeded to turn in their arms
and go into camp outside the city near our trenches;
and we had American patrols seeing that law and
order was preserved throughout the city.
Refugees poured into Santiago, all day long. Four
of us got dinner at the Restaurant La Venus, the
formerly finest restaurant of the city. Although it
was almost denuded of food, we succeeded in getting
something to eat at a cost of $12.50.
We organized our headquarters in the governor's
palace, and streams of callers came to see the new
Military Governor on all kinds of matters, largely
controversial. As Adjutant of the city, I was the
buffer and go-between, while General McKibben assisted by Sefior Ros, formerly the Gobernador, attempted to mete out exact justice in the many knotty
problems which were thrust at him. Sefior Ros impressed me very favorably.
Tonight we actually slept in beds, in the guest
chambers of the palace, and were literally devoured
by mosquitoes. Never have I encountered such
blood-thirsty insects. Sleep was practically impossible.
This afternoon, Lieutenant Marble, U. S. Navy,
called on us, representing that by arrangement between General Shafter and Admiral Sampson, the




THE DIARY OF A LIEUTENANT


383


Spanish yacht Alvarado was to be turned over to the
Navy. Accordingly, we gave Marble an order relieving our guard aboard the Alvarado, and putting him
in charge. When we attempted to have our action
confirmed by General Shafter over the telegraph line
to his headquarters, we learned that the commanding general had entered into no such arrangement,
and he was exceedingly wroth that we had given the
Navy possession of the Alvarado. So Nolan and Morrow were hastily despatched on a tug to catch Marble
and his looted ship, and restore our guard to her.
But the foxy Marble evaded our officers, put to sea
in his little ship, and the incident passed into history.
Afterwards, we received a copy of a cablegram to
General Shafter from the War Department, directing
the latter, in taking possession of Santiago, to also
take all ships in the harbor under the Spanish flag.
On the back of the yellow cable, General Shafter has
scribbled in pencil: "Take possession at once of all
shipping in the harbor, and hold it subject to my
order." Evidently, the Secretary of War intends to
hold on to everything in sight, even if we step on the
toes, so to speak, of our naval friends!
July 18, 1898.
Still in the palace. A busy day with all kinds of
people with requests and complaints of all kinds.
Issued passes to a great many, who wished to pass
the lines. A number of our transports have entered
the bay.
During the morning, received the following from
corps headquarters:




384


THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


GENERAL MCKIBBEN.
Send the war correspondent Scovell at once,
under guard, to Siboney, to be turned over to
the commanding officer at that place, to be held
by the latter in close arrest, until he can be sent
out of the country on first transport.
By command of (eneral Shafter:
J. D. MILEY, A. D. C.
Accordingly, I went to the moss-grown Spanish
calaboso where Scovell was confined, and after many
turnings of rusty keys in huge locks, finally found
the correspondent. He looked as though he had
passed a bad night. On being informed that General
Shafter was sending him to Siboney, he fairly fell
on my neck with the exclamation, "Why, my boy, if
you'll only send me to Siboney, I'll walk every step
of the way! Never again, do I want to pass a night
in this hell-hole with all these creeping things!"
But instead of making Scovell walk, we sent him
to Siboney on a tug, in charge of Lieutenant Nolan.
Nolan returned in due time with this laconic receipt for the war correspondent:
Siboney,
July 18, 1898.
Received from Lieutenant D. E. Nolan, a war
correspondent by the name of Scovell.
T. J. SCHMIDT,
Commanding 33d Michigan.
This evening, the General, Wolf and myself,
visited the Red Cross ship, State of Texas. The captain was discourteous, and refused to allow us on




THE DIARY OF A LIEUTENANT


385


board. General McKibben appealed to Miss Barton,
and found that the vessel was in quarantine.
July 19, 1898.
Another very busy day. In the morning, I saw to
the releasing of forty-six political prisoners, confined in the city prison.  Their offenses were
trivial-many of them being imprisoned on suspicion. I investigated the charges in each case, and
found such notations in the prison records, as the
following: "Leaving the city to join the enemy."
"Carrying clothing to the enemy." "Prisoners of
war." Poor creatures! Three of them were women,
and all were confined with the common criminals.
They were overjoyed to be released.
In the afternoon. General Shafter visited us suddenly at the palace. He seemed annoyed to find so
many American soldiers in the city. He discussed
the President's proclamation with the Gobernador,
Sefior Ros. It was intimated that General McKibben
would be relieved tomorrow by General Wood, and
returned to duty with the brigade.
Wolf, Morrow, and myself went shopping without
an interpreter and had great sport. Found the shopkeepers very fair minded and pleasant fellows. Tonight, the mosquitoes are awful!
July 20, 1898.
Got up early and packed all our belongings. Between 8:00 and 9:00 o'clock, General Shafter and
staff arrived with General Wood and staff, and we
were relieved by the latter-the following letter being handed our general:




386


THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


Headquarters 5th Corps,
July 20, 1898.
BRIGADIER GENERAL MCKIBBEN, U. S. V.,
Sir: The commanding general directs that
you are hereby relieved from duty in the city
of Santiago, and ordered to rejoin your brigade.
In relieving you, the Commanding General desides to express his appreciation of the manner
in which you have performed your duties.
Very respectfully,
E. J. MCCLERNAND,
Assistant Adjutant General.
July 21, 1898.
We are back again in our old quarters at San
Pablo, and glad to be here. All we wish now, is to
be left alone! There seems to be no news of importance.
July 23, 1898.
Lieutenant Morrow and I arose quite early, breakfasting at 5:30, and in accordance with our plans of
yesterday, were soon en route to Morro Castle. We
entered Santiago by the Cuavitas road, and then
through the narrow streets to the post-office. As we
did so, the gutters dirty and slimy with sewage, one
could not help thinking that here was the fountainhead of pestilential diseases.
At the city bakeries, now reopening after months
of idleness, were crowds of all ages and sexes, shaking pieces of Spanish silver at the attendants and
clamoring for bread. Everywhere, as heretofore,
great curiosity was exhibited at our appearance,




THE DIARY OF A LIEUTENANT


387


mounted as we were, on horses much larger than
those of the Spanish officers. There is and has been
no ill-nature shown us by the Spanish soldiers. The
Spanish officers are polite, courteous, and well-disposed.
I am saluting the Spanish officers punctiliously
when I meet them on the streets, and it seems to
please them.
We stopped at the post office with the brigade
mail, and then pushed on to El Morro. We struck
the Iron Company's railroad, south of the city, and
found on the track, cars of our U. S. Engineers, piled
high with tools; and near by, a camp of our engineers, with Lieutenants Rees and Winslow in charge.
Soon after, we met a Cuban whom I named Bonito,
after an old friend, who volunteered to show us the
way to Morro. It was well that he did, for the road
was only a trail-tortuous and misleading. We noted
Spanish block-houses on nearly every commanding
point near Santiago, and as we approached Morro,
there were rifle trenches commanding the land approaches. After a stiff climb, we reached the castle,
and found it the picture of loneliness and desolation.
All frame buildings had been smashed by our Navy's
shells, except a few under shelter of the hill, where
we found Lieutenant Smith, of the artillery, and three
men. He seems to have been forgotten in the shuffle;
and his little party had not been rationed for three
days. Smith naturally asked me to have corps headquarters give him some instructions.
Then we explored El Morro. It was certainly my
idea of a castle, built between the feudal period and
medieval times. In composition, it seems to he a




388


THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


tenacious coral stucco, and although the Navy's shells
had knocked off huge chunks of the exterior, had
utterly failed to damage the interior. The chambers
and passage-ways formed a network extending well
into the cliff, and down towards the dashing sea,
which was reached by a succession of stairs. The
prison rooms savored of the times of the Inquisition,
and we saw in an adjoining room, iron and wooden
stocks, for the punishment of refractory prisoners.
There was some ordnance material left, and much
trash, and we felt that in our explorations we ran
some risk of contagion from yellow fever.
What impressed us most, was the fact that the
Morro did not mount a single modern gun. All were
of the type of old brass pieces, used by the Mexicans
against us in the Mexican War, with beautiful ornamentation on chase and handles. These guns had
apparently been silenced at once.
In one of the rooms, some soldier-artist had ornamented the white plaster with very creditable drawings in color. From one of the doors, leading down
by a winding staircase to a cell which we tried to
think was Hobson's prison, I pried off a rusty old
iron lock, which might have been a hundred years
old.
After finishing our explorations in the Morro, we
went to the East Battery. Several old brass pieces,
two modern muzzle-loading mortars, and two small
breech-loading howitzers, comprised the cannon of
this battery, which was very poorly protected by
barrels of cement. The breech-blocks of the field
pieces were missing. Ammunition of all kinds was




THE DIARY OF A LIEUTENANT


389


scattered over the ground as though the gunners had
left in a great hurry.
During our wanderings, our Cuban guide, Bonito,
had picked up four chairs, one blanket, one rubber
blanket, and a varied assortment of kitchen utensils,
all of which he had packed on a Spanish pony, likewise "found." He was supremely happy!
Our return to Santiago was hot and disagreeable.
The heat was so oppressive that it was a relief to
ride and create some breeze. On the way we met a
young lieutenant of engineers, Brown, who seemed
greatly relieved to see us, as he had lost his way.
After several unhappy experiences, we found a fairly
clean restaurant in Santiago, and appeased our
hunger.
We stopped at the post office and learned that
Lieutenant Saville, the American postmaster, had
been stricken with yellow fever and taken to the hospital. Riding back past the Spanish trenches, I noted
two modern, breech-loading steel pieces, one set up
on a revolving steel mount; the other, not mounted.
The other Spanish artillery consisted of brass napoleons and some antiquated muzzle-loaders.
Hacienda of San Pablo,
July 24, 1898.
Sunday at headquarters! We had actually lost
our reckoning of days of the week, and can scarcely
believe it Sunday. Our soldiers are busy today
building bridges and repairing roads, and bringing
up commissary supplies. The, 25th Infantry moved
camp to a higher ridge near water.
In the evening we heard the band of the 25th In



390


THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


fantry playing "Gospel Hymns," and later, singing at
the camp of the 17th Infantry, where Chaplain
Springer is holding services. Morrow has a touch of
the fever.
July 25, 1898.
A quiet day. Nolan and Morrow returned from
Santiago with startling rumors that the entire Fiftlh
Corps would return to the United States as soon as
relieved; and that the regiments most free from
fever, would return first. We lived on this story all
the evening, and it brought us some cheerfulness.
July 26, 1898.
Last night I had Doctor Shillock visit the increasing sick of the 1st Infantry, and this morning found
from a personal visit, that the regiment's sick had
increased to fifty-five, including their surgeon, Doctor Boss. The enlisted attendant in charge of all
these sick soldiers, was short of medicines. Later,
I arranged that Doctor Ebert should visit these sick
men.
Late in the evening, General McKibben returned
from division headquarters, with news of the probable detachment of a part of this corps, for the Porto
Rican expedition. He had volunteered the services
of himself and staff.
July 27, 1898.
The sick are increasing at a fearful rate. Some
two hundred and fifty are on sick-report in the two
remaining regiments of this brigade-an increase of
thirty-four over yesterday, with sixty new cases.




THE DIARY OF A LIEUTENANT


391


Found one man, McGoldrick, of Company "G," 1st
Infantry, very ill. Took him up some malted milk
and got Doctor Ebert. Found Doctor Boss delirious
with fever.
July 28, 1898.
Poor McGoldrick died at 4:40 this afternoon. Saw
Chaplain Springer, and arranged for the funeral.
Decided upon no funeral honors (taps and the riflevolleys), because of the depressing effect on the
many sick soldiers. Captain Ebstein and Lieutenant
Peter Murray called on us from the 21st Infantry,
and stayed to dinner. In their honor we had canned
plum-pudding! From them we heard that General
Shafter has formally announced that our corps will
return to the United States as soon as the Spanish
prisoners are disposed of. We also learn that General Miles has landed in Porto Rico; that a skirmish
has taken place; and that Spain is suing for peace
through the French ambassador.
August 2, 1898.
Have been very sick with the fever. This is the
fifth day-the first two or three days being the worst.
Woke up July 29, with aching bones-especially in
the spine and back, with high fever. This changed
about 9:00 o'clock to a chill, accompanied by vomiting. One of the high Cuban doctors has said that I
have had yellow fever, while an American doctor
has believed it pernicious malarial fever. At any
rate, I am still alive, although at one time through
my delirium, I heard my friends saying, "Poor old
chap! He's got a slim chancel!"




392


THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


Today, though very, very weak, and still in bed, I
had a bit of appetite, and the canned mock-turtle
soup tasted so good that I had a double allowance
of it.
Last evening we were made happy by the arrival
of a cablegram to General Shafter from the New
York Herald, telling us that the war was over at
last, and that the terms of peace were entirely in our
favor. Spain is to withdraw her troops from all the
Spanish West Indies. We are to retain control of
Cuba until a stable government is established. Spain
is to cede Porto Rico and other West India colonies
to us, and also the island of Guam. The question
of our sovereignty in the Philippines is to be left to
a joint commission chosen from two other foreign
powers-we, not waiving our right to the entire
Philippine archipelago, and maintaining permanent
occupation of Manila and Cavite until some form of
government is established.
This is as much as I can remember, lying on a
tick bed, but the good news had made us all feel
better except General McKibben, who has been taken
ill with the fever.
August 3, 1898.
Got up today, but was too weak to do more than
sit around and rest. But appetite is good and I am
improving.
While at supper, Major Webb came along with a
bomb-shell in the shape of news, that Secretary of
War Alger had cabled Shafter that orders would
issue for the entire Fifth Corps to move camp to
San Luis, by easy stages, and "stamp out the dis



Col. A. C. Sharpe.




(.f 
~  O F~ ~




THE DIARY OF A LIEUTENANT


393


ease." That Surgeon General Sternberg had stated
that yellow fever could not exist higher than seven
hundred feet above sea level.
We are all aghast! Not one-third of our army
could march five miles, so weakened are we by disease. And the idea, the absurd idea, of marching
far up into the mountains, has given us the horrors,
and lack of confidence in our Washington administrators.
Webb bore a paper which General McKibben and
all the generals signed, asking that we be sent to the
United States without delay, and that unless we did,
two-thirds of our army would die!
August 8, 1898.
Have rather neglected my diary. The paper signed
by the generals brought results the following day,
and a cablegram announced that the entire corps
would be sent home as soon as ships could be provided. Nothing unusual has happened in the interim.
The SOCIETY OF THE ARMY OF SANTIAGO DE CUBA,
which had been partly organized, was duly organized
on Sunday, August 7th, with General Shafter as president.
Last night there was a rumor that peace had been
agreed upon. Also, another rumor that Admiral
Dewey had fired upon and had sunk, two German
ships. Today, this latter rumor took the form of
two American and one German vessel having been
sunk.
Went in to Santiago-the first time in two weeks.
Found at the palace that Secretary of War-prob



394


THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


ably at the behest of my friends, had cabled General
Shafter as to whether I was alive or dead!
August 9, 1898.
Went to Santiago early, so as to escape the heat.
Saw Bookmiller and Crawford. Also, Charlie Humphrey, now 2nd Lieutenant, 17th Infantry. Returned
to San Pablo through the camp of the 2nd Massachusetts, where I saw pitiful sights-sick men crawling about on hands and knees, so weak were they;
and apparently few sanitary regulations.
August 10, 1898.
General Lawton has received word from General
Shafter that vessels for the embarkation of regiments of our division, would probably be ready the
evening of the 11th instant or the morning of the
12th. Later in the day we were notified that Doctor
Kilbourne's sanitary board would inspect the division tomorrow, preparatory to embarkation.
We rather think the yellow fever is increasing,
but have no tangible proofs. We only know, when
men are dying outside of our own brigade, by hearing the volleys over the grave and the sad, sweet
tones of "taps." All suspected cases of real yellow
fever are moved to Siboney. We have many deaths
in and around our brigade, but they seem to result
principally from dysentery and from the exhaustion
following prolonged malarial fever. Also, some
cases of typhoid.




THE DIARY OF A LIEUTENANT


395


On board S. S. Comanche,
At Sea, August 18, 1898.
Have not written in the diary for some time, as I
was very busy before embarkation, and since then
have been sick again.
We embarked on Saturday, August 13th. Reveille
before 5:00 o'clock, packing up all our goods and
chattels. Then the ride to the transports-the Seneca
for the 4th Infantry, and the Comanche for our headquarters and for the 25th Infantry. General McKibben has been quite sick. Loading on the transports was slow, due to the crowded condition of the
docks, littered with the baggage of the 9th and 10th
Cavalry, the artillery, and of the arriving "immunes."
This is our sixth day out, and the captain of the
Comanche expects to sight Montauk Point by sunset
tonight. Our men have been quite seasick, but the
fever cases seem to have improved under the moral
influence of going home, and of the salt air. The
Seneca, although-slower loading, passed us Sunday
afternoon. The weather has been lovely and the sea
smooth except in the Windward Passage and north
of it.
This evening we reached Montauk Point about
6:30, and dropped anchor in the sound. The country appears fresh and green, and as we passed the
Atlantic side of the Point, we saw large numbers of
tents.
A naval gun-boat came near us after we anchored,
with Mrs. General John A. Logan aboard, and others.
They told us of Merritt's victory at Manila.
Afterwards, the quarantine surgeon, Doctor Magruder, boarded us. He will inspect us about 7:00




396


THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


o'clock tomorrow morning. We learn of yellow
fever on both the St. Louis and the Grande Duchesse.
Both vessels are! here. We all sent telegrams to relatives and friends by Doctor Magruder, but we long
for newspapers. However, we know that peace has
been formally declared and that commissioners will
meet very soon to arrange terms.
August 21, 1898.
Still aboard the Comanche. The Mobile, with 1,600
aboard, has arrived in a terrible condition. So many
sick aboard that it took an entire day to unload
her. Ten soldiers died during the voyage, and there
has been nothing for the Mobile sick to eat but the
straight government ration.
We have hopes of getting unloaded today, as the
Seneca is being unloaded this morning. We are getting sick and tired of the food aboard the vesselall canned stuff. I had a chill since last writing in
the diary, and am consequently dense as well as deaf
with quinine.
We were again doomed to disappointment about
going ashore. A tug came about 1:00 o'clock and
took off 119 of our sick, afterwards bringing back
fifty disappointed soldiers who were not deemed
sufficiently ill by Colonel Forwood, surgeon, to be
sent to the hospital.
The Seneca, having been unloaded, pulled out into
the stream, and the Rio Grande took her place, to our
great chagrin and disappointment.  A gun-boat
kindly brought us the Sunday newspapers, sent by
the Red Cross to assuage our grief!




THE DIARY OF A LIEUTENANT      397
Montauk Point,
August 22, 1898.
We were disembarked this morning, much to our
surprise. A detail of fifty soldiers under Lieutenant
Caldwell, was left to unload, and the remainder of
the 25th Infantry, marched up the hill to the detention camp. Our headquarters rode in a Red Cross
ambulance. Found our camp with tents pitched,
good tent-floors, and everything very comfortable.




SOME RECOLLECTIONS OF THE
ENGAGEMENT AT LAS
GUASIMAS
By MAJOR GENERAL C. McK. SALTZMAN.
On the afternoon of June 23, 1898, the 2nd Cavalry
Brigade consisting of the 1st, 10th, and 1st U. S.
Volunteer Cavalry (Rough Riders) found themselves
in camp on the beach at Daiquiri. The word having
been passed around informally that the command
would remain in camp there for approximately twenty-four hours, the afternoon was spent in sightseeing.
The command, in general, the 2nd Lieutenants in
particular, visited the ruins of the burning roundhouse, looked around in the fever infected shacks,
ate green fruit, drank unboiled water, and otherwise
violated the existing instructions. The command,
however, was very much surprised about 4:00 o'clock
to hear "To Arms" sounded in various camps. The
sightseers rapidly mobilized and at 4:30 a column
consisting of eight troops of the Rough Riders, troops
A, B, G and K of the 1st Cavalry, and troops A, B,
E, and I of the 10th Cavalry marched out of camp
under the command of General S. B. M. Young, the
brigade commander. The march of this command
through the cocoanut groves in the intense heat and
tropical rain storms, weighed down with blanket
rolls and personal equipment will long be remembered by these cavalry soldiers. For many years the
command had marched and drilled mounted, but
had come to Cuba without their mounts. This transition was sudden and unexpected. Loaded down with




RECOLLECTIONS OF LAS GUASIMAS


399


all the junk which the horse had previously carried,
and clothed in heavy woolen uniform, each member
of that command was willing to certify, at the time,
that that was one of the longest marches ever made,
although it lasted in reality only about three hours.
No regular haversacks could be found in Florida,
where the Cavalry said goodbye to its horses, and
each member was issued some kind of a canvas bag.
The weight of these packs, combined with the
weight of the collection of junk stowed away in
these canvas bags, convinced every member of the
column that he would never in thei future contemplate "taking on" with the Infantry. The trail over
which they marched had recently been traversed by
an Infantry Division and was well marked by cast
off blankets, blouses, cans of roast beef, and other
articles which tired and weary soldiers had parted
with voluntarily.
Sometime after dark, probably about 7:30 P. M.,
the command reached the vicinity of Siboney where
they bivouacked for the night and made their first
night's acquaintance with the friendly, companionable Cuban land crabs. Reveille sounded at 4:00 A.
M. and after a hasty breakfast, which each man
cooked for himself, the command moved forward at
approximately 5:45.
There was considerable comment and enthusiasm
in the column when it was discovered that it was
marching through Siboney. It was the general understanding that the corps commander, General
Shafter, on the preceding day had issued instructions
that General Lawton's division would occupy the
front and would probably make the first contact with




400


THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


the enemy. These Cavalry troops were, therefore,
greatly pleased to march by this Infantry command
with the thought that they would participate in the
first engagement of the Army with Spanish troops.
There were two trails leading from Siboney towards
Santiago, the trails uniting about a mile before reaching Sevilla. The Rough Riders, commanded by Colonel Leonard Wood, took the trail to the left, the
two squadrons of the 1st and 10th Cavalry, accompanied by the brigade commandeer, General S. B.
M. Young, and the division commander, General
Wheeler, taking the trail to the right. B Troop, 1st
Cavalry, was the leading unit of the regular column
and the writer, being one of the: lowest ranking 2nd
lieutenants in the United States Army, was designated to command the advance guard. Naturally,
an attempt was made to put out an advance guard
in accordance with the principles laid down in the
Cavalry Drill Regulations, with flankers, etc., but a
few minutes' experience with Cuban trails and the
dense tropical jungle caused this attempt to be abandoned; otherwise, this advance guard would have
soon been lost to history. Thus, the Army gained its
first experience in advance guard work in a tropical jungle, an experience which was to be many
times duplicated in the Philippines in years to come.
On the march to the front the writer was accompanied by Acting Assistant Surgeon Delgardo, and
gained much knowledge concerning Cuban warfare
from him. The writer was told afterwards that this
most interesting man was born in Cuba, but was an
American citizen, that during the Cuban Insurrection he had assisted the, Cuban troops, had been cap



RECOLLECTIONS OF LAS GUASIMAS


401


tured by Spanish troops, court-martialed and faced
a Spanish firing squad. He fell wounded and the
zealous Spanish soldier in order to insure that a good
job had been done, cut him across the face with a
machete. In spite of these attempts to terminate
his military career, Delgardo survived and was
thrown into a Spanish prison. He established touch
with the United States authorities and was later relieved after international negotiations. I do not
know as to the truth of the story, but I do know
that he had a long, wicked looking scar across his
face, and a most marked desire for us to meet the
Spanish troops that morning in the hope that he
could assist in settling his score with them.
About 7:30 in the morning the command halted
in an open glade to rest. Captain A. L. Mills, the
brigade adjutant, came forward and told me he
would like to go forward a short distance and reconnoiter. I sent two soldiers with him. Captain Mills
went forward about 150 yards to a point near the
ruins of an old Spanish house with a sun dial on
the side, which will be remembered by all who participated in this engagement. He sent word back to
me in a few minutes that he had seen a Spanish outpost to our left front. Word was sent to Major J.
M. Bell, our squadron commander, to General Young
and General Wheeler who went forward and joined
Captain Mills. A short tije afterwards orders were
sent back for the leading troop to move forward,
change direction to the left and move against the
enemy on the high ridge about 500 yards in front
of them, each succeeding troop to move forward ten
minutes after the departure of the one preceding




402


THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


it, the whole column thus executing "on left into
line." The leading troop, of which I was a member, soon encountered good, well developed volley
firing, which at times was supplemented by the rattle
of some kind of a small arm rapid fire gun. The
Spanish forces occupied a ridge in the form of an
obtuse angle with the salient toward Siboney. The
attacking force numbered about 950 men while that
of the enemy was estimated at the time at about
2,000. General Young, in his official report, stated
the Cuban military authorities claimed the Spanish
strength in this engagement was about 4,000, and that
Lieutenant General Linares, commanding the Spanish forces in eastern Cuba, and two other general
officers, were present. The terrain in front of the
regular troops was a mass of Spanish bayonet and
other jungle growth, a new experience for regular
troops accustomed to years of drill and maneuvers
on parade grounds and on terrain in the United
States. In this jungle it was impossible for soldiers
to move forward in line, or adjacent troops to keep
in touch with each other. The conduct of the regular
troops, however, was very fine! and the fire discipline
what one naturally expected from the regular troops
of 1898. The ammunition expended by the two
squadrons of the Regular Army was very small. The
loss in the two columns was one officer and fifteen
men killed, six officers and forty-six men wounded.
The Spaniards were driven from their position and
fled to Santiago. Forty-two dead Spanish soldiers
were found on the field and Spanish newspapers in
Santiago the day after the fight gave their loss as




RECOLLECTIONS OF LAS GUASIMAS


403


seventy-seven killed. It was known that many
wounded were carried into Santiago.
Before going into the fight the troop to which I belonged took off their packs without the precaution
of stationing a sentinel with them, thereby showing
great confidence in their Cuban allies. After the fight
was over, on going back to the point where these
packs had been left, it was found that our confidence
was ill placed, and many a soldier, including the
writer, found himself "alone in Cuba" with all the
precious possessions he had packed away in his
blanket roll now in the possession of some Cuban
patriot.
After the fight was over the writer was detailed
by Captain A. L. Mills to take six soldiers from K
Troop of the 1st Cavalry and carry Captain Thomas
L. Knox, who had been severely wounded by a Mauser steel jacketed bullet, to Siboney. The United
States Army was unfamiliar at that time with wounds
from steel jacketed bullets, the prevalent ideas concerning wounds being based on the damages done
by the old fashioned lead bullet. The surgeon who
attended Captain Knox and rendered all the first aid
possible at the time, assured me that it was useless
to attempt to take the officer to the seacoast and
that he would be dead in a few minutes. Everyone
appeared to agree with this decision except Captain
Knox who told me he would like to be taken down
to Siboney and put on a ship. Securing a litter from
a passing Infantry regiment we started to carry this
wounded officer down the long hot trail. These
soldiers who had recently been many days on ship
board, who had been up since 4:00 o'clock that




404


THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


morning, who had been in their first fight, naturally
soon became very tired in carrying this litter. Passing a camp of Cubans I found the commanding officer and asked him to lend me four soldiers to assist
us in carrying this wounded officer to the seashore.
He refused to do this stating that he wanted "to keep
his soldiers all together," but asked me if there was
anything else he could do. I told him exactly what
he could do.
Arriving at Siboney I found our party the center
of attraction, as Captain Knox was apparently the
first wounded soldier of the campaign. I found all
sorts of rumors and stories in circulation, some to
the effect that the column had been ambushed and
that they had been terribly defeated. I was unable
to find any medical officer in authority who could
take charge of Captain Knox. Meeting Captain R.
C. Van Vliet, of the 10th Infantry, he and I decided
to prescribe for Captain Knox ourselves. We prescribed that he should be put on the hospital ship
"Olivette," but as to the means by which we could
get him there we were in considerable doubt. In
endeavoring to effect this transfer the writer did
his first Signal Corps stunt by tying a handkerchief
on to a stick and sending a message to the hospital
ship "Olivette" directing them to send a boat ashore
for a wounded officer. We realized that some good
name ought to be signed to such a telegram. Neither
Captain Van Vliet nor I knew what medical officer
was authorized to send such a message, but we had
heard the name of Colonel Havard in connection
with the medical authorities of the corps, so we
signed the name "Havard" to the message. Sure




RECOLLECTIONS OF LAS GUASIMAS    405
enough, after waiting about fifteen minutes we saw
a boat being lowered from the "Olivette." As this
boat approached the shore where we were standing,
we were very much surprised to find Colonel Havard
himself in the boat.
The engagement at Las Guasimas was a most notable example of what a few well-trained, we;ll-disciplined American soldiers of the Regular Army
could do against a superior force occupying a defensive position. There probably were nerver any
better soldiers in the world than those regular soldiers who went down to Cuba in 1898 and their
performance at Las Guasimas, although under great
disadvantages, was a striking testimonial to them.




SOME RECOLLECTIONS OF
SANTIAGO
BRIGADIER GENERAL WILLIAM D. BEACH, U. S. Army.*
The summer of 1898 was eventful in the history
of our little Regular Army. It witnessed the active
participation of the Army in two campaigns on foreign soil, the first since the War with Mexico; one
of these campaigns being carried on in Cuba, the
other in the Philippine Islands.
The history of the Cuban Campaign has been
recorded by numerous writers from various angles;
this account is merely a personal first-hand record
of some of the lights and shadows of the campaign
as they appeared to a participant.
In the early evening of the 22nd of June, 1898, the
transport fleet carrying the 5th Army Corps (Major
General Shafter, Commanding), arrived off Daiquiri
on the south coast of Cuba. Darkness soon rendered
objects on land invisible and our transport (the
Allegheny), lay rolling most uncomfortably in the
trough of the sea. An hour or so after nightfall we
were made aware of the presence of a small gunboat very close alongside by a voice shouting to us,
"Ship ahoy!" to which one of our unregenerate buck
privates replied, "Hello, yourself!" Our ship's captain, however, promptly took a hand and in reply
to the voice from the darkness told who and what
we were. The voice then said, "This is the Castine.
Fleet Commander directs you follow the Castine all
*The writer was Major of Engineers, U. S. V., and Chief
Engineer of the Cavalry Division at Santiago.




SOME RECOLLECTIONS OF SANTIAGO


407


night. You land at daybreak; good luck!" That was
all. Our Captain endeavored to follow the Castine
all night, but soon lost contact and added another to
our long list of shortcomings.
Morning found us alone some ten miles off shore,
so about 11:00 A. M., we proceeded to "land at daylight," after our Navy protectors had shot up the
landscape.
The Spaniards not opposing our landing we, or
part of us, consisting of General Wheeler, his sonLieutenant Wheeler-and myself went ashore to reconnoitre, and I recall spending a most uncomfortable night on the beach fighting-not Spaniards, but
mosquitoes. At daylight next morning, however, I
returned to the ship only to disembark at once with
our saddle equipments and an orderly and all the
chow we could conveniently carry, go to the Artillery picket-line and under General Wheeler's orders, commandeer four horses, two being for the
General and the one member of his staff (myself),
and the others for the interpreter and the orderly.
Orders had meanwhile been given to General Young
to move his Cavalry Brigade promptly to Siboney.
Arriving at Siboney some eleven miles to the west
of Daiquiri, after passing Lawton's Infantry Division
enroute, we (the General and I), went some two miles
farther out on the road towards Santiago to reconnoitre, passing on the way the body of a Spanish
soldier who had been killed in a skirmish with
Cubans that morning, following the evacuation of
Siboney by the Spanish troops. We, however, saw
no signs of the enemy.
Returning to Siboney after dark we found that




408


THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


Young's Brigade of the Cavalry Division-a squadron
each of the 1st and 10th Cavalry and two squadrons
of the 1st Volunteer Cavalry (Rough Riders)-had
arrived and were bivouacked on the edge of the
town.
From our reconnaissance and from information
furnished by Dr. Castillo (the Cuban Commander in
Siboney), we ascertained the position of the Spanish troops, and they being too close to be assured of
an unmolested occupancy of Siboney and vicinity
by our troops, General Wheeler determined to attack early the next morning and clear the way for
the debarkation and assembly of our Corps at
Siboney.
Another uncomfortable night fighting mosquitoes
on the porch of Dr. Castillo's house followed, but
dawn found everybody astir and ready to move out;
the 1st Volunteer Cavalry on a trail to the south of
the main road, and the squadrons of the 1st and 10th
Cavalry on the valley road which General Wheeler
and I had followed the evening before.
In the course of an hour we overtook General
Young's immediate command (the 1st and 10th
Cavalry Squadrons), which had already been halted
and deployed forming an irregular battle line crossing the road. General Young had established his
P. C. about 100 yards in rear of the deployed line
to the south of and very near the road. On General
Wheeler's arrival he consulted with General Young,
who pointed out the Spanish breastworks of loosely
piled up flat stones on the crest of a prominent hill
some 800 yards to the front.
There was some uncertainty as to whether the




I






Gen. Joseph Wheeler.




OF;
'C




SOME RECOLLECTIONS OF SANTIAGO


409


straw hats visible over the breastworks were the
head gear of Cubans or Spaniards. General Wheeler
solved the problem by directing the commander of
the Hotchkiss one-pounder gun to open fire on them
which he did, the first shot drawing volleys from
the distant breastworks and more destructive volleys
from a nearer wall on our left front.
At the opening shot, I jotted down the time (8:15
A. M.), in my note book as I had done many times
in maneuvers, but my book appears a blank after
the first entry, for the firing on both sides immediately became very heavy, so much so in fact that
General Wheeler remarked that he remembered no
heavier musketry fire in any action he was in during the Civil War.
The first casualty-an enlisted man of the 1st
Cavalry-occurred very near to where General
Wheeler and I were standing and he went at once
to the man, pulled open his shirt to see where he
had been hit; an act on the part of a Major General
that struck me at the time as very strange. But
casualties were soon occurring with startling frefrequency and all indications seemed to point to a
long continued action with a doubtful outcome. The
Brigade Commander very soon had his entire supports and reserves deployed, and from the heavy
firing on our left, we knew that Colonel Wood's regiment was likewise heavily engaged.
After what seemed to be an interminable time and
when our casualties were rapidly increasing, I said
to General Wheeler, "we have nine big regiments of
Infantry only a few miles back on the road. Let
me send to General Lawton for one of them and




410


THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


close this action up." He hesitated but finally said;
"All right!" So I called the mounted orderly who
was in a sheltered spot holding the four horses and
told him: "Go back, find General Lawton who will
be on the road, give him General Wheeler's compliments and say that General Wheeler is engaged with
a large force of the enemy and wants a regiment of
Infantry sent forward as soon as possible." I then
told the orderly to repeat his orders, but found that
he couldn't say a word; apparently not an idea had
penetrated owing possibly to the incessant "w-h-t-s"
of the Mauser bullets overhead and around us, so
I tore a leaf out of my notebook and wrote out the
message asking General Wheeler during the process,
whether I should say "requests" or "directs"; he
thought a moment and replied; "say directs." The
orderly with the message then started back at a
gallop.
The day wore on, dragged terribly in fact and I
for one was consumed with anxiety and apprehension as to the outcome of the fight for our 400 men
were not advancing and we were piling up casualties; eight men killed and three officers and twenty
or more men wounded. At that time, at our end of
the line, with just one medical officer and one hospital corps man to attend them, this was not pleasing
to contemplate. A laughable incident occurred at
this time which somewhat relieved the tension. The
mountain gun crew had placed the gun in the middle of the road and were firing high at breastworks
on the hill some 800 yards in front, when a Mauser
bullet struck the gunner (a burly negro), on the tip
of his left elbow; he swung around with a surprised




SOME RECOLLECTIONS OF SANTIAGO


411


and startled look on his face, seized his elbow and
shouted, "I'm hit! * * "No, I ain't! * * "Yes,
I am!" in such bewildering uncertainty as to be
simply ludicrous. He was not much hurt, but we
all know the effect of a crack on the elbow and were
only too thankful to the gunner for giving us an opportunity to laugh. Time crawled, it did not fly;
the sun seemed to stand still as in the days of Joshua
of old, and it was too awfully hot and oppressive
for words. There was little to do in the way of transmitting orders. The entire force was deployed and
in action so that the only work my hands found to
do was assisting the wounded back to the dressing
station; the officers and men of the 1st and 10th
Cavalry Squadrons were old hands at their business
and needed no encouragement.
Finally after what seemed an age, the head of the
Infantry column sent by Lawton to our assistance
hove in sight and simultaneously the Spanish force
retreated toward Santiago.  As the firing grew
fainter, General Wheeler sprang to his feet and
shouted, "We've got the Yankees on the run." An
embarrassing moment for the General followed, but
all of us laughed, and he joined and the incident was
closed. With the point of the Infantry column sent
by Lawton to our assistance was dear old Wagner,
of Leavenworth and book fame, who immediately
joined me and was presented to General Wheeler.
Turning again to me Wagner said, "what time is it?"
I thoughtlessly said, "I don't know!" but I should
judge along in the middle of the afternoon." I
noticed that Wagner looked mystified and it occurred
to me to look at my watch which I did, and then




412          THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN
held it to my ear thinking it had stopped. The
watch was ticking industriously and recorded the
time as 9:20. It had been just an hour and five minutes since the first shot, but as Colonel Roosevelt
afterwards remarked, "It was a full hour."




THE BATTLE OF SAN JUAN
By CAPTAIN WILLIAM E. HORTON, Assistant Adjutant
General, U. S. V.*
On June 30th, in the midst of the daily Cuban
rain, which came in fitful gusts, the genial face of
General Kent, in command of the First Division, appeared in our tent and announced that we would
move the next morning at daybreak. This was good
news, and news which stirred the whole army with
enthusiasm. Captain Newton, our Brigade Quartermaster, and Lieutenant Ord, the Brigade Commissary, began at once to make the necessary preparations for the early start.
That night we retired early, forgetting in our excitement the miserable land crabs and the crawling
tarantulas and scorpions-sworn enemies whom we
had already met, but never conquered.
The next morning, Friday, July 1st, we had a
meagre, hasty breakfast by candlelight. Horses were
saddled in the dark. I was sent ahead by General
Hawkins to receive orders from General Kent, whose
headquarters were in advance of ours. We were
directed to march to a point about two miles ahead
and wait. While we rested on our arms a part of
General Garcia's ragged and tattered army of Cubans
went by, shoving to the front. It was a strange and
pathetic sight. The general staff was well mounted
and well dressed. The cavalry looked fairly well,
but the infantry was in pitifully poor condition.
They were clothed in cotton shirts and cotton trous*Later, Brigadier-General, Q. M. Corps, U. S. A.




414


THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


ers-dirty, torn, and ragged-wore straw hats and
carried machetes and rifles. Barefooted, emaciated
and apparently half starved, our allies, the men we
came to free from Spanish thraldom, silently
threaded their way through our soldiers. It was an
object lesson. Little did we think as we watched
these poor fellows file past, that our brigade would
lose more men killed and wounded than any other
brigade in the army fighting for them, or that of
the brigade staff, as we sat there, five in number,
only one would escape. A little later, Lieutenant
D. M. Michie, Seventeenth Infantry, one of General
Hawkins' aides, came back with further orders from
General Kent to push ahead. We had heard firing
off to the right for nearly an hour. It was gradually
growing heavier and indicated that the second division was having a lively time at El Caney. We advanced along the narrow road to the El Pozo House,
where the column was halted, and General Kent and
staff and General Hawkins and staff ascended the
hill.
Grimes' battery was located on this hill and was
shelling the enemy in the most approved manner.
Before we reached the top of the hill the enemy
opened fire with shrapnel. The first shell burst right
over our heads. Another soon followed, and in a
few minutes a very lively duel was in progress between the artillery. The second or third shell burst
among a band of Cubans who were on the El Pozo
Hill, in rear of the battery. They became panicstricken and ran down the hill screaming and swinging their arms. As each shell burst, they would fall
flat in the road. They dragged a number of their




THE BATTLE OF SAN JUAN


415


wounded with them and took advantage of the
stream below to dress their wounds.
We rejoined the troops and pushed ahead along
the densely verdured road. The enemy, whom we
could not see, began volley firing with small arms.
They were evidently aware of our presence and continued to pour shot and shell into us. In about half
an hour we came upon General Sumner's cavalry
division. We marched along beside them until we
reached the head of their column, where Generals
Kent, Hawkins and Sumner held a consultation.
This was a couple of hundred yards back of the
Aguadores River.
After a brief conference, General Hawkins and his
staff rode ahead to ascertain the exact position of
the enemy. We crossed the river, and leaving the
horses with an orderly, advanced along the road on
foot. Soon we came to a point where there was
a large bushy tree on the north side of the road.
Lieutenant Ord climbed the tree and described the
enemy's position. Sumner's cavalry was advancing to the river and then turning to the right followed the bank up stream. General Hawkins sent
word to General Kent that a good view of the army
could be had where we were, and the General came
up and viewed the situation. The enemy's fire became very heavy. The dynamite guns were brought
up and trained on the enemy. The first shot went
wild and sprung the breech block so the gun could
not be used again. Two mountain howitzers were
hurried on to the field and did good work for a few
minutes, but the rifle fire became so hot that they
had to be retired. The situation was rapidly becom



416


THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


ing serious. The enemy was pouring shot and shell
into us, but our troops could not see him to return
the fire. We were blocked in this narrow road,
which was bordered on each side with cactus and
undergrowth. To have remained there inactive
would have sacrificed the lives of many men. The
enemy's position-Fort San Juan-had to be taken,
and General Hawkins stated to General Kent, that
he could take it with his brigade.
Lieutenant J. D. Miley, of General Shafter's staff,
was present here at the bloody angle (as it was afterward called) as the representative of the commanding general. He sent word to our artillery at El Pozo
to cease firing, and authorized the charge. In the
meantime, General Hawkins sent me back to bring
up the brigade. The infantry fire which swept the
road was terrible.
Lieutenant Miley asked me to find out what I could
from the balloon as I went back. This balloon of
ours stood about one hundred feet over the head
of the column, and clearly indicated the position of
our troops to the enemy. On my way to the rear I
called Colonel Derby, who was in the balloon, but
he could give us no information which we did not
already know. I met the Rough Riders while back;
they were pushing ahead to join the cavalry on our
right. When I returned to the front, General Kent
and General Hawkins had taken position at the
front, and here Lieutenant Ord was in the top of a
big tree, describing the strength and location of the
enemy. The bullets fired at the balloon came through
the tree like hail. General Hawkins sent Lieutenant
Guy E. Manning, one of his aides, with orders that




THE BATTLE OF SAN JUAN


417


the Sixteenth Infantry should pass the Seventy-First
N. Y. Volunteers and advance in rear of the Sixth
Infantry. The general's plan was, that our brigade
should be formed with the Sixth and Sixteenth U. S.
Infantry in the fighting line, and the Seventy-First
N. Y. Volunteers in support. It was then formed
in the road with the Sixth Infantry in front, the
Seventy-First N. Y. Volunteers in the centre, and
the Sixteenth Infantry in the rear. When the two
regular regiments came up, we met them at the
front beyond the San Juan River, where Ord climbed
the first tree. They were directed to advance through
the undergrowth on the north side and form in a
sunken road at the edge of an open field, the Sixth
Infantry to form on the right. When the SeventyFirst N. Y. Volunteers came up to where General
Kent was, he directed them to proceed down the
wood road to the left. The Sixth and Sixteenth Infantry had to get through a barbed wire fence, cross
a jungle of undergrowth, briers and cactus about
three hundred yards wide, ford the San Juan River,
which was up to their shoulders, and then go through
more jungle. This was a terrible experience. Our
men were falling everywhere. When we reached
the San Juan River the staff and troops near us
crossed on a fallen tree. We waited on the other
side of the river for all the troops to cross and go
ahead into the sunken road, where an attempt was
made to re-form the commands.
Lieutenant Manning did not join us after taking
the order to the Sixteenth Infantry to follow the
Sixth Infantry. We learned afterward that when
he reached the bloody angle on his way back a shell




418


THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


burst immediately over his horse, and the animal, a
vicious brute, fell over backward on him, wounding
him severely and rendering him insensible for hours.
Ord and Michie were everywhere directing the
troops through the jungle to the sunken road. While
Michie was at the head of the river he was hit, and
carried into the creek-bed, where he expired in half
an hour. He was a grand soldier and a noble fellow.
When all the troops had reached the sunken road,
Lieutenant Ord asked the general if he could take
the order directing the regiments to form line of
battle at the edge of the open field. The order was
given and as he went away, he looked over his shoulder and waved his hand saying: "Good by, if I never
come back!" He never did. He took the order to
the regiments, but instead of joining the general he
led the charge on the right of line. With revolver
in one hand and a sword bayonet in the other he
ascended the hill, only to be murdered at the top
by a wounded Spaniard, whom he had just ordered
to be taken to the rear. Five of our men shot the
Spaniard instantly.
When line of battle was formed, General Hawkins and I, with two buglers, took position between
the Sixth and Sixteenth Infantry. General Hawkins
then commanded, "Forward," and the charge commenced. Bullets came so thick I do not see how
many of us lived. Most of the bullets had a cap
which came off after traversing a certain distance,
and when it did leave the bullet there was a little
puff of smoke and a slight report like a firecracker.
These little puffs of smoke could be seen all around
us. It was a grand, but awful sight. We had to cross




THE BATTLE OF SAN JUAN


419


a grain field a quarter of a mile wide and then climb
a steep hill one hundred and fifty feet high. Parker's gatling guns did good service for us while the
charge was in progress.  General Hawkins led,
swinging his hat, cheering the men and commanding, "Forward!" The two buglers who were with
us blew continually. I expected every minute to
see the general go down. His tall figure and white
hair made him an easy mark. Wounded men were
lying everywhere. A colored soldier who was attending a dying comrade, called to General Hawkins
as we passed: "General, can't I leave this man and
go to the front, I want to distinguish myself?" Under a tree as we passed, some of our wounded men
called out with a cheer: "Go on, boys, we'll drive
them." It was not coward's day. In all the blood
and carnage there were no outcries from our
wounded men.
Soon we reached the foot of the hill. Here we
gave a cheer to spur on those who were coming,
and when half way up the hill we gave another to
encourage ourselves for the final rush. The hill
gained, the colors of the Sixteenth were swung to
the wind and a cheer given which touched every
soul. The victory was ours, but at what cost?
The Thirteenth, Ninth and Twenty-Fourth Regiments, forming the Third brigade of our division,
went up on our left, but General Hawkins, being
the ranking officer in the charge, commanded the
entire line. The regiments were spread along the
crest of the San Juan ridge, from the fort to the
left, for nearly a mile and a half. The cavalry, having taken the hill to our right, soon connected -with




420          THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN
our lines. The Spaniards retreated to their next
line of intrenchments and kept up a heavy fire until dark. After the firing ceased and it was quite
dark, orders were given to intrench, and I was sent
down the line to see if the orders were being complied with. A long tramp of nearly three miles and
three hours' absence and I was back near the fort
again.
As I lay on the ground beside the general that
night, just behind the intrenchments, there was constantly in my mind the vision of a tall figure with
white hair, in front of his men leading them on to
victory; I could see the same figure walking up and
down our lines on top of the hill when the men were
lying flat; it was the image of General Hawkins who
led, not ordered, his men on-it was a vision of the
"Hero of San Juan."




[Letter from COLONEL ROOSEVELT, First U. S. Volunteer Cavalry, to BRIGADIER GENERAL E. D. DIMMICK,
U. S. Army, Retired, then Captain, Ninth U. S.
Cavalry.]
FIRST REGIMENT U. S. VOLUNTEER CAVALRY
IN CAMP NEAR SANTIAGO DE CUBA.
JULY 31, 1898.
CAPTAIN E. D. DIMMICK,
Commanding Ninth Cavalry.
DEAR CAPTAIN DIMMICK:
It gives me great pleasure to testify to the gallantry of your command in the fighting around Santiago. I remember very well, after our first fight on
the 24th of June, that three troops of the Ninth came
up within half an hour or so after the close of the
fight and established outposts on our front; at least
one troop was on the left, where I was in command
at the time, and its arriving gave great relief to my
tired men. On the first of July, I had more to do
with the Ninth than any other regiment of regular
cavalry, on the whole. I remember very well the
incidents to which you refer. I was on horseback,
moving my men up in skirmish lines along the road
which led to San Juan, five of my troops being deployed to the left of the road and three to the right.
I was myself on the left, when as we moved we
came across the skirmish lines of the regulars; and
I gradually worked through, being myself at the
head of my own regiment, until I came to the line
which you in person commanded. In response to
my question, you told me that your colonel was
further on. I recollect something being said about




422


THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


our brigade commander, which I did not understand.
I replied that I had been ordered to support the Ninth
Cavalry in taking the hill ahead, and that in my
judgment we should take it by rushes. Soon afterwards I said that, as I was seemingly the highest officer there, I would take it upon myself to give the
command to charge, which I accordingly did. Two
of your men, including, I think, an officer, then held
down the wire fence for me to get my horse into
the road, and as I moved forward, I saw the officers
and men of your regiment mingling with those of
my own as they came after me, some along the road,
some along the field to the right. They advanced thus
mingled to the hill, cheering and yelling. Having
a horse, I was able to get up the hill first, not dismounting until the last wire fence. Four or five
of my own men were just behind me, and after that
the officers and men of the two regiments mingled
together; I think there were officers and men of other
cavalry regiments with them also. I was particularly
impressed with the gallantry of your officers and
men, and whenever I had to do with them, they responded exactly as my own men did. Some of my
men were under your officers at this point, and some
of your men under mine.
I particularly remember yourself, Captain C. A.
Stedman and Lieutenants McNamee and Stevens.
Mr. Stevens was with me for a large part of the hottest fighting, as indeed were very many of your officers and men. We were all mixed together when
we made the charge toward the next hill, and I know
how glad I was to feel that so admirable a regiment as
yours was along with us. When we moved on beyond




LETTER TO CAPTAIN DIMMICK


423


the next hill to the crest, where we finally stopped
and dug entrenchments that night, I found myself
in command of fragments of all six cavalry regiments. The confusion was great, the regiments being much mixed up, although this did not interfere
in the least with their fighting capacity. Every man
when he lost his squad or troop simply joined that
nearest him and went under its officer or non-commissioned officers. I cannot remember precisely, nor
indeed would it be possible to tell, the position of
the different organizations at this time. Late that
night, however, we crystallized into shape; by next
day your regiment had been placed on my left, the
Tenth being on my right-and exceedingly glad I
was to have two such regiments alongside of me. I
shall always have the strongest feeling for them both
and the heartiest respect for the officers and men under them, who did such splendid work both in the
charge and in the trenches.
It will always give me the greatest pleasure at any
time to testify to the gallantry and efficiency of the
five regiments of regular cavalry with which it was
my good fortune to be so intimately associated in
the fighting around Santiago, for I hold it a high
honor that I have been thus with them.
With great regard, believe me.
Sincerely yours,
(Signed) THEODORE ROOSEVELT,
Colonel First U. S. Volunteer Cavalry.
A TRUE COPY:
(Signed) W. H. MCCORNACK,
Second Lieutenant, First Cavalry,
Acting Adjutant, 9th Cavalry.




APPENDIX I-ORGANIZATION OF
THE FIFTH ARMY CORPS
MAJOR GENERAL W. R. SHAFTER, Commanding.
First Division-BRIG. GEN. J. F. KENT.
First Brigade-BRIG. GEN. H. S. HAWKINS.
6th U. S. Inf antry.
16th U. S. Inf antry.
71st New York Volunteer Infantry.
Second Brigade —BRIG. GEN. E. P. PEARSON.
2d U. S. Inf antry.
10th U. S. Inf antry.
21st U. S. Infantry.
Third Brigade-COLONEL C. A. WIKOFF.
9th U. S. Infantry.
13th U. S. Infantry.
24th U. S. Infantry.
Second Division-BRIG. GEN. H. W. LAWTON.
First Brigade-BRIG. (?EN. A. R. CHAFFEE.
7th U. S. Inf antry.
12th U. S. Infantry.
17th U. S. Infantry.
Second Brigade —BRIG. GEN. Wm. LUDLOW.
8th U. S. Inf antry.
22d U. S. Infantry.
2d Massachusetts Volunteer Infantry.
Third Brigade-COLONEL EVAN MILES.
1st U. S. Infantry.
4th U. S. Infantry.
25th U. S. Infantry.
Third (or Provisional) Division-BRIG. GEN. JOHN C.
BATES.


6




:


a  a  vw.  *.  K   J
IC
'E #"tB-grt








.j,:.ti                     71.. '*   


\


Officers Killed or Mortally Wounded at Santiago.




I: OF- 




THE FIFTH ARMY CORPS


425


First Brigade-COLONEL J. H. PAGE.
3d U. S. Infantry.
20th U. S. Infantry.
Second Brigade-COLONEL H. L. TURNER.
1st Illinois Volunteer Infantry.
1st District Columbia Volunteer Infantry.
8th Ohio Volunteer Infantry.
Third Brigade-BRIG. GEN. H. M. DUFFIELD.
9th Massachusetts Volunteer Infantry.
33d Michigan Volunteer Infantry.
34th Michigan Volunteer Infantry.
Cavalry Division-MAJ. GEN. JOSEPH WHEELER.
First Brigade-BRIG. GEN. S. S. SUMNER.
3d U. S. Cavalry.
6th U. S. Cavalry.
9th U. S. Cavalry.
Second Brigade-BRIG. GEN. S. B. M. YOUNG, COL.
LEONARD WOOD.
1st U. S. Cavalry.
10th U. S. Cavalry.
1st U. S. Volunteer Cavalry.
Corps Cavalry  (mounted)-LT. COL. WM. A.
RAFFERTY.
2d Cavalry-Troops A, C, D and F.
Artillery Corps-MAJOR JOHN W. DILLENBACK.
1st U. S. Artillery —Light Batteries E and K.
2d Artillery-Light Batteries A and F.
Engineer Corps-LIEUT. COL. GEO. McC. DERBY,
Chief Engineer Officer.
Signal Corps Detachment-LIEUT. COL. FRANK
GREENE, Chief Signal Officer.




APPENDIX II —FAREWELL LETTER FROM A SPANISH
DOUGHBOY
SOLDIERS OF THE AMERICAN ARMY:
We would not be fulfilling our duty as well-born
men, in whose breasts there lives gratitude and
courtesy, should we embark for our beloved Spain
without sending to you our most cordial and sincere good wishes and farewell.
We fought you with ardor and with all our
strength, endeavoring to gain the victory, but without the slightest rancor or hate toward the American
Nation. We have been vanquished by you (so our
generals and chiefs judged in signing the capitulation), but our surrender and the bloody-battles preceding it have left in our souls no place for resentment against the men who fought us nobly and
valiantly. You fought and acted in compliance with
the same call of duty as we, for we all but represent
the power of our respective States. You fought us
as men, face to face, and with great courage, as before stated-a quality we had not met with during
the three years we have carried on this war against
a people without a religion, without morals, without
conscience, and of doubtful origin, who could not
confront the enemy, but shot their noble victims
from ambush and then immediately fled. This was
the kind of warfare we had to sustain in this unfortunate land.
You have complied exactly with all the laws and
usages of war, as recognized by the armies of the




FAREWELL LETTER, DE CASTILLO


427


most civilized nations of the world; have given
honorable burial to the dead of the vanquished; have
cured their wounded with great humanity; have respected and cared for your prisoners and their comfort; and lastly, to us, whose condition was terrible,
you have given freely of food and of your stock
of medicines, and have honored us with distinction
and courtesy, for after the fighting the two armies
mingled with the utmost harmony.
With this high sentiment of appreciation from us
all, there remains but to express our farewell, and
with the greatest sincerity we wish you all happiness
and health in this land, which will no longer belong
to our dear Spain, but will be your's. You have conquered it by force and watered it with your blood,
as your conscience called for under the demands of
civilization and humanity, but the descendants of
the Congos and Guineas, mingled with the blood of
unscrupulous Spaniards and of traitors and adventurers-these people are not able to exercise or enjoy their liberty, for they will find it a burden to
comply with the laws which govern civilized humanity.
From eleven thousand Spanish soldiers.
(Signed) PEDRO LOPEZ DE CASTILLO,
Soldier of Infantry.
Santiago de Cuba,
August 21, 1898.




APPENDIX III-CONGRATULATORY ORDERS TO THE
FIFTH ARMY CORPS
By MAJOR GENERAL W. R. SHAITER, U. S. Army.
MEMORANDUM:
In looking over some copies of old orders recently,
I came across a type-written copy of the congratulatory order to the Fifth Army Corps, of July 19, 1898.
So far as I am aware the order has never been
printed for circulation, and as the amount of stationery available about that date, in and around Santiago de Cuba, did not tend to facilitate its circulation, it has occurred to me that there may be officers
who will be glad to receive a printed copy for their
files and personal records. This will serve as an
explanation of the present attempt to circulate the
order. Regimental adjutants are requested kindly
to make a distribution of the copies sent to them to
those regimental officers who will be interested. The
order has been printed on a press captured from the
insurgents on which they printed a newspaper called
"La Revolucion," but which is now in the service of
Uncle Sam at this station.
Very respectfully,
ROBERT H. NOBLE,
Captain Third U. S. Infantry.




CONGRATULATORY LETTER


429


HEADQUARTERS FIFTH SEPARATE BRIGADE,
Office of the Adjutant General,
Iloilo, Panay, P. I., September 12, 1902.
HEADQUARTERS U. S. TROOPS IN CUBA
GENERAL ORDERS,          Santiago de Cuba,
No. 26.                      July 19, 1898.
The successful accomplishment of the campaign
against Santiago, resulting in its downfall and the
surrender of the Spanish Forces, the capture of large
amounts of military stores, together with the destruction of the entire Spanish Fleet in the harbor,
which upon the investment of the city, was forced
to leave, is one of which this Army can well be proud.
This has been accomplished through the heroic
deeds of the Army, and to its officers and men the
Major General Commanding offers his sincere thanks
for their endurance of hardships hitherto unknown
in the American Army. The work you have accomplished may well appeal to the pride of your countrymen and has been rivaled upon but few occasions
in the world's history. Landing upon an unknown
coast, you faced dangers in disembarking and overcame obstacles that even in looking back seem insurmountable. Seizing, with the assistance of the
Navy, the towns of Daiquiri and Siboney, you pushed
boldly forth, gallantly driving back the enemy's outposts in the engagement of Las Guasimas and completed the concentration of the Army near Sevilla,
within sight of the Spanish stronghold at Santiago
de Cuba.
The outlook from Sevilla was one that might well




430


THE SANTIAGO CAMPAIGN


have appalled the stoutest heart; behind you ran a
narrow road, made well nigh impassable by rains,
while to the front you looked upon high foothills,
covered with a dense tropical growth, which could
only be traversed by bridle paths, terminating within
range of the enemy's guns. Nothing daunted, you
responded eagerly to the order to close upon the foe
and attacking at Caney and San Juan, drove him
from work to work, until he took refuge within his
last and strongest entrenchments immediately surrounding the city.
Despite the fierce glare of a sun, and rain that
fell in torrents, you valiantly withstood his attempts
to drive you from the position your valor had won.
Holding in your vise-like grip the army opposed to
you, after seventeen days of battle and siege, you
were rewarded by the surrender of nearly 24,000 prisoners-12,000 being those in your immediate front,
the others scattered in the various towns of eastern
Cuba, freeing completely the eastern part of the
island from Spanish troops. This was not done without great sacrifice. The death of 230 gallant soldiers,
and the wounding of 1284 others, shows but too
plainly the fierce contest in which you were engaged.
The few reported missing are undoubtedly among
the dead as no prisoners were lost.
For those who have fallen in battle with you, the
Commanding General sorrows, and with you will
ever cherish their memory. Their devotion to duty
sets a high example of courage and patriotism to our
fellow countrymen.
All who have participated in the campaign, battle
and siege of Santiago de Cuba will recall with pride




CONGRATULATORY LETTER         431
the grand deeds accomplished, and will hold one another dear for having shared great sufferings, hardships and triumphs together. All may well feel
proud to inscribe on their banners the name of Santiago de Cuba.
By Command of Major General Shafter:
E. J. MCCLERNAND,
Assistant Adjutant General.
OFFICIAL:
R. H. NOBLE,
Aid.




APPENDIX IV-SANTIAGO BATTLEFIELD MEMORIALS
Upon the withdrawal of the last U. S. military
forces from Cuba, in February, 1904, it was determined upon by a group of the departing officers to
have the principal scenes of the conflict permanently
marked by fitting memorials.
The Society of the Army of Santiago de Cuba undertook to carry the project through and appointed
a Santiago Battlefield Commission to engineer the
matter.
The Cuban Government granted the necessary
permission and presented to the Commission bronze
Spanish cannon, iron gun-carriages and Spanish
Mauser rifles and bayonets to be used in constructing a rifle barrel bayonet fence around the "Surrender Tree" and around the granite shafts already
erected at Las Guasimas.
After considerable delay, an appropriation was
made by Congress for the purpose of carrying on
the work, which was then promptly pushed to completion.
Suitable bronze tablets were cast, to be inserted
in the pedestal of the monument, and were safely
transported to the proposed site.
The "Battle Monument" proper, consists of a
bronze Spanish cannon, on an iron gun-carriage,
placed on the top of a cement pedestal ten feet high,
in the center of the ruins of Fort El Viso, near El
Caney, the gun pointing towards the position occupied by Capron's battery. In opposite faces of the
pedestal are placed the "Honor" and "Roster" tab



Battle Monument at Sevilla.


Battle Monument on San Juan Hill.




.~2~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~




SANTIAGO BATTLEFIELD MEMORIALS


433


lets, while a tablet to Capron's Battery "E," First
Artillery, is set on one of the bastions.
The walls of the fort have been preserved by a
coating of Portland cement and the Cuban government has constructed a driveway up the ramp surrounding the fort and extending to El Caney.
Credit is due mainly to Lieutenant Colonel Webb
C. Hayes, U. S. V., who by his persistent and tireless
efforts, while Secretary of the Santiago Battlefield
Commission, succeeded in accomplishing this worthy
undertaking.
The monument was dedicated on February 14,
1906, with impressive ceremonies attended by prominent officials of both the United States and Cuban
governments.
It is a fitting and lasting tribute, erected to commemorate the valor of the U. S. military forces and
their successful humanitarian effort to liberate a long
suffering and down-trodden neighboring people from
tyranny, oppression and misery.
Before the close of the American occupation of
Cuba in 1902, ground to include the "Surrender
Tree" on the west, the "Bloody Ford" on the east
and the ridge one-quarter of a mile south was purchased for the Government of the Island of Cuba
and dedicated by the President elect as a memorial
park. Captain S. D. Rockenbach, Engineer Officer,
District of Santiago de Cuba, erected monuments to
commemorate the action of the United States troops
at Las Guasimas and San Juan Hill during the Spanish-American War.








INDEX


Address, Maj. Gen. W. R. Shafter, 246
Aguadores, 28, 162
Alamo, 290, 295
Alger, Secretary of War, 103,
370
Allegheny, 209, 406
Allen, Capt. L. C., 84
Allen, Maj. Gen. H. T., 358
Alvarado, 383
Ames, Brig. Gen. Adelbert, 158
Anderson, Col. Thomas M., 101
Anderson, Lieutenant, 101, 297,
303.
Annapolis, 291
Appel, Maj. D. M., 53
Archibald, Correspondent, 378
Army Chaplains, 222
Artillery, 182, 277, 278
Artillery Fire, 96, 194
Astor, Col. John J., 150
Aultman, Brig. Gen. Dwiglt E.,
182
Auman, Major, 97, 98, 99, 100
Balloon, 62, 73, 76, 315, 359, 416
Bancroft, 292, 337, 347
Bandholtz, General, 377
Barton, Miss Clara, 210, 224, 385
Bash, Lieutenant, 101
Bateman, Chaplain C. C., 222
Bates' Independent Brigade, 18,
53
Bates, Lieut. Gen. J. C., 28, 31,
53, 54, 55, 158, 360
Baylies, Lieutenant, 314
Beach, Brig. Gen. William D..
406
Bell, Major, 349, 401
Bennett, Capt. W. C., 76
Berkshire, 186
Berlin, 174
Bessie, 202
Blanco, Capt. Gen., 144, 378


Blockhouse, 63, 64, 100, 277
Bloody Ford, 226
Blue, Lieutenant U. S. N., 265
Bogan, Col. F. B., 124
Bombardment, 10, 145, 347, 366,
372
Bonsal, Correspondent, 378
Bookmiller, Col. E. V., 58
Boyle, Maj. W. H., 64
Breckenridge, Ethelbert, 377
Breckenridge, Gen., 334, 349,
351, 355, 361
Brett, Brig. Gen. Lloyd M., 29,
32, 43
Brewer, Asst. Surg. M. M., 208,
214
Brewer, P. 0. Inspector, 353
Bridges, Brig. Gen., 332
Brody, Lieut. Col., 103
Brooke, Lieutenant, 334
Brooklyn, 94
Brown, Brig. Gen. W. C., 286
Brown, Col. O. J., 290
Buena Ventura, 2
Bundy, Maj. Gen. Omar, 57
Byram, Lieutenant, 350
Caldwell, Lieutenant, 273, 274,
365, 371
Camp Alger, 148, 160, 164, 176
Cannon, Capt. Peter J., 123
Capron, Capt, Allyn K., 106, 295,
314, 351, 353
Capron's Battery, 17, 18, 50, 115,
188, 192, 285, 357, 358, 432
Captain Sam, 202
Captain's Story, 311
Carr, Surg. L. C., 219
Carroll, Colonel, 299
Castillo, General, 8, 12, 346, 407
Castillo, Pedro Lopez de, 427
Castine, 291, 321, 337, 346, 347,
406
Catania, 178




436


INDEX


Cavalry Division, 17, 19, 20, 24,
48, 50, 136.
Cavenaugh, Capt. H. G., 99
Cervera, Admiral, 36, 70, 84,
144, 251
Chadwick, Captain, 344
Chaffee, Lieut. Gen. A. R., 17,
18, 49, 101, 158, 288, 351, 352,
354, 355, 359, 364, 373
Charge on San Juan Hill, 77,
416, 418
Cherokee, 336
Chrisman, Col. E. R., 66, 75
Church, Asst. Surg. J. R., 208,
209
City of Macon, 167, 168
City of Washington, 94, 199,
292, 293, 340.
Clark, Capt. W. O., 300
Clark, Col. E. P., 133, 121
Clendenin, Surg., 219
Columbia, 168
Comal, 344
Comanche, 168, 267
Conference, 376
Congratulatory Orders, 285, 428
Connealy, Lieut. Philip, 124
Conrad, Captain, 329
Cosby, Col. A. F., 102
Crittenden, Capt. J. J., 321
Crofton, Lieutenant, 326
Crosier, Captain, 113
Cumberland, 201
Daggett, Brig. Gen., 365, 367,
369
Daiquiri, 8
Dalton, Brig. Gen. A. C., 328
Danforth, Asst. Surg., 208
Daniels, Major, 375
Davis, Richard Harding, 10, 76,
323
Day, Col. F. R., 57
Debarkation, 199, 200, 201
Delay in Sailing, 197
Delgado, Asst. Surg. J. M., 208,
214
Derby, Col. George McC., 23,
140, 193, 301


Detroit, 291, 346, 347
D. H. Miller, 344
Diary of a Captain, 286
Diary of a Lieutenant, 334
Dickman, Maj. Gen. J. T., XII
Dillenback, Maj. John W., 184
Dimmick, Brig. Gen. E. D., 421
Disembarkation, 12
Dodd, Brig. Gen. G. A., 236
Donovan, Maj. W. H., 124
Dorst, Colonel, 290, 361
Downs, Colonel, 131, 142, 143
Dressing Station, 288
Drum, Captain, 97, 317
Ducker, Doctor Orlando, 219
Ducoureau House, 298, 358, 367
Duffield, Brig. Gen. H. M., 28,
160, 161, 162
Duncan, Capt. G. B., 267
Dunning, Lieutenant, 69
Dupuy de Lome, Spanish Minister, 1
Dynamite Gun, 71, 76, 415
Eagle, 347
Ebert, Surg., 390
Ebstein, Captain, 391
Edwards, Captain, 272
Egbert, Col. H. C., 75
8th Illinois Infantry, 174
8th Infantry, 47, 50, 111, 113
8th Ohio Infantry, 147, 153, 154,
156, 264
El Caney, 20, 271, 276
El Caney, Battle of, 269
El Pozo, 19, 20, 21, 63, 107, 140,
192, 299, 414
El Viso, 278, 432
Elliott, Surg., 241
Engineers, 203
Escario, Gen., 38
Estrella Battery, 61
Ewers, Col. E. P., 27, 60, 63
Expeditions to Caribbean Sea,
249
Fabricius, Doctor, 219
Falling back, 37
Farewell Letter, 426




INDEX


437


Farnsworth, Maj. Gen., 57, 378
Fauntleroy, Lieut. P. C., 239,
241
Ferguson, Lieut. H. L., 92, 98,
101
Field Hospital at Siboney, 239
5th Corps, 46, 49, 52, 54, 81, 91
Firmeza, 133, 145
1st Artillery, 184
1st Cavalry, 12, 48, 50, 106, 135,
298, 350, 398
1st District of Columbia, 40,
176
1st Division, 24, 48
1st Illinois Infantry, 40, 167, 174
1st Infantry, 47, 50, 377
Fish, Hamilton, 106
Fitzgerald, Chaplain, 332
Fitzgerald, Edward H., 223
Flag of Truce, 373
Florida, 93
Foote, Colonel, 349, 351
Forse, Major, 300
Foster, Colonel, 148
4th Infantry, 47, 50, 271, 277,
278, 364, 377
French Minister, 257
Fuger, Lieutenant, 92
Fuller, Asst. Surg. L. A., 208,
209, 214
Galbraith, Col. J. G., 300
Galloupe, Chaplain, 60
Garcia, General, 8, 61, 137, 150,
344, 362, 376, 413
Garlington, Maj. Gen. E. A., 290,
306
Garretson, Brig. Gen. George A.,
148
Gate City, 167, 168
Gatling Guns, 28, 73, 77, 297
Gavitt, Chaplain, 242
Gavitt, Halsey C., 223
Getty, Lieutenant, 322
Gillman, Captain, 100
Gilmore, Col. J. C., 36, 159
Gloucester, 266, 347
Godfrey, Asst. Surg. Guy, 213,
218


Goe, Captain, 101
Gorgas, Maj. Gen. W. C., 220,
243, 244
Gose, Lieutenant, 101
Grady, Maj. P. J., 124
Grimes' Battery, 17, 20, 63, 73,
107, 188, 211, 227, 299, 318,
356, 414
Groesbeck, Major, 150
Guantanamo, 7, 131, 247, 341,
343
Guiteras, Doctor John C., 145,
210, 241
Gussie, 342
Guthrie, Captain, 98
Gyger, Captain, 152
Hagedorn, Hermann, 102
Hamilton, Col. John M., 190
Hanna, Capt. M. ]., 57
Hard, Col. C. V., 148, 152, 155,
158
Harries, Gen. George H., 40,
176
Harris, Asst. Surg. H. S. T.,
208, 214
Harris, Maj. Gen. P. C., 93, 96,
97
Hart, Patrick J., 223
Harvard, 123, 163, 164, 354
Havard, Col. Valery, 207
Hawkins, Gen. H. S., 70, 74, 97,
135, 139, 416, 419
Hayes, Col. Webb C., 295, 433
Health, 259
Heidt, Lieut. J. V., 95
Helena, 168, 291, 337, 347
Henry, Gen. Guy V., 149, 152,
264
Hersey, Maj. Gen., 57
Heyl, Asst. Surg. Ashton B.,
208, 209, 211
Heyl, Col. C. H., 176
Hine, Maj. Charles de L., 176
Hines, Maj. Gen. John L., 57
Hobson, Lieut. U. S. N., 144,
265, 318
Hodgson, Maj. F. S., 176
Hornet, 337, 347




438


INDEX


Horton, Brig. Gen. William E.,
413
Hudson, 168, 180
Humphrey, Maj. Gen. C. F., 6,
15, 195, 267
Hunt, Lieutenant, 272, 274
Indiana, 291, 292, 311
Iowa, 321
Ireland, Maj. Gen. M. W., 37,
239, 241, 244, 245
Ives, Maj. Prank J., 53, 205
Jackson, Brig. Gen. W. P., 100
Jacobs, Major, 349
Jones, Asst. Surg. H. P., 215
Jones, Col. F. B., 323, 327
Johnson, Surg. R. W., 218
Kean, Maj. J. R., 220
Keck, Major, 330
Kell, Captain, 328
Kellogg, Lieut. Col., 124
Kent, Maj. Gen. J. F., 4, 12, 17,
20, 22, 27, 60, 63, 143, 158, 199,
255, 268, 360, 413, 416, 417
Kettle Hill, 25, 50, 101, 108, 179,
189, 190
Kennison, Lieutenant, 272, 273,
274, 275
Knickerbocker, 336
Knox, Capt. T. L., 349, 350, 403
Koehler, Lieutenant, 96
La Cruz House, 280
La Garde, Major Louis A., 210,
239, 244, 245
La Motte, Asst. Surg., 208, 209
Landing, 61, 311
Las Guasimas, 12, 13, 48, 106,
134, 178, 187, 350, 432
Laura, 201, 295
Lawton, Maj. Gen. H. W., 4,
17, 20, 29, 50, 218, 268, 317,
351, 352, 354, 355, 359, 374,
375, 377, 399, 407, 411
Layden, 167
Leona, 291, 295, 298, 340
Lessor, Doctor, 241
Linares, General, 13, 30, 402


Liscum, Colonel, 26, 63, 100
List of Transports, 337
Listening Posts, 80
Logan, Lieut. Col. L. J., 124
Logan, Maj. John A., 53
Losses, 13, 42, 257
Ludlow, Brig. Gen. William, 18,
111, 158
Lyon, Lieutenant, 269
Machias, 167, 168
Maine, 1, 45, 46, 90
Malone, Brig. Gen. Paul B., 90
Manning, Lieut. Guy E., 416,
417
Manteo, 201
Marble, Lieut. U. S. N., 382
Margaret, 335, 336
Marvine, Walter, 223
Massie, Asst. Surg. J. J., 208
Matteawan, 53
McAlexander, Maj. Gen. U. G.,
57, 95
McCaskey, Gen. W. S., 53
McCaw, Capt. 234, 238
McClernand, Brig. Gen. E. J.,
17, 37, 41, 161, 386, 431
McCorkle, Lieutenant, 273
McCreery, Maj. George, 207, 211
McFarland, Lieutenant, 93, 96
McKibben, General, 371, 374,
379, 381, 385, 386, 390
McNamee, Lieutenant, 422
Medical Corps, 207
Medical Personnel, 258
Memorials, Battlefield, 432
Memories of Santiago, 268
Mendoza, Captain, 375
Menocal, Asst. Surg. F. E., 208,
214, 228
Merrimac, 89, 92, 175
Miami, 68, 78, 93, 109, 290, 335
Michie, Lieut. D. M., 74, 360,
418
Miles, Gen. Evan, 18, 297, 362,
367, 368, 369, 372
Miles, Lieut. Gen. N. A., 42, 129,
155, 177, 196, 198, 204, 266,
363, 376




INDEX


439


Miley, Col. J. D., 6, 21, 24, 381,
384, 416
Military Attaches, 343
Miller, Lieut. H. W., 98
Mills, Maj. Gen. A. L., 13, 289,
403
Minnewaska, 163, 180
Mobile, 332
Mohawk, 159
Moon, Capt. H. B., 56
Morrison, Capt. T. W., 87
Morro Castle, 69, 264, 344, 386,
387, 388
Morrow, Lieutenant, 380
Moss, Col. James A., 268, 273
Muir, Maj. Gen. C. H., 56
Murdock, Lieutenant, 272, 273
Murray, Colonel Peter, 391
Nancrede, Major, 241
Nashville, 2
Net   Orleans, 168, 312, 346,
347
New York, 2, 94, 267
Newgarden, Major Geo. J., 208,
214, 218, 219, 226
Night Attack, 33, 165
Night Raids, 81
9th Cavalry, 48, 50
9th Infantry, 48, 50, 58, 59, 91,
419
9th Massachusetts Infantry,
123, 161
Nolan, Maj. Gen. D. E., 362, 384
Norris, Correspondent, 378, 379
Nunist, 168
O'Brien, Col. R. A., 176
O'Connor, Maj. M. J., 124
Olivette, 210, 218, 244, 314, 343,
354, 404, 405
O'Neill, Captain, 103
Ord, Lieut. Jules G., 71, 74, 77,
416
Order of Cruising, 338
Organization of 5th Corps, 424
Orizaba, 320
Osborne, Lieut. W. H., 298


Padgett, Captain, 349
Page, Col. John H., 53
Palmer, Lieutenant, 74
Pando, General, 18, 362
Parker, Dr. W. E., 241
Parker, Lieut. John Henry, 28,
71, 76, 96, 99
Parkhurst, Captain, 191
Patterson, Colonel, 55, 323
Peace Tree, 215
Pedro, 2
Pershing, General, 57
Peterman, Col. J. J., 165
Phantom Fleet, 7
Pietts, Asst. Surg., 215
Plan of Battle, 268
Plans of Capture, 341
Polo y Bernabe, Spanish Minister, 2
Pope, Col. Chief Surg., 38, 212,
217
Port Tampa, 3, 128, 195
Powell, Col. W. H., 58, 59
Preston, Lieutenant, 74
Proctor, Senator, 2
Punta Cabrera, 265
Punta Gorda, 265
Puritan, 168
Rabi, General, 345
Rafferty, Captain, 128
Rafferty, Col. W. A., 53
Ramsden, British Consul, 150
Randolph, Brig. Gen. W. F., 184,
304
Rations, 258
Reade, Capt. Philip, 316
Recollections of Santiago, 406
Red Cross Flags, 113
Rees, Lieutenant, 387
Reeves, Colonel, 336
Refugees, 281, 365, 379, 382
Regulars, 45
Reinforcements, 264
Remington, Philip, 323
Reminiscent Story, 320
Resolute, 244
Retreat, 31
Rhodes, Brig. Gen. C. D., x., 334




440


INDEX


Rio Grande, 210, 211, 336
Rivers, Col. W. C., 288, 289, 298
Robinson, Major, 234
Robinson, Surg. S. Q., 218
Rockenbach, Brig. Gen. S. D.,
264, 433
Rodman, Capt. John B., 55, 56,
358
Roosevelt, Col. Theodore, 21,
68, 96, 102, 103, 106, 108, 158,
307, 324, 412, 421, 423
Rough Riders, 13, 21, 95, 102,
105, 106, 107, 108, 109, 112,
113, 129, 296, 302, 311, 324,
398, 408, 416
Round Robin, 81, 109, 156, 157
Rowell, Capt. C. W., 42, 56, 303,
331
Safford, Captain, 101
St. Louis, 65
St. Paul, 149, 150, 264
Saltzman, Maj. Gen. C. Mck.
296, 398
Sample, Lieutenant, 93, 101
Sampson, Admiral, 8, 251, 265,
344
San Francisco, 168
San Juan Hill, 16, 74, 190, 413
San Luis, 247
San Marcos, 68, 70
Sanborn, Gen. J. B., 167
Santiago, 60, 61, 194, 199
Santiago Campaign, 3
Santiago de Cuba, 267
Saratoga, 93, 94, 199, 242
Sater, Lieutenant, 97
Schley, Admiral, 3
Scorpion, 347
Scott, Brig. Gen. W. S., 290
Scott, Capt. A. B., 98, 367
Scovell, Correspondent, 381, 384
Sebreco, General,.265
2nd Artillery, 184
2nd Cavalry, 5, 43, 48
Second Division, 47, 48, 50, 347
2nd Infantry, 48, 50, 65


2nd Massachusetts Infantry, 47,
50, 110, 111, 112, 113, 115, 116,
117, 119, 122, 277, 313, 377
Seguranca, 6, 8, 9, 10, 131,
334, 335, 336, 343, 344, 347,
349, 353, 355
Senn, Col. Nicholas, 169
17th Infantry, 47, 50, 171, 351
7th Infantry, 47, 49, 283, 325,
364
7th Massachusetts Infantry, 55
71st New York Infantry, 48, 50,
63, 70, 73, 74, 77, 86, 127, 130,
132, 133, 136, 141, 142, 417
Sevilla, 136, 139, 155, 164, 187
Sevilla Road, 203, 407
Shafter, Maj. Gen. W. R., 3, 4,
5, 6, 10, 16, 25, 28, 31, 35, 36,
38, 70, 72, 91, 129, 169, 195,
215, 216, 219, 264, 285, 308,
311, 325, 335, 345, 355, 361,
376, 381, 382, 385, 392, 406
Sharpshooters, 233, 360
Sherman, 333
Shillock, Surg., 390
Shipp, Lieutenant, 360
Shumway, Lieut. Col., 111
Siboney, 8
Sicard, Admiral, 1
Sigsby, Capt. C. D., 1, 150
Simmons, Col. B. T., 66
Simpson, Lieut. W. L., 96
16th Infantry, 48, 50, 66, 70, 71,
72, 73, 74, 77, 135, 417
6th Cavalry, 48, 50
6th Infantry, 48, 50, 66, 70, 73,
75, 77, 135, 417
Smiley, Col. S. E., 53
Smith, Brig. Gen. J. H., 95
Smith, Col. H. E., 91
Smith, Lieutenant, 360
Smith, Lieut. Col., 130
Smith, Maj. Allen, 306
Snyder, Asst. Surg. H. D., 208
Society of Santiago de Cuba,
393
Sorley, Lieut., 88




INDEX


441


Southmayd, Major, 111
Spanish Artillery Fire, 191
Spanish Fleet, 131
Spear, Surg., 241
Springer, Chaplain, 390, 391
Springer, Ruter W., 223
State of Texas, 210, 384
Staunton, Lieut., U. S. N., 344,
356
Steadman, Capt. C. A., 422
Steele, Lieut. M. F., 362
Sternberg, General, 393
Stetson, Lieutenant, 379
Stevens, Lieutenant, 422
Stewart, Brig. Gen. M. B., 45
Stone, Col. D. L., 323
Sturdevant, Lieutenant, 281
Sumner, Maj. Gen. S. S., 4, 16,
19, 20, 23, 25, 108, 158, 207,
288
Surrender, 9, 38, 154, 172, 257,
284, 304, 378
Surrender, Ceremony, 380
Surrender, Demand for, 34, 35
Surrender, Terms of, 42, 145,
193, 285
Surrender Tree, 432
Surrender, Unconditional, 39,
41
Tampa Bay, 47
Tampa Heights, 58
10th Cavalry, 13, 48, 50, 106, 350,
398
10th Infantry, 48, 50, 313
Terror, 168
Texas, 94, 347
3rd Cavalry, 48, 50, 226
3rd Infantry, 5, 48, 53, 55
13th Infantry, 48, 50, 59, 90, 91,
419
34th Michigan Infantry, 30, 123,
164, 203
34th Michigan Field and Staff,
166
33rd Michigan Infantry, 28, 160,
162, 163, 203


33rd Michigan Field and Staff,
163
Threlkeld, Lieutenant, 101
Toral, General, 35, 41, 42, 247,
248, 256, 385
Toral's proposition, 40
Transports, 195, 197, 205, 266,
346
Trenches, 282
Turner, Colonel, 174
Tutherly, Major, 299
12th Infantry, 47, 49, 118, 171
20th Infantry, 5, 48, 53, 55
25th Infantry, 47, 50, 118, 264,
271, 276, 278, 372, 377, 389
21st Infantry, 48, 50, 171
24th Infantry, 48, 50, 59, 91, 243,
419
22nd Infantry, 47, 50, 111, 113,
320, 322
Urell, Maj. M. E., 176
Van Dewater, Chaplain, G. R.,
127
Van Vliet, Col. R. C., 311, 404
Vaughan, Maj. Victor C., 241
Viele, Colonel, 299
Vigilancia, 129, 130, 131, 132
Vixen, 347
Volleys, 270
Vollrath, Gen. Edward, 147
Volunteer Nurses, 243
Wagner, Col. A. L., 114, 297,
326, 411
Wainwright, Capt., 300, 301
Walls, Capt. C. B., 173
Wasp, 178, 346,, 347
Water Spout, 345
Watson, Captain, 350
Webb, Major, 265, 281, 331, 378
Webber, Asst. Surg. H. A., 208
Wells, Gen. Z. B., 95
Weston, Maj. Gen., 6, 15, 48
Weybrecht, Major, 153
Weyler, General, 133




442


INDEX


Wharf at Daiquiri, 202
Wheeler, Maj. Gen. Joseph, 4,
13, 17, 22, 23, 37, 73, 101, 105,
121, 136, 165, 207, 255, 268,
289, 290, 317, 352, 407, 408,
409, 410, 411
Whitney, Casper, 323
Wikoff, Col. C. A., 26, 60, 96,
97, 98, 329
Wilkins, Col. Harry E., 53
Williams, Lieut., 128
Wilmington, 167, 168
Winslow, Lieutenant, 387
Winter, Col. Francis A., 207,
209, 210, 239
Withdrawal, 32, 36
Wolf, Lieutenant, 367
Wolfe, Col. O. R., 320


Wood, Maj. Gen. Leonard, 102,
103, 106, 158, 299, 302, 324,
350, 385, 400, 409
Wood, Surg. M. W., 212
Woodford, Gen. Stewart L., 2
Woodward, Lieut. John E., 87
Worth, Col. William, 26, 60, 63,
92, 93, 99, 100
Wright, Maj. Gen. W. M., 53
Yale, 160, 164, 267, 354
Yellow Fever, 145, 304, 306, 378,
393, 394
Yellow Fever Hospital, 215, 219
Young, Lieut. Gen. S. B. M., 12,
13, 106, 207, 288, 352, 398, 402,
407, 408












I




if


THE UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN
GRADUATE LIBRARY
DATE DUE


n                  1- ---      ll


* -..a" r


I I rSr


A_


~P B 




ql


ITI IL  iiL. r   I I




FINE P
JUN 2
JUN 2 919
APR


JUl


174


9 1983


0 5 1997
o 6 23
IV  - 'oo oq s s i
061^     |~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
w ia oo~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ss/~~~~~~


tI
I


33
t6 I984,, oc 
3I
6 198   OC1
J!




I      UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN
3 9015 00346 0592
Re-la)ced r;I f~ wih'. h  'i"I -
1998


j1


i


4999
DO NOT REMOVE
OR
i'- MUTILATE CARD


f
11A I 




I