1909 ..A. ilc7o '87 THE BRUCE Messrs. A. & C. Black beg to announce that they have also published a complete edition of THE BRUCE for Library use (Large crown 8vo., cloth, price 5s. net), and they will be glad to send a prospectus to any address on receipt of a postcard to that effect. A. & C. BLACK, SOHO SQUARE LONDON, WT. i THE BRUCE BY JOHN BARBOUR SELECTIONS FOR USE IN SCHOOLS WITH AN INTRODUCTION, A SECTION ON EARLY SCOTS GRAMMAR, ETC., NOTES AND A GLOSSARY BY W. M. MACKENZIE, M.A. LONDON ADAM AND CHARLES BLACK I909 I I c.,. 4 1 1 I. r - (.. 'I-, I PREFACE IT would be strange to have to offer any special plea for introducing John Barbour to Scottish schools. Stranger still, however, must be the confession that in Scotland the distinctively national literature is substantially unknown. The causes of this need not be discussed; it suffices that a contribution should be made 'towards remedying the defect. The Bruce presents special claims to notice: it gives us the beginning; it exhibits the English of the north, with its own instructive and suggestive characteristics, which was to maintain its literary independence only as Scots; and it is an historic document of value also on that side. The present selection includes very nearly four whole books out of the twenty into which the poem has been divided, with sufficient illustrative commentary upon matter and language. I may take the opportunity of saying a word upon the minor point of the site and tactics of Bannockburn. My conclusions have come as an irritating surprise to some critics, who, apparently, are unaware of the fact that, on independent lines, I have, under the first head, arrived at the position accepted by Lord Hailes and Sir Walter V vi Preface Scott. No other is admissible without throwing over Barbour and Sir Thomas Gray. The idea that the Scots should attack on the level appears to be still as staggering as it was to Edward II., but there is no reason why we should continue to share his incredulity. Such, in brief, must be my excuse for an unfortunate divergence from current opinion. W. M.M. CONTENTS I'AGE INTRODUCTION: I. John Barbour - - - ix 2. Language and orthography- - - - xiii 3. Grammar - - xv THE BRUCE": Book III. - - - - - -,, XI. - - - - - - 22,, XII. - - - - - - 4,, XIII. - - - - - 75 NOTES - - - 73 APPENDIX A.-The site of the Battle of Bannockburn - 98,, B.-Bruce's speech at Bannockburn - - 99,, C.-The numbers at Bannockburn - - 100 GLOSSARY O- -05 vii ON FREEDOM A! fredome is a noble thing! Fredome mays man to haiff liking; Fredome all solace to man giffis: He levys at es that frely levys. A noble hart may haiff nane es, Na ellys nocht that may him ples, Gyff fredome failyhe: for fre liking Is yharnyt our all othir thing. Na he, that ay has levyt fre, May nocht knaw weill the propyrte, The angyr, na the wrechyt dome That is cowplyt to foule thyrldome. Bot gyff he had assayit it, Than all perquer he suld it wyt; And suld think fredome mar to prys Than all the gold in warld that is. (71he Bruce, Bk. I., 225-40.) viii Vlll INTRODUCTION i. JOHN BARBOUR. The year of John Barbour's birth we do not know, an item which is lacking also for Chaucer: I320 is a good round guess. Nor have we any knowledge of his family. If, however, the St. Ninian in the Legends of the Saints be of Barbour, a claim for which there is much to be said,L it may give us a clue. The adventure of Jak. Trumpoure, there told, connects with the fact that Jaq. (James) Trampour had land in Aberdeen bordering on that of an Andrew Barbour.2 It may be conjectured that the latter was John Barbour's father, or other near relative, since the vivid personal details of the affair in the St. Ninian must have come from Trumpour himself, and the fact that he was a neighbour of the Barbours would explain how. The name Barbour (Barbitonsoris) is obviously plebeian. Some ancestor followed the business of barber, as some one of Chaucer's possibly did that of "hose-making." The established spelling, Barbour, shows a French termination which takes also the form Barbier, whence Mr. Henderson concludes that John Barbour " was of Norman origin."3 But the spelling is merely an accident of transcription; the oldest form is Barber(e) (I357, I365),4 which the scribe of the Edinburgh MS. also uses, and which Wyntoun rhymes with here and matere; in a few cases it is Barbar. As we might expect, the name was common enough in the English-speaking districts of Scotland. All our information about John Barbour, except the little to be gleaned from the complimentary references of later authors, is drawn from official sources,5 and is thus, of course, perfectly precise, but meagre and uncharacteristic. We learn 1 See Neilson in Scottish Antiquary, vol. xi., p. o02 ff., and Buss, ex adverso, in Anglia, Band ix., p. 495. 2 Jamieson's Memoir, p. iv. 3 Scottish Vernacular Literature, p. 41. 4 For this reason Buss always gives the name as Barbere. 5 These have been brought together by Skeat in his first volume, pp. xv-xxviii. x Introduction something of what Barbour did and got, but not what sort of man he was, or what he was like. By I357, at the latest, he is Archdeacon of Aberdeen, the most important official of the diocese after the bishop, having as his prebend the parish of Rayne, in Garioch; and in the same year (August 13) he has a safe-conduct to go with three scholars, for purposes of study, to Oxford, where he may have seen John Wycliffe. There was, of course, no University in Scotland as yet, and scholars desirous of academic advantages had to seek them at least across the Border, a patronage which Edward III., in his own interests, readily encouraged. Seven years later he is again in England on a similar mission with four horsemen,1 and on October I6 of the year following he goes to St. Denis, near Paris, this time with six companions on horseback; in 1368-69 he once more visits France "with two servants (vallettis) and two horses." The University of Paris had the highest reputation for the study of philosophy and canon law, and Barbour, whose duty it was to administer the jurisdiction of his bishop, would necessarily be something of a lawyer, though his allusion to the clerkly " disputations " in this field does not suggest much personal interest in legal refinements. His next appearance is in a different though related capacity. In I372 he is clerk of the audit of the King's household, that of Robert II., who had come to the throne in the previous year as the first of the Stewart Kings. The year after he is also an auditor of exchequer. The Stewarts were good friends to Barbour, and we see the result in his kindly, almost affectionate, references to the family in his poem. He wrote up their genealogy, but that piece of work is lost. After a long interval he reappears as an auditor of exchequer in I382, I383, I384. For some part, at least, of this interval he was engaged upon The Bruce, and its completion in the course of I376 2 suggestively approximates to a grant of Jio, by the King's order, from the customs of Aberdeen, first recorded in the accounts of March I4, I377. So also does a pension of twenty shillings sterling from certain revenues of the same city, granted on August 29, I378, to himself and his assignees for everY Accordingly, two years later Barbour assigned his pension, on his death, to the cathedral church of Aberdeen, as 1 Skeat here takes equitibus to be "knights," but this is not a military business. They were, we may judge, the attendants proper to his rank. 2 See on Bk. XIII. 702. 3 The account of I429 is the first to state expressly that this perpetual pension was " for the composition of the book of the deeds of the erstwhile King Robert the Bruce" (Excheq. Rolls, iv., p. 520). Introduction Xi payment for a yearly mass for his own soul and for the souls of his relatives and all the faithful dead. The practice of these payments can be traced for a considerable time afterwards, but the financial readjustments of the Reformation sent Barbour's legacy elsewhere. But the royal bounty had not dried up. In i386 the poet had gifts of ~io and ~6 I3s. 4d., no doubt in recognition of further literary labours. And on December 5, I388, he had a fresh pension of ~io for life " for faithful service," to be paid in equal portions at Pentecost and Martinmas. This he enjoyed for only a few years. On April 25, I396, the first payment of twenty shillings is made to the Dean and Chapter of Aberdeen, so that Barbour must have been dead before April 5, 395, when the accounts for the year began. As his " anniversary" fell on March I3, that date in I395 was, in all probability, the day of his death. Thus born under the great Bruce, he had lived through the reigns of David II. and Robert II., and five years of Robert III. Some stray notices of Barbour in other connections add nothing of importance. One, however, lets us know that he was responsible for the loss of a volume on law from the library of his cathedral. We have really learned nothing as to the personality of the poet. That he was a keen student and a great reader as well as a trustworthy official, and stood high in the royal favour, may be inferred. The respectful and admiring references of Wyntoun and Bower attest his high reputation as a writer and authority on history. But The Bruce of itself would suggest neither the cleric nor the accountant. His pious reflections would be commonplaces even for a lay writer, and his handling of figures is not in any way distinctive. Even of Scotland in the background we get but casual, fleeting glimpses. Barbour is occupied entirely with his heroes and their performances. It is these he undertakes to celebrate, not, primarily, even the great cause which called them forth; and personal loyalty is his master virtue.' That he so conceived and developed his subject, his hurried passage from incident to incident, his grim, practical humour, his impatience of inaction or commonplace achievement, his actively descriptive vocabulary, and his vivid realization of the details of movement and conflict-all contribute to the impression of a man of lively, energetic temperament, with a delight in action and I Ad His theme was Freedom," writes Mr. Cosmo Innes. Barbour gives out his " theme" in the first thirty-six lines, and never once mentions it. Xii Introduction the concrete, and so, as his time and circumstances would make him, an amateur and idealist of chivalry. Besides The Bruce, Wyntoun credits Barbour with The Stewartis Oryginalle, a metrical genealogy starting from " Sere Dardane, lord de Frygya"(!), which has not survived.1 Skeat has also suggested, basing on certain references by Wyntoun, that Barbour wrote a Brut on the mythical colonization of Britain by Brutus, but the inference is disputed by Mr. Brown,2 and Wyntoun's language is too vague for a definite opinion. On better grounds there has been attributed to him a Trojan War or Troy Book, portions of which have been used to fill up gaps in a MS. of Lydgate's Siege with the rubric, "Here endis Barbour and begynnis the monk," and again conversely. An independent MS. gives a larger number of lines in continuation. These fragments have been subjected to close linguistic and metrical criticism by P. Buss in Anglia, ix., pp. 493-514, and by E. Koeppel in Englische Studien, x., pp. 373-382, and their reasoning on differences of verbal and grammatical usages has been summarized by Skeat,3 who concurs with their conclusion against Barbour's authorship. But there are other elements of evidence, and the sceptical discussion of Medea's alleged astronomical powers with the affirmation, Bot na gude Cristene mane her-to Sulde gif credence-that I defend,4 is significantly similar to the argumentation on astrology in The 1 The editor of The Exchequer Rolls, vol. ii. p. cv., says: "Bower accuses Barbour of misrepresenting the origin of the Stewarts." That is not so. According to the summary in Bower, Barbour had it that they came from Wales, and in fact the family was settled in Shropshire on the Welsh March. It had its origin, he said, from one who was called " Le Fleanc de Waran," who may equate with Alan FitzFlaald, who, however, apparently did not marry a daughter of Warine, the sheriff of that county (Round, Studies in the Peerage, p. ii6). He affirms, rightly enough, that the first of them in Scotland was Walter, in the days of King William (twelfth century). Where he goes wrong genealogically, according to Bower, is in saying that Walter's son, Alan, was in the First Crusade, which was obviously impossible; but Alan FitzAlan, uncle of Alan FitzFlaald, was in that expedition. Barbour was dealing with remote personages through family tradition, and whatever his errors as represented by Bower, he does not appear, as is too lightly assumed, to have been the source of the myths of later historians in this connection. Bower's language does not admit of a Banquo. See Cupar and Perth MSS., in Scotichronicon, Lib. IX., chap. xlviii. 2 The Wallace and The Bruce, pp. 88-9o. 3 Preface I., xlix-lii. 4Edit. Horstmann, ii., p. 226. Introduction xiii ~ * Xlll Bruce, Bk. IV. 706 to end.1 Faced with the plain statement of the fifteenth-century scribe, Skeat can only suggest that the poem was not by our Barbour, but by another person of the same name-surely the extremity of destructive literary criticism. And every argument of the German scholars against the Troy fragments would clinch the case for Barbour's claims on the Alexander, with which I deal elsewhere. The garrulous and dreary Legends of the Saints probably contain, at least, contributions by Barbour; even Buss admits peculiar features in the St. Ninian,2 and St. Machar is a purely Aberdeen worthy, in whom the poet, too, professes a special interest; these may well have come from Barbour's pen as the uncongenial but meritorious labour of his old age. Such, at any rate, was the normal progress of a poetic clerk, from translation to original work, to decline at the close upon versions of saintly biographies. 2. LANGUAGE AND ORTHOGRAPHY. The language of the Bruce is Northern English, the dialect spoken north of the Humber. Barbour himself calls it " Inglis " (Bk. IV. 253), and Scottish writers down to the sixteenth century do the same. The name " Scots " is therefore a term of pure convenience, signifying the English spoken within the political borders of Scotland, which continued to be an independent literary medium after the Northern English of England had ceased to be such, and had yielded place to the standard dialect of Chaucer and his successors. But the language of the Aberdeen Barbour is substantially that of the Yorkshire Richard Rolle. The most obvious characteristic of the northern tongue is that in development it was far ahead of its southern contemporary, in so far as it had absolutely got rid of inflections, not even retaining the final e which casts its shadow over Chaucer. Where the final e occurs in the Bruce it is non-significant and unsounded. Like the variable spelling, it is the result of the writing of English by scribes accustomed to the sounds and orthography of contemporary French, which was rich in final e's3-a process which had seriously complicated the straightforward phonetic spelling of Old English. A peculiar Scots fashion, however, was the representation of the long vowels by a combination with y or i, sometimes in addition to a final e, which came to be regarded as the sign of a long vowel. Thus we have such groups as mar, mair, mayr: done, doyn, doyne. In these and similar cases y is See further, Neilson's John Barbour, p. 2. 2 Anglia, as cited.: Sounded as yet, like those of M.E., but in time to become silent. Anglo-French is Norman-French developed in England; it was closely related to Old French, familiar to the Scribes through the romances. xiv Introduction simply an alternative form of i; at first it would be written before letters like m, n, u, where i, having no dot, might be mistaken for a part of the succeeding letter; then in practice the two would become interchangeable according to the caprice of the writer. In this matter the scribe of C is rather more regular than that of E. Now, such a diphthong as ai was in time reduced to a simple sound, when the i became superfluous, and came to be looked upon as a sign of length. With this function it was afterwards, at the pleasure of the writer, transferred to the company of other long vowels where there was no original diphthong. Thus we have the long vowel sound represented in three wayssimple, with following i (y), or with terminal e. In cases like tais, gais, however, the i is part of the termination of the present tense of the verb, of which Barbour is particularly fond.1 But while Scots-in the sense indicated above-had thus early parted with its inflections, it was, on the other hand, more conservative than the southern dialects in its treatment of the vowel sounds. It retained, for example, the Old English a, which in Southern English was rounded into broad o (oa)-cf. ga, stane (O.E. or A.S. gan, stan) for go, stone. In the Bruce (X. 199; XII. 299) the rhyme more, before may show the rounding influence of r.2 Vowels in words of French origin show slight modification. Anglo-French nasal a before m, n tends to become au, whence daunger, etc., and o or u to become ou as in baroun, felloun. Ai and ei incline to merge in long e as feble (O.F. faible), and sesyt (O.F. seisir); but ai may also become a-e.g., tratour for O.F. traitor. Apharesis occurs in such shortened forms as stroy (destroy), semble (assemble), etc. The following peculiarities may he noticed among the consonants: ch sometimes =" tch " in middle and end of word-e.g., fech= fetch (II.532). So, too, always in words of French origin-e.g., chevelry. h is silent in boost, as in all Anglo-French words of Latin origin, and sometimes drops out-e.g., ost (II. 559, etc., O.F. ost), also in ayris (heirs, V. 520). b in combination with m is dropped both in pronunciation and spelling. Cf. chamyr (II. 97), tumlit (IV. 182, etc.). C Hummyr for Humber; E Humbre (XV. 538). d usually dropped after n-e.g., henmast=hindmost (XII. 268, etc.); sometimes intrusive-e.g., suddandly (VI. II), but suddanly (VI. 220). In avantage, aventure from French the English d is intrusive. f represents final ve in pruf or preif, leif, driff, knaf, haf, etc., retaining the voiced sound (v) which it had in A.S. between vowels, and r I and vowels. 1 Buss, Anglia IX., pp. 505-507. Cf. also Murray, Dialect of the Southern Counties, p. 53. 2 Buss, p. 509. Introduction XV g in words of French origin has before e, i, the English sound =dg(j), which was also then the French one-e.g., liege, jugis. I as indicating merely a long vowel is unsounded in walknyt (VI. 296), walk (wake, VII. I79, etc.). So we have also falt (VI. 345, etc.) and fawt (III. 298); realte and reawte, etc. Skeat holds that the I in the first case represents but a way of writing the first k, so that the words should be wakk, etc., but this does not cover the second case.1 m and n are often interchanged, as in confort, manteme, etc. ng becomes n before th as lenth, strenth, etc. Cf. also Grammar. The nasal ng may take the place of the liquid n, as in ryng (I. 78, etc.) for " reign " (Fr. regner). The French nasal nce is represented by ng or nch-e.g., Vallang (II. 201) or Vallanch (V. 472) for " Valence." r. Metathesis of r is very characteristic of the Northern dialecte.g., fryst (first), brist (burst, A.S. berstan), tursit (O.F. trusser), etc. s is changed to sch in schir, isch (issue), etc.; but on the other side we have sall, suld (shall, should) and Inglis. z has in Fiz the Anglo-French sound ts, as in rats. 3. GRAMMAR. NOUNS. Singular-Possessive Case.-i. The inflected genitive or possessive is formed by adding ys or is; MS. E, on the whole, shows a preference for the former. Sometimes the final consonant is doubled. Cf. a manis hand (VII. 580), to mannys fude (X. i89). 2. Nouns denoting relationship are uninflected, as in AngloSaxon: Mordreyt his sistir son (I. 557). Till his brothiris pes (XI. 652) is an exception found in both MSS. For And sperit of his brotheris fair (XVI. 21) in C, E has brodyr. NOTE.-Wode-syde (E woddis sid, IX. 139), sonne-rising, hous end (VII. I63), all common combinations. Editors, however, usually read the termination of the last as housis, though it seems to fall under the same category. Plural.-i. The plural also is in ys or is, more seldom es, representing A.S. as. It " formed a distinct syllable in monosyllables and words accented on the final syllable."2 The latter part of the statement is not, however, uniformly true. Cf. battalis (XI. I22), bischoppes and prelatis (XX. 294), etc., which are dissyllables. 2. Simple s occurs only after r and y (i)-galays, werriours, etc.-but spurys, baneris, towris also occur. Feys (I. 58) and fays (I. 223) are to be read as two syllables. ' S.T.S., I. lxxxix., and Glossary. 2 Murray, Dialect of the Southern Counties, p. I53. xvi Introduction 3. Final f (_f) is generally changed to v, as theif, thevis; but wif preserves the f throughout, as wifis, wiffys, etc. (E, however, in XII. 246, has wyvis); and lif has lyvis (XI. 590), or livis and lyffis (X. Io6), or liffis (IV. I37). 4. Words ending in er, ir, yr, yn, ill for the most part reject the final vowel before the ending of the plural: dochtrys, lettres or lettrys, wapnys, etc. VWhere the vowel is retained, it is silent, as in schulderis (IX. 356), letteris (XVII. 31, 39), etc. NoTE.-Burges in XVI. 80, XVII. 236, is clearly unaltered in the plural, and this would seem to apply also to marras (VIII. 35), hous (VIII. 514, etc.), and mos (VIII. I73), which are usually read as three and two syllables respectively. Cf. on Singular (2). 5. Of strong plurals, besides men and its compounds, hy and brethir by change of vowel (Umlaut), we have eyn(e) (A.S. eagan), with singular e or ey (VI. 523), oxin or oxyne (X. 381, 388), schoyne (II. 50o). These (with hosen and fan (faes)) are the only plurals in n preserved in Northern English. 6. Some old neuters (A.S.) take no inflection in the plural: deir, hors, etc.; hous has hous and housis (X. 60, etc.), but cf. on (4) note); thing has thing (XI. 27, etc.) and thingis. Cf also gudis and gude (XVII. 517, 52I). One form is in er or ir, childer (XII. 246) or childir (XVII. 5I5), A.S. cildru. 7. Nouns indicating time, space, quantity, weight, and number are unchanged in the plural: fifty yheir (in I. 522 occurs ten yheris, quite an exceptional case), tuelf moneth, six and fourty wyntir (A.S. plural also winter), twa myle, tuenty thousand pund, etc. For paris in C (XIII. 463), E reads payr. In XII. 234 C has thre gret avantage, where E gives avantagis, but reads vasselagis (!) to rhyme. 8. Only men suffers inflection in the plural possessive: the Inglis menis fewte (VIII. I9), of othir mennis landis (XI. 148). In till Scottis men possessioune (XVII. 202) we may have, as Henschel suggests,1 a piece of "scribal carelessness;" but Hampole undoubtedly uses this as a valid form: "Sal dede men banes be set togyder Thurgh messes, and rightwis men prayers." PROPER NOUNS. In general, these follow the common nouns in their forms, but note: I. Two names ending in s have no inflection for the genitive: King Adrastus men (II. 529), Thomas prophecy (II. 86). This occurs also in Chaucer. 2. Douglas has both flectionless and inflected forms: the Douglas men (X. 398), the Lord Douglassis men (XX. 481). 3. Possessive or genitive formed by his: Hannyball his mekill mnycht (III. 232). Cf. also VI. 435, 446. Originally, as here, 1 Darstellung der Flexionslehre in John Barbour's Bruce, p. 2,. Introduction xvii confined to proper names. A special example is in the reading of C (XVII. 940): Berwyk his toune; E Berwykis. ADJECTIVES. I. There is no distinction in the Bruce between strong and weak adjectives, the latter in Chaucer being indicated by a final e, and used after the definite article, demonstrative and possessive pronouns, etc., nor is the plural similarly distinguished from the singular. In all these cases the Scots adjective is invariable; the final e, which often occurs, is of no grammatical significance. There is no difference between the gud Erll (X. 686) and the gude Erll (XX. 603), while the plural is gud werriours (XX. 416). 2. The only example of inflection is the form aller, genitive plural (er=-ra, A.S. eal-ra). It occurs once: throuch thar aller hale assent (I. I37). 3. The comparative and superlative are formed by adding ar or er (seldom ir) and est or ast. In words of two and more syllables mar (mair) and mast (maist) also occur. The same rule applies to adverbs. The final consonant of a monosyllable may be doubled: thikkest (VIII. 8I), but also thikast (XVII. 156). 4. Change of vowel (Umlaut) appears in two cases-sterkar (E starkar) (XV. 491) and eldest (I. 5I, IV. 7I). Ill or evill is the Northern form for bad, compared with wer or war, werst (III. I92). Mor, for mar, occurs twice to rhyme with befor (X. 199, XII. 299). Er gives erar. 5. After the comparative comes usually than, which is always used by Rolle, but there are four examples of na-wes starkar ferna he (VI. 538), also III. 229, II. 519, X. 637. NUMERALS. I. Ane before a consonant sometimes becomes a: in a nycht and a day (III. 429). The tane and the ta are compounds of this numeral, with the old neuter thaet (thet) of the definite article, really thet-ane, thet-a. The former is a substantive, the latter an adjective: the tane suld be kyng (VI. I86), the ta part (III. 239). Similarly the tothir=thet othir (I. 7, etc.), which is throughout used for the ordinal " the second," as formast is sometimes used for " the first ": Fule-hardyment the formast is, And the tothir zs cowardis (VI. 337, 338). 2. Note thresum, fifsum, sex sum, where "sum denotes conjunction " (Jamieson's Dictionary), three, etc., together; half deill (A.S. dacl, a part); twa part=two parts; yneuch, singular (usually adverb), used for quantity, and ynew (enew), plural, for number. Cf. XX. 337, and I. 558. N.B.-For demonstrative, etc., adjectives, see also Pronouns, Demonstrative, etc. Note sam(m)yn (same) as adjective and xviii Introduction adverb (V. 72, XII. 49, etc.). Distinguish ilk(e) =same (A.S. ylc) from the distributive ilk (A.S. cvle) =each. Others are sik (syk), swilc, etc. PRONOUNS. Personal.- i. In MS. E besides I is found the strong form Ik or Ic (A.S. Ic). The latter is entirely wanting in C, which has everywhere I. 2. The third person feminine is scho (A.S. seo), once spelled sche (XIII. 635), a Southern effect, where, however, E has scho. 3. Note the gen. sing. mas. and gen. plur. in magre his, in spite of him, and magre thairis, in spite of them. Possessive.-I. The genitive cases of the personal pronouns are most often adjectives. Before words beginning with a vowel they are mine, thine; before words beginning with a consonant they become my, thi; words beginning with h may have either form. 2. The forms used absolutely are myn, his, ours, yhouris, thaires: That suld be myn (V. 223), etc. Reflexive.-I. The personal pronouns serve as reflexives: I will me speid (XI. 638); And went hyr hame (V. I77). 2. There is also the form in self, more seldom selvyn, selvin. When the subject is a personal pronoun this may drop out: that himself suld wele Kepe the entre (XI. 445). 3. Self is both singular and plural: That thai mycht help thameself (X. 619). Demonstrative.-I. The Northern plural of this is thir, which supplanted thas as thise did in the Midland. Its origin is obscure.1 2. The plural of that is tha(i). Distinguish from thai (they), 3rd pers. plur. 3. Yhon(e), more often an adjective, has also a substantive use in three cases only (IV. 502, 506; XIV. 280). Relative and Interrogative.-i. The relative pronoun is that or at, never quha. At is a purely Northern form. Quhais and quham occur occasionally as oblique cases. In quhor, as in words like so, mor, etc., there is evidence of Southern influence. Quha is used as an interrogative. The simple quhilk occurs but once (XVIII. 225, see note), where E has a different reading; otherwise it is in the form the quhilk that. 2. The relative in the oblique cases is often omitted: the small folk thai had thar (IX. 261). This is a marked feature of the Wallace. Indefinite.-I. None for nane occurs only once (IX. 485); and so, too, ilkone for ilkane, rhyming with a proper name (XI. 383). Vane is used both as substantive and as adjective. As adjective it comes before a word beginning with a vowel. Before conso1 Murray, p. 185. Introduction xix nants and h, na or no is used. In two cases no precedes a vowel: XIII. 145; XVI. 249. 2. Othir, often =" each other," as Thai dang on othir (X. 680). 3. The plural of man has a pronominal use = one, German "man ": as men in the Bibill seys (I. 466); men mycht se (X. 678), etc. VERBS. I. Note the periphrastic form with gan in E (can in a few cases), can always in C: all the land gan occupy (I. i84); all can thai cry (XII. 200). The past tense of can is couth: thar vittale all fast couth fale (VIII. 460): whence, by analogy, the false form begouth for past of gan, itself the past of ginnen, to begin. 2. Weak verbs form their past tense and past participle in it or yt, the latter being more common in E. In certain cases the vowel drops out, as in dwelt. After r, I (11), n, the ending is often in d, as herd, ansuerd, etc. NOTE.-Felt for the ordinary feld occurs once, in III. 119. Cald, too, for callit, is forced to a rhyme (XIII. 6I). The proper past of send is send. 3. The present tense indicative is, I spek, thou spekis, he spekis, we spek, etc. But when the personal pronoun is separated from the verb, or when the subject is a noun or relative pronoun or other form, the ending is in is or ys throughout. Cf. yhow that takis (XVI. 592); yhe that this redis (VI. 269); all men fleis the deid (IX. 90o), etc. 4. The imperative plural is in is (ys): departis us (VI. 543). It is more rare without the ending (XI. 309; XII. 227, etc). This, however, is the rule when the imperative is followed by its pronoun: luk yhe (XII. 2I7). 5. The present participle ends in and. Doubling of the consonant may occur after a short vowel-e.g., wonnand (X. I60). 6. The verbal noun (so-called) ends in yng or ing. In many examples the g is dropped, as the tendency was and is in Scots, and we have a form in yn(e). Cf. fechting (XII. I I9) and fechtyn (III. 241). And these may rhyme, which shows that in sound the difference was not apparent (cf. IX. I20). Sometimes the particular form depends on the MS.-e.g., VI. 520, C supposing; E supposyn. The same thing is found in proper names with a similar termination. 7. The past participle of strong verbs has ending yn or in, seldom en. Clymen in X. 648, where the correct form, clummyn, is given in 6o6, is either really a surviving or intruded infinitive, or has been assimilated to it. N.B.-VII. 524, C cum: E cummyn; X. 506, C won: E wonnyn. 8. The infinitive has dropped all trace of an ending. The e which sometimes appears is silent. It is formed by prefixing XX Introduction to or till, in certain cases with for in addition. For one case we have a reduced infinitive with at: a-do (X. 348). ADVERBS. I. him allane is a strengthened form of him ane (VI. 272, 320), and is the more frequent of the two; equivalent to German "allein " and analogous in construction to the pronoun with self. In Early Scots alane is attached to the dative, in later and modern Scots to the possessive, his ane, etc.: the fuller form, from a confusion with lone, is now his lane, etc. 2. The surviving phrase, the morn (XIV. 478) occurs once for the older to-morn. Mr. Gregory Smith says that the former "begins to appear in M. Sc." (Middle Scots, I450-I6oo),' and MS. E indeed reads to-morn in the passage above. 3. Note the compounds with gat (a way), thusgat, swagat, etc. in XIX. 253; C swagatis; E swagat: also howgatis, etc., preserving Genitive ending. 4. The forms on ligf (XVIII. 154), on slepe (VII. 192), on stray (XIII. I95), etc., are peculiarly Northern forms for "alive," " asleep," etc. Cf. also on fey, on flot. PREPOSITIONS. I. Till =to, the former being a Northern fashion. C frequently extends to on-to, on-till, as in VI. 622, XVII. 29, etc. 2. Note the verbal preposition that I of tell, etc. 3. Be and by are common to both MSS., C more frequently the latter, probably a Southern influence. Strictly in Scots be alone denotes agency; by usually=beyond, as in by ordinar, etc. CONJUNCTIONS. I. The verb suppos is several times used as a conjunction. 2. the-quhethir =thohquhether=thohquether, "nevertheless," unknown to the Southern dialects.2 1 Specimens of Middle Scots, p. xxxviii. 2 Specimens of Early English, Morris and Skeat, vol. ii. THE BRUCE BOOK III. Here the Lord of Lorn attacks the King because of the Death of John Comyn. THE Lord off Lorne wonnyt thar-by, That wes capitale ennymy To the King, for his emys sak, Jhon Comyn; and thocht for to tak 5 Vengeance apon cruell maner. Quhen he the King wyst wes sa ner, He assemblyt his men in hy; And had in-till his cumpany The barownys off Argyle alsua, o0 Thai war a thowsand weill or ma: And come for to suppris the King, That weill wes war of thair cummyng. Bot all to few with him he had, The-quhethir he bauldly thaim abaid; 15 And weill ost, at thar fryst metyng, War layd at erd, but recoveryng. The Kingis folk full weill thaim bar, And slew, and fellyt, and woundyt sar. Bot the folk off the tothir party 20 Fawcht with axys sa felounly I 2 The Bruce [BOOK III For thai on fute war evir-ilkane, That thai feile off thar hors has slayne; And till sum gaiff thai woundis wid. James off Dowglas wes hurt that tyd; 25 And als Schyr Gilbert de le Hay. The King his men saw in affray, And his ensenyhe can he cry; And amang thaim rycht hardyly He rad, that he thaim ruschyt all; 30 And fele of thaim thar gert he fall. Bot quhen he saw thai war sa feill, And saw thaim swa gret dyntis deill, He dred to tyne his folk, forthi His men till him he gan rely, 35 And said; ' Lordyngis, foly it war 'Tyll us for till assembill mar, 'For thai fele off our hors has slayn; 'And gyff we fecht with thaim agayn We sail tyne off our small mengyhe, 40 'And our-selft sall in perill be. 'Tharfor me thynk maist avenand 'To withdraw us, us defendand, 'Till we cum owt off thar daunger, For owr strenth at our hand is ner.' 45 Then thai withdrew thaim halely; Bot that wes nocht full cowartly; For samyn in-till a sop held thai; And the King him abandonyt ay To defend behind his mengyhe. 50 And throw his worschip sa wroucht he, That he reskewyt all the flearis, And styntyt swagat the chassaris, That nane durst owt off batall chas For alwayis at thar hand he was. 55 Sa weile defendyt he his men, That quha-sa-evir had seyne him then Prove sa worthely vasselage, And turn sa oft sythis the visage, He suld say he awcht weill to be 60 A king of gret rewate. 1306] Bruce compared to Gaudifer 3 QUHEN that the Lord of Lorne saw His men stand off him ane sik aw, That thai durst nocht folow the chase, Rycht angry in his hart he was; 65 And for wondyr that he suld swa Stot thaim, him allane but ma, He said; " Me think, Marthokys sone, "Rycht as Golmakmorn was wone "To haiff fra Fyn all his mengne, 70 "Rycht swa all his fra us has he." He set ensample thus mydlike, The-quhethir he micht, mar manerlik, Lyknyt hym to Gaudifer de Larys, Quhen that the mychty duk Betys 75 Assailyheit in Gadyrris the forrayours. And quhen the King thaim made rescours, Duk Betys tuk on him the flycht, That wald ne mar abid to fycht. Bot gud Gaudifer the worthi 80 Abandonyt him so worthyly, For to reskew all the fleieris, And for to stonay the chasseris, That Alysandir to erth he bar; And alsua did he Tholimar, 85 And gud Coneus alsua, Danklyne alsua, and othir ma. But at the last thar slayne he wes: In that failyheit the liklynes. For the King, full chevalrusly, 90 Defendyt all his cumpany, And wes set in full gret danger; And yheit eschapyt haile and fer. How the King slew the Three Men that swore his Death. Twa brethir war into that land, That war the hardiest off hand 95 That war in-till all that cuntre; And thai had sworn, iff thai micht se The Bruys, quhar thai mycht him our-ta, That thai suld dey, or then hym sla. I-2 4 The Bruce [BOOK III Thar surname wes Makyne-drosser; ioo That is al-so mekill to say her As "the Durwarth sonnys " perfay. Off thar covyne the thrid had thai, That wes rycht stout, ill, and feloune. Quhen thai the King of gud renoune 105 Saw sua behind his mengne rid, And saw him torne sa mony tid, Thai abaid till that he was Entryt in ane narow place, Betuix a louchside and a bra; IIO That wes sa strait, Ik underta, That he mycht nocht weill turn his sted. Then with a will till him thai yhede; And ane him by the bridill hynt: But he raucht till him sic a dynt, 15 That arme and schuldyr flaw him fra. With that ane othir gan him ta Be the lege, and his hand gan schute Betuix the sterap and his fute: And quhen the King felt thar his hand. I20 In sterapys stythly gan he stand, And strak with spuris the stede in hy, And he lansyt furth delyverly, Swa that the tothir failyheit fete; And nocht-for-thi his hand wes yheit I25 Undyr the sterap, magre his. The thrid, with full gret hy, with this Rycht till the bra-syd he yheid, And stert be-hynd hym on his sted. The King wes then in full gret pres; I30 The-quhethir he thocht, as he that wes In all hys dedys avise, To do ane owtrageous bounte. And syne hyme that behynd hym was, All magre his will, him gan he ras I35 Fra be-hynd hym, thocht he had sworn, He laid hym evyn him beforn. Syne with the suerd sic dynt hym gave, That he the heid till the harnys clave. 1306 - - ) Macnaughton praises Bruce 5 He rouschit doun off blud all rede, I40 As he that stound feld off dede. And then the King, in full gret hy, Strak at the tothir vigorusly, That he eftir his sterap drew, That at the fyrst strak he him slew. 145 On this wis him delyverit he Off all thai felloun fayis thre. UHEN thai of Lorne has sene the King Set in hym-selff sa gret helping, And defend him sa manlely; I50 Wes nane amang thaim sa hardy That durst assailyhe him mar in fycht: Sa dred thai for his mekill mycht. Thar wes a baroune Maknauchtan, That in his hart gret kep has tane I55 Unto the Kingis chevalry, And prisyt hym in hert gretly. And to the Lord off Lorne said he; 'Sekyrly now may yhe se 'Betane the starkest pundelan, I60 'That evyr yhour lyff-tyme yhe saw tane. 'For yhone knycht, throw his douchti deid, 'And throw his owtrageous manheid, Has fellyt in-till litill tyd 'Thre men of mekill mycht and prid: 65 ' And stonayit all our mengyhe swa, 'That eftyr him dar na man ga; 'And tournys sa mony tyme his stede, That semys off us he had na dred.' Then gane the Lord off Lorn say; I70 "It semys it likis the perfay, "That he slayis yhongat our mengyhe." 'Schyr,' said he, 'sa our Lord me se! To sauff yhour presence it is nocht swa. 'Bot quhethir sa he be freynd or fa, 175 'That wynnys prys off chevalry, 'Men suld spek tharoff lelyly. 6 The Bruce [BOOK III. 'And sekyrly, in all my tyme, ' Ik hard nevir, in sang na ryme, ' Tell off a man that swa smertly i8o ' Eschevyt swa gret chevalry.' Sic speking off the King thai maid: And he eftyr his mengyhe raid; And in-till saufte thaim led, Quhar he his fayis na thing dred. I85 And thai off Lorne agayn ar gayn, Menand the scaith that thai haiff tayn. THE King that nycht his wachis set, And gert ordayne that thai mycht et; And bad thaim comford to thaim tak, 190 And at thar mychtis mery mak. ' For disconford,' as then said he, 'Is the werst thing that may be. 'For throw mekill disconforting 'Men fallis oft in-to disparyng. I95 ' And fra a man disparyt be, 'Then utterly vencusyt is he. 'And fra the hart be discumfyt, ' The body is nocht worth a myt. 'Tharfor,' he said, ' atour all thing, 200 'Kepys yhow fra disparyng: 'And thynk, thouch we now harmys fele, 'That God may yheit releve us weill. ' Men redys off mony men that war ' Fer hardar stad then we yhet ar; 205 'And syne our lord sic grace thaim lent, 'That thai come weill till thair entent. ' For Rome quhilum sa hard wes stad, ' Quhen Hanniball thaim vencusyt had, ' That, off ryngis with rich stane, 210 'That war off knychtis fyngerys tane, I89. E omits the first thaim. H has thaim comfort which S adopts; but cf. line I9I. J reads conford in E. I94. J and S off; but surely it should be oft. 210. E reads and J prints stanys, taneys; but, as S points out, the latter word is impossible. H gives as above. I306] How Hannibal failed at Rotme 7 'He send thre bollis to Cartage: 'And syne to Rome tuk his viage, 'Thar to distroye the cite all. 'And thai with-in, bath gret and small, 2I5 Had fled, quhen thai saw his cummyng, 'Had nocht bene Scipio the king, 'That, or thai fled, wald thaim haiff slayn, 'And swagat turnyt he thaim agayn. 'Syne for to defend the cite, 220 'Servandis and threllis mad he fre; 'And maid thaim knychtis evirilkane: 'And syne has off the templis tane 'The armys, that thar eldrys bar, 'In name off victory offerryt thar. 225 And quhen thai armyt war and dycht, 'That stalwart karlis war and wycht, 'And saw that thai war fre alsua, 'Thaim thocht that thai had levir ta 'The dede, na lat the toun be tane. 230 'And with commowne assent, as ane, Thai ischit off the toune to fycht, 'Quhar Hannyball his mekill mycht 'Aganys thaim arayit was. 'Bot, throw mycht off Goddis grace, 235 'It ranyt sa hard and hevyly, 'That thar wes nane sa hardy That durst in-to that place abid; 'Bot sped thaim in-till hy to rid; 'The ta part to thar pailyhownys, 240 'The tothyr part went in the toune is. 'The rayne thus lettyt the fechtyn: 'Sa did it twys thar-eftir syne. 'Quhen Hanibal saw this ferly, 'With all his gret chevalry 245 ' He left the toune, and held his way; 'And syne wes put to sik assay, 216. E has king. H gives ying, which S adopts; but cf. line 250. Hannibal was not a king, either. King is, of course, historically wrong, but Barbour has already made Julius Caesar Emperor! See note, 8 The Bruce [BOOK III 'Throw the power off that cite, 'That his lyff and his land tynt he. 'Be thir quheyne, that sa worthily 250 'Wane sik a king, and sa mychty, 'Yhe may weill be ensampill se, 'That na man suld disparyt be: 'Na lat his hart be vencusyt all, 'For na myscheiff that evir may fall. 255 'For nane wate, in how litill space, 'That God umquhile will send his grace. 'Had thai fled and thar wayis gane, 'Thar fayis swith the toune had tane. 'Tharfor men, that werrayand ar, 260 Suld set thair etlyng evir-mar 'To stand agayne thar fayis mycht, Umquhile with strenth, and quhile with slycht 'And ay thynk to cum to purpos: 'And giff that thaim war set in chos, 265 'To dey, or to leyff cowartly, 'Thai suld erar dey chevalrusly.' THUSGAT thaim confortyt the King; And, to confort thaim, gan inbryng Auld storys off men that wer 270 Set in-tyll hard assayis ser, And that fortoun contraryit fast, And come to purpos at the last. Tharfor he said, that thai that wald Thar hartis undiscumfyt hald 275 Suld ay thynk ythandly to bryng All thar enpres to gud ending: As quhile did Cesar the worthy, That traveillyt ay so besyly, With all his mycht, folowing to mak 280 To end the purpos that he wald tak; That hym thocht he had doyne rycht nocht, Ay quhill to do him levyt ocht: For-thi gret thingis eschevyt he, As men may in his story se. 275, 288. Ythandly (S): E has ententily, I306] The Ladies are worn out 9 285 Men may se be his ythand will, And it suld als accord to skill, That quha tais purpos sekyrly, And followis it syne ythandly, For-owt fayntice, or yheit faynding, 290 With-thi it be conabill thing, Bot he the mar be unhappy, He sail eschev it in party. And haiff he lyff-dayis, weill mai fall, That he sail eschev it all. 295 For-thi suld nane haiff disparing For till eschev a full gret thing: For giff it fall he thar off failyhe, The fawt may be in his travailyhe. H E prechyt thaim on this maner; 300 And fenyheit to mak bettir cher, Then he had matir to, be fer: For his caus yheid fra ill to wer. Thai war ay in sa hard travaill, Till the ladyis began to fayle, 305 That mycht the travaill drey na mar; Sa did othir als that war thar. The Erle Jhone wes ane off tha, Off Athole, that quhen he saw sua The King be discumfyt twys, 3Io And sa feile folk agayne him rys; And lyff in sic travaill and dout, His hart begane to faile all out. And to the King, apon a day, He said; " Gyff I durst to yhow say, 315 "We lyff in-to sa mekill dreid, "And haffis oft-sys off met sik ned, "And is ay in sic travailling, "With cauld, and hungir, and waking; "That I set off my-selvyn sua, 320 "That I count nocht my liff a stra. "Thir angrys may I na mar drey, 3I9. Set from H (S). E has am sad. Perhaps And I sad. Io The Bruce [BOOK iII "For thoucht me tharfor worthit dey, "I mon sojourne, quhar-evir it be. "Levys me tharfor par cheryte." 325 The King saw that he sa wes failyt, And that he ik wes for-travaillyt. He said; ' Schir Erle, we sail sone se, ' And ordayne how it best may be. ' Quhar-evyr yhe be, our Lord yhow send 330 'Grace, fra yhour fais yhow to defend!' With that in hy to him callyt he Thaim, that till him war mast prive: Then amang thaim thai thocht it best, And ordanyt for the liklyest, 335 That the Queyne, and the Erie alsua, And the ladyis, in hy suld ga, With Nele the Bruce, till Kildromy. For thaim thocht thai mycht sekyrly Duell thar, quhill thai war victaillit weile: 340 For swa stalwart wes the castell, That it with strenth war hard to get, Quhill that thar-in were men and mete. As thai ordanyt thai did in hy: The Queyne, and all hyr cumpany, 345 Lap on thar hors, and furth thai far. Men mycht haiff sene, quha had bene thar, At leve-takyng the ladyis gret, And mak thar face with teris wet: And knychtis, for thar luffis sak, 350 Baith sich, and wep, and murnyng mak. Thai kyssyt thair luffis at thair partyng, The King umbethocht him off a thing; That he fra-thine on fute wald ga, And tak on fute bath weill and wa; 355 And wald na hors-men with him haiff. Tharfor his hors all haile he gaiff To the ladyis, that mystir had. The Queyn furth on hyr wayis rade; And sawffly come to the castell, 360 Quhar hyr folk war ressavyt weill; I306] Bruce will go to Kintyre II And esyt weill with meyt and drynk. Bot mycht nane eys let hyr to think On the King, that sa sar wes stad, That bot twa hunder with him had, 365 The quhethir thaim weill confort he ay: God help him, that all mychtis may! The Pains of King Robert among the Mountains. THE Queyne duelt thus in Kyldromy: And the King and his cumpany, That war twa hunder, and na ma, 370 Fra thai had send thar hors thaim fra, Wandryt emang the hey montanys Quhar he and his oft tholyt paynys. For it wes to the wynter ner; And sa feile fayis about him wer, 375 That all the countre thaim werrayit. Sa hard anoy thaim then assayit, Off hungir, cauld, with schowris snell, That nane that levys can weill it tell. The King saw how his folk wes stad, 380 And quhat anoyis that thai had; And saw wynter wes cummand ner; And that he mycht on na wys der, In the hillys, the cauld lying, Na the lang nychtis waking. 385 He thocht he to Kyntyr wald ga, And swa lang sojowrnyng thar ma, Till wynter weddir war away: And then he thocht, but mar delay, In-to the manland till aryve, 390 And till the end hys werdis dryve. And for Kyntyr lyis in the se, Schyr Nele Cambel befor send he, For to get him navyn and meite: And certane tyme till him he sete, 395 Quhen he suld meite him at the se. Schir Nele Cambel, with his mengyhe, 365. E gives The quhethir thaim weill confortyt he ay. H The whilke them wel governed ay, whence Skeat reads The quhilk with E less he. See note. 12 The Bruce [BOOK II] Went his way, but mar letting, And left his brothir with the King. And in twelve dayis sua traveillit he, 400 That he gat schippyne gud plente, And victalis in gret aboundance: Sa maid he nobill chevisance. For his sibmen wonnyt thar-by, That helpyt him full wilfully. How the King passed over Loch Lomond. 405 The King, eftir that he wes gane, To Lowchlomond the way has tane, And come thar on the thrid day. Bot thar-about na bait fand thai, That mycht thaim our the watir ber: 4IO Than war thai wa on gret maner: For it wes fer about to ga; And thai war in-to dout alsua, To meyt thair fayis that spred war wyd. Tharfor, endlang the louch his syd, 415 Sa besyly thai socht, and fast, Tyll Jamys of Dowglas, at the last, Fand a litill sonkyn bate, And to the land it drew, fut-hate. But it sa litill wes that it 420 Mycht our the wattir bot thresum flyt. Thai send thar-off word to the King, That wes joyfull off that fynding; And fyrst in-to the bate is gane, With him Dowglas; the thrid wes ane 425 That rowyt thaim our deliverly, And set thaim on the land all dry: And rowyt sa oft-sys to and fra, Fechand ay our twa and twa, That in a nycht and in a day, 430 Cummyn owt-our the louch ar thai. 99. E xij. H ten. 1306] Bruce reads aloud a Romance I3 For sum off thaim couth swome full weill, And on his bak ber a fardele. Swa with swymmyng, and with rowyng, Thai brocht thaim our, and all thair thing. 435 The King, the quhilis, meryly Red to thaim, that war him by, Romanys off worthi Ferambrace, That worthily our-cummyn was Throw the rycht douchty Olyver; 440 And how the Duk-Peris wer Assegyt in-till Egrymor, Quhar King Lavyne lay thaim befor, With may thowsandis then I can say. And bot eleven within war thai, 445 And a woman: and war sa stad, That thai na mete thar-within had, Bot as thai fra thar fayis wan. Yheyte sua contenyt thai thaim than, That thai the tour held manlily, 450 Till that Rychard off Normandy, Magre his fayis, warnyt the King, That wes joyfull off this tithing: For he wend thai had all bene slayne. Tharfor he turnyt in hy agayne, 455 And wan Mantrybill and passit Flagot; And syne Lavyne and all his flot, Dispitusly discumfyt he: And deliveryt his men all fre, And wan the naylis, and the sper, 460 And the croune that Jesu couth ber; And off the croice a gret party He wan throw his chevalry. The gud King, apon this maner, Comfortyt thaim that war him ner; 465 And maid thaim gamyn and solace, Till that his folk all passyt was. 465. E has again et, as in I., 309. I4 The Bruce [BOOK III OUHEN thai war passit the watir brad, Suppos thai fele off fayis had, Thai maid thaim mery, and war blyth; 470 Nocht-for-thi full fele syth Thai had full gret defaut off mete, And tharfor venesoun to get In twa partys ar thai gayne. The King him-selff was in-till ane, 475 And Schir James off Dowglas In-to the tothir party was. Then to the hycht thai held thar way, And huntyt lang quhill off the day; And soucht schawys, and setis set; 480 Bot thai gat litill for till ete. Then hapnyt at that tyme percas, That the Erle of the Levenax was Amang the hillis ner tharby; And quhen he hard sa blaw and cry, 485 He had wondir quhat it mycht be; And on sic maner spyryt he, That he knew that it wes the King And then, for-owtyn mar duelling, With all thaim off his company, 490 He went rycht till the King in hy, Sa blyth and sa joyfull, that he Mycht on na maner blyther be. For he the King wend had bene ded; And he wes alsua will off red, 495 That he durst rest in-to na place Na, sen the King discumfyt was At Meffan, he herd nevir thing That evir wes certane off the King. Tharfor in-to full gret daynte, 500 The King full humyly haylsit he; And he him welcummyt rycht blythly, And kyssyt him full tendirly. And all the lordis, that war thar, Rycht joyfull off thar meting war, 495. E reads nocht Test. 502. E has ashyt. H hyssyt. 136] How m~uen woeep I5 505 And kyssyt him in gret daynte. It wes gret pite for till se How thai for joy and pite gret, Quhen that thai with thar falow met, That thai wend had bene dede; forthi 5Io Thai welcummyt him mar hartfully. And he for pite gret agayne, That nevir off metyng wes say fayne. Thocht I say that thai gret, sothly It wes na greting propyrly: 515 For I trow traistly that gretyng Cummys to men for mysliking; And that nane may but anger gret, Bot it be wernen, that can wet Thair chekys quhen-evir thaim list with teris, 520 The-quhethir weill oft thaim na thing deris. Bot I wate richt weill, but lesyng, Quhat-evir men say off sic greting, That mekill joy, or yheit pete, May ger men sua amovyt be, 525 That watir fra the hart will rys, And weyt the eyne on sic avys, That it is lik to be greting, Thocht it to be nocht sua in all thing. For quhen men gretis enkrely, 530 The hart is sorowfull or angry. Bot for pite, I trow, gretyng Be na thing bot ane opynnyng Off hart, that schawis the tendirnys Off rewth that in it closyt is. 535 The barownys apon this maner, Throw Goddis grace, assemblyt wer. The Erle had mete, and that plente, And with glaid hart it thaim gaiff he; 508. H has fellowes, whencefalowis (S). 52I. H gives right, which seems necessary for the metre. E and S omit. I6 The Bruce [BOOK III And thai eyt it with full gud will, 540 That soucht nane othir sals thar-till Bot appetyt, that oft men takys; For rycht weill scowryt war thar stomakys. Thai eit and drank sic as thai had; And till our Lord syne lovyng maid, 545 And thankit him, with full gud cher, That thai war met on that maner. The King then at thaim speryt yharne, How thai, sen he thaim saw, had fame; And thai full petwysly gan tell 550 Aventuris that thaim befell, And gret anoyis, and poverte. The King thar-at had gret pite: And tauld thaim petwisly agayne The noy, the travaill, and the payne, 555 That he had tholyt, sen he thaim saw. Wes nane amang thaim, hey na law, That he ne had pite and plesaunce, Quhen that he herd mak remembrance Off the perellys that passyt war. 560 For, quhen men oucht at liking ar, To tell off paynys passyt by Plesys to heryng wonderly; And to rehers thar auld disese, Dois thaim oft-sys confort and ese; 565 With-thi thar-to folow na blame, Dishonour, wikytnes, na shame. How the King passed to the Sea, and how the Earl of Lennox was chased. FTIR the mete sone rais the King, Quhen he had levyt hys speryng; And buskyt him, with his mengyhe, 570 And went in hy towart the se; Quhar Schir Nele Cambell thaim mete, Bath with schippis, and with meyte; Saylys, ayris, and othir thing, That wes spedfull to thar passyng. 1306] The Knights at the Oars I7 575 Then schippyt thai, for-owtyn mar; Sum went till ster, and sum till ar, And rowyt be the ile of But. Men mycht se mony frely fute About the costis thar lukand, 580 As thai on ayris rais rowand: And nevys that stalwart war and squar, That wont to spayn gret speris war, Swa spaynyt aris, that men mycht se Full oft the hyde leve on the tre. 585 For all war doand, knycht and knave; Wes nane that evir disport mycht have Fra steryng, and fra rowyng, To furthyr thaim off thar fleting. Here the Earl of Lennox is followed by Traitors. Bot in the samyn tyme at thai 590 War in schipping, as yhe hard me say, The Erle off the Levenax was, I can nocht tell yhow throw quhat cas. Levyt behynd with his galay, Till the King wes fer on his way. 595 Quhen that thai off his cuntre Wyst that so duelt behynd wes he, Be se with schippys thai him soucht; And he that saw that he wes nocht Off pith to fecht with thai traytouris, 600 And that he had na ner socouris Then the Kingis flote, for-thi He sped him eftir thaim in hy. Bot the tratouris hym folowyt sua, That thai weill ner hym gan our-ta. 605 For all the mycht that he mycht do, Ay ner and ner thai come him to. And quhen he saw thai war sa ner That hemycht weill thar manauce her, And saw thaim ner and ner cum ay, 6Io Then till his mengyhe gan he say; 2 I8 The Bruce [BOOK III "Bot giff we fynd sum sutelte, "Ourtane all sone sail we be. "Tharfor I rede, but mar letting, "That, owtakyn our armyng, 615 "We kast our thing all in the se: "And fra our schip swa lychtyt be, " We sail swa row, and speid us sua, "That we sail weill eschaip thaim fra; "With that thai sail mak duelling 620 ' Apon the se, to tak our thing; "And we sail row but resting ay, "Till we eschapyt be away." As he devisyt thai have done; And thar schip thai lychtyt sone: 625 And rowyt syne, with all thar mycht; And scho, that swa wes maid lycht, Raykyt slidand throw the se. And quhen thar fayis gan thaim se Forowth thaim alwayis, mar and mar, 630 The thingis that thar fletand war Thai tuk; and turnyt syne agayne, Swa that thai lesyt all thar payne. QUHEN that the Erie on this maner, And hys mengyhe, eschapyt wer, 635 Eftyr the King he gan hym hy, That then, with all his cumpany, In-to Kyntyr aryvyt was. The Erie tauld him all his cas; How he wes chasyt on the se, 640 With thaim that suld his awyn be; And how he had bene tane but dout, Na war it that he warpyt owt All that he had, him lycht to ma; And swa eschapyt he thaim fra. 645 " Schyr Erie," said the King, " perfay "Syn thow eschapyt is away, "Off the tynsell is na plenyheing. "Bot I will say the weile a thing; 647. The is in E. S reads thi from H. I306] A ngus of Islay joins Bruce 19 "That thar will fall the gret foly 650 "To pas oft fra my cumpany. "For fele sys, quhen thow art away, "Thow art set in-till hard assay. "Tharfor me thynk it best to the "To hald the alwayis ner by me." 655 'Schyr,' said the Erie, 'it sail be swa. 'I sail na wys pas fer yhow fra, 'Till God giff grace we be of mycht 'Agayne our fayis to hald our stycht.' Angus off Ile that tyme wes syr, 660 And lord and ledar off Kyntyr. The King rycht weill resavyt he; And undretuk his man to be: And him and his, on mony wys, He abandownyt till his service. 665 And, for mar sekyrnes, gaiff him syne Hys castell off Donavardyne, To duell tharin at his liking. Full gretumly thankyt him the King, And resavyt his service. 670 Nocht-for-thi, on mony wys, He wes dredand for tresoun ay: And tharfor, as Ik hard men say, He traistyt in nane sekyrly, Till that he knew him utraly. 675 Bot quhatkyn dred that evir he had, Fayr contenance to thaim he maid. And in Donavardyne dayis thre, For owtyne mar, then duellyt he. Syne gert he his mengyhe mak thaim yhar, 680 Towart Rauchryne be se to far, That is ane ile in-to the se; And may weill in mydwart be Betuix Kyntyr and Irland: Quhar als gret stremys ar rynnand, 658. J readsflycht from E, but the two first letters are not clear, and S prefers stycht, though an unusual word. 2-2 20 The Bruce [BOOK III 685 And als peralous and mar Till our-saile thaim in-to schipfair, As is the rais of Bretangyhe, Or strait off Marrok in-to Spanyhe. Thair schippys to the se thai set; 690 And maid redy but langer let, Ankyrs, rapys, bath saile and ar, And all that nedyt to schipfar. Quhen thai war boune, to saile thai went: The wynd wes wele to thar talent. 695 Thai raysyt saile, and furth thai far; And by the mole thai passyt yhar, And entryt sone in-to the rase, Quhar that the strem sa sturdy was That wavys wycht, that brekand war, 700 Weltryt as hillys her and thar. The schippys our the wavys slayd, For wynd at poynt blawand thai had. Bot nocht-for-thi quha had thar bene, A gret stertling he mycht haiff seyne 705 Off schippys; for quhilum sum wald be Rycht on the wavys, as on mounte; And sum wald slyd fro heycht to law, Rycht as thai doune till hell wald draw; Syne on the wav stert sodanly. 7Io And othyr schippis, that war thar-by, Deliverly drew to the depe. It wes gret cunnannes to kep Thar takill in-till sic a thrang, And wyth sic wavis; for, ay amang, 715 The wavys reft thar sycht of land. Quhen thai the land wes rycht ner hand, And quhen schippys war sailand ner, The se wald rys on sic maner, 699. J reads wavys uyd wycht, as E probably has it. H has with. S puts in wavys wyd that, but wycht seems necessary and answers better to sturdy. 706. On mounte in E. H has summitie, whence S reads summite. 1306] The King settles in Rathein 21 That off the wavys the weltrand hycht 720 Wald refe thaim oft off thar sycht. Bot in to Rauchryne, nocht-forthi, Thai aryvyt ilkane sawffly: Blyth, and glaid, that thai war sua Eschapyt thai hidwyss wavis fra. 725 In Rauchryne thai aryvyt ar; And to the land thai went but mar, Armyt upon thar best maner. Quhen the folk, that thar wonnand wer, Saw men off armys in thar cuntre 730 Aryve in-to sic quantite, Thai fled in hy, with thar catell, Towart a rycht stalwart castell, That in the land wes ner thar-by. Men mycht her wemen hely cry, 735 And fle with cataill her and thar. Bot the Kingis folk, that war Deliver off fute, thaim gan our-hy; And thaim arestyt haillely, And brocht thaim to the King agayne, 740 Swa that nane off thaim all wes slayne. Then with thaim tretyt swa the King, That thai, to fullfill hys yharning, Become his men evirilkane: And has him trewly undretane 745 That thai and thairis, loud and still, Suld be in all thing at his will: And, quhill him likit thar to leynd, Evirilk day thai suld him seynd Victalis for three hunder men: 750 And ay as lord thai suld him ken; Bot at thar possessioune suld be, For all his men, thair awyn fre. 738. Haillely is from H. S from E accepts hastely, but the former fits in better with line 740. 750. H has And ay for Lord they sould him ken. E And thai as lord suld him ken, which S follows. Ay is metrically necessary. Cf. 758. 22 The Bruce [BOOK XI The cunnand on this wys was maid. And on the morn, but langir baid 755 Off all Rauchryne bath man and page Knelyt, and maid the King homage; And tharwith swour him fewte, To serve him ay in lawte: And held him rycht weill cunnand. 760 For quhill he duelt in-to the land, Thai fand meit till his cumpany; And servyt him full humely, BOOK XI. AND quhen this cunnand thus wes maid, Schir Philip in-to Ingland raid, And tald the King all haill this tale, How he a tuelf moneth all hale 5 Had, as it writtin wes in thair tale, Till reskew Strevilling with battale. And quhen he herd Schir Philip say That Scottis men had set ane day To fecht, and at sic space he had IO Till purvay hym, he wes rycht glad/;,u. l\ And said, it wes gret succuddry \' \ That set thame apon sic folye; For he thocht to be, or that day, So purvait, and in sic aray, I5 That thair suld na strinth him with-stand. And quhen the lordis of Ingland Herd at this day wes set planly, Thai jugit it to gret foly, And thoucht till haff all thair liking, 20 Giff men abaid thame in fechting. Bot oft falyheis the fulys thoucht: And wis mennis etling cumis nocht Till sic end as thai weyn alwayis. A litill stane oft, as men sayis, 1314] The Preparations in both Countries 23 25 May ger weltir a mekill wane. Na manis mycht may stand agane The grace of God, that all thing steris; He wat quhat-to all thing efferis, And disponis at his liking, 30 Eftir his ordinans, all thyng. The winning of Stirling by Sir Edward the Bruce, though the Battle was set over a Year and a Day, betwixt him and Sir Philip the Mowbray. WHEN Schir Edward, as I yhow say, Had gevyn sa outrageous a day To yheld or reskew Strevilling, Richt soyne he went on-to the King. 35 And tald quhat tretis he had maid, And quhat day he thame gevyn had. The King said, quhen he herd the day, "That wes unwisly done, perfay; "I herd nevir quhar so lang warnyng 40 "Wes gevin to so mychty ane Kyng "As is the Kyng of England. "For he has now in-till his hand "Ingland, Irland, and Walys alsua, "And Akatane yhet, with all tha 45 "That duellis undir his senyhory, "And of Scotland a gret party. "And off tresour so stuffit is he, "That he may wageowris haf plente. "And we ar qwheyn agane so fele; 50 "God may richt weill our werdis deill, "Bot we ar set in juperdy "To tyne or wyn than hastely." Schir Edward said; 'Sa God me reid! 'Thouch he and all that he may leid 55 Cum, we sail fecht, all war thai ma.' Quhen the King herd his brothir swa Spek to the battale so hardely, He prysit hym in his hert gretly, 24 The Bruce [BOOK XI And said; " Brothir, sen swa is gane 60 "At this thing thus is undirtane, " Schap we us tharfor manfully; "And all that lufis us tendirly "And the fredome of this cuntre, Purvay thaim at that time to be 65" Bowne with all mycht that evir thai may; "Swa that gif our fayis assay "To reskew Strevillyng throu battale, "That we of purpos ger thame faill." The assembling of the English host, That with great power came and boast. TILL this all thai assentit ar, 70 And bad thair men all mak thaim yhare For to be boune agane that day On the best wis that evir thai may. Than all, that worthi war to ficht Of Scotland, set all haill thair mycht 75 Till purvay thame agane that day; Wapnys and armowris purvayit thai, And all that pffrisjto fichting. And of Ingland the mychty Kyng Purvait hym on so gret aray, 80 That certis nevir I herd yheit say That Inglis men mair aparaile Maid, than thai did than for battale. And quhen the tym wes cummyn ner, He assemblit all his power. 85 And, but his awne chevelry, That wes so gret it wes ferly, He had of mony a fer cuntre With hym gud men of gret bounte. Of Frans ane worthy chevelry 90 He had in-till his cumpany; The Erll of Hennaut als wes thar, And wyth him men that worthy war; !UNE, I314] The English Host at Berwick 25 Of Gascon and of Almanyhe; Of Duche als and of Bretanyhe 95 He had wicht men and weill farrand, * Armyt clenly at fut and hand. *97 Of Ingland hale the chevelry *98 He had thair gaderit so clenly, That he left nane mycht wapnys welde, Or worthy war to ficht in felde. Of Walis als wyth hym had he, o00 And of Irlande ane gret menyhe; Of Pouty, Aquytane, and Bayon He had full mony of gret renoun. *I03 And of Scotland he had yheit then *A gret menyhe of worthy men. *Quhen all thir sammyn assemblit war, *io6 He had of fechtaris with hym thar, Ane hundreth thousand men and ma: And fourty thousand war of tha o05 Armyt on hors, bath hede and hand. And yheit of thai war thre thousand Wyth helit hors in plate and mailyhe, Till mak the front of the batailyhe. And fifty thousand of archerys IIo.He had, forouten hoblerys; With men onifutfanidrisall rangale, That yhemyt harnas and vittale, He had so fele it wes ferly. Of cartis als that yheid thame by II5 So feill that, but all thai that bar Harnas, and als that chargit war -Of palyheonys and veschall with-all, And apparall of chalmyr and hall, And wyne and wax, schot and vittale, 120 Four scor wes chargit with fewale. ^ Thai war so fele quhar at thai raid, \ And thar batalis war ek so braid, 93. E has And off the worthyast of Bretangny. +97, *98 omitted by P. *Io3, *io6. Not in E. In C. H. o09. C in-till playn male... battale (S). H as in E. I20. E viii.: pulaile. H as in C. 26 The Bruce [BOOK XI And so gret rowme held thar charre, That men that mekill host mycht se 125 Our-tak the landis so largely. Men mycht se than, that had beyn by, Mony ane worthy man and wycht, And mony ane gayly armyt knycht, And mony ane sturdy sterand steid I30 Arayit in-till so ryche weid; And mony helmys, and hawbyrschownys, *Scheldis and speris, and pennownys, And so mony a cumly knycht, At semyt weill that in-to ficht Thai suld vencus the warld all hale. 135 Quhy suld I mak to lang my tale? Till Berwik ar thai cummyn ilkane, And sum thar-in thar innys has tane, And sum lugit without the townys, In tentis and in palyheownis. How Englishmen menaced at will The Scots and dealt their lands till. I40 AND quhen the Kyng his host has seyne So gret, so gud men, and so cleyne, He wes richt joyfull in his thoucht, And weil presumyt thar wes nocht In warld a Kyng mycht him withstand. I45 Hym thoucht all wonnyn till his hand, And largely emang his men The landis of Scotland delt he then. Of othir mennis landis large wes he. And thai, that war of his menyhe, 150 Mannausit the Scottis men halely With gret wordis; but, nocht-for-thi, Or thai cum all to thair entent, Howis in haill clath sail be rent! JUNE I8, I314] The Splendour of the English March 27 In ten battles the English men Were dealt and taught to chieftains then. The Kyng, throu consall of his men, 155 His folk he delt in battalis ten. In ilkane war weill ten thousand, That thoucht thai stalwardly suld stand In the battale and stoutly ficht, And leif nocht for thair fayis mycht. i6o He set ledaris till ilk battale, Knawyn war of gud governale. And till renownyt erllis twa, Of Glowcister and Herfurd war thai, He gaf the vangard in ledyng, i65 With mony men at thar bydding, Ordanit in-till full gret aray. Thai war so chevelrus, that thai Trowit, gif thai corn to the ficht, Thair suld no strynth with-stand thar mycht. I70 And the Kyng, quhen his menyhe wer Devisit in-to battalis ser, His awne battale ordanit he, And quha suld at his bridill be. Schir Gylys de Argente he set I75 Upon ane half, hys renyhe to get; And of Vallanch Schir Amery On othir half, that wes worthy; p For in thair soverane gret bownte ok-V' — Atour the layff affyit h. How all the noble chivalry At Edinburgh took harbery. i80 AND quhen the Kyng, apon this wis, Ax Had ordanit, as I heir devis, His battalis and his stering, Arly he rais in ane mornyng, And fra Berwik he tuk the way. 185 Bath hyllis and valayis helit thai, i6i. E That knawin. 28 The Bruce [BOOK XI And the battalis that war so braid Departit, our the feldis raid. The sonne wes brycht and schynand cler, And armys, that new burnyst wer, 90o'So blenknyt with the sonnys beyme. That all the land wes in ane leyme - With baneris richt freschly flawmanE And pensalis to the wynd waffand, So fele thai war of ser quyntis, 195 That it war gret slicht to devis. For suld I tell all thar effer, 3Tn1 Thair countynans and thar maner, Thouch I couth, I suld cummerryt be. The King, with all that gret menyhe, 200 Till Edinburgh he raid on rycht. Thai war all out to fele to ficht With few folk of ane sympill land; Bot quhar God helpis quhat may withstand? How in this time assembled then, To King Robert have certain men. THE Kyng Robert, quhen he herd say 205 That Inglis men in sic aray And in-to sa gret quantite, Cor in his land, in hy gert he His men be summond generaly; And thai come all full willfully 210 To the Torwod, quhar at the Kyng Had ordanit to mak thar meting. Schir Edward the Bruce, that wes worthy, Corn with a full gret cumpany Of gud men, armyt weill and dicht, 215 Hardy and forsy for the ficht. Waltir, Steward of Scotland, syne, That than wes bot ane berdlas Byne, Corn with a rout of nobill men, That all be contynans mycht ken. 191. Cfelde(S). E H land. JUNE, 1314] Brtce explains his Plan 220 And the gud lord Dowglas alswa ' Brocht with him men, I undir-ta, That weill war oysit in fichting; Thai sail the les haf abaysing, Giff men betyd engfoe; 225 And avantage sall tytar se For till stonay thar fayis mycht, Than men that oysis nocht to ficht. The Erll of Murreff, with his men Arrayit weill, com alsua then 230 In-to gud covyne for to ficht, In gret will to maynteyme thar rycht; WVith othi mlony gud baroune, And knychtis of full gret renoune, Com with thair men full stalwardly. 235 Quhen thai assemblit halely, Of fechtand men I trow thai ware Thretty thousand and sum deill mare, RIV' Foroutyn cariage and pouerale, That yhemyt harnas and vittale. 240 Our all the host than yheid the Kyng, And beheld to thair contenyng, And saw thame of full fair effer; Of hardy contynans thai wer, Be liklynes the mast cowart 245 Semyt till do richt weill his part. The King has seyn all thair having, That knew hym weill in-to sic thing, And saw thame all comonly. Of sekyr contynans and hardy, 5l io Forouten effray or abaysyng. In his hert had he gret liking. And thoucht that men of sa gret will, Gif thai wald set thair mycht thair-till, Suld be full hard till wyn, perfay. 255 Ay as he met thame in the way, He welcummyt thame with gladsum fair, Spekand gud wordis heir and thair. 235. C has assemblit worthely (S). H hailly, as in E. 29 30 The Bruce [BOOK XI And thai, that thar lord so mekly Saw welcum thame and so hamly, 260 Joyfull thai war, and thoucht at thai Micht weill put thame in-till assay Of hard fechting in stalwart stour, For till maynteym weill his honour. The parting of the Scots men, That in four battles dealt were then. THE worthy Kyng, quhen he has seyn 265 His host assemblit all bedeyn, And saw thame wilfull to fulfill His liking, with gud hert and will; And to maynteym weill thair franchis, He wes rejosit on mony wis; 270 And callit all his consell preve, And said thame; " Lordingis, now yhe se "That Inglis men with mekill mycht "Has all disponit thame for the ficht; "For thai yhon castell wald reskew. 275 "Tharfor is gud we ordane now "How we may let thame of purpos, "And swa to thame the wayis clos "That thai pas nocht but gret lettyng. "We haf heir with us at byddyng 280 Weill thretty thousand men and ma. "Mak we four battalis of all thai; " And ordane us on sic maner, " That, quhen our fayis cummys neir, "We till the New Park hald our way; 285 "For thair behufis thaim pas, perfay, "Bot gif that thai beneth us ga "And our the marras pas, and swa " We sall be at aantage thair. "For me think that richt speidfull war 259. E hamly. H hamely. C myldly (S). 285. E nede away. C neidwais gay. Reading from H (S). 287. E passand. There is a difficulty in either reading. JUNE 21, 13I4] The Scots march to the New Park 31 290 "To gang on fut to this fechting, "Armyt bot in-to licht armyng; "For schupe we us on hors to ficht, "Syn our fayis ar mar of mycht, "And bettir horsit than ar we, 295 "WVe suld in-to gret perell be. "And gif we fecht on fut, perfay, "At avantage we sail be ay; "For in the park emang the treis,.C L_ "The hors men alwais cummerit beis. \ 300 "And the sykis alswa thair doune, "Sail put thame to confusioune." All thai consentit to that saw, And than, in-till ane litill thraw, Thair four battalis ordanit thai. 305 And to the Erll Thomas, perfay, He gaf the vaward in leding; For in his nobill governyng And in his hye chevelry Thai assoueryt rycht soveranly. 310 And, for to maynteym his baner, Lordis, that of gret worschip wer, War assignit with thair menyhe, In-till his battale for till be. The tothir battale wes gevin to lede 3I5 Till hymi that douchty wes of dede, And prisit of gret chevelry, That wes Schir Edward the worthy; I trow he sail manteyme him swa That, how sa evir the gammyn ga, 320 His fayis to plenyhe sail mater haf. And syne the thrid battale he gaf To Waltir Stewart for to leid. And till Dowglas douchty of deid. Thai war cosyngis in neir degre, 325 Tharfor till hym betaucht wes he, 309. C Thai had assouerans, trast trewly! (S). H Thai had affiance soverainely. 32 The Bruce [BOOK XI For he wes yhoung; but nocht-for-thi I trow he sall sa manfully Do his devour, and wirk so weill, That hym sail neyd no mar yheymseill. 33o The ferd battalle the nobill Kyng Tuk till hym-self in governyng, And had in-till his cumpany The men of Carryk all halely, And of Argile and of Kentyre, 335 And of the Ilis, quhar-off wes syre Angus of Ile, and But, all tha. He of the playne-land had alsua Of armyt men ane mekill rout; His battale stalward wes and stout. 340 He said the rerward he wald ma, And evyn forrouth hym suld ga The vaward, and on athir hand The tothir battalis suld be gangand Behynd, on syde a litell space: 345 And the Kyng, that behynd thaim was, Suld se quhar thair war mast mystir, And relief thaim with his baneir. How King Robert gart pots make And cover them well, I undertake. THE King thus, that wes wicht and wis, And richt worthy at all devis, 350 And hardy als atour all thing, Ordanit his men for the fechting. And on the morn, on Settirday, The King herd his discurrouris say That Inglis men with mekill mycht 355 Had lyin at Edinburgh that nycht. Tharfor, forouten mair delay, He to the New Park held his way 326. C and nocht (S). 336. C of Ilis (S). He was " of Islay." 350. E omits. In C and H. E gives after line 35I In gud aray in alkin thing. JUNE 23, 1314] The Camp-followers in a Valley With all that in his leding war, And in the Park thame herbryit thar. 360 And in ane playne feld, by the way, Quhar he thoucht neid behufit away The Inglis men, gif that thai wald Throw the Park to the castell hald, He gert men mony pottis ma, 365 Of a fut breid round, and all tha War deip up till ane manis kne, Swa thik, that thai mycht liknyt be Till ane wax-cayme that beis mais. All that nycht travaland he was; 370 Swa that, or day wes, he had maid Thai pottis, and thame helit had With stikis and with gyrs al greyne, Swa that thai mycht nocht weill be seyne. On Sonday than in the mornyng, 375 Weill soyn eftir the sonne-rising, Thai herd the mes full reverently. And mony shraf thame devotly, That thoucbt till de in that melle, Or than to mak thar cuntre fre. 380 To God for thair richt prayit thai. Thair dynit nane of thame that day, Bot, for the vigill of Sanct Johne, Thai fastit bred and wattir ilkone. The King, quhen that the mes wes done, 385 Went for to se the pottys soyne; And at his liking saw thaim maid. On athir syde the way weill braid It wes pottit, as I haf tald. Gif that thair fais on hors will hald 390 Furth in that way, I trow thai sall Nocht weill eschew foroutyn fall. Throu-out the host syne gert he cry That all suld arme thame hastely, And busk thame on thar best maner. 395 And quhen thai all essemblit wer, 376. E thair mess commounaly. 3 33 34 The Bruce [BOOK XI He gert aray thame for the ficht, And syne our all gert cry on hicht, That quhat sa evir he war that fand His hert nocht sekir for till stand 400 To wyn all or de with honour, For to maynteyme that stalward stour, That he be tyme suld tak his way; And nane suld duell with him bot thai That wald stand with him to the end, 405 And tak the ure that God wald send. Then all ansuerd with a cry, And with a voce said generaly; That nane for dout of dede suld fale, Quhill discumfit war the battale. 410 QWHEN the gud King had herd his men Sa hardely him ansuer then, Sayand that nouthir ded no dreid Till sic discomfort suld thame leid, That thai suld eschew the fechting, 415 In hert he had gret rejosyng. For him thoucht men of sic covyne, So gud so hardy and so fyne, Suld weill in battall hald thair rycht Agane men of full mekill mycht. 420 Syne all the small folk and pouerale He send with harnase and vittale In-till the Park, weill fer him fra, And fra the battall gert thame ga; And as he bad, thai went thair way; 425 Twenty thousand weill neir war thai. Thair way thai held till ane vale, The King left with ane clene menyhe; The-quhethir thai war thretty thowsand. I trow they stalwardly sail stand, 430 And do thair devour as thai aw. Thai stude than rangit all on raw, Reddy for till byde battale, Gif ony folk wald thame assale. JUNE 23, I314] The Scots are Encouraged How the King bad the Earl Murray To keep beside the Kirk the way. The King gert thame all buskit be, 435 For he wist in-to certante That his fayis all nycht lay At the Fawkirk, and syne at thai Held toward him the way all straucht, With mony men of mekill mawcht. 440 Tharfor till his nevo bad he, The Erll of Murreff, with his menyhe, Besyd the kirk till kepe the way, That na man pass that gat away, For-out debat, to the castele. 445 And he said, that him-self suld wele Kepe the entre with his battale, Gif that ony wald thair assale. And syne his brothir, Schir Edward, And yhoung Waltir, the gud Steward, 450 And the lord Dowglas alsua, With thair menyhe, gud tent suld ta, Quhilk of thaim had of help mister, And help with thame that with him weir. The King send than James of Douglas 455 And Schir Robert of Keth, that wes Marshal of all the host of fee, The Inglis mennys com to se. And thai lap on and furth thai raid; Weill horsit men with thame thai had: 460 And soyn the gret host haf thai seyne Quhar scheldis schynand war so scheyne, And basnetis weill burnyst bricht, That gaf agane the sonne gret licht. Thai saw so fele browdyn baneris, 465 Standartis, pennownys and speris, And so feill knychtis apon stedis, All flawamand in-to thair wedis, 440. C said he (S). 443. C past (S). H sould passe. 453. C Suld help (S). 3-2 35 36 The Bruce [BOOK XI And so fele battalis and so braid, That tuk so gret rowme as thai raid, 470 That the mast host and the stoutest Of Crystyndome, and ek the best, Suld be abasit for till se Thair fais in-to sic quantite, And swa arayit for to ficht. /- > L 475 Quhen the discurrs hashad sicht Of thair fais, as I herd say, Towart the King thai tuk the way, And tald him, in gret prevate, The multitude and the ebe_.e 4LoX, 480 Of thair fais, that comme so braid, And of the gret mycht at thai had. Than the King bad thame thai suld ma Na contynans that it war swa; Bot bad thame in-to commoune say 485 That thai com in-till evill aray, And confort his man on that wis. For oftsis of ane word may ris Discomfort and tynsall with-all. And throu a worI-fweill may fall, 490 Confort may ris and hardiment, That gerris men cum to thair entent. And on the sammyn wis it did her; Thair comfort and thair hardy cher Confortit thame so gretumly, 495 That of thar host the lest hardy Be countinans, wald formast be For till begin the gret melle. How with a hundred the Earl Murray To eight hundred battle gave. APON this wis the nobill King Gaf all his men reconforting, 500 Throu hardy countynans and cher That he maid on sa gud maner. Thame thoucht that na myscheif mycht be Sa gret with-thi thai him mycht se JUNE 23, 1314] The English pass Murray 37 Befor thame, that suld swa engreiff, 505 That na hys worschip suld thame releif. His worschip thame confortit swa, And contenans that he can ma, That the mast coward wes hardy. On athir half, full stalwardly, 5Io The Inglis men, in sic aray As yhe haf herd me forouth say, Com with thair battalis approchand, The banerys to the wynd waffand. And quhen thai cummyn war so neir, 515 That bot twa myle betuix thaim wer, Thai chesit ane gud cumpany Of men that wicht war and hardy, On fair courseris armyt at rycht: Thre banrentis of full mekill mycht 520 WVar capitanys of all that rout: The lord Clyffurd, that wes so stout, Wes of thame all soverane ledeir, Aucht hundreth armyt, I trow, thai weir. ~Thai war all yhong men and joly, 525 And yharnand till do chevelry; The best of all the host war thai Off contenans and of aray: Thai war the farast cumpany That men mycht find of sa mony. 530 To the castell thai thoucht to fair: For, gif that thai mycht weill cum thair, Thai thoucht it suld reskewit be. Furth on thair way held this menyhe, And toward Strevilling tuk the way. 535 The New Park all eschewit thai, For thai wist weill the King wes thair; Beneth the New Park can thai fair, 519. E Four lordys off. 527. C Be. 537. C And beneth, but S drops the And. E And newth. H And beneath. 38 The Bruce [BOOK XI Quhill neuth the kirk, in-till a rout. The Erll Thomas, that wes so stout, 540 Quhen he saw thame swa tak the playne, In gret hye went he thame agane With fif hundreth, forouten ma, Anoyit in his hert and wa That thai so fer war passit by. 545 For the King had said hym roydly, That ane rose of his chaplet Wes faldyn; for, quhar he wes set To kep the way, thai men war past. Tharfor he hastit hym so fast 550 That cummyn in schort tyme wes he To the playn feld with his menyhe. For he thoucht that he suld amend That he trespassit had, or than end. And quhen the Inglis men him saw 555 Cum on, forouten dreid or aw, And tak sa hardely the playne, In hy thai sped thame him agane, And strak with spuris the stedis stith, That bar thame evyn hard and swith. 560 And quhen the Erll saw that menyhe Cum so stoutly, till his said he; "Beis nocht abasit for thair schor, "Bot settis speris yhow befor, "And bak to bak set all yhour rout 565 "And all the speris poyntis out; "Swagat defend us best may we, "Enveronyt with thame gif we be." And as he bad thame thai haf done; And the tothir come alsoyne. 570 Before thame all thair com prikand A knycht, hardy of hert and hand; He wes a weill gret lord at hame, Schir Wilyhame Dencort wes his name; He prekit on thame so hardely, 575 And thai him met so sturdely, 538. E Weill newth. 547. Efallen. JUNE 13, I34] The Dusk darkens the Air That he and hors war born all doune And slayne rycht thair for-out ransoune., With Inglis men gretly wes he e' Meyt that day, and his bountee. 580 The layffe com on thame sturdely; Bot nane of thame so hardely Ruschit emang thame as did he. Bot with fer mair maturite, Thai assemblit all in ane rout, 585 And enveronyt thame all about, Assalyheand thame on ilka syde. And thai with speris woundis wyde Gaf to the hors that cor thame neir: And thai that rydand on thame weir, 590 That doune war born, lossit the lyvis. And mony speris, dartis and knyvis, And wapnys apon seir maneir, Kest emang thame that fechtand weir, That thame defendit so wittandly 595 That thair fayis had gret ferly. For sum wald schut out of thar rout, And of thame that assalyheit about, Stryk stedis, and ber doune men. The Inglis men so roydly then 600 Kest emang thame swerdis and mas, That inwith thame ane montane was Of wapnys, that war warpit thair. The Erll and his thus fechtand war At gret myscheiff, as I yhow say; 605 For quhenar, be full fer, war thai Than thair fayis, and all about Enveronyt war, quhar mony a rout War roucht, and full dyspitfullyThair fayis demanit thaim rycht stratly. 6IO On athir half thai war so stad, For the rycht gret heit that thai had Of fechting and of sonnys het, That all thair flesche of swat wes wete. And sic ane stew rais owth thame then 6I5 Of aytding, bath of hors and men, 39 40 The Bruce [BOOK I And of powdir, that sic myrknes In-till the ayr abovyn thame wes, That it wes woundir for till se: Thai war in gret perplexite. 620 Bot with gret travale nocht-for-thi Thai thame defendit manfully, And set bath will and strenth and mycht Till rusch thair fais in that ficht, That than demanit thame angrely. 625 Bot gif God help thame hastely, Thai sall thar fill haf of fechtyng How Good James of Douglas asked of King Robert the Bruce Leave to go to support Earl Thomas Randolph. Bot quhen the nobill renownyt Kyng, With othir lordis that war hym by, Saw how the Erll abaundonly 630 Tuk the playn feld, James of Douglas Come to the Kyng richt quhar he was, And said; " A Schir! Sanct Mary! "The Erll of Murreff oppynly "Takis the playne feld with his menyhe. 635 "He is in perell bot giff he be "Soyne helpit, for his fayis ar ma "Than he, and horssit weill alsua. "And, with yhour leif, I will me speid "To help him, for that he has neid; 640 "All enveronyt with fayis is he." The King said; 'Sa our Lord me se, 'A fut till hym thou sall nocht ga. Giff he weill dois, let him weill ta. 'Quhethir him happin to win or los, 645 'I will nocht for him brek purpos.' "Certis," he said, " I will no wis "Se that his fayis him suppris, "Quhen that I may set help thar-till. "With yhour leiff, sekirly I will 650 "Help hym, or de in-to the payne." 'Do than, and speid the soyn agane, JUNE 23, I3141 Bruce and De Boune 4I The King said: and he held his way. Gyff he may cum in tyme, perfay, I trow he sail hym help so weill, 655 That of his fayis sum sail it feill! BOOK XII. How the King slew Sir Henry Boune, With his handaxe, and struck him down. N OW Douglas furth his wayis tais, And in that self tyme fell, throu cas, That the Kyng of Ingland, quhen he Wes cummyn with his gret menyhe 5 Neir to the place, as I said air, Quhar Scottis men arayit war, He gert arest all his battale At othir als to tak consale, Quhethir thai wald herbery thame that nycht, io Or than,mbuttair, ga to the ficht. The vaward, that wist no kyn thing Of this arest na thair duelling, Raid to the Park all straucht thar way, Forout styntyng, in gude aray. 15 And quhen the Kyng wist at thai weir In haill battale cummand so neir, His battale gert he weill aray. He raid apon ane gray palfray, Litill and joly, arayande 20 His battall, with ane ax in hande; And on his basnet hye he bar Ane hat off quyrbolle ay-quhar, And thar-upon, in-to taknyng, Ane hye croune, that he wes ane kyng. 25 And quhen Glowcister and Herfurd wer, With thair battalis, approchand ner, 655. It in E H. C omits (S). I8. C ane gay. E a litill. H. a gray (S). 25. C omits quhen (S). 42 The Bruce [BOOK XII Befor thame all thar cor rydand, With helme on hed and sper in hand, Schir Henry of Boune, the worthy, 30 That wes ane gud knycht and hardy, And to the Erll of Herfurd cosyne, Armyt in armys gude and fyne; Com on a steid, a merk-schote neir Before all othir that thair wer, 35 And knew the King, for that he saw Hym swa araynge his men on raw, And be the croun that wes set Abovin his hed on the basnet; And toward him he went in hy. 40 And quhen the Kyng so apertly Saw hym cum forrouth all his feris, In hy till hym his hors he steris; And quhen Schir Henry saw the Kyng Cum on for-outen abaysyng, 45 Till him he raid in full gret hy. He thoucht that he suld weill lichtly Wyn him, and haf hym at his will, Sen he hym horsit saw so ill. Than sprent thai sammyn in-till a lyng; 50 Schir Henry myssit the nobill Kyng; And he, that in his sterapis stude, With ax that wes bath hard and gude With so gret mayn roucht hym ane dynt, That nouthir hat no helm mycht stynt 55 The hevy dusche that he him gaf, That he the hed till harnys claf. The hand-ax-schaft frushcit in twa, And he doune till the erd can ga All flatlyngis, for hym falyheit mycht; 60 This wes the first strak of the ficht That wes perfornyst douchtely. And quhen the Kingis men so stoutly Saw him, richt at the first metyng, For-outen dout or abaysing, 33. E H bow-schote. 57. C ruschit (S). JUNE 23, I3141 Randolph's Success 43 65 Have slayn ane knycht swa at ane strak, Sic hardyment than can thai tak, That thai comrn on richt hardely. Quhen Inglis men saw thame stoutly Cum on, thai had gret abaysyng; 70 And specialy, for that the Kyng So smertly that gud knycht had slayne; Than thai with-drew thaim evir-ilkane, And durst nocht than abyde to ficht, Sa dred thai the Kyngis mycht. 75 And quhen the Kyngis men thame saw Swa in haill battale thame withdraw, A gret schot till thame can thai mak, And thai in hy tuk all the bak, And thai, that followit thame, has slayne 80 Sum of thame that thai haf our-tane. Bot thai war few, forsuth to say; Thar hors fete had ner all away. Bot, how sa quheyn deit thair, Rebotyt fellely thai war, 85 And raid thair gait with weill mair schame, Be full fer, than thai com fra hame. Q -~WHEN at the King reparit was, That gert his men leif all the chas, The lordis of his cumpany 90 Blamyt him, as thai durst, gretly, That he hym put in aventure To mete so stith a knycht and sture, In sic poynt as he than wes seyn; For thai said, weill it mycht haf beyne 95 Caus of thair tynsale evirilkane. The King thame answer maid he nane, Bot menyt his hand-ax-schaft, that swa Wes with ane strak brokyn in twa. The Erll Thomas wes yheit fechtand ioo With fayis apon athyr hand, 87. C wes (S). 44 The Bruce [BOOK XII And slew of thame ane quantite, Bot wery war his men and he. The-quhethir with wapnys sturdely Thai thame defendit manfully, I05 Quhill that the lord Dowglas come neir, That sped hyme apon gret maneir. The Inglis men, that war fechtand, Quhen thai the Douglas saw at hand, Thai wayndist and maid ane opnyng. IIo Schir James Dowglas, be thair relyng, Knew at thai war discumfit neir: Than bad he thame that with him weir Stand still, and pres no forthirmar; " For thai that yhondir fechtand ar," 115 He said, " ar of sa gret bounte, "That thair fayis weill soyn sail be "Discumfit throu thair awn mycht, Thouch no man help thaim for to ficht. "And cum we now in-to fechting, I20 "Quhen thai ar at discumfyting, ' Men suld say we thame ruschit had, " And swa suld thai, that caus has mad ' With gret travaill and hard fechting, "Leis ane part of thair lovyng. 125 "And it war syn to leis his prys, "That of sa soverane bounte is, "That he, throu playn and hard fechting, "Has heir eschewit unlikly thing; "He sall haf that he wonnyn has." 130 The Erll with thame that fechtand was, Quhen he his fayis saw brawll swa, In hy apon thame can he ga, And pressit thame so woundir fast With hard strakis, quhill, at the last, 135 Thai fled and durst nocht byde no mar. Bath men and horse slayn left thai thar, And held thair way in full gret hy, Nocht all to-gidder bot syndrely, II9. C For (S). And E H. I2I. Efr2Sschit. I34. C sad (S). E H hard. JUNE 23, 1314] The Scots determine to Fight 45 And thai that war ourtane war slayne. I40 The layff went to thair host agane, Off thair tynsall sary and wa. The Erll, that had hym helpit swa, And his men als that war wery, Hynt of thair basnetis in-till hy I45 Till avent thame, for thai war hat, Thai war all helit in-to swat. Thame semyt men forsuth, I hicht, That had fayndit thair fayis in ficht; And swa thai did full douchtely. I50 Thai fand of all thair cumpany That thar wes bot ane yheman slayn, Than lovit thai God and war full fayn, And blith that thai eschapit swa. Toward the King than can thai ga, 155 And till him soyne weill cumin ar. He askit thame of thair weill-fair, And gladsum cher to thame he maid, For thai so weill than born thame had. Than all ran in-to gret dantee I60 The Erll of Murreff for till se; For his hye worschip and valour All yharnit till do him honour. So fast thai ran till se hym thair, That neir all sammyn assemblit war. I65 And quhen the gud King can thaim se Befor him swa assemblit be, Blith and glad that thair fayis war Sa reboytit, as said wes ar, A litill quhil he held him still, 170 Syne on this wis he said thame till. " ORDYNGIS," he said, " we aucht to luf L " Almychty God that sittis abuf, "That sendis us so fair begynnyng. "It is ane gret disconfortyng I75 "Till our fais, that on this wis " Sa soyn reboytit has beyn twis. i68. E Rabutyt apon sic maner. H similarly. 46 The BmYce [BOOK XII " For quhen thai of thair host sail heir, "And knaw suthly on quhat maneir "Thair avaward, that wes so stout, I80 "And syne yhon othir joly rout, "That I trow of the best men war "That thai mycht get emang thame thar, "War reboytit so suddandly, "I trow, and knawis it all cleirly, I85 "That mony ane hert sail waverand be "That semyt ere of gret bounte. "And fra the hert be discumfite, "The body is nocht worth a myt. "Thar-for I trow that gud ending I90 "Sail follow till our begynnyng. "The-quhethir I say nocht this yhow till, "For that yhe suld follow my will "To ficht, for in yhow sail all be. "For gif yhe think spedfull that we 195 "Fecht, we sail ficht; and gif yhe will, We leiff, yhour liking to fulfill. "I shall consent on alkyn wis "Till do richt as yhe will devis; "Tharfor sais on yhour will planly." 200 Than with ane voce all can thai cry; 'Gud King, forouten mair delay, 'To-morn als soyn as yhe se day, 'Ordane yhow haill for the battale, For dout of ded we sail nocht fale; 205 'Na nane payn sall refusit be Quhill we have maid our cuntre fre!' QWHEN the King herd thaim so manly Spek to the ficht and hardely, In hert gret gladschip can he ta, 2Io And said; "Lordyngis, sen yhe will sa, 206. C Till (S). *209. Saying that nouther life nor dead To sik discomfort sould them lead That they sould eschew the feghting. JUNE 23, I314] Bruce's Address to his Men 47 "Schapis us tharfor in the mornyng *22 " Swa that we, be the sonne-rysing, "Haf herd mes, and be buskit weill "Ilk man in-till his awne yscheill, 215 "Without the palyhownys arayit "In battales with baneris displayit. "And luk yhe na way brek aray; "And, as yhe luf me, I yhow pray "That ilk man for his awne honour 220 "Purvay hym a gud baneour. "And quhen it cummys to the ficht, "Ilk man set his hert and mycht " To stynt our fais mekill pryd. "On hors thai sail arayit ryd, 225 "And cum on yhow in weill gret hy; "Meit thame with speris hardely, " And wreik on thame the mekill ill "That thai and tharis has done us till, "And ar in will yheit for till do, 230 Gif thai haf mycht till cum thar-to. " And, certis, me think weill that we, " Forout abasyng, aucht till be " Worthy and of gret vassalage; "For we have thre gret avantage. 23 " The first is, that we haf the richt; "And for the richt ay God will ficht. "The tothir is, thai ar cummyn heir "For lypnyng in thair gret power, "To seik us in our awne land; 2 o "And has broucht her, richt till our hand, "Riches in-to so gret plentee, "That the pouerest of yhow sail be I Bath rych, and mychty thar-with-all, "Gif that we wyn, as weill may fall. *212. In heart he had great rejoycing. These lines in H only, not in C E. They do not fit into the text, Line *212 is a doublet of 209. 2i4. C yscheill (S). 216. C battale (S). E bataillis. 234. C ilk man suld (S). EH ay God will. 48 The Bruce [BOOK XII 245 ' The thrid is, that we for our lyvis ' And for our childer and our wyvis, ' And for the fredome of our land, ' Ar strenyheit in battale for to stand. 'And thai for thair mycht anerly, 250 ' And for thai leit of us lichtly, And for thai wald distroy us all, Mais thame to ficht: bot yhet ma fall That thai sall rew thar barganyng. k' And, certis, I warne yhow of a thing, 255 "That happyn thame (as God forbeid). "Till fynd fantis in-till our deid, "Swa that thai wyn us opynly, "Thai sall haf of us no mercy. "And, sen we knaw thar felloune will, 260 "Me think it suld accorde till skill "To set stoutnes agane felony, "And mak swagat ane juperdy. "Quharfor I yhow requeir and pray, "That, with all mycht that evir yhe may, 265 "Yhe pres yhow at the begynnyng, "But cowardis or abaysing, "To meit thame that first sall assemmyll "So stoutly that the henmast trymmyll. -"And menys on yhour gret manheid, 270 /" Yhour worschip, and yhour douchty deid, " And of the joy that yhe abyd, "Giff that us fallis, as weill may tyd, "Hap to vencus the gret battale. "In-till yhour handis, forouten faill 275 "Yhe ber honour, pris, and riches, "Fredome, welth, and gret blithnes, "Gif yhe conteyn yhow manfully; "And the contrar all halely "Sall fall, gif yhe let cowardis 280 "And wikkidness yhour hertis surpris. 246. C wifis (S). 255. C To (S). E. That. H Gif. 256. E That deyt on roid for mankyn heid. H For to prevaile into this steed. JUNE 23, I314] The English are Discouraged "Yhe mycht haf lifit in-to thrildome, "Bot, for yhe yharnyt till haf fredome, "Yhe ar assemblit heir with me; "Tharfor is neidful that yhe be 285 "Worthy and wicht but abaysing. "I warne yhow weill yheit of a thing, "That mair myscheif may fall us nane "Than in thair handis to be tane: "For thai suld slay us, I wat weill, 290 ' Richt as thai did my brothir Neill. "Bot quhen I meyn of yhour stoutnes, "And on the mony gret prowes "That yhe have done so worthely, "I trast and trowis sekirly 295 "Till have playne victor in this ficht. "For thouch our fayis have mekill mycht, "Thai haf the wrang, and succudry "And covatis of senyhory "Amovis thame forouten mor. 300 "Na us thar dreid thame bot befor; "For strynth of this place, as yhe se, "Sail let us enveronyt to be. "And I pray yhow als specialy, Both mor and les all comonly, 305 "That nane of yhow for gredynes "Haf e till tak of thair riches, "Na presoners yheit for till ta, "Quhill yhe se thame cumrayit swa, "That the feld planly ouris be. 3Io "And than, at yhour liking, may yhe "Tak all the riches that thar is. "Gif yhe will wirk apon this wis, "Yhe sail haf victor sekirly. "I wat nocht quhat mar say sail I; 315 "Yhe wat weill all quhat honour is, "Conteyn yhow tharfor on sic wis "That yhour honour ay savit be. "And I hecht heir, in my lawte, "Gif ony deis in this battaill, 320 " His air, but ward, releif, or tail, 4 49 50 The Bruce [BOOK XII "On the first day his land sail weild, "All be he nevir so yhoung of eild. "Now makis yhow reddy till the ficht. "God help us, that is mast of mycht! 325 "I red armyt all nycht yhe be, "Purvait in battale, sa that we "To meit our fais ay be boune." Than ansuerd thai all with a sowne, ' As yhe devis sa sail be done.' 330 Than till thair innys went thai soyne, And ordanit thame for the fichting; Syne assemblit in the evynnyng, And swa-gat all the nycht baid thai Till on the morn that it wes day. 335 (WHEN the Cliffurd, as I sayd air, And all his rowt reboytit war, And thar gret vaward alsua Wes distrenyheit the bak till ta, And thai haf tald thair reboyting, 340 Thai of the vaward, how the King Slew at a strak, sa apertly, A knycht that wycht wes and hardy; And how all haill the Kyngis battaill Schupe thame richt stoutly till assaill, 345 And Schir Edward the Brus alsua, Quhen thai all haill the bak can ta: And how thai lessit off thair men: And Cliffurd had tald alsua then, How Thomas Randall tuk the playne 350 With few folk, and how he has slayne Schir Wilyhame Dancort the worthy; And how the Erll faucht manfully, That, as ane hyrcheoune, all his rout Gert set out speris all about; 355 And how at thai war put agane, And part of thair gud men wes slane: The Inglis men sic abaysing Tuk, and sik dreid of that tithing, 342. C The best knycht of thair chevelry (S). H as E. JUNE 24, 1314] The English encamp on the Carse 5I That in fyve hundreth placis and ma 360 Men mycht thame sammyn se rownand ga, Sayand; " Our lordis, for thar mycht, "Will all-gat ficht agane the richt. "Bot quha sa warrayis wrangwisly, "Thai faynd God all too gretumly, 365 "And thai may happin to mysfall; "And sa may tyd that her we sail." And quhen thir lordis had persaving Of the discomford, and the rownyng, That thai held sammyn twa and twa, 370 Throu-out the hoost soyne gert thai ga Heraldis, for till mak ane crye, That nane discomford suld it be; For in punyheis is oft hapnyne Quhill for to wyne, and quhill to tyne; 375 And that, in-to the gret battale, That apon na maner may fale; Bot, gif the Scottis flee away, Sail all amendit be, perfay. Tharfor thai monyst thame to be 380 Of gret worschip and of bounte, And stithly in the battale stand, And tak amendis at thair hand. Thai may weill monyss as thai will, And thai may als hecht till fulfill 385 With stalwart strakis thair byddingis all; Bot nocht-for-thi I trow thai sail In-till thair hertis dredande be. The King, with his consell preve, Has tane to rede that he wald nocht 390 Fecht or the morne, bot he war socht. Thair thai herbryit thame that nycht Doune in the Kers, and gert all dicht, And mak reddy ther apparale, Agane the morne for the battale. 395 And, for in the Kers pulis war, Howsis and thak thai brak, and bar 37I. C Herrodis (S). Cf. Language: 1. 395. C For in the Kers pollis ther war (S). 4-2 52 The Bruce [BOOK XII To mak bryggis quhar thai mycht pas. And sum sais yheit, the folk that wes In the castell, quhen nycht can fall, 400 For at thai knew thair myscheiff all, Thai went furth neir all at thai war, And durys and wyndowis with. thaim bar, Swa that thai had befor the day Briggit the pollis, swa that thai 405 War passit our evir-ilkane, *406 And the hard feld on hors has tane *407 All reddy for till gif battale, Arayit in till thair apparaill. The Battle of Bannockburn. THE Scottis men, quhen it wes day, Thair mes devotly herd thai say, Syne tuk a sop, and maid thame yhar. 41o And quhen thai all assemblit war, And in thair battalis all purvait, With thair braid baneris all displayit, Thai maid knychtis, as it afferis To men that oysis thai mysteris. 4I5 The Kyng maid Walter Stewart knycht, And James of Douglas, that wes wicht, And othir als of gret bounte He maid, ilkane in thair degre. Quhen this wes done, that I yhou say, 420 Thai went all furth in gud aray, And tuk the playne full apertly. Mony wicht man, gud and hardy, That wer fulfillit of gret bounte, In-till thair rowtis men mycht se. 425 The Inglis men in othir party, That richt as angelis schane brichtly, War nocht arayit on sic maner; For all thair batalis sammyn wer In a schiltrum; bot quhethir it wes 430 Throu the gret stratnes of the plas 397. C Ta mak (S), where ta is clearly a slip. For 405 E has ilkane all hale. *406, *4o7, Not in E, but in C and H. JUNE 24, I314] The Scots kneel in Prayer 53 That thai war in, till byd fichting, Or that it wes for abaysing, I wat nocht; bot in a schiltrum It semyt thai war all and some, 435 Outane the vaward anerly, That with ane richt gret cumpany Be thame-selvin arayit war. Quha had bene by mycht have sene thar That folk ourtak ane mekill feld 440 On breid; quhar mony a schynand scheld, And mony a burnyst bricht armour, And mony man of gret valour, And mony a baner bricht and scheyne, Micht in that gret schiltrum be seyne. 445 And quhen the Kyng of Ingland Saw Scottis men saw tak on hand To tak the hard feild sa opynly, And apon fut, he had ferly, And said, " Quhat! will yhon Scottis ficht?" 450 ' Yhaa sekirly, Schir!' than said a knycht, Schir Ingerame the Umphrevell hat he, And said,' Forsuth, Schir, now I se 'All the mast ferlifull sycht 'That evir I saw, quhen for to ficht 455 'The Scottis men has tane on hand, 'Agane the gret mycht of Ingland, In plane hard feild to gif battale. 'Bot and yhe will trow my consale, 'Yhe sail discomfit thame lichtly. 460 'Withdraws yhow hyne suddanly, ' With battalis, baneris and pennownys, 'Quhill that we pas our palyheownys; 'And yhe sail se als soyne at thai, 'Magre thair lordis, sail brek aray, 465 'And scale thame our harnes to ta. 'And, quhen we se thame scalit swa, 431. C war rad (S). 438-9. C And till the battale maid thame yhar (S). H as in E. 447. C So plainly (S). 460. C Yhe sall withdraw (S); so too in H. E as in text. 54 The Bruce [BOOK XII 'Prik we than on thame hardely, 'And we sail haf thame weill lichtly. 'For than sail nane be knyt to ficht, 470 'That may withstand our mekill mycht.' "I will nocht," said the King, "perfay, "Do sa: for ther sail no man say, "That I suld eschewe the battale, "Na withdraw me for sic rangale." 475 Quhen this wes said that er said I, The Scottis men full devotly Knelyt all doune, till God to pray, And a schort prayer thair maid thai Till God, till help thame in that ficht. 480 And quhen the Inglis King had sicht Of thame kneland, he said in hy" Yhon folk knelis till ask mercy." Schir Ingerame said; 'Yhe say suth now; 'Thai ask mercy, bot nocht at yhow: 485 'For thair trespas to God thai cry. 'I tell yhow a thing sekirly, 'That yhon men will wyn all or de, 'For dout of ded thar sail nane fle.' "Now be it swa," than said the Kyng. 490 And than, but langar delaying, Thai gert trump up to the assemble... / On athir syd than men mycht se T~ / Full mony wychtrnen and worthy,, jAll ready till do chevelry. 495 THUS war thai boune on athir syde; 1 And Inglis men, with mekill prid, That war in-till thar avaward, Till the battall that Schir Edward Governyt and led, held straucht thair way. 500 The hors with spuris hardnyt thai, And prikit apon thame sturdely; And thai met thame richt hardely: 473. E sall. 490. C We sall it se but delaying (S). E H as in text. JUNE 24, I314] The Earl of Murray attacks Swa that, at the assemble thair, Sic a frusching of speris wair 505 That fer away men mycht it her. At thar metyng, for outen wer, Wer stedis stekit mony ane; Mony gud man borne doune and slane, And mony ane hardyment douchtely 5Io Wes thair eschevit full hardely. Thai dang on othir with wapnys ser; Sum of the hors, that stekit wer, Ruschit and relit rycht roydly. Bot the remanant, nocht-for-thi, 515 That mycht cum to the assembling, For that lat maid rycht no stynting, Bot assemblit full hardely. And thai met thame full sturdely, With speris that wer scharp to scher, 520 And axis that weill grundyn wer, Quhar-with wes roucht full mony rout. The ficht wes thair so fell and stout, That mony worthy men and wicht Throu fors wes fellit in that ficht, 525 That had no mycht to rys agane. The Scottis men fast can thame payne Thair fais mekill mycht to rus. I trow thai sall no payne refus, Na perell, quhill thar fais be 530 Set in-till herd proplexite. AND quhen the Erll of Murref sa A Thair avaward saw stoutly ta The way to Schir Edward all straucht, That met thame with full mekill maucht. 535 He held his way with his baner Till the gret rout, quhar sammyn wer The nyne battales that wes so braid, That so feill baneris with thame had, And of men sa gret quantite, 540 That it war wonder for to se. 527. E frusch, H frush, 55 56 The Bruce [BOOK XII The gud Erll thiddir tuk the way With his battale in gud aray, And assemblit so hardely, That men mycht her, that had beyn by, 545 A gret frusche of the speres that brast. For thair fais assalyheit fast, That on stedis, with mekill prid, Com prikand as thai wald our-ryd The Erll and all his cumpany. 550 Bot thai met thame so sturdely, That mony of thame till erd thai bar. For mony a steid wes stekit thar, And mony gud man fellit undir feit That had no power to ris yheit. 555 Ther men mycht se ane hard battale, And sum defend and sum assale, And mony a riall rymmyll ryde Be roucht thair, apon athir syde, Quhill throu the byrneis brist the blud, 560 That till the erd doune stremand yhud. The Erll of Murreff and his men So stoutly thame contenit then, That thai wan plas ay mair and mair On thair fais; the-quhethir thai war 565 Ay ten for ane, or ma, perfay; Swa that it semyt weill that thai War tynt emang so gret menyhe, As thai war plungit in the se. And quhen the Inglis men has seyne 570 The Erll and all his men be-deyne Fecht sa stoutly, but effraying, Rycht as thai had nane abaysing, Thai pressit thame with all thar mycht. And thai, with speris and suerdis brycht 575 And axis that rycht scharply schar, In-myd the visage met thame thar. Thar men mycht se a stalwart stour, And mony men of gret valour 544. C Quhill (S). JUNE 24, I314] The English Archers dispersed 57 With speris, macys, and with knyvis, 580 And othyr wapnys, vissill thair lyvis, Swa that mony fell doune all ded; The gyrs wox with the blude all red. The Erll, that wicht wes and worthy, And his men faucht so manfully, 585 That quha sa had seyne thaim that day, I trow forsuth that thai suld say That thai suld do thair devour wele, Swa that thair fayis suld it feill. BOOK XIII. How Walter Stewart and Douglas Came with their battle that worthy was. QWHEN that thir twa first batellis wer Assemblit, as I said yhow er, The Steward, Walter that than was, And the gud lord als of Douglas, 5 In a battale quhen that thai saw The Erll, for outen dreid or aw, Assemmyll with his cumpany On all the folk so sturdely, For till help him thai held thar way Io With thar battale in gud aray, And assemmyllit so hardely Besyd the Erll a litill by, Thair fais feld thair cummyng weill; For with wapnys stalwart of steill i5 Thai dang on thame with all thar mycht. Thar fayis resavit them weill, I hycht, With swerdis, speris, and with macys. The battale thair so felloune was, And sua richt gret spilling of blud, 20 That on the erd the flus it stud. The Scottis men so weill thame bar, And sua gret slauchtir maid thai thar, 3, 4. C wes... Dougles (S). 58 The Bruce [BOOK XIII And fra so feill the livis revit, That all the feild wes bludy levit. 25 That tym thir three battalis wer All syde be syde fechtand weill neir. Thar mycht man her richt mony dynt, And wapnys apon armour stynt, And see tummyll knychtis and stedis, 30 With mony rich and ryoll wedis Defoulit roydly under feit. Sum held on loft, sum tynt the suet. A long quhill thus fechtand thai wer, That men no noyis na cry mycht her; 35 Men hard nocht ellis bot granys and dyntis That slew fire, as men dois on flyntis. Sa faucht thai ilkane egirly, That thai maid nouthir noyis no cry, Bot dang on othir at thar mycht, 40 With wapnys that war burnyst brycht. The arrows als so thik thai flaw, That thai mycht say weill, at thaim saw, That thai ane hydwis schour can ma: For quhar thai fell, I undirta, 45 Thai left eftir thame taknyng That sail neid, as I trow, lechyng. The Inglis archeris schot so fast, That, mycht thar schot haf had last, It had beyne hard to Scottis men. 50 Bot King Robert, that weill can ken That the archeris war perelous, And thar schot hard and richt grevous, Ordanit forrouth the assemble His Marschall with a gret menyhe, 55 Fiff hundreth armyt weill in steill. That on licht hors war horsyt weill, For to prik emang the archeris, And sua assailyhe thame with speris That thai no laser haf to schute. This Marschall that I of mut, JUNE 24, I314] Bruce brings up his Reserve That Schir Robert of Keth wes cald, As I befor has to yhow tald, Quhen that he saw the battalis swa Assemmyll and to-giddir ga, 65 And saw the archeris schut stoutly, VVith all thame of his cumpany In hy apon thame can he ryde, And our-tuk thame at a syde, And rushit emang thame sa roydly, 70 Strikand thame sua dispitfully, And in sic fusioune berand doune, And slayand thame without ransoune, That thai thame scalit evirilkane; And fra that time furth ther wes nane 75 That assemlit sic schot till ma. Quhen Scottis archeris saw at swa Thai war rebutit, thai wox hardy, With all thar mycht schot egirly Emang the hors-men that thar raid, 80 And woundis wyde to thame thai maid, And slew of thame a wele gret dele; Thai bar thame hardely and weill. For fra thair fais archeris were Scalit, as I have said yhow ere, 85 That ma than thai war be gret thing, Swa that thai dred nocht thar schuting, Thai wox so hardy that thame thoucht Thai suld set all thair fais at noucht. THE Marschall and his cumpany 90 T Wes yheit, as to yhow ere said I, Amang the archeris, quhar thai maid With speris rowme quhar at thai raid, And slew all that thai mycht ourta. And thai weill lichtly mycht do swa, 95 For thai had nocht a strak to stynt, Na for to hald agane a dynt. And agane armyt men to ficht May nakit men haff litill mycht. 59 6o The Bruce [BOOK XIII Thai scalit thame on sic maner, IOO That sum to thar gret battelis wer Withdrawin thaim in full gret hy, And sum war fled all utrely. Bot the folk that behynd thame was, That for thair awne folk had no space 105 Yheit than to cum to the assemblyng, In agane smertly can thai ding The archeris, that thai met fleand, That than war maid so recryand, That thair hertis war tynt cleirly, I IO I trow thai sall nocht scath gretly The Scottis men with schot that day. And the gud King Robert, that ay Was fillit of full gret bounte, Saw how that his battellis thre I 15 So hardely assemblit thar, And so weill in the ficht thame bar, And so fast on thair fais can dyng That him thoucht nane had abaysing, And how the archeris war scalit then, I2o He was all blith, and till his men He said; " Lordingis, now luk that yhe "Worthy and of gud covyne be "At this assemble, and hardy; "And assemmyll so sturdely I25 "That no thing may befor yhow stand. "Our men so freschly ar fechtand, "That thai thair fais has cumrait swa "That, be thai presit, I undirta, "A litill fastar, yhe sall se I30 "That thai discumfit soyn sall be." Quhen this wes said, thai held thar way, And on a syde assemblit thai 109. E tynt clenly. 116. C That so (S). I27. E grathyt sua. H cumbred. *13I. Now ga we on them sa hardely, And ding on them sa doughtely, JUNE 24, 1314] The English Van driven back 6i So stoutly, that at thar cummyng Thair fais wer ruschit a gret thing. I35 Ther men mycht se men freschly ficht, And men that worthy war and wycht Do mony worthy vassalage; Thai faucht as thai war in a rage. For quhen the Scottis ynkirly I40 Saw thair fais sa sturdely Stand in-to battale thame agane, With all thar mycht and all thar mayne Thai layd on, as men out of wit; And quhar thai with full strak mycht hit, I45 Thar mycht no armyng stynt thar strak; Thai to-fruschit thame thai mycht our-tak, And with axis sic duschis gaff That thai helmys and hedis claff. And thair fais richt hardely I50 Met thame, and dang on douchtely With wapnys that war stith of steill: Thar wes the battell strikyn weill. So gret dynnyng ther wes of dyntis, As wapnys apon armor styntis, I55 And of speris so gret bristing, And sic thrawing and sic thristing, That they may feele, at our comming, That we them hate in meekle thing: *r35 For great cause they have us made, That occupied our landis brade, And put all to subjectioun: Your goodis made all theirs commoun: Our kyn and frefidis, for their awne, *I4o Dispitteously hanged and drawne: And wald destroy us gif they might. Bot, I trow, God, through his foresight, This day hes granted us his grace *I44 To wrek us on them in this place. *I3I-*I44. From H: not in C E. These remarks seem quite out of place. The spirit of animosity is not in harmony with the tenour of Bruce's other speeches; the language at certain points is not Barbour-like; and the whole passage is thus of questionable authenticity. See Preface, pp. vii-viii. I44. C For quhar (S). 62 The Bruce [BOOK XIII Sic gyrnyng, granyng, and so gret A noyis, as thai can othir bet, And cryit ensenyheis on everilk syd, I6o Gifand and takand woundis wyd, That it wes hydwiss for till her All four the bataillis wicht that wer Fechtand in-till a front haly. Almychty God! how douchtely I65 Schir Edward the Brus and his men Amang thair fais contenyt thame then! Fechtand in-to sa gud covyne, So hardy, worthy and so fyne, That thar avaward ruschit was I70 And, magre tharis, left the plas, And to thar gret rowt to warrand Thai went, that than had apon hand So gret not, that thai war effrait, For Scottis men thame hard assait, 175 That than war in ane schiltrum all. Quha hapnit in that ficht to fall, I trow agane he suld nocht ris. Ther men mycht se on mony wis Hardyment eschevit douchtely, I80 And mony that wicht war and hardy Doune under feit lyand all dede, Quhar all the feild of blud wes red. Armoris and quyntis that thai bare, With blud wes swa defowlit thar, I85 That thai mycht nocht discrivit be. A! mychty God! quha than mycht se The Steward, Walter, and his rout And the gud Douglas that wes stout Fechtand in-to that stalward stour, I90 He suld say that till all honour Thai war worthy, that in that ficht Sa fast presit thair fais mycht, That thai thame ruschit quhar thai yheid. I64. C full doucltely (S). E H how, in accord with the exclamatory phrase. I73. Egret anoy. 183 E quhytys. H coates. (See note.) JUNE 24, I314] The Camp-followers appear 63 Thair mycht men se mony a steid I95 Fleand on stray, that lord had nane. A! Lord! quha than gud tent had tane To the gud Erll off Murreff And his, that swa gret rowtis gaf, And faucht sa fast in that battale, 200 Tholand sic payne and sic travale, That thai and thairis maid sic debat, That quhar thai come thai maid thaim gat. Than mycht men heir ensenyheis cry, And Scottis men cry hardely, 205 "On thame! On thame! On thame! Thai faill!" With that so hard thai can assaill, And slew all that thai mycht our-ta. And the Scottis archeris alsua Schot emang thame so sturdely, 210 Ingrevand thame so gretumly, That quhat for thame that with thame faucht And swa gret rowtis to thame raucht, And presit thame full egirly; And quhat for arrowes that felly 215 Mony gret woundis can thame ma, And slew fast of thair hors alsua, That thai wayndist a litell we; Thai dred so gretly thane till de That thair covyne wes war than eir: 220 For thai that with thame fechtand weir, Set hardyment and strynth and will And hart and corage als, thar-till, And all thair mayne, and all thar mycht, To put thame fully to the flycht. How the Yeomen and the Poor Men made of Sheets the Manner of Banners in Support of King Robert the Bruce and his Folk. 225 I N this tyme that I tell of her, That the battall on this maner Wes strikin, quhar on athir party Thai war fechtand richt manfully, 209. E delivevly. 224.. C thai~ne fouly (S). H fiully. 64 The Bruce [BOOK XIII Yhemen, swanys, and poueraill, 230 That in the Parc to yheyme vittale War left; quhen thai wist but lesing That thair lordis, with fell fichtyng, On thair fais assemblit war, Ane of them-selvyne that wes thar 235 Capitane of thame all thai maid; And schetis, that war sum-deill braid, Thai festnyt in steid of baneris Apon lang treis and on speris, And said that thai wald se the ficht, 240 And help thar lordis at thar mycht. Quhen her-till all assentit war, And in a rowt assemblit ar, Fiften thousand thai war and ma. And than in gret hy thai can ga 245 With thair baneris all in a rout, As thai had men beyn stith and stout. Thai com, with all that assemble, Richt quhill thai mycht the battale se; Than all at anys thai gaf ane cry, 250 " Sla! sla! Apon thaim hastily!" And thar-with all cumand ar thai: Bot thai war yheit weill fer away, And Inglis men, that ruschit war Throu fors of ficht, as I said air, 255 Quhen thai saw cum with sic a cry Toward thame sic ane cumpany, That thai thoucht weill als mony war As at war fechtand with thame thar, And thai befor had thame nocht seyne, 260 Than, wit yhe weill, withouten weyne, Thai war abasit so gretumly, That the best and the mast hardy That war in-till the oost that day, Wald with thair mensk have beyn away. 265 The King Robert be thair relyng, Saw thai war neir discomfyting, 250. C Apon thame! on thame hardely! (S). H as in E. JUNE 24, I314] Death of Argentine 65 And his ensenyhe can hely cry. Than, with thame of his cumpany, His fais presit so fast that thai 270 Wer than in-till sa gret effray, That thai left place ay mar and mar. For all the Scottis men that war thar, Quhen thai saw thame eschew the ficht, Dang on thame swa with all thar mycht, 275 That thai scalit in tropellis ser, And till discumfitur war ner; And sum of thame fled all planly. Bot thai that wicht war and hardy, That schame letit till ta the flicht, 280 At gret myschef mantemyt the ficht, And stithly in the stour can stand. And quhen the King of Ingland Saw his men fle in syndry place, And saw his fais rout, that was 285 Worthyn so wicht and so hardy, That all his folk war halely Swa stonayit, that thai had no mycht To stynt thair fais in the ficht, He was abaysit so gretumly 290 That he and all his cumpany, Fif hundreth armyt weill at rycht, In-till a frusche all tuk the flycht, And till the castell held ther way. And yheit, as I herd sum men say, 295 That of Vallanch Schir Amer, Quhen he the feld saw vencust ner, By the renyhe led away the King, Agane his will, fra the fichting. And quhen Schir Gelis de Argente 300 Saw the King thus and his menyhe Schape thame to fle so spedely, He com richt to the King in hy And said; " Schir, sen that it is swa " That yhe thusgat yhour gat will ga, 299. E the Argente. 5 66 The Bruce [BOOK XIII 305 "Haffis gud day! for agane will I: "Yheit fled I nevir sekirly, "And I cheis heir to byde and de "Than till lif heir and schamfully fle." His brydill than but mar abaid 310 He turnyt, and agane he raid, And on Schir Edward the Brusis rout, That wes so sturdy and so stout, As dreid of nakyn thing had he, He prikit, cryand, " Argente!" 315 And thai with speris swa him met, And swa feill speris on hym set, That he and hors war chargit swa That bath doune to the erd can ga: And in that place than slayne wes he. 320 Of his ded wes rycht gret pite. He wes the thrid best knycht, perfay, That men wist liffand in his day: He did mony a fair journe. On Sarisenis thre derenyheis did he; 325 And in-till ilk derenyhe of thai, He vencust Sarisenis twa; His gret worschip tuk thar ending. And fra Schir Amer with the King Wes fled, wes nane that durst abyde, 330 Bot fled, scalit on ilka syde. And thair fais thame presit fast, Thai war, to say suth, all agast, And fled swa, richt effrayitly, That of thame a full gret party 335 Fled to the wattir of Forth; and thar The mast part of thame drownit war. And Bannokburn, betuix the brais, Of hors and men so chargit was, That apon drownit hors and men 340 Men mycht pass dry atour it then. And laddis, swanys, and rangall, Quhen thai saw vencust the battall, 308. E Than for to lyve schamly, and fley. 311. C Brysis (S); y too in i65. JUNE 24, 1314] The Flight of King Edward Ran emang thame, and swa can sla Thai folk that na defens mycht ma, 345 That it war pite for to se. I herd nevir quhar, in na cuntre, Folk at swa gret myschef war stad; On a syde thai thair fais had, That slew thame doune without mercy, 350 And thai had on the tothir party Bannokburne, that sa cummyrsum was Of slyk and depnes, for till pas, That thair mycht nane atour it ryde. Thame worthit, magre tharis, abyde; 355 Swa that sum slayne, sum drownit war; Micht nane eschap that evir com thar. The-quhethir mony gat away, That ellis-whar fled, as I herd say. The Kyng, with thame he with him had, 360 In a rout till the castell raid, And wald have beyn tharin, for thai Wist nocht quhat gat to get away. Bot Philip the Mowbray said him till, "The castell, Schir, is at yhour will; 365 "Bot, cum yhe in it, yhe sail se "That yhe sall soyne assegit be. "And thar sail nane of all Ingland "To mak yhow rescours tak on hand. "And, but rescours, may no castele 370 "Be haldin lang, yhe wat this wele. "Tharfor confort yhow, and relye "Your men about yhow richt straitlye, "And haldis about the Park the way. "Knyt yhow als sadly as yhe may, 375 "For I trow that nane sall haf mycht, "That chassis, with so feill to ficht." And as he consalit thai have done; Beneth the castell went thai soyne, Richt by the Rownde Tabill thair way, 380 And syne the Park enveronyt thai, 377. E And his consaill. 5-2 67 68 The Bruce [BOOK XIII And toward Lithkew held in hy. But, I trow, thai sail hastely Be convoyit with folk that thai, I trow, mycht suffer weill away! 385 For Schir James, lord of Douglas, Corn till his Kyng and askit the chas, And he gaf him leif but abaid. Bot all to few of hors he hade; He had nocht in his rowt sexty, 390 The-quhethir he sped him hastely The way eftir the King to ta. Now let him on his wayis ga, And eftir this we sall weill tell Quhat till hym in his chas byfell. How Good Douglas chased the King of England after the Battles of Bannockburn. 395 Qwhen the gret battell on this wis Wes discumfit, as I devis, Quhar thretty thousand thar wes ded, Or drownit in-to that ilk sted; And sum war in-to handis tane; 400 And othir sum thair gat wes gane; The Erll of Herfurd fra the melle Departit, with a gret menyhe. And straucht to Bothwell tuk the vay, That than at Inglis mennys fay 405 Wes, and haldin as place of wer. Schir Walter Gilbertson wes ther Capitane, and it had in ward. The Erl of Herfurde thiddirward Held, and wes tane in our the wall, 4Io And fyfty of his men with-all, And sett in housis syndrely, Swa that thai had thar no mastry. The layff went toward Ingland. Bot of that rout, I tak on hand, 406. C Gilbertstoune (S), but see note. JUNE 24, I314] The Knights who fell 69 415 The thre parteis war tane or slayne: The layff with gret payne hame ar gane. Schir Moris alsua de Berclay Fra the gret battell held his way, With a gret rout of Walis men; 420 Quhar-evir thai yheid men mycht tham ken; For thai weill neir all nakid war, Or lynyng clothis had but mair. Thai held thair wayis in full gret hy; Bot mony of thair cumpany, 425 Or thai till Ingland com, war tane, And mony als of thame war slane. Thai fled als othir wais ser, Bot to the castell, that wes ner, Of Strevilling fled sic a menyhe, 430 That it wes wonder for to se; For the craggis all helit war About the castell, heir and thar, Of thame that, for strinth of that sted, Thiddirward till warrande fled. 435 And for thai war sa feill that thair Flede under the castell war, The King Robert, that wes witty, Held ay his gude men neir him by, For dreid that ris againe suld thai. 440 This wes the caus, forsuth to say, Quhar-throu the King of Ingland Eschapit hame in-to his land. QWHEN that the feld so cleyn wes maid Of Inglis men, that nane abad, 445 The Scottis men soyne tuk in hand Of tharis all that evir thai fand, *447 As silver, gold, clathis, and armyng, With vessel and all other thing That evir thai mycht lay on thar hand; *450 So gret a riches thair thai fand, That mony man wes mychty maid Of the riches that thai thar had. 417. E H the Berclay. *447-*45o. In C H. Not in E. 70 The Bruce [BOOK XIII Quhen this wes done that ere said I, 450 The King send a gret cumpany Up to the crag, thame till assale That war fled fra the gret battale; And thai thame yhald for-out debat, And in hand has thame tane fut-hat, 455 Syne to the Kyng thai went thar way. Thai dispendit haly that day In spoulyheing and riches taking, Fra end wes maid of the fechting. And quhen thai nakit spulyheit war 460 That war slayne in the battale thar, It wes forsuth a gret ferly Till se sammyn so feill dede ly. Twa hundreth payr of spuris rede War tane of knychtis that war dede. 465 The Erll of Glowcister ded wes thar, That men callit Schir Gilbert of Clar; And Schir Gelis de Argente alsua, And Payne Typtot, and othir ma, That thair namys nocht tell can I. 470 And apon Scottis mennis party Thar wes slayne worthy knychtis twa; Wilyhame Vepownt wes ane of tha, And Schir Walter the Ros ane othir, That Schir Edward, the Kyngis brothir, 475 Lufit, and held in sic dante That as him-self him lufit he. And quhen he wist that he wes dede, He wes so wa and will of rede, That he said, makand full evill cher, 480 That him war levar that journye wer Undone, than he swa ded had bene. Outaken him, men has nocht seyn Quhar he for ony man maid menyng; And the caus wes of his lufing, 485 That he his sistir paramouris Lufit, and held all at rebouris 464. C Sevin hundreth paris (S). Twa E H. 485. C That he (S). JUNE 25, I314] Stirling Castle is surrendered His awyne wif dame Esobell. And tharfor swa gret distans fell Betwix him and the Erll Davy 490 Of Adell, brother to this lady, That he, apon Sanct Johnnis nycht, Quhen bath the Kyngis war boune to ficht, In Cambuskynneth the Kyngis vittale He tuk, and sadly gert assale 495 Schir Wilyham of Herth, and him slew, And with hym ma men than enew. Quharfor syne in-till Ingland He wes banyst, and all his land Was sesit and forfalt to the Kyng, 500 That did tharof syne his likyng. QWHEN the feld, as I said air, Wes dispulyheit and left all bair, The King and all his cumpany Joyfull and blyth war and mery 505 Of the grace that thame fallyn was, Towards thar innys thair wayis tais Till rest thame; for thai wery war. Bot for the Erll Gilbert of Clar, That slayne wes in the battale-place, 5Io The king somdeill anoyit was, For till hym neir syb wes he. Than till a kirk he gert hym be Brocht, and walkit all that nycht. And on the morn, quhen day wes licht, 5I5 The king rais, as his wille was; Than till ane Inglis knycht, throu cas, Hapnyt that he yheid waverand, Swa that na man laid on hym hand, And in a busk hyd his armyng, 520 And waytit quhill he saw the Kyng In the mornyng cum forth airly: Till him than is he went in hy. 7r 490. E H Athole. 495. E Keth, H Airti. 493. E Camyskynnell. 516. C wille wes (S), 72 The Bruce [BOOK XIII Schir Marmeduk the Twengue he hecht. He rakit till the Kyng all richt, 525 And halsit hym apon his kne. "Welcome, Schir Marmeduk," said he, "Tui quhat man art thou presoner?" 'To nane,' he said, 'bot till yhow her 'I yheld me at yhour will to be.' 530 And I resaiff the, Schir," saide he. Than gert he trete hym curtasly. He dwelt lang in his cumpany: And syne in Ingland him send he Arayit weill, but ransoune fre, 535 And gaf hym gret giftis thar-to; A worthy man that wald swa do Micht mak him gretly for to pris. Quhen Marmeduk, apon this wis, Wes yholden, as I to yhow say, 540 Than com Schir Philip the Mowbray, And to the king yhald the castele; His cunnand has he haldyne wele, And with him tretit swa the King, That he become of his duellyng; 545 And held him lelely his fay Quhill the last end of his lyf-day. 523. C Marmadak Betung (S), but see note. NOTES BOOK III. i The Lord of Lorne. Strictly this should be Alexander Macdougall of Argyll or of Lorn, but probably his son, John of Lorn, is meant, as on September I4 Edward writes to the Prince of Wales how "Sir John of Argyll has well served him and the Prince" (Bain, ii., No. 1830). 3 his emys sak. Alexander of Argyle, according to Wyntoun (Bk. viii., Chap. vi., II7I) had married an aunt of the murdered John Comyn, a daughter of Sir John Comyn " the Red " (!), of Badenoch, his grandfather. He was thus the " eym " or uncle of Comyn, not his nephew (Scots Peerage, i., 507). I 5 thar fryst metyng. According to Fordun, this skirmish took place at Dalry (" the King's field "), near Tyndrum, in the west of Perthshire, on August I I, I 306 (Gesta Ann., cxx.). Bruce was making his way westwards by Glen Dochart. There is the usual " King's Cave " in Balquhidder (Jamieson). 62 ane sik aw. " In such awe." For this form, cf. Alexander (78, 5), "he stude of thame lytill aw," and Wallace (Bk. v. 929), " On thaim he raid, and stud bot litill aw." This usage is a stage in the grammatical development of the modern phrase from the original type, " Awe of one stood men " (dat), for which see N.E.D. 67 Marthokys sone. Jamieson suggests Marthok to be for Muratach (Muredach) =Murdoch; so "Marthokys sone" =MacVurich (MacMllhuirich). 69 Fyn all. Here E gives hym all, which is clearly wrong. Skeat adopts Fyngall from H and A. Better, however, is the more ancient and correct form, Fyn, which the scribe has turned into hym, while the " all " is preserved to balance the " all " in the next line. Golmakmorn is 73 74 The Bruce [BOOK III Goll mac Morna, head of the Clann Morna, the rivals of the Fianna, and the reference is to the detachment of members of his band from Finn by Goll; Finn, indeed, perished in a conflict with rebel followers. 75 in Gadyrris the forrayours. The reference is to one of the later episodes in the Romance of Alexander, appearing in the Scottish Alexander as The Forray of Gadderis (La Fuerre de Gadres). Alexander, while besieging Tyre, sends out a body of men to forage in the " vale of Josaphas." On their return with the cattle, they are set upon by a large army under Betys of " Gaderis," one of whose followers was Gaudifer. Only the timely arrival of Alexander saved his men, and, on the flight of Betys, Gaudifer maintained the struggle till he was slain. Skeat says that Barbour could not have used the Scottish translation, dated 1438, but " must have seen it in an earlier form." Lines 8I, 82, however, correspond literally, with one exception, to the passage in the Alexander, and, according to Neilson, they have no place in the original French (John Barbour, p. 55): "For to defend all the flearis And for to stony the chassaris " (p. 88, 20). Coneus (line 85) is there Corneus (pp. 88, 89), and Danklyne, Danclyne or Danclene-in the French original Corneus and Dans Clins. Cf. Brown's Wallace and Bruce, p. IOI, where, however, Mr. Brown's transcription of the names in the Alexander must be checked; and see further Appendix E. In the Wallace there is a similar reference to The Forray, Bk. x. 340-2. IOI "the Durwarth sonnys." "The Durward or door-ward's sons," a translation of the Gaelic name Mac-na-dorsair, "son of the door-man." Skeat has a long note, contributed by Dr. Murray, claiming that " no writer seems to have seen the point of this passage." Reference is accordingly made to the trouble caused by Alan Durward in the reign of Alexander III., and the connection of Durward with Nicholas de Soulis, one of the Competitors (see also on Bk. XIX. II). WVhence it is inferred that these "men were the clansmen of Alan the Durward, who, like the Comyns of Badenoch, the Baliols, and others, were almost more dangerous to Bruce than the arms of England." That can scarcely have been the case, since it must also be taken into account (I) that the Bruces were of the Durward party in the reign of Alexander III., and (2) that an Alan Durward was hanged with Nigel Bruce at Berwick, having, apparently, been captured at Kildrummy (Scala., p. I3I). 153 a baroune Maknauchtan. The chief of the Macnaughtons (? Ferchar or Farquhar), whose father was of the time of Notes 75 Alexander. III., an ancient clan having lands near Loch Awe (Cf. Coll. de Reb. Alb., p. 5 I). There is no " Duncan" (Jamieson following Nisbet, Heraldry) in the genealogy. 162 his owtrageous manheid. Cf. in Alexander, "outtragius hardement " (p. 184, I6). This use of " outrageous "= extreme or excessive, is common, if not peculiar, to the Alexander and the Bruce. Cf. in Bruce, vi. 126; viii. 270; ix. 10I; xi. 32: Alexander, 235, 8; 258, 30; 335, 9. 172 "sa our Lord me se." " May our Lord watch over me," as in Chaucer's Pardoner's Tale, "Now, lordes, God yow see " (Group C, line 7I 5). 208 Hanniball. The reference is to Hannibal's crushing defeat of the Romans at Cannae, 216 B.C. Barbour takes his details in a rather huddled fashion from Martinus Polonus, a popular monkish historian of the thirteenth century (Chronicon de Gestis Romanorum, etc.), who again bases on Paulus Orosius, of the beginning of the fifth century. \Wyntoun confessedly reproduces the chapters of Polonus at greater length and more accurately than Barbour, and on this fact, viewed in the light of the general relation of Wyntoun to Barbour, and certain peculiarities in the present case, Mr. Brown bases an argument that the Hannibal passage is "derived from the Cronykil" and " an interpolation " in the Bruce. On this see Appendix F, v. Mr. Brown gives in full the relevant portions of the text of Polonus and Orosius (Wallace and Bruce, pp. 20-7). 2II thre bollis, etc. "Tres modios aureorum anulorum Carthaginem misit, quos ex manibus interfectorum nobilium extraxerat" (Mart. Pol.). 216 Scipio the king. For the medieval usage in titles, cf. also note on Bk. I. 554. Polonus calls Scipio Tribunus militum; Barbour (and Wyntoun) translate milites, from the contemporary use of the word, as " knights "; whence "the Tribune of the knights " naturally suggests the title "King," Wyntoun preferring "chyftane." Cf. also what is said in the footnote. It may, however, be considered that in the Alexander we have "Gaudifer the yhing " (121, 20), and " Ideas the yhing " (I6I, 26). 221 knychtis. Really only " soldiers " (milites fecerunt). 231 Thai ischit. Barbour hurries over the interval of four years between the Battle of Cannae and Hannibal's appearance before the walls of Rome, 212 B.C. 234 throw mycht of Goddis grace. Divina miseratio in Mart. Pol. and Orosius. 242 twys thar-eftir. No; only twice altogether. But Barbour is apparently summarizing from memory, though Mr. Brown repudiates the suggestion (p. 126). 281-2 That hym thocht, etc. From Lucan's Pharsalia: Nil actum credens, si quid superesset agendum (ii. 657). 76 The Bruce [BOOK III 337 Kildromy. Kildrummy Castle, in Aberdeenshire, on the Don, a royal castle which Edward had ordered Bruce, in September, 1305, to place "in the keeping of one for whom he shall answer " (Bain, ii., No. 1691). 365 H has flatly misunderstood this line, and Skeat's partial emendation therefrom introduces a use of the quhilk rare in Barbour (see on XVIII. 225). Moreover, as Koeppel further points out, the sense of the passage implies an antithesis such as E gives. The only difficulty is the redundant syllable yt, and for confort alone, cf. V. 2Io, XV. 371 (Englische Studien, x., p. 380, note). 373 to the wynter ner. Kildrummy fell before the middle of September, 1306, but August is scarcely " near " winter, even in Scotland. 390 hys werdis, etc. " Follow out his fate (werdis) to the end." 392 Nele Cambel. See note on Bk. II. 491. 437 Ferambrace. The romance of Fierabras or Ferumbras (ferri brachium, "iron-arm " or " strong-arm ") was the most popular of the Charlemagne romances. It still circulates among the French peasantry. There are two versions of it in English of the fifteenth century, Syr Ferumbras (E.E.T.S.) and The Sowdone of Babylone (E.E.T.S.). The latter also has the peculiar form Lavyne from Laban for Balan, the Sowdone or Sultan and father of Fierabras. On these points see Appendix F, III. Olyver (439) is Oliver, one of the "duk-peris " (440) or " twelve peers " (douze pairs) of Charlemagne, and Syr Ferumbras opens with the account of how he defeated Fierabras in single combat, which also begins the second division of the Sowdone. The French knights are, however, trapped by the Saracens and confined in the castle of Egrymor (441), or Aigremont, in Spain, but are released and joined by Floripas, the daughter of Balan, and make themselves masters of "the tower" (449). They are the twelve peers, though Barbour makes them " bot eleven " (444), probably with reference to the one who was slain in the defence. But they lack provisions, and news of their plight is carried to Charlemagne by Richard of Normandy (450). Charlemagne, who, supposing them slain, was on his way home to France, turned back with his army, seized the marble bridge over the river Flagot, which was warded by a giant, and captured the great tower of Mantrible on the other side (445). Thereafter Lavyne, or Balan, is defeated and captured, and, later, executed; the Christians recover from Floripas the sacred relics carried off by Fierabras from St. Peter's, Rome. The " sper " (459) is the spear with which the side of the crucified Jesus was pierced by the Roman soldier; the crown is the crown of thorns; "the naylis" are the nails with which he was fixed to the cross. In the Complaynt of Scotlande (E.E.T.S., Notes 77 p. 63) is a reference to the Tail (tale) of the Brig of the 1Mantrible. Readers of Don Quixote will recall "the balsam of Fierabras," which also figures in the romance. On Mr. Brown's treatment of this passage, see Appendix F, III. 493 will of red. " At a loss what to do "; red = "rede," counsel, advice. See note on Bk. II. 47I. 517 but anger. " Without trouble or sorrow." 56I To tell of paynys, etc. An allusion to Virgil: Forsan et haec olim meminisse juvabit (Eneid, i. 203). 578 mony frely fute. "Many a handsome child" is Skeat's explanation, taking "fute = fode, one fed or nourished up." But in the Morte A rthure, Gawain says to Mordred, who was no child, " Fals fosterde foode, the fende have thy bonys" (3376); and "frely" also occurs as in, " Thow arte frely and faire," etc. (970); whence Barbour just means, " many a goodly or handsome person." 584 the hyde leve on the tre. " They left the skin on the wood of the oars," being unaccustomed to the rough work of rowing. 588 To furthyr thaim, etc. " To carry them on in their floating." 658 our stycht. " Our fixed purpose or determination." Cf. A.S. stihtan, to establish (Skeat). The Morte Arthure has the related verb, "styhtyll tha steryn men "-i.e., " place these stern men " (line I57): styhtlen, to dispose. 659 Angus of Ile. Angus Macdonald, known as Angus Oig (" the younger "). His elder brother, Alexander of Islay, or of the Isles, was in the English interest, and had married Juliana of Lorn, sister of John of Lorn. Their father, Angus Mor (" the big or elder "), had supported the Bruce party during his life, taking an active part with it in 1286. Angus also was English (Rot. Scot., i., 40, 41) till the appearance of Bruce. His lands were in Kintyre (see further Scots Peerage, i., 36, 37). 666 Donavardyne. The castle of Dunaverty, at the south end of Kintyre. It was being besieged, for some days at least, before September 22, by the English pursuing Bruce (Bain, ii., Nos. 1833, 1834), who believed that he was inside (Hemingburgh, ii. 249; Trivet, p. 410). 68o Rauchryne. Now Rathlinn, off the north coast of Ireland towards Kintyre. Dean Monro (1549) calls it Rachlinn, but Jamieson gives ten variations of the name from Archdall's Monastic. Hibern., including Rachryne and Rochrinne, "from the multitude of trees with which it abounded in ancient times." Surprise has been expressed that Bruce should have chosen for retreat an island four miles off the Irish coast, which was within the territory of the Bissets of Antrim, strong English partisans, and in which he could be trapped by a fleet. Not, however, till January 29-30, 1307, do we find a fleet in being, supplied by Hugh Bysset and John de Menteith, which was to 78 The Bruce [BOOK XI operate in " the Isles on the Scottish coast" " in putting down Robert de Brus and his accomplices lurking there, and destroying their retreat" (Bain, ii., p. xlix, Nos. I888, I889). Hemingburgh says (and Trivet, 410) that Bruce had gone " to the farthest isles of that region " (in extremas insulas, ii. 249). "Was lurking in remote island " is the account in Lanercost, p. 205. 688 strait off Marrok. The Strait of Gibraltar, so called also by Chaucer in the Man of Lawes Tale. 696 the mole. The " Mull " of Kintyre. Gaelic maoil = a promontory, a borrow of the Norse milli. It is "le Moel de Kintyr" in an indenture in Bain, ii., No. I941. 745 loud and still. A romance phrase for " in all ways," " under all circumstances." Henryson has it in his Robene and Makyne, " I haif thee luvit loud and still." BOOK XI. 32 outrageous a day. " Day" has here the meaning of " a space of time," as in Berners' Froissart. " The truce is not expired, but hath day to endure unto the first day of Maye next " (I. ccxiii., N.E.D.): a sense of the Latin dies. For " outrageous," see on Bk. III. I62. 44 Akatane. Aquitaine, the ancient southern duchy of France, the hereditary possession of the Kings of England. 46 The Lanercost chronicler affirms (I3 I) that in the war the Scots were so divided that sometimes a father was with the Scots and his son with the English, or brothers were on opposite sides, or even the same person at one time on the Scottish side, at another on that of England; but that it was a pretence, either because the English seemed to get the better or to save their English lands, " for their hearts, if not their bodies, were always with their own people" (p. 217). Thus, at this time, there were still to be found among supporters of the English King such names as Stewart, Graham, Kirkpatrick, Maxwell, St. Clair, etc. (Bain, iii., Introd., pp. xvi, xvii). As many of these were Border lairds-some, indeed, are of Annandale-even their Scottish lands were specially exposed to English attack. Late in 1313 (October or November) we have a Petition to the King (of England) from the People of Scotland, by their envoys, Sir Patrick de Dunbar, Earl of March, and Sir Adam de Gordon, complaining of the great losses they have suffered " by their enemies "i.e., the Bruce party-also of the brigandage of the English garrison in Berwick and Roxburgh (Bain, iii., Notes 79 No. 337). One of the results of Bannockburn was to bring many of these waverers over to the national side. Adam de Gordon, indeed, was already under suspicion, and apparently was a waverer. He had, in fact, a grant of the lands of Strathbogie in 1309, according to Robertson (Index, p. 2; 40). Cf. also Io3-4.* For Gordon, see also Bk. IX. 720, etc.; XV. 333; and on March, Bk. XIX. 776, note. 79-82 Cf., as bearing out Barbour's assertion, the comment by the author of the Vita Edwardi Secundi on the army when assembled at Berwick: " There were in that assemblage amply sufficient men (satis sufficientes) to traverse all Scotland, and, in the judgment of some, if the whole of Scotland had been brought together, it could not make a stand against the army of the King (cf. line I50). Indeed, it was confessed by the whole host that, in our time, such an army had not gone out of England" (Chronicles of Ed. I. and Ed. II., ii., pp. 201-2). 9I Erll of Hennaut. Count William of Hainault, Flanders. Cf. on Bk. XIX. 262. 93 Almanyhe: Germany. Friar Baston says four German knights came " gratis " (Eng. Hist. Rev. vol. xix., p. 507). oo00 of Irlande ane gret menyhe. In Foedera we have the list of twenty-five Irish chiefs summoned to the campaign against the Scots-O'Donald, O'Neil, MacMahon, O'Bryn, O'Dymsy, etc. The Irish contingent was commanded by Richard de Burgh, Earl of Ulster, Bruce's father-inlaw (III., pp. 476-478). *103-4 See note on 46. 103 Ane hundreth thousand men and ma. See Appendix C. I05 Armyt on hors. That is, the men alone wore armour, being thus distinguished from the knights "with helit hors," or horses armoured also in bardings of leather or mail. Skeat rejects the reading of E in favour of "plav.n male," taking "playn" to represent the French plein=" complete mail," on the ground of Innes's remark that the distinction between mail or ring-armour and plate, "if known, was not so specific in Barbour's age." But plates had been coming into use since the last quarter of the thirteenth century, and by 1300 the practice of attaching such additional defences was rapidly developing. See note on I3I. In I316 we read of " 200 men armed in plate," who were sent to Ireland from England (Bain, iii., p. 99, No. 519). II4 Of cartis. "The multitude of waggons (multitudo quadrigarum), if it had been extended in a line one behind the other, would have taken up a space of twenty leagues " (Vita Edw. Sec., p. 202). The meaning of "league" is uncertain; apparently it was just a mile. I 7 veschall. In Vita Edw. Sec. (pp. 206-7) the author speaks 8o The Bruce [BOOK XI of "costly garments and gold (or gilt) plate" (vasa aurea). Baker of Swinbroke, in his Chronicon Anglics (p. 551, also mentions the " plate of gold and silver," and affirms that, in addition to an abundant supply of victuals, the English brought with them things which were wont to be seen only in times of peace on the luxurious tables of princes. Among the ornaments of the high altar of Aberdeen Cathedral in I549 was "an old hood made of cloth of gold... from the spoil of the Battle of Bannockburn " (Reg. Episc. Aberd., ii., p. I89). 129 schot. Arrows, and bolts for cross-bows. Cf. Bk. XIII. 3I, and below, note on 544. I30 ryche weid. The rich flowing housings or drapery of the steeds, covering the armour, if any, as the " surcoat" of the knight did his. 13I-*132 Armour was in a state of rapid transition, and so at this time is very complicated. An English brass of 1325 shows a knight wearing (I) a gambeson, or close-fitting quilted tunic, to ease the pressure of the armour; (2) a hauberk of banded or chain mail, with half-plates on the upper arm; (3) an habergeon (" hawbyrschown"), or lighter hauberk, apparently of small plates; (4) a haketon, another padded coat like the gambeson; (5) and a short surcoat. He has leggings of mail covering also the feet, and half-plates in addition from the knees to the toes: a hood of mail continued upward from the hauberk and a bascinet, or pointed, nut-shaped helmet, with no visor. Over this he would wear in battle such a heavy, closed, flat-topped helm as we see on the seal of Robert I. He carries a small triangular shield on his left arm, and his sword, a little more than half the body in length, hangs in front from a waist-belt. Such was probably the equipment of the leading knights at Bannockburn. 136 Till Berwick. The army was to assemble at Werk on the Tweed by Monday, June Io, 1314 (Foedera, iii., p. 48I). But the start was made from Berwick on June 17 or I8 (Vita Edw., 20I). I50 Mannausit the Scottis. Cf. note on 79-82. I63 Glowcister. Gilbert de Clare, Earl of Gloucester and Hertford, nephew of the King, and a young man of twenty-three. Herfurd. Humphrey de Bohun, or Boun, Earl of Hereford and Essex, and Constable of England. "The Earl of Gloucester and the Earl of Herford commanded the first line" (primam aciem, Vit. Edw. Sec., p. 202). The Scalacronica says Gloucester commanded "the advance guard" (p. 141), but does not mention Hereford (see note on Bk. XIII. 466). I74 Schir Gylys de Argente. Sir Giles d'Argentine, popularly regarded as one of the three most eminent men of the time, the others being the Emperor Henry and Robert Notes 8I Bruce (Scotich. Lib., xiii. I6). He "guided the King's bridle" (Vita Edw. Sec., p. 204). Cf. also Scalacronica (p. I43), votre reyne me fust baillez-" your rein was entrusted to me": among others (p. 142). 2Io the Torwood. Stretching north and west from Falkirk. It reached to near Bannockbum, a little south of which is " Torwoodhead " Castle. 237 See note on I03. 250 abaysing. Fear which grew to panic. Morale, or firm courage, is always an important element in warfare, but in medieval times it seems to have been specially important (cf. IV. 191-200, and XII. 184-8). The remarkable successes of the Scots against larger numbers were often due to the " abaysing," for one reason or other, of their opponents. Footmen were peculiarly liable to this loss of nerve, as they received no mercy, as a rule, from the mounted knights. Bruce was all along most anxious to guard against the rise of any such spirit of " funk" among his men. "Success in battle," said Napoleon, " depends not so much upon the number of men killed as upon the number frightened." 277 the wayis. As Bruce explains in the lines that follow, there were two "ways" of advance to Stirling; one through the wooded New Park, and the other by the level below St. Ninian's, extending to the " pools " or lagoons along the side of the Forth. The trees of the New Park seem to have extended from above the banks of the burn to St. Ninian's on the one side and Stirling, or near it, on the other (cf. note on Bk. XII. 58). It was made as late as I264 by Alexander III., and enclosed with a paling in 1288 (Excheq. Rolls, I. 24, 38); whence the name "New." 291 licht armyng. " Everyone of them (the Scots) was protected by light armour " (levi armatura). (Vita Edw. Sec, p. 203). See further, note on Bk. XII. 448. 296 ficht on fut. Fighting was still regarded as almost entirely the business of armoured men on horseback, the footmen serving only for minor purposes. That an army all on foot should oppose chivalry was a new departure. Bruce was an original general. Sir Thomas Gray says that the Scots "took example from the Flemings," who, in 1302, at Courtrai had in this way defeated the French knights (Scalacronica, p. I42). But this is an afterthought. The Vita Edwardi Sec. also draws the parallel with Courtrai (p. 206). But the Scots could take the hint from the tactics at Falkirk in I298, where Wallace was only defeated by the English archers. An English chronicler of about 1330 suggests that the Scots were made to fight on foot to avoid the mischance at Falkirk when their little body of cavalry fled at the sight of the English advance (Annales Johannis de Trokelowe, p. 84). 6 82 The Bruce [BOOK XI 300 the sykis. No doubt shallow lagoons with a muddy bottom, about the Bannock, where it entered the Forth, flooded by the tide. Jamieson, in his Dictionary, defines syk as " a marshy bottom, with a small stream in it." A rivulet in Selkirkshire is known as the Red Syke (Chambers' Popular Rhymes, p. 17, ed. 1826). 333-6 Pinkerton suggests in his edition that Bruce could not trust the Highlanders and Islesmen, and so put them in the rear, and stiffened their ranks with his own followers from Carrick. For this there is no warrant. The "barons of Argyll and Inchgallye" (the Hebrides) attended truce's Parliament at St. Andrews in March, 309 (Acts Parl. Scot., i. 99). Cf. also note on X. I4. In any case on the Sunday afternoon Bruce took the front position in the New Park with these very men (445, 446). 360 ane playne feld by the way. I.e., an open, level part by the road through the park, just outside the wood. The historians have shifted the position to suit their various and erroneous ideas of the field of battle. Barbour, it is to be noted, says nothing of bogs, nor of Buchanan's "calthrops of iron" (Scot. Hist., ed. 1762, p. 213). Friar Baston, captured at Bannockburn, in his Latin poem, says there were stakes in the pits (Scotchronicon, lib. xii., chap. xxil.). Geoffrey Baker, of Swinbroke, enlarges them to long ditches covered with hurdles, an utter misapprehension (Chronicon, pp. 56, 57. Cf. notes on Bk. XII. 536, 537). At Cressy (1346) the English dug " many pits " (multa foramina) of the depth and width of a foot in front of their first line as a defence against possible pursuit by the French cavalry (Baker, p. I66). An analagous device is described by Herodotus as having been successfully used by the Phocians to destroy Messalian cavalry (Book viii., chap. xxviii.). 426 till ane vale. Apparently in the valley behind Coxet Hill. " Gillies Hill " is said to have taken its name from these " gillies," or servants (Nimmo's History of Stirlingshire, second edition, p. 219). Barbour never calls them " gillies," and why a Gaelic name? The writer of the description of the district in the Old Statistical Account (1796) makes no mention of this " tradition," and suggests a derivation from the personal name Gill or Gillies. "The names both of Gillies and Morison occur in tbe muirlands" (vol. xviii., p. 392). 437 the Fawkirk. A Scots translation of the original Gaelic name (in twelfth century) Eaglais breac, "the speckled or particoloured church," in reference to the stone of which it was built. In "Falkirk" the "1" has been substituted for " w," as a sign of length in the vowel (see Language 1, App. G). Local pronunciation does not sound the "1." The English chroniclers write the Notes 83 name Foukyrk (Vita Edw. Sec., p. 205), or Faukirke (Annales London., p. I04). 440-453 Acting on the information received, and unaware, as yet, which road the English would choose for an advance to Stirling, Bruce makes a fresh disposition of his troops, departing from that laid down in lines 305-347, so as to be ready for either line of advance. He himself occupies the "entry" to the Park road, which was a continuation of the medieval (Roman?) highway passing west of St. Ninian's, with his mixed brigade of Highlanders and Lowlanders; while Randolph is posted at St. Ninian's Kirk overlooking the level about seventy feet below. Apparently (see below) both divisions are masked by the wood. The others are in reserve to reinforce when it should turn out to be necessary. The historians, ignoring this alteration in dispositions, land themselves, as a result, in unintelligible confusion. Douglas later trapped an English column in the " entre " of Jedburgh Forest (Bk. XVI. 3o0 et seq.). 486 confort his men. See note on 250. 523 Aucht hundreth. Gray says they were only three hundred, under the command of Robert Lord de Clifford and Henry de Beaumont (Scalacronica, p. I4I). We learn from the same author that Philip de Mowbray, constable of Stirling, went out and met Edward when the army was three leagues, or miles, from the castle, and suggested that he should advance no farther as, the English having come so far, and being within touch, he considered himself relieved; besides, he said, the Scots had blocked the narrow ways (lez estroitz chemyns) of the wood-i.e., of the New Park. But from the conditions, as we have seen (Bk. X. 822), the castle could not be held to be relieved so long as the Scots were in force before it. We note that Mowbray also expected the army to come by the Park roads. Now Barbour says that Clifford's detachment left the main body two miles away (515). Apparently, then, this movement was the result of Mowbray's information (see next note). However, it was known to Edward when he summoned his army that the Scots had taken up a position between him and Stirling in strong, marshy places difficult for horsemen (Foedera, ii., p. 481). 532 it suld reskewit be. So the Scots might conclude, but the version of the Lanercost chronicler better fits the case: "After dinner" (post prandium-say, about midday) " the army of the King (Edward) came to the neighbourhood of the Torwood" (he takes the Park to be an extension of the larger forest), " and when it was known that the Scots were in the wood" (from Mowbray), "the first line (prima acies) of the King, whose leader 6-2 84 The Bruce [BOOK XI was Lord Clifford, wished to surround the wood so that the Scots should not escape in flight" (p. 225). This is in harmony with the self-confidence of the English, and explains why the horsemen did not, as they might have done, avoid Randolph's foot, if they were only making for the castle. There was apparently no obstacle to Mowbray communicating personally with the relieving army, and he cannot have gone alone; so that the parties were actually in touch, and, as Mowbray argued, a technical " relief " had been performed. 536 thai wist weill. From Mowbray probably, but cf. note on 523. Aymer de Valence, too, had gone on before the army to prepare its line of march and carefully examine the stratagems of the Scots (insidias Scotorum. Vit. Edw., p. 20I). 537 Beneth the Park. " Made a circuit upon the other side of the wood towards the castle, keeping the open ground" (as beaux chaumps. Scalacronica, p. I41). 544 thai so fer war passit by. The English writers report the matter as it appeared to them. "The Scots, however, suffered this" (Clifford's advance) "until they had placed a considerable distance between themselves and their friends, when they showed themselves, and cutting off that first line of the King from the middle and rear divisions (a media acie et extrema), rushed on it," etc. (Chron. de Lanercost, 225). " Thomas Randolph,... who was leader of the advance guard of the Scots, having heard that his uncle had repulsed the advance guard of the English on the other side of the wood, thought that he must have his share, and issuing from the wood with his division " (Barbour says " five hundred men," line 542), "took the level plain" (le beau chaumpe-Barbour's "playn feld ") "towards the two lords aforesaid" (Scalacronica, p. 141). Note that both Bruce at the " entry," and Randolph at " the Kirk," were in the wood (see on this also note on Bk. XII. 58); and the reiterated use of the term "playn feld " for the level below St. Ninian's. 546 ane rose of his chaplet. Hailes suggests a far-fetched explanation of this: " I imagine that rose implies a large bead in a rosary or chaplet," when the dropping of a rose would imply carelessness of duty (Annals, ii. 5I, note). The New English Dictionary defines chaplet as " A wreath for the head, usually a garland of flowers or leaves," and cites this passage. Randolph in the wood, keeping his eyes on the main body, could easily miss an advance by his flank, which had started independently two miles away, and probably kept to cover as far as possible. 547 Wes faldyn. Skeat explains this form as " fallen " with an "excrescent d, due to Scandinavian influence," citing Notes 85 also Bk. XIII. 632. A form, foolde, occurs in The Sowdone of Babylone, line I428, where Hausknecht explains it as from fealden, " to fold," meaning " folded, bent down, fallen "; citing also " Folden to grunde" and " Fiftene hundred Folden to grunden," from Layamon, 23,894 and 27,055-6. The result as to meaning is the same either way. 547 war past. Clifford then had passed the Kirk before Randolph made a move. The scene of the conflict is usually placed at a position half - way between St. Ninian's and Stirling, now known as Randolph's Field. But this name is not older than the end of the eighteenth century (Old Stat. Acct., vol. xviii., p. 408). The origin of the nomenclature is two standing stones said to have been erected in memory of the victory (Nimmo's History of Stirlingshire, ed. 1817, p. 2 I6). But standing stones are no uncommon feature in Scotland, and various traditions attach to them; and why this preference in commemoration? " Standing stones," on the other side of the Forth, are mentioned in the Wallace (Bk. v. 298). 557 In hy thai sped thame. Gray gives an account of this affair, in which his father was taken prisoner, in the Scalacronica (edit. Maitland Club. p. 141): "Sir Henry de Beaumont said to his men, ' Let us retire a little; let them [the Scots] come on; give them room [donez les chaumps.]" His father, Sir Thomas, charging on the Scots, was carried off a prisoner on foot, his horse having been slain on the pikes. He, too, mentions the death of Sir William Deyncourt (line 573), and says the squadron was utterly routed. If Beaumont-to whom, with Deyncourt, Gray gives the command-proposed to allow the Scots more room by retiring, his detachment cannot have gone far past Randolph's original position (cf. also line 538). The remark seems absurd if applied to the ground at Randolph's Field. Buchanan says Randolph had horse, in which he is clearly wrong (Rerum Scotic. Hist., ed. 1762, chap. xxxix.), and he is followed on this point in White's History of the Battle of Bannockburn (Edinburgh, I871), p. 55. 573 Schir Wilyhame Dencort. See previous note. 598 Styk stedis, and ber doune men. An unhorsed knight in his heavy suit of full armour was a cumbrous unit, and if he fell, might find it impossible to rise in the press, or be assisted to do so, so as to be remounted on a fresh steed by his squire, whose duty it was to see to this, among other things. The author of the Vita Edw. notes as a mischance deserving remark that in this day's fighting the Earl of Gloucester was unhorsed (p. 202; see also on Bk. XII. 504). 86 The Bruce [BOOK XII BOOK XII. 22 quyrbolle. Cuir-bouilli, or " boiled leather," was not really boiled, as in that case it would become horny and brittle and so quite unsuitable for the purposes to which it was put-the strengthening of armour in the transition period of the fourteenth century prior to the full use of plate, and the making of sheaths, bottles, caskets, etc. The leather was steeped in a warm mixture of wax and oil, which made it pliable and fit to receive the designs cut or embossed on it. It was then slowly dried. Helmet crests or other fittings were also made of it, as here. 29 the Boune. Henricus de Boun in Vita Edw. Sec. (see below). The name is variously spelled-Bowme (C), Bohun, etc. He was the nephew of Hereford. Barbour says " cosyne " in 3i, but this, formerly, very frequently denoted a nephew or niece (N.E.D.). 33 merk-schot. Jamieson's Dictionary gives as explanation: " Seems the distance between the bow markis which were shot at in the exercise of archery." In the New English Dictionar -. " The distance between the butts in archery " (citing this passage). E and H read bow-schote=I5o to 200 yards. 36 his men. That is, the men of his own battle at the " entry," not the whole army drawn up in line, as is generally assumed. Cf. Bk. XI. 440-53, and note. 42 his hors he steris. Cf. with the account, professing to be based on Barbour, in Scott's Lord of the Isles, canto vi., xv.: " The Bruce stood fast," etc. 49 in-till a lyng. " They quickly took their positions so as to come at each other in a line." 58 And he doune till the erd can ga. I.e., De Boun; but Sir Herbert Maxwell says Bruce! (Robert the Bruce, p. 205). With this Scottish version of the event cf. the following English one (c. 1326): "When the English had now passed the wood "-i.e., the Torwood-" and were approaching Stirling, behold! the Scots were moving about, as if in flight, on the edge of the grove" (sub memore, i.e., the wood of the New Park), "whom a certain knight, Henry de Boun, with the Welshmen, pursued up to the entry" (introitum, Barbour's "entre") "of the grove. For he had it in his mind that, if he should find Robert Bruce there, he would either slay him or bring him back his captive. But when he had come hither, Robert himself issued suddenly from the cover of the wood " (a latebris silvs); " and the aforesaid Henry, seeing that he could not resist the crowd of Scots, and wishing to retire to his friends, turned his horse; but Notes 87 Robert withstood him, and with the axe which he carried in his hand, smashed in his skull. His squire, while endeavouring to shield and avenge his lord, is overcome by the Scots" (Vita Edw. Sec., p. 202). Gray says the advanced guard under the Earl of Gloucester entered the road within the Park and were repulsed (tost furvont recoillez. Scala., p. I4r) by the Scots; and that, as was reported, Robert Bruce here slew a knight, Peris de Mountforth, with an axe. A John de Mountfort was slain at Bannockburn, and in the list cited his name immediately precedes that of Henry de Boun (Annales Londonienses, p. 231, in Chronicles of Edward I. and Edward II., vol. i.). Buchanan places this incident at the beginning of the main battle on Monday as something scarcely worth mentioning (parurn quidem dictu) (Rer. Scot. Hist., ed. 1762, chap. xxxix.). Barbour, of course, concentrates on Bruce's performance, but the Vita Edwardi incidentally corroborates Gray in remarking that in this day's fighting Gloucester was unhorsed (p. 202), which could have happened only in the Park affair. 67 thai corn on. As we see, the De Boun affair was part of a serious skirmish, an attempt to force the road to Stirling through the Park, in which the English van was repulsed. See above on 58, and hereafter on 176. This important fact is usually overlooked, as in Hume Brown's History, i., p. 158. I40 The layff went. Some, says Gray, fled to the Castle of Stirling (au chastel), the others to the King's host (Scala., p. I4I). I44-6 " Quickly took off their helmets to get air, for they were hot, and covered with perspiration." 176 twis. I.e., repulsed in the De Boun skirmish, and in that of Randolph and Clifford. These successes were clearly of the greatest importance, in so far as they put heart into the Scots, and prevented their being overawed, as they might well have been, by the greatness and terrifying appearance of the English host. The author of the Gesta Edw. de Carnarvon thus notes that at Bannockburn "they fought on both days" (utrisque diebus pugnaverunt), and the Scots " prevailed " (Chron. Edw. I. and Edw. II., ii. 46). 194 gif yhe think, etc. Bruce here offers his men alternative courses, either to stay and fight or to retreat. Gray tells us that the Scots were on the point of retiring to a stronger position in the Lennox, when Sir Alexander Seton, secretly deserting the English side-no doubt because he saw that the chances of success were now with the Scotscame to Bruce and told him of the shaken condition of the English army, pledging his head that if Bruce attacked next day, he would win easily, and with little loss (Scala., p. I41). Bruce did attack. Seton was an English 88 The Bruce [BOOK XII partisan in February, 1312 (Bain, iii., No. 245). Later he appears on the Scottish side (ibid., 767, etc.). 2I0 Lordyngis, etc. For Bruce's speech, see Appendix B. 255-6 The various readings here show that to the scribes the sense was somewhat obscure. Bruce says that, should the English find them weak, and defeat them, they would have no mercy upon them. Skeat, by reading To in 255, and putting a period after oppynly, misses the point. That happyn and that wyn are hypothetical subjunctives. E and H have altered 256. 290 my brothir Neill. Nigel Bruce. See IV. 6I, 176. 300 enveronyt. "The strength of this place shall prevent us being surrounded "-always Bruce's special fear, his men being few in comparison with the enemy. See note on Bk. XIII. 275. 357 The Inglis men sic abaysing, Tuk. Similarly Gray writes that the English had " sadly lost countenance and were in very low spirits " (etoint de trop mal covyne) from what had taken place (Scala., p. I42). " And from that hour," says the Lanercost Chronicle, " fear spread among the English and greater boldness among the Scots" (p. 225). The rhetorical John de Trokelowe, however, declares that the English were " exasperated " (exacerbati), and firmly determined to be revenged or vanquished on the morrow (Chronica et Annales, p. 83). The last statement, though it would seem to be only a presumption on the chronicler's part, may apply to the lords, who, Barbour says, urged on their men to "tak a-mendis." Barbour, Gray, and the Lanercost writer speak for the general mass, and their agreement establishes the fact. 390 bot he war socht. The English certainly feared a night attack. According to Gray, they passed the night under arms, with their horses bitted (p. 142). In the Vita Edwardi also we read that there was no rest for them, and that they spent a sleepless night. " For they thought the Scots would rather attack by night than await battle in the daytime " (pp. 202-3). 392 Doune in the Kers. The Carse is the low-lying ground along Forth side, on which were the "pools" (see note on Bk. XI. 300), and which was thus in a generally marshy condition. The ancient limits of the Carse proper seem to be indicated in the O.S. map by the names Kerse Patrick, Kerse Mill, and Springkerse, all on the 40-feet level. Eastwards the land sinks towards the Forth; westwards it rises slightly to the 5o-feet level at the foot of the ridge on which stands St. Ninian's. This middle division is called " the dryfield lands" in the Old Stat. Act, xviii., p. 388. Friar Baston also has the name: "The dry land (arrida terra) of Stirling" (see note on XI. 360). The English had to keep to the marshy land of Notes 89 the east in order to be clear of the Scottish leaguer in the Park. They thus crossed the Bannock (see below), and kept the " dryfield land " between them and the Scots. Having crossed, they could advance to the " hard feld " (Barbour) from their front. It is of the first importance to understand that the English did camp here, for, if so, the battle was fought on the strip of level, firm ground separating the armies. Grav corroborates Barbour: "The host of the King... had arrived on a plain towards the water of Forth, beyond Bannockburn-a bad, deep morass with pools" (ruscelle, Scala., p. 142.). Mr. Lang, seeing the difficulty of reconciling this statement with the site of battle as fixed by him and the other historians, says that Gray, in " beyond Bannockburn " (outre Bannockburn), must mean " south of Bannockburn, taking the point of view of his father, at that hour a captive in Bruce's camp" (History, i., p. 221). But Gray's hour of writing was forty years later; and Barbour, who says the same thing, cannot be explained away by supposititious hallucination. 407 quhen it wes day. "About the third hour of the day" (Trokelowe, p. 84). On June 24 the sun rises about 4 a.m. 413 Thai maid knychtis. A usual ceremony before an important battle. Those receiving the honour for distinguished conduct in the field were known as " knights-banneret." Previously they had been only " bachelors," for which see Glossary. 421 tuk the playne. Note the reiteration of this expression, and cf. what is said on Bk. XI. 544, and above on 392; also Vita Ed., p. 203 * " When he (Bruce) learned that the English battles had occupied the plain (campus), he led out his whole army from the grove " (de nemore). 426 richt as angelis schane brichtly. Probably in reference to the white " surcoats " worn by the knights over their armour (cf. Bk. VIII. 232-35). Baston writes: "The English folk, like Heaven's folk, in splendour shine" (Anglicolc, quasi caelicols, splendore nitescunt, Scotich. ed. Goodall, ii., lib. xii., chap. xxii.). 429 a schiltrum. A close-packed body of men of any order or size (see Glossary). Cf. Morte A rthure, line 2,922: "Owteof the scheltrone they schede (separated themelves), as schepe of a folde "; also several other uses in the same poem. Hemingburgh says that Wallace's "schiltrouns" at Falkirk were round (qui quidem circuli vocabantur " schiltrouns," ii., p. I80). Skeat questions this, for philological reasons! (see note here). 448 apon fut. I.e., the Scots left the cover of the wood, and advanced to meet the English chivalry on foot, contrary to all contemporary rules of the art of war. Cf. what is 90 The Bruce [BOOK XII said on Bk. XI. 296. " None of them (the Scots) mounted a horse, but every man of them was protected by light armour such as a sword could not easily penetrate.. They marched close-packed like a thick hedge, and such a body could not be easily broken into " (Vita Edw. Sec., p. 203). Also of the Scots: " On their side all were on foot: moreover, chosen men of the highest courage, suitably equipped with very sharp axes and other weapons of war, packing their shields close together in front of them, made the column (cuneum) impenetrable" (Trokelowe, p. 84). The formation, in fact, was that of the famous " shield-wall" of Hastings and other early English battles. 477 Knelyt all doune. So, too, in Chron. de Lanercost: " But when the two armies had come very close all the Scots fell on their knees to say a Paternoster, and committed themselves to God, and asked help from heaven; when they had done this they advanced boldly against the English " (p. 225). This ceremony was directed by Maurice, Abbot of Inchaffray, afterwards Bishop of Dunkeld (Bower, Scotich., lib. xii., ch. xxi.). 488 dout of ded. " Fear of death." 498 Schir Edward. The author of Vita Edw. says it was commanded by James Douglas, but in this he is wrong (p. 203). 504 frusching of speris, etc. The Lanercost writer, who derived his information, as he himself says, from a trustworthy eyewitness, has a very similar description. The English chargers, he writes, galloped against the Scottish spears as against a thick wood, " whereupon arose an exceeding great and terrible noise from breaking spears and steeds mortally wounded" (p. 225). The Scots, of course, would " stick" the horses, so as to unseat the heavily armoured riders-a serious accident for them (see note on Bk. XI. 598). 519 With sperzs... and axis. Of the Scots it is said in Vita Edw.: " They had an axe by the side, and carried spears (lanceas) in their hands " (p. 203). For the " weill grundyn " axes, cf. Trokelowe above, line 448. 535 He held his way. The Scots appear to have attacked with successive battles, each coming up later than, and to the left of, its predecessor-in echelon by the right. So we may infer from Barbour, as well as from the rather obscure description in the Lanercost chronicle: "But they so ordered their army, that two divisions (dun acies) of it should precede the third, the first on the flank of the second, so that neither should go in front of the other (una ex latere alterius, ita quod neutra aliam prcacederet), to be followed by the third, in which was Robert" (p. 225). Gray simply says that the ndvance guard of the Scots came on in line of schiltrons and engaged the English (Scala., p. 142). Baker alone states that the Scots stood drawn Notes 91 up in solid array behind an artificial " hurdle " covered ditch, and waited the English attack (Chroin., p. 56). 537 The nyne battales. Probably, as Mr. Oman suggests (Art of War, p. 574), in the way the French were at Cregy, in three lines of three battles each, the advance guard under Gloucester and Hereford thus forming a separate body (cf. lines 435-7). Mr. Oman gives the tenth, however, to " a reserve under the King " (ibid.). Baker, whose account is the latest and is really a summary essay on tactics, divides the English army into three " wards " (custodias): first, the heavy horsemen, which he tumbles into the "fragile" ditch (see above on 536, and note on Bk. XI. 360); next, the foot with the archers reserved to deal with the enemy in flight (see on Bk. XIII. 5I); and, third, the King himself, with the bishops and other "religious" men (Chronic., 56-7). BOOK XIII. 32 tynt the suet. "Iost their lives." The phrase in this sense occurs also in the Wallace: " The Scottis on fute gert mony loiss the suete " (The Wallace, Jamieson's edition, Bk. xii., line I94). 36 slew fire. " Struck out fire." Also in Wallace, iv. 285: "slew fyr on flint." Cf. from The Buik of Alexander: "thare dyntis, That kest fyre as man dois flyntis" (p. 236, line 24). 51 the archeris war perelous. Baker says that the archers were not given a suitable position, as in his time, being placed behind the first line instead of on the wings (cf. note on Bk. XII. 537, and below lines i02-5, and note on 104). " Some," he adds, " shot upwards so that their arrows fell fruitlessly (incassum) on the helmets of their adversaries; those who shot straight wounded a few Scots in the breast, but more English in the back " (Chron., pp. 57 -58). At Falkirk (1298), after the failure of the first attack by the horsemen, Edward I. brought up his archers to play on the Scottish masses till these were broken, and then charged and dispersed them. Bruce anticipated this manoeuvre, and made provision for it (see note on 98). 6I Robert of Keth. The Kethes or Keiths took their name from the barony of Keith, in Lothian. This Robert was still in the English service on May 23, I308 (Bain, iii. 44), yet his name appears among those present at Bruce's Parliament of March I6, 1309, as Robert de Kethe, Marshall (Acts Parl. Scot., i., p. 99). Elsewhere he is said to have joined Bruce at Christmas, I308 (Bain, No. 245). He 92 The Bruce [BOOK XIII received from Bruce the office of Earl Marshall as its holders, one of the branches of the " Mareschals," were adherents of England, and continued to be (Bain, iii., p. lxviii). 68 at a syde. " On one side," as in line I63, " in-till a front." This movement is too vaguely described to be located exactly. Most probably it was to the left of the three "battles" now engaged (English right), on ground presently occupied by Bruce with his own division. 98 nakit. "Without defensive armour," as in Bk. VII. 330. The two previous lines mean that the Scottish horsemen did not have to stop a stroke or hold against a blow; i.e., the archers offered no resistance. Bruce's intention, we may gather from lines 58-60, was so to harass the archers on the flank as to occupy them with their own defence and restrain their shooting. The attack, however, was so successfully pushed home that the archers were wholly scattered. ro4 thair awne folk had no space. We gather that the archers had taken up a position on the right front of the main body, where they blocked the advance of the horsemen directly behind. These received the flying archers with blows, and pushed forward to take their place. The Lanercost chronicler says the battle began with a skirmish between the opposing archers, and that the Scots archers were driven back. This, again, suggests that the archers were somewhere in front. Mr. Oman follows Baker in placing them behind the first line. See note on 51. 132 on a syde. See above on 68. 162 All four the battelis. The Vita Edw. Sec. (p. 203) and the Chron. de Lanercost (p. 225) divide the Scots into three battles (turmas, acies), the usual medieval arrangement. The latter also gives Robert the rear division, as here. 175 in ane schiltrum all. Gray says that the " battles " of the English were crowded close together (entassez estoint), and could not repeat their attacks upon the Scots (remuerent devers eaux), as their horses were impaled by the pikes (p. 142). In the Lanercost chronicle we read that the English behind (sequentes) "were not able to reach the Scots because of the interposition of the first line, nor in any way to help themselves" (p. 224). The English, indeed, were too many to be manoeuvred according to the simple tactics of the day, and were, in addition, crowded on too narrow a front. There was no generalship. These were Bruce's chief advantages. He was protected by the hill and wood behind from being surrounded (cf. note on Bk. XI. 30oo). Besides, his rapid and successive advance prevented the English from developing any such intention. They could not well deploy among the " pools" and marshes. Notes 93 183 quyntis. " Quyntis is merely the French cointises, signifying finery or quaint attire" (Skeat); generally, ornamental attachments to the armour. E reads quhytys, and H coates, so that we may have to do with the "white " surcoats. In viii. 232 Barbour speaks of hauberks " quhit as flour." 208 the Scottis archeris. The effective part played by the Scottish archers is usually overlooked. 283 quhen the King of England saw his men fle. The English writers make no mention of the appearance of the campfollowers. They date the break-up from the failure of Gloucester's attack with the van. As those behind, says the Lanercost chronicler, could not get forward (see note on 275), nothing remained but to take measures for flight (pp. 225-6). The front line had fallen back only to add to the confusion (cf. line I70, etc.). " When those who were with the King saw the Earl's division smashed up (contritum) and their friends making ready to fly, they said it was dangerous to stay longer," etc. (Vita Edw. Sec., p. 205). Gray says the King went much against his will (as Barbour reports one version in line 298), and that he knocked over with his mace the Scots that were catching at his charger's housings (Scala., p. 142). Trokelowe affirms that he laid about him " like a lion," and brandished a sword dripping with blood (Annales, p. 86). 297 By the renyhe. " Those who had been assigned to the King's rein were drawing the King forward by the rein out of the plain (hors du chaumpe) towards the castle" (Scala., p. 142). 307 I cheis heir to byde and de. In Vita Edw. Sec. it is said he hastened to assist the Earl of Gloucester when he saw him fall, and perished with him, " thinking it more honourable to perish with such a man than to escape death by flight " (p. 204). Cf. also Scala.:" I have never been accustomed to fly" (p. 143). 321 thrid best knycht. See note on Bk. XI. I74. He is highly spoken of by both Baston and the Vita Edw. writer. According to Bruce's English eulogist in the Scotichronicon, the other two were Bruce himself and the Emperor Henry (lib. xiii., ch. xvi.). 328-9 fra... the King Wes fled, wes nane that durst abyde. "When the King's banner is seen to depart the whole army quickly disperses " (Vita Edw. Sec., p. 205). 335 Fled to the wattir of Forth. On no hypothesis other than that the battle was fought on the plain between the Forth and the Bannock can this fact be explained. Of the fact itself there is no question. The Lanercost chronicler, in his Versus, says: " Forth swallowed up many well furnished with arms and horses" (p. 227). They were probably seeking for a ford. 94 The Bruce [BOOK XIII 337 And Bannokburn. " The folk in the English rear fell back upon the ditch (fosse) of Bannockburn, one tumbling over the other" (Scala., p. 142). "Another unfortunate thing happened to the English, because, since a little before they had crossed a great ditch into which the tide flows-Bannockburn by name-and now in confusion wished to retire, many knights and others, on account of the pressure, fell into it with their horses (cf. Barbour, line 338), and some with great difficulty got out, and many were quite unable to clear themselves of the ditch; and on this account Bannockburn was on English lips for many years to come" (Lanercost, 226). In Vita Edw. also mention is made of a "certain ditch" (fovea) which " swallowed up (absorbuit) many," and where a great part perished (p. 20o). The Bannock turns sharply north near the English rear, but the description in Barbour and the reference above to the tide with the inclusion of the Forth, indicate the part nearer the mouth. 341 laddis, etc. I.e., the camp-followers. 352 Of slyk. In Chron. de Lanercost (p. 226) " Bannock's mud" (Bannoke limus). Edmund de Malolacu (Mauley), Edward's steward, met his death " in a certain slimy hollow" (in quodam antro lutoso. Flores Historiarum, iii., p. 159). 363 Philip the Mowbray said. Different interpretations were put upon Mowbray's action, but the fact and the quite satisfactory reason given by Barbour are borne out by the English chroniclers. "When the King comes to the castle, thinking he will find refuge there, he is repulsed like an enemy; the bridge is drawn up and the gate closed. On this account the keeper of the castle was believed by many to be not unacquainted with treason, and yet he was seen that very day in his armour on the field, as it were ready to fight for the King. However, I neither acquit nor accuse the keeper of treason, but confess that in the providence of God the King of England did not enter the castle, because if he had then been admitted he could not have failed to be captured" (Vita Edw. Sec., p. 205). In Gesta Edw. de Carnarvon the Governor is wrongly called Alexander de Mowbray, and the account is: " The foresaid keeper, knowing that his supplies were not sufficient for himself and his men, and also fearing that Robert Bruce, having got the victory, would attack and capture the castle, did not wish to expose his King of England to such great danger, and, preferring to incur misunderstanding, refused on this account to open the castle of the King " (p. 47). The castle was surrendered, and Mowbray entered the service of Bruce. 379 the Rownde Tabill. Usually and quite wrongly identified with the King's Knot-i.e., garden-a regular mound Notes 95 below the castle rock. It is mentioned by Sir David Lindsay in the sixteenth century. In 1302 Edward I. had a " Round Table" (la table rounde) ordained (ordinari) at Falkirk (Ann. Lond., p. I04). To "hold a Round Table" was a sporting function among knights; here some sort of building may be referred to, like that described by Murimuth (I 344), intended to be built for the purpose at Windsor (Chronicle, p. 155). Probably, in that case, it was only of Barbour's own time. I incline, however, to the belief, from its associations in Lindsay's verse, that it was a natural feature-the circular crags enclosing the western division of the modern King's Park. It would thus be a place-name, like " Arthur's Seat." 380 the Park enveronyt thai. Gray says the King was taken round the Torwood and by the plains of Lothian (Lownesse, p. I43). 381 held in hy. The Lanercost chronicler says that they had " as guide a Scottish knight who knew by what route they could escape " (p. 227). 409 wes tane in. The Lanercost chronicler writes that Hereford and those with him were making for Carlisle when they were captured at Bothwell Castle: " For the sheriff, the keeper of the castle, who up to that time had held the castle for the King of England, seeing that his countrymen had been victorious in the war, suffered the more noble of them who had come there to enter the castle as if to have a safe retreat, and when they entered seized them," afterwards surrendering them to Bruce (p. 228). In the anonymous chronicle used by Stevenson we have a similar account. Hereford and a few nobles were allowed to enter the castle, where they found themselves in custody. The rest remained outside the walls, and were suddenly set on by the Scots, who slew them, except a few who surrendered (Illustrations of Scottish History, p. 2). Barbour says three-fourths were taken or slain (416). In Ann. Lond. Hereford is said to have been accompanied by a thousand men-at-arms (p. 23I). The Lanercost estimate is 600 horse and i,ooo foot, Umfraville being of the company (ibid.). Walsingham gives the total of earls, barons, and baronets captured and slain as 154; of clerics and squires an excessive number (Historia Angl., i., p. 154). The name of the keeper was Gilbert son as in E; he appears on record as " Fitz-Gilbert" (Bain, iii. No. 243, etc.). He joined Bruce and was the ancestor of the great Hamilton family. Bothwell Castle is on the Clyde. 417 Moris de Berclay. In Vita Edw. (p. 206) he is among those captured at Bothwell. According to the Lanercost historian, it was Pembroke (Valence) who fled " on foot" 96 The Bruce [BOOK XIII with the Welshmen, and escaped (p. 228). In Ann. Lond. de Valence is said to have fled nudis pedibus (bare-footed); that is, apparently, he removed his foot and leg armour (p. 230). 456 Thai dispendit haly that day, In spoulyheing. The author of Vita Edw. declares that it was the preoccupation of the Scots with the plunder that allowed many English to escape. In his precise way, he estimates that the valuable equipment which fell to the Scots was worth ~200,ooo (p. 206), or at the ratio of: 15 about ~3,000,000 present day (cf. note on 667-8). 463 spuris rede. I.e., gilt or gold spurs worn only by knights. The 700 pairs of C would give us 700 knights slain; E's 200 is probably nearer the truth. In Ann. Lond., (p. 231) we get a list of thirty-seven knights slain at " the battle of Stirling." Of the foot and squires, it is said, the most part (maxima pars) was not slain. Baker says about 300 men-at-arms (viri militares) were among the slain (57). Bower gives 200 knights slain besides Gloucester (Scotich. Goodall, edition 1759, ii., p. 250). Walsingham, from his MS. source, fixes the number of knights and squires who fell at 700 (Historia Anglicana, p. I4I); Capgrave the lords, barons, and knights slain and captured at I54. More than 500 were reported dead who were afterwards found to be captives (Chronicle, p. I80) and had to be ransomed (Vita Edw., p. 206). Fabyan gives forty-two noblemen slain, and sixty-seven knights and baronets, while twelve "men of name" were taken prisoner (New Chronicles, p. 420). 466 Gilbert of Clar. About twenty-three years of age (Ann. Lond., p. 231). He fell in the first charge (Vita Edw.; Baker). Baker says the Scots would have gladly taken him alive for ransom had they known who he was, but that he did not wear his surcoat (toga) with his coat of arms (p. 57). Cf. lines 5io0-I. That men callit, says Barbour, having in mind Ralph de Monthermer, his stepfather who had previously borne the title. 468 Payne Typtot. Paganus Typetot (Vita Edw.) or Tybetot (Ann. Lond.). "Paganus Typetoft," or "Typetot," is the name in Chron. de Lanercost. 471 Wilyhame Vepownt. Sir William de Vepont (Veteriponte) was a Scotsman in the service of England till 1312, having been imprisoned on capture during the Comyn resistance in 1302. He was under Valence in Ayr in 1307 (Bain, ii., Nos. 1,283, 1,294; iii., No. 263). Walter the Ros was serving England in Linlithgow in 1312 (Bain, iii., p. 411). 486 at rebours. I.e., treated badly, held "in great dislike" (Skeat). See Glossary. Edward had a son, Alexander, by Isabella of Atholl (Exchq. R )lls, II. cxxxii.). 489-90. Erll Davy of Adell. Lord Hailes did not know " what Notes 97 judgment to form of this story," in view of the fact that sentence of forfeiture was not passed against Atholl till 1323 (Annales, ii. 58 note). But his lands were forfeited by October, I314, and granted to Sir Neil Campbell (Robertson's Index, p. 26; ii. Scots Peerage), and he, then being in England, received three manors from Edward II. " till he recovers his Scottish possessions" (Bain, iii., p. 75). Atholl's career is, however, puzzling. Ilis wife was Johanna, daughter of the murdered Comyn of Badenoch. Up till I312 he is a supporter of England, and in December of that year even seems to have sat in the English Parliament. But in the previous October he is among those present in Bruce's Parliament at Inverness (A cta. Parl. Scot., vol. i., 103); next appears as Constable of Scotland, and, early in 1313, is a witness to charters to the Abbey of Arbroath (Scots Peerage). Then comes a blank till October, 1314, as above. There is thus room for Barbour's story: Atholl did give a short-lived support to the national cause, and a forfeiture of his lands did follow soon after Bannockbum. He remained an active adherent of England till his death, January, 1327. 495 Wilyham of Herth. Apparently William Mareschal of Erth (Bain, iii. 343; cf. note on 6I). Sir William de Erth was a supporter of Comyn in the Barons' War, and capitulated with him and others at Strathorde on February 9, 1304 (Bain, ii., No. 1,741). William de Erth, knight, was alive in 1333 (Bain, iii. I,099). Erth, or Airth, is on the east of Stirlingshire, on the Forth. 510 I somdeill anoyit. Cf. note on 466. 512 till a kirk he gert hym be Brocht. John de Trokelowe says that Bruce sent the bodies of Gloucester and Clifford to King Edward while at Berwick, to be buried as he wished, and this without demanding any payment as ransom (Annales, p. 87). 523 Betung in C is certainly wrong; E gives the correct form Twenge. Marmaduke de Twenge appears on the list in Foedera and elsewhere. He was the hero of Stirling Bridge (I297), who cut his way back over the bridge. 53I trete hym curtasly. Trokelowe says that Bruce caused his noble prisoners to be treated so becomingly and courteously (decenter ac civiliter) " that the hearts of many who were opposed to him he turned, in a wonderful way, to feeling an affection for him " (Annales, p. 87). 544 become of his dwelling. " Became one of his company," as in Bk. IV. 48 I, where Bruce says of Douglas and his men in Arran: " Thai ar all of my duelling." 7 APPENDICES APPENDIX A THE SITE OF THE BATTLE OF BANNOCKBURN IT will be noticed that the conception of this battle, alike as to position and tactics, elaborated in the notes in strict conformity with Barbour, differs entirely from that now universally accepted. The engagements of the first day (Sunday) were the outcome of attempts to clear the two paths of approach to Stirling-that through the New Park, and the other on the level below St. Ninians. Both failed, and the means by which their failure was brought about determined the operations of the following day (Monday). This main engagement, however, it has been hitherto held, took place on the banks of the Burn, below or in the neighbourhood of Brock's Brae, with the Burn separating the forces. This is pure misconception. There can be no doubt that the battle was fought on a position roughly at right angles to this-on " the playne," " the hard feld," or level ground east of St. Ninians, reaching back into the angle formed by the Forth and the Bannock. The main data for such a conclusion are these: (i) The English passed the night on the Carse, having crossed the Bannock; (2) the Scots attacked early next morning, and to do this " tuk the playne," leaving their camp-followers in the Park, so that they astonished the English by their audacity; (3) in the rout many English were drowned in the Forth and in the Bannock; (4) Edward II., unable to get away, fled to the castle; (5) so did many of his men, as the castle " wes ner." These facts, fully substantiated from both sides, are wholly inconsistent with a site of battle south of St. Ninians, and fix its position between the Forth and the Bannock. Barbour's "pools" are the "polles" in which, according to Hemingburgh,1 the English baggage was bogged and captured after the battle of Stirling Bridge. The English and French (and Irish) chroniclers invariably speak of the battle as that of " Stirling," and Trokelowe calls it the Battle of Bannockmoor. For a full discussion of the matter, see my paper on " The Real Bannockburn" in Proceedings of the Glasgow Archsological Society, 1908-1909. 1 Vol. ii., p. I40. 98 Appendix B 99 APPENDIX B BRUCE'S SPEECH AT BANNOCKBURN BOOK XII. 2IO-327 IT is the privilege of early historians to equip their leading personages with speeches, and in its pertinent, practical character the speech here provided for King Robert is a good example of such-so good, indeed, as to suggest the probability that Barbour is working up some transmitted material. There is on record another speech attributed to Bruce, which formed part of a Latin poem on Bannockburn by Abbot Bernard of Arbroath, Bruce's Chancellor, portions of which are quoted in the Scotichronicon.1 This speech consists of twenty-five hexameter lines, and is a rhetorical flourish on Scottish liberty, the miseries inflicted by the English on the country, and the hapless condition of "mother Church," closing in strains of ecclesiastical exhortation. Moreover, it immediately precedes the opening of the battle, while Barbour's version is of the evening before. In the latter a special interest attaches to lines 263-268 and 303-317, which may be compared with the following extracts from a speech by Alexander the Great in The Vowes, one of the three romances which make up the Scottish Buik of Alexander, the translation of which from the French was probably the work of Barbour himself.2 Alexander says: "Be thay assailyeit hardely, And encountered egerly, The formest cumis ye sall se, The hindmest sall abased be. * * * * Forthy I pray ilk man that he Nocht covetous na yarnand be, To tak na ryches that thay wald, Bot wyn of deidly fais the fald; Fra thay be winnin all wit ye weill The gudis are ouris ever ilk deill; And I quyteclame yow utrely Baith gold and silver halely, And all the riches that thaires is, The honour will I have I wiq."3 1 Lib. xii., chap. xxi. 2 See Appendix E. 3 P. 318. 7-2 I00 The Bruce To the same purport as these latter lines is a portion of a subsequent address;1 and lines 325, 334 find a similar parallel in: "Thus armit all the nicht thay lay, Quhile on the morne that it was day."2 Of the cardinal sentiment in the speech, the origin is probably to be found in the familiar story of the Maccabees, referred to more than once in The Bruce. Judas Maccabeus was one of the typical heroes of French romance, and had one metrical romance, at least, devoted to his career. And in I Maccabees, chap. iv., we have: " I7. (Judas) said to the people, Be not greedy of the spoils, inasmuch as there is a battle before us. " 18. And Gorgias and his host are here by us in the mountain; but stand ye now against our enemies, and overcome them, and after this ye may boldly take the spoils."3 APPENDIX C THE NUMBERS AT BANNOCKBURN ENGLISH: One hundred thousand men and ma. ScoTS: Thretty thousand, and sum deill mare. THESE figures have given rise to much discussion, without any very certain result. Yet official data are not wanting-sufficient, at least, to check what is only another example of the wild conjectures of mediaeval chroniclers when dealing with numbers. Hemingburgh gives Wallace at Falkirk " about three hundred thousand men"4-rather more, probably, than the whole male population of Scotland. We need not be surprised, then, at how all such estimates shrink in the cold light of Exchequer figures. Edward II. summoned all owing him military service,5 which corroborates the statement of the author of the Vita Edw. Sec. that "the King exacted from all the service due,"6 as well as that of Barbour-" of England hale the chivalry." The Earls of Lancaster, Warenne, Arundel, and Warwick did not attend, for a particular reason, but sent their contingents.7 Now, by 1 p. 339. 2 P. 350, lines I2, I3. 3 Cf. also Neilson on The Real " Scots Wha Hae " in Scottish Antiquary, vol. xiv., No. 53, July, 1899. 4 II. p. I8o. 5 Faedera, iii., p. 464, etc. 6 P. 20I. 7 Vita Edw., p. 20I. Appendix C IOI Mr. Round's calculations, the whole number of knights' fees in England did not exceed 5,ooo;1 Mr. Morris raises the figure to something short of 7,oo0.2 The important point is, however, that in practice the assessment was only a nominal or conventional one. Thus Gloucester, with 455 fees, was assessed at ten knights.3 Including all grades of horsemen, Mr. Morris puts " the maximum of the cavalry arm" at " about 8,00o "; but, all things considered, no such number could ever take the field.4 Edward I. had summoned his full feudal array (onnes sui fideles) for the Falkirk campaign, and Hemingburgh says that, when counted, it came to 3,000 men on armoured horses (Barbour's "helit hors "), and more than 4,000 on unarmoured horsessay, roughly, 7,000 in all.5 Mr. Morris, however, by a generous calculation from the rolls, arrives at 2,400 as the highest possible figure.6 Now, it is to be noted that the author of the Vita Edw. Sec., while lauding the size and magnificence of the host that went to Bannockburn, gives 2,000 men-at-arms as apparently the total of the cavalry, since he simply adds " a considerable body of footmen."7 On the whole, 3,000 to 4,000 English horse is a higher limit for Bannockburn, when we consider all the difficulties of sufficient armour, remounts, and forage. Mr. Morris thinks Io,ooo "impossible," though he is here calculating on yards of frontage on a site where the battle was not fought.8 About 7,000 is Mr. Round's free estimate, adopting Hemingburgh's figure for Falkirk.9 Bain accepts Barbour's 3,000 heavy horsemen, and suggests o0,000 light horse, but proceeds on no data.10 Mr. Oman calculates that "three thousand 'equites coperti,' men-at-arms on barded horses," means, probably, o0,000 for the whole cavalry,11 but this traverses his Falkirk figures. England never put, nor could maintain, on the field such a mounted force, to say nothing of the difficulty of handling and manoeuvring it. For the foot we have, fortunately, exact figures in the Federa12 -21,540 men all told, which would include the archers. Only the northern counties-but not all-and Wales are drawn upon, as those of the south would be for a French campaign.13 Such had been the practice of Edward I., whose levies from the 1 Feudal England, p. 292. 2 The Welsh Wars of Edward I., p. 41. 3 Welsh Wars, p. 59. 4 Ibid., pp. 8I, 82. 6 II. p. I73. 6 Welsh Wars, p. 292. 7 Peditum turba copiosa, p. 201. 8 Engl. Hist. Rev., vol. xiv., p. 133. Cf. Appendix A. 9 Bannockburn in The Commune of London, p. 298. 10 Calendar, iii., p. xxi. 1 Art of War, p. 575 note. 12 Vol. iii., p. 482, etc.; also in Rotuli Scotice, i., p. I27; and Parliamentary Writs, book ii., div. 2, p. II7. 13 Cf. Commune of London, p. 296; Engl. Hist. Rev., xiv., P. I33. I02 The Bruce northern counties and Wales ranged from 29,400 foot in 1297 to 12,000 in 1301.1 Mr. Morris contends that not till 1322 were infantry drawn from all England for a Scottish campaign (as cited), but in this he is wrong. It was done by a special vote of Parliament, and according to a prescribed form, as early as March, 1316, when every township, with some special exceptions, furnished one soldier,2 and again in I318.3 These are clearly new and special arrangements, and there is thus no reason to believe that the list in Fcadera, etc., is not complete, as Mr. Oman suggests, adding, accordingly, a southern contingent of about 30,000 men, though he doubts if " the extreme South " sent its full muster.4 This is quite gratuitous. Lord Hailes, too, contended that the official records are imperfect, and that the numbers given by Barbour " are within the limits of probability."5 Bain's authoritative reply is that, " as a rule, the writs were always enrolled, and the Patent Rolls of the time are not defective."6 This, however, is not always true, and Bain, applying this principle absolutely, is once, at least, led to a wrong conclusion.7 An important question now suggests itself, but no one has so far raised it: did the levies in these full numbers turn up? They are allotted in round figures: what proportion was actually furnished? That there would be some trouble in securing the conscripts is anticipated and provided for in severe measures for the contumacious.8 This was usual, and even the strong hand of Edward I. could not prevent men from deserting after they had received their wages. Here we have, also, a sufficient basis for an estimate. On May 12, 1301, Edward I. summoned for midsummer I2,000 men from nine of the counties included in the Bannockburn levy-York, as in that case, being assessed at 4,000.10 On July 12 we have the numbers from these counties as they appear on the pay-roll, when it is stated that they had contributed in proportions which give only 5,50i all told; York having sent only I,I93, and Northumberland, assessed at 2,700, providing the largest proportion-2,oI9.11 The numbers vary slightly on other days. but seem never to have exceeded, if they reached, 50 per cent. of the nominal levy. Mr. Morris works out the same result for the Caerlaverock Campaign of 1300.12 There 1 Bain, ii., Nos. 956, 1202, 1092, II36. 2 Writs as cited, pp. 176, I77. 3 Trokelowe, p. 102; Rot. Scot., i., p. 183. 4 Art of War, p. 573 and note. 6 Annals, ii., p. 48. 6 Calendar, iii., p. xx. 7 See note on Book XVI., 285. 8 Writs, ii., p. I85. 9 Palgrave, cxxvii.; Welsh Wars, pp. 95, 98. 10 Bain, ii., No. 1202. 11 Bain, ii., 1229. 12 Ielsh Wars, p. 301. Appendix C 103 are no grounds for assuming that things went differently in 1314, and thus over 21,540 men are reduced by about half. It is quite a fair conclusion that not more than 12,000 English footwhich exceeds the proportion above-were actually present at Bannockburn. For the foreign contingents no figures exist. Bain thinks they were not " more than a few thousands."1 The Gascon corps in the Falkirk army should have been Io6 mounted men.2 The Hainault and Flanders auxiliaries who shared in the campaign of 1327 amounted to 550 men-at-arms, and were an expensive item.3 The Irish contingent which came to Edward I. in 1304 amounted at most, for a few weeks only, to 3,500 men,4 but to merely 361 in the army of I300.5 I would suggest, therefore, for the English army the following round numbers: 3,000 to 4,000 horse of all sorts, 12,000 English and Welsh foot, 3,000 (?) Irish, 1,500 (?) foreigners, or, in a lump sum, 20,000 men of all arms, to which must be added a crowd of non-combatants-servants, traders, and camp-followers generally. Bain (as cited) proposes 5o,ooo; Round, 30,000; Oman, 6o,ooo to 70,000. I consider I8,ooo to 20,000 the most probable range. With even the lower of these numbers, the English commanders in organization and commissariat would have rather more than they could manage. Barbour's figure for the Scottish army must be similarly reduced. More than 30,000 would be a huge proportion of the Scottish population of that time, especially as the whole does not seem to have been drawn upon, and of that, as Barbour insists, a good many were still hostile.6 William the Lion was credited in 1173 with a national host of I,ooo armoured horsemen, and 30,000 unarmoured footmen,7 and the latter unit is surely over the score. At Halidon Hill, 1333, the Scots are said to have had 1,174 knights and men-at-arms and I3,500 lightarmed men or foot;9 and this chronicler consistently exaggerates. Yet these figures represent a united kingdom. Forty thousand at Bannockburn is the estimate for the Scots of the Vita Edw. writer, but the English writers, on their side, grossly overstate the numbers of the enemy, as witness what is said of Hemingburgh above. Bain's figure of 5,oo000 to I6,ooo is no doubt nearer the mark; "perhaps twenty-five thousand men in all " is Mr. Oman's conjecture.9 Possibly 6,ooo to 7,000 is as near as we can go, adopting Barbour's ratio, which gives a proportion of I to 3 of the English army. The non-combatants here, too, would 1 III., p. xxi. 2 Welsh Wars, p. 289. 3 Cf. Book XIX., 267 note. 4 Bain, ii., p. xxxix, note. 6 Welsh Wars, p. 30I. 6 See note on 46. 7 Chronique de Jordan Fantosme, lines 328-9. 8 Hemingburgh, ii., pp. 308-9. 9 Art of War, p. 575. Io04 The Bruce be numerous. Up to this time Bruce's men in the field could be numbered only in hundreds, so that as many thousands would represent a very special effort. And note that after Murray's success over Clifford nearly the whole Scots army gathered round him to see him and do him honour-a fact which is suggestive1 as to its size. 1 XII. I59-I64. GLOSSARY I. Familiar words slightly disguised by spelling are not included. 2. C=Cambridge MS. of The Bruce; E=Edinburgh MS.; H=Hart's printed edition; S=Skeat's edition for Scottish Text Society (S.T.S.); N.E.D. =New English Dictionary; A.S. =Anglo-Saxon; A.F. =Anglo-French; O.F.= Old French; O.N. = Old Norse; N.E. = Northern English; v. =verb; p.t. =past tense; p.p. = past participle; s. =substantive. 3. i and y are completely interchangeable. In such cases as ar, air, ayr (ere), consult under first or earlier form. 4. Only the more significant or interesting references have been given, or those of single occurrence. A, one, a single: A gatis, in one Affy, trust way, uniformly, IV. 702 Agane, Aganis, against Abaid, s., delay: v., waited= Air, Ayr, s., heir abode Air, Ayr, adv., ere, formerly Abais, v., to abash, dismay, dis- (A.S. Fer). See Eir courage; p.p. Abaysit, dis- Air, v., are, IV. 704 mayed Alabast, alabaster Abasing, Abaysyng, etc., s., Alkyn, adj., every kind dismay, discouragement Aller, gen. pl. of all: thar aller, Abandoune, Abaundoune, give of them all, I. 137. See up; make subject, IV. 655, Grammar etc.; behave boldly: at A All-gat, Allgait, always; every abandoune, recklessly; in way, XVIII. 45I abandoine, loosely All-weldand, "all-wielding," Abovin, prep. and adv., above omnipotent (A.S. dbifan); also Abuf Alsone, Alsoyn(e), as soon, very Acquyt, v., free soon Ado, to do=at do (N.E. infin.), Als-tit, very soon X. 348 Alsua, also Afald, " one fold," single, XX. Alswith, very quickly 618 Ameyssyt, appeased, XVI. 134 Affeir, Affer, s., bearing, pomp (O.F. amesir) Afferis, belongs to, becomes Amonist, v., to admonish, ex(Anglo-Fr. afferir, to belong). hort, VIII. 348 See Effeir Amonestyng, Amonystyng, s., Affermit, confirmed advice, exhortation I05 io6 Amorus, adj., amorous Amouris, s., love Amovis, v., moves; p.p., vyt Anamalyt, p.p., enamelled 305 Anciente, antiquity, VI (A.F. ancientS) Anent, prep., near; tov opposite to, XIX. 512. Anerly, only, merely, alor Angyr, anger, affliction, y ing, I. 235, II. 519; als< Angry, difficult, unf, able, V. 70; pained, III annoying, XVIII. 515 Anis, Anys, once: at an once A -pane, for all that, nev less; really a mere expl " at a pinch " (Skeat) Apert, adj., open: in openly, XIX. 217 Appurvait, provided Aquynt, acquainted Ar, Air, Ayr, adv., befor merly (A.S. er) Ar, an oar; pl. aris Arbytre, judgment, de I. 75 (O.F. arbitre or ai Arest, s. and v., arrest, st Arettit, v., p.p., accused 20 (O.F. aretter, to acc Arsoune, saddle-bow, X~ Assay, v., " essay," try,atl attack; also p.t., unde I. 448 Assege, s., siege; also v., A besieged Assenyhe, war-cry; als senyhe Assentit, " assented," ag Assignit, pp., assigned Assis, assize, court of law, 55 Assolyheit, v., p.t., abs set free Assonyheit, p.p., excusec essoigner) Assouerans, s., assurance The Bruce Assouerit, v., " assured," give confidence to, encourage, VI. Amo- 225; also intrans., to have confidence in, rely upon, XI. 3, XX. 309 Ath, Ayth, oath [. 252 Atour, prep., over, above Atour, s., gear, equipment (O.F. yards; atour, ator, furniture, gear) Aucht,v., ought; p.p., possessed, ie 1.45 suffer- Auchty, eighty o adj., Aulde, old ivour- Availyhe, Availl, to be of use. 530; Avalyhe, in phrase IX. 147, ( avail what may avail," ys, at come what will. Availl, v., lower rerthe- Avaward, vanguard etive: Avenand, handsome, graceful (O.F. avenant, well-proporapert, tioned) Avent, v., to give air to, cool, XII. I45 Aventurous, "adventurous," e, for- dangerous, risky Averty, shrewd, prudent Avis6, skilful, II. 27I, prudent cision, Avisment, Avisement, advice, vbitrie) consideration top Avis, advice, opinion; sound XIX., judgment, X. 269 use) Awayward, in their going away, I. 131 XVI. 584 tempt, Awblasteris, arbalisters, crossrwent, bow-men, XVII. 236 (E). See Oblesteris.ssegit, Awmener, a purse (O.F. aumosniere, a bag for alms) o, en- Awter, altar, II. 33, 34 Aynd, s., breath (O.N. andi) reed Aynding, s., breathing Ay-quhar, everywhere XIX. Ayr, oar; pl. Ayris Ayth, oath solved, Bacheler, Bachiller, a young I (O.F. knight, not displaying his own banner but following that of another Baid. See Abaid Baill, burning mass (A.S. bcl, great fire) Bailyheys, bailiffs Bair, v., p.t., bore Bait, Bate, a boat (A.S. bat) Baitit, v., p.t., baited, fed. See Bayt Baneour, a banner-bearer Banys, bones Banyst, v. p.p., banished Banrentis, bannerets, XI. 259: knights bringing vassals under their own banner. C/. Bacheler Bar, v., p.t., bore: bar on hand, maintained against, hence condemned, excluded, I. 62. See note Barblyt, barbed Barell-ferraris, vessels for carrying liquid, XV. 39. See note Bargane, s. and v., fight, encounter Barganyng, s., fighting, combat Barnage, baronage (O.F. barnaige, gathering of barons) Barn6=barnage (word of two syllables) Barras, barriers, outwork (O.F. barres; pl. of barre, a stake) Barrit, p.t. barred Basnet, a helmet of conical shape (O.F. bacin, a basin, giving dimin. bacinet) Bat(e), boat. See Bait Bath, both Battaillyt, Battalit, furnished with battlements Battale, battell, a battalion, division of the army Battel-sted, a battlefield, XV. 74 Bauld, adj., bold; also adv., Bauldly Bayt, to feed Bawlmyt, embalmed Be, prep., by ssary I07 Bedene, Bedeyn, straightway, quickly; in XV. io8 as an expletive, or with no particular force I Beforn, prep. and adv., before Begouth, v., p.t. of began. See Grammar. Begunnyn, Begonnyn, v., p.p., begun Behaldand, v., pr. p., beholding Behufis, v. impers., it behoves: behufit away, had to go, VI. 2IO Bekand, warming, XIX. 552 Belif(f), speedily, soon Bemys, beams Benk, bench Berdlass, beardless Berfrois, a tower, modern belfry. See note X. 708 Berne, a barn Berynes, s., burial, variant of "buriness " (A.S. byrignes, a burial) Bet, v., beat, XIII. 158 Bet, v., p.t., improved, mended, XIX. 497 (A.S. betan, to better, repair) Betane, pursued, p.p. (Northern) of betake, III. 159 Betaucht. See Beteche Betraiss, to betray; p.p. Betrasyt, Betresyt Beteche, to commit, hand over; part., betaucht Betyd, v.; pr. sub., happen Biggit, built and so, inhabited, XIV. 383 Bikkyr, Bykkir, to skirmish; pr. part., Bikkyrring; p.t., Bykkerit Blenknyt, v.; p.t., blinked, glanced; variant of next form Blenkyt, looked to the side, glanced, shone (A.S. blican, to shine) i Bodword, a message, XV. 423 (N.E. only) io8 The Bruce Bodyn, p.p. (obs.), of Bid, But, prep., without: but perbidden, challenged to fight; saving, without being seen, armed, VII. I03 XVII. 92 Bollis, bushels Bynk. See Benk Boruch, pledge (A.S. borh, a Byrd, it behoved; past of pledge reflexive verb: VI. 316 Bot, but Byrkis, birches Boune, Bown, Bowne, pre- Byrnys, "birnies," shirts of pared, ready; adj. and mail p.p.; v., bown, to make ready Cald, Cauld, cold Bow-draucht, bow-shot Call, to drive. See note on X. Bourdand, jesting, humorous, 227; labour, XIX. I74 VIII. 383 (O.F. bourder, to Can, did (auxiliary). Cf. Gan jest) iCant, active, brisk Boyis, fetters, X. 763 (O.F. boie, Car, "care" in sense of grief, buie) regret Brad, Braid, broad Cariage, Caryage, s., baggage Bra-syd, brae-i.e., hill-side Carle, Carll, churl, peasant Brast, v., to break, "burst," Carpand, v., pr. p., talking XV. 479; p.t., Brest, Brist. Carpi(y)ng, s., speaking, narraSee Language, " r" tive Bredis, v., expand, spread out, Cataill, Catell, property, III. XVI. 68 (A.S. bracdan, to 735, V. 275. See Fe. Chaucer spread) has it in this sense Breid, breadth: on breid, in Cause, Cawse (two syllables), breadth (A.S. brcsdu, breadth) causeway, highroad (O.Nor.F. Brig, Bryg, s., bridge: as v., caucie = chaussee) Briggit, bridged Certis, certainly, I. 21, XVII. Brocht, broucht, brought 812 Browdyn, p.p., embroidered Chak-wachis, s., "checkBruk(e), v., enjoy watches," inspectors of the Brulyheit, broiled, burned guard Brym, shore; originally " the Challans, s., challenge line which separates the Challans, v., accuse, XIX. 60 land from the sea" (Max (O.F. chalonger) Miiller) Chalmer, Chamur, Chamyr, Bryn, to burn. See Language, Chawmer, chamber. See on i" r " Language, " " Brynstane, brimstone Chapyt, p.p., escaped Bundin, Bundyn, p.p., bound Charge, business on hand, I. I4I Burchis, s. pl., burghs, towns Chargeand, pr. p. of charge, Burd, board: Burdys, Burdis load, XVI. 458; p.p., chargit, (II. 96, V. 388), the boards of IV. 40I, etc. a temporary table Charre (two syllables), s., a colBurgeonys, leaves, fresh shoots, lection of chariots or waggons V. Io Chasty, v., to chasten; check, Buschement, an ambush I. I22; reprove, IX. 742, 743, Busk, to prepare oneself, get 751 ready; past, buskit Cheis, Cheys, choose. See Ches Glossary log Chekys, gate-posts, X. 229 Contraryit, v., p.t., countered, Chemyr, "Chimer," a loose opposed gown, specially that of a Convyn, Convyne. See Covyne bishop, to which the lawn Cosynage, relationship, V. 135 sleeves are attached, XVI. Cosyne, cousin, near relative 580 Coupillyt, "coupled," united Ches, v., to choose; p.t., Couth, (I) could, (2) did Chesi(y)t; p.p., Chosyn auxiliary, III. 460, XX. 250; Chevisance, provision, III. 402 past of can. See Grammar (O.F. chevir, to furnish) (Verb) Cheyff, in: directly from the Covatis, covetousness Lord Paramount Cover, v., to recover; p.t., Childer, s. pl., children. See Coverit Grammar Coveryng, recovery, IX. 113 Childvne, s.-i.e., childing, tra- Covyne, s., counsel, XIII. 122; vail with a child agreement, mental power,IX. Chos, s., choice, III. 264 IX. 77; secret design or conClaif, Clafe, Claff, v., p.t., clove, trivance; condition, XIII. cleft 219 (O.F. covine, couvine, conClap, knock, noise, X. 401 vine, manner of being, conCled, v., p.t., clad trivance) Cleket, catch, trigger (F. cliquet, Crakkis (" cracks "), exploa catch), X. 401; XVII. sions; gynis for crakkis, en674 gines for explosions, guns, Clengit, cleared, emptied XVII. 250; so also crakkis of Clergy, learning, IV. 689 wer, XIX. 399 Clerkis, men of learning, I. 249 Croice, s., cross, III. 461 Clething, clothing Cruk, s., a "crook," a large Cleuch, a gorge, hollow hook, X. 363 Clummyn, p.p. of Clym, climb Crykis, crevices, X. 602, 605 Cole (two syllables), a buffet. (0. F. crique) See note on VII. 623 Cuke, a cook Corn, s., coming I Culter, a coulter, IV. I 3 Compering, s., comparison, I. Cummyrsum, " cumbersome," 26I difficult to cross Compositur, arbiter, I. 883 Cun, v., to know, XIX. 182 Conabill, adj., proper, fitting, (A.S. cunnan, to know) III. 290, V. 266 (O.F. coven- I Cunnand, s., covenant, agreeable, suitable) ment Confort, comfort Cunnannes, s., cunning, III. Conand. See Cunnand 712 Consaf, v., conceive; p.p., con- Cuntyrnans = Countynans, Consavit, XX. I86 tenance, face, manner, IX. 273 Conteyning, Contynvng=con- Cunyhe. a coign, corner taining, s., demeanour, be- Custumabilly, customarily, XV. haviour 236 Conteyn, v., demean or carry oneself; past, Contenyt Dang. See Dyng Contrar, adj., contrary; also Dante, Daynte, s., pleasure, Contrar, s., oppression, I. 461 eagerness, honour, affection IIO The Bruce Daw, of, "of day "-i.e., out of life: doyn ozut of dawis, killed, VI. 650 Dawing, Dawyng, s., dawning Dawit, p.t., dawned; p.pt., Dawyn De, v., to die; p.t., Deit Debowalit, Debowellit, v., p.p., disembowelled, XX. 28, 570 Ded, Deid, s., death; pi., Dedis, XVII. 15: done to ded, slain Dedevnyheit, him, v., p.t. i pers., he deigned Defawtyt, " defaulted," put in fault, I. 182 Defoull, defile Degyse (three syllables),feigned, XIX. 459 (F. dkguis6, disguised) Deill, s., part, bit: nocht a deill, not a bit Delitabill, pleasant Deli(y)ver, adj., nimble, quick; also adv., Deliverly, Delyverly Demanyne, to waste, spoil, illtreat; to rule, manage; to be behaved, to conduct oneself, V. 229: p.t., Demane(y)t (O.F. demener, to t reat, exercise, etc.) Dempt, doomed Demyng, judgment, doom Demys, judges, decides (A.S. demnan, to judge) Den, v., to dam, XIV. 354 Depart, to part, depart, VI. 552 Der, v., dare, risk, III. 382 Deray, disorder, injury (O.F. desrai, disorder, harm) Derenyhe, v., prove, vindicate (O.F. desraisnier, to render a reason, defend); s., single combat or duel, XIII. 324, 325 Derff, strong, daring Deris, v., harms (A.S. derian, to harm) Det, s., debt Devis, v., narrate; determine, propose, plan (F. deviser, speak, decide, etc.); also noun, at all devis, in every way, IV. 264, etc.; at thair devis, to their liking, according to their plan, X. 363 Devour, duty (O.F. deveir) Dey, v., to die; p.t., Deyt. See De Dicht, v., dress, prepare (A.S. dihtan, to prepare); p.p., Dycht Digne, worthy Dik, ditch, entrenchment; as v., Dik thame, entrench themselves, XVII. 271 Disclar, v., declare, I. 75 Discrif, Discryre, v., describe; p.p., Discrivit Discure, v., discover Discurrouris, "discoverers," scouts, spies Disese, s., discomfort Disherys, Dysherysys, v., disinherit Dispari(y)t, v., p.p., in despair Dispend, v., to spend Dispending, s., what they might spend-i.e., money-VIII. 509 Dispitous, adj., spiteful, cruel; also adv., spitefully, severely, angrily Disponis, v., disposes Dispulyheit, p.p., despoiled Dissaf, v., deceive Dissat, s., deceit Distrenyhit, compelled Distrowbilling, s., disturbance, annoyance, V. 216 Dittit, closed up (A.S., dyttan, to close up) Do, thrive, succeed, II. 128 Dochtrys, daughters, I. 200 Dongen, Dungin. See Dyng Dosnyt, Doysnyt, stunned, dazed Dour, determined, stubborn, severe Dowtyne, s., doubting, XIV. 230 Glossary III Doyne, p.p. of do, done Dre, Drey, v., endure (A.S. dreogan, to suffer) Dreid, s., dread, fear: but drede, doubtless, IV. 277; withouten dreid, without doubt, V. 579 Dreuch, Drewch, drew, dragged Drif, Dryf, Dryve, v., to drive; continue, X. 699; pull, X. 255; Drafe, Drivin Drouerv, Drowry, love. See note on VIII. 492 Dule, sadness, grief (O.F. duel, dueil, sorrow, suffering) Dulfull, " doleful," sad Dusche, a heavy blow Duschit, fell heavily, XVII. 693 Dyng, v., strike; past, Dang; p.p., Dungin, Doungyn Dynnyt, made a sound, XVI. 131 Dyspitit, v., p.t., treated spitefully, hated, IV. 596 E, Ey, s., eye. See Eyn Effer, Effeir(e), Effere (also Affeir), s., bearing, demeanour, I. 361, V. 6o8, VII. 126, etc.; stature, XX. 515; equipment, belongings, XI. 196; business, X. 305 (O.F. afaire, thing, business, etc.) Efferis. See Afferis Effray, fear; also Effraying Effrait, Effravit, p.p., terrified; also adv., Effrayitly Eft, again, VI. 378 Eftir, adv., afterwards; prep., after; also Eftirward, Efterwartis Eftsonis, soon after Egging, s., urging, pressing Eild, Elde, s., age Eir, Er(e), adv., " ere," before Eisfull, easy, V. 70 Ek, v., add to Ek, adv., also (A.S. eac) Eld-fadir, grandfather Eldris, Eldrys elders, forefathers Elys, eels, II. 577 Emang, among Embandownyt, v., p.p., subjected. See Abandoune Enchawfyt, v., p.p., heated, incensed Enchesoun(e), Enchesone, occasion, reason, cause (O.F. enchaison; Lat. occasionem) Enclynit, v., p.t., inclined Endentur, s., indenture Endlang, prep. and adv., along; forward, XIX. 356: endlang furth, right along forward, XVI. 548 Eneuch, enough Enew, adj., pi., enough Enfors, s., force, XVII. 448 Enforsaly, Enforcely, forcibly Enforsit, " enforced," strengthened Engreif, Engreiff, grieve, annoy Engynour, engineer, XVII. 434, 663 Enkrely, Encrely, especially; really, III. 529; earnestly, heartily Enpres, Enpris, Empris, enterprise; price, value, X. 507 Ensample, Ensampill, etc., s., example Enselyt, v., p.t., sealed Ens(s)enybe, war-cry (O.F. enseigne, banner, war-cry) Entencioune, intention, X. 527 Ententif, attentive; also adv., Ententily Entremas, or Entremess, something served between the courses of a banquet (O.F. entremes = entremets) Enveronyt, environed, surrounded Erar, adv., sooner, rather Erd, earth: at erd, on the ground Erding, Erdyng, s., burial Erdit, v., p.p., buried 112 The Bruce Ernystfully, earnestly, seri' ously, VIII. 144 Erynes, fear, II. 295 Es, Eys, ease, I. 228: male es, mail eis, disease, XX. 73, 74. See Male-ess Escheiff, XIX. 778. See Escheve Eschele, Eschell, a squadron, company (O.F. eschele) Escheve, v., to achieve; past, Eschevyt; p.p., Eschevit Eschewe, v., to eschew, avoid Espyne, a long boat, XVII. 719 (O.N. espingr) Et(e), v., to eat; Ete, Eyt, Etyn, VII. 169, I70 Etlyng, Etling, aim, endeavour, intention Everilk, every Exorcisaciones, exorcisings, IV. 750 Eym(e), uncle (A.S. eam); Emy's, uncle's Eyn(e), eyes; pl. of E, Ey Eyth, easy, XVII. 454 (A.S. iethe) Fa, Fay, a foe (A.S. fah); pl., Fais, Fayis; also Famen, foemen Failyhe, v., to fail, give way, faint, lose Fair, s., manner, XI. 256; condition, success, XVI. 21 journey Falding, s., falling, change Faldyn, fallen, XI. 547. See note Fall-brig, "fall-bridge," drawbridge, XVII. 419 Fallow, s., fellow, companion Fallow, v., to follow Falset, Falsat, Falsade, falsehood Fand, v., p.t., found Fanding. See Faynd Fantiss, Fayntice, faintness of heart; Fantyss, deceit, XVII. 5I Far, v., to fare, go; p.p., Farn, Faryne; s., 'fare,' circumstance, pomp; effort, XVII. 400; good cheer, XIX. 730; adv., fairly, becomingly Farand, Farrand, handsome, fit, II. 514, XI. 95 Fardele, a bundle Farlyit, v., p.t., wondered. See Ferly Farsis, v., stuffs (F. farcir, to stuff) Fassoun, Fassownys (pl.), fashion, way Fast, adv., earnestly, zealously, I. 42; strongly, vigorously, XIII. 129 Faucht, Fawcht, fought Fawt, Faute, fault Fay, faith, fealty: at a fay, " at one faith "-i.e., subject to the same lord Faynd, v. (Scots form of Fand, obsolete verb), try, tempt; past, Fayndit; p.p., Fayndit (A.S. fandian, to try, prove); also s., Faynding, " tempting of Providence " (Skeat), III. 268. Cf. XII. 364 Fe, Fee, cattle; property, XIII. 725 (A.S. feoh, cattle, goods); Chaucer has " catel " (cattle) in this sense of wealth; of fee, by fief, in feudal ownership, XI. 456; pl., here Feys, I. 58 Feble, b., to become feeble, II. 384 Feblis, v., to enfeeble; p.p., Feblist Fechand, fetching, III. 428. See Language, etc. Fecht, to fight Fechting, Fechtyne, s., fighting Fechting-sted, s., place of fighting Feill, Fele, Feyll, adj., many (A.S. fele) Feir, Fer, adj., unhurt: haill and feir, safe and sound Glossary II3 Feir, Fere, s., companion (A.S. gefera, a travelling companion) Fell, v., pertained, XVII. 176; befell, happened Felloun(e), Feloune, " terrible," cruel, w-icked; also adv., Fellounly, etc. Felly, adv., cruelly, severely, exceedingly; also Fellely Felouny, s., cruelly, fierceness, harm Fendis, fiends, IV. 224 Fens, defence, XX. 384 Fenyhe, v., to feign; also s., Fenyheyng, feigning, I. 74 Fer, adv., far: fer out the mair, very much the more, VI. 666; on fer, afar; Fer-furth, far forward, XIX. 376 Ferd, fourth Ferd, v., p.t., fared. See Far Ferlifull, wonderful Ferly, s., a wonder Ferly, adj., wonderful (A.S. f[rlic, " fear-like," strange); also adv. Ferm, adj., firm; adv., Fermly Ferrer, Ferrest, adj., farther, farthest, XIX. 537, 530 Ferryit, farrowed Fersly, fiercely Fesnyng, Festnyng, s., fastening, compact, XX. 57; confinement, XV. 309 Fetrys, fetters Fewte, fealty, service Fey, dying, doomed, XV. 45 (Icel. feigr, doomed to die) Feys, fiefs, I. 58 Ficht. See Fecht. Fichtyne = Fechting Flaggatis, faggots Flaikes, hurdles, XIX. 742*. See footnote Flang, v., p.t., flung Flatlyngis, flat, XII. 59 Flaw, flew; p.t. of Fle Flawmand, " flaming," fluttering brightly, XI. I92 Flechand, cajoling Fletand, Fleting, floating Fleying, s., "fleeing," flight, XIX. 459 Fleyit, p.p., frightened, scared Flicht, Flycht, flight Flote, a fleet (cf. A.S. flota, a ship); on flot, afloat, XIV. 359 Flure, floor, V. 400 Fluss, pool, XIII. 20 Flvt, float, III. 420 For, prep., against, XIV. I15 Forbeft, quite beaten, XVII. 793; Beft (N.E.) means " to strike, to beat "; "For" is intensive Forby, by Fordid, " did for," spoiled Forfalt, forfeited, XIII. 499 Forfayr, go to ruin; past subj., Forfure, go wrong, fail, X. 529 (A.S. forfaran) Forgane, " fore-gainst," opposite to, XVI. 555 Forlorn, quite lost, X. 246 Forly, v., violate, I. I99 Formast, adv., foremost Forouch, For(r)outh, For(r)ow, prep., " for with," before Forout, Forowt, without Forouten, Foroutyn, Forowtyn, prep., without, besides (A.S. foruitan) Forouth. See Forouch Forow, Forrow, before Forsicht, Forsycht, s., foresight Forsuk, avoided, turned from, XIV. 315 Forspokyn, v., p.p., agreed upon Forswat, v., p.p., covered with sweat, VII. 2 Forsy(e), strong Forthi, therefore (A.S. forthi) Forthirmar, adv., farther Fortravalit, v., p.p., exhausted by labour Forwounderit, v., p.p., reatly surprised, VI. 10 Foundyn, v., p.p., found 8 II4 The Bruce Foysoun(e), Fusioune, abundance, great number (O.F. foison, plenty) Fra, from Frakly, eagerly, VII. I66 (A.S. frac, bold) Franchis, liberty, XI. 268 (O.F. franchise, freedom) Fra-thine, from that time forward Fray, s., fear, XV. 255 Fraying, clanking, clashing, X. 653 (O.F. freiier, to rub) Frely, noble, III. 578. See note (A.S. freolic, free-handed, noble) Frer, a friar, XVIII. 300 Frest, delay (Icel. frest, delay) Freyast, freest Freyndsome, friendly Froggis, frocks, X. 375 Froytis, fruits, X. I9I Frusch(e), s., rush, crash, charge; v., to crush in or break violently (O.F. fruis sier, froissier, to break) Fudyr, "fodder," a load, specially a waggon - load as here, X. I98 (A.S. /other. a load) Fule-hardyment, s., fool-hardiness, VI. 337, 340 Fundyng, benumbment with cold (O.F. emfondre). Fundyn, Fundin, v., p.p., found, provided for Funyheit, " foined," fenced Fur(e), p.t. of Fare, fared, went on his way; behaved, II. 503 Furrit, furred Fusioune. See Foysoun Fut-breid, s., foot's-breadth, XI. 365 Fute, person, III. 578. See note Fut(e)-hate, "foot-hot," with all speed Fyschit, v., p p., fixed, iesolved, XX. I78 Ga, go; p.p., Gane, gayn Gabbing, s., lie, deceit (A.S. gabban, to lie, jest); p.p., Gabbit, IV. 290 Gaddering, Gaderyng, s., gathering; as v., p.t., Gad(d)eret Gadwand, goad or whip, X. 232. (A.S. gad) Gaf(f), Gaiff, gave Galay, v., reel, II. 422 Gam(m)yn, game, play (A.S. gamen, sport) Gan, v.=p.t. of ginnen, used as an auxiliary, did. Cf. Can Gang, go; walk, in phrase gang no ryd, IV. I93; pr.p., Gangand Garris. See Ger Gast, ghost, XIX. 214 Gat, way: a gatis, in one way, IV. 702 Gavne-cumming, "againstcoining," attack, II. 450 Gayne-geving, " again-giving," restoration, I. 11i Geddis, pikes (the fish) (O.N. gedda) Ger, v., to cause; p.t., Gert Gestis, joists, beams, XVII. 597. See note Ghyle, guile, I. 172 Gi{(f), Gyff, coni., if: bot gif, unless Gladschip, gladness (A.S. glaedscipe) Gle, Glew, glee; also game or business, affair in yheid the gle, I. 90o, etc Glemand, gleaming Glifinyt, v., p.t., looked quickly up Glowand, glowing Gottyn, Gottin, p.p., got Governale, government, skill in governing Graith, ready; also adv., Graithly, Grathly, directly, speedily (O.N. greithr, ready) Granting, confession, XIX. 45 Granys, groans Glossary II5 Grathit, v., p.t. and p.p., made Hals, neck ready Halsing, salutation, VII. 117 Gravyn, v., p.p., buried, IV. 309 Haltand, pr. p., " halting," Gret(e), to weep (A.S. gretan); lame also s., Greting, weeping Haly, holy (A.S. halig) Gretumly, greatly, extremely Hamly, adj. and adv., homely, Grevis, s., groves, V. 13 kindly, in a friendly way Grewit thame, v., p.t., impers., Hansell, s., a present at the it made them shudder. See commencement, V. 120 Grow Hardis, s., " hards," or bundles Grow, to quake with terror, to of flax-fibres shake; p.t., Growit, Grewit Hardnyt, v., p.t., emboldened, Gruching, grudging, XVI. I9; urged on, XII. 500 Gruchys, v., objects, II. I23 Harnas, armour (O.F. harnois, Grund, "ground," land, XX. with dialectal form harnas) 325. See note Harnys, brains Grundyn, p.p., ground Hat, v., p.t., was named; p.p., Gude, s., property, XVII. Io0; Hattyn (A.S., hdtan, to be pl., Gudis called; p.p., haten, N.E. Gyit, p.p., guided; still Sc. in Hat, Hate, Het, adj., hot; also "guy-rope," guiding-rope adv., Hat, hotly (O.F. guier, to guide) Hawbrekis, hauberks Gyn, s., device, stratagem; Hawbryschownys, habergeons Gyne, engine, XVII. 682, Hawch, s., haugh, low-land, 691; Gynnys, pl., contrivance XVI. 336 some sort of net or trap, II. Hawtane, proud, I. I96 (O.F. 576 (O.F. engin, from Lat. haltain, high) ingenium) Haym(e), home Gynour, s., engineer. See above He, Hee, Hey, adj., high; also Gyrd, s., a sharp stroke, blow; adv., loud (A.S. heh) also pr. p., Gyrdand, rushing Hecht, to promise; to be named forward, II. 417 (A.S. heht, pret. of hdtan; Gyrnand, growling, speaking used as present, N.E. See angrily, IV. 322; Skeat says Hat) " grinning," of which it is a Hede-soyme, the rope attaching variant by metathesis of r, the yoke to the waggon, X. but also with a different shade 80o of meaning; it is an ordinary Heill, v., cover; p.t. and p.p., Scots word in sense given Helit, Helyt, covered, hid Gyrs, s., grass (A.S. gers) (A.S. helan, to cover) Gyrth, sanctuary Heirschip, harrying, wasting (A.S. hergian, to ravage with Hachit, s., hatchet an army, here) Haill, Hale, Halle, adj., whole, Helde, v., to incline; pr. p., sound: all haill, wholly; also Heldand, inclining, V. 153 =adv., Halely, Halyly, Haly Heling, s., covering Hailsyt, Halsit, saluted, II. 153 Helmys, helmets Haldaris, s., holders Hely, adv., highly, loudly Half-deill, half-part, half, XIV. Hendir, behind, past. Cf. I88, 497 Hendirmar, Henmast 8-2 II6 The Bruce Her, master (Skeat, reading Hoyn, s., delay doubtful), IX. 640 Hude, a hood; pi. Hudis, XIX. Herbery, Herbry, s., lodging 332 (A.S. herebeorga, shelter for Hufe, remain, lie in wait; pr. an army) p., Hufand, Huvande Herbery, v. reflex, to " harbour" Humely, Humylly, humbly themselves, take lodging; p.t. Huntand, pr. p., hunting Herberyd, Herbryit Husband, a small farmer Herbreouris, men sent on to Huvande. See Hufe secure lodgings Hy, s., haste; v. reflex, to Herd, adj. and adv., hard hasten (A.S. higian, to hie) Herrodis, heraulds (O.F. heraut) Hyde, skin, III. 584, II. 5I1 Hertit, heartened, encouraged, Hye, adj., high; adv., loudly; XVI. 662 v., to heighten Hevede, s., head, V. 1 (A.S. Hyne, s., a hind, lad, XII. 460 heafod) Hyrcheoune, hedgehog (O.F. Heych, adj., high; s., Heycht, heriqon, a hedgehog) Hicht, a height: into the hicht, openly, V. 487 Ic, I Heyt, p.p., raised "high," Ik, adv., eke; also III. 326. See exalted Ek Hicht, s., a promise Ilk, Ilka, same, each. See Hicht, v. See Hecht or Heych Grammar for distinction Hiddillis, Hyddillis, a hiding- Ilkan(e), Ilkone, everyone, each place (sing.), VI. 382 (A.S. one hydels, a den) Inew, adj., enough. See Enew Hidwys, adj., hideous; adv., Inewch, enough Hydwisly Infair, a house-warming, XVI. Hing, Hyng, to hang 340 Hint, Hynt, seized, took (A.S. Inforcely, adv., with great force hentan, to seize) Inforsit, v., p.t., "enforced," Ho, s., delay, XX. * 429. See strengthened, IV. 65 note Ingrevand, pr. p., "engrievHobland, tossing about, IV. 447 ing," annoying Hobleris, light horsemen-i.e., In-myd, prep., amid riders on unarmoured horses Innouth, prep., within -(Anglo-Fr. hobeleor-our, In-sundir, adv., asunder derivative of hobin. See next) Intermelle, mixed up, conHobynis, light horses not fusedly, XIV. 2I5 strong enough to wear In-till, prep., in, into armour (O.F. hobin, hobi, Intwyn, asunder, VIII. 175 apparently of English origin) Isch, v., to issue; p.t., Ischyt Holl, adj., hollow, deep, VIII. Iwiss, adv., certainly, truly, 176 XVI. 154 (A.S. gewis, cerHoll, adj., whole, VI. 78 tain) How-gatis, how. See Gat Howis, holes, XI. 153 Jolely, handsomely, well Howis, " hoes," picks on long Joly, handsome, good; gay, poles for warlike purposes, high-spirited, VIII. 446 (F. VII. 344 (F. houe, a hoe) joli) Glossary II7 Journee, a day's work, a battle Lasair, Lasare, Laser, Laseir, or feat of arms (Fr.) leisure Jowele, jewel, XVIII. 360 Lat, s., let, hindrance, XII. 516 Juntly, close up, XVII. 689 Lat, v., let Justing, s., jousting, XIX. 520 I Lat, Layt, adj., late Late, s., manner, behaviour, Karlis, "churls," fellows (O.N. VII. 127 (O.N. lcate, mankarl, a man) ners) Ken, v., to know, recognize, Lauchand, laughing perceive; instruct, direct, Laute, Lawte, Leawte, loyalty, show; pres., Kennys, IV. truth (O.F. leaute) 748; p.t., Kend; p.p., Kend Law, Lawch, low: compar., Kendlyt, v., p.p., kindled Lawer Kep, Kelp, s., heed: takand na Lawchtane, dull coloured, dark kep, taking no heed, I. 212 (Gaelic lachdunn = Irish Kers, Carse, low land bordering lachtna, N.E.D.), XIX. 672 a river Lawit, v., lowered Kest, v., p.t., cast Layd-inen, s., "load-men," the Kinrik, Kynrik, kingdom men in charge of the packKnaf, Knave, a boy: knaiff horses, VIII. 466 child, a male child Lechis, doctors Knawyng, s., knowledge Lechyng, s., healing Ky, pl. of cow (A.S. cfi, cy) Leddir, a ladder Kyndly, adj., of nature, IV. 721, Lege, full, free: in lege poust8, etc. " in health and full possesKyne, s., kind: na kyn(e), of no sion of one's faculties" kind (N.E.D.), V. i65 Kynrik, kingdom, royal power Leif, v. and s., leave: but leif, Kyrnaill, s., a battlement (O.F. without leave, XVII. 863 crenelle) Leis, v., lose; p.t. and p.p., Kyt, a wooden vessel or pail Lesit (A.S. leosan, to lose) Leit, think, consider (A.S. Ladis, s., loads lOItan) Lafe, Laif(f), Layff, Lave, the Leit, v., let, XVII. 850. See rest, the remainder (A.S. Idf) Lat Landar (E., Lavender), Layn- Lele, Leile, Leyle, adj., leal, dar, a laundress faithful; also adv., Lely, Land-brist, surf Lelely, Lelyly Lang, long. Cf. Langar Lendit. See Leynd Lansit, Lansyt, bounded, Lenteryne, Lent, the spring dashed forward (O.F. lancier, Lenye, "lean" throw forward; the O.Nor.F. Lesing, s., lying (A.S. leasung, form lancher has been adop- falsehood) ted as " Launch ") Lesit, Lessit, Lesyt, v., lost Lans, s., rush, leap, X. 414 Lest, List, imper. v., it pleases, Lap, v., p.t., leapt VII. 314 (A.S. lystan, to Lardener, a larder, V. 410 please) Larg(e), liberal (O.F. large) Let, Letting, s., hindrance; adv. Larges, bounty, liberty: at his Letless, without hindrance, larges, to the full, VII. 378 XVI. 568 The Bruce Let, v., to hinder, allay, pre- Magre, s., ill-will, XVII. 60 vent; p.t., Letit, Lettyt (O.F. mal gre, ill-will); also Leve, to leave, to remain as prep., in spite of: magre Levir, rather his, in spite of him; magre Levit, Levit: war levit of, had thairis, in spite of them taken their leave of, XX. 577 Maill-eiss, Male-ess, disease (F. Leyme, flame, XI. I9I (A.S. mal aise) ieoma, a ray of light) Maistri, s., " mastery," strength Leynd, to remain, wait Maistris, arts, XIX. I82 Leysch, leash Man, v., must, VII. 137; also Libbard, leopard Mon Licht, Lycht, light Manauce, Mannasyng, s., "menLichtit, v., p.t., alighted ace," threatening Lift, s., sky, XVI. 692 (A.S. Manausyt, Mannausit, v., p.t., lyft, air) menaced Lik, v., to please Mandment, commandment Lisnyt, v., p.t., listened Manhede, Manheid, "manLosengeour, a traitor, IV. Io8 hood," valour (O.F., losengier, a flatterer, a Mankynd, s., manliness, IV. 530 traitor) Manrent, homage Lovit, v., p.t. and p.p., praised; Manteme, Ma(y)nteym, mainand s., Loving, praise tain Low, flame Marcheand, pr. p., " marching Lownyt, sheltered, XV. 276; with," bordering. See next v., Lown, to become calm, Marchis, marches, borders (A.S. to shelter (N.E. and Scots) mearc, a boundary) Lowp, v., to leap Marras, morass Lows, v., to loose; p.p., Lowsyt Martirdome, slaughter Lowtit, Lowtyt, bowed before Martymes, Martinmas (Nov. 11) or to Mas, s.,plur. maces Luff, s. and v., love Mastrice, mastery, superiority; Lufre, "livery," gift (O.F. "masterly" skill, VI. 566 livre; Anglo-Fr. liverd) (O.F. maistrise) Lurdane, s., rascal (O.F. lour- Mastry, " mastery," skill; force, din, a heavy [lourd], i.e., VII. 354 (O.F. maistrie, skill) stupid fellow) Mate, dull, dispirited (O.F. Lusumly, "lovesomely," mat, dull) pleasantly Maturite, s., deliberation XI. 583 Lychtyt, v., p.t. and p.p., Maucht, might lightened Mavite, wickedness, guile (O.F. Lyknyt, v., p.p., likened, com- mauvitie for malvaistie) pared Mawch, kinsman, especially, as Lyng, a line here, by marriage, XV. 274 Lynyng, linen, XIII. 422 (A.S. maeg) Lypnyng, s., trust Mayn(e), s., "moan," lamentation Ma, v., to make; pres., Mais, Mekill, much, large (A.S. micel) Mays Melland, v., pr. p., mixing Ma, May, adj., more. Comp. (O.F. meller, to mix); p.p., Ma(i)r, Ma(i)st Mellit Glossary II9 Melle (two syllables), a mixture, Mude, mood, XX. 203; courage, whence, a battle, etc. XIX. 622 (A.S. mod); adj., Mellyng, Mellyne, s., encounter; Mudy mixture, V. 406 Murnyn(g), s., mourning Menand, v., moaning (A.S. Muryt, blocked up, IV. 164 mcnnan); p.t. Menit, Menyt (F. mur, a wall) Mengit, v., p.t., mixed (A.S. Mut, make mention, XIII. 60 mengian) Mycht, s., might: at thar Menyhe, Mengne, host, company mychtis, as much as they Menounys, " minnows," small could, III. I9o; that all fish mychtis may, that is able to Mensk, honour, dignity (O.N. do all things, III. 366 mennska, humanity) Mydlike, adv., moderately, III. Menskfully, honourably 71 Menyng, s., lamentation Mydwart, s., midway, III. 682 Menyng, s., remembrance, IV. Myrk, Merk, dark; s., Myrknes, 326. See Neyn darkness Menys, think, XII. 269 (A.S. Myschieff, misfortune, danger, msnan, to think on). See loss; evil fate, XIX. 71 (O.F. Meyn meschief) Merdale,camp-followers,IX. 249 Mystrowing, suspicion; v., Merk-schot, XII. 33. See note Mystrowit, suspected, X. 327 Mesour, Mesur, s., " measure," Myt, s., " mite," a bit moderation: our mesur, beyond measure; at all mesure, Na, adj., no; conj., nor: na in every proportion, X. 281 thay war, but they were, V. Mesurabill, adj., moderate 372 na (ne) war, were it not Meyn, v., to think of, be mindful Nakit, adj., naked, bare, XIII. of; mention, X. 736 459; generally, however= Meyne, v., to moan, lament, without armour on XV. 237 Nakyn, of no kind: nakyn wis, Misteir, Mister, trade, craft in no wise (O.F. mestier; F. metier) Namly, especially Mister, Myster, need (as above); Nanys, For the, for the nonce, also v., Mysteir, be necessary, X. 58 XVII. 215; adj., needful Nave, fist; pl., Nevis, Nevys Mocht, Moucht, v., might Navvn, s., shipping, III. 393 Mody, adj See Mude, Mudy Nedlyngis, adj., necessarily Mon, v., must Neid-wav, adv., of necessity Mone, to remember, bear in Neist, Neyst, nearest, next mind (O.N. muna, to re- Neuth, prep., beneath member) Nevo, nephew Mony, many Newlyngis, adv., newly Monyst, admonished, XII. 379 Nigramansy, s., necromancy, Mot, v., may be, IV. 26 IV. 747 Mow, a heap of corn, IV. II7 Noblay, nobility Mowence, mutation, change, Nocht, not I. 134 (O.F. muance) Nocht-for-the, adv., nevertheless Mubill, "movable" property, Nouthir, conj., neither; adv,, V. 275 (F. meuble, furniture) not, VI. 522 120 The Bruce Novelreis, novelties, XIX. 394 Noy, annoy, hurt (O.F. nuire, to injure) Noyn(e), noon Noyus, disagreeable, XIX. 742 Nynt, ninth Nysste, " nicety," folly Nychtbur, Nychtbour, s., neighbour Nygramansour, necromancer, IV. 242 Nyt, v., p.t., denied, I. 52 (O.F. noier, neier, to deny) Obeiss, to obey; pr. p. as adj., Obeysand Oblesteris, " arblasteris," crossbow-men, XVII. 236 Occisioune, slaughter, XIV. 220 Ocht, aught, III. 282 Off lyve, alive, I. 293 Of-new, anew Oftsis, often (" oftsithes," oft-times, A.S. sith, a time) Oftymis, adv., oft-times On-ane, anon, immediately Ony, adj., any Oost, Ost, host, army Otow, prep., beyond Oucht, Owcht, adv., at all; very, XV. 428 Ouirmair, Owyr-mar, farther away Our, prep., over Our, Owyr, adv., too, very; over, across; also in compounds: e.g., Our-drawyn, etc. Ourdriff, " drive over," survive Our-ga. " go over," overcome Our-hy, v., "hie or hasten over," overtake Ourta(k), overtake; manage, VIII. 90o; cover, XI. I25; p.p. Ourtane, " done for," condemned, XIX. 55 Ourthwort, adv., "overthwart," beyond on each side Ourtummyllit, " over-tumbled,' upset Outane, Outtak, Outaken, Outakin, besides, except Out-our, prep., across, beyond, over Outraying, s., harm, injury, XVIII. I82 Owk, week (still an Aberdeenshire word) Owth, prep. and adv., above, outside; beyond, XIV. 352. Oysis, v., uses, are used; p.t. and p.p., Oysit (O.F. user, to be in the habit); Oys, s., use Pailyhownys, Palyheonis, etc., pavilions, tents Panch, s., paunch Par, for (O.F. par): e.g., par cheryte, for charity Parage, rank, lineage, I. 102, 276 Paramouris, adv., as a mistress Paske (in comps), Pasche, Easter Pautener, adj., low, rascally (O.F. pautonier, vagabond) Peill, a fort with stockade and ditch. O.F. pel; Late Lat. pelum (acc.), a stake, X. 137 Peir, v., to equal, match Pennystane, a flat stone used as a quoit, XIII. 581 (E and H, see note) Percas, adv., by chance (O.F, per cas) Perde=par dieu (F.), an expletive, truly, etc. See next Perfay, " by my faith," truly (O.F. per lei, by my faith) Perfornyst, performed, XII. 6I (O.F. parformir) Perquer, by heart, thoroughly (O.F. per quer (cuer), by heart) Peth, path, pass Petwisly, Pitwysly, piteously Pik, s., pitch, XVII. 6I I Planer, full, I. 624 Play, s., pleasure, V. 73; tricks, XIX. 364 Plenyhe, v., to-complain Glossary 121 Plewch, plough Pollis, pools, XII. 395, 404 Portrait, v., p.p., painted, X. 743; formed, shaped, X. 281 Pouerale, "poor-folk," campfollowers (O.F. pouraille, poor folk) Pouste, Powste, power; for lege poustg, see Lege Poynt, s., moment, opportunity; feat of arms, in poynt of weir, XVI. 492, and alone, XVI. 499; at poynt, in good condition, favourable, III. 702; in sic poynt, in such array, XII. 93; into sic point, at such a "point " or crisis, IV. 331 Pray, v. to prey; also s., with plur. Prayis Preif, v., to prove; p.t., Previt Presand, s., present: in or intill presand, as a present Prek, Prik, v., prick, wound, spur; Prikand, riding Prevate, s., "privity," privacy, secrecy; secret design, X. 161 Pris, Prys, v., to prize, esteem, praise Proplexite, s., perplexity Pryme, prime (six o'clock), the first of the " canonical hours" Pundelan, hero, warrior Punsoune, a dagger Punyhe, a skirmish Pupill, people Purchas, v., to get, procure (O.F. porc1hacier, pourchacier, to follow, to procure) Purchas, s., effort; contrivance, plot, XIX. 12 Purvians, "purveyance," provisions, IV. 397 Pusoune, s., poison Put againe, push back, repulse Pyne, pain, suffering, distress (A.S. pin, pining, suffering) Queyr, choir, XX. 293 Quhar, where; also in compounds, Quharfor, Quharthrouch, etc. Quhedirand, whizzing or roaring, XVII. 684 Quheill, s., wheel Quhestling, Quhistlyng, s., "whistling," baying (of a dog), VI. 94, 87 Quhet, s., wheat, V. 398 Quheyn(e), adj., " wheen," few; also Quhoyn; comp. Quhenar Quhilum, " whilom," once Quhyne, whence, VII. 240 Quod, v., " quoth," said, XVIII. 57 Quyntis, s., "quaint" devices or decorations on the armour or on flags, XI. 194; XIII. 183 Quytly, securely, X. 548; freely, completely Quyrbolle, leather hardened by heating, etc., XII. 22. See note Rad, adj., frightened, afraid Radness, fear Raid, v., p.t., rode Rair, Rar, v., to roar Rais, Rase, s., "race," strong current Rais, v., p.t., rose Raith, Rath, soon Rakit, v., p.t., moved with speed (A.S. racian) Randoun, s., onrush, force (O.F. randon, force) Rangale, Rangald, Rangall, rabble Range: on range " in rank," in " Indian file," X. 379 Rangit, v., p.p., ranged, ranked, XI. 431 Ranyt, v., p.t., rained Rath, adv., soon Ratret, Retret, retreat Raucht, v., p.t., reached, dealt. See Reik I22 The Bruce Raw, s., row Realte, Reawte, royalty, kingdom Rebaldaill, Rybbaldaill, rabble; also Rebaldis, rogues Rebelland, pr. p., as adj., "rebelling," rebellious Rebours, at, in great dislike Reboytit, Rebutyt, repulsed; also Reboyting, s., repulse (A.F. reboter: O.F. rebouter) Reconsalit, v., pp., reconciled Recour, recovery, II. 543 Recryand, recreant, cowardly Red(e), Reid, s., counsel; fane to red, come to the conclusion, taken the advice, XII. 389, XVII. 267 (A.S. rYd, counsel) Red(e), v., to advise Red, v., save, IV. 132, XIX. 677 Redyit, v., p.t., got ready, IX. I7I Refe, Reve, v., to take away; p.t., Reft; p.p., Revede, reft, V. I2 Refrenyhe, v., to refrain Regnyt, reigned, XIII. 698 Reif, s., plunder (A.S. reaf) Reik, v., reach, XVII. 419; p.t., Raucht Reik, Reyk, s., smoke Releif, s., payment on taking possession of a property, XII. 320 Releyit, p.p., provided with a fresh supply, IV. 456 Relit, Relyt, v., p.t. reeled Rely, v., to rally; p.t., Releyt; p.p., Releit Renconfort, v., to encourage Rengye, Renyhe, Reynye, rein Renk, "rink," space, II. 365. See note Renyit, v., p.p., denied (O.F. renier, to deny) Renyhe, Reynye, s., rein Repair, s., dwelling, haunt, place of meeting or retreat Repreif, s., reproof Reprief, v., to reprove Rerit, v., p.t., reared Rescours, rescue (O.F. rescos, rescousse, succour) Reset, refuge (O.F. recet, place of refuge); also v., p.p., Resettit, received Revede. See Reve Rewis, streets (F. rue) Riall, Ryoll, adj., royal; s., Rialt6, royalty, royal power Richtwisness, righteousness, adj., Rychtwis; adv., Rychtiously Rif, v., rive Rik, kingdom (A.S. rice, a kingdom, sovereignty) Rocht, Roucht, v., p.t. See Raucht Rod, s., road, path Roucht, v., p.t., I should not reck or care, VII. 24 (A.S. recan, r6hte) Routit, snored, V. 632 Rownand, Rowning, pr. p., whispering, XII. 360; as s., Rownyng, XII. 368 Rowt, Rout, s., a blow; also Rowt, s., a company, troop Roydly, Ruydly, rudely, fiercely Rude-evyn, s., Eve of the Exaltation of the Rood or Cross, XVII. 634 Rusche, to rush, drive back, overthrow, repulse; also Rus, XII. 527; p.t., Ruschit, Rouschit Rybbaldy, s., dissipation, I. 34I Ryde, adj., severe, XII. 557 Ryg, ridge Rymmyll, s., blow Ryng, v., to reign. See on Language Ryoll, adj., royal, XIII. 30 Ryot, v., in ryot to, made " riot" in, ravaged Ryth, adv., "right," utterly, I. 194 Glossary I23 Sa, so Sa yhe, say ye, VII. 258 Sad, steadfast, XII. I34. See next Sadly, firmly, compactly, steadfastly, XIII. 374, 494, XVII. 576 (Mid. E. sad=firm, etc., as in Chaucer) Sair, Sayr, sorely: by sair, pay for dearly, XVIII. 514 Sakless, innocent Salit, v., p.t., sailed; pr. p., Saland Sall, shall Sals, sauce, III. 540 Salt, s., assault; also Sawt Salusit, saluted, IV. 509 Sam(m)yn, adv., together Sam(m)yn, adj., same Sanct, s., saint; v., p.p., sainted Sanyt. See Sayn Sar, Sayr, sorely Sarraly, close together; also adj. and adv., Sarray, close, closely Sary, sorry Saucht, v., p.p., reconciled, X. 300. (Cf. A.S. saht, peace) Sauf, Sawff, v., to save Saufly, safely Saufte, Savite, safety Savourit, scented, XVI. 70 Sawin, v., p.p., sown, IV. 685 Sawt, s., assault: also Salt Sayn, v., s., bless; p.t., Sanyt (O.F. seignier, to bless with the sign of the cross; Lat. signare) Saynd, a message, V. 196 (A.S. sand, a sending) Scaffatis, scaffolds Scaill, s., a scattered company, men in loose order Scale, Scaill, v., to scatter, separate; p.t. Scalit; p.p. Scalit; also Skalyt Scarsly, scarcely Scath, s., harm: also v., to harm Scathfull, Scathless, harmful, unharmed Schar, Schair, Schare, cut, carved; p.t. of Scher Schavalduris, vagrants, V. 205. See note Schaw, v., show; p.t. Schew, X. I6I, or Schawit Schaw, s., thicket, grove Schawdest, adj., super., shallowest, IX. 354 Sched, clove, divided Schent, v., p.p., shamed Scher, v., to shear, cut up Schiltrum, a close-packed body of men: so in E; C has childrome (A.S. scild, a shield, truma, a troop) Schipfar, s., a journey in a ship Schir, s., sir Schire, adj., bright; also adv., Schyre (A.S. scar, bright) Scho, pron., she Schoir, Schore, adj., sheer, steep Schonand, shunning, V. 201 Schop, v., prepare, more usual Schap, XVI. 573 Schore, adj., " sheer," steep Schoyne, "shoon," shoes, II. 5IO Schoyr, loud threats (Cf. Withoutin outher bray, or bost, or schore.-King Hart) Schup(e), " shaped," purposed, attempted; p.t. of Schap Schynand, v., pr. p., shining Scowking, s., "skulking," cowardice Scowryt, v., p.p., scoured Scrymmyng, s., skirmishing, XIX. 521 (O.F. escrimer, to fence) Se, v., to see, watch over Segis, seats (F. siege, a seat): astrological term as "mansions " Seik, adj., sick Seir, Ser, various, separate Sekir, safe, sure, firm, steadfast Sekirly, Sekyrly, certainly Sekirnis, security, certainty I24 The Bruce Sekkis, s., sacks Sembland, "semblance," show Semble, s., assembly, body of men, II. 380 Sen, since Send, v., p.t. of Send; p.p., Send, Sent Sent, s., scent Sentens, meaning, IV. 260 Senyhory, Senyhoury, sovereignty, lordship, rule Sermonyng, s., speech, explanation, IV. 278 Sesand, v., pr. p., seizing Sesing, s., possession, VI. 496 Setis, snares, III. 479 Seyle, s., good, I. 303 (A.S. scl). Cf. adj. Sely (silly) (A.S. swslig) Schawis, v., shows Shraf, v., p.t., shrived, XI. 377 Sib, related, kin Sib-man, relative Sic, Sik, such Sich, v., to sigh Sith, Syth, times, unaltered plur; also Sis, Sythis (A.S. sith, a time). See Grammar Skaith, scath, hurt, injury. See Scath Skalyt. See Scalit Skill, reason Skunnyrrit, v., p.t., avoided in dislike Sla, v., slay; pr. p., Slayand Slaid, v., slid Slak, s., a hollow Sle, sly, crafty, skilled. Cf. Slear, Sleast; adv., Slely Sleuch, v., p.t., slew Sleuth, slot, track (O.N. sloth, a track) Slew, v., p.t., struck in slew fyre (A.S. slean, to strike) Slike, Slyk, mud, slime. For first Skeat gives "slick," rapidly (?), VI. 78 Slop, a gap, opening; pl., Sloppis. Cf. slaps and stiles in "Tam o' Shanter " Smat, v., p.t., smote Snell, biting, sharp, severe (A.S. snell, quick, sharp) Snuk(e), a promontory, I. I88, IV 556 Socht, Soucht, v., p.t., sought Solacious, adj., pleasant, X. 290 Somdeill, adv., somewhat, to some extent Sop, s., a sup, a hasty meal Sop, s., a close body of men; pi., Soppis, heaps Southren, southern Sowing, s., pricking, piercing, XVI. 628 Soym, trace of a cart. See Hede-soyme Soyn(e), Sone, Soune, adv., soon Spar, v., faster, bar; p.t., Sparit, Sperit, Spyryt, etc. Spayn, span, grasp Spering, Speryng, s., asking, information; also v., Sperit, inquired (A.S. spirian) Spoulyheing, s., spoiling Sprent, v., p.t., sprang, XII. 49 Spryngaldis, shooting - machines, XVII. 247. See note Spulyheit, v., p.p., spoiled Squyary, a body of "squyares" or esquires Stablist, v., p.t., " established," settled Stad, " bested," hard pressed Staffing, s., thrusting, pushing, XVII. 785 Staff-slyngis, slings on sticks, XVII. 344. See note Staill, a fixed position, XVII. 97 Standand, v., pr. p., standing Stane, s., stone; pl., Stanis Stay, adj., steep Sted(e), Steid, "stead," place (A.S. stede) Steir, v., stir, IX. 382 (A.S. styrian): on steir, a-stir Glossary I25 Steir, Ster(e), s., a rudder Strikand, pr. p., " striking"; (A.S. ste6r, steering, rud- leading, VI. 238; p.p., der) Strikin, fought Steir, Steyr, v., to " steer," Strowit, p.p., strewn direct, govern Stroy, v., destroy Stekis, v., closes Sture, sturdy, strong (A.S. Stekit, v., p.t., stuck, stabbed st6r, great) Stemmand, steering, straight, Sua, Swa(y), so V. 25 Suagat, Swagat, so, in such a Stent, v., to pitch, set up; p.t., manner Stentit Succudry, pride, presumption Sterand, " stirring," prancing, (O.F. sorcuiderie) XI. I29 Sudjorne, s. and v., sojourn Stern, a star; pl., Sternis, Suelt, died, IV. 3II (A.S. Steris sweltan, to die) Stert, v., to start; p.t., stert Suet, life-blood, life, XIII. 32 Stertling, s., restless motion. Suld, should (Cf. fische wantounly stert- Sum, as suffix, altogether, in land.-Complaynt of Scot- all: e.g., fiff-sum, five in all; lande) six-sum, etc. Stew, mist, vapour, XI. 614 Sumdeill, Sumdele, adv., someStint, v., stop, X. 716; s., what, to some extent Stinting, stopping Sumkyn, adv., of some kind. Stith, Styth, " stiff," strong, Cf. Nakyn hardy (A.S. stith, strong); Summer, the bearing or princialso adv., Stithly pal beam; same word as Stoking, thrusting, XVII. 785 next, XVII. 696 (F. estoquer, to thrust) Summer, a sumpter-horse, XIX. Stole, " stool," seat 746 (O.F. sommier) Stonay, v., to astonish, terrify, Suppowale, support, reindefeat; p.t. and p.p., Sto- forcement, XVI. i I, I39 nayit Sur-noune, surname, XVII. Stot, drive back I52 Stound, s., time, while Suth, adj., true; s., truth Stour, s., conflict, battle (A.F. Suthfast, adj., true; s., Suthestur) fastnes; adv., Suthley Stowpand, v., pr. p., stoop- Swa. See Sua. ing, VIII. 297 Swak, a blow, V. 643 Straif, v., p.t., strove Swappit, drew quickly, threw, Straucht, Strawcht, adj., cast straight; also adv. Swar, v., p.t., swore; also Swoir Straucht, v., p.t., stretched out; Swat, s., sweat also p.p. Swonand, swooning, XVII. 648 Strecour, s., a young hound, Swilk, Swylk, such VI. 487 Swith, Swyth, quickly, soon: Strekit, v., p.t., and p.p., als swith, as quickly as stretched, extended: strekit possible weill, clearly defined, XX. Swoir, v., p.t., swore; also Swar 317 Swome, v., to swim, III. 43I Strenyheit, p.p., constrained Sychand, pr. p., sighing I26 The Bruce Sykis, streams in a muddy bottom, XI. 300. See note Syn(e), adv., afterwards, then, next, at last Syndir, Syndri, adj., sundry, various, separate; adv., Syndrely Sythyn, adv., afterwards Syttyn, v., p.p., sat Ta, v., take; p.t., Tuk; p.p., Tan(e), Tayne; pr. p., Takand Ta; the ta =thet a, the one (see Grammar); also the tane= thet-ane Taill, payment by an heir on succeeding to an estate, XII. 320 Tais, v., takes Tailyhe, agreement, XX. 134; v., Talit (E. Tailyheit), agreed upon, XIX. 188 Taknyng, Takynnyng, sign, token, evidence (A.S. tacnung, a sign) Takyn, a token, sign, signal (A.S. tacn, a token) Tald, v., p.t., Told Tale, number, XI. 5 (A.S. tal, number) Talent, s., desire: so also in Chaucer, B. 1137 Tane the, the one. See Ta Tasit, drew back, V. 623. See note Taskar, a thresher (A.S. therscan, to thresh) Tastit, v., tested, tried Taucht, v., p.t., gave Tauld, v., p.t., told Te, v., to tie, XV. 282 Tell, count (A.S. tellan) Tend, tenth Tene, Teyne, anger, vexation, II. 377: for propyr tene in his personal vexation (A.S. teona, injury, insult) Tent, care, heed Ter, tar, XVII. 6I Tha(y), those. See Grammar Thak, thatch Than, adv., then; even, I. 217 Thar, impers. v., it needs, it is necessary, VIII. 257, XII. 300; p.t., Thurt Thar, adv., there; and in compounds, Thareftir, Thar-fra, therefrom; Thartill, thereto; Thar-throuch, thereby Tharup, " up there " The-quhethir, however, and yet, nevertheless. See Grammar (Conj). Thine, thence; fra thine, from thence, V. 90o; Thine-furth, thenceforth, XVII. 722 Thir, these. See Grammar (Pron.) Thocht, cony., though Thol-, Thoill, v., to suffer, endure; p.t., Tholyt; p.p., Tholit (A.S. tholian, to suffer) Thouch(t), though Thowlesnes, heedlessness, I. 333 Thra, eager (O.N. thrar, stubborn) Thrang, s. "throng," crowd, press; difficulty, distress, X. 117, XV. 353 Thraw, a little time (A.S. thrdg, a space of time) Thrawing, s., throwing Threllis, "thralls," slaves; also Thryll; Threldome, s., thraldom Thretty, thirty Thrillag(e), Thryllage, thraldom; also Thrildome, Thryldome Thrillit, pierced (A.S. thirlian, to pierce) Thring, Thryng, v., to throng; pr. p., Thringand (A.S. thringan, to press, crowd) Thristill, a throstle, thrush Thristing, s., thrusting, XIII. i56 Glossary 127 Throppill, the windpipe, the Trappit, furnished with trapthroat pings, armoured (of horses) Throuch, Throw; prep., through Trast, Traist, adj., trusty; Throwand, pr. p., writhing, secure, XIV. 466; comp., XV. 230 Trastar; v., Trast, Trastit; Thurt. See Thar adv., Trastly, Traistly, trustThyrland, piercing, making fully, securely, confidently; holes in, II. 540; pr. p. of comp. Trastlyar; also Trast, Thrillit subs., appointment, XVII. 36 Tid, Tyd, time (A.S. tid) Travaill, v., to travel, work Till, prep., to hard, pr. p.; also Travale, Till-hewyn, p.p., scarred, cut trouble, interfere with, VI. in different directions, XX. 602 367; p.t., Till-hewyt, clove, Travaill, Travell, s., a difficult cut down, II. 38I journey, IV. 48; labour, Tit, Tyt, adv., soon, quickly; hardship; pl., Travalys: also comp. Titar, Tyttar Travailyhe Tit, Tyt, v., snatch, pull, V. 603, Travaland, toiling, travelling; XVI. 132 p.t., Travalit, troubled, Tithand, Tithing, s., tidings, harassed, etc. news Tray, s., vexation, XVIII. 233 To-fruschyt, v., p.p., crushed, (A.S. trega) broken in pieces (A.S. to, Trayne, v., draw, entice, XIX. in two; O.F. froissier, to 354 break) Tretis, s., a treaty; proposes To-ga, fled to treat, X. 125 To-morn, to-morrow Treuth, s., troth, trust; gaf Top-castellis, top-castles or treuth, believed, IV. 223 fighting-tops of a war-ship Trew, v., trust, believe To-stonay, to astound thor- Trewis, Trowis, s., truce; also oughly. (" To" is intensive= as plur., XIX. 200, 203 Ger. Zu) Treyn, adj., wooden Tothir in the tothir, second. See Trist, " tryst," place of meeting; Grammar set trist, appointed, VII. 235 Tournys, v., turns Tropellis, troops, small bodies To-waverand, wandering in (O.F. tropel, dimin. of trope = different directions troupeau, a troop) Towme, a tomb Trow, v., believe; Trowit, Toym, Tume, leisure, V. 642 Trowit (Icel. t6m, emptiness, leisure). Trumpe, to sound the trumpet; See note pr. p., Trumpand; p.t., Trammys, war-engines, struc- Trumpit, XIX. 429. See tures of wood, XVII. 245 note Trane, Traine, Trayn, strata- Trunsioune, a truncheon, staff gem, plot of office Tranonting, Tranontyne, s., Trumpe, v., to sound on a stratagem, specially, appar- trumpet; pr. p., Trumpand ently, a forced march, VII. Trumpit, p.p., deceived, XIX. 5o8,608;v., Tranontit, XVIII. 712 (?) (F. tromper, to de360 ' ceive) 128 The Bruce Trymbill, v., to tremble, II. j Utelauys, outlaws 295; pr. subj., Trymmyll, Utouth, outside, II. 299 XII. 268 Tulyheit, v., p.t., harassed, IV. Valayis, s., valleys; pl. of Vale 152 I Vanys, veins Tume, leisure, XVII. 735. See Vaslage, Vassalage, prowess, Toym. valour (such as was expected Tummyll, v., tumble; p.t., from a vassal) Tumlit, pulled down Vath, s., danger (O.N. vathi) Turs, v., truss, pack up (O.F. Vaward, vanguard torser); Tursit, Tursit Vencus, Vencust, v., vanquish, Tutlyng, tooting on a horn, vanquished XIX. 604 Vere, spring Twa(y), two Verty. See Averty Twist, a twig, a small branch, Veschall, " vessels ": i.e., plate, VII. 188 XI. I 7 (F. vaisselle) Twyn, adj., twain, IV. 691 Viage, s., voyage Tyd, v., to betide, happen Vittelleris, Vittelouris, s., Tymbrys, crests (F. timbre) " victualers," foragers Tyne, v., to lose; p.t., Tynt Volageous, "flighty," dashing, (Icel. tyna, to lose) unsettled, VIII. 445, X. 553 Tynsale, loss, harm Vyre, a bolt for a crossbow Tysday, Tuesday Vyre, cast, XVII. 704 (O.F. Tyt. See Tit virer) Umbecast, v., to consider, think Wa, Way, s., woe; adj., sad, over sorry Umbeset, v., beset Wach, Wauch, v., watch, guard Umbestount, adv., sometimes, Wafand, waving VII. 398 (A.S. ymbe, about; Wageouris, s., "waged solstund, a time) diers," mercenaries, XI. 48 Umbethink, Umbethoucht, be- Waik, weak. Cf. Waykar think, bethought Wald, s., wold Umquhill, sometimes (A.S. Wald, v., would hwzl, a time) Walk, v., to wake, watch; p.t., Unabasitly, boldly Walknyt. See Language, "1" Unbondyn, v., p.p., unbound Walkyn, v., to awake. See Under-ta(k), v., undertake; p.p., Language, "1" Undertane Wallyt, p.p., walled Unfair, Unfayr, unfortunate, Walopyt, galloped, II. 440 evil Wan(e), v., p.t. of won Unseill, s., misfortune (A.S. Wane, Wayne, quantity, XVI. unsal) 454 Unwittandly, unwisely Wapnys, s., weapons Unwemmyt. See Wem Wappyt, v., p.t., struck, Upcom, s., way up; also Up- knocked, XVII. 691 gang War, s., ware, merchandise, Ure, s., fate, luck, " especially XIX. 194 ' good luck '" (Skeat) (O.F. War, adj., aware; wary, X. 333 eur. Cf. bonheur) War, adv., worse, XIII. 219 Glossary I29 War, v., were Weir, s., doubt; but weir, Warisoune, Warysoun, s., re- without doubt ward Weld, v., "wield "; pr. p., Warn, v., to refuse, IV. 392; Weldand, ruling, guiding p.t., Warnyt, opposed; 'Weltir, v., upset, XI. 25; pr. p., warned (A.S. wyrnan, to Weltrand, rolling, III. 719; refuse) p.t., Weltryt, rolled Warnist, v., p.t. and pp., Wem, stain, scar (A.S. warn); stored, provided with; s., v., p.p., Wemmyt, scarred, Warnasyng, Warnysyng (O.F. XX. 368 warnir; F. garnier, to provide) Wend, v., to go; p.t., Went Warnisoun, garrison Wend, v., " weened," thought, Warpyt, v., threw (A.S. expected; p.t., Wenit weorpan, to throw) Wene, Weyne, s., supposition: Warrand, Warand(e), s., refuge, but we(y)ne, without doubt place of safety, protection; (A.S. wen) v., Warand, to protect Wenyng, "weening," supposWarrar, adj., comp. more ing, foretelling, IV. 765 aware, V. 546 Wer, adj., worse; also War Warra(y), v., to war against; Wer(e), v., to defend, XVI. 594 pr. p., Warrayand, warring Wer, Weyr, s., doubt: but wer, upon, making war without doubt. See Weir Warraying, s., " warring," war- Werd, We(i)rdis, fate, destiny, fare and pl. Waryit, cursed (A.S. wergian, Wicht, adj., strong, brave, to curse) Iactive Wassand, weasand, throat, VII. Wikkid, adj., poor, cruel; s., 584 Wikkidness, timidity, weakWat, adj., wet ness, XII. 280; Wikidly, Watyt, v. p.t., "waited," lay in severely, XVII. 809 wait for, I. 202 Will, adj., wild, astray, VII. 2 Wat(e), v., wot, know (see note): will of red-of Wauch. See Wach wane, at a loss Waverand, v., pr. p., wander- Wis, adj., "wise," way (A.S. ing about wis) Wayn, Weyn, "weening," Wissill, mutually destroy, XII. thought, purpose 580 Wayndist, gave way, swerved, With, Wyth, prep., against, I. recoiled (O.F. wandir, gandir, 520; by, I. 521 to turn aside, escape) Withsay, v., gainsay, oppose, I. We, " wee," a small space or 210 short time With-thi, conj., on condition Wecht, s., weight that Weddir, " wether," sheep Wittely, adv., wisely Weid, dress; armour, XVI. Wittering, Witting, s., know580; pl. Wedis (A.S. wead, ledge, information clothing) I Witterly, Wittirly, for certain Weill, Weile, Wele, Weyle, adv., Witty, adj., wise, prudent well very Wlispyt, v., lisped (Old Low Weir, s., war Germ. wlispen) I30 The Bruce Wod, Woud, s., wood Wone, v., p.p.,wont, accustomed Wonnand, v., pr. p., dwelling; p.t., Wounyt (A.S. wunian, to dwell) Wonnyn, v., p.p., won Wonnyng, s., dwelling Worschip, s., valour Worth (Worthis), Worthit, v., becomes, became; p.p., Worthyn: hym worthit neid, it became necessary for him, XIX. 209; wo worth, woe be to, I. 515 Worthyhede, honour Woude, "wud," mad, XVII. io6 (A.S. wod); also Wood, XX. 483 Woude, v., p.t., waded (A.S. wadan, wod) Wouk, v., p.t., kept watch (A.S. wacan, woc, to watch, watched) Woux, Wox(e), v., p.t., waxed, grew Wrate, Wrat, Wrayt, v., wrote Wre(y)th, Wreythyt, v., became enraged, enraged; p.p., Wrethit, XVII. 45 Wrichtis, wrights, workmen Wrocht, Wroucht, v., p.t., wrought Wyndland, pr. p., rolling, tumbling over one another, XVII. 721. "Windle-straws" in Scots = dog's grass Wysk, s., whisk, a quick blow. Y, Yh. See also under I. Yare(e), Yha(i)r, adj., ready; also adv. Yheld, Yhald, Yholdyn, v., yield, yielded Yharn(e), Yharnit, v., yearn, yearned for Yharne, adv., diligently Yheid, Yhed, Yhude, v., went (A.S. eode) Yheit, Yheyt, yet Yhemar, a keeper, groom Yhemsall, Yhemsell, Yheymseill, s., care (Icel. geimsla, guardianship) Yheyme, Yhemyt, v., guard, take care of (A.S. gyman, to watch over) Yhet, Yhate, s., gate (A.S. geat) Yhoill-evyn, "Yule-even," Christmas Eve Yhon(e), adj., yon; adv., Yhongat, in that way, in such a way Yhouthheid, s., youth Yneuch, adj. as indef. pron., enough, XIV. 235, 364 Ynkirly, Ynkurly, adv., specially, particularly. See Enkrely Ysche, v. See Isch Ysching, s., " issuing," sally Ysche, s., "issue," way out; sally; outlet, XIV. 354 Yscheill. See Eschele Ythand, adj., diligent, constant, tenacious, also adv., Ythandly PRINTED BY BILLING AND SONS, LTD., GUILDFORD OUTLINE OF SCOTTISH HISTORY FROM ROMAN TIMES TO THE DISRUPTION BY W. M. MACKENZIE, M.A., F.S.A. (SCOT.) Small Crown 8vo., Cloth, with 105 Illustrations, Maps, and Plans Price 2S. 6d. NOTE RECENT developments, both national and educational, point to a revival of serious interest in Scottish History. This little book is intended as an aid in that direction. Its purpose is to provide an outline of the history of Scotland as history; to do in brief compass what has been done exhaustively by the historians of many volumes. The writer has confined himself to the things that really mattered in building up the kingdom and shaping the fortunes of its people. 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