14"+
ESSAY ON SLAVERY;
WITH THE MORAL AND PROVIDENTIAL
GOVERNMENT OF GOD;
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AND AS AN E;LEMtENT OF   -*.X
CHIURCH ORGANIZATION.
WITH
MISCELLANEOUS REFLECTIONS ON THE SUBJECT
OF SLAVERY.
BY TIIOMAS J. TAYLOR.
For what the law could not do, in that it was weak through the l!csli, Gol
,;ending his own Son in the likeness of sinful flesh, and for- sin, condemned sin
in the flesh: that the righteousness of the law nii,ht b)e fulfilled in us, who
stalk not after the flesh, but after the Spirit. —IIOMANS viii, 3, 4.
Xrt1U-ilorvli:
PUBLISHED FOR THE
200 Mulberr-y-street.
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AS CONNECTED
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AUTI-IOR,
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Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1851, by
THOMAS J. TAYLOR,
in the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the Southern District of
New-York.
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INTRODUCTION.
IN this age of improvement, and in a world abounding with great,
greater, and greatest men, we feel no small degree of embarrass ment at the thought of passing the ordeal of public scrutiny in the
character of an author. Such an idea, in the commencement of
those sections which formnn the first part of this work, was not en tertained, no, not even dreamed of, either in our sleeping or
waking hours. Circumstances, however, have somewhat strangely
conspired to lead matters on to this end, and which are as fol lows:
Since the days of our youth we have been an unworthy member of the Methodist Episcopal Church.'In the recent agitation
of the abolition question, (which is one with which we sympathize, when restricted to proper limits,) the leaders of that movement, in its ultra form, together with those who follow in the
wake, have seemed to feel and act as if they thought they had a
special nmission from (od to denounce-not only as thieves and
robbers, but as the synagogue of Satan, and many other like
grave charges - those churches, and the members of those
churches which, as an evil, tolerate the relation as in agreement
with the Scriptures; Having been thus personally, repeatedly
assailed, both from the pulpit and the press, as also the Church
with which we stand connected, in the acceptance of challenges
loudly and frequently given, we volunteered the defence of our
Church against the charge of pro-slaveryism. Our first number
was published, and the second forwarded for publication, and as
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it was retained on hand some four weeks before the editor leaked
out his purpose to rule me out, by this time we had written the
greater part of what is embraced in the first part of this work.
Having thus made some progress in the investigation, we desired, for our own satisfaction, as we should have opportunity
from other cares, to push our inquiries thtough the subject, and
ascertain, so far as our capacity would bear us out in its examination, whether or not we were in error, in the views entertained
relative to the strictly Scriptural position of the Church.
It thus being known to some, who desired the further publication of my manuscript; and to others, on whom the author obtruded some of his numbers for critical remarks as to doctrine, &c.,
and who thought it deserved a more permanent existence than
an ephemeral appearance through the newspaper press, led to
their preservation and arrangement in regular and consecutive
order, till I had passed through what I regarded the Bible
view of the subject, and had made an application of its general
teachings, principles, and spirit, on the subject of slavery, to the
principles and spirit of the Methodist polity. This being done,
other questions, naturally arising out of the subject, pressed
themselves on my attention, and which have also been written
out, under a conviction that they would be of some importance
to the world.
In this way it has swelled up into the shape of a littlfie volume,
and, as such, is likely to come into public notice. How extensively, and whether for good or for ill, time must determine. Of
one thing, however, we (to change our phraseology before we
use up all the capital I's the printer may have) are deeply con scious,-that we have sought only the truth, from the first to the
last, and through every intervening step in this investigation; in
which we have condensed our thoughts in as small a compass as
was practicable, in the examination of this subject in its con nexion with God's moral and providential government of the
world.
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LNTRODUCTION.
Had we looked merely at the surface of things, we possibly
should have been conducted to the same, or like conclusions
with the ultra abolitionists of the day; namely, that slavery is
too outstandingly and palpably wrong for a revelation from God,
under any circumstances, to make any tolerant allusion to it.
Some way then would have been sought to explain away
those passages which seem to recognize, and which appear to
have been designed for, the government of the relation; and
failing in this, as we think every rational mind must do,
the next step would have been, as we fear many of them have
done, to reject the Scriptures, on account of such monstrous
doctrines-so repugnant to our natural rights, and contrary to
the voice of reason-as a revelation from God.
But when we endeavour to penetrate and look beneath the
surface, and regard it as a part of an administration that takes
hold of this world in its connexion with an eternal state; that
has more reference to the general than the individual good,-the
good of eternity, than the good of time; or, in other words, the
greatest good, or greatest amount of good, upon the whole, of all
concerned, for both time and eternity; it appears to us not
only to be free from the objections alleged against it, but as
commending itself to us as an exhibition of the united wisdom
and goodness of the moral Governor of the universe, in making
the best of circumstances in this as in all other matters connected
with the defection of this revolting province of his dominions;
and of the truth of which we think'the reader will be fully satisfied, by the time he shall have patiently and carefully passed
through this little work.: 
And we would here admonish him, that we think the varitou
parts are so dependent on, aind so calculated to illustrate and
strengthen each other, that he cannot well understand the sub..
ject in its complex character, without an attentive and careful
perusal of the whole.  We make  this remark for the benefit of
those who examine a book as many do a newspaper-pick it up,
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INTRODUCTION.
cast a cursory and careless glance over its columns, and if the
eye should catch nothing that suits their fastidious taste, throw
it aside as a failure. Thoughtful minds-especially at this juncture, when the whole country, from the centre to the circumference, feels its importance; and our national councils, as well
as our Church organizations, are trembling to their foundations
under its fearful power-will need no such admonition.  And
if, as we think it does, it shall be found to present the subject in
a Scriptural and rational light, and perchance in a somewhat
different, if not in an entirely new light, to what it has ever been
presented to the world, it will be read with anxiety; and that too
without much Solicitude a to whence it is, or the peculiarities
of its literary dress. This leads us to make a remark in reference to style.
It being the firstborn of our pen for public scrutiny, we
think we may, with some confidence, claim the indulgence of
the sober-minded. And as for the fastidiousness of that taste
that will bow down and worship a jackdaw, because dressed in
a peacock's feathers, we do not feel a very ponderous solicitude
about gratifying it.
That some portions of the work, in point of style, may pass for
all our expectations or pretensions, we have no doubt; but that
other portions of it, in which we have had to do with men and
things that seemed to call for some severity or humour, may be
regarded as coarse and common-place, and thus deficient in correct taste, we are fully aware. After all, in this disordered
world there are some coarse and vulgar ideas; and as words are
the signs of ideas, in writing about them, plain, unpretending
men may very naturally fall into this error.
We have felt some anxiety lest, in some of our points of conflict with those avowing slaveholding under all circumstances to
be a bar to Church fellowship, we have sometimes expressed
ourselves in a way that may be regarded as too severe, and as
favouring the principle and practice of slavery.  This, however,
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we hope the intelligent reader, on looking careTully over the
whole ground, will be fully satisfied is not our position; and
as to what may be the seeming point, it is to be set down
either to the weakness of our common nature, or as an honest
trial to throw off the weight of an untiring effort, for opinion's
sake, to crush and take from us what little reputation we had,
because we had, on this subject, the astounding impudence to
think and speak for ourselves.
Had we been base enough to suppress our convictions of
truth, and surrender the dominion of our conscience to the
ignorance, zeal, and bigotry of the Western leaders of the new
* organization, possibly we might now enjoy a reputable standing
,among those mistaken brethren. But, in that case, we should
have had so great a sense of personal meanness as to be with  out a conscious sense of personal rectitude in our own bosoms;
a sacrifice, with us, entirely too great at which to purchase the
favourable regards of any body of men, let alone, so far as we
know them, the master spirits and composing elements of that
faction.
A thought or two more to the ultra brethren or extreme meni men occupying extreme ground, both in the North and South.
Without suffering your feelings to be too much implicated in
what you may deem the strong ground taken against your re spective positions, examine these pages in the light of a prayer ful desire to learn and know, that you may practise the truth;
it can do you no harm, but the contrary; to hold and practise
the truth will always, on all questions, do us good. If a first
reading is not satisfactory, read it over again. And should you
find that we are in error, point it out, so as to satisfy us of that
error, and we trust we shall have candour enough to renounce
and retract it.  If, on the other hand, as we think will be the re sult, you shall be conducted to the conclusion that our position
is Scriptural, reasonable, and therefore true, let not the pride
of position or opinion dater you from embracing and avowing
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that truth. Be honest, be independent; and the means which
shall have been thus instrumental in leading you to the knowledge of the truth on this subject, recommend  to the notice of
others; give your aid in promoting its most extensive circulation, that thereby the largest measure of truth may be circulated throughout  our whole  country.   Do  not  yourselves,
nor yet in others, countenance any open or under-handed
measures, to prevent either its examination or circulation,help to let it have free course, run and be glorified; for it is entirely too late in the day to appeal to authority, civil, social, and
religious, for the suppression of truth, particularly where that
truth is soberly, dispassionately, and respectfully presented.
We send it forth to its destiny. May Heaven make its way
prosperous and glorious.
THE AUTHOR.
1'arch, 1849.
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CONTENTS.
PART FIRST-PRELIMINARY.
SEOTION I.
POSITION OF TIHE CHURCH ON THE SUBJECT OF SLAVERY, AS CONTAINED IN
HIER ECCLESIASTICAL LA-W, STATED..........     PAGE 1l
SECTION II.
OBJECTIONS CONSIDERED:-TtIAT THE CHURCH IS TOO OBSEQUIOUS TO TIIE
STATE-THE SPIRITUAL TO THE CIVIL POWVER........ 18
SECTION IIL
OBJECTIONS CONSIDERED.-THAT THE SAME PRINCIPLES THAT RECEIVE SLAVE  IHOLDERS INTO THE CHURCH, REQUIRE THE RECEPTION OF HIGHWAYMEN,
ADULTERERS, AND MURDERERS.............            29
SECTION IV.
OBJECTION CONSIDERED.-THAT THE SAMF, PRINCIPLE TItAT RECEIVES SLAVE  IIOLDERS INTO TIlE CHURCH, REQUIRES THE RECEPTION OF TIIE POLYGA  ILST.......................37
SECTION V.
TIlE RELATION OF SLAVERY, AS TAUGIIT IN TIHE OLD TESTAMENT.. 43
SECTION VI.
TIE RELATION OF SLAVERY, AS TAUGIIT IN THE NEWV TESTAMENT.. 51
SECTION VII.
CRITICAL AUTHORITIES....................  1, I
PART SECOND.
ARGUMENTS AGAINST THE  DINmE RIGHT OF SLAVERY, AS AN
INSTITUTION OF GOD, OR OF SPECIAL DIVINE APPOINTMENT.
SECTION 1.
FIRST ARGUMENT, DRAWN FROM THE LAWV OF NATURE.....     8.5
SECTION II.
SECOND ARGUMENT, DRAWN FROM THE LAW OF REVELATION-THE RELA TION A TEMPORARY REGULATION............    94
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PART TH IRD.
THAT THE SIMPLE RELATION  IS NO BAR TO CIHTRCH FELLOW                            SHIP.
SECTION I.
FROM THE PRINCIPLES OF GOD S MORAL AND PROVIDENTIAL  GOVERN MENT...................             PAGE 110
SECTION II.:
ITS COMPATIBILITY WITH THE RECTITUDE OF THE DIVINE CHARACTER AND
GOVERNMENT...................  135
SECTION III.
AS SEEN IN ITS PARTICULAR AND RECIPROCAL DUTIES...... 146
SECTION IV.
AS SEEN IN ITS GENERAL CONDITION...........         155e
SECTION V.
THE PERFECT AGREEMENT OF THE ECCLESIASTICAL POLITY OF THE METIIO  DIST EPISCOPAL CHURCH WITH THE TEACHING OF THE SCRIPTURES, ON
THE SUBJECT OF SLAVERY..............    163
PART FOURTH.
-MISCELLANEOUS REFLECTIONS ON DIFFERENT SUBJECTS CON                  NECTED WITH SLAVERY.
SECTION I.
THOUGHTS ON TRUE WESLEYANISM.............           172
SECTION II.
ON THE DIVISION OF THE CHURCH............          177
SECTION III.
ON THE CONDITION OF AFRICA-AFRICAN SLAVERY AN ACT OF PROVIDEN  TIAL GOVERNMENT.................           197
SECTION IV.
ON THE DUTY OF THE GOVERNMENT...........            205
SECTION V.
A CALM ADDRESS TO THE SOUTH.............          220
CONCLUSION....................             267
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PART I.-PRELIMINARY STATEMENTS.
SECTION I.
POSITION OF THE CHURCH ON THE STJBJECT OF SLAVERY, AS CONTAINED IN
HER ECCLESIASTICAL LAW, STATED.
THE Scriptures not only require us to be "ready always to give to every man that asketh us a reason of
the hope that is in us, with meekness and fear," which
is a rational injunction, and worthy of a religion emanating from God; but they also require or enjoin it
upon us, "earnestly to contend for the faith once delivered to-the saints." In a world like ours, abounding
in free-thinkers, half-thinkers, and no-thinkers, the
exhortation cannot but commend itself to our understanding as an important one, and is clearly in evidence that its author regarded the "faith," or religion, taught in the Holy Scriptures, as capable of
a triumphant vindication against the objections of
all cavillers, of whatever school. The history of the
world, thus far, is in proof, that in this confidence
he was not mistaken. For notwithstanding the various
assaults which in various forms have been made upon
it, it still exists; and instead of suffering harm by passing the ordeal of rigid, scrutinizing investigation, has
gathered strength in every struggle, and brightened in
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every conflict; so that each succeeding contest in the
march of mind serves only to confirm its claims to a
heavenly origin, and show its complete adaptation to
the weakness, wants, and wisdom of man, in all the
variety of his condition. The progress of society, in
every stage of mental and moral improvement, proportionately develops its superlative excellency; and
warrants the conclusion, that its principles will not
only be found suited to the highest possible culture of
mind and morals, but also the most, if not the only
effectual system, by which the character of man, in
these lofty and distinguishing attributes of his nature,
can be fully developed. The fact that its ranks have
furnished, and still continue to furnish, the most
elevated and finished specimens of human greatness
that the history of the world presents, is indubitable
evidence of the truth of the above proposition. And
with this commanding proof before us of its inherent
practical utility, that it should have, ever and anon,
to be contending with the embattled hosts of determined opposition, would be a problem of difficult
solution, but for the light reflected on this and
similar questions by the language of the prophet,
when he tells us that "the whole head is sick, and the
whole heart faint;" and that men "do not know," because they do not consider;-the want of reflection
being the cause of their ignorance; and that ignorance
the cause of their opposition. In this, and similar
language found in the Bible, is disclosed the true
secret of all opposition to the principles and measures
of the divine administration. The mind being enfeebled, and the heart corrupted by sin, in our stupid infatuation and heedlessness, though frequently
called upon  to "hear" and  "consider,"  we  will
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not give ourselves the trouble to think; choosing
rather to walk in the sight of our own eyes, and
after the desire of our own hearts, than to hear and
receive the word of heavenly instruction, which
would redeem us from error, and guide us into
all truth.
A recent attack, insidiously made upon Christianity,
is in the denunciation of the Church and Ministry,the divinely instituted and appointed instrumentalities by which to convert the world, and build it up
in the faith of the Gospel: and the reasons assigned
are, first, the connexion of the Church with Slavery, in
receiving, and retaining in her communion, persons in
that relation; and, secondly, that the Ministry, as the
prominent actors and messengers of the churches, instead of rebuking and wholly excluding it from the
Church of God, connive at and lend their sanction to
this state of things.  Other matters enter into, or are
embraced in, the general complaint; some of which in
an unqualified, and others in a qualified, sense, have
our cordial approval; such as intemperance, war, &c.
These, we repeat, mainly constitute the reasons for
the onset; and form the basis of urgent, inflammatory,
derisive, and denunciatory appeals, loud and long, in
the public ear, against the Church, and against the
Ministry and the Christianity of the present age.
Especially in the slavery aspect of the question,
does the trump of opposition wax louder and louder;
with the cry of "Down  with  the Church!" and
"Down with the Ministry!" as the chief machinations
and instruments of his Satanic majesty (if their creed
allows his existence) for carrying on, in this sindisordered world, his work of ruin and death.
And in this particular view of the question, profess
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ed Christians, in their individual and organized
capacities, join hand in hand with infidelity; at least
so far as to proscribe, and hand over to the fatherly
care of old Apollyon, all those churches, as well as
individuals, who, under any circumstances, tolerate
the relation as being compatible with a creditable profession of religion. Hence the recent organization
of religious bodies, making it under all circumstances
a bar to church fellowship; and the untiring effort of
those organizations, for opinion's sake, to bring into
contempt and infamy all those, whether individuals
or churches, who differ from them in the general
scriptural view of this vexed question.
We hear it from the pulpit and the platform, we
read it from the press, that society would be vastly
benefited if the convicts of our penitentiaries were
turned loose upon the world, and the ministry, with a
few honourable exceptions, (that is, those who embrace
their peculiar views,) were shut up in their stead;
and if any mean or wicked thing has been done
in a distant neighbourhood, branded with peculiar
marks of atrocity, enormity, and depravity, it is at
once attributed to some pro-slavery class-leader, deacon, elder, or preacher. And the churches also come
in for a full share of the same exaggerated and denunciatory detraction. They are declared to be the
"synagogue of S       atan,"-the "mother of harlots," &c.,
&c.; and are represented by the most coarse and
vulgar anecdotes; such as give evidence of a determinination the most heated, as well as the most untiring, to heap all the odium that language and circumstances can bring upon her, and thereby bring her
into such disrepute as to become, instead of "the
praise and glory of the earth," "a byword and hiss
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ing"  to all intelligence,-hoping therehy, as they
claim, to effect her reform; but, as we fear, and we
think not without evidence, her final overthrow.
The same principle of proscription is carried out in
a variety of resolutions, at their various meetings;
one of which was the remote cause of this essay, and
which in substance, if not verbatim, was as follows:  "'Resolved, That the churches that retain slaveholding are the greatest barriers to freedom, or bulwarks of the system; and that, in so doing, they yield
the supremacy of the law of God, and substitute measures of human policy and interest."
Now to the principle involved in this resolution,
namely, that the reception and retention of persons
in the relation into the Church, all things else being
right, is a measure of human policy, in contravention
of the Divine law, and brands the church so practising
as pro-slavery, we enter our solemn protest, and shall
proceed to give the reasons that govern our faith in
this matter, particularly in reference to the Methodist
Episcopal Church, of which we have had the honour
to be an unworthy member since the days of our
boyhood.
The reader will first indulge us in the statement of
a principle, or discrimination, that appears to us to
lie deep at the foundation of this momentous question; one that, so far as our reading is concerned,
has been entirely overlooked, and is of superlative
importance to its correct understanding; namely, that
slavery in its incipiency, and slavery as an element
of organized society, are different things; or, in other
words, the relation of the parties thereto, in its different stages, involves widely different degrees of moral
turpitude. The man who kidnaps or steals a man,
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and the man who buys him when thus stolen, and
thus robs him of all his rights, justly deserve the execration of all upright society; human language hardly
furnishes adequate terms with which to express the
deep enormity attaching to such conduct. And we
think it was principally to this stage of the business
that Wesley, Clarke, and others referred, when they
denounced it in such unmeasured terms. Such a
construction is due them, as it harmonizes that which
would otherwise appear inconsistent in the views of
these great and good men: of which in the sequel.
But in a state of organized society, as in the United
States,-where the parties who are now connected
with slavery had no more to do with the original act
of kidnapping, or man-stealing, by which it was first
introduced, nor in the enactment of those statutes
which authorize, guard, and begird it with all the
solemn forms, intricacies, and sanctions of law, than
the man in the moon,-their relation thereto, as it
appears to us, and must, as we think, so appear to all
reasonable men, is widely different.  In vain will it
here be urged, that the retainer of the stolen goods is
equally guilty with the original thief: the circumstances are so widely different, that no sane mind
capable of comprehending the question, and appreciating an argument, but will see and feel its fallacy.
Now it is important to keep this discrimination in
view, in order to understand properly the Scriptural
and anti-slavery bearings of our ecclesiastical law.
The subject of slavery comes up first in what are
called our General Rules, where the positive and
negative qualifications of persons applying for mnembership among us are set forth in detail. Among
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them is the following:-" The buying and (or) selling men, women, and children, with an intention to
enslave them,"-which prohibits the person or persons so practising firom a place in our communion.
This is slavery in its ineipieney,-the commencement of this diabolical business,-where we think
the greatest guilt attaches. And how a law which
lays the axe at the root of this tree of iniquity
-which strikes at the very foundation of the whole
matter, and cuts off all persons so offending from a
place among us-can be regarded as a pro-slavery
measure, we cannot understand.
In the second place, the Discipline pronounces upon
the general character of slavery, whether in its incipiency, or as an element of organized society, as a
"great evil." And by what process of reasoning we
can arrive at the conclusion, that a statute thus fixing
its veto upon slavery, as a "great evil," is pro-slavery,
we cannot perceive.
Next comes that part of the law which treats especially of slavery as an element of organized society;
and which bars any slaveholder from official station
in the Church, where the laws of the State in which
he lives will admit of emancipation, and permit the
liberated slave to enjoy freedom; and works the forfeiture of the ministerial character of any travelling
preacher who in any way becomes the owner of a
slave or slaves, unless he execute, if practicable, a
legal emancipation, conformably to the laws of the
State in which he may reside; and, further, makes it
the duty of the preachers to enforce on our members
the necessity of teaching their slaves to read the word
of God, and allowing them time to attend to the public
worship of God.
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These regulations, like the preceding ones, surely
breathe an anti-slavery spirit, and cannot, by any fair
construction, be tortured into any other meaning. It
may be objected, first, that these laws have not been
faithfully administered; and that the action of certain
annual conferences, and some acts and doings of the
General Conference, have not harmonized with them.
To these objections we, for the present, make no reply, not being sufficiently posted on these points to
give a matured opinion; and having never claimed
anything further, than that the Church, in her organic
law, is opposed to slavery. It is objected, in the second
place, that the Church is too obsequious to the State
-the spiritual to the civil power-in regard to slavery.
This objection will furnish matter for our next section.
SECTION II.
OBJECTIONS CONSIDERED:-THAT THE CHURCH IS TOO OBSEQUIOUS TO THE
STATE-THE SPIRITUAL TO THE CIVIL PONVER.
PURSUANT to promise, we will now examine the second objection:-" That the Church is too obsequious to the State-the spiritual to the civil power," in
conforming her practice to the laws of the State, in
receiving and retaining in her communion persons
connected with slavery, on account of the difficulties
interposed by the civil power in the way of emancipation. This, in a country like the United States,
where the constitution of the general government
protects the several slaveholding States in their right
to hold slaves; and where the laws of such slaveholding States, to guard and protect this interest, have
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thrown impediments around it, rendering'it almost,
if not, in many instances, entirely impracticable for
the citizens of those States to liberate them, by requiring the master, who may not have the means, when
he would emancipate, to remove them to a free State;
and rendering the slave thus emancipated, for want
of such removal, liable to be taken up the next week,
month, or year, and sold into perpetual bondage to a
worse and more cruel master, is a grave subject, and requires our most serious attention. In examining it, we
feel our want of more general reading; nevertheless,
we will venture a few thoughts, showing our opinion.
From the constitution of human nature, it is manifest that man was intended for society. His weakness when born into the world, and for several years
thereafter, amounting to entire helplessness; his wants,
which that helplessness can in no measure, not even
the least, supply, clearly indicate a social existence
to have been the design of the Creator in his formation.
His love of society, seen from an early period of
infancy, and which continues unabated throughout
the entire period of his earthly existence, is also in
proof of the above proposition.
The constitution and attachment of the sexes, one
of the strongest impulsions of our nature, and which
in itself leads to society, is declarative of its truth.
His capacity for mental and moral improvement,
which can only be brought to any tolerable perfection
in a social state, and which would be greatly retarded, if not totally defeated, on the anti-social principle, is in evidence that society is a prominent and
essential principle of our nature.
Thus his incapacity to provide for, protect, and
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defend himself; to indulge and gratify the social tendencies of his being; to develop his physical, mental,
moral, and social powers, according to their capacity,
demonstrate his formation a folly, his existence a failure, on any other principle than that of a social state.
Now if the principles and reasonings contained in
the preceding remarks establish, as we think they do,
the social character of human nature, government,
being essential to such a state, is therefore necessary
to the continued existence of the race.   Ethical
writers, or writers on natural law, take this view of
the question, and attach such importance to the doctrine, as to tell us that man cannot exist without it;
and that therefore any form of government is preferable to anarchy. The Holy Scriptures recognize
this principle, not only by  implication, from the
historical account they give of the social state in
which the race has been preserved, and the relative
duties enjoined, growing out of such a state; but
by positive precept, as contained in the following
passages:-" Let every soul be subject unto the
higher powers; for there is no power but of God.
The powers that be are ordained of God." Rom.
xiii, 1. "Submit yourselves to every ordinance of
man for the Lord's sake: whether it be to the king,
as supreme; or unto governors, as unto themn that are
sent by him for the punishment of evil-doers, and for
the praise of them that do well." 1 Pet. ii, 13, 14.
Now an institution lying thus deep at the foundation
of human nature, and so clearly ascertained, certified,
and authenticated, as being essential to our continued
existence, cannot, when once established, be lightly
regarded with impunity. And the inquiry here forces
itself upon us: What is its relative position in the
20
O 
AN ESSAY ON SLAVERY.
Divine administration over the world? Is it subordinate to the spiritual power, or the Church, as has
been claimed and practised by Popery? Or is it the
supreme rule of duty, under the limitations and restrictions of the Divine law, and, as such, binding
upon the conscience, regardless of the moral character
of the executive, or subordinate officers of the law?
This latter view seems to us to be the true state of
the question; and, as will be immediately shown, is
capable of the most clear and irrefragable demonstration. As just seen, man cannot exist without society;
and society cannot exist without government: government, therefore, is essential to the existence of the
race. The Church is only needed in the continued
existence of the race: therefore, as the inevitable consequence, her subordinate position. And such seems
to be the light in which it is presented in the New
Testament.   "Then went the Pharisees, and took
counsel how they might entangle him in his talk.
And they sent out unto him their disciples, with the
Herodians, saying, Master, we know that thou art
true, and teachest the way of God in truth, neither
carest thou for any man; for thou regardest not the
person of men. Tell us, therefore, What thinkest
thou? Is it lawful to give tribute unto Caesar, or
not?   But Jesus perceived their wickedness, and
said, Why tempt ye me, ye hypocrites? Show me
the tribute-money. And they brought unto him a
penny. And he saith unto them, Whose is this image
and superscription?   They say unto him, Caesar's.
Then saith he unto them, Render therefore unto Cesar the things which are Cesar's; and unto God the
things that are God's." Matt. xxii, 15-21. "Then
saith Pilate unto him, Speakest thou not unto me?
21 
AN ESSAY ON SLAVERY
knowest thou not that I have power to crucify thee,
and have power to release thee? Jesus answered,
Thou couldest have no power at all against me, except it were given thee from above: therefore he that
delivered me unto thee hath the greater sin." John
xix, 10, 11. Other passages might be quoted, but
these we think sufficient, in which the blessed Jesus,
under the most public and trying circumstances, asserts the supremacy of the civil power, and that power
to exist by divine appointment: "Thou couldest have
n     o power    at all    against me, except it were given thee
from    above."  Therefore, whatever may have been
the state of this question in the Jewish Church; and
whatever arguments might thence be drawn, in regard to the elevated position of the spiritual power
during its continuance; when it was superseded by
the Gospel Church, its power in this particular, as
well as many others peculiar to the Mosaic institution,
passed away, giving place for the introduction of a
kingdom not of this world. "Jesus answered, My
kingdom is not of this world. If my kingdom were
of this world, then would my servants fight, that I
should not be delivered to the Jews: but now is my
kingdom not from hence." John xviii, 36. "And one
o     f the company said unto him, Master, speak to my
brother, that he divide the inheritance with me. And
he said unto him, Man, who made me a judge or a
divider over you?" Luke xii, 13, 14. "And in the
days of these kings shall the God of heaven set up a
kingdom, which shall never be destroyed: and the
kingdom shall not be left to other people, but it shall
break in pieces and consume all these kingdoms, and it
shall stand forever," Dan. ii, 44; that is, it shall not be
blended with the secular or civil power, as was the Jew
a
32 
AN ESSAY ON SLAVERY.
ish Church.  Accordingly we find, in the teaching and
example of Christ and the apostles, a recognition of
the separation of the Church and State, Luke xii, 14;
and also of the supremacy of the civil power in all
the duties of civil or organized society. Matt. xvii,
24-27; Luke xx, 25; Romn. xiii, 1-7; Tit. iii, 1; and
1 Pet. ii, 13, 14. Therefore we conclude, that whatever we, as individual members of the Church, and
as subjects of the civil power, may regard as our duty
toward the government under which we live, it is not
competent for the Church, in her organized capacity,
to array herself against the powers that be, or any
of the civil duties legitimately growing out of the
constitution under which we live, when they do not
conflict with the law of God. If the constitution in
its essential principles is good, and their practical
tendency in detail is to secure the common welfare,
it is our solemn duty, as citizens and as Christians, to
support it, and obey all its clearly ascertained and
properly accredited duties. For this we are responsible, not only as citizens and subjects of the civil
government, by the laws of the state in which we live;
but as Christians, by the more weighty consideration
that these civil administrations are taken into the
Divine administration, and that the God and Judge
of all, who "ordained the powers that be," will, in the
final judgment, hold us responsible for any neglect
of duty to the State.
If corruptions or abuses, tending to subvert the ends
of good government, have by any means crept into
an administration carried on under a constitution in
itself good, it is then our duty, as citizens and as
Christians, by petition, and all other peaceful measures provided under the constitution, to seek to
23
0 
AN ESSAY ON SLAVERY.
have such corruptions or abuses reformed.   If the
constitution be in itself a bad one, and the operation
of its essential or accidental principles tend to the
common injury, or the injury of any portion of the
community, it then becomes our duty, both as citizens
and Christians, to take the proper steps to have it
entirely annulled, altered, or amended, as will best
secure the universal good.
Should it be inquired, Has the Church, in her or ganized capacity, nothing to do in this business-no
part to act beyond the instruction of mankind in the
principles and duties of Christianity, and building up
believers in the faith of the gospel? We answer, this
is her direct and appropriate work-the mission God
has given her to a sin-ruined world.  In this, as her
principal, her first great business, she is to be actively, vigilantly, and untiringly engaged. "Christ
crucified, the power of God and the wisdom of God,"
and, we will add, the goodness of God and the justice
of God, is, according to the Scriptures, to be the allabsorbing theme-the moral lever by which to move
the world, and move it in the right direction. All
others are inefficient, as principles of reforming power,
in the sense in which she is directly charged with the
world's reformation.
True, the wide range of topics contained in the
gospel, embracing every principle important to the
happiness of man, as a civil, social, and moral being,
presents various subjects of interest for the common
good;-such as the great doctrine of human rights,
the common brotherhood of man, the peace and temperance movements,  &c.-which should claim the
attention of the Church, to elaborate and enforce them
upon the attention and practice of the world; and so
24
0 
AN ESSAY ON SLAVERY,
far as she fails in giving due prominence to all such
useful lessons of instruction, she is recreant to her
duty in the great commission received from her Lord.
But this is to be done by moral suasion; or the clear
exhibition of these principles, in their practical utility
and beneficial results; and not by arraying the Church
against the government; nor yet by excluding from
her fellowship persons who, by the operation of a civil
power they did not personally create, and cannot personally control, are involved in a great evil; which, in
its general character and consequences-aside from
the circumstances above named-may be a great sin,
without an express or clearly implied warrant from
the word of God.
It may be objected here, that, numerically, the individual members of the Church have, as citizens of the
State, the control of the ballot-box; and, failing to use
it, do, as Christian citizens, become responsible for
the evil; and therefore the Church would now be justified in their exclusion from her pale, and making it
in future a bar to communion. This objection, we
think, is not well founded, not being sustained by the
facts in the case, the statistics of the Church showing
that the majority of the citizens of the State are not
members of the Church; and therefore, as Christian
citizens, they are in the minority, and have not the
control of the civil power'.
But allowing, for the sake of argument, that they
have the numerical strength by which to control the
civil power; and having failed to use it, is it not the
duty of the Church to excommunicate them? Should
we grant this, still it does not follow that the Church
would have the right to refuse admission to other applicants for membership connected with the evil,
2
25
a 
AN ESSAY ON SLAVERY.
because the individual members of the Church have,
as citizens of the State, failed to do their duty.
But it is further objected, that the professing portion of the community, with their influence, that is, the
numbers they could bring with them to the ballot-box,
have the numerical strength to control the civil
power; and not having done so, therefore it is the
duty of the Church, so far as the membership who
are connected with the evil is concerned, to exclude
them; and why not those unconnected with the evil?
who, in respect to the evil, have failed to do their duty
at the ballot-box; and thus well-nigh unchurch the
Church?
But if we should, for the sake of argument, admit
this also; still the former difficulty occurs in all its
force, and she therefore remains liable to a connexion
with the evil.
We, however, doubt the correctness of this last
objection; the moral sentiment of the age is not sufficiently matured to sustain it.  And you ask where
lies the blame in this matter? Possibly in different
directions; partly in the weakness and slowness of
the human mind-enervated and clouded by sin-to
discover, examine, comprehend, and carry out, in
their practical bearings, those great principles which
are to work this moral improvement;-and partly on
the Church, for not having, as the light of the world,
furnished the necessary amount of instruction to form
such moral sentiment. But she cannot now consistently atone for past delinquency, by excluding and
debarring from her pale those who, by her neglect,
are not qualified for this lofty range of moral duty.
Now admitting the premises in this argument, namely,
the separation of the Church from the State, and the
26
WI
0 
AN ESSAY ON SLAVERY.
supremacy of the civil power; the conclusion, as it
seems to us, is inevitable, that it is not competent for
the Church, under the present condition of organized
society, to make the simple act of slaveholding, aside
from the abuses of the system, a bar to Christian
fellowship. It would be a violation of the great principle laid down in Scripture, "that it is required
according to what a man hath, and not according to
what he hath not." Thus, we think, by a simple
course of obvious reasoning, we have arrived at the
conclusion, so far as this view of the subject is concerned, that the Church is not pro-slavery.
This is a subject, at this particular juncture, of superlative importance to the American Church. And the
writer feels exceedingly solicitous to be correct in the
views he may entertain and advance on a question so
momentous. And if, by any species of illusion, he has
so far imposed upon his own understanding as to lead
him from the path of truth, he is not aware of it; and
on being convinced-not by hard words, but by hard
arguments-that he is in error, he will immediately
renounce it.
But it is claimed, on the principles here laid downthe  separation of the Church and State, and the
supremacy of the civil power-that the Church would
be bound to admit to her communion highwaymen,
adulterers, drunkards, &c., if such practices were
authorized by the laws of the State. The examination of this objection will form the subject-matter of
our next section.
27
a 
AN ESSAY ON SLAVERY.
SECTION III.
OBJECTIONS CONSIDERED.-THAT THE SAME PRINCIPLES THAT RECEIVE SLAVE HOLDERS INTO THE CHIURCH, REQUIRE THE RECEPTION OF HIGHWAYMEN,
ADULTERERS, AND MURDERERS.
IN conformity with our  promise, we  will now examine the above objection-that the Church being
subordinate to the State, &c.   This objection, frequently and clamorously urged by many, may, on first
sight, appear not only formidable, but really insurmountable. We are not so far intimidated by its
supposed Alpine strength, as to be deterred from approaching it with the lamp of reason and the light of
truth, to examine its base, structure, and proportions,
and ascertain whether there is not more sand than
rock, more speciousness than solidity about it.
And, first; when we look fairly at it, there appears
on its face what logicians call "a begging of the question;" it being assumed that the laws of the State do
authorize all these and like practices, which is not
the fact with regard to either or any of them. For
they are all taken and held in law to be offences
against the State; and all persons so offending are,
on conviction thereof, liable to the penalties of the
law. The objection thus far is only sand.
But it may be inquired, Do not the laws of the
State license houses of drunkenness and debauchery?
Facts compel us, in the nineteenth century, to answer,
to our great reproach, that such is the law. But
granting this, it does not follow that persons guilty of
these practices are, on application, to be received into
the Church; for this plain and sufficient reason-the
license laws merely allow, or authorize, such houses;
but do not compel any person, or persons, to keep
O
28 
AN ESSAY ON SLAVERY.
them; much less do they compel any matn, woman,
or child, in all the land, to frequent them, and revel
in their midnight orgies of intemperance and uncleanness. Whereas the laws of the State, with regard to
slavery, do compel a man to become a slaveholder or
owner. For instance; the laws of many of the slaveholding States run thus: My father may be the owner
of one hundred slaves; he is about to die: by his last
will and testament he leaves those slaves to me. Thus,
by the strong arm of the law, I am made a slaveholder, possibly without my knowledge or consent.
For we believe it is the practice, to some extent, for
wills to be made privately; the heirs knowing little
or nothing about their contents. Or suppose he dies
without a will, and that I am his only heir, or one
among many, as the case may be; by the law of the
State in this case also, I become the owner of slaves,
whether I will or not. So that the cases are not
parallel in any rational view we can take of them;
and the objection, therefore, totally fails; it being all
sand and show, having no rock or solidity about it.
But in this connexion it may be well to look at the
subject in another direction. It is urged, if the law has
forced me into slavery, I can liberate the slaves, and
thus secure their freedom. Should we allow this, for
the sake of argument, it does not help the objection
an iota. For it does not show how I may keep out
of the difficulty or connexion; but how I may get out
when once involved.
And besides, my liberating them is somewhat problematical. I can do it, having the means to remove
them to a free State; otherwise my doing so may not
secure their freedom; they being liable, for the want
of such removal, to be taken up, and sold the next
0
29 
AN ESSAY ON SIAVERY.
week, or month, or year, into perpetual bondage, and
myself in the mean while responsible for their support
and good behaviour.
Another evil, and one among the greatest belonging,
to the whole system of American slavery, and for
which it is so justly denounced, must be inflicted by
the liberation and indiscriminate removal of the slaves
to a free State; —the separation of husband and wife,
parents and children. For it is a well-known truth,
that the slaves belonging to different masters are intermarried for miles around on the different plantations,
in the various sections of country where they live.
So that, if we would liberate and remove them to a free
State, unless it was a unanimous or universal thing,
which is not to be expected, and is not contemplated
by the measures we oppose, we should separate husbanld and wife; and thus sin against God, by putting
asunder that which he has joined together; or against
the slaves, should we not remove them, by placing
them in circumstances where their condition may be
worsted. For it is fairly to be presumed, that the
man who would liberate them, could he do it without
inflicting a greater injury than to retain them, would
be more likely to sympathize with, and treat them
humanely and kindly, than the human shark, who
would buy them back into slavery or bondage, under
the provisions of the law, when thus emancipated.
So that, all things considered, the policy of liberating
them under the circumstances supposed, which do in
fact exist in some of the Southern States, is questionable, on the great principle laid down in the golden
rule: "Therefore all things whatsoever ye would that
men should do to you, do ye even so to them."
But to place the objection in its strongest light,
a
30 
AN ESSAY ON SLAVERY.
namely: suppose the laws of the State, as nearly as
the nature of the case will allow, coerced men into
highway robbery, adultery, drunkenness, &c., just as
we have shown they do coerce men into slavery;
would not the Church be under the same obligation
to receive the highwayman, adulterer, or drunkard,
that she would be to receive a slaveholder? We an swer, No! believing we are sustained by the following
reason: The slaves were slaves, in the eye and by
the force of law, to all intents and purposes, before
they came into my possession; and without any act
of mine to set up, or establish a claim; or should I
deny, or refuse all claim or right in them, still, by
the force of law, they are my property. There is no
alternative. I have no volition in the case.'Moral
principle is not involved; for I have transgressed no
law, human or divine. I, therefore, am not guilty;
and, consequently, have no cause of repentance, so
far as my connexion with slavery is concerned. But
this reasoning will not apply to the highwayman, adulterer, or drunkard. True, the law coercing them to
the commission of robbery, adultery, drunkenness,
&c., may have existed before they were born; consequently without their agency. But the doing these
acts in obedience to the laws implies volition. It
may be a constrained volition, wrought up by the
penal sanctions of the law; still it is volition. They
might have chosen otherwise; and ought to have so
chosen, at all hazards; because a higher authority has
said, "Thou shalt not kill, thou shalt not steal, thou
shalt not commit adultery;" and choosing to obey
man rather than God, they are guilty; moral turpitude attaches to them by their own act of obedience
to human authority, in despite of the authority of
31
a 
AN ESSAY ON SLAVERY.
God, who says, "Be not afraid of them that kill the
body, and after that have no more that they can do.
But fear Him which, after he hath killed, hath power
to cast into hell; yea, I say unto you, fear him."
Thus, by a simple course of obvious (not to say irrefutable) reasoning, we have routed this objection,
till there is nothing of it left. Other arguments are
not wanting, were they necessary; but "I speak as
to wise men, judge ye what I say."
But it is claimed that all the slavery in the United
States is man-stealing-therefore wicked, and, by consequence, a bar to church-fellowship. The Rev. Edward Smith, in our discussion in Senecaville, (which
grew out of the resolution before named,) staked the
whole issue on this view of the question. We will
look at it a little, and see if it will stand the test of
rational  investigation.  If the major proposition in
this argument is true, the minor logically follows;
and the conclusion is inevitable. For man-stealing,
according to the Scriptures, is one of the highest
crimes a man can commit against his fellow-man;
and he who is guilty, without repentance and restitution, if in his power, deserves death, rather than a
place in the Church of God. But the question here
arises, is the proposition true? Is all the slavery in
the United States man-stealing? We think we have,
in the preceding remarks, clearly demonstrated the
utter fallacy of this proposition; both as to the manner of our connexion with it, and the circumstances
by, and under which, that connexion is continued.
By proving, first, that we had no volition in said connexion; and, in the second place, that under the circumstances, we may either be compelled to retain
them in slavery, or rationally conclude, all things
0
32 
AN ESSAY ON SLAVERY.
considered, that it is best for the slaves themselves
not to liberate them.
That the original act by which this Heaven-insulting and man-degrading business was commenced,
and is perpetuated, is man-stealing, is not denied.
But we are not now considering the question in its
incipiency, or first aggressions, but as an element of
organized society,-a part and parcel of the civil
regulations of the State, by which the relation is
formed, and the duties and responsibilities of the
parties thereto are detailed and enforced.
And, if we are not mistaken, the Scriptures make
this distinction. When they speak of man-stealing,
they represent the act as exceedingly flagitious, and
denounce death as the punishment of the offender.
"He that stealeth a man and selleth him, or if he be
found in his hand, he shall surely be put to death."
Exod. xxi, 16; Deut. xxiv, 7.
But when they speak of slavery as a civil relation,
established in the State, as in Eph. vi, 5, 9; Col. iii,
22, 25, and iv, 1; 1 Tim. vi, 1, 2, &c.; they enjoin
a kind, humane, and Christian conduct on the part of
the masters toward their servants or slaves; and
faithfulness on the part of servants toward their
masters, in all their relative duties.
But it is objected, that the servitude spoken of in
these pages is not slavery. We answer: probably,
so far as the manner in which men become slaveholders is concerned, it is full two-thirds, or threefourths, of all the slavery in the United States; and
so far as the Church is concerned, it is a rational
conclusion, that still a greater proportion of them become slaveholders in this way. To what extent the
circumstances above alluded to, and others of some
2*
33 
A A'N AS5AY ON S'L,AVE.RY.
force that might be stated, operate to continue them
in the relation of masters, we are not prepared to
say; but we are fairly entitled to the conclusion,
that they operate to a considerable extent, especially
so far as the Church is concerned.
Now in the sense in which slavery is discussed in
these pages-for we speak not of. it as a whole-we
wish it distinctly understood, that we are not speaking of the right of one man to kidnip or steal another,
and thus reduce him from a state of freedom to a
state of bondage; - nor whether the laws that create,
regulate, and perpetuate it, are righteous and just
laws; nor whether it is right to treat slaves cruelly
and brutally; nor yet whether slavery as a system,
as it exists in several of the slaveholding States, under
the protection of the General Government, is right;but of slavery as a part and parcel of the political
and civil regulations of the State; descending to, and
continuing with us, by the force of law, and the circumstances above noted, which that law throws
around it. We say slavery, in this sense, to those
thus connected with it, is not a sin.   They have
violated no law in becoming connected with it; and
may be governed by considerations of mercy to the
slave, in continuing that connexion. Therefore, the
resolution of the Georgia, and some other southern
annual conference, "that slavery is not a moral evil,"
so far as this particular view of the subject is concerned, is true.
And we might go further, and say, the buying or
selling them, as an act of mercy to the slaves, is
not a moral evil. Do not be startled, gentle reader,
at the apparent boldness of this position; hear us
candidly and  patiently through.  and  we think we
0
84 
AN ESSAY ON SLAVERY.
shall prove to your satisfaction that the truth lies in
this direction.
For instance: a slave is in the hands of a cruel,
iron-hearted master, who abuses him in a most severe
and brutal manner, denying him all religious privileges,
etc. Now, suppose yourself not able to purchase
such a one, and liberate him; but could make ar rangements to purchase, by retaining the services of
the person thus bought; would you not be doing an
act of mercy, in the sight of heaven and earth,
toward that slave, if. after having bought him, you
treated him with humanity and Christian kindness,
allowing his religious privileges, and instructing him
in the way of salvation?  The question is not, could
not more have been done for him? This may be
granted; but, having done all you were able to do,
have you sinned against God or man by so doing?
We answer, most unhesitatingly, No!
But then it is inquired as to selling, as an act of
mercy. We answer on this wise: You or I may
own a man; some other neighbour may own his
wife. She, under the heart-rending workings of the
system, may be sold out of the neighbourhood into a
more or less distant part. Suppose we had an opportunity of selling the husband into the same neighbourhood; where, in all other matters, he would fare
equally well, or better than with us, and enjoy the
company of his wife and family into the bargain;
would we not be doing him a kindness by selling
him? The question is not here, again, have we done
the best that might be done? But, supposing we
could do no better for him; have we done wickedly
in selling him into the hands of another master, where,
all things else being equal, or better, he can enjoy the
35
e0 
AN ESSAY ON SLAVERY.
additional happiness of his wife and children? Religion, reason, humanity, and common sense, answer
No! God, in the judgment at the last day, will approve the act: "Inasmuch as ye have done it unto
one of the least of these my brethren, ye have done
it unto me." The case, however, should be clearly
and fully covered by the rule. The "pride of life,"
or the love of ambition or ease, should be vigilantly
watched and guarded; lest our own gratification and
convenience, regardless of the good of the servant,
lead us astray from the principle laid down. And
in view of such liability, it would be the most prudent course to have the least to do with it that we
possibly can; and never, on any terms, touch, taste, or
handle, in a case involved in any degree of doubt or uncertainty: "For he that doubteth is damned if he eat."
All other traffic in slaves is essential wickedness;
and the monster in human form who deals in the
souls and bodies of men for the sake of gain, deserves
the execration of all mankind. Worse! To be delivered over to Heaven's bangman, and lashed naked
all around the horizon of heaven's circumference.
Worse! To be shut up in the dominions of old Apollyon,-handed over to the care of his Satanic majesty, who will assign him, if not a comfortable and
honourable place, the very best accommodations in
all the infernal regions, in the shape of close and hot
quarters. A          nd doubtless, if he  could disentangle
himself from those chains of darkness, in which he
i      s       reserved unto the judgment of the great day,fearing a rivalship in the reign of Pandemonium, in
the character of this aspiring fiend, in the shape of
humanity,-a sight over which all heaven weeps,
and hell,-profoundest  hell, grows pale with conster
o
36 
AN ESSAY ON SLAVERY.
natioqn,-he would effectually and eternally secure
him against further encroachments on the rights of
his throne.
If he can, may God have mercy on these, the
devil's nearest relations, with all their aiders and
abettors;-and especially all those who breed human
beings for market, as honest people do cattle, and
horses, and other descriptions of stock.
SECTION IV.
OBJECTION CONSIDERED-THAT THE SAME PRINCIPLE THAT RECEIVES SLAVEHOLDERS INTO THE CHURCH, REQUIRES THE RECEPTION OF THE POLYGAMIST.
SINCE writing out our thoughts on slavery, as connected with the moral and providential government of
God; a friend to whom we submitted them for critical
observation, and whose judgment is entitled to respect, offered verbally, if our memory serves us right,
the following objection: That the Polygamist, on a
profession of faith in Christ, is just as eligible to
church-membership as a man in the slavery relation,
on a like profession of faith. Shortly subsequent to
our friend's objection, another friend placed in our
hands the works of Doctor Channing on slavery,
whose views, if not in exact accordance with the
above objection, would tend very much to strengthen
such objections in the minds of those who, prior to
their having read the Doctor's works, had embraced it.
The difference, however, between them, as it appears
to us, would be this: our friend, in defiance of existing
civil authority, and the teaching of the Scriptures, would
entirely exclude the relation from the Church. The
Doctor would acknowledge the authority of the teach
37 
AN ESSAY ON SLAVERY.
ing of the Scriptures, and, as we think, the.relation as
being compatible with a creditable profession of Chris  tianity; but at the same time oppose the essential right  fulness of slavery. For he says, "Of what avail are a
few texts, which were designed for local and temporary
use, when urged against the vital, essential spirit, and
plainest precepts of our religion?'" In regard to the
temporary character of the regulation of slavery as
taught in the Scriptures, we are pleased to find the
views we have offered on this aspect of the question
sustained by so respectable authority.   We  think,
however, that on the whole there is some little confu sion of thought in the Doctor's views on this subject.
In answer to the following argument in favour of
slavery, viz., "Slavery, it is said, is allowed in the Old
Testament, and not condemned in the New; Paul
commands slaves to obey; he commands masters not
to release their slaves, but to treat them justly.
Therefore slavery is right, is sanctified by God's
word:"-he says, in vol. ii, page 99, "This reasoning
proves too much. If usages sanctioned in the Old
Testament, and not forbidden in the New, are right,
then our moral code will undergo a sad deterioration.
Polygamy was allowed to the Israelites, was the
practice of the holiest men, and was common and
licensed in the age of the apostles. But the apostles
nowhere condemn it, nor was the renunciation of it
made an essential condition of admission into the
Christian Church. It is true, that in one passage
Christ has condemned it by implication. But is not
slavery condemned by stronger implication, in the
many passages which make the new religion to consist in serving one another, and in doing to others
what we would they should do to ourselves? Why
38
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may not Scripture be used to stock our houses with
wives as well as slaves?" If by this language we are
to understand the Doctor as placing polygamy and
slavery in the same category, as to original right,
there is no controversy between us.  For with him,
as the reader has seen, and will further see in the
sequel, we do not believe in the essential rightfulness
of slavery. But if we are to understand him, as my
friend's objection supposes, that in the teaching of the
New Testament the same tolerance is lent to the
practice of polygamy that is lent to the practice of
slavery, we must, for the following reasons, beg leave
to dissent from both their views. And first: from
the teaching of Christ and the apostles, it is obvious
beyond controversy that a man is restricted to one
wife, and a woman to one husband, at a time. Jesus
says, "For this cause shall a man leave his father and
mother, and shall cleave unto his wife: and they twain
shall be one flesh." Matt. xix, 5. And Paul says,
"Nevertheless let every man have his own wife, and
let every woman have her own husband." 1 Cor. vii, 2.
"For this cause shall a man leave his father and mother, and shall be joined unto his wife, and they two
shall be one flesh. And nevertheless let every one
of you in particular so love his wife even as himself,
and the wife see that she reverence her husband."
Eph. v, 31, 33. In 1 Tim. iii, 2, 12, as also in Titus
i, 6, the apostle, speaking of the qualifications of bishops
and deacons, says, "they must be the husband of one
wife." That is, we suppose, it was lawful for them
to have one wife,-and but one,-at the same time.
So that nothing can be more plain and clear than
that it is the Divine will that every son of Adam
should have a daughter of Eve, and vice versa.
39
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AN ESSAY ON SLAVERY.
And this view of the subject is very much
strengthened by all that catalogue of Scriptures which
allows sexual intercourse only in lawful wedlock; and
invariably restricts it under the fearful penalty of the
Divine displeasure, both here and hereafter, to the one
lawful wife, or husband.  So that there is no room
for inference that the gospel dispensation, under any
circumstances, recognizes or tolerates the lawfulness
of polygamy, or a plurality of wives.
For, second: While, as we have seen and proved
by various passages of Scripture, and which might
have been greatly multiplied, both fiom the Gospels
and the Epistles, that it is according to the laws of
Christianity for a man to have one wife, there is not
the most distant intimation to be found in the New
Testament that it will meet the Divine forbearance
or tolerance that we have a plurality of wives or husbands,-that is, more than one at a time. And hence
all approbatory allusions to the conjugal state in the
New Testament are restricted to the husband of
one wife, or the wife of one husband.
True, it may be argued that, in the Epistles to
Timothy and Titus, in the language above quoted,
where the bishops and deacons are restricted to one
wife, by implication a plurality of wives would be
allowable, to such as were not in the pastoral office.
Should we for the sake of argument concede this, it
would necessarily carry with it the following very
embarrassing difficulty: that drunkenness, and all
the other bad traits of character there enumerated
and condemned, would be no objection to the Christian character of those not in the pastoral office;
which would be fatal to the argument.
But another discrimination, of striking importance to
40
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the correct understanding of the points of disagreement in which these two questions are presented in
the New Testament, is that as above stated, while
they nowhere intimate that polygamy would be allowed or tolerated, and hence give no instructions
for the regulation of a plurality of wives, or more than
one at a time.  They do, according to the Doctor's
own acknowledgment, distinctly recognize and tolerate the relation of slavery, as a temporary regulation,
and give those instructions for its government which
were calculated to make the best of it under the circumstances; and which, on his acknowledgment,
were in force up to the time of his writing the work
from which we quote; for he not only admits, but
lauds, the private virtue and Christian love of those
in the relation. On page 54, he says: "Absolute
monarchy is still a scourge, though among despots
there have been good men. It is possible to abhor
and oppose bad institutions, and yet to abstain from
indiscriminate condemnation of those who  cling to
them, and even to see in their ranks greater virtue
than in ourselves. It is true, and ought to be cheerfully acknowledged, that in the slaveholding States
may be found some of the greatest names of our history, and, what is still more important, bright examples of private virtue and Christian love."   Now
how, in view of all these facts, it can be claimed by
the Doctor that polygamy and slavery stand precisely
on the same footing; and by our friend, that polygamy is just as eligible to church-fellowship as the
slavery relation, we are at an utter loss to conceive.
In either case, to make good their respective positions,
they should give us the same unequivocal Scriptural
laws, on the authority of the New Testament, to
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AN ESSAY ON SLAVERY.
govern polygamy in the Church, that are given for
this purpose to govern the relation of slavery; or
otherwise wholly disprove the applicability of those
passages to the slavery relation that are claimed in
its support. This the Doctor does not attempt; but
unhesitatingly admits their applicability and force
temporarily, as before stated.   And we  think our
friend will not stake his reputation for critical authoritv against the learning of the Church and of the
world.   And  we  think, instead of finding a like
amount of Scriptural authority to govern polygamy
in the Church that is found to govern the relation of
slavery, as a temporary regulation, there cannot, as
before stated, be found one single passage that, by any
torturing, can be made to look to its recognition and
regulation in the Church. And further, if polygamy,
like slavery, was authorized by existing civil laws, and
was to any considerable extent the practice of the
country, the facts already stated-first, that it is the
doctrine of the New Testament that a man shall have
but one wife at the same time; and, secondly, that
there is not in all the New Testament the most distant approbatory allusion to, or tolerant recognition
of, the practice of polygamy-place the action of the
Church on very distinct and entirely different grounds.
In the case of polygamy, be the civil authority for or
against it-law or no law-all we can learn from the
New Testament respecting it, is clearly and unequivocally against it, as an element of Church organization; whereas, the relation of slavery, on the teaching of the New Testament, as expounded by the best
critical and literary lights the Church and the world
have produced, was, in the days of the apostles, taken
into the Church, and suitable directions given for its
42
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AN ESSAY ()N SLAVERY.
regulation, as an element of religious society. Therefore the cases are not in agreement; and the argument that will sustain the action of the Church in the
one case, affords no plea whatever in the other. And
further, the principle of volition or agency involved
in the case of the highwayman, adulterer, or drunkard,
before alluded to, applies, in all its force, to the polygamist.
NOTE. On reading this section to our friend above
alluded to, he informed us, that he did not intend to
be understood as saying, that the cases were presented
in the same light in the New Testament. Having,
however, frequently heard the argument used by
others, we insert the article.
SECTION V.
THE RELATION OF SLAVERY AS TAUGHT IN THE OLD TESTAMENT.
THE Scriptures teach us that God is not careless of
the conduct of his rational creatures; that such is the
essential goodness and rectitude of his nature, that he
has an infinite pleasure in our doing right, and is always displeased with us when we do wrong. Right
and wrong, or righteousness and wickedness, are relative terms, having respect to some rule or law by
which the moral quality of actions or relations is determined. That rule or law is the word of God-the
Scriptures of the Old and New Testaments; which
profess to be, and are received by all Christians as,
a revelation from heaven, for the instruction of mankind in the principles and practice of moral duty.
a
43 
AN ESSAY ON SLAVERY.
And when we consider the ignorance and wants of
the world, together with the essential character of the
Author of the Bible, as a God of wisdom, truth, and
goodness, as we might naturally expect, there is a
fulness of instruction, embracing everything important for us to know, to guide us into all truth, in all
the various relations and duties of the present life.
On the verity of this proposition, we presume there
is no disagreement among Christians. And infidels
have done homage to the Scriptures, by acknowledging and testifying to the sublimity and super-excellence of their moral teachings. The difficulty is
not as to the verity of what they teach, and its paramount obligation on mankind as a rule of duty, but
what they teach-what is their meaning on this, that,
or the other subject. The most serious and heated,
not to say angry and bloody controversies, have frequently grown out of mere differences of opinion as
to what they teach: not so much, however, on questions of moral duty, as on other notions and opinions
that are not really essential to religion. Happily for
the world, the reign of ignorance and passion is fast
passing away; while reason and truth are asserting
and maintaining empire, to the honour of human nature, and the glory of Christianity. So that on questions indifferent, we more generally agree to disagree;
and conduct our disputations involving more essential
points, with a marked spirit of courtesy and forbearance, as compared with former ages of the Church.
Exceptions to the rule are not of so frequent occurrence as formerly; and, in Protestant Christendom,
appear, so far as we are posted on the subject, to be
mainly confined to the partisans taking different, or
apparently different positions on the slavery question;
0
44 
AN ESSAY ON SLAVERY.
which we acknowledge to be an exciting question,
and, without great precaution, liable to lead to
diffelbrent conclusions in our search after the truth;
and the grounds of difference in those conclusions
may, as we think, be summed up in the following
considerations:   First: Our education, or the preconceived opinions
we bring with us to the Bible, if we examine it at all;
by which its teachings are prejudged, and made to
speak a language in unison with such education or
opinion, either for or against, as the case may be;-a
state of mind, at all times, under all circumstances,
and on all subjects, unfavourable to the eliciting and
ascertainment of truth. Second: Views hastily drawn
from a partial examination of the Scriptures, or from
certain general principles laid down in the Bible, with
which, it is believed, and confidently asserted, the
slavery relation cannot be reconciled.
Now, while it is a rational conclusion, that a man,
who brings his preconceived opinions to the Bible
for support, or who hastily and partially examines the
Scriptures on this or any other subject, may arrive
at erroneous opinions; it may be readily admitted,
that general principles may be a safe guide to conduct us to proper conclusions on any given subject,
in the absence of specific law. But when we have
the direct teaching of the Scriptures with regard to
such subject, it becomes our duty to seek the best
method of explaining and harmonizing what may
seem contradictory; rather than array Scripture
against Scripture, and thus make the word of God
contradict itself. Or if the seeming or apparent difficulty is above our comprehension, it would be more
modest and becoming in us, to set it down to our
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want of capacity to grasp the vastness of his plans
of government and providence;-concluding with the
Psalmist, that to us " clouds and darkness" may be
round about an administration, embracing all worlds,
sweeping over all time, and extending through all
eternity; but rejoicing at the same time to know,
that God sits above the clouds, and above the darkness, and, with calm and unruffled dignity, surveys
the harmonious workings of all its parts, and its final
tendency to secure the common and greatest good of
all his creatures.
To the law and testimony, as the ultimate standard
of appeal for the settlement of this question. For
whatever position we may take, if it does not accord
with, and cannot be sustained by, their teachings, it
has not truth for its foundation.
We will first call attention to the Old Testament
Scriptures. And the question here arises, Does the
teaching of that book recognize the relation of one
man, as the servant and slave of another; and the
master or owner as having a right of property in
such servant or slave?
In Genesis xvii, 12, 13, where the rite of circumcision is instituted and enjoined, Abraham is commanded to circumcise every man-child eight days
old, born in his house or bought with his money.
Now here appear to be two classes of dependents or
servants, —-one a household servant, the other his
slave, bought with his money. For we find in the
23d verse, that Abraham took Ishmael, his son, and
all that were born in his house, and bought with his
money, every male that was among them, and circumcised them on the self-same day as God had said
unto him. So that there were two classes independ
46
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ent of his family direct; one of which was his pro perty, having been bought with his money.
In the 21st chapter of the Book of Exodus, where
sundry laws are given respecting men-servants, we
find the relation and property principle not only
stated, but distinctly recognized as a part and parcel
of the political regulations by which Jehovah in tended( to govern the Jewish nation, and those of the
heathen nations round about, who became incorporated with them. The chapter opens with these remarkable words: "Now  these are the judgments
which thou shalt set before them." And those re.
lating to the question under consideration, found in
the 20th and 21st verses, are as follows: "And if a
man smite his servant, or his maid, with a rod, and
he die under his hand, he shall surely be punished.
Notwithstanding, if he continue (live) a day or two,
he shall not be punished; for he is his money." In
examining the Jewish law, the intelligent reader will
observe the change in the penal sanctions, or punishment, by which the violation of these civil or political regulations are visited.
"He that smiteth a man, so that he die, shall
surely be put to death."
"If a man come presumptuously upon his neighbour, to slay him with guile,"-he is to die.
"And he that smiteth his father or his mother, shall
be surely put to death."
"And he that stealeth a man and selleth him, or if
he be found in his hand, he shall surely be put to
death."
But if he smite his servant, so that he die under his
hand, he is to be punished; should he live a day or
two, and then die, he is not liable to any punishment;
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AN ESSAY ON SLAVERY,
the law presuming some other agency as the cause
of his death, than the correction administered by the
master.
It is to this principle in the political constitution,
or civil regulations, of the Jewish government, relative to the correction of servants, that the laws of
many, if not of all the slaveholding States, on this
subject, are to be traced. This is the clue to their
origin, as appears from their close agreement in some
of their details; and also from the well-known fact,
that all the governments of civilized and Christian
nations have drawn largely on the principles of civil
polity laid down in the Jewish Scriptures.
We have not called up this case for the purpose
of justifying, in this age of the world, and in a country where Christianity and civilization have received
their strongest development, either the inhumanity
of the laws for the correction or punishment of servants or slaves, or the protection of the master in his
worse than brutal cruelty in the punishment often inflicted. But, first, for the information of those who
may have no knowledge of this Jewish precedent,
from which these laws are derived. And, second, to
show the confidence these States may have in the
correctness of their political and civil regulations, as
being manifestly drawn, in this particular, from this
precedent in the  Jewish law;-hoping thereby to
soften, in some degree, the asperity generally felt,
and the bitterness of invective often indulged, in the
expression of our sentiments and feelings on this
very grave question; and so far, and no farther, than
may be in accordance with truth in the premises,
stir up a feeling of sympathy, that will lead us to
make due allowance for the overawing tendency of
O
48 
AN ESSAY ON SLAVERY.
authority drawn from that source; and to expostu late with them as rational and accountable beings, in
the spirit of candour; and thus endeavour to
show them, that interest and duty conspire to require
them, in this matter, to put away the evil of their
doings.
In the twenty-fitth chapter of the book of Leviti cus, commencing at the thirty-ninth verse, the bond servant or slavery relation, and property-principle, is
again brought into notice, in a way, and under cir cumstances, that mark its distinction from hired. vice or bond-service, as in the case of apprentice ship. "And if thy brother that dwelleth by thee be
waxen poor, and be sold unto thee, thou shalt not
compel him to serve as a bond-servant; but as a
hired servant, anld as a sojourner, he shall be with
thee, and shall serve thee unto the year of jubilee.
And then shall he depart from thee, both he and his
children with him, and shall return unto his own
family, and unto the possession of is fathers shall he
return. For they are my servants which I brought
forth out of the land of Egypt; they shall not be
sold as bondmen. Thou shalt not rule over them
with rigour, but shalt fear thy God. Both thy bondmen and bond-maids, which thou shalt have, shall be
of the heathen that are round about you; of them
shall ye buy bond-men and bond-maids. Moreover,
of the children of the strangers that do sojourn
among you, of them shall ye buy, and of their families that are with you, which they begat in your
land; and they shall be your possession, and ye shall
take them as an inheritance for your children after
you, to inherit them for a possession; they shall be
your bond-men forever; but over your brethren, the
3
49
Jb 
AN ESSAY ON SLAVERY.
children of Israel, ye shall not rule one over another
with rigour."
It will be seen by the intelligent reader, that there
is quite a difference made between the Jewish servant
and the heathen servant; or those that were made
servants of the families of the strangers that dwelt
among them. With regard to Jewish servants, they
were not to be ruled over with rigour by an Israelite,
nor were they to suffer a sojourner or stranger to
rule over one of their brethren with rigour in their
sight. And in the hands of either Jew or sojourner,
he was to be considered and treated as a hired servant, and not as a bondsman; and could not be retained in servitude in the hands of his brother longer
than seven years, (Exod. xxi, 2,) unless by the voluntary agreement of the parties. And that there
might be no deception or imposition practised in the
matter, all such cases were examined in the most
public and solemn manner, and ratified by a simple,
but most significant rite,-the boring the ear with an
awl at the door-post, which signified, says Clarke, his
attachment to the house and family of his master, and
his readiness to hear and obey punctually all his master's orders. Exod. xxi, 56.
There seems to be a difference as to the length of
time he might have to serve a stranger or sojourner,
should he fall into the hands of such a one,-till the
year of jubilee, which occurred every fiftieth year.
This liability, however, was contingent. If himself or
his friends were not able to redeem him, he had to remain till the year of jubilee. If either were able, he
could be redeemed at any time. There was no such
provision in behalf of the other servants, bought of the
heathen or of the families of strangers that dwelt
O
50 
AN ESSAY ON SLAVERY.
among them.   They were to be bond-servants to
them and their children forever, and, as such, liable, in
that capacity, to needful correction.
Another thought here in this connexion, and of
some importance in establishing the property principle,
is found in the fourth verse of the twenty-first chapter
of Exodus; where the children of the bond mother are
said to partake of her condition, though the father
may be entitled to his liberty.
Now, that this general view of this grave question
may not be disregarded and set aside as a thing of
naught, it ought, or should be remembered, that the
Almighty and allwise God personally delivered these
several laws to Abraham and,Moses;  as the reader
will find by referring to the several books, chapters, and
verses, from which we have quoted. And it is, or
should be, enough for man to know that God has
spoken, to reverence his authority.
SECTION VI.
THE RELATION OF SLAVERY, AS TAUGHT IN THE NEW TESTAMENT.
ItAVING cursorily examined the Old Testament Scriptures on this subject, we will proceed in the next place
to call attention to what is said about it in the New;
and passing over all merely incidental allusions, we
will examine those passages that bear directly on the
question.
In 1 Cor. chap. vii, the apostle, when advising or
enjoining persons in the various conditions of life to
be content with the allotments of Providence, gives
this general direction: "Let every man abide in the
0
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AN ESSAY ON SLAVERY
same calling wherein he was called."  And then, by
way of particularizing, he says, "Art thou called being
a servant? care not for it; but if thou mayest be made
free, use it rather. For he that is called in the Lord,
being a servant, is the Lord's free man: likewise also
he that is called, being free, is Christ's servant." This
language is spoken of a person inma state of bondage,
or slavery.   Such is conceded to be its meaning,
even by some of the most ultra abolitionists. Some,
however, deny this interpretation; claiming that it relates to hired service or apprenticeship; for whose
sake, as to its true import, we will offer some thoughts
by way of criticism, and which appear to us sufficient
to settle the question. The language used is such as
cannot be rationally understood of hired service or
apprenticeship: "If thou mayest be made free," clearly
implying the possibility that the persons addressed or
spoken to may never obtain their liberty or freedom.
And, as all know that hired labourers or apprentices,
according to the laws governing those relations, do,
at a stipulated time, obtain their freedom, the language
here used can, by no torturing, be made to apply to
such cases. But moreover, such a construction would
involve the very serious difficulty that the apostle
was endeavouring to unsettle those very useful and
necessary relations of society. For it is clear, from
the face of the passage, that a state of freedom from
their legal term of employment or servitude was better for them, and, as such, to be preferred and sought.
Now, not to say anything of the effect of such teaching upon the infant kingdom of our Lord Jesus Christ
in the world, which, doubtless, must have been most
disastrous, how would the apostle appear before an
intelligent universe, as a man of sound, discriminating
52
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AN ESSAY ON SLAVERY.
judgment? It places him in a most unenviable predicament as a man of sense, and must, therefore, if it have
any meaning at all, and we can form any just conceptions of the ideas language is designed to convey,
relate to a state of slavery. There is no getting away
from this conclusion.
The next passages found in the New Testament to
which we shall call attention are, Eph. vi, 5-8: "Servants, be obedient to them that are your masters according to the flesh, with fear and trembling, in singleness of your heart, as unto Christ; not with eye-service, as men-pleasers; but as the servants of Christ,
doing the will of God from the heart; with good-will
doing service, as to the Lord, and not to men: knowing that whatsoever good thing any man doeth, the
same shall he receive of the Lord, whether he be bond
or free." Col. iii, 22: "Servants, obey in all things
your masters-according to the flesh; not with eye-service, as men-pleasers; but in singleness of heart, fearing God."  1 Pet. ii, 18, 19: "Servants, be subject to
your masters with all fear; not only to the good and
gentle, but also to the froward. For this is thankworthy, if a man for conscience towards God endure
grief, suffering wrongfully." We take them all together, because of their kindred phraseology and import. That these relate to a state of slavery, is clear
from their import, or the common-sense meaning of
the language used. In Eph. vi, 8, the apostle winds
up his exhortation to the servants by this general remark: "Knowing that whatsoever good thing any
man doeth, the same shall he receive of the Lord,
whether he be bond or free." Here is a broad line of
distinction drawn between the condition of the persons spoken of; the one is a bondman, the other a free
53
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AN ESSAY ON SLAVERY.
man. But it is urged here again, that the term bond,
as here used, implies nothing more than the obligation
of hired service or apprenticeships. This interpreta tion, apart from its unsettling the meaning of the term,
as used by the apostle in his letter to the Corinthians,
which we have just noticed, and elsewhere, in his vari ous letters to the churches, as it appears to us, falls
very far short of the strength of the language used in
these passages: "Servants, be subject to your masters
according to the flesh, with fear and trembling;" and,
"Servants, be subject to your masters with all fear."
Now, the laws governing the relations of hired service or apprenticeship, do not invest the employer or
master with such authority over the persons in his
employ or service, as to require them to "fear and
tremble, with all fear," &c., when they come into his
presence; and, for this reason, is of doubtful application. But if we understand it as relating to slavery,
where the laws, as they always do, so far as our reading
on the subject of slavery is concerned, give the master, in some sort, a right over the life of his slave, there is
some relevancy in the language used. He may well
be subject" with fear and trembling," "with all fear,"
lest his life pay the forfeiture of any seeming inattention to, or want of respect for his master's authority.
Whatever others may think as to the merit of
this criticism, to us there is some force in it; as it
gives an easy and natural sense to the language employed. In something after the shape of an accidental
discussion with the Rev. Edward Smith, on the sinfulness of slavery under all circumstances, so as to exclude the persons connected with it from the Church
of God, he took the ground that these passages did
not relate to a state of slavery. We threw this criti
54 
AN ESSAY ON SLAVERY.
cism in his way, and he was so pressed with the difficulty, that he could not, and did not, attempt to meet it
in any other way than by roundly, repeatedly, and
flatly denying, that the master here spoken of was the
object of the servant's fear; contending that when
Paul says, "Servants, be subject to your masters according to the flesh, with fear and trembling;" and that
Peter, when he said, "Servants, be subject unto your
masters with all fear; not only to the good and gentle,
but also to the froward," had reference to God, and to
God only, as the object of their fear. And after making one of his longest and strongest efforts to establish
this garbling, by arguing that man was not to fear his
fellow-man, proceeded to prove that God was the object of fear spoken of in these passages, by the following quotations: " Be not afraid of him that can kill the
body, and after that hath no more that he can do; but
fear him, that after he hath killed, hath power to cast
into hell; yea, I say unto you, fear him;" and, "The
fear of man bringeth a snare;" passages as irrelevant
as the gloss was unjustifiable; and, on his part, an act
of daring presumption on the ignorance and gullibility
of the audience, unsurpassed in the history of such dis'cussions. For a school-boy, ten years old, capable of
understanding the ideas conveyed by plain language,
could and would tell you, that in those passages the
master, and not God, is the object of the servant's fear.
But furthermore, this garbling involves, necessarily, the following very gross absurdity, namely, that
there are many Gods of opposite character.   "Servants, be subject to your masters with all fear," that is,
(according to the Rev. E. Smith,) to God; "not only
to the good and gentle Gods, but also to the froward
Gods; for this is thankworthy, if a man for conscience
55 
AN ESSAY ON SLAVERY.
toward (some other) God endure grief, suffering wrongfully." Now this extended application of the gloss,
while it appears to us to be legitimate, renders the interpretation what it is in truth, supremely ridiculous.
And it may well excite our wonder, how a man of his
acknowledged abilities, and large pretensions,-for he
told us in the discussion, that he had more books than
any Methodist preacher he ever knew-that his library
would weigh over a ton; and made some remarks
about his head, as being equal to his number of books,
and the weight of his library; (big words from a large
man, in a tall way, for intimidation and effect,)-could
possibly embrace, announce, and labour long and hard
to prove a doctrine, so manifestly at war with the
plain common-sense understanding of the language
used, and so ruinous to the essential character of the
God of the Bible. The difficulty would have been
fully solved to the reader had he been present, and
heard the Rev. brother give the history of his becoming an abolitionist.
He had been in all thirty years a preacher of the
gospel. Twenty years of that time he had been a
good anti-slavery inan; the last ten years an abolitionist. So that during the space of twenty years
studying and preaching the gospel, with all the advantages of his number of books, the weight of his
library, and the head God had given him, he could
only get light enough to see that slavery was wrong,
and thus become an anti-slavery man. Some abolition documents, according to his own showing, were
the honoured instruments of his conversion. And so
easy was his faith, and ready the disposition of his
heart to receive from this source what he had failed
to learn from the Bible during the space of twenty
0 
AN ESSAY ON SLAVERY.
years reading and studying it, that before he had read
the half of them he was converted out and out. So
that, from his own account, it mattered but little
whether the unread half of those documents had
been a mere rehearsal of the wondrous exploits of
Robinson Crusoe, or Sinbad the Sailor: he was fully
brought over, and ready to face to the music of their
teachings.
This docile state of mind preparing him to embrace
the system;-his new-born zeal as a -recent con vert;-his loss of fraternal feeling for his former
brethren;-his firmness, or strong in his own way;together "with faney's airy flight" of large success
attending the new movement, with which the "Lion
of the West" would be honourably connected; all
conspired to commit him fully. And he appears to
be so absorbed with the importance of the subject,
that we would say, he takes all for granted without
examination; and seems to think, that all the vworld
has to do on this subject, is to hear and receive the
law at his mouth, and act accordingly.
The next passage to which we call attention, is
found in 1 Tim. vi, 1, 2.  "Let as many servants as
are under the yoke, count their own masters worthy
of all honour, that the name of God and his doctrine
be not blasphemed. And they that have believing
masters, let them not despise them, because they are
brethren; but rather do them service, because they
are faithful and beloved; partakers of the benefit."
Here the obligation of the servant "under the yoke,"
(a form of expression decisive of the slavery relation,)
to obey both heathen and Christian, or believing masters, is not only distinctly and clearly stated, but
argued to vindicate the divinity, practical utility, and
3*
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excellence of the doctrines of the gospel they were to
teach, "that the name of God and his doctrine be
not blasphemed." And also the Christian character
of the believing master is fully endorsed, "as brethren
faithful and beloved," and as having stronger claims
on their fidelity,-" rather do them service,"-from
this very consideration.
So that it unquestionably appears from this passage, (if the relation here spoken of be that of
slavery,) that the apostolic practice was to take both
believing master and servant (or slave) into the
Church, as the rightful partakers of its common privileges and blessings. And that such is its import,
appears to us to be so very clear and conclusive from
its face, as not to admit of rational quibble or doubt;
and which, in our next chapter, we will show to be
the opinion and interpretation of the most learned
and accredited lights of the Church and the world.
And this view of the subject derives no inconsiderable degree of strength from the language of the
apostle Peter, when he speaks of "good and gentle
masters," in contradistinction from  "froward masters." For when we reflect on the very discriminating
use made of words and phrases in the Christian revelation, it is not fairly to be presumed that the apostle
used this phraseology in that loose sense which would
exclusively apply to those traits of character which
we sometimes witness in men, apart from the converting grace of God.
Another argument of great weight, in favour of the
interpretation we have here given of the import of these
various passages, is, that the obligation, or duty of servants to obey their masters, is nowhere in them urged
from considerations of right, but from principles of moral
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goodness, etc. For the proof or correctness of this
position, the reader is referred to the section containing the argument against the Divine right of
slavery, as drawn from the law of revelation. Now,
if this view of the subject be correct, the language
of those various passages cannot well]] be understood
as applying to hired service or apprenticeships. In
these relations there is a principle of right involved.
If I stipulate with a man for so much wages, for a
certain amount of labour to be performed; or take
an indented apprentice for a specified time, to teach
him my art or profession, whatever it may be; they
are responsible, on principles of right, to be faithful.
Now a law enforcing their obligation to fidelity, that
did not involve this principle of right, would be too
loose to meet or cover the case, and therefore, in a
civil sense, of no practical utility. Such we claim to
be the fact in relation to the question before us; and for
this reason, that those passages of Scripture in controversy do not relate to these civil relations, but to that
of slavery. Mark! it is not intended to be said that
they can have no application to those relations; but,
for the reasons above stated, that they were not originally intended to, and do not, exclusively apply to
them.
Now, from the very clear, distinct, and unequivocal manner in which this subject is presented, in the
Patriarchal, Jewish, and Christian dispensations, it is
somewhat difficult to conceive how a contrary opinion ever obtained, especially among men of sober
and mature reflection, who, from the heart, implicitly
receive the Holy Scriptures as a revelation from God.
That superficial minds, which, on this subject, jump
at conclusions, without the labour of examining it in
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AN ESSAY ON SLAVERY.
its connexion with the principles of God's moral and
providential government, should see some difficulties
hanging about it, is to be looked for on this as well as
all other subjects that do not lie on the surface, so as
to be fully scanned and comprehended at one glance
of their self-supposed flaming penetration. - But, that
men of sound judgment and patient thought should
be led away by first appearances, has been to us a
matter of some surprise, and which has led us to inquire after the reasons in the premises. And the
result of our cogitations is, that a remark we read, in
the days of our youth, in the works of Mr. Fletcher,
on another subject, is true of this subject:-'" That
nothing is more common than for men, under the
plausible pretence of avoiding an extreme, rushing
into the other, or opposite extreme." Now, we fear,
it has been too generally taken for granted, that if we
admit that those Scriptures really do, and especially
the gospel dispensation, endorse the Christian character of a master in the relation, we are thereby compelled to recognize the Divine right of slavery, as
an institution specially appointed by God, as the
Moral Governor of the universe.
We, however, as we shall endeavour to prove in
the sequel, to the satisfaction of the attentive reader,
do not think this conclusion necessarily follows.
O
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SECTION VII.
CRITICAL AUTHORITIES.
IN our last sections we briefly reviewed those passages of Scripture, found in the Old and New Testaments, which involve the slavery relation, and, as we
claim, were given for its regulation; and have endeavoured, by a variety of critical and argumentative
remarks, to sustain the correctness of our position;
and which, to our own mind, we have made clear
beyond reasonable doubt. We will next present to
the reader's attention the views of several of the most
distinguished and learned commentators, theologians,
and lexicographers the Church and the world have
produced for centuries.   Indeed, had we time and
space, we might collate the whole tribe of them; for
we believe there is not a single author extant, of properly accredited and acknowledged critical ability in
biblical and literary acquirements, who materially differs from their general views on this grave subject.
Hence our recent reformers discard their authority;
with what propriety, let a sober and candid public decide. And the more so, inasmuch as, if our present
translation be incorrect, language has its laws of ev;.idence, by which the true import of these several passages can be fairly tried and decided, and the question in this way satisfactorily adjusted.
We will first quote from the notes of Macknight.
Eph. vi, 5: "Servants, obey your masters," &c. As
the Gospel does not cancel the civil rights of mankind, I say to bond-servants, Obey your masters, who
have the property of your body, "with fear and trem
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bling," as liable to be punished by them for disobedience.
Colos. iii, 22: "' Servants, obey in all things," &c.
Though the word in the original properly signifies a
slave, our English translators, in all places where the
duties of slaves are inculcated, have justly translated
it servant; because anciently the Greeks and Romans had scarce any servants but slaves; and because the duties of the hired servant, during the time
of his service, are the same as those with the slave.
So that what the apostle said to the slave, was in
effect said to the hired servant. Upon these principles, in translations of the Scriptures designed for
countries where slavery is abolished, and servants
are freemen, the word in the original may with truth
be translated servant. In this and the parallel passage,
Eph. vi, 5, the apostle is very particular in his precepts to slaves and lords; because in all the countries where slavery was established, many of the
slaves were exceedingly addicted to fraud, lying, and
stealing; and many of the masters were tyrannical and cruel to their slaves.   Perha,, alo, he
was thus particular in his precepts to slaves, because
the Jews held perpetual slavery to be unlawful, and
because the Judaizing teachers propagated that doctrine in the Church. But from the apostle's precepts
it may be inferred, that if slaves are justly acquired,
they may be lawfully retained; as the gospel does not
make void any of the civil rights of mankind.
1 Tim. vi, 1, 2: Let whatever Christian slaves are
under the yoke of unbelievers pay their own masters
all respect and obedience, &c.
2. And those Christian slaves who have believing
masters, let them not despise them, fancying that they
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AN ESSAY ON SLAVERY.
are equals because they are brethren in Christ; for
though all Christians are equal as to religious privileges, slaves are inferior to their masters as to station.
Titus ii, 9: "Exhort servants to be obedient," &c.
Slaves exhort to be subject to their own masters, and
in all things lawful, to be careful to please them, &c.
1 Pet. ii, 18: Household slaves, be subject to your
own lords with all reverence, although they be unbelievers; and give obedience not only to the humane
and gentle, but also to the ill-natured and severe.
We quote next from Burkitt.
1 Tim. vi, 1: Christianity frees persons from sinful
slavery or bondage, but not from civil servitude and
subjection. Observe the general duty required of all
servants towards their masters. 1. Their infidel or
unbelieving masters; they are required to carry it dutifully and respectfully toward them. 2. Their believing and Christian masters; they should not despise
them because they are brethren.
Tit. ii, 9: "Exhort servants," &c.   The souls of
the poorest servants, or slaves, for whom Christ died,
must be of precious account with him, &c.
1 Pet. ii, 18: "Servants, be subject," &c. Thus
let Christian servants be subject to their masters,
whether Christian or heathen, giving due reverence
and respect.
The following is from Thomas Scott's Notes and
Observations:  Lev. xxv, 44-46: The Israelites were permitted to
keep slaves of other nations, perhaps in order to typify
that none but the true Israel of God participate of
that liberty with which Christ has made his people
free. But it was also allowed, that in this manner
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the Gentiles might become acquainted with the true
religion: and when the Israelites copied the' example
of their pious progenitors, there can be no reasonable
doubt that it was overruled to the eternal salvation
of many souls.
1 Cor. vii, 21, 22: If then any one had been converted in a state of slavery, (which was the common
case of servants in those days, that is, of a very large
majority, in many cities and countries,) and he was
the property of a heathen master, let him be less solicitous about his liberty, than about glorifying God
in that trying situation. But if he was able, or had a
fair opportunity of obtaining his liberty, he would do
well to embrace it. The converted slave, however,
was called to the noblest liberty as a freedman of
Christ, and emancipated from Satan's yoke.
Eph. vi, 5-9: The apostle next exhorts servants,
who had embraced Christianity, to be obedient unto
their own masters according to the flesh, that is, to
whom they were subjected in temporal matters.  In
general, the servants at that time were slaves, the
property of their masters; and were often treated
with great severity, though seldom with that systematic cruelty which commonly attends slavery in these
days. But the apostles were ministers of religion,
not politicians; they had not that influence among
legislators and rulers, which would have been requisite for the abolition of slavery. Indeed, in that state
of society as to other things, this would not have been
expedient; God did not please miraculously to interpose in this case; and they were not required to exasperate their persecutors, by expressly contending
against the lawfulness of slavery. Yet both the law
of love, and the gospel of grace, tend to its abolition
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as far as they are known and regarded; and the universal prevalence of Christianity must annihilate slavery, with many other evils, which in the present
state of things cannot be wholly avoided.
In the wisdom of God, the apostles were left to take
such matters as they found them, and to teach servants
and masters their respective duties, in the performance
of which the evil would be mitigated, till in due time
it should be extirpated by Christian legislators. And
after various instructions, as to the manner in which
servants or slaves should be governed by the principles of Christianity in doing their duty, he remarks,
on the other hand, believing masters ought to act from
the same principles, and in the same conscientious
manner toward their servants, whether these were
Christians or not; exercising their authority with humanity and gentleness.
Col. iii, 22-25. Thus the poor slave who singly
aimed to please God, even in obeying the unreasonable commands of a harsh and severe master.
1 Tim. vi, 1-5. The apostle next directed, that
Christians who were "under the yoke" of slavery,
should quietly attend to the duties of their lowly situation; counting their own masters entitled to all the respect, fidelity, and obedience, which that superior relation demanded, and not -supposing their religious
knowledge, privileges, or liberty, gave them a right to
despise their heathen masters, to speak or act disrespectfully to them; to disobey their lawful commands,
or to expose their faults to their neighbours. This
they ought to attend to, that the name of God might
not be blasphemed, and his truth and worship reviled
among the Gentiles, by means of the failure of Christian servants in acknowledged duties. And such of
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them as enjoyed the privilege of believing masters,
ought by no means to despise them, or withhold from
them due respect and obedience, because they were
brethren in Christ, and so upon a level in respect to
religious privileges; but rather to do them service
with double diligence and cheerfulness, because of
their faith in Christ, and their interest in his love, as
partakers of the inestimable benefits of his salvation.
This shows that Christian masters are not required to
set their slaves at liberty; though they were instruct ed to behave toward them in such a manner as would
greatly lessen and nearly annihilate the evils of slavery.
It would have excited much confusion, awakened the
jealousy of the civil powers, and greatly retarded the
progress of Christianity, had the liberation of slaves
by the converts been expressly required by the apostles;
though the principles of the law and the gospel, when
carried to their consequences, will infallibly abolish
slavery. These things Timothy was directed to teach
and enforce, as matters of the greatest importance;
and if any persons taught otherwise, and consented not
to such salutary words, which were indeed the words
of Christ speaking by him, and an essential part of the
doctrine according to godliness, he must be considered
as a self-conceited, ignorant man, who, being puffed up
with an opinion of his own abilities, was ambitious of
distinction and applause, though entirely unacquainted with the real nature and tendency of the gospel.
The picture here drawn of the great body of the
croakers, so far as we have heard them on this subject,
is to the life; the likeness is perfect.
1 Peter ii, 18-25. The apostle Peter exhorted servants to obedience, even in stronger language than his
beloved brother Paul had done. These were general
0
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ly slaves, and many of them to heathen masters, who
used them very cruelly.
Next we quote from the Comprehensive Commentaries.
1 Tim. vi, 1, 2: "Let as many servants," &c.  If
Christianity finds servants under the yoke, it continues
them under it; for the gospel does not cancel the obligations any be under, either by the law of nature or
mutual consent. If servants that embraced the Christian religion should grow insolent or disobedient to
their masters, the doctrine of Christ would be reflected on for their sakes, as it had made men worse livers
than they had been before they received the gospel.
Or suppose the master was a believer and the servant a believer too; would not that excuse him; because in Christ there is neither bond nor free? No,
by no means: they that have believing masters let
them not despise them, because they are brethren;
for that brotherhood relates only to spiritual privileges,
not to any outward dignity or advantage; nay, rather
do them service because they are faithful and beloved.
They must think themselves the more obliged to serve
them, because the faith and love that bespeak men
Christians, oblige them to do good, and that is all
wherein their service consists.
We will now introduce to the attention of the reader
the views of Dr. Adam Clarke on this subject.
Gen. xvii, 13. "He that is bought with money "-a
slave.
Isaiah lviii, 6:" Is not this the fast that I have
chosen? to loose the bands of wickedness, to undo the
heavy burdens, and to let the oppressed go free, and
that ye break every yoke?" The Dr. commences his
notes on this chapter, "Cry aloud, spare not. Never
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was there a louder cry against the hypoorisy, nor a
more cutting reproof ofthe wickedness of a people,
professing a national established religion, having all the
forms of godliness without a particle of its power."
And then on the sixth verse he says: "How can any
nation pretend to fast, or worship God at all, or dare
to profess that they believe in the existence of such a
being, while they carry on what is called the slavetrade, and traffic in the souls, blood, and bodies of
men? 0, ye most flagitious of knaves, and worst of
hypocrites; cast off at once the mask of religion, and
deepen not your endless perdition by professing the
faith of our Lord Jesus Christ, while ye continue in
this traffic."
1 Cor. vii, 21: "Art thou called being a servant?
care not for it; but if thou mayest be made free, use
it rather." Art thou converted to Christ while thou
art a slave; the property of another person, and bought
with his money? care not for it. This will not injure
thy Christian condition; but if thou canst obtain thy
liberty, use it rather: prefer this state for the sake
of freedom, and the temporal advantages connected
with it.
Verse 22: "For he that is called "-the man who,
being a slave, is converted to the Christian faith,-'" is
the Lord's free man;" his condition as a slave does
not vitiate any of the privileges to which he is entitled
as a Christian. On the other hand, all free men who
receive the grace of Christ, must consider themselves
the slaves of the Lord, i. e. his real property, to be
employed and disposed of according to his godly
wisdom.
In these verses the apostle shows that the Christian
religion does not abolish our civil connexions; in re
0
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ference to them, where it finds us there it leaves us.
In whatever relation we stand before our embracing
Christianity, there we stand still: our secular condition being no further changed than as it may be effected by the melioration of our moral character, &c. As
the reader can see by reference to his commentaries.
In his general remarks at the close of the chapter,
we find the following paragraphs:' The conversion which the Scriptures require,
though it makes a most essential change in our souls,
in reference to God, and in our works, in reference
both to God and man, makes none in our civil state:
even if a man is called, i. e. converted in a state of
slavery, he does not gain his manumission in consequence of his conversion; he stands in the same relation, both to the state and his fellows, that he stood
in before; and is not to assume any civil rights or
privileges, in consequence of the conversion of his soul
to God. The apostle decides the matter in this chapter, and orders that every man should abide in the
same calling wherein he is called." -
"I have entered the more fully into this subject, because it, or allusions to it, are frequently occurring
in the New Testament. And I speak it here once for
all. And to conclude, I here register my testimony
against the unprincipled, inhuman, anti-christian, and
diabolical slave-trade, with all its authors, promoters,
abettors, and sacrilegious gains, as well as against the
great devil, the father of it and them."
Eph. vi, 5-8: "Servants, be obedient," &c. Though
the original frequently signifies a slave or bondman,
yet it often implies a servant in general, or any one
bound to another, either for a limited time or for life.
Even a slave, if a Christian, was bound to serve him
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faithfully; by whose money he was bought, howsoever illegal that traffic may be considered. In heathen
countries slavery is, in some sort, excusable; among
Christians it is an enormity and a crime, for which
perdition'as scarcely an adequate place of punishment.
"With fear and trembling," because the law gives
them the power to punish you for every act of disobedience.
Verse 8. Whether he be bond,-a slave bought
with money.
Colossians iv, 1: "Masters, give unto your servants
that which is just and equal," &c. As it is bondmen
or slaves of whom the apostle speaks, we may at once
see with what propriety this exhortation is given.
The condition of slaves among the Greeks and Romans was wretched in the extreme. They could appeal to no law, and they could neither expect justice
nor equity.
1 Tim. vi, 1, 2. The word (in the original) here
means, slaves converted to the Christian faith; and the
yoke is that state of slavery; and by masters, despots,
we are to understand the heathen masters of those
Christianized slaves. Even these, in such circumstances, and under such domination, are commanded
to treat their masters with all honour and respect; that
the name of God, by which they were called, and the
doctrine of God, Christianity, which they had professed, might not be blasphemed; might not be evilly
spoken of in consequence of their misconduct. Civil
rights are never abolished by any communications
from the Spirit of God. The civil state in which a
man was before his conversion, is not altered by that
conversion, nor does the grace of God absolve him
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from any claims which either the state or his neighbour had-upon him. All these outward things continue
unaltered.
Verse 2. "And they that have believing masters,
[who have been lately converted, as well as themselves,] let them not despise them," supposing themselves to be their equals, because they are their brethren in Christ, and grounding their opinion on this, that
in him there is neither male nor female, bond nor free;
but although all are equal as to their spiritual privileges
and state, yet there still continues, in the order of
God's providence, a great disparity in their station;
for the master must ever be, in this sense, superior to
the servants. But rather do them service-obey them
the more cheerfully, because they are faithful and beloved; faithful to God's grace-beloved by him and
his true followers.
Titus ii, 9: "Exhort servants to be obedient." The
apostle refers to those who were slaves, and the property of their masters; even these are exhorted to be
faithful to their own despots, though they had no right
over them on the grounds of natural justice.
We have been thus'particular in quoting thus largely from the notes of Dr. Clarke, for the following
reasons:
First. He is often quoted by the True Wesleyans,
and others who sympathize with them in their peculiar
views, as supporting their position.
Secondly. He is proclaimed as being contradictory,
or inconsistent with himself, in his views on the subject of slavery; in all of which they, as we think, are
guilty of either ignorantly or wickedly misrepresenting him, as we shall proceed to prove.
A careful, candid, and impartial examination of his
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notes and observations on this subject will give us the
following analysis:
1. That the slave-trade, or incipient movements in
this inhuman and diabolic traffic, is a crime of the
greatest magnitude;  against which he enters his
solemn protest.
2. That although in heathen countries-that is, in
heathen governments-slavery is in some sort excusable; it is in Christian countries —that is, when established by Christian governmnents-an enormity and
crime, for which perdition has scarcely an adequate
place of punishment.
3. But when it exists as an element of organized
society-however reprehensible the Christian country
or government, which has established the relation,
may in their public capacity be,-an individual who
is connected with it, by the operation of public law,
may be a good Christian, faithful to the grace of God,
and, as such, entitled to all the privileges of the Christian Church.
Now it is confidently believed that, in substance,
this analysis comprehends all he has ever written, in
his commentaries or elsewhere, on this subject. And
with what pretensions he can be represented as-favouring the True Wesleyan or kindred movements, we are
at an utter loss to conceive. As we think, no man
understanding what he has written can honestly believe it; much less, without violating the commandment, "Thou shalt not bear false witness against thy
neighbour," so represent him to the world.
And as to the charge of contradiction and inconsistency, it is equally a gratuitous misrepresentation.
For, as we have seen, his position is, that the first acts
of aggression, or the slave-trade, is essential wicked
0
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ness; that a state of slavery is contrary to natural
justice; therefore Christian countries or governments,
which establish or continue such a relation, are guilty
of a great enormity. But when it has once obtained
as an element of civil society, and is providentially in
the hands of those who did not create or cannot con trol this state of things, or, in other words, in the hands
of a portion of the people, it may exist aside from its
abuses, without prejudice to the Christian character
of those in the relation.
We will next quote from Mr. Benson.
1 Cor. vii, 21-44: "Art thou called being a servant?
[or bond-man, as the word properly signifies,] care not
for it; [do not much regard it, nor anxiously seek
liberty: do not suppose that such a condition renders
thee less acceptable to God, or is unworthy of a Christian;] but if thou mayest be made free, [by any lawful
method,] use it rather. [Embrace the opportunity.]
He that is called in [or by] the Lord, to Christian saving faith, being a servant or bondman, is the Lord's
freeman, being delivered by him from the slavery of
sin and Satan, and therefore possesses the greatest of
all dignities. Likewise-in like manner, -he that is
called, being free from the authority of any human master, is Christ's servant or bondman; not free in this respect; not at his own disposal; not at liberty to do his
own will, but bound tobe obedient and subject to Christ.
Surely, as Goodwin observes,'the apostle could not
have expressed in stronger terms his deep conviction
of the small importance of human distinctions than he
here does: when speaking of what seems, to great and
generous minds, the most miserable lot, even that of a
slave, he says, Care not for it.' To which Doddridge
adds,'If liberty itself, the first of all temporal blessings,
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AN ESSAY ON SLAVERY.
be not of so great importance, as that a man, blessed
with the high hopes and glorious consolations of Chris tianity, should make himself very solicitous about it,
how much less upon those comparatively trifling distinctions on which many lay so disproportionate, so
extravagant a stress."'
"Brethren, let every man," &c.  Here the apostle
repeats the same advice a third time in the compass
of a few verses, intending, L'Enfant thinks, to correct
some disorders among the Christian slaves at Corinth,
who, agreeably to the doctrine of the false teachers,
claimed their liberty, on pretence that as brethren in
Christ they were on an equality with their Christian
masters.
Eph. vi, 5-8: "Servants," &c.  Bond-servants, or
he may include also those who were in the station of
hired servants; be obedient to your masters; for
the gospel does not cancel the civil rights of man,
whether he be bond or free, a slave or freeman;
whether he be the greatest prince or the meanest
servant.
1 Tim. vi, 1, 2: Because the law of Moses did not
allow Israelites to be made slaves for life without their
own consent, it seems the Judaizing teachers, with a
view to allure slaves to their party, encouraged them
in disobeying the commands of their masters. This
doctrine the apostle condemns here, as in his other
Epistles, by enjoining Christian slaves to obey their
masters, whether believers or unbelievers. Let servants, or slaves rather, under the yoke of heathen
masters, count them worthy of all honour,-all the
honour due from a servant to a master-that the name
of God and his doctrine be not blasphemed, that is,
evil spoken of, as tending to destroy the political rights
74
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of mankind.  And they that have believing masters —
which for any to have is a great privilege-let them
not despise them-pay them the less obedience-be cause they are brethren in Christ, believers, and in that
respect on a level with them. They that live in a religious community know the danger of this, and that
greater grace is requisite to bear with the faults of a
brother, than a man of the world or even an infidel.
We will next quote from Richard Watson. In his
"Biblical and Theological Dictionary," on the word
servant, he remarks:   "This word generally signifies a slave.  For formerly, among the Hebrews and neighbouring nations,
the greater part of servants were slaves; that is to
say, they belonged absolutely to their masters, who
had a right to dispose of their persons, their bodies,
goods, and even of their lives, in some cases."
From his Life, or one of his addresses as contained
iii his Life, by Jackson, he says, "Our opinions as a
body [the Wesleyan Connexion in England] respecting slavery as a system, have long been known
throughout the West Indies.   But as it is equally
knowvn, by all persons who will do us justice, that our
missionaries are restrained from agitating all abstract
(uestions of this kind, both in public and private;
and that we hold it as a most sacred Christian duty,
that obedience should be paid by slaves to their
owners, and that seditions and insurrections are
crimes of the highest nature, no exceptions have ever
been taken to our missionaries on this account."Page 296.
Again, on the same and following page:  "Wherever policy may be proper, we think it out
of place in the proceedings of a religious body; and
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wish it most clearly to be understood, that while we
ask protection for our missions, on the ground of their
inculcating peace and good order in the colonies, and
our missionaries being restrained from all interference
with the civil concerns of the population, our society
in this country is but of one sentiment on the subject
of slavery as a system."
Servant. In Scripture a slave-a bondman.-Web
ster.
In this collection of names, renowned as men of
superior literary and critical attainments, we have
omitted the name of Wesley, for the reason that his
tract on slavery would not properly range under the
head of critical authorities.  It, as a whole, speaks
for itself, with regard to the abandoned iniquity of the
system, in its beginning and end. And we could
wish that his tract was written on the heart of every
slaveholder, their aiders and abettors. Doubtless it
would soon put an end to the accursed system. That
tract, however, is particularly addressed to the first
movements, or incipient measures of the system.
As before intimated, we might have greatly swelled
the number of our critical authorities. But these we
think sufficient. And the special object we had in
view, was not to endorse their respective and peculiar
views of slavery, but the true import and application
of the term servant, as found in the various passages of
Scripture we have quoted in this investigation; together with the Christian character of those in the
relation, and the apostolic practice of receiving them
into the Church. And, as the reader will have seen,
they each and all sustain the position we have taken
on that subject.
It being probably the most appropriate department,
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we will, in this connexion, devote a few moments'
attention to the historical aspects of this question. In
the march of its agitation, the voice of history has
been appealed to, for the weight of its authority in its
adjudication, and is claimed, with his usual confidence,
by the Rev. Edward Smith, as supporting the ultraabolition measures. For he tells us, in his published
address, entitled, " The Bible against Slavery," delivered in the Sixth Presbyterian Church of Cincinnati, March 19, 1843, "I have examined no less
than twenty thousand pages of octavos and quartos,
to ascertain one single fact,-to know whether Grecian or Roman slavery extended to, and existed in
the provinces of the Roman Empire, in which the
churches were located to which these regulations
were given. Six of Paul's Epistles were written to
churches in Europe; namely, one to Rome, two to
Corinth, two to Thessalonica, and one to Philippi....
We will now cross the Hellespont, and go into Asia
Minor. Here the churches were located to which
these regulations were given: the Epistles in which
the regulations under consideration are found, were all
addressed to churches located in Asia Minor. But in
these countries neither Roman nor Grecian slavery
existed. These were the last countries conquered by
the Roman arms. Here Augustus Caesar robed himself in the imperial purple, and made these countries
Roman provinces twenty-eight years before the birth
of Christ; and from that time slavery began to decline. It was the policy of the Roman Empire to al
low the conquered provinces to retain, for the most
part, their own religion and laws, under Roman masters. It was emphatically an empire of religious
toleration."  (This is far from being true, as the per.
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secutions that obtained under different emperors, both
at home and abroad, abundantly prove.)  "The ancient laws of these countries prohibited slavery, as
well as in the kingdom of Egypt; and when conquered by the Greeks and Romans, slavery was not
introduced into them; so that at the time of writing
these Epistles they were firee from slavery. They
were free provinces of the Roman Empire. And if
slavery was not in the country, it could not get into
the Church. Those who say that St. Paul took slaveholders into the Church, take the affirmative of this
question, and must prove that slavery existed in
these provinces. This they cannot do. -I challenge
them to the task. And though I am not bound to
prove a negative, I could prove, had I access to my own
library, that there was none there.   I say, my own
library, because I have the proofs marked, and could
turn to them with but little trouble."
We desire to examine this very singular extract in
various points of light, besides the one above pointed
out in reference to religious toleration.
First: As to the palpable contradictions contained
in it. He tells us,-l. In these countries neither Roman nor Grecian slavery existed. 2. The ancient
laws of these countries prohibited slavery; and when
conquered by the Greeks and Romans, slavery was
not introduced into them; and yet, twenty-eight years
before Christ, when Augustus Caesar made them Roman provinces, "from that time slavery began to decline." Query: If it was prohibited by their ancient
laws; if neither Roman nor Grecian slavery existed
there; and if, when these countries were conquered
by the Greeks and Romans, it was not introduced
into them, how did it get there?   And if it was not
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there, how could it "begin to decline?" A solution
of these queries, by so profound an historian as the Rev.
brother, would doubtless throw some light on this
question; unless, in self-contradiction, it should claim
too near a relationship to the above. In that event,
the darkness would be doubly profound.
Second: He tells us he is not bound to prove a
negative. We are not satisfied that he is correct in
this declaration. It may be true that, as a mere debater, or partisan, he was not bound to do so. But
we have yet to learn, that it is compatible with the
character of a reformer or Christian minister, on any
question of morals or religion, to resort to such trickery or manceuvring, to sustain himself or his position.
Our reflections have led us to an entirely different
conclusion; one in which we think we shall be supported by the intelligence of the world; namely, that,
as a reformer or minister, if he actually is in possession of the proofs above claimed,-proofs that must
have considerable weight on this great moral question,
it is his imperative duty, by satisfactory references to
the authorities which he has in his "own library,
marked," and to which he can turn "with little trouble," to furnish them for the benefit of the race. And
that he cannot be innocent in withholding this intelligence, and the good its communication to the world
would do, is proved by the language of the apostle
James:" To him that knoweth to do good and doeth
it not, to him it is sin."
It being now about the sixth year since his address
was published, and the fact, according to his own
statement, of his having the proofs marked, so as to
be able to turn to them with little trouble, is proof
that he cannot plead want of time as a reason why he
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AN ESSAY ON SLAVERY.
has not performed this good service to the world before this day. And if, as he claims, he has those
proofs marked, we are very confident, that so far as
the time is concerned that would be required to give
those proofs to the world, his laboutr in so doing would
be of a hundred-fold more importance to mankind
than anything else claiming his attention for the same
length of time.
And he cannot plead, as an excuse in this matter,
that it had slipped his memory. For in the discussion
before alluded to, when this matter was introduced,
we objected to the repetition of this stale assertion,
alleging that he had had time enough (between five
and six years) to furnish the world with his proofs, by
giving the name of the authors, with the chapter and
verse. His reply was, that he could not bring a cartload of books to settle the question. Our rejoinder
was, that the fact then admitted by the Rev. brother,
that it was scattered through a cart-load of books, was
proof positive that he had not the plain, straightforward, outstanding voice of history, as he claimed.
And we will here record it as our sober conviction,
that unless the Rev. brother does furnish us with the
proofs which, in his own library, he has so readily
at command, his big words on this subject were
merely tricks of oratory; and that in entertaining
this opinion, we shall be sustained by the intelligence
of the world.
Another remark which we would here make is, that
the brother and Rollin do not agree as to dates. He
tells us that Augustus Caesar made these countries of
Asia Minor Roman provinces twenty-eight years before Christ. Rollin tells us that Cappadocia, which
was one of the provinces of Asia Minor, was reduced
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into a Roman province sixteen years before Christ.
Book xxi, art. iii, vol. vii, p. 331.
We will, in the next place, see if his statements re lative to the non-existence of slavery in the provinces
of Asia Minor, in which those churches were located
to which the Epistles containing those directions on
the subject of slavery were addressed, are sustained by
the voice of history. And we may feel ourselves at
the greater liberty in this, from his published challenge
to the world.
Not being much of an historian, and having, from
our location, but little access to works of this kind,
we shall not attempt a thorough historical examination of the question.
It will be borne in mind by the intelligent reader,
that, in the above extract, it is said, "The ancient
laws  of these  countries  prohibited  slavery;  and
when conquered by the Greeks and Romans, slavery
was not introduced into them.   So  that at  the
time of writing these Epistles they were free from
slavery." And again: "But in these countries neither Grecian nor Roman slavery existed." Now,
according to Rollin, eighty-eight years before Christ,
slavery must have been very extensive in these provinces; for, in his twenty-third book, vol. ii, p. 313,
when writing the history of Pontus, which was one
of these provinces, we have the following language:  "Mithridates, considering that the  Romnans  and
Italians in general, who were at that time in Asia
Minor upon different affairs, carried on secret intrigues, much to the prejudice of his interests, sent
private orders from EPHESUS, where he then was, to
the governors of the provinces, and magistrates of
the cities of Asia Minor, to massacre them all upon
4~
81 
AN ESSAY ON SLAVERY.
a fixed day. The women, children, and domestics were
included in this proscription.   To these orders was
annexed a prohibition not to give interment to those
who should be killed. Their estates and effects were
to be confiscated for the use of the king and the murderers. A severe fine was levied upon such as should
conceal the living, or bury the dead; and a reward
appointed for whoever discovered those who were
hid. Liberty was given to the slaves who killed their
masters; and debtors forgiven half their debts for
killing their creditors.   The repetition only of this
dreadful order is enough to make one shudder with
horror. What then must have been the desolation
in all those provinces where it was put in execution! Fourscore thousand Romans and Italians were
butchered in consequence of it. Some make the slain
amount to almost twice that number."
Now it is very clear from this quotation, whether
the ancient laws of these countries prohibited slavery
or not, that, in the cities and provinces of Asia Minor, slaves were very numerous eighty-eight years
before Christ. And he further tells us, in the same
book, that in the year 72 B.C., some sixteen years
later, they were so plenty, as to sell only for four
drachmas, that is, about twenty-eight pence sterling
per slave.-Vol. ii, p. 321. How they got there,
when they got there, and by what authority it existed,
are questions on which he gives us no distinct information. It is clear, however, from these quotations,
that it existed very extensively in connexion with
the Roman and Italian population, which must have
been very numerous, for the offer of liberty to be
tendered to all slaves who would join in this plot
of death against their masters.
a
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AN ESSAY ON SLAVERY.
And the fact that their liberty was offered as an
incentive to, and as the reward of this massacre, is
strong presumptive evidence that slavery existed
there by law. And another argument of some weight
in support of this presumption is, that the Romans
and Italians would hardly have taken so great an
amount of slaves with them to a distant country,
where slavery was prohibited by law. And if, as ap pears possible from the quotations, those Romans and
Italians, on emigrating, took slaves with them to that
country when under foreign jurisdiction, what is the
legitimate inference touching their practice in this
matter, after those provinces were conquered, and
became subject to Rotnan jurisdiction? So that the
facts and probabilities that bear upon this question
are at war with Brother Smith's statements; indeed,
his statements, as before shown, are at war with
themselves; and taken in connexion with these quotations from Rollin, they constitute a perfect jumble
of contradictions.
Another authority we would introduce, is from
Neander's Church History, translated by Rose, p. 66.
"In Smyrna the proconsul seems to have been too
sensible to lend his ear to such reports. A young
man of some rank, by name Bettius Pegatus, although
not arrested as a Christian, felt himself bound, on
hearing of these accusations, to come forward in attestation of the innocence of his brethren. He asked
a hearing, in which he promised to show that nothing
criminal took place at the meetings of the Christians;
but the legate, without giving him a hearing, only
asked if he were a Christian, and on his clear declaration of this, he was cast into prison as the advocate
of Christians. Some heathen slaves, under fear of
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the torture, declared their Christian masters guilty
of crimes which vague rumour laid to their charge.
Little as such a declaration was worth, fanaticism was
eager to receive it as an evidence of truth, and the
people felt that every cruelty was now justifiable,neither kindred, age, nor sex was spared."
This is recorded as having taken place A. D. 177;
and the Smyrna in question, we believe, was in
Asia Minor; and if so, there appear to have been
slaves there at the date above mentioned, who were
owned by Christian masters. So that, if the Rev.
brother's historical statements were consistent with
themselves, and, as such, of a character to merit attention, the counter testimony of the authors quoted,
in connexion with the writings of Paul and Peter,
would render their reliability extremely doubtful, not
to say entirely unworthy of credit.
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PART SECOND.
ARGUMENTS AGAINST THE DIVINE RIGHT OF SLAVERY, AS
AN INSTITUTION OF GOD, OR OF SPECIAL DIVINEF APPOINT MENT.
SECTION I.
FIRST ARGUMENT, DRAWN FROM THE LAW OF NATURE.
THOUGH we cannot now quote authorities, our reading and hearsay have led us to the opinion that there are
some who believe in the Divine right of slavery; that
it is of special Divine appointment, or an institution of
God;* and, as such, that it is the privilege of all who
can, to own and hold slaves, without prejudice to the
creditability of their Christian profession. Further, we
believe it has been claimed by some of the Southern
ministers, (on the grounds of expediency, we suppose,)
that to own slaves is an important auxiliary, if not an
essential qualification, in the ministerial character, in
order to the efficient and successful prosecution of its
sacred duties in the slave-holding States.t While, on
In its moral aspect, slavery was not only countenanced, permitted,
and regulated by the Bible, but it was positively instituted by God
himself. He had, in so many words, enjoined it.-Rcv. Mr. Crowder,
of Va., General Conference, 1840.
t I have become a slave-holder-a slave-holder from principleto obviate suspicion, and gain free access to the slave, so as to do him
good. It is highly advantageous to a minister that he himself should
hold slaves. And I can see no impropriety, but advantage, in members, preachers, presiding elders, and even bishops, being slaveholders.-Dr. Winans, General Con. Doc., Cincinnati, 1836. James
G. Birney.
Other quotations of similar sentiment might be collated, but these
are sufficient.
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the other hand, there are those who think that the relation of slavery, especially on the part of the master,
is, under any circumstances, incompatible with a
creditable profession of religion, and a visible connexion
withI the Christian Church; and that the Holy Scriptures, when properly understood, nowhere afford the
least countenance to such a conclusion; that the
thought is too shocking, too monstrous to be entertained for a moment; amounting to an impeachment of
the whole character and government of God; who,
rather than admit the most remote possibility of such
a conclusion, contemptuously ask for a better Bible, a
better Christ, a better set of prophets and apostles; in
a word, a new religion, more consonant with their
views of the Divine character and government.
That principles so essentially opposite cannot be
found in the Christian Scriptures, when properly understood, will be admitted by all who believe in their
Divine inspiration. For if truth is one, and consistent
with itself, it cannot be that a book professing to teach
the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth, can
occupy the extremes of this question as above stated.
One or the other of these doctrines must be true, or
both alike erroneous, or partly true and partly error,
the truth lying between these extremes. Such is the
conclusion to which our reading and reflection has
conducted us; and the reasons which have shut usup
to this faith will be seen by the attentive reader, in the
preceding, as well as the following pages, which, we
think, are drawn from, and sustained by, both Scripture and reason.
Being an undoctored doctor, we are aware of the
delicacy of our position in differing from doctrines on
this subject, venerable for their antiquity and the repu
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tation of their authors, promulgators, and defenders.
Nevertheless, we shall try, in the independent consciousness of truth, humbly to express our opinion.
Slavery, to be of Divine right, appointment, or an
institution of God, should,
1. Be indicated by the laws of nature, and founded
in such reasons of fitness and right as would manifest
its practical utility, as best for all concerned, and vindicate the character of the Creator from the charge of
partiality in his dealings with his rational creatures; or,
2. It should be plainly revealed in the Scriptures;
standing out with such prominence on the page of inspiration, as to mark its intrinsic excellence as an
essential part and parcel of the positive duties of society, necessary to the perfection of the Divine government, and in agreement with its settled principles, as
found in the oracles of God.
Now as to its being indicated by the laws of nature,
&c. This, so far as our reading is concerned, has
never been seriously intimated, except by some real
or pretended skeptics, who have denied to the African race the claims of humanity, or a common origin
with the rest of mankind, urging their mental imbecility, as compared with those of lighter shade, or
whiter skin, as evidence of their being an inferior and
distinct species;-a conclusion at war with the facts
in the case, and proved, beyond all controversy, to be
erroneous, by living witnesses in men of colour, now
on the stage, who, under all the disadvantages and discouragements peculiar to their condition, have, by dint
of untiring industry, attained to a knowledge of science
and letters that will compare favourably with the majority of their white brethren of better opportunities,
but less application.
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AN ESSAY ON SLAVERY.
Another thought'n this connexion, which is in refutation of the doctrine of their natural inferiority, is,
that under like circumstances, they are in all respects
creatures of like passions with the white race; which
fact, in itself, is conclusive of a common origin.
To the Christian, if further proof be necessary, this
question is settled by the voice of inspiration, which
declares that God made of one blood all nations of men
to dwell on all the face of the earth. Acts xvii, 26.
In addition to the above exception, it now occuirs to
us that a new doctrine has been advanced in the nineteenth century, by a grave Senator of South Carolina,
involving the equality and natural rights of mankind,
in his speech, delivered in the Senate of the United
States on the Compromise bill, providing for the organization of a Territorial Government over California
and New-Mexico. In that speech, where he comments on the following ever-memorable clause, found
in the Declaration of American Independence,-" We
hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are
created equal; that they are endowed by their Creator
with certain inalienable rights; that among these are
life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness,"-he attempts to show that the above quotation is not true;
that the framers of that instrument, in the use of that
language, gave utterance to error on the doctrine of
man's natural rights. And the pith of the argument
by which he would prove them in error, and overturn
the doctrines of that inimitable and venerable record,
is, that all men are not created,-that they are born;
some males, and some females, and in time grow up to
be men and women. A quibble unworthy the man,
the place, the occasion, the country, and the age.
For is it not clear, that, as their descendants, we are
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partakers of a common nature; and, by the laws of
that nature, entitled to the same rights? and moreover, that every child born into the world is virtually
an act of creation; it requiring the same all-powerful
energy to carry out the laws of nature, which first
called them into existence?
But we cannot persuade ourselves that it was intended for anything more than a quibble. If we could,
it would detract more from the senator's long-earned
reputation, as a man of thought and strong mental
powers, than all the other acts of his eventful life put
together.   True, all the circumstances considered
would seem to call upon us to regard it as a frank
avowal of his sentiments. But, we repeat, we cannot
admit his seriousness on any other consideration but
the adage, "once a man, twice a child;" the honourable senator may be an old baby-in his dotage.
Air-built or visionary as the quibble (for it deserves
no                                 higher name) of the grave senator is, it may nevertheless require a passing notice, lest the confusion of
thought to which it tends may puzzle and mislead the
credulous and unwary. For it is a well-known truth,
that the opinions or sentiments of men of eminence and
reputation for wisdom, have great influence over their
admirers and common readers. Now it must be borne
in mind, that the clause to which the senator's strictures
and exceptions apply, is found in the Declaration of
American Independence; which Declaration is intended to set forth, in an appeal to the world and the
God who made it, the wrongs suffered by the American people from the Crown of Great Britain; and these
wrongs as reasons why they should, and ought to, be
free from the parent government; that, in the infliction
of                                 these wrongs, the government had failed of the ob
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AN ESSAY ON SI,AVERY.
jects for which all governments are instituted, and
thereby not only justified, but-a conclusion most rational-rendered it the imperious duty of freemen to
throw off the yoke of oppression, and thus dissolve
their political relations. For if the powers of government are inherent in, and derived from the people,
whenever that power, wheresoever lodged, ceases to
seek the good of the people, it is perverted from its
natural and legitimate object, and is not, and ought
not to be, of longer binding force. It will therefore be
seen, that the clause under consideration has reference
to rights, independent of government.   For, at the
time they were written, there was virtually none in
existence.   They had rejected, or thrown off the
government of England, as oppressive beyond endurance, and had not as yet organized one in its stead.
It therefore, in its own language, speaks of natural
rights; such as belong to us by virtue of our creation, prior to, and independent of all government.
Now the confusion of thought to which it is supposed the senator's argument, in its application to slavery,
which is a creature of municipal law, may lead, is, that
their natural rights may be so confounded with, or
swallowed up in their civil condition, as to confuse
and involve the question in such bewilderment and
darkness, that ordinary readers may be lost in the
gloom, or conducted to improper conclusions. Whereas, if on the one hand we look steadily at the doctrine of our natural rights, untrammelled by the interference and operation of civil government; and, on the
other, at the deprivation of those rights which the
African race have suffered in our country, solely by
the operation of municipal law, the points will be distinct and clear, the confusion of thought above allud
e
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AN ES,1,Yl nN,LA'r%ERY.
ed to avoided, and the doctrine of our equality and
natural rights not materially affected by the honourable senator's puerilities.
How, or where, to commence our search after
light to illuminate our darkness on the natural right
of slavery, is beyond our comprehension. After our
utmost stretch of thought, not a glimmering ray breaks
on our mental vision-chaotic darkness reigns entire
and profound, and we are left to the conclusion that
either our opacity is impenetrable, or there is not, on
this subject, one scintillation of light in all the world of
mind, which probably is the right conclusion. For,
on reflection, it is said "We hold these truths (natural rights) to be self-evident,"-o clear and luminous
in themselves, as to be incapable of additional lightso obviously and manifestly the truth, that human
thought or language cannot make them more clear,
intelligible, or forcible. To undertake their proof, is
to "darken counsel by words without knowledge,"
like the skeptical philosopher's argument to prove his
own existence. Said he, "I think, therefore I am,"
or "I exist."  Here the fact that "I am,"' or "I exist,"
is a simple (or single) idea or conception; the other,
"I think," therefore "I am," or "I exist," is a complex or compound one, and obscures and embarrasses
the question, just in proportion to its complexity.
Hence, as the laws of nature, as we have just seen,
afford no light or evidence of the natural right of slavery, but the contrary, we therefore conclude, that
so far as these rights, as the gift of our Creator, are
directly and primarily concerned, slavery is out of the
question, being repugnant to reason and natural law.
Pressed with these difficulties, the advocates of slavery
have attempted its defence on other grounds, subse
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quent in point of time, but accidental to, and inherent
in our nature;-such as might gives right, and the
right a man has to dispose of himself, &c. Consequently, in the Justinian code, three origins of the
right of slavery are assigned, all of which, says Sir
William Blackstone, are built upon false foundations;
which, we think, will so appear to the honest inquirer
after truth, in the following quotation from his commentaries, in which these several rights are clearly and
distinctly stated, and powerfully refuted by his able
pen.  And first, "slavery is held to arise from a state
of captivity in war." The conqueror, say the civilians,
had a right to the life of the captive; and having
spared that, has a right to deal with him as he pleases.
Butt it is an untrue position, when taken generally,
that by the laws of nature or nations, a man may kill
his enemy; he has only a right to kill him in particular cases; in cases of absolute necessity for self-defence; and it is plain this absolute necessity did not
subsist, since the victor did not actually kill him, but
made him his prisoner. War is itself justifiable only
on principles of self-preservation; and therefore it
gives no other right over prisoners, but merely to disable them from doing harm to us, by confining their
persons; much less can it give a right to kill, torture,
abuse, plunder, or even to enslave an enemy, when
the war is over. Since, therefore, the right of making
slaves by captivity depends upon a supposed right of
slaughter, that foundation failing, the consequence
drawn from it must fail likewise. But, secondly, it
is said that slavery may begin by one man selling
himself to another. This, if only meant of contracts
to serve, or work for another, is very just; but when
applied to strict slavery, in the sense of the laws of old
0
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Rome, or modern Barbary, and we will adc some of
the American States, is also impossible. Every sale
implies a price, an equivalent given to the seller, in
lieu of what he transfers to the buyer; but what
equivalent can be given for life and liberty, both of
which, in absolute slavery, are held to be in the master's disposal? His property also, the very price he
seems to receive, devolves to his master the instant
he becomes his slave. In this case, therefore, the
buyer gives nothing, and the seller receives nothing;
of what validity then can a sale be, which destroys
the very principle upon which all sales are founded.
Lastly, besides these two ways by which slaves are
acquired, they may also be hereditary: the children
of acquired slaves are, by a negative kind of birthright,
slaves also.  But this, being built on the two former
iights, must fail together with them.  If neither captivity, nor the sale of one's self, can, by the laws of
nature and reason, reduce the parent to slavery, much
less can they reduce the offspring.
Now, if the preceding reflections and reasonings be
correct, the doctrine of the rightfulness of slavery receives no countenance from the law of nature. And
we are equally at a loss, when governed by the law
of nature, or, in other words, recurring to first principles, to discover those reasons of fitness and right,
which are indispensable to the support of its pretensions, and to mark the united wisdom and goodness
of the arrangement, as equal in its operations, and the
best for all concerned. We might here again propound the inquiry, to what part of the compass shall
we look for light? Who is to be the slave, and for
what reason? Is there anything so befitting in the relation, as to commend it to our superior judgment,
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and thus introduce it? Who can give an-affirmative
answer to these interrogatories, accompanied with
such evidence as shall establish their truth beyond all
controversy, and stamp them unequivocally with the
seal of divinity; preserving, at the same time, the character of the Creator from the charge of partiality?
To us the whole question is totally inexplicable-involved in impenetrable darkness.
Some minds, however, anxious for a plea to justify
a practice so consonant with the prejudice of education, and their selfish desires on account of the supposed advantages of slavery, may attempt to resolve
it into the Divine Sovereignty. But when properly
understood, we think this refuge must fail also. That
God is a good and a great sovereign, is not denied.
Nor yet his right, as such, to tolerate such a state of
things, from good and sufficient considerations, as
measures of moral discipline.
Such, we think, is the teaching of the Scriptures.
But we are not now examining it in the light of revelation, (of which in the sequel,) but by the laws of
nature; and where, from this quarter, have we one
ray of light, one word of proof, that slavery is according to the good pleasure of His sovereign will? Echo
answers, Where?
SECTION II.
ARGUMENT FROM THE LAW OF REVELATION.-THE RELATION A TEMPORARY
REGULATION.
HAVING, as we think, shown in the preceding observations that the Divine right-appointment-or rightfulness of slavery, is not to be found in the law of nature, we will, as indicated in the last section, now
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examine and see if the teaching of the HolyScriptures
warrant such a conclusion.  It will be remembered
that in the preceding pages we have admitted that
they recognize the relation, and inculcate the duties
naturally arising therefrom. But the question arises
here, Is the subject so presented in the oracles of God
as to justify, beyond reasonable doubt, the inference
that it is of special Divine appointment, and, as such,
to take rank among the positive duties of society?
This query, at first sight, may be regarded as more
curious than useful; tending to perplexity and embarrassment, rather than as affording light to aid us
in the elicitation and ascertainment of truth.
We, however, entertain a different opinion, believing it to lie deep at the foundation of this controversy,
and of infinite importance to its thorough investiga.
tion. For if as we conceive, and have intimated, it is
the a, b, c, of the whole question; or, in other words,
the true point at which to commence our inquiries;
inasmuch as a fair start is of singular advantage, and
essential to success in any enterprise, we must in this,
as in all other matters of inquiry, be saved from con -
fusion and darkness, and arrive at more satisfactory
conclusions, by commencing at the beginning.
Therefore, at this stage of our investigation, it may
be useful to inquire, Are the Holy Scriptures, so far as is
discoverable by the light, or indicated by the law of nature, a republication of the social duties of man? or do
they intrinsically, absolutely, and permanently change
those duties, so as to make that right-in all cases
and under all circumstances, in our social relationswhich the first constitution of things, or the law of
nature, condemned as wrong?   Or, in other words,
was slavery forbidden by the law of nature, and is it
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now established by the special appointment of God,
as a law of revelation? Mark! the question is not,
Do the Scriptures recognize the relation as established by civil law, and prescribe the duties growing
out of the relation thus established? but, Do the
Scriptures teach us that it was primarily, or, if you
please, at the time of its origin, appointed by God,
and intended as an essential and permanent rule or
principle of his moral government? If we admit this
supposition, does it not amount to an impeachment
of the wisdom and goodness of the Creator, in the
order of things first established, and thus involve in
contradiction and darkness His character and administration, of whom it is said in the Scriptures, "that
He is without variableness or shadow of turning,"
and that "he is light, and in him is no darkness at
all?"-a sacrifice too great for the sake of a principle, at best doubtful in theory, and in its general consequences, physical, mental, moral, social, and religious, to both master and slave, of confessedly injurious practical tendency. To give up the lovely character of God, and the confidence we have in the
stability and rectitude of his government, as equal in
its operations to secure the present and eternal welfare of all his intelligent and accountable creatures,
for the sake of sustaining it, is, in the language of poor
Richard, "paying too dear for the whistle."
But it is claimed that the Bible recognizes the
principle, and adapts its instructions suitably to the
relation. Granted. But does it necessarily follow
that God, as the moral Governor of the world, has, by
so doing, so stamped it with the seal of his approbation, as to vindicate its claims to be an institution
of his own appointment? That the Divine tolera
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tion, in view of principles and circumstances which
will be subsequently pointed out, is lent to the prac tice, is not denied. But that He has ever appointed
it, we demand the proof. It is confidently believed
that not a single passage of Scripture can be found ini
its favour, that will entitle it to the character of an
institution of God. And for the alL-sufficient reason,
that by fair implication they teach the reverse: not
in those Scriptures which denounce oppression in
general, and the oppression of the poor in particu lar, &c. An inference from these, because of their
general application to all sorts of oppression, seems to
us to be too far-fetched, though often quoted by preachers, lecturers, and debaters, and relied on as decisive
of the question of the Bible against slavery. We
have always thought, because of that generality, they
were irrelevant, and for that reason, to intelligent and
well-informed minds, inconclusive. But we have a
passage, which is admitted both by pro-slavery and
anti-slavery men generally, if not universally, to relate to slavery, that speaks directly to the point in
hand: "If thou mayest be made free, use it rather."
1 Cor. vii, 21. Now if the apostle, in the use of this
language, spoke by Divine inspiration, a state of freedom is, according to God the Holy Ghost, preferable
to a state of slavery, and as such, by this high and
holy authority, we are commanded to prefer, to seek
it. Now in the absence of a single passage in all the
Bible to designate slavery as an institution of God;
while, on the other hand, we have a passage relating
exclusively to slavery, which, by the most natural
and direct implication, is a negation of the doctrine;
and when the whole spirit and general principles of
the book of God, together with the law of nature, lift up
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their united voice against it, as of Divine right, are
we not fairly entitled to the conclusion, that the claim
has been hastily made, without sufficient examination?
And should not those Scriptures which are thought to
favour its pretensions be re-examined, and see if they
are not capable of a different interpretation'? Such
is the view we have taken of their import, which we
shall now proceed to show.
First: Is it so presented as to involve the same
principles of right, fitness, and moral obligation, which
stand out with such prominence in the other relative
duties inculcated in the Holy Scriptures; and supported in its pretensions with the same weight of authority?   This seems to us to be a consideration of
some importance, and-entitled to our sober regard in
this investigation. For if, in the Divine administration, it is to take rank with the other relative duties of
society, it ought to be ascertained and authenticated by
considerations of equal weight. Not that the injunction, "Servants, obey your masters," is not of obligation, while the relation providentially continues, and, as
such, involving a principle of conscience, on the sinmple authority of Him who made it, and to whom it is
"well-pleasing."  But has it the same character of
permanency, especially in view of the fact, that the
samie God who said, "Servants, obey your masters,'
has also said to servants, "If thou mayest be made
free, use it rather." If the same loose principle should
be applied to the other relative duties of societysuch as civil government, the conjugal relation,
parents and children, &c.,-we repeat, if a similar
passage of Scripture could be found, virtually dissolving, without any fault alleged against the parties, the
civil, conjugal, parental, and filial relations, would it
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not be fraught with tremendous consequences in its
practical bearings; and impair, if not totally destroy,
the credibility of the Bible as a revelation from God?
But who, on the other hand, can or does, for a mo ment, question its divinity, or practical utility, be cause it commands the Christian servant or slave, or
any other, to prefer liberty to slavery-freedom to
bondage?
Lest, however, it should be thought we are taking
for granted that which requires proof, let us look into
the Scriptures, and see if the discrimination above
alluded to, namely, that the relation of slavery is not
backed up by the same reasons of right, fitness, &c.,
which lend their sanction to the other relative duties
of life, is sustained by their testimony. And if, on
examination, it shall be found that there is a very
important difference as to the manner in which these
relative duties are enforced, it will be of great weight
in sustaining the doctrine of these pages; which,-like
the ecclesiastical polity of Methodism, is to avoid the
extremes on either hand. And, notwithstanding the
confident and boisterous claims of the South to the
contrary, that is, to the rightfulness of the relation, —
and which, it is to be deplored, was, in a qualified
sense, conceded by the late lamented Dr. Fisk, in the
following language, contained in his "Counter Appeal:"-" The  New  Testament enjoins obedience
upon the slave as an obligation due to a present rightful authority,"-let us see if a candid and careful
examination of the Holy Scriptures will not vindicate
and sustain the discrimination above made; niiamely,
that the obligation of the slave to obedience is not,
as the other relative duties of life, placed upon the
ground of right, but of moral goodness. 
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AN ESSAY ON SLAVERY.
And, first, as to the relative duties of civil govern   ment.
In reference to civil government: The history of
the Jewish nation, as recorded in the Old Testament,
is a standing proof of civil government; and, as such,
by the appointment of God. That it was regarded
as obligatory, and a great blessing, not only to the
obedient, but also in a national point of view, may be
inferred from the promise, "The sceptre shall not de   part from Judah, nor a lawgiver from between his
feet, until Shiloh come." Without noticing more
particularly what is said on this subject in the Scrip   tures of the Old Testament, we will quote from the
New, Paul to the Romans: "Let every soul be sub   ject unto the higher powers; for there is no power
but of God: the powers that be are ordained of
God.   Whosoever  therefore  resisteth the power,
resisteth the ordinance of God; and they that re   sist shall receive to themselves  damnation.   For
rulers are not a terror to good works, but to the evil.
Wilt thou then not be afraid of the power?  Do that
which is good, and thou shalt have praise of the
same: for he is the minister of God to thee for good.
But if thou do that which is evil, be afraid; for he
beareth not the sword in vain: for he is the minister
of God, a revenger to execute wrath upon him that
doeth evil. Wherefore ye must needs be subject, not
only for wrath, but also for conscience' sake. For,
for this cause pay ye tribute also: for they are God's
ministers, attending continually upon this very thing.
Render therefore to all their dues: tribute to whom
tribute is due; custom to whom custom; fear to
whom fear; honour to whom honour." Chap. xiii, 1-7.
:- "'Submit yourselves to every ordinance of man for
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the Lord's sake: whether it be to the king, as supreme; or unto governors, as unto them that are
sent by him for the punishment of evil-doers, and for
the praise of them that do well." 1 Peter ii, 13, 14.
Now these passages, rightly understood, teach the
same doctrine.  And what is it?  Why, "subjection
to the powers that be;" that is, to'civil government;
or, in the language of Peter, the " ordinance of man,"
(being framed by human skill.) And the reasons for
this subjection are,  1. That civil government is the ordinance of God;
"For there is no power but of God; the powers that
be are ordained of God."
2. That in resisting civil government, we resist
God, it being his ordinance.
3. That civil government is good, to prevent evil,
and promote good works,-as conducive to the individual and general welfare.
4. That civil government, being of Divine appointment, and great practical utility, is of penal and moral
obligation.   "Wherefore  ye must be subject not
only for wrath, but also for conscience' sake."
It will be observed by the attentive reader, that our
subjection or obedience does not rest simply or exclusively on the authority of God, though that is sufficient, but also on the goodness of the ordinance itself;
the importance of which we have heretofore seen as
necessary to our existence. Man cannot live without
society; society cannot exist without government.
We will, in the next place, notice the conjugal or
marriage relation. And here husbands are commanded
to love their wives, and be not bitter against them;
but to treat them kindly, tenderly, &c.; and the reasons assigned in the Scriptures are,
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1. That they are one flesh,-she being at the first
taken from his side. Gen. xxii, 21-24.
2. By virtue of the Divine appointment they are
to be considered one to the end of time. Matt. xix, 5, 6.
And because of this tender and intimate relation, the
apostle argues the impropriety of unkind treatment:
"For no man ever yet hated his 6wn flesh."
The wife is required to be in subjection to her husband. Such is the Divine command, whenever the
subject is spoken of in the Scriptures. And the reasons assigned are,  1. That she was formed out of the body of the
man. Gen. ii, 21-24.
2. That the woman being deceived, was first in
the transgression. Gen. iii, 16; 1. Tim. ii, 11-14.
In the parental relation, parents are variously commanded to care for, instruct, provide, and not to provoke
their children to anger, lest they be discouraged; but
bring them up in the nurture and admonition ofthe Lord:
and the motive brought to bear on this duty is an appeal to the tenderness of parental solicitude for the
present and eternal welfare of their offspring: "That
it may be well with you and your children forever."
Children are commanded in all things to obey their
parents; and the reasons are,  1. It is right.
2. The first commandment with promise.
3. Well pleasing to the Lord.
The attentive reader will doubtless have observed
that in all the relative duties above enumerated, there
is an essential right and fitness, found in the very
nature of them, that marks clearly their excellence,
and commends them to our understanding as wise and
good arrangements.
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Let us see in the next place if the slavery relation
is supported by the same weight of authority.
And first we will quote from Eph. vi, 5-8: "Servants, be obedient to them that are your masters according to the flesh, with fear and trembling, in singleness of your heart, as unto Christ; not with eye-service, as men-pleasers; but as the servants of Christ,
doing the will of God from the heart; with good-will
doing service, as to the Lord, and not to men: knows
ing that whatsoever good thing any man doeth, the
same shall he receive of the Lord, whether he be bond
or free."
Now in this language of the apostle, which is the
most complex, and therefore the most difficult, of any
to be found in the Scriptures on this subject-hence,
requiring more attention in its explanation-it appears
to us the following principles are laid down.
1. The servant's obedience to his master.
2. His obedience to his master for the sake of Christ,
as the servant of Christ; doing service as to the Lord
and not to men.
3. That in doing this service for the sake of Christ,
he does a good thing.   Not good or right in itself,
according to the eternal fitness of things, as are the
duties of the relations above pointed out; but in the
present disordered state of things, which the providence of God is superintending to the best possible
issue, comparatively good, because done for his sake,
and on his authority.  This seems to us to be the legitimate and natural sense of the passage-the only one
to which we can -be conducted in its fair and candid
examination. But in addition to this, the analogy of
Scripture, if we pay any regard to its unity, shuts us
up to this interpretation. For if the state or relation
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of slavery was intrinsically good in itself, -why should
those in that condition be exhorted, "If thou mayest
be made free, use it rather?" and those who had attained their freedom, commanded, "Be ye not the
servants of men?"
In view of the very similar language and sentiment
found in the Epistles to the Colossians and Titus, we
deem it unnecessary to do anything more than quote
them. Col. iii, 22-24: "Servants, obey in all things
your masters according to the flesh; not with eye-service, as men-pleasers; but in singleness of heart, fearing, God; and whatsoever ye do, do it heartily, as to
the Lord, and not unto men; knowing that of the
Lord ye shall receive the reward of the inheritance:
for ye serve the Lord Christ."
Tit. ii, 9, 10: "Exhort servants to be obedient unto
their own masters, and to please them well in all
things; not answering again; not purloining, but
showing all good fidelity; that they may adorn the
doctrine of God our Saviour in all things."
With the passing observation that there is, as above,
the same absence of an authenticating principle, naturally growing out of the relation; the whole weight
of obligation resting on extraneous, or foreign considerations,-the will of God.   "And whatsoever ye
do, do it heartily as to the Lord, and not to men;"
and, "that they may adorn the doctrine of God our
Saviour in all things."
The next passage to which we will call attention,
is found in 1 Tim. vi, 1, 2: "Let as many servants
as are under the yoke count their own masters worthy
of all honour, that the name of God and his doctrine
be not blasphemed. And they that have believing
masters, let them not despise them, because they are
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brethren; but rather do them service, because they
are faithful and beloved, partakers of the benefit.
These things teach and exhort."
Now here the subjection or obedience of the servant is enforced by the same authority as in the passages already quoted,-the will of God,-but with a
little change of phraseology,-the'former passages requiring it, for its good consequences; this requiring it,
to prevent bad ones. "That the name of God and his
doctrine be not blasphemed." Heathen masters, by
the disorderly conduct or want of fidelity in their recently converted servants, might be led to attribute it
to their religion; and thus, becoming unfavourably affected toward it, and its Author, in their blindness,
speak evil of the things which they did not understand.
For it is a truth, well known to those who have any
experimental knowledge of spiritual things, that such
is the enmity of the carnal mind to a spiritual religion,
that it is ever ready upon the slighltest, yes, even
doubtful pretexts, to condemn and discard it. And it
is to be feared there are not wanting like examples of
inexcusable and abandoned iniquity among the semiheathen of this Christian country, who are stumbling
into hell over the innocent infirmities of others. The
apostle understood this deception,-this deep evil of the
human heart; and therefore the cautionary language
of the passage now under consideration.
There is yet another passage which, in this connexion, demands our attention, found in 1 Pet. ii, 18, 19:
"Servants, be subject to your masters with all fear;
not only to the good and gentle, but also to the froward. For this is thank-worthy, if a man for conscience towards God endure grief, suffering wrongfully." This contains some important suggestions.
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105 
AN ESSAY ON SLAVERY.
1. As above, they are to be in subjection from a
principle of conscience toward God.
2. It is admitted, that in that subjection they may
have to "endure grief, suffering wrongfully," which is
said to be "thankworthy," if endured for the Lord's
sake
3. They are encouraged to this duty by the example of Christ; who patiently, submissively, and unconmplainingly, committing himself to him that judgeth
righteously, suffered for us, even to the bearing of our
sins in his own body on the tree; not that it was due
us, as a matter of right, according to the essential fitness of things; but as an expedient, instituted by the
boundless benevolence of the Deity, to overcome evil
with good. From these explanatory remarks, which
we think are the legitimate and obvious sense of the
passage, we are entitled to the following conclusions:
1. That they are to be subject, not because it is
right in itself, but for the Lord's sake.
2. That though they might have to endure grief, and
suffer wrongfully in the discharge of their duty,
nevertheless, it was
3. Obligatory upon them, on the same principles of
moral goodness that were manifested in the redemption of the world by the sufferings and death of our
Lord Jesus Christ, who, in this respect, had left them
and us an example, that we should follow his steps.
Alarm may here be taken, that in the above remarks
we have started a dangerous principle in theology, viz.,
That a thing not right in itself, may, under a change
of circumstances, become allowable; or, in other
words, that a thing not originally righter right according to the first constitution of things-may, under
a change of circumstances, in a perfect administration
a
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AN ESSAY ON SLAVERY.
be tolerated, for the sake of its practical utility.
Doubtless the subject has its difficulties, though we
think not insuperable. And we are aware of the necessity of caution, lest we introduce principles which,
by their looseness, may confound all distinction between right and wrong, and thus sap to its foundations
the moral government of God. This subject will more
properly come up in the subsequent pages, to which
the reader is referred for its examination.
We do not wish it understood, in the above remarks
on the relative duties of society as now constituted,
that obedience, on the part of servants to their masters, is not, during the continuance of the relation, a
Christian duty. Such we believe it; and would feel
ourselves bound by the high authority of "Thus saith
the Lord," so to teach, were we placed in asituation requiring it. But we mean to say, in view of the facts
and arguments brought to bear upon the question,
drawn fairly, as we think, from the law of nature, reason, and revelation, that it does not possess the same
broad seal, and stamp of right and Divinity, that mark
the other relations of society; and is therefore indicated to be not a permanent, but a temporary regulation,
which, in the providence of God, may, in the language
of the apostle on another subject, "wax old, perish,
and vanish away."
In this connexion, as it will be a continuance of the
argument against slavery, as an institution of God, it
may be well to see what account the Bible gives of its
origin. The first notice we have of it, that clearly
fixes its character as a property relation, is in the
seventeenth chapter of the book of Genesis, about
A. M. 2107.  Men-servants and maid-servants are
previously spoken of, but not so as to fix with suffi
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cient clearness the property relation. But in this
chapter, those who were bought with his money are
distinguished from his own children, and those that
were born in his house; so that whatever may have
been the true condition of the servants previously
named, it must be admitted, that those he had by right
of purchase were his property, having been bought
with his money.  And the manner and circumstances
under which it is brought to notice deserve some attention. God is about to renew his covenant with
Abraham, and institutes circumcision as the seal ofthat
covenant. He commands Abraham to circumcise,
at eight days old, every male child born in his house,
and bought with his money; which Abraham obeyed.
For we find in the twenty-third verse of this chapter,
that "Abraham took Ishmael his son, and all that were
borrrin his house, and bought with his money, (males,)
and circumcised them on the self-same day, as God had
said unto him."  Now is there anything in the language here used, or the nature of the transaction narrated, that affords the most distant intimation that God
instituted or appointed the relation of slavery?  It
seems to us that no torturing, having any reason or
probability on its face, can give it such a construction.
From the manner in which it is introduced, it doubtless had obtained prior to the time when the right of
circumcision was instituted; and may be fairly set
down as one of the inventions of men, instead of an
institution of God.
And being thus introduced and interwoven as an
element of society, the Holy Scriptures, in giving
their directions for the regulation of the social and
civil state, adapt their instructions accordingly. And
it is only in this incidental way, if our memory serves
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us correctly, that reference is made to it throughout
the Scriptures of the Old and New Testaments. Of
this the honest inquirer after truth may satisfy himself, by turning to the various passages of Scripture
where the subject is spoken of. And how, under
these circumstances, and with these facts before us,
it can be magnified into the imposing character of a
Divinely-appointed institution, we are at an utter loss
to conceive. That in view of the weakness of the
present state, under the superintendence of a Providence that embraces all worlds, sweeps over all time,
and throughout all eternity, it is in the Divine
forbearance tolerated, is not denied. And it may
prove, for aught we know to the contrary, such a
lesson of instruction to all created intelligences, on
the exceedingly unnatural and deeply evil character
of sin, as to give the most effectual caution against it.
And however it may now appear to our contracted
vision, and without any thanks to us, it may, as a
measure of moral discipline, prove of the most salutary importance, and so appear to us, when His plans
of providence and government, as a whole, are developed.
But that it has the Divine sanction, in the broad
sense of that term, so as to exalt it to the character of
a Divinely-appointed institution, is contradicted by
His whole character and government; which we think
has been clearly shown, and abundantly proved, in
the preceding pages.
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AN ESSAY ON SLAVERY.
PART THIRD.
THAT THE SIMPLE RELATION IS NO BAR TO CHURCH-FEL                     LOWSHIP.
SECTION I.
FROM THE PRINCIPLES OF GOD'S MORAL AND PROVIDENTIAL GOVERNMENT.
HAVING closed our argument against slavery as an
institution of God, we will proceed, in the next place,
to the inquiry, Does the Bible authorize the belief,
that a man in the relation, or in other words, that a
slaveholder, can be a Christian?-the relation being
no bar to church-fellowship.
It will have been observed by the attentive reader,
that, in the preceding pages, we have assumed, and
endeavoured to show, that the Bible does warrant
such belief. And if we have not misinterpreted the
passages quoted-which interpretation we have sustained by numerous authorities, the best-accredited
and most reputable the Church and the world have
produced for centuries-the truth of our position is
fairly made out, and the controversy should be at an
end. For if, according to the best lights we have,
such is the teaching of the Scriptures, on their high
and unerring authority, the question is settled: and
accordingly 4ere we might let it rest. For if, in the
language of St. Peter, there is in the writings of St.
Paul, (and others,) according to the wisdom given unto
him, some things hard to be understood, which they
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that are unlearned and unstable wrest unto their
own destruction, on them be the fearful responsibility.
For is it not to be expected that an administration,
involving "the depth of the riches both of the wisdom and knowledge of God, whose judgments are
unsearchable, and his ways past finding out," should,
in some of its details, elude our utmost vigilance and
most enlarged comprehension? Such seem to have
been the views of the great apostle to the Gentiles,
who is universally acknowledged to be a man of
mind and letters; and our highest reason and sober
judgment approve his modesty. But there are some
men in whose vocabulary you cannot find the words
"I can't," at anything, or on any subject. They are
"Northerners," and men of like stripe from all other
quarters. Of course, we don't mean the venerable
Bangs, the Pecks, or our good Brother Stevens, of
the Conference Journal; nor anybody else in all
creation, of kindred views and spirit.
But a regard for honest minds in the pursuit of
truth, which are perplexed on account of a supposed
difficulty in reconciling the relation of slavery with the
government and character of God, prompts us to give
the subject a little further attention. In doing which,
to avoid, as far as we may, confusion of thought in
the investigation of a complicated question, we deem
it necessary to make the following preliminary discriminations:  1. That we are not contending for the Divine
right of slavery, against which we have entered our
veto in the preceding pages.
2. Nor yet for the original act of aggression; by
which a freeman is reduced to a state of bondage,
by whatsoever method accomplished; but
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3. When it comes in as an element of organized
society, hedged about with the legal encumbrances
that are thrown around it, and has passed into hands,
by testament or otherwise, that had nothing to do
with the original act of reducing them from a state
of freedom to a state of bondage, nor the enactment
of those laws by which the relation is created, regulated, and perpetuated,-it is tolerated.   For  the
sake of clearness we repeat, that under the circumstances above stated, all else being right, it is tolerated, without prejudice to the creditability of the
Christian profession of those thus connected with it.
The principle before alluded to, here involved, is:
that the Divine administration, in tolerating the relation, under the circumstances, and to the extent
above stated, connives at and lends its awful sanction to sin; and that thereby its essential purity and
rectitude are implicated, and the lovely character of
God, as the "'righteous Lord who loveth righteousness," is given up. But we are not satisfied that this
conclusion can be legitimately drawn from the premises.  Under the Adamic covenant,-or a rule of
simple, rigid, unbending law-it would have to be admitted. But we are not now under an administration of pure, simple law: and well for us that we are
not, "for by the deeds of the law there shall no flesh
[pro-slavery or anti-slavery] be justified in his sight:"
for the all-sufficient reason, that pure or simple
law,-or law in the abstract, only makes known the
evil of our condition as sinners, ("by the law is the
knowledge of sin,") and makes no provision for our
deliverance. Hence the nervous language of the
apostle above quoted, that "no flesh can be justified
by its deeds;" and for these good and valid reasons:
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First. That by transgression, the first covenant or
law was forfeited; and,
Secondly. As the result of that transgression, " the
mind became carnal,-not subject to the law of God,
neither indeed can be;" and hence absolutely incapable of any obedience, let alone the perfect obedience the law required. Prior to that transgression,
and the withering, ruinous, and desolating effects
brought in its train,  when our reason was clear and
perfect, unruffled by passion, unclouded by prejudice,
or unimpaired by disease or intemperance, the task
would have been easy and pleasant;-we should
have needed no other rule. 3But every man now
finds the contrary in his own experience, that his
mind is corrupted, and his understanding full of
ignorance and error." Hence the alternative was
either to suffer the race to perish in that ignorance,
error, and corruption, or superinduce on the original
plan of government and providence principles to
meet the exigency of the case; which, in their operation, while, by reason of their fitness and moral
goodness, they preserve unblemished the character
of God, as the Moral Governor of the world, and the
essential rectitude of his government; at the same
time vindicate the righteousness of the Divine administration in their adoption, as an act of boundless
condescension to the wants and weakness of man.
To the honour and glory of God be it published and
proclaimed, from the rivers to the ends of the earth,
that our babbling race may know, that in the sufferings, death, resurrection, ascension, and intercession
of Jesus Christ, his Son, he has made this provision
for us. For the apostle, Romans iii, 21-26, tells us:
"But now the righteousness of God without the law
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is manifested, being witnessed by the law and the
prophets: even the righteousness of God, which is
by faith of Jesus Christ; whom God hath set forth to
be a propitiation, through faith in his blood, to declare his righteousness for the remission of sins that
are past, through the forbearance of God. To declare, I say, at this time, his righteousness, that he
might be just, and yet the justifier of him who believeth in Jesus." And further; Romans viii, 3-4:
"The law of the spirit of life in Christ Jesus has
made me free from the law of sin and death.  For
what the law  could not do, in that it was weak
through the flesh, God sending his own Son in the
likeness of sinful flesh, and for sin condemned sin in
the flesh; that the righteousness of the law might be
fulfilled in us, who walk not after the flesh, but after
the Spirit."  Several things of importance to the
point in hand are here stated:  1. That God has superseded the covenant of
works, by making faith in Christ the condition of our
justification.
2, That the propitiatory sacrifice of Christ Jesus
vindicates the rectitude or righteousness of the Divine
administration, in the superinduction of this new feature of his moral government.
3. The object to accommodate his dispensations to
the unfortunate circumstances of our fallen condition;
or, in other words, a gracious stoop in the divine administration to the "weakness of the flesh," which
simple law, or the law of works, by reason of its unbending nature, could neither tolerate nor provide
for.
4. That this act of moral goodness, manifested in
the gift of his Son for the purposes above stated, is a
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settled part of his plan of government: "being witnessed by the law and the prophets, the rites and ceremonies of the one, and the preaching and predictions
of the other."
In this connexion, we claim the indulgence of the
reader for a passing remark, lest some into whose
hands this work may fall, should ze misled by the
terms "boundless  condescension,"  and  "gracious
stoop," just used. We do not mean, in the use of
such terms, to detract from the moral glory of the
Divine character and government, for the truth is, in
coming down, they went up. iFor the exhibition of
moral goodness in the doctrine of Christ crucified for
the sins of the world, is the most luminous and attracting manifestation of the Divine benevolence, and
surpassing glory of his moral government, ever made
to an intelligent universe.
"Here the whole Deity is known,
Nor dare a creature guess
Which of the glories brightest shone,
The justice or the grace."
But to return. The term "weakness of the flesh,'"
is one of very extensive import, involving all those
direct and remote consequences of sin found in the
character and history of man, personally, socially, and
civilly, and which mar the beauty, and impair the
glory of God's moral system. Now it is to this state
of things, and not merely to man as an individual,
that the merciful provisions of this new feature of
God's moral government apply, adapting themselves
to the various conditions in which men, as individuals,
or in their social and civil relations, are found. To
deny this, is to reject the Divine testimony, that "where
sin abounded, grace did much more abound;" and
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indeed the entire volume of revelation, which is an
address, not only to man as an individual, but to men
in their social and civil relations. To admit it, is to
concede the principle in controversy; for the patriarchal, Mosaical, and gospel dispensations, all found men
in this relation, as the reader will have seen in the
preceding pages; and of the truth of which he may
fully satisfy himself, by a careful perusal of the Holy
Scriptures. New, such being the fact, what is to be
done with those persons who, under a providence
which "determined the bounds of their habitation,"
are born, educated, and enter upon the business of
life in connexion with this relation, and who were
as innocent of the circumstances which originally introduced it, as they were of the sin of Adam? Must
they, indiscriminately, be sent to hell? or might they
not have been, with as great a show of justice, sent
there for the sins of our first parents? or where would
be the difference, so far as principle is concerned, in
their being born in hell at the first, as to come into
the world under circumstances which, ultimately,
must inevitably consign them to perdition? Who can
split this hair?
Or will the Judge of all the earth, who knoweth our
frailty, and the power of circumstances over that
frailty, (evil communications corrupt good manners,)
take these matters into the account in the final judgment? It seems to us that the following passage of
Scripture settles this matter beyond all controversy.
"It is required according to what a man  hath, and
not according to what he hath not."
And on this principle, what an amount of charity
is due to persons who, throughout their whole lives,
have been connected with a great evil; and that too,
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whatever we  may think to the contrary,to them,
under the real or apparent sanction of religion! If
they were heathens, all else being right, we would, at
least, suppose their final salvation possible, if not certain. And what sufficient reason have we for departing from the same conclusion, in reference to pro
fessed Christians? Our mental and'moral powers are
given us by our Creator to aid us in the pursuit of
truth. The Bible, as a revelation from God, is addressed to these powers. Now, if we sincerely bow
to its authority, honestly following out that which our
highest reason, aided by the best lights within our
reach, determines to be the rule of duty, who will take
it upon them to say, that the final salvation of such
a one is in jeopardy?
But we are here reminded, that the objection is not
to the circumstances of our birth and education, but
to the relation as being palpably wrong-contrary to
the laws of nature and of revelation. That it is contrary to the original law of nature, is readily admitted.
Indeed, we have endeavoured to prove it such. But
we are not now exclusively under that law. That it
is contrary to the law of revelation, as a temporary
regulation, adopted in the exigencies of the case, to
meet the "weakness of the flesh," or present disordered state of the world, is denied. For, as we have
previously seen, the relation was found in existence,
as an element of civil society, at the time when
the various dispensations were given; and those
dispensations, especially the gospel, recognize civil
government in this matter as the supreme rule of
duty, by enjoining the particular and reciprocal duties arising therefrom. That the Divine government,
in the adoption of this measure, connives at, or lends
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its sanction to sin, as the objection supposes, is by no
means clear and satisfactory. For as we have seen,
it is not, and could not be conducted on principles of
unbending law only in the destruction of the race, "for
all had sinned," and therefore all must die. It proceeds
therefore on terms of grace, and seeks, on this principle of accommodation to the "weakness of the flesh,"
to make the best of circumstances for accomplishing,
as a whole, the greatest amount of good.
Now in view of the very extensive prevalence of
slavery in the world-with the state of things it engendered-impatience of restraint and discontent on
the one hand, and pride and ambition on the other, a
question arises as to the policy of the Divine administration in managing it for the greatest good of all
concerned. This is the rule. Moral goodness, as its
ultimate object, is its Alpha and Omega-its beginning
and its end.
And that by this measure of policy, or expediency,
to secure, under the circumstances, the greatest
amount of moral goodness, there is, in the Divine administration, no conflict with the principles of justice
and holiness, is obvious. Otherwise, the Divine Being
would have been so straitened in the circumstances
of a fallen world, as to have prevented its redemption
by the death of his Son. It is exactly the same principle in the one case as in the other-an expedient of
Divine goodness to make the best of circumstances.
And that such an administration is consistent with
the character and perfections of the Deity, will appear
from the following considerations:  1. That sheer justice, on principles of essential
right, cannot demand perfect rectitude of those who,
under circumstances over which they had no control,
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are so impaired or perverted in their niental and
moral powers, as to be absolutely incapable of the
rule. To contend otherwise, is to unsettle and confuse,
if not entirely destroy, all our conceptions of right and
wrong; and also to shut up the Divine administration,
as the only alternative to the cutting off the race in our
first parents. For it cannot be reconciled with the perfections of the character and government of God, to
suffer through them, and by their fault, the existence
of all intelligent and accountable race, under the influence of a moral taint that totally disqualifies them
for perfect original obedience, and then damn them to
all eternity for want of such perfect obedience.
2. If, then, through them, in their fallen condition,
as the progenitors of mankind, it was just to continue the race in existence, the very same justi'e
required that a benevolent regard should be had to
the circumstances under which they were to exist.
For instance, as before observed, for us, in the providence of God, to be brought into existence in conne xion    with this evil; and our education, from birth
to manhood, be such as to impress us with the rightfulness, or at least the comparative innocence, of the
system; and further, for the force of those educational
impressions to be strengthened by the overawing tendency and paramount authority of Divine revelation, in
the rules of moral duty therein laid down for the government of the relation, as an element of the social and
civil state; and the frequent tolerant allusions found
to such a relation;-and connected with this, for it
to be absolutely impossible for any man to give any
plausible exposition of these passages as a whole, level
to the common apprehension, that would exclude the
relation from the Scriptures, as one of Divine toler
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ance or forbearance; and for it to be generally known,
on the other hand, to be the opinion of the wise, pious,
and exemplary of mankind, that the Scriptures do
recognize and teach the duties of such a relation; and
the whole question to be additionally embarrassed by
the solemn forms and sanctions of municipal law;we repeat, that if it is just to continue the race in existence under such circumstances, the very same justice
requires that a benevolent regard be had to those circumstances; otherwise the principle is involved that
we sometimes hear eloquently and pathetically urged
by certain agents of missionary and Bible societies,
to induce the people to be liberal in the support of
those very worthy objects, namely, that the heathen
are damned-in mass, simply because they are heathen;
no other fault being alleged but that which must necessarily grow out of heathenism-a want of the
Scriptures. We remember recently to have been
present at one of these meetings, in the town of Senecaville, Ohio, and to have heard one. of the agents of
the American Bible Society take this ground. Ile
stated, in round numbers, that there were eight hundred millions of heathen in the world, and that this
number gave a ratio of mortality of seventy-five
thousand per day, who all, without let or hindrancemen, women, and children-were going down to hell,
for the enormous crime of being born, living, and dying in a state of heathenism.   Gracious Heaven!
thought we, if this be a fair representation of the essential character of God as taught in the Bible, the
less of Him and his Bible that can be known, the
better!  For, if this be a fair representation of His
goodness, justice, and mercy, wherein does it differ
from the most essential malevolence and tyranny?
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It is to this grave aspect of the question, as.involved
in the doctrine controverted in these pages, that we
enter our solemn protest.
It must be, then, that in the Divine administration
a benevolent regard is had to the circumstances of
our existence; and that regard was manifested in the
atoning sacrifice of our Lord Jesus Christ; which,
while it clearly marks the deep evil of sin, by exhibiting, in the sufferings and death of the Son of God, its
awful deserts, in an administration of perfect rectitude, effectually guards our conceptions of the essential purity and holiness of God, as the moral Governor of the universe; and, at the same time, gives
such an affecting display of moral goodness, in the
intense solicitude manifested for the welfare of his
erring children, as to commend the whole transaction
to our admiring, adoring, and grateful wonder, that
His infinite resources were equal to the emergency.
So that it manifestly appears, that a regard for circumstances, in reference to the relation of slavery,
instead of being an impeachment of, is perfectly consistent with, the rectitude of the Divine government.
And what were those circumstances? As above
intimated, slavery was very general throughout the
world; and a deeply-rooted jealousy and vigilance,
in both parties, marked the history of its existence.
Under these circumstances, to have attacked it, and
by direct, positive precept forbid it, would have been
the signal for universal civil revolution, war, and
bloodshed, in which the very name of Christianity
would have become odious beyond endurance, and
every vestige of it lost in the general uproar and
confusion. This, probably, is the very reason why a
different course-even the one contended for in these
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pages-was adopted, which, while its practical utility
inspires public confidence, operates to the subversion
of the principle, by the real moral improvement of both
master and slave; for it is confidently believed, that the
full development of the principles, spirit, and power
of Christianity, in all the ramifications of the present
state, would cause it to vanish away. But that state
of things, in the providence of God, and the onward
march of Christianity, has not yet arrived.
Its power, as bearing more directly on civil polity,
has been felt in the British government; and the
moral triumph has been worthy of the source from
whence it emanated. The difficulties to be encountered there were feeble, in comparison of those iri the
United States, it (African slavery) having never obtained, so as to become connected with, and interwoven in the social and civil state at home, being
chiefly confined to their distant colonies and plantations.
Its power has also been felt in the United States,
confined, however. principally to the individual and
social circles; and as the result of its bloodless achievements, one million, or thereabouts, out of the three
millions of our coloured population, have been emancipated-delivered from their yoke of bondage. Nor
has it been altogether inefficient in its silent but powerful appeals to the powers that be: as the Saviour
of mankind knocks at the sinner's heart, it has long
been standing at the door of civil authority, knocking
for entrance; and, as with Him too generally, those
in high places have been either too busy or too merry
to give heed to the voice without.
Recent developments, however, indicate a favourable change. It has gained a hearing in the courts
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of some understandings among those in high places;
and, vindicating successfully the eternal rightfulness
of its claims, has obtained from conscience, the "vice,
gerent of God within us," or the supreme judge in
this court, a favourable verdict; and through their
influence (some of whom have fallen asleep: honour
to their memory!) has at length got into court. With
various success, its friends have been urging its claims
for years; each renewed effort has increased their
numbers, until their thickening ranks, at least in some
aspects of the conflict, have given them the ascendency.
And now this silent voice of moral power not only
fills the court-rooms, (Senate and House of Representatives,) but, as an earthquake-shock, its power is
being felt from the Atlantic to the Pacific, from the
Lakes to the Gulf;-the whole nation is aroused: and
may Heaven speed the right, until a nation's throes
(including the States concerned) shall civilly bring
forth fruits meet for repentance, by "breaking off
every yoke, and letting the oppressed go free."
Till this be done, if we have read our Bible correctly, the relation-in the absence of the power of
the Church to control, by moral principle, the power
of the State-may lawfully continue, or, if you please,
continue on Bible principles. No carnal weaponsnot even the infraction of existing civil law, only so
far as it can be effected constitutionally, orderly,
peacefully, by the power of moral principle-are admissible in this passionless war of moral power. To
every other weapon, movement, or emotion, Jesus,
in the principles and spirit of the Gospel, says, as he
said to Peter on another occasion, "Put up thy sword."
It will doubtless be objected by many, that we invest the civil with too great a control over the spiritual
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power. We are fully aware that this is a point of
great delicacy in this investigation; and that great
caution is necessary to guide us safe from the rocks
on either hand. The Bible, however, is our chart and
compass; and following its directions and indications,
we shall be conducted to safe moorings.
It will be remembered by the reader that we have,
in the preceding pages, made allusions to this question,
in which we have taken the ground that the civil
power is the supreme rule of duty to the State and to
the Church, collectively and individually; and is binding in the court of conscience, when it does not conflict with the law of God.  If, as in the ease of Daniel,
or the three Hebrew children, it comes in direct contact with, or contravenes the Divine law, in all such
cases it is our duty to "obey God rather than man,"
and endure the consequences; "committing the care
and keeping of our souls to him in well doing, as unto
a faithful Creator." Resistance to civil authority is
not justifiable, on pretended or real principles of conscience, in any ease of doubt. It must be clear beyond doubtful disputation, otherwise we fall under the
condemnation of those who resist the ordinance of
God.
It may here be urged that religious bodies have,
under the tolerating principles of this government, the
right to organize on such principles as to them appear
to be the most agreeable to the word of God, and as
shall, in their judgment, be the best calculated to promote the interest of the Redeemer's kingdom. Granted.
But this is not the question in controversy. It is,
whether the relation of slavery is, on the principles of
the Bible, in the present state of society, a bar to Christian communion. That a religious body may or
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ganize,-making the relation a bar to church fellow ship,-is not denied. But that they are sustained in
such action by the authority of the Holy Scriptures,
is an unwarranted assumption, contradicted by the
various passages we have quoted, and to which the
reader's attention has been called.
And furthermore, while, as we have seen, both the
Jewish and apostolic Churches admitted such persons
to their fellowship, it is confidently believed that not
one single passage of Scripture can be found in all the
Bible, which, when properly understood and interpreted, according to the analogy of faith, or the principles
and spirit of the law of revelation, requires on this question the action of the Church, in advance of the action
of the State, nor by consequence individual action in
emancipation, in advance of the action of the State,
as a condition of salvation, at least, till they have made
a fair effort for constitutional redress.
The alarm of heterodoxy may be here sounded; and
if we had more regard for our reputation than we have
for our honest convictions of truth, or what we regard
as the Bible view of this question, we might, could we
have reconciled it with our convictions of duty, have
passed it without notice. But believing that "truth is
never indebted to a lie," on this or any other subject, we have made this frank avowal of our sober
convictions.
That good men, from a principle of moral goodness,
which will be approved by conscience, may emancipate their slaves and do a good work, especially if they
improve their condition by so doing, is not denied.
Nor yet that good men have been impelled, from a
fear of the pains of future wrath, to manumit their servants; but that those fears have arisen from a well
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instructed conscience, fully illuminated by the blaze
of inspiration, flaming out in the word of God, may be
honestly doubted, for the plain and obvious reason that
our duties under the Divine administration can never
clash. That the principles of moral goodness inculcated in the gospel may, and will, lead us to embrace
every practicable opportunity to do this sum of good
to those in bonds, is fully believed.   But that it can
be required as a principle of conscience, in contravention of existing civil law, as a doctrine of the Bible, is
an assumption that needs to be proved.
Of course these remarks have reference to those
states where deeds of manumission will not be admitted to record, and which appear to us to be sustained by the following reason:-They are known in law
only as a slave or servant,-the property of an owner,
and as such, in the person of the owner, these laws,
though far too feebly, throw the dim shadow of their
protection over him. Whereas, if you emancipate
him, he is thrown without the protection of all law;
because, in a civil sense, he has no existence only as
a slave. Therefore, in liberating, you entirely outlaw
him, which, I presume, is a worse condition than to be
in the hands of an owner so humane as would liberate
him, could he do it to the servant's advantage. And
we suppose the gospel of our Lord Jesus Christ not
only does not require, but positively forbids our worsting any man's condition as a whole. This is the rule.
And these civil or municipal laws, just so far as they
were made and are continued, for the purpose of binding down in mental and moral degradation, and thus
regulating and perpetuating the system of American
slavery, however they might have passed in the
darker ages, are, in the present state of society, the
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outstanding and unmistakable notices to an intelligent
universe, of the deep moral ignorance and deeper inhumanity of the times that originated them, and of the
people among whom, and emphatically so far as, they
now practically exist.
And it may here be observed, although as we have
conceded, and as it must, we think, be conceded by
all reasonable men, that a precedent is found in the
Patriarchal, Jewish, and Christian Scriptures for the
relation, and the duties belonging thereto, where it
was established as an element of civil society at the
time they were respectively given; they at the same
time afford no precedent whatever for the degrading,
debasing, crushing, and imnbruting laws, which characterize the system of American slavery. This will be
seen in the subsequent pages, where it is clearly shown,
that under those dispensations its tolerant recognition
is guarded and restricted, to the good of the slave;
not as a brute, or mere beast of- toil and burden, but
as a man, in his mental, moral, and religious culture.
Correction is spoken of in the law of Moses; such as
we  give our own children, with "rods," not with
cow-hides, burning irons, bowie knives, blood-hounds,
or muskets. And just so far as these have obtained,
they are an outrage to humanity, an insult to High
Heaven, and a published and proclaimed determination, before an intelligent universe, to defy and set
aside His authority.
And in view of these matters, a question of great
delicacy and overwhelming interest to the Church
comes up, which is, in the execution of the great commission, "Go ye into all the world and preach the
gospel to every creature," how far she is to regard
these laws. To ascertain, and clearly fix the duty of
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the Church on this subject, we will propose another
question.   Do these laws, by heavy penalties, prohibit the mental, moral, and religious culture of the enslaved portions of the community, and thereby directly
interfere with, nullify, and virtually, if not positively,
give the go-by to the imperious command of Jesus
Christ, contained in the great commission above
quoted? And if so, what is the duty of the Church?
Is it, for fear of the wrath of man, to abide these laws
in ignoble silence? Did the Hebrew children do so?
Did Daniel do so? Did the apostles of our blessed
Lord, in carrying out that great command, and who
suffered stripes, imprisonment, and death, in obeying
God rather than man, do so? Let the future history
of thile proud courts and trembling thrones of Nebuchadnezzar and Darius answer; let the waning,
struggling, expiring throes of corrupted, but truthsmitten Judaism, and the distracted convulsions of
heathen Rome, testify to the issues of this moral conflict. Truth then triumphed, and will again triumph.
For the same immutable Jehovah rules. Then go
thou and do likewise.
But it is claimed these laws are necessary to the
system. Then they are so many speaking-trumpets
from the Throne Eternal, of the essential and unmeasured wickedness of the system; as well as
reasons of Alpine strength, and length, and breadth,
and depth, and height, why it should be the most
speedily abandoned that is practicable, in view of the
general good.
But it is further objected, that such a course on
the part of the Church will endanger the safety of.
society.  It is answered:  when  the security  and
peace of society, by a system of unjust, oppressive,
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and cruel laws, demand the annulment of the law of
God,-revoking the great commnission of Heaven's
mercy to those for whom, above all, it was intended,-the outcast, down-trodden, and neglected masses
of society,-(" the poor have the gospel preached
unto them,")-it is bought too dear. It cannot be
done by the Church, without the basest and greatest
possible recreancy of duty, and positive high treason
to the government of God. These are not the vagaries of a distempered imagination, but the sober deductions of reason and truth. Admit the premises,
which none can or- dare deny, and the conclusion is
inevitable. As infallibly, irrefragably, and plainly so,
as that one and one make two.
Mark! we have not stated, nor do we, while the
relation providentially continues an element of the
civil and social state, believe it to be the duty of the
Church, in her organized capacity, to touch it in any
other way than by inculcating the particular and reeiproeal duties arising therefrom, as taught in the
Christian Scriptures. We disclaim all such interference, as being incompatible with her subordinate
position. We only array her against these laws;
and that just so far as they, under severe penalties,
prohibit the mental, moral, and religious culture of
the slave, and thereby contravene the direct command of Christ,-" Go ye into all the world, and
preach the gospel to every creature,"-and in so
doing set at defiance the authority of Heaven. Rather than submit to this, let the Church, in the name,
and trusting in the strength of the Hebrew chlildren's
God, Daniel's God, Peter and the other apostles' God,
and the God who has said, for the encouragement of
his disciples in all future ages, "Lo, I am with you
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alway, even unto the end," gird herself to the conflict, and go forth into this black field, "white unto
the harvest," and tell these oppressed captives their
high origin, vast capacities, and higher destinies
through grace, if they will only knock under to the
claims and reign of the blessed Jesus, who came "to
bind up the broken-hearted, proclaim deliverance to
the captives, and the opening of the prison to them
who are bound;" and who, in pursuance of this
object, laboured, suffered, died, rose; and thus, triumphing over principalities and powers, at last ascended into heaven, to appear in the character of the
world's High Priest before the throne of God, making
intercession for us and them. We repeat: Let her
buckle on the "armour of righteousness on the right
hand and on the left," and go forth, as God commands, "to preach the gospel to every creature."
What if, in the onset, a few Shadrachs, Meshachs,
and Abed-negos, are cast into the burning fiery furnace, or Daniels into the lions' den, or Peters, Pauls,
Silases, and their coadjutors, are cast into prison, and
finally put to death? The truth will finally triumph.
And if the thrones of Chaldea, Babylon, Judea, and
Rome, do not tremble to their foundations under the
workings of its mighty power-these more notoriously and palpably treasonable insults to God and
humanity will soon fall before its onward and conquering march.
And this prediction is virtually already more than
realized, in the language of Dr. William A. Smith, of
Virginia; who has said in substance, that the Methodist Episcopal Church in that State has power
enough to crush the whole system. We are slow to
believe it; but would at the same time hope that it is
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even so; and that she will, in a scriptural and rational way, forthwith harness herself for the battle.
And first, as an organization, if it be necessary,
resist unto blood and death, at the post of moral and
religious duty, ("committing the care and keeping
of their souls to God in well-doing, as unto a faithful Creator,") those laws, if they really do exist, which
forbid the mental, moral, and religious culture of the
slave; with which, in the days of our boyhood, ourself, in conjunction with others, were threatened, and
which operated to break up a Sabbath-school designed for their instruction.
And, secondly; as citizens, having the political
power of the commonwealth, by such amendments of
the constitution and laws of the State as shall blot
forever from the escutcheon of their future history
all the ignoble traces of this wretched system, at once
their own, humanity's, and the reproach of God.
We feel for and sympathize in its wounded honour. It is our native State. We love its mountains; we love its hills; we love its rocks; we love
its valleys; we love its groves; we love its streams,over, through, among, and along which, we gambolled
in all the sportive innocence and gayety of youth; in
which we were born, and, with adoring gratitude we
name it, "-born again "-and to which, in our expatriation, we have often thought of again returning;and as often as we have thus thought, has the spectre
of slavery-this charm and spell of the devil, in which
our native State is bound-started up in hideous,
frightening, repelling forms before us, in the shape of
legal, moral, and social barriers, more unsurpassable'
and impenetrable than its rivers, groves, and valleys;
stronger than its rocks, and higher than its hills and
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mountains. If he can, may God have mercy, and
grant the needful aid.
That the pure and holy religion of the blessed
Jesus, taught and enforced in the Holy Scriptures,
when properly understood in all its practical bearings, will lead, yea, impel us, from a principle of conscience, to use our influence in a constitutional,
orderly, peaceful way, to remove the existing legal
impediments, and thus prepare the way of the Lord
for the achievement of this moral triumph; is fully
believed. And we know not how to reconcile a contrary course on the part of professing Christians, unless it be that they, on this subject, by reason of the
dense cloud that hangs over the path of duty, in the
shape of conflicting opinions which have darkened
counsel by words without knowledge, together with
the "ways and means" whereby to make emancipation a boon to them, are so bewildered as only to
"see men as trees walking." We hope, however,
before we get through this little work, if we can be
pardoned for our seeming egotism, to reflect so much
light-or perchance more modestly, as well as more
appropriately, so to concentrate on the path of duty
the rays of light which break upon our mental and
moral vision, from the blaze of God's inspiration,
that, to keep up the figure, if we shall not now "see
every man clearly," we may so far prepare the way
of the Lord on this subject, that some more able pen
may step forward, and so trace it out, step by step,
that the "wayfaring man, though a fool, need not err
therein."
These legal obstructions must first be removed.
For, after all the big guns, little guns, and pop-guns,
that have saluted our ears, on the duty of the Church
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to take high ground, making slavery a bar to communion, in contravention of existing civil law, we
repeat, where is your Scriptural authority for so
doing? It is answered: Manstealing is forbidden in
the Scriptures-slavery is manstealing-therefore to
be rejected by the Church. This assumption has
already been sufficiently refuted. Again: oppression
in general, and oppression of the poor in particular,
are condemned in the- Scriptures as unchristian.
Admitted. But, as before observed, these terms are
of general application to all sorts of oppression; and,
from that consideration, insufficient to determine this
controversy, especially in the face of a specific law
tolerating it.
But in the fifty-eighth chapter of Isaiah we are
commanded to "unloose the heavy burdens, let the
oppressed go free, and break off every yoke." This
is also admitted. But the question here is: Does it,
when properly understood, support the doctrine of
non-slaveholding as a condition of church-membership? We know it is paraded with all confidence,
as decisive of the question. And also, that in some
directions a man will risk his reputation for sanity,
and be regarded rather as a fit subject for the lunatic
asylum, than as an expounder of the word of God, if
he questions the soundness of the construction. Nevertheless, we must incur the fearful responsibility,
by challenging the correctness of the interpretation,
and positively claiming it in support of the doctrine
of these pages. The prophet is reproving, in a very
severe manner, those addressed, for their mockery
and desecration of sacred things. And if the charges
brought against them were true, they richly merited
the withering rebukes administered. But the ques
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tion here comes up, who is addressed? Towhom does
the language, "Let the oppressed go free, and break off
every yoke," directly apply? Was it to the nonslaveholding members of the Church? This, as it
appears to us, as its true and legitimate sense or
meaning, should be fairly made out by those who claim
it in support of the doctrine that the relation is a
bar to church fellowship. But is such its import?
Can any man of common sense, with one grain of
candour about him, answer in the affirmative? We
think not; and that for the plain and obvious reason,
that the context, beyond all controversy, settles it
otherwise. It is addressed to the Jews as a nation,
as the reader may see, by referring to the first and
second verses of said chapter; in which capacity
they were guilty of the oppressions here charged
against them, and which, as a nation, they were commanded to put away.   To illustrate it:-Suppose this
government, which has basely (though we hope without due reflection) connived at and lent the weight
of its sanction and protection to African slavery and
the slave-trade, from which as yet it has not washed
its hands, should proclaim a fast, having no reference
to humiliation or repentance for its blood-guiltiness
in this matter; the language of the prophet-" Is not
this the fast that I have chosen, to loose the bands of
wickedness, to undo the heavy burdens, and to let the
oppressed go free; and that ye break off every yoke "would apply in all its force. And should the nation
hear and obey the language of the prophet, "and
bring forth fruits meet for repentance," by removing
all those legal obstructions which it has thrown
around the relation, and do all in its power to repair
its own wrongs to bleeding Africa,-and should the
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Southern States nobly follow in this illustrious example, the way would be open for church and individual action, as indicated by the prophet in the
seventh verse. So that the most natural construction
of the passage gives no countenance to the new
measures, into the service of which it is sought to be
pressed; but the contrary, as the reader will have
just seen.  And it may be confidently affirmed, that
it is only by such perversions and misapplications of
the sacred text, together with a total misconception
of the relation, as connected with the moral and providential government of God, that they can derive
any support from the Holy Scriptures.
SECTION II.
ITS COMPATIBILITY WITH THE RECTITUDE OF THE DIVINE CHARACTER
AND GOVERNMENT.
BUT we have not yet done with it. Having shown,
as we think, on the authority of the Holy Scriptures,
that the relation is, in the sense, and to the extent,
stated in the preceding pages, tolerated in the Divine
forbearance, as a principle of his moral and providential government, we will now proceed to show its
compatibility with the rectitude of the character and
administration of the moral Governor of the universe.
As already seen, this is by many regarded as a hopeless task. We frankly admit that it has its difficulties, though we think not insuperable. A careful perusal of the sacred page will illumine our pathway,
and conduct us to satisfactory conclusions. For if
the principles, reasonings, and deductions, contained
in the former pages, are drawn from the Bible, as we
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think they are, and it is consistent with itself, it must
reflect light on this complicated question.
It will be remembered, that on a former occasion
we laid down the principle, that the remedial dispensations are addressed not only to men as men, but to
men in their social and civil relations. We then intimated the soundness of this view, as being involved
in the apostle's argument, that the merciful provisions
of the gospel are equal, or more than equal to the
ravages of sin:-"Where sin abounded, grace did
much more abound."   And also from the fact that
they are addressed to men in their individual, social,
and civil capacities. We need not here pause to
prove a position so obviously true. The fact is too
notorious to require it, further than to say, first, that
the gospel is to be preached to every creature,-to all
nations,-nforcing their duty not only individually,
to God and themselves, but socially, in the relation
they sustain to each other, and civilly, as subjects and
citizens of the State. And all this as unto God, whose
administration sweeps over and takes up all these interests. And second, that the Patriarchal, Jewish, and
Christian dispensations, at the time of their announcement, all found slavery as an element of society.
This, in the face of the Scriptural authority already
introduced, together with the unequivocal voice of
history as to the fact of its existence, and the extent
of its prevalence, will not, cannot be denied.
That the influence of sin has poisoned and deranged
all the departments of our present existence, is too
fearfully true to admit of serious or sober doubt. The
history of the world, in a voice like the "sound of many
waters," proclaims the individual, social, and civil
wickedness of the race, as manifested in the aban
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doned iniquity of private character, social wrongs,
and public oppression.
Now the reign of favour, carried out under the Divine government as now constituted, takes hold of,
and adapts itself to, this variety, in the exigencies of
our present condition, giving those instructions which
are suited to that variety-the practical tendency of
which, in view of all the circumstances of the present
state, are beyond all controversy the most beneficial,
and best calculated to promote the general welfare.
The fact that such is their tendency with regard to
the relation of slavery, is so very apparent in the
Scriptures, that it is difficult to conceive how it could
have been overlooked, and can only be accounted
for on the principle, that we look to our rights under
the law of nature; forgetting, at the same time, that
the conditions of our primitive existence have been
forfeited by transgression, which defaced the beauty
and order of God's moral system; and that we are
now under a reign of grace, which has relaxed the
uncompromising principles of the first covenant, in
accommodation to the "weakness of the flesh," and
accepts, through the world's Atonement, the best an
honest heart, in view of all the providential circumstances of our existence, can perform. We repeat,
the want of understanding correctly the principles of
God's moral and providential government, as adapted
to the present disordered state of the world, is what
has misled us in the views we have taken of this intricate question.
To the law and testimony, as the ultimate standard
of appeal for the settlement of this question.
Its first mention is in connexion with Abraham,
who was commanded to circumcise them, and thus
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introduce them to the benefits of the covenant of
blessing which God had made with him, and through
him to all mankind.  "And in thee shall all families
of the earth be blessed," Gen. xii, 3; and Gal. iii, 8:
"In thee shall all nations be blessed." Circumcision
was the sign and seal of this covenant; and THEY, in
receiving this rite, became interested in its benefits,
simply because of THEIR RELATION to his family. Now,
was it of no advantage to them thus to partake of
God's blessing? Whatever may be the estimate that
scoffers at Divine revelation may put upon it, pious
minds will be far from admitting it; so that the good
practical tendency of the doctrine of the Scriptures,
in this first mention of the relation, cannot be for one
moment doubted by the believer in the oracles of
God.
The next place where we find it introduced to notice, to which we shall call attention, is under the law
of Moses, Leviticus xxv, 44: "Both thy bond-men and
thy bond-maids, which thou shalt have, shall be of the
heathen that are round about you; of them shall ye
buy bond-men and bond-maids."
Here it will be seen that the same principles and
reasonings apply as under the former, or patriarchal
dispensation, noticed in the case of the servants of
Abraham. If it was any advantage to enjoy the
blessings of the Jewish religion, THEY, as their servants,
were in this relation, by virtue of God's commandment, entitled to those blessings.
We will next call attention to the question as found
under the New Testament, or gospel dispensation. It
comes up under altered circumstances, and therefore
requires more particular attention in its examination.
Under the dispensations just named, which, as we have
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seen, though intended in their ultimate development
for all the' families" and' nations" of the earth, were
confined first to one particular family; secondly, to one
particular nation, as the depositories of the true religion.
The principle and practice of slavery having obtained,
it was comparatively an easy matter, under these circumstances, to restrict it (which was done) to those
who, so far as the true religion was concerned, should
be benefited, or derive advantages from the relation.
But the state of things in the providence of God was
greatly changed when the gospel dispensation was
announced.
The fulness of time had come, as foretold by the
prophets, when the purposes of his mercy in the mission of Christ were to be made known to all nations
for the obedience of faith. Accordingly we find the
shepherds, while watching their flocks by night on
the plains of Bethlehem, visited by an angel, accompanied by a multitude of the heavenly hosts, who said
unto them, "Fear not: behold I bring you glad tidings
of great joy, which shall be to all people." And in
the commission of Christ to his disciples, as recorded
by St. Matthew, they were commanded to go and
"teach all nations to observe all things whatsoever I
have commanded you." Now, as the patriarchal and
Mosaical dispensations took hold of the individual,
social, and civil relations of a single family or nation,
and delivered their instructions, as we have seen, obviously the best calculated to promote the best interests of all concerned, in reference to the eternal state;
so the gospel of our Lord Jesus Chl'ist takes hold of
all nations, and carrying out the same principle, recognizes the possible Christian character (in the relation) of both master and slave, and adapts its instruc
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tions accordingly, with this difference; that it exhorts
the servants, "If thou mayest be made free, use it
rather."
In this connexion, it may not be improper to express our opinion as to the import of this inspired injunction. That it is a delicate point, we are fully
aware; and also that it is involved in some difficulties. But as the revelation of God which tolerates
the relation is "profitable for doctrine, for reproof,
correction, and instruction in righteousness, it is fairly
to be presumed that its spirit and principles reflect
some light on this aspect of the question. And it is
to be remembered, that it is only by taking this general
view of the subject, that we can arrive at satisfactory
conclusions with regard to it.
With these preliminaries we remark, that whatever
else it may mean, it cannot be pleaded in justification of
the individual or systematic efforts made and making
by persons, either in the free or slave States, to persuade, or by stealth or otherwise effect, the elopement
of slaves from their legal owners; for the obvious
reason, that if civil government be the ordinance of
God, and the Christian Scriptures, as we have shown,
recognize it as the supreme rule of duty in this matter,
in so doing we "resist the ordinance of God,"-" do
evil that good may come,"-a practice nowhere justified by the Bible. The parable of the good Samaritan,
though quoted with great confidence as justificatory
of this practice, is entirely irrelevant; the civil condition of the man who fell among the thieves remaininrg just the same after, as before, the kind treatment
received.
There is another passage found in the book of Deut.,
xxiii, 15, 16: "Thou shalt not deliver the servant that
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has escaped from his master unto thee," &., which is
quoted and relied on with great assurance, as lending
its sanction to the above practice; but we think with
an equal perversion as in the case of the man who fell
among thieves, just noticed. The injunction is addressed to the Jewish nation; the only one on the face
of the earth, at the time, that was not idolatrous, and
which, as before seen, was the depository of the true
religion. Now the fact that this law was delivered to
them in their national capacity, is proof positive that
it cannot be understood as requiring them to hold
or retain each other's escaping servants. The bad
practical consequences, so disastrous to the peace of
the nation, resulting from such a course, or the infraction of a practice which the laws they received from
the mouth of God tolerated,.forbids, absolutely, such a
construction of the passage; especially in the face of
what seems to be its most easy and natural meaning,
a sense so consonant with the whole spirit of the patriarchal and Jewish law on this subject; which is, that
these escaping servants were from the heathen idolatrous nations round about them, and who, on coming
among them, were benefited accorling to the superior
advantages of the"wifih religion, awomnpared with
their former heathen state or condition. We cannot
therefore admit the propriety of its being pressed into
such service. It cannot be done without doing violence to the plain and obvious sense of the passage, as
well as to the whole spirit of the Jewish law.
There are other modes of redress inculcated in the
Bible, to which allusion has been previously made.
And while on this subject it may be perfectly in
place to say, that the fugitive laws of this General
Government, which have been, and are now, felt by
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the non-slaveholding or free States to be a great injustice and indignity to them, derive no support from
this Jewish precedent. Our reasons for this position
are various, one of which we will here state; and
which is virtually the same we have given why the
Jews were forbidden to deliver up to their owners
the escaping servants of heathen masters. These servants, as just remarked, were running away from heathenism to Judaism, and by so doing, as a whole, were
improving their condition.   The "fugitives held to
service," or escaping servants of the slaveholding
States, are running away from a state of semi-heathenism, to a situation where their privileges and advantages are more favourable to-the end of their creation,
as rational and accountable beings. Not but what
the South has the gospel as well as the North; but the
laws which have been made, and in many of those
States are still in force, to guard and protect this interest, so crush them, civilly, socially, intellectually,
and morally, as comparatively to heathenize them.
And as the great law of Christianity is, that, as a whole,
we are never to worst any man's condition, these fugitive laws areo eibecause in violation of that law.
God's law is_h-P... We need not
here quote authorities to make good our position, relative to the verity and iniquitous character of these
laws; the facts are outstanding and notorious, to
heaven and earth.
We have here made some allusions to the servant's
running away from his master. Our views on this
subject will be seen in what immediately follows.
-Shouild it be inquired, if the law and spirit of Christianity forbid the kind of interference above stated,
how far is it the privilege of the servant for himself,
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to act upon this injunction? we answer, if we should
allow Onesimus to have been a slave, as some contend,
the question would be settled by direct scriptural authority. But it is thought by some to be of doubtful
authority, and therefore not relevant to the point in
hand. Waiving this, we are therefore left to the
general principles and spirit of Christianity to determine this question. If we admit, as I think we are
bound to'o, that in the Divine forbearance, in accommodation to the weakness of the present disordered
state, the Scriptures tolerate the relation; the distinct
and vigilant manner in which they point out and guard
its duties, both to "believing and froward'tnaters,"
very strongly intimates their Christian obligation to
continue in the relation, so long as it is providentially
encumbered with legal difficulties; which view is very
much strengthened by the following passage of Scripture:  "Let every man  abide in the same calling
wherein he was called. Art thou called being a servant? care not for it." 1 Cor. vii, 20, 21. And the
whole question, as it appears to us, is powerfully confirmed by the spirit of Christianity, which proposes to
achieve, in a peaceful and orderly manner, all its triumphs, by the principles of moral goodness. That the
escaping servant will jeopard his salvation by so doing, we will not take it upon us to say. We simply
mean to say, that the course the gospel points out is
the more excellent way.
These views, when we entertain correct conceptions of the Divine government, commend themselves
to our understanding, as Scriptural and rational; and
while treating the subject generally, as an honest man,
we cannot suppress them.
But to return. At the time as above stated when
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the gospel was announced, the nations of the earth,
except the Jews, were all heathen; among whom
slavery was general, and indiscriminate as to clime,
nation, and colour. The discrimination that guarded
and restricted the slavery of the Patriarchal and
Mosaical dispensations to the heathen, who, so far as
a knowledge of the worship of the true God is a blessing,, were benefited by the relation, now became impracticable, for all were heathen. Under these altered
circumstances, though we have not, and cannot have,
the same light which marked the practical utility of
the relation under those dispensations, yet we think it
will appear, on a careful examination of the principles,
spirit, and teaching of the gospel dispensation, that the
same wisdom and goodness that tolerated it under
those dispensations, does under it.
We will now observe that the remedial dispensation
does not propose, in the absolute sense of the term, to
do the best according to the essential and eternal
principles of right;-this would be conducting the Divine   government on the covenant of works,-" Do this
and live,"-in which all our ideas, or conceptions of
remedy, would be entirely excluded; and all those
overwhelming and attracting exhibitions of moral
goodness, displayed in the Divine forbearance, so eminently calculated to subdue and win us back to our
proper allegiance, and which are so beautifully and
forcibly expressed by the poet,         "His love is mighty to compel:
His conquering love consent to feel:
Yield to his love's resistless power,
And fight against your God no more-"
would be lost.
We therefore conclude that it is an expedient super
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induced upon the original plan of government, propos ing to do the best that can be done under the cir cumstances.  We  are utterly unable to conceive of
it in any other light. Any other view seems to us
necessarily to involve the conclusion, (we speak it
with reverence,) that the whole Bible is a solemn farce,
-a perfectly unintelligible, unmeaning record. But
the Scriptures settle this question.  "But now we are
delivered from the law, that being dead (the law)
wherein we were held; that we should serve in newness of the spirit, and not in the oldness of the letter."
Rom. vii, 6.  And this in accordance with the settled
principles of God's moral government: "For thus it is
written, and thus it behooved Christ to suffer," as an
expedient of infinite wisdom and boundless goodness,
in condescension to the weakness and wants of the
present disordered state, "and arise from the dead the
third day, and that repentance and remission of sins
might be preached in his name among all nations;"
firom which it distinctly appears that under the Divine
government, as now constituted, provision is made for
the temporary toleration of a state of things that could
not have existed under the original law, or law of nature.
The general spirit of Christianity, as expressed in
the following Scripture language,-" It is required according to what a man hath, and not according to what
he hath not;" and, "Unto whomsoever much is given,
of him shall be much required,"-and the reverse, demonstrably indicates, that the rigid and unbending
claims of the original law are relaxed; and that under
the reign of mercy, in our common parlance, "the
will is taken for the deed;" or in other words, the best
that can be done under the circumstances.
Having, as we think, from the general principles
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and spirit of Christianity, fairly established it as a doctrine of Divine revelation, that the government of
God is conducted on principles of leniency toward
us; and that, in view of the "weakness of the flesh,"
it tolerates a state of things incompatible with the unbending principles of original law; and that this gracious stoop is an act in which the blending glories of
His wisdom and goodness lucidly shine forth; let us
see if the same wisdom and goodness are not luminously conspicuous in the teachings of the New Testament on the slavery relation.
SECTION III.
AS SEEN IN ITS PARTICULAR AND RECIPROCAL DUTIES.
AND, first, as to the particular and reciprocal duties
of thie relation, and which we think are all summed
up or comprehended in the following passages: —
"Servants, be obedient to them that are your masters according to the flesh, with fear and trembling,
in singleness of your heart, as unto Christ; not with
eye-service, as men-pleasers; but as the servants of
Christ, doing the will of God from the heart; with
good-will doing service, as to the Lord, and not to
men: knowing that whatsoever good thing any man
doeth, the same shall he receive of the Lord, whether
he be bond or free. And, ye masters, do the same
things unto them, forbearing threatening: knowing
that your Master also is in heaven; neither is there
respect of persons with him." Eph. vi, 5-9. "Servants, obey in all things your masters according to
the flesh; not with eye-service, as men-pleasers; but
in singleness of heart, fearing God: and whatsoever
a
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ye do, do it heartily, as to the Lord, and not unto
men; knowing that of the Lord ye shall receive the
reward of the inheritance; for ye serve the Lord
Christ. But he that doeth wrong shall receive for
the wrong which he hath done: and there is no re spect of persons. Masters, give unto your servants
that which is just and equal; knowing that ye also
have a Master in heaven." Colos. iii, 22-25; iv, 1.
"Let as many servants as are under the yoke count
their own masters worthy of all honour, that the name
of God and his doctrine be not blasphemed. And
they that have believing masters, let them not despise
them, because they are brethren; but rather do them
service, because they are faithful and beloved, partakers of the benefit. These things teach and exhort."
1 Tim. vi, 1, 2.   "Exhort servants to be obedient
unto their own masters, and to please them well in all
things; not answering again;  not purloining, but
showing all good fidelity; that they may adorn the
doctrine of God our Saviour in all things." Tit. ii, 9, 10.
"Servants, be subject to your masters with all fear;
not only to the good and gentle, but also to the froward. For this is thank-worthy, if a man for conscience toward God endure grief, suffering wrongfilly." 1 Pet. ii, 18, 19.
Now all these passages are kindred in their critical
and moral bearings; and we shall forbear further
critical remarks than those previously made, at least
so far as the duty of the servant is concerned. Our
attention is especially called to their moral and practical tendency.
It will be observed that the spirit of all these injunctions is most purely moral, to the exclusion of
every other sentiment, passion, or emotion; and is to
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proceed from the heart, in contradistinction from any
outward manifestation of good-will, while there exists
a rankling enmity within: and all this as in the sight
and under the immediate inspection of the God and
Judge of all the earth, whose flaming penetration sifts
every corner of the heart, surveying its every thought,
as well as comprehending every word upon the
tongue. And the obligation is reciprocal, it being as
much the duty of the master as the servant to cultivate, from the heart, as in the sight of God, this mutual good-will.
Now the heart being the great spring of human
action,-which is deceitful above all things, and desperately wicked; and from which, as a poisonous
fountain, flow those bitter streams of moral pollution
in the shape of "evil thoughts, murders, adulteries,
fornications, thefts, false witness, blasphemies," and
all the other wickedness which withers, scathes, and
desolates the heritage of God,-is, by the power of
Christianity, and the practical tendency of these regulations, changed-the fountain is purified-the tree is
made good, and the fruit becomes good. The servant is affectionate and faithful in all his relative duties; and thus inspires the confidence, and conciliates
the affection of his master. And the master is to "do
the same things," or behave with the same affection
and fidelity to the servants, "giving them that which
is just and equal."
That the justice and equality here spoken of is
that which is due them as servants, or in the relation
of slavery, will be remembered to have been the view
presented as the opinions of the authorities quoted;
which must be of great weight in the absence of any
counter exposition, by any author of accredited repu
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tation. In connexion with this, if civil government
be an ordinance of God, as we have already seen to
be the fact, even as it exists among heathen nations; and if it has established the relation as a
part of their political organization, according to the
teachings of the Bible, and the principles of the
Divine administration, as already explained, it is
utterly impossible, while the relation continues, to
understand it in any other light.
But it may possibly mean something more. The
very comprehensive nature of the terms used-" just
and equal"-may indicate, as increasing light shall
prepare and point out the way of duty, their obligation to do, as fast as circumstances providentially
conspire to that end, the whole good to them that the
principles and spirit of Christianity dictate. "Therefore all things whatsoever ye would that men should
do to you, do ye even so to them."
Now a relation around which are thrown guards of
such high moral and practical utility, and which, as
we have seen, is of reciprocal obligation, must necessarily mitigate the condition of the enslaved; while,
at the same time, it manifestly improves the condition
of both parties. And regulations which, when practically carried out, of unbending or absolute necessity improve the physical, civil, social, and moral condition of the parties concerned, cannot in their character be bad, but the contrary. They, as before
intimated, may not be the best of which human nature was originally capable, but in the altered state
of our existence, in view of all the circumstances, the
best that could be done. Fearless of successful contradiction, we confidently challenge exceptions to the
rule.
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We go further, and take the ground that the instructions or laws regulating the relation, in the sense
set forth in these pages, are, under the circumstances,
indispensable to the perfection of Divine revelation
as a rule of moral duty; that it would not meet the
condition and wants of the world, in its fallen, perverse, and mixed state, without them.
True, the general principles and spirit of Christianity might reflect some light on this subject; but
the information necessary to enable us to understand
our duty, as derived from these sources, could not be
supposed to be sufficiently clear and general to give
and authenticate the rule. And, indeed, our natural
inaptitude to give our attention to the consideration
of duties plainly revealed, accompanied by all those
evidences of right and fitness; together.with the subjoined motives, which involve our present and eternal
interests, is an irrefutable argument in favour of those
declared regulations of the Divine government on this
subject.
Whatever may have been the origin of slavery,
having obtained very generally and extensively in organized society, it becomes a difficult question, not so
much to our Maker, as to us, in our weak and mixed
condition.   Intricately interwoven in the civil and
social state; sanctioned and protected by all the solemn forms of law; deriving additional strength from
the prejudice of caste and condition; and sustained by
the pride, selfishness, and ambition of human nature,it would appear to have been morally impossible, in
view of all the circumstances, for any other course
to have been adopted than the one we have marked
out in the Holy Scriptures.  Heaven, by the omnipotence of our weakness, seems to have been exclusively
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shut up to this alternative; our history on the subject of this relation, presenting to his moral government an exigency for the Divine forbearance to overcome, similar to the interrupted relations between
man and his Maker; and to be overcome by the same
principles of moral goodness.
And, as we would naturally expect, from the inimitable and illimitable perfections of the Godhead, the
remedy in the latter case makes provision for the
former, and is in effect, in both cases, to an intelligent
universe, the best, to all intents and purposes, that
could be done under the circumstances.
We are delighted to have our views of this subject
strengthened by the authority of Dr. Francis Wayland,
in his Elements of Moral Science. "This very course
which the gospel takes on this subject, seems to have
been the only one that could have been taken, in order
to effect the universal abolition of slavery. The gospel was designed not for one race, or one time, but
for all races, and for all times. It looked not at the
abolition of this form of evil for that age alone, but
for its universal abolition. Hence, the important object of its Author was to gain it a lodgment in every
part of the known world, so that by its universal diffusion among all classes of society, it might quietly and
peacefully modify and subdue the evil passions of men,
and thus, without violence, work a revolution in the
whole mass of mankind. In this manner alone could
its object, a universal moral revolution, have been
accomplished. For if it had forbidden the evil, instead of subverting the principle; if it had proclaimed
the unlawfulness of slavery, and taught slaves to resist
their masters, it would instantly have arrayed the
two parties in deadly hostility throughout the civilized
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world. Its announcement would have been the signal
for servile war, and the very name of the Christian
religion would have been forgotten amidst the agitations of universal bloodshed." Page 214.
How, in view of the facts and principles above laid
down, the instructions of the Holy Scriptures for the regulation of this relation, as explained in these pages, can
be regarded as an impeachment of the character and
government of God, we are at an utter loss to conceive. For it does appear to us, that, under the circumstances, infinite goodness could do no less, and
infinite wisdom could do no more.
The principles involved in these particular and reciprocal duties, connected as they are with the general
principles and spirit of Christianity, form the best, indeed the only basis of an abolition society, known to,
and sustained by the gospel of our Lord Jesus Christ
-the great depository of all reforming power. For
just in proportion as any system is imbued with, and
conformed to, its spirit and principles, is it efficient, or,
if you please, almighty to accomplish the benevolent
and meliorating objects contemplated,-it being Heaven's great engine of moral power by which to move
the world, and move it in the right direction,-from
the character of its great Artificer, as a being "in whom
is hid all the treasures both of wisdom and knowledge,"
who may therefore be supposed to know the temper
of the materials on which it is to operate, and to possess skill to contrive it according to the most discriminating principles of calculation, for efficiencyand omnipotent power, by which to execute its construction, so as to combine and concentrate fully all
the resources of moral energy, that the materials on
which it is to operate, according to the laws of their
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existence, can endure, and essential goodness to set
and keep it in operation, for the accomplishment of
all its noble purposes, if we will only be co-workers
with him, observing the directions given us for working the apparatus of this moral machinery.
All our attempts at improvement, repairs, or mending, will only be the veriest bungling; and we shall
always find it the worse for the slightest alteration we
may attempt to introduce. Of this we have, or ought
to have, if we are not too dull and stupid, or too conceited to learn, indubitable evidence in the fact, that
all the tinkering that mankind have done since the
creation to improve on their Maker's plans has resulted in failure, and invariably made them the worse
for mending, as the abandoned wickedness of the
world abundantly proves. And the fact that a larger
measure of success has not been realized in our world's
history, in this particular direction, is no more objection to its potency for good, than its failure in any
other direction. A better devised system to lead men
to repentance cannot be conceived. And yet how
alarmingly inefficient in the accomplishment of its
gracious designs! And so with regard to every other
form of evil existing in society. It will, we think, on
a critical examination, be found that its ratio of good
is about equal in the correction of all the wrongs of
earth. There may be some discrepancy, but we think
not material. And all that is wanted, is our full and
hearty co-operation; that its godlike efficiency and
sufficiency may be realized, reversing entirely the
present disordered state of things throughout the whole
history of our sin-ruined world, by changing us into
His own lovely image of moral goodness, "from glory
to glory, even as by the Spirit of the Lord."
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Then let those who think, or feel, that in the providence of God they are especially called upon to work
in the anti-slavery or abolition phases of the present
disordered state, organize on these principles. And
first of all, let them learn by the operation of these
principles on their own hearts, and their power over
their own lives, their potency for good, as a qualification, not only to recommend them for their experimental and practical utility, as realized in their own
history, but to instruct others in the nature and effects
of their operations. And if, after mature and candid
deliberation, in looking over the whole field, and examining the question in the light of soberness and
truth, (God's truth,) they shall be conducted fairly to
the conclusion, that the sunny South is in ignorance
of, or without this moral'lever, charged with essential
divinity, with which to turn the world right side up;
let them emigrate to that' land of destitution and need,
carrying it with them.
For, notwithstanding its tremendous dimensions of
moral power, it is portable; a clear, sound head, and
a pure, warm heart, will hold it. And availing yourselves of the Book of directions, which you will find
on your arrival, you may set it in the full tide of glorious operation. And we think so far from being met
with bowie-knives, pistols, rifles, or Lynch lawfi'om the
churches, or the reflecting portion of the South, you
will be hailed with general acclamations of jumping
joy, and regarded as messengers of mnercy, and the
real benefactors of mankind.
From the unscriptural and irrational manner in
which the Southern Church and feeling have been
goaded in this matter, by our overlooking the providential difficulties that hang around the question, it
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may be otherwise, but, apart from this, we must confess we are slow to believe it. There may be exceptions to the rule, but, in the judgment of charity, it is
to be supposed that they form a very lean minority.
SECTION IV.'
AS SEEN IN ITS GENERAL CONDITION.
As to its general condition: "Art thou called, being
a servant? care not for it." If on this subject our investigations were bounded by time, or confined exclusively to the present life; although, on finding the
doctrine of the Scriptures to be what we have
seen it to be, we should be bound, for reasons
already explained, to receive it, however staggering
or confounding to our faith or reason. For, as previously intimated, it is but rational to suppose, that
an administration gotten up, and carried on, according to the depths of the riches both of the wisdom
and knowledge of God, should, in some of its details,
be beyond our comprehension. Yet when we examine it as in the teaching of the Scriptures, it connects
with eternity; light from that quarter, at least to
some extent, chases away the gloom which would
otherwise becloud our contemplations. For there
are a great many things found in Divine revelation,
which, to our contracted vision, would amount to
great difficulties in God's providential government of
the world, if in their examination we should restrict
them wholly to the present life.
We use the term providence in its strictly literal
sese-" The care and superintendence which God
exercises over his creatures."-(Webster)-and not
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in that loose sense which would involve the special
and positive appointment of the relation. For it is
one thing to appoint the relation, and another, and a
very different thing, to take hold of a relation, that
the wickedness and the weakness of the world has
introduced, in derangement of God's original plan,
and superintend. it to the best possible issue.  This
seems to us, if we have not misunderstood the doctrine of Calvinism, to be one of the insuperable difficulties into which the doctrine of foreordination
runs;-either wholly contravening God's providential government, or so confounding it with a government of original positive law, as to render it very
difficult, if not entirely impossible, to discriminate between them. For if He, from all eternity, "foreordained whatsoever comes to pass," where is there
room or play for a providential government; unless
we admit the possibility of the certain, unalterable,
and eternal decrees of the immutable Jehovah failing, for the want of such vigilant supervision?-a
difficulty too into which those must run, who contend
for slavery as a special appointment of God, by original or positive laws, which must be fatal to the
soundness of the argument. For, as we have already
seen, there is nothing to be found in the law of nature,
or in all the Scriptures, that can, by any rational
construction, be brought in support of its pretensions;
while, on the other hand, the whole of them, which
are given for the regulation of this relation, can at
once, by the most easy and natural construction, be
seen to be mere providential regulations for the government of a state of things found in the world at
the time of their delivery.
But to return. A providential difficulty found in
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Divine revelation, is in the case of Lazarus and the
rich man of the gospel, and which cannot be satisfactorily explained by the light of time. How it can
consist with an administration of perfect rectitude,
for a man of the piety of Lazarus to suffer not only
in body, but also for want of the necessaries and
comforts of life; while the rich man, who, fi'om his
character, as given in the Scriptures, to make the
very best of it we can, lived in total neglect of all
religion, and made the world his God; and who by
the whole weight and influence of his character and
example, if not of his precepts also, contributed to
that general corruption of morals and of manners,
which ever has, and ever must, under the present
constitution of things, obtain, when all sense of the
Divine character, and our obligations to fear and account to him, are obliterated? We repeat; this case,
so far as the present life is concerned, presents quite
a difficulty in Providence. For we would very rationally expect, from the nature of the case, as well
as from some passages of Scripture, that the full horn
of the Divine blessing would have been poured along
the pathway of the pilgrimage of Lazarus, as the friend
and worshipper of God; and that the rich man would
have been, on account of his wickedness, the subject
of loathsome bodily affliction, felt the griping hand of
poverty,'and been carried about as a houseless, homeless wanderer, at once -the pity and detestation of
mankind. But when we look at it as connected with
an eternal state of happiness and misery, the clouds
and darkness which hung around it, when examined
by the light of time, are at once dissipated; and
what was all confusion and mystery before, is now
all clear, luminous, and entirely satisfactory. For
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there is no man in his senses but would prefer the
portion of Lazarus as a whole,-embracing time and
eternity,-to that of the rich man.
Now, the relation of slavery, as tolerated under the
patriarchal and Jewish dispensations, like that of
Lazarus, when looked at wholly in the light of time,
appears dark and inscrutable. For according to the
Scriptures, we, being all equally His offspring, are at a
loss to discover the reasons of, or see any good resulting from, this  providential regulation  of our
Maker, in tolerating it. But when we connect it
with other facts, standing out with prominence in
Divine revelation, namely, that God was selecting a
single family or nation to be the depositories of the
true religion;-that prior to that time, in either case,
slavery existed;-and that, in tolerating it, he restricted it to those, and to those only, to whom, in
reference to a future state,-or their greatest good,
both for time and eternity,-it would be a blessing,
the difficulty is at once explained. And what before
was all doubt and darkness, now shines forth so clear
and luminous, that instead of being longer puzzled at
his providential government in this matter, our' highest reason approves the measure, and our whole souls
are fanned into a flame of devout  and grateful adoration, at the blended wisdom and goodness which
shine out with such dazzling lustre in this vigilant
tact of Providence to educe good out of evil.
Thus far the wisdom and goodness of Providence,
as connected with this crooked state of things, that
his Satanic majesty, (not our Maker,) aided by his
coadjutors in the shape of human beings, had brought
about, flames out in such a blaze of glory and goodness, as to be almost dark with excessive brightness.
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So much so, that every caviller and fault-finder at His
providential dispensations must be forced, with the
wondering and adoring apostle, to cry out: " 0 the
depth of the riches, both of the wisdom and knowledge
of God! how unsearchable are his judgments, and his
ways past finding out," by the utmost stretch of
human thought, until he is pleased.to reveal them.
But now to the difficulties under the gospel dispensation. We, as formerly, frankly confess, that the
altered state of matters and things in general, at the
time when the gospel was announced, is somewhat
more complex and difficult. For the gospel message
was not to a single family or nation, but to all nations; and hence, from the necessity of the case, the
relation could not be restricted to a single family or
nation. In these altered circumstances, what is to
be done? What course is to be adopted?  Why, for
anything under the whole heavens that we  can see
to the contrary, the gospel of salvation is to be delivered to them just where and what they are. There
seems to us, on the settled principles of the Divine
administration, so far as it relates to this subject, to
be no other alternative., Either the gospel must be
withheld entirely, or partially, or Heaven in mercy (we speak it with reverence) must lump our difficulties, and send his angel to announce to the world
"good tidings of great joy to all people."  And who
dares impeach either the wisdom or goodness, the
justice or mercy of the Divine administration, in thus
adapting itself to and providing for the best interests
of a fallen world; which in its final consummation, in
behalf of all, whether barbarian or Scythian, bond or
free, is, in the nervous language of the poet,
"Salvation from sorrow through Jesus's love."
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But we are here reminded, that the objection is
not to the fact that the gospel was announced to all
nations just as it found them, for the obedience of
faith, but to its having tolerated the relation.  It;
as wve have seen, and which, when we take into the
account the perversion of human nature, must, as we
think, so appear to every rational mind, capable of
examining the subject in the light of soberness and
truth; a contrary course,-one that strikes directly
at the evil, by dissolving the civil and social relations
of the parties concerned, and thereby arraying
them in deadly hostility to each other, involving the
world in all the horrors of universal war and bloodshed,-and thus well-nigh, if not entirely, exterminating
the race, would have resulted in these consequences;
where would have been either the wisdom or goodness, the justice or mercy, of such a measure?  In
what sense of the word, in view of these natural and
inevitable results, growing out of the weakness of the
present disordered state, could it be regarded as a dispensation of mercy? In none, we think, whatever.
For when we calmly and dispassionately look over
the whole ground, taking things just as they were,
does it not manifestly appear, that instead of being a
just, wise, and good arrangement, or a dispensation
of mercy, it would have been one of the most
severe inflictions with which the world could have
been visited, by the Moral Governor of the universe?
Such it appears to us, and must, as we think, so appear to every rational mind. Alarm may be here
taken, that in our exceptions to the objection urgedthat the gospel ought to have prohibited it-we have
included and implicated the principles of justice;
we reply:-If, as previously observed, it was just for
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the Divine Being to suffer the existence of intelligent
and accountable creatures under such circumstances,
the very same justice requires the exercise of a benevolent regard to those circumstances. And for their
ultimate damnation to be determined by circumstances as the necessitating cause, which, in view of the
general good, it was better to tolerate, than directly
forbid by positive precept, cannot be reconciled with
any rational principles of justice of which we can
conceive.
But, alas! our world is not rational, nor does it behave rationally. True, this was originally our crowning distinction; but in the pride of our glory we set
up for ourselves, forgetting, or not heeding the maxim,
"that young folks think old folks to be fools, but old
folks KNOw young folks to be fools;" and, as the result, a mental hallucination has "come over the spirit
of our dream,"-a cheat has " crept into our faith,"
which is ever and anon leading us astray. And our
reason, which constitutes the man, and which was
originally given us to control our animal nature, is
dethroned; and by nature the entire race presents to
our astonished and confounded vision the heart-sickening, soul-destroying, and God-dishonouring spectacle of the brute running off with the man. And, like
all other crazy preople, "we pique ourselves on our
inch of wit," and sit in judgment on the counsels of our
Maker, instead of receiving the law at his mouth;
and rashly conclude, that if the depths of the eternal
and incomprehensible wisdom and grace displayed in
the scheme of human redemption had been submitted
to our maniacal dictation, the plan would have been
finished, adequate and complete.
And if this state of things was confined wholly to
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the world, among "vain men who would be wise," it
would be bad enough; but, in the Church, and among
those who aspire to a leadership of the sacramental
hosts of God's elect, we have a fearful exhibition of the
sentiment of the poet, that some men
"W ould rather reign in hell than serve in heaven."
Thus, we think, we have demonstrably shown, from
the settled principles of the Divine government, from
the general spirit and character of Christianity, from
the teaching of the Scriptures, and firom reason, that
the Divine character and government, instead of being
tarnished by their infinite condescension, in meeting
the conditions in which mankind in this revolting
province of our Maker's dominions are providentially
found, receives an illustration of sublimity, in moral
goodness, grandeur, and glory, that may well challenge our babbling earth, from the east, west, north,
and south, to triumph with the Psalmist, in the glorious truth, that "The Lord reigneth; let the earth
rejoice; let the multitude of isles be glad thereof.
Clouds and darkness are round about him;" but
"righteousness and judgment are the habitation of his
throne:" and, we will add, in view of the interest and
confidence that the inhabitants of other worlds may
have in the rectitude of his government, let all the
heavenly host respond, Amen! and in one loud, long,
and eternal peal of praise, shout, "Alleluia; for the
Lord God omnipotent reigneth," and not sectarian
bigotry.
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SECTION V.
THE PERFECT AGREEMENT OF THE ECCLESIASTICAL POLITY OF THE IIETHO DIST EPISCOPAL CHURCH WVITH THE TEACHING OF THE SCRIPTURES, ON
TIlE SUBJECT OF SLAVERY.
As we set out with the object of defending the present position and ecclesiastical law of the Methodist
Episcopal Church from the charge of pro-slaveryism,
and of showing its strict conformity to the teaching of
the Holy Scriptures, in regard to this unhappy question, let us see, as far as possible, how closely they approximate.
To do this to the best advantage, it may be useful,
at this stage of the investigation, to recapitulate the
important principles elaborated from the Bible that
bear directly on this question. And,
First. The Bible lays down the principle, that the
incipient movement in this inhuman and Heaven-insulting business, is a crime of the greatest magnitude
that a man can commit against his fellow-man, and
deserving a corresponding punishment: " He that
stealeth a man, and selleth him, or if he be found in
his hand, shall surely be put to death."
The law of the Methodist Episcopal Church strikes
at the root of this business, by declaring that none
who buy men, women, (or) and children, with an intention to enslave them, can belong to her communion.
Second. When it has become an element of civil
society, interwoven with all the relations of the social
state, and hedged about with all the solemn forms and
intricacies of law, in the hands of those who did not
originate the evil, the Bible tolerates it, as compatible
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with the Christian character of both master and
slave: "And they that have believing masters, let
them not despise them, because they are brethren;
but rather do them service, because they are faithful
and beloved, partakers of the benefit. These things
teacl and exhort." 1 Tim. vi, 2.
The Methodist Episcopal Church, for the same
reasons or considerations, allows it in her membership; as her law, declaring it a great evil, and requiring emancipation under circumstances specified in
that law, abundantly proves. This is its spirit.
Third, The Bible, in tolerating it, throws all those
guards around it which are calculated to make the
very best of it under the circumstances.
The Methodist Episcopal Church, by her missions
among slaves on the plantations, and her law requiring
their religious instruction, and her members to allow
them time for the public worship of God, does the
same thing.
Fourth. The principles, spirit, and teaching of the
Bible all conspire to declare it a great evil.
The laws of Methodism lift their voice in the same
general condemnation: "We declare we are as much
as ever convinced of the great evil of slavery."
Fifth. The Bible, as we have seen, manifestly looks
to its final overthrow, by the power of Christian
principle.
The laws of the Methodist Episcopal Church, that
work the forfeiture of the ministerial character of those
who are, or become connected with it, where the laws
of the State will admit of emancipation, and allow the
liberated slave to enjoy freedom, are, on this subject,
"fike the voice of one crying in the wilderness, Prepare ye the way of the Lord, make his paths straight."
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Sixth. The Bible in its principles, spirit, alnd teaching, manifestly, and, as we think, rationally, supposes
that the most wise, good, and holy men who embrace
it, will occupy advanced ground, in furtherance of
its achievements and moral triumphs, till all earth's
jubilee shall be realized and proclaimed.
The laws and usages of Methodiim, supposing her
general superintendents, or bishops and preachers, to
be the most wise and holy of the Church, endeavour
to keep them as far as possible from the evil of slavery.
Seventh. The Bible seeks only by the power of
moral goodness to subvert the principle, and thus
break down the practice, without arraying the Church
against the State.
The laws of the Methodist Episcopal Church recognize the supremacy of the civil power, as the ordlinance of God. And only by the influence of the
principles of moral goodness does she attempt to interfere in this matter. And as the great Master, who, by
reason of the "weakness of the flesh," or hardness
and unbelief of mankind, could not do all the good he
would; so Methodism, in all her borders,* sighs over
an evil beyond her power to remove.
Now how any man, with any semblance of truth,
can deny her Scriptural position, and represent her
as pro-slavery, is totally beyond our powers of con
* At the time this was written, the author, judging from the language of the Discipline, and professions of sympathy for the condition
of the poor slave which he had heard in behalf, and read from the
pens of Southern Methodists, supposed he was giving utterance to
nothing more than truth in this general declaration. Subsequent developments, or developments which have subsequently come to his
notice, have led him in behalf of the South to doubt the correctness
of the sentiment. Many of their distinguished men claim it to be
Divinely appointed, and therefore right. Hence, there is, with those
so understanding it, no occasion to "sigh over it."
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ceptionl. True, superficial minds, that scan the surface of things, without looking at it as connected with
God's moral and providential government of the world,
may see that slavery, in the language of Methodism,
"is a great evil;" and from this mere glance at the
surface, draw hasty and weak conclusions. But it is
only this class that will do so. For, as we have before intimated, which is testimony of great weight in
vindication of this last proposition, the Church has
never presented a man, of acknowledged reputation
as a critic or commentator, that supports the pretensions of these new measures.
We repeat, the laws of Methodism are so fully
and entirely accordant with the Holy Scriptures on
the subject of slavery, that we have sometimes been
tempted to think that more than human wisdom presided in or over the deliberations which brought them
to their present maturity, and conformed them so essentially to the pattern given in the "holy mount."
It is, however, claimed by some, and may be urged
by others, that the laws of the Church which, under
certain specified conditions, require the ministry to
execute deeds of emancipation, should be of indiscriminate application to the whole Church. This objection appears to be of some weight; and as such, is
entitled to attention.
There would seem to us to be two reasonable
grounds in the premises, why the objection is not
valid, and therefore has not the weight or importance
attached to it. And,
First. According to the great law of Christianity,
"It is required of a man according to what he hath,
and not according to what he hath not." Now, from
the very complicated manner in which the subject of
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this relation is presented in the Holy Scriptures, and
the confusion of thought that has almost universally
obtained among statesmen, ministers, and laymen, as
to its comparative guilt or innocence, is it fairly to be
presumed, that there is abroad in the Church and
the world a sufficient amount of clear and discriminating light, to mark and determine the essential sinfulness of the simple relation to be such as to bar a
creditable profession of religion in that relation? If
the premises warrant the conclusion, such would be
the duty, and such should be the law of the Church.
But in view of the unsettled state of public and the
Church's opinion, and that too among those who have
had the best opportunities of arriving at definite and
correct conclusions with regard to it, we dare not say,
nor do we think any other sane mind will attempt to
say, that such is the state of the question.
Secondly. The ministry is the property of the
whole Church; and as such, in our peculiar economy,
liable to removals from North to South, and from the
South to the North, as may, in the wisdom of the
Church, be judged best for the general good. And in
this feature of Methodist polity, the Church, in view
of the "weakness of the flesh," or present disordered
state, in order the more effectually to carry out the
great purposes of her mission, has adopted the great
Christian law of expediency, as best suited to the providential circumstances of our existence; a principle
that cannot so readily apply to the laity in their permanent locations.
In addition to the above, they, from their vocation
as ministers, may rationally be supposed to be more
conversant with the Scriptures, and therefore in the
possession of more light on this subject, than belongs
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to the people generally; and hence, on the great law
that "it is required according to what a man hath,"
discriminatingly responsible for a more elevated position. We therefore conclude, the objection is not
well founded.
But it may be further urged, that this reasoning is
too loose, on so grave a subject; that truth is truth,
and duty is duty, arising from that truth; and that
if truth is eternal, and slavery a violation of that truth,
how can the standard of Christian duty, consistently
with truth, be let down to the loose principles
above stated? We reply, that while we. admit, on the
one hand, that truth is eternal, we claim, on the other
hand, that it is also an eternal truth that the Divine
administration cannot be carried on, on this or any
other question of human responsibility, on any other
principle than the one above laid down, that "it is
required according to what a man hath, and not according to what he hath not." Now for the providential government of God to determine the bounds
of our habitation, in connexion with this evil, and our
whole education from infancy -to manhood, such as to
make the impression, if not of its rightfulness, at least
of its comparative innocence; and if, in connexion
with this, the revelation of God contains many tolerant
allusions to it, which the most intelligent ultra-abolitionist never has and never can explain away, as not
bearing on the relation; and, added to this, that the
question is so mixed up in the teaching of the Scriptures with the other relative duties of society, that
(to our knowledge, unless this should be so regarded)
no man has as yet attempted to trace it in its connexion with the Divine administration, so as to dissipate
the mists and darkness that hang around it, and show
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up clearly its true position;-we repeat, till this be
done, and the question be made so clear and outstanding, as to be no longer one of "doubtful disputation,"
but unequivocally involving a principle of conscience,
we cannot, on the great law above stated, be condemned in an- administration of perfect rectitude.
And if the principle holds good in the government of
God, what sufficient reason have we  for departing
from it on the subject of this relation?
True Wesleyanism and kindred movements may,
if they choose, return to the dark ages of popery,
and revive the claim of Divine right to make void this
principle of the law of God through their traditions,
and thus set up that essentially tyrannical, proscriptive, and wicked principle, that denies the right of
private judgment. But we humbly trust that the intelligence of the community is such as not to be gulled
by these false appearances, however plausibly presented.
That the principle involved amounts to the grave
charge we have brought against them, is clear from
the following considerations:  First.  Our Maker has formed us with mental and
moral powers, to seek and know the truth. And,
Secondly, Has given us a revelation containing the
rules of moral duty suited to our capacities, and the
circumstances of our existence; and has called upon
us to "search the Scriptures," that we may know and
do our duty.
Thirdly. Now if, in searching those Scriptures,
after the best reasonings we can bestow upon the subject, aided by the best lights within our reach, we
honestly arrive at the conclusion, that the simple relation which was found in existence at the time they
8
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were given is, while the relation providentially continues, by an act of providential government, tolerated
as a measure of moral discipline, in civil, social, and
religious society, and practice accordingly, what is to
be done with us?  Why, True Wesleyanism-will not
receive us to her altars, but unceremoniously hand us
over to the devil, because we refuse to surrender the
right of private judgment, and by consequence the
right of conscience, to her holy care and keeping, and
receive on this subject the law at her mouth.
And thus, in their zeal to liberate the bodies of two
millions from the chains of civil bondage, they would
enslave the minds of eighteen millions in the chains of
intolerant bigotry-a bondage not only nine times
worse, in point of numbers, but immeasurably worse
with regard to principle. For slavery, with all its
wrongs, allows, and to some extent labours and hopes
for, the salvation of its subjects. But this fell principle damns you here, and both soul and body forever
hereafter in hell. May we not rejoice that God is
judge, and not these sectarian bigots!
In view of all that precedes, we think we are entitled
to the following conclusions: That there are two
classes of truths which bear upon the slavery relation.
First. The doctrine of essential right, or eternal
rectitude, in the sense of unbending law, with which
the principle of slavery cannot be reconciled. Now
the laws of Methodism on the subject of slavery, which
prohibit those who buy or sell men, women, and children, with an intention to enslave them, from a place in
her communion, and declare slavery to be "a great
evil," are the fair and true exponents of this first class
of truths. For they proceed upon the principle that
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slavery is an essential moral wrong, and, as such, all
who voluntarily connect themselves with, or aid and
abet the system, are guilty of that wrong, and therefore cannot have a place in her communion.
Second. The second class of truths are, "That it is
required according to what a man hath, and not according to what he hath not," &c., &c. Now this
class of truths has respect to the providential circumstances of our existence,-circumstances in which we
are unavoidably connected with evils we did not
create, and cannot control, and which disqualify us
for, or otherwise prevent our carrying out, the principles of essential right, or the original laws of nature.
Now the laws of Methodism, which allow and tolerate the Christian character of a man in the relation,
when in the providential circumstances of his existence he is unavoidably connected with it, are the
fair and true exponents of this last class of truths.
And thus, so far as her position in this particular matter is concerned, she is essentially "the Church of the
living God; the pillar and ground of the truth,"-the
support and defence of the truth of both covenants
on this question. There is no getting away from this
conclusion. You may as well undertake to unsettle
the stabilities of the eternal throne.
0
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PART FOURTH.
DIFFERENT SUBJECTS CONNECTED WITH
THIS QUESTION.
SECTION I.
THOUGHTS ON TRUE WESLEYANISM.
Now if the doctrine of these pages be true, in agreenent with the principles, spirit, and teaching of the
Holy Scriptures, and confirmed by the voice of reason,
in what light are we to regard those new measures,
recently introduced and adopted by men professing a
great zeal for the glory of God, as well as a burning
love for their fellow-men, who organize Churches,
making the relation, under all circumstances, a bar
to Christian fellowship; can we, in the utmost stretch
of charity, recognize them as being regularly in the
order of scriptural, rational, and providential duty?
We think not. Mark! the question is not, Have they
not the right to do so? this may be granted; but the
question is, Are they, in view of all the providential
circumstances connected with the case, sustained by
the authority of Scripture and the voice of reason, in
such a movement? We repeat, for the reasons already assigned in these pages, we think not. True,
we did once, in our haste, admit that "even True
Wesleyanism might be a child of Providence," but one
our sober second thoughts we beg leave thus publicly
to take that back. That Providence may take True
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Wesleyanism under its keeping, as it does other spurious and monstrous births, (it being the child of wellmeant error,) and use it as far as possible for good, is
not denied; for it is the special sphere and glory of
Providence, to "bring good out of evil." Hence saith
the apostle, "I will provoke you to jealousy by them
that are no people, and by a foolish nation will I anger
you." Rom. x, 19. So Providence may make use of
the paucity and foolishness of True Wesleyanism, to
provoke the world to think and act on this subject.
Further, with our present light on this subject, we cannot admit. We are compelled, by the paramount authority of Scripture and reason, to set it down as an
illegitimate offspring; or, to make the very best of it,
all things considered will admit, an abortion,-come
too soon; in which they differ from other sinners
generally; they won't come when they are called.
True Wesleyanism has come without being called,
only so far as an uneasy, restless, factious disposition,
instigated by a spirit of well-meant error, and it may
be headed by his "honour" of Pandemonium,  who
through them would make havoc of the Church of
God, by opening a hopeful door to the disaffected
and aspiring in the ministry and laity, and drawing
off a few weak-minded men, women, and children,
with some of youthful ardent temperament, who cannot rationally be supposed to be well enough read in
the Scriptures to understand this subject in all its
phases and relations; and therefore, being imposed
upon by superficial, specious first appearances, "leap
before they look," or, in other words, act before they
think. These together constitute their elements of
success.
When we look at this subject in all its phases, that.
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upon the whole, they ever have done any good, may
be honestly doubted. That they have excited some
feelings of pity for the poor slave, is freely admitted;
but too generally it amounts to sympathy for those we
have never seen, and hatred to those with whom we
had lived without one jar of discord in the fellowship
of the gospel, until a difference of'opinion on this subject severed us, Now, if we have read and understood our Bible correctly, it is only necessary to multiply these achievements on a magnificent scale, to banish every vestige of pure religion from the earth, and
leave it to the undisturbed possession of the prince of
darkness.
But agaitn.  That some souls may have been converted, and believers strengthened and built up in the
faith of the gospel, is not denied. And all this consistently with the principles of God's moral and providential  government; He acknowledging and honouring his truth for its own sake, without regard to, or the
approbation  of, t   he instrumentality using it; as may be
distinctly learned    from the language of Christ: "Many
will say unto me in that day, Lord, Lord, have we
not prophesied in thy name? and in thy name cast
out devils? and in thy name done many wonderful
works? And then will I profess unto therm, I never
knew you; depart from me, ye that work iniquity."
So that, on the principles here laid down by our blessed             Lord,     the fruit we may claim is not always conclusive of the correctness of our position. And moreover, it is at least possible, not to gay likely, that the
other organizations      previously in the field would have
done all this, and a great deal more, but for the manner in which public confidence has been confused and
confo unded,  not to say in many instances entirelv de
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stroyed, by the bold and sleepless effort of unmeasured
and exaggerated detraction, which the True Wesleyan
body-ministry and laity generally-have been making since their organization.
And how far this may be an offset against what
good they have done, or how far their evil in this respect may overbalance all their good, will only be
known in the great day of our Lord Jesus Christ.
Therefore, in view of the whole ground-when we reflect on the bonds severed, the confidence destroyed,
the suspicions excited, the jealousies awakened, the
loud contention kindled, the open strife enacted, the
angry passions heated, the war of words repeated, and
the loud laugh of infidelity, with the louder roaring,
joyous laugh of hell, that has echoed through the
ranks of those who, arm in arm, in open, sweet, and
loving brotherhood, have taken the lead in this new
movement-we conclude that they not only have
done no good, but harm.
These, with the light we now have, are the deliberate convictions to which our observations and investigations of the subject have conducted us.
Now, in view of what precedes, we have a little
friendly advice to give the True Wesleyans, and all
others of kindred spirit; but we speak more particularly of them than others, from the consideration, that
having been a Methodist from the days of our boyhood, we have paid some attention to her ecclesiastical platform on the subject of slavery, and consequently know more about the fallacy of their alleged
grievances than we do of others; and withal we
think many of them, both in the ministry and laity, to
be well-meaning people, who are trying to live in the
fear of God. On which account, heretofore, (though
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we honestly believe them in error,) in view of the
weakness of the flesh, we have commingled with, and
rendered them, in our very feeble manner, some little
assistance in their religious movements. But to the
advice: It is, unless they can overturn the doctrine
of these pages, fairly and scripturally, and thereby
prove themselves, in their present organization, to be,
what we have denied, the child of Providence, to disband, and, doing honestly their first works over again,
go back, in the spirit of humility and meekness, to the
places from whence you came. This may be a hard
task, especially after having ransacked the vocabulary
of earth for degrading epithets, with which to reproach
the mother that travailed, bore, and gave you suck;
dandling you, in your spiritual infancy, on the knees
of her tender, sleepless care; and, under Christ, her
husband and head, has said a thousand times to your
troubled heart, in a voice of soothing, cheering, comforting, and strengthening melody, "Come thou with
us, and we will do thee good; for the Lord hath spoken
good concerning Israel."
We repeat, the task may be a hard one; but the
occasion demands it; even all that simple, artless
honesty which follows truth and duty in the lowest
vale ofhumiliation: and moreover, paradoxical as it
may seem, like the Divine administration before alluded to, in going down, you go up; or, like the repenting, returning sinner, your abasement will be
your exaltation. Or if you want a case still more apposite, we will give it to you in the example of the
great Richard Watson, than which, no act of his
eventful and useful life commands more fully the approval of all wise and good men. Like many of you,
in the heat, folly, or indiscretion of youth, or the
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thoughtlessness of an unguarded hour, he expatriated himself fromn the Church of his early choice; but,
followed with convictions of haste and impropriety in
so doing, he humbly and unostentatiously returned.
We repeat the advice: disband and go back, unless
you can prove yourselves to be a child of Providence.
And this we think you cannot do, for reasons already
in part assigned.   For if our position be true withi
regard to this question, the Church that bore you is,
by a figure of speech, the true "Jerusalem from
above." This mother you have called a harlot, a
brotherhood of thieves, the synagogue of Satan, and
all that sort of dirty thing.  "And as the serpent cast
out of his mouth water as a flood after the woman,
that he might cause her to be carried away of the
flood," so you, to speak without a figure, have persecuted the Church of God.
The inference is clear. If the Methodist Episcopal
Church, in her ecclesiastical polity, as we think we
have established beyond controversy, is founded on
the essential truth of God's word, He can never
have raised you up for the purpose of defaming that
Church, because, such is her position, this would be
his "kingdom divided against itself."
SECTION II.
ON THE DIVISION OF THE CHURCH.
IT may not be improper in us to offer some reflections
on the division of the Church, as a matter we have
greatly deplored, and over which, whenever our
thoughts run in that direction, we yet mourn with
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sentiments of heartfelt sorrow; and often find our selves, in our musings on this gloomy subject, over run with the almost unconscious or involuntary wish,
0 that it had never come to pass! or, having come to
pass, that the wisdom and goodness of all concerned,
by the blessing of God, who is said to "bless his people with peace," might devise some ways and means
by which the "hurt of the daughter of my people
might be recovered." But, alas for poor Methodism!
the battle increases-the breach widens; and the increasing developments that time and circumstances
are evolving, give ominous signs that, in our intercourse, a cool, calculating, worldly policy is to swallow up (with profound emotion we name it) the gushing tide of warm, generous, glowing Christian affection
that in the days of other years used to circulate
throughout the whole heaven and earth of original
Methodism. May He who presides in high and gracious authority over his militant care forbid it! and,
if nothing better can be done,-of which we sometimes
hope even against hope-hush the furious, raging,
roaring storm that now agitates us, to-" In essentials,
unity; non-essentials, liberty; and in all things, charity;"-that a fairer spring may bloom on our Zion,
and drive away wintry storms forever.
On this subject doctors have differed; even doctors
whose fame, religiously, has filled the measure of their
country's          glory.   From which fact we are admonished of the feebleness, and fear the unavailingness
of the effort of one who cannot affix to his signature
the beautifully rounded period of D. D.; and is so
peculiarly constituted, as not to like the prefix R-E-v.
Nevertheless, with feelings of due deference to our
predecessors, and possibly our superiors, on this sub
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ject, we will approach it, encouraged thereto, first, by
the widow's mite, of renowned notoriety in sacred
history; and, secondly, by what we find written in
the Book of Job: "I said days should speak, and the
multitude of years should teach wisdom. But there
is a spirit in man, and the inspiration of the Almighty
giveth understanding.   Great men  are not always
wise; neither do the aged understand judgment.
Therefore I said, Hearken unto me; I also will show
mine opinion." In doing which, we shall endeavour,
as far as possible, to avoid what has been already
written, it now being before the public, and need not
be here repeated.
A sentiment that some time since purposely escaped the pen of the catholic Hunter, of the Pittsburgh Christian Advocate, about a kindred matter,
will, on this subject, be a good commencement. It
was in reference to the family quarrel between Episcopal and Protestant Methodism, for which, with
him, we see no gospel reason why they should longer
be measuring their swords, and trying the weight of
their metal. Like that, the division of the Church
into North and South (however the North will not
admit the cognomen) originated in a family quarrel,
in which, we think, to a greater or less extent, both
parties, as we will endeavour to show, are implicated;
for we shall try to follow out our convictions of truth,
giving saint and sinner their portion, cost our reputation what it may. But we forget, our memory being
short in this matter, for on the other page we publish
to the world we have none. Well, to commence
over again: Have we of the North fully appreciated
the difficulties of the South, and duly sympathized
with them in their connexion with the great evil of
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slavery? We speak not of the laws which created
and entailed it upon them, as claiming our sympathy;
but of a state of things the present generation or
Church did not create, and cannot control; and if
they could, cannot, by reason of the complexity of
the question, and the darkness that covers the Southern
mind, see how to rid themselves of it, securing, at the
same time, the good of all concerned. And, in this
respect, we speak not of the light in which we, at our
distance, may view it. It is, too much like the man
standing a distance off, and looking at another in
some heavy lift; he thinks if he had hold of it he
could manage it with apparent ease. Full of selfconfidence, he steps forward, seizes hold, and after
half a dozen ineffectual efforts, quietly walks off in
his disappointment: so Yankee or Northern keenness
cannot, at the distance of a thousand miles, see as
far into this millstone as they who pick it. The subject, at best, has its difficulties, and most seriously so,
in view of its legal and providential phases.   The
questions, How to remove it? and, What's to be
done with it? are much more easily asked than answered.
Further, if in the providential government of God,
without any fault of their own, they are, by inheritance, connected with it through the operation of laws
they did not create, and cannot control, as we are
fairly entitled to presume a great portion of the Southern Church is; and when we connect with this fact,
their professions of sympathy for those whose condition they know not how to relieve, and that they regard slavery as a great evil; does not their situation
rather claim our sympathy, than our hatred and
vindictive denunciations? And are they not to be
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operated on as men of reason and humanity, by the
principles and power of moral goodness, rather than
by the coarse and maniac ebullitions of passion, which
have marked the agitation of this question? Have
we of the North been governed by these considerations? Have we studiously sought to conform our
movements to this rule, which, in the principles and
spirit of Christianity, is written on almost every page
of Divine revelation?  We speak not of the courtesy
as a debt due to the South, which has been shown it
in the deliberations of the General Conference, but of
what has transpired without the court, in an individual
and social capacity. To these interrogatories truth
compels us to answer, that we think not. True, those
who were the most active in this matter are not now
of us; but they were in the commencement of the
aggression. And however contrary to the general
feelings and wishes of the Church, it had its tendency
to goad and irritate the Southern feeling. And as
"when wine is in, wit is out," is true of the laws of
mind; so is it equally true, that a perturbed mind
magnifies and enlarges real or supposed evils, until
in its perverted vision, in matters both great and
small, Alps rise on Alps, and finally the mountain load
has crushed the unity of the Church. And as a worse
result, if possible, the crash has opened fissures, not to
say avalanches, that are sending forth their waters;
not like those seen in the vision of the prophet,
"coming down from under, from the right side of the
house," and in their generous flow, healing everything
that liveth or moveth, whithersoever they go; but
bitter waters-waters of strife, contention, devastation, ruin, and death, which painfully and wofully, in
a moral point of view, add to the miry places and
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marshes of a world which before had but too few
green, flourishing, and fruitful spots.
But does all the sin in this matter lie at the door of
the North?  Verily we think not.  "What we have
written, we  have  written."   And  not  one  hair's
breadth farther do we, according to our convictions
of truth, feel at liberty to push the battle with our big
gun, or, if you please, small-arms, against the North.
And that too, keeping up the figure, with this reserve:
That our generals, and colonels, and captains, and
corporals, and private soldiers, were, with few excep tions, opposed to this movement in its direction against
the Church, it being confined principally to a few hotheated, restless, and unruly in our ranks, together
with deserters from us and others. And the magnanimous South, if they did not, might, and ought to
have known this, and acted accordingly, which brings
us, according to the plan we have marked out for ourself in this war of words and truth, to open our broadside, it may be of small-arms, upon the South. And as
before intimated, we do not want, nor will we at present have much to do with those big guns, called, in
common parlance on this subject, compromise laws,
conventional articles, plans of division, &c. We will
leave these for the big doctors, who cannot fight with
anything but heavy metal; for we should only be
trammelled with Saul's armour. It would not fit or
suit us, no how. And after all the ado that is made
about them, we do not think they have all come from
the proper armoury-the gospel. We prefer our sling,
with a few smooth stones from the brook of truth,
which on this subject, as well as all others, is "profitable for doctrine, reproof, correction, and instruction
in righteousness;" that we may be thoroughly fur
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nished to every good word and work in this campaign
of mental and moral conflict.
It will be remembered, that in these pages we have
laid it down as a doctrine of the Bible, a principle of
God's moral government, and as being sealed and au thenticated by the spirit of Christianity, that slavery
is a great evil, and only to be tolerated as a temporary
regulation, in view of the weakness of the present disordered state of the world.   Now  the Methodist
Episcopal Church has taken it into her communion
just exactly in the shape in which it is presented in
the Holy Scriptures. The likeness is perfect. No
artist ever came nearer the original, as all who will
read closely and attentively our ecclesiastical law,
and compare it with the Scriptures, will be fully
satisfied.
But again. Like as John, the forerunner of Jesus,
was sent as a "voice crying in the wilderness, Prepare
ye the way of the Lord, make his paths straight,"
so the Bible has sent out sentinels as the harbingers
of this moral achievement, who have taken their
stand "in the top of high places, in the way of the
places of the paths, crying at the gates, at the entry
of the city, at the coming in at the doors. Unto you,
O men, I call, and my voice is to the sons of men.
Hear, for I will speak of excellent things, and the
opening of my lips shall be right things." And the cry
is civilly to the nation or the state: "Is not this the
fast that I have chosen? to loose the bands of wickedness, to undo the heavy burdens, and to let the oppressed go free, and  that ye break every yoke?"
and then, socially and individually, "all things whatsoever ye would that men should do to you, do
ye even so to them." And again, "if thou mayest
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be made free, use it rather," and "be ye hot the servants of men.'
Now the likeness is here again perfect. Methodism
has her sentinels out in advance of the present state
of things on this subject,-in her law requiring her
ministers connected with it, if practicable, to execute
deeds of emancipation, and in refusing ordination to
those in the relation who can emancipate, and the
liberated slave enjoy freedom. And this is not a dead
letter in the book of Discipline, to be read merely to
keep up appearances. No! honour to the Baltimore
Conference, which has always practised on this rule,
and some additional honour to her talented Collins,
for his noble defence, before the General Conference
of 1844, of her Bible, Methodistic, and rational position on this subject.
"Now comes the tug of war."  One of the sentinels that Methodism in good faith had placed on advanced ground, in the character of a good, wise, holy
general superintendent or bishop, whose freedom from
slavery as a Southern man, as we shall see in the sequel, constituted the controlling reason why he was
chosen to that responsible office, and who, in that
office, was expected to be a light in a dark place,
somehow forgot his position, got astray, and with his
eyes open to all the facts in the case, became entangled in the meshes of slavery. This matter comes
with, or rather precedes him to the General Conference, the tribunal of his responsibility. Inquiries with
regard to the truth of Madam Rumour's report are
instituted, when, lo and behold! to the consternation
and overwhelming grief of the great body of the
Church, it was found to be true on his own acknowledgment. True, he tried to patch it, but made it the
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worse for patching. For the best tailor we have ever
seen could not, taking ever so much pains, and
stitching ever so nice, sew a few jet black patches on
a pure, fine, white, flowing robe, without making it
look the worse. He might get all the bishops, and all
the presiding elders, and all the preachers, and all the
lawyers, and all the doctors too, if he pleased, to help
him, and all would not avail; the people would see
its beauty marred, its purity stained, its glory de parted.
o Now, after all that has been said, written, and pub lished on this subject, some of it possibly to divert at tention, becloud our vision, and palliate and justify
this measure, this is the exact, true, and unvarnished
state of the question. And what is to be done?
Must the whole Church, east, west, north, and south
-ay, the whole heaven and earth of Methodism, face
to the music of this retrograde movement, and thus
dim the lustre of her Scriptural and exceeding glory,
as compared with some of the sister Churches on this
subject; and by so doing, give up one of her Bible
marks, as a child of Providence, raised up to spread
Scriptural holiness over these and all other lands?
God forbid! And I liked to have said, it would have
been better for her to have given up the ghost in the
womb of Providence, than thus ignobly to have sur rendered the mark of the Man of Calvary for the
mark of a beast, and a black beast at that. No, never.
As the venerable Griffith said on a kindred subject,
"Stand alone in your glory first."  This principle of
Methodist polity is to the coming glory of the Church,
what the star of the East was to the coming Messiah.
And shall we suffer, or help to draw a black cloud
over it? No! not as the sons of the immortal Wes
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ley, or, more nobly still, the sons of God., The question to cursory observers may be regarded of small
moment; and we are inclined to the opinion, that such
is the light in which it falls on the mind's eye of the
South. But the converse of a former proposition, in
allusion to their difficulties on this perplexed question,
is, in this phase of the subject, true. That is, persons
at a distance, and unconnected with it, can see its
moral bearings to better advantage than those whose
connexion and familiarity, from infancy to manhood,
with its wrongs, have dimmed the lustre of their mental
and moral vision. Just as a man from a low, damp,
swampy, smoky, foggy position, cannot have the same
clear and distinct view Of a distant object, as another
with equal organs of vision can, from a more elevated
or commanding position; or, according to the laws of
sight, some objects may be too near us for clear and
distinct vision. Perhaps the thought would be better
expressed, by saying the object is in too close contact
with the Southern eye, for that nice discrimination of
which the magnanimous South would be fully capable, under a change of circumstances. This, by many,
may be regarded as too great a concession. But the
voice of reason, aside from the dictates of Christian
charity, requires us to give the best construction that
the nature of the case will allow. But, after all, we
regard the subject in a very different point of light.
As involving principle, and principle of the most elevated character, to say the very least of it we dare,
it is, in essence, a scintillation of that moral goodness
which devised, executed, and consummated the redemption of the world by Jesus Christ; and by which
our spiritual, and the poor slave's civil chains, if ever
it be done by earth or heaven, are to be broken off,
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which may Heaven grant for that goodness' sake. We
believe the South to be wrong on this subject; but,
we still hope, magnanimously wrong, and will leave it
for time and circumstances to determine.
Before we close our reflections on this subject we
have a word to say about it, in the light of the so-called compromise laws. We think we did not entirely
interdict ourself in our former playful remarks about
them. In reference to the design of these laws, there
seems to be a difference of opinion between the North
and the South; the North claiming them as a matter
of accommodation to the peculiar circumstances of
their southern brethren, and the South claiming that
they form, and were intended for, a compromise law,
on which, as a common platform, they stand side by
side with their brethren of the North, guaranteed and
protected in all their privileges, even to a slaveholding
bishop. Having thus honestly, and, as we think, fairly,
on this subject, stated the distinctive and respective
ground occupied by the North and South, we have
done with it for the present. Which side has truth
and right in this controversy is not now under consideration. And whatever bearing this phase of the
question would be entitled to in a case fairly coming
up under, or covered by these laws, is another and a
very different question from the one now before us;
which is, Was the Rev. James 0. Andrew elected to
the general superintendency of the Methodist Episcopal Church, with the distinct understanding, on the
part of both North and South, that it was under the
compromise laws as interpreted by the South. If this
can be fairly and unequivocally made out, the South,
in view of the action of the General Conference in his
case, had just grounds of complaint. and, so far as eec
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AN ESSAY ON SLAVERY.
clesiastical law is concerned, greatly grieved and maltreated in the person of their Bishop. But are these
the facts in the case? or rather, is not the very reverse true? Was he not elected with the distinct
understanding, known to himself, the South, and the
North, that he was a southern man, unconnected with
slavery? Just exactly on the principles of the North,
the principles and usages of Methodism, and the principles of the Bible, as contended for in these pages;
which is, that the most wise, holy, and good menwhich bishops are, or should be-will occupy advanced ground on this and all kindred subjects. The reported debates of the General Conference prove all we
here assume. On page 148 the Bishop admits that
brother Winans (a southern man) told himself, J. O.
Andrew, at the General Conference of his election,
that he could not vote for him, because he (brother
Winans) believed that he (James O. Andrew) was
nominated for the episcopacy because he was not a
slaveholder. It is also established beyond all controversy, from the face of the same document, that the
amiable and talented Capers suggested him for the
office, because he was a southern man, unconnected
with slavery. Whatever, at the time, may have been
the doctor's unexplained opinions of Southern rights,
secured, as they claim, by those compromise laws, and
we don't mean to insinuate the most remotely that the
doctor acted the part of duplicity in this matter, it is
irrefragably true, that the nomination did not proceed
in open court, in recognition of those rights. The
doctor was desired, if possible, to free himself from
the relation, that he might be chosen to that office.
His reply, according to the testimony of brother Davis,
of the Baltimore Conference, and to which the doctor,
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though present, and immediately concerned in the
matter, by way of explanation, took no exceptions,was
"that himself (Doctor Capers) was a slaveholder, and
doomed to remain a slaveholder, and in this alternative that the doctor did nominate James 0. Andrew
to the caucus committee, would not be denied, because
it could be proved by more than a dozen there."-Conference Debates, page 99. And on page 142 of the
same document it will be found that Doctor Smith, of
Virginia, admits that he had some knowledge of this
matter, viz.: That James 0. Andrew was nominated
because he was a- southern man, unconnected with
slavery; and that for this reason, and this reason alone,
he did not vote for his election.
We will pause here a moment, to ask the reader a
question. Is it very probable, or can we suppose it
even possible, that these four southern brethren, viz.,
James 0. Andrew, Doctors Winans, Capers, and
Smith, together with brother Davis, and the more
than a dozen of whom he (Davis) speaks in his testimony, were all that had any knowledge that the nomination of James 0. Andrew to thi general superintendency of the Methodist E. Church was because he
was a southern man unconnected with slavery, and a
profound secret to all the other members of the General
Conference present?  We repeat, is there- the most
distant probability that this question was locked up
exclusively in the breasts of these men? Impossible.
The character and tendency of the case to excite feelings of interest; the jealousies that were rife (as leaks
out in the testimony of southern members) between
the different sections of the country on this subject,
and the known laws of human nature to be excited,
and to communicate the cause, and give expression to
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such excitement, absolutely forbid the conclusion.
Now, in view of the above facts,-unmistakable facts;
facts that are outstanding to the world, as matters of
documentary record, and which therefore may be
known and read of all men, and which,- too, are a triumphant refutation of the argument of Doctor Smith,
on page 141, where he charges the North with having
deceived the South, in the election of James 0. Andrew to the general superintendency; we repeat, in
view of the above facts,-facts that are sustained at
the bar of public opinion, or before an intelligent universe, if you please, by the testimony of southern members, they "standing alone in their glory," as may be
seen by reference to the pages of the document here
quoted; is it not as clear as that two and two make
four, that the election of James 0. Andrew to the
general superintendency of the M. E. Church, proceeded upon the conceded and well-authenticated
fact, to both North and South, that he was a southern
man unconnected with slavery? No matter of historic record can be more clear and indubitable. And
why now, with a4 confidence that is rebuked, and
should stand abashed and confounded in the presence
of these facts, bring up a law of, at least, controverted
and doubtful authority, and apply it to this principle
of Methodistic usage, to cover, protect, and defend this
case? We will not charge the magnanimous South
with low intrigue, or overt management in this matter; but we are compelled, from the commanding evidence before us, to believe that they have made a false
issue, or have attempted to shield it by a law of doubtful authority, at best, which has not, and in all fairness cannot have, even a shadow of application to the
case. And such, we think, when the whole question
a
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is fully and fairly understood, will be the verdict of intelligent public opinion.
According to current report, Bishop Andrew felt his
difficulties, and came to the General Conference with
the design of resigning his office, but was resisted and.
dissuaded from that purpose by the southern delegation. This fact, however manifestlyand outstandingly
insufficient, in the presence of the facts above stated,
to screen, cover, or protect him from the charge of
moral delinquency, will, to some extent, mitigate the
severity of public judgment. But after all he is in the
wrong, and the pages of impartial history will so record it.
There is yet another light in which we may take a
glance at this painful subject. It was alluded to by
the venerable Bangs, on the floor of the General Conference; and is unquestionably, from the whole character of Christianity, not only of Christian obligation,
but of great practical utility. We mean the law of
expediency, as laid down by the apostle in the following language: "If meat make my brother to offend, I
will eat no flesh while the world standeth, lest I make
my brother to offend."
Now the principle here stated commends itself to
our understanding, as the offspring of a magnanimous
mind, and generous heart; and as such, by the force
of its own intrinsic excellence, commands our admiration. But when viewed in the light of the Divine administration, which is an expedient of boundless goodness, to make the best of circumstances, for the salvation of a sin-disordered world, it receives additional
strength, and appeals to us in all that weight of moral
goodness which characterized the magnanimous Redeemer, in condescending, not to what we had a right
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to claim, according to the eternal principles of rectitude, the laws of nature, or the social rights of man,
as growing out of those principles, but to weakness,
shame, and pain, that He thereby might accomplish
our world's redemption; and in so doing has left us an
example that we should follow his steps. Now who
is it that cannot see that Bishop Andrew has offended
against this rule? He knew, according to his own
statement, that his southern brethren regarded his election as proceeding on the fact that he was not a slaveholder; and also the acute feeling of the great body
of the Church on that subject. And however he
mnight feel disposed to disregard clearly implied faith
to both North and South, by claiming that he was not
personally approached and his views elicited on that
subject, and then throwing himself back on the compromise laws as interpreted by the South, and thus
make good his right to do as he did; he, as a Christian
bishop, was still bound by this law of expediency to
regard in this matter the feelings of his brother, and
much more the feelings of the great body of the
Church.
But it is objected that the Northern feeling on this
subject is too fastidious, and therefore not to be regarded. Not more so, no, not so much so as the
feeling of the South. For, according to the Scriptures, God has appointed meat to be in part the food
of man; but, as we have seen, has never appointed
slavery; and only tolerates it in view of the "weakness of the flesh," under the controlling power of circumstances. Would not our Southern brethren do
well to look at the subject a little in this direction?
It would, as we hope, operate to destroy the delicacy
and squeamishness of Southern feeling; not only by
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the goodness of the principle involved, but by all the
force of the difference between positive Divine appointment on the one hand, and bare toleration on
the other.
And we must contend, that a due regard for this
law of expediency, apart from the gross and palpable
wrongs of the system of American slavery, will sustain the ecclesiastical law and usage of Methodism,
in requiring her ministry, when practicable, to emancipate their slaves, or otherwise forfeit their ministerial character; and in keeping her general
superintendency free from it, lest thereby that superintendency becomes embarrassed and disqualified for
its special and appropriate work. The world then
knows that Methodism, not only in word, regards
"slavery as a great evil," but in deed;- and like the
Redeemer, and the Bible, only consents, under the
circumstances, to tolerate it. Whereas the position,
as contended for by the South, on this subject, and
on which they have sacrificed the unity of Methodism, and to which they have subsequently conformed
their practice, by electing two additional slaveholding
superintendents, is a complete nullification of our
ecclesiastical law, rendering it a dead letter, and
which, for consistency's sake, should have some black
marks drawn around them, or be expunged from the
Book of Discipline. For, in the language of Dr. Elliott, who always says something when he speaks or
writes: "If the three most holy men of the South
[such bishops should be] are extensively connected
with it, [with a fourth one for their apologist,] it becomes a holy thing." Or, at least, not so bad, but
that all who can, both saint and sinner, may safely
follow such holy examples, set them in the character
9
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AN ESSAY ON SLAVERY.
and practice of the Southern bishops, and justified by
the Southern Church.
These may be regarded as rather caustic remarks.
If our position on this subject be correct, not more
so than its nature and importance demand. And
while we have endeavoured, for the sake of the truth,
to call things by their right names, we are deeply
conscious of not having used one word or sentence
for the purpose of offence.
Now, if the facts in reference to the election of
James 0. Andrew to the general superintendency of
the Methodist Episcopal Church, be as we have
stated, and from the debates of the General Conference have proved them to be,-the South themselves
being the witnesses summoned to the bar, and deposing to their verity,-and if the principles of the
Bible be as we have stated,-and we confidently
challenge controversy on either aspect of the question,-we repeat, if the grounds we occupy in these
pages be correct-the violation of which, on the part
of the South; has led to the overthrow of the unity
of Methodism-if they cannot, by Scripture, by reason, and by an exhibition of counter facts, of equal
or more notorious verity, set them aside; what is
their duty as a body of Christians, and Christian ministers? Why, if the division of the Church, and
the private and public criminations and recriminations along the borders, and everywhere else, have
done no more, which is far from being the whole
truth in the case, than to violate the inspired injunction, "Let brotherly love continue "-it is plainly
and obviously their duty to retract the offensive step;
and, by thus repairing their own wrongs, restore, as
far as may be, the wonted feeling of Christian affec
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tion and brotherhood, that used to circulate throughout our entire Zion. Nothing short of this, in a
gospel sense, will meet the emergency. Every species of real or expedient evasion, under whatever
pretexts it may be attempted to be introduced or
practised, is inadmissible. Our holy Christianity requires "truth in the inward parts,'-the truth, the
whole truth, and nothing but the truth; and that
from the heart.  And it requires it from organiza
tions, whether political, social, or religious, as weR as:
from individuals.
The rule is of nice discrimination and. appliration,-" searching the heart and trying the reins;"
and, in default thereof, there is no way to have a
good conscience,-mark! a good  conscience,-one
fully illuminated and regulated by  the principles,
spirit, and power of Christianity, either as individuals,
or collective bodies, but by retracting our wrong, if
possible; and, if not practicable, by openly confessing
that wrong. This, we acknowledge, in view of position, the pride of opinion, and surrounding circumstances, is a difficult task; especially among men of
great reputed wisdom, whom everybody supposes to
know everything.  Nevertheless, if truth from the
hidden secrets of the heart, and a good conscience,
require it, we should lay our honour in the dust, magnanimously confessing and forsaking our error. It
matters not how high we are; the greater the stoop,
the greater the elevation. For a remark before made
is true in this matter, in going down. we go up; and,
in the language of Solomon, "Before honour is humility."
But enough, and, some may think, by far too much
of this homily, especially from one whom nobody
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knows, and nobody scarcely ever heard tell of, save
a few of his friends, and neighbours, and acquaintances; and among whom, like other prophets, he is
without honour; and who would feel it an honour,
and a zest of enjoyment, to sit at the feet of many
of these brethren, and learn from them the lessons of
wisdom and salvation.
But in the event our Southern brethren cannot,
on the questions herein involved, fairly silence the
truthful roar of our small-arms, what will they do?
Will they, like the prodigal of the gospel, come back,
in the spirit and language of honest and hearty confession? We, for one, will promise them, that the
mother, if not the father, (of which there is no doubt,)
will meet them on that return, with all the tenderness
of maternal affection.
But a voice from the General Conference at Pittsburg whispers in our ear, in behalf of the South, We
did come! But how did you come? Ah, there's
the rub! Why, like the Pharisee of the gospel, in
the language of justification, instead of humiliation.
One thought more, and we have done. Heaven
never struck terms with the most honourable sinner,
or, may be more appropriately, with the most honourable backslider, on such conditions.
196 
AN ESSAY ON SLAVERY.
SECTION III.
ON THE CONDITION OF AFRICA-AFRICAN SLAVERY AN ACT OF PROVIDEN                   TIAL GOVERNMENT.
THE moral and providential government of God, although very much blended in the divine administration over the world, are separate and distinct acts of
governing power; which is a discrimination of great
importance in this investigation.   For an  act or
measure that could not, on principles of simple, rigid
law, be tolerated, without impeaching the character
and government of God, may, in the Divine administration, as a principle of providential government,
with great propriety be taken hold of and tolerated,
for the sake of its practical utility; and the more especially so, when all the circumstances of the case
clearly vindicate the Divine administration from having been accessory to the original act, or first introduction of such measure.
The case of Joseph and his brethren is apposite,
and luminously illustrative of the subject now under
consideration. Now, apart from the providential
phases of this transaction, their conduct in their enmity to, and the sale of, Joseph, their brother, into
Egypt, could not have been tolerated; for, as it appears to us, it would have been a great stain, not to
say a great reproach, to the Divine administration, to
have supposed that the moral Governor of the world
should lend his toleration to such conduct; and yet
we are distinctly informed in the Holy Scriptures
that such is the fact: "And he said, I am Joseph
your brother, whom ye sold into Egypt. Now therefore be not grieved nor angry with yourselves that
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ye sold me hither; for God did send me- before you
to preserve life." Gen. xlv, 4, 5. From which, with'
what follows in the succeeding verses, it is clear that
the Divine toleration was extended to the transaction;
not in the sense, however, that justified their conduct,
and rendered them guiltless in the hatred and sale of
their brother,-which, understood in a strictly moral
point of view, would have been an impeachment of
the Divine administration,-but as a providential act
of government, by which their evil designs and doings
might be overruled for the accomplishment of great,
visible, and lasting good, which was the design, and
which was the result, as the sequel clearly and abundantly proves; for not only the Egyptians and the
family of Jacob were preserved thereby, but other
nations also, "for the famine waxed sore in all lands."
Now when we look at the whole transaction in this
light, whatever may be the demerit attaching to the
conduct of the brethren of Joseph, as an act of providential government, the blended wisdom and goodness of Providence shine forth in such rays of exceeding glory, as to command our adoring homage,
rather than to excite any dissatisfaction on account
of the apparent diffiulties connected with it.
And another feature in the providential history of
this case which claims our attention is, that although
Joseph, and finally the family of Jacob, were in humbled circumstances while in Egypt, the land of their
providential oppression, all things considered, it was
the best for them, and the best for the world, that
they did for a season sojourn in that land. The matter is so clear in the individual case of Joseph, whom
"God made lord over all Egypt," that there is no
difficulty in regard to him; and to a moment's can
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did reflection the case, if not exactly in the same
sense, must, we think, be equally apparent in reference to the family of Jacob, which, as stated in the
Scriptural narrative, was doubtless preserved in existence by this act of Providence. And so with regard to Egypt, and all other countries,-"for the
famine waxed sore in all lands." I
Another beneficial result very obvious from this
act of providential government, and doubtless of vast
importance to the Egyptians, and through them to
the world, was a diffusion of the knowledge of the
true God,-the mighty God of Abraham, Isaac, and
Jacob,-as being superior to all the gods of Egypt,
and the gods of all other lands; which was made
known and vindicated, not only in the history of Joseph, but in the signs and wonders wrought by the
hand of Moses before the court of Pharaoh, and in
the outstretched arm of Jehovah in the various outstanding miracles that marked their return to the land
of Canaan. Who can look at all this sum of good to
the race, as the result of this providential government,
and feel in his heart any other emotion than that of
the most profound gratitude and admiration at the
depth and overflowing goodness of His counsels?
Now, as above intimated, and as it appears to us,
this act of providential government will apply to and
illustrate, in some of its aspects, African slavery.
The teaching of the Holy Scriptures, and the history of the Divine administration, abundantly prove
that individuals, churches, and nations may, by a
course of obstinate and persevering neglect, or aban doned iniquity, forfeit the privileges of their proba tionary existence. Frequent allusions are made to
such a state of things in the sacred writings. In the
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AN ESSAY ON SLAVERY.
book of Revelation churches are threatened with the
removal of their candlesticks. The lovely Jesus, in
approaching the city of Jerusalem, said, "0 that thou
hadst known, even thou, in this thy day, the things
that belong to thy peace; but now they are hid from
thine eyes." And Paul, when addressing the Jews,
said, "Seeing that ye count yourselves unworthy of
eternal life, lo we turn to the Gentiles."  Other instances might be multiplied, did we deem it necessary; but these we think are sufficient.
Now from our reading, which, were it more general,
would warrant a more matured opinion, it has occurred to us, that this, in a providential point of light,
is the condition of Africa.
That they had the tidings of salvation on the first
announcement of the Gospel, we learn from the Acts
of the Apostles; in which it is stated, that, on the memorable day of Pentecost, there were present devout
men from every nation under heaven; who were all
witnesses of the wonderful-works of God.
Either too deeply sunk in mental and moral imbecility to be capable of it, or failing to improve the
offer of salvation then made, and, as a natural result,
sinking more deeply into mental and moral darkness
and pollution, they appear finally to have been so lost
to all sense of mental and moral culture, as to have
become incapable, on their own soil, of a national experiment for their recovery from the deep state of
darkness and moral imbecility into which, as a nation,
they had fallen.
This may be regarded as a gloomy thought, and as
visionary as any other hallucination of the wildest
imagination. But such is the conclusion to which
our reflections on this complex subject have con
a
200 
AN ESSAY ON SLAVERY.
ducted us; and which, we think, is not wholly without a parallel in the history of the Divine administration.
Those instances of a providential government which
we have recorded in the Scriptures,-as the destruction of the world, on account of its wickedness, by a
flood of waters, save Noah  and his family;  that
which confounded the language of the world at the
tower of Babel; that which destroyed the cities of
Sodom and Gomorrah by fire from heaven; that
which first selected a single family, and then a single
nation, to be the depositories of the true religion;
and that which finally sent the family of Jacob, as we
have just seen, into a foreign oppression in the land
of Egypt; and all these as judicial and gracious experiments of a providential government, for the instruction of mankind in the deep evil of sin, and the
reformation of the world in righteousness,-are of a
kindred nature with the theory of Providence we
have suggested in reference to the African race.
Now on the supposition that our conjecture, in reference to the condition of Africa, be true, how is
that condition to be reached? A repetition of the
former experiments to which we have alluded, seems
not to be the order of the Divine government; and,
apart from this consideration, whatever amount of
good they really did in the first instance accomplish,
as an effectual and universal remedy, they appear to
have failed; and their repetition, therefore, in all probability, would not have terminated in more satisfactory results.
The extremity and necessity of their condition required assistance. And what is to be done? The
ordinary methods of Providence had failed; and there
9*
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AN ESSAY ON SILAVERY.
would seem to be no alternative but a resort to some
extraordinary measure; and what measure can the
utmost grasp of mind conceive, apart from the one
here indicated, that does not absolutely involve the
return of the age of miracles, for the expectation of
which we have no warrant from the Scriptures.
It may be objected here, that this view involves
most serious difficulties. Granted. But the case to
be managed is one of equally obvious and outstanding difficulty; and  extreme cases require extreme
measures, and always justify them, when the good
realized as a whole is more than equal to the injury
inflicted. And that such is the case in this providential measure, we think is susceptible of proof; and
that, too, apart from the instruction it may afford not
only our world, but all other worlds, on the exceedingly unnatural and deeply evil character of sin, as
will be seen in the sequel, and which must be a lesson
of vast importance to all intelligent, free, and accountable beings, We claim, then, that the assistance their condition required was providentially
granted, in their enslavement by and among those
nations of the earth in which civilization and Christianity had obtained, and which nations, like Joseph's
brethren, were wicked'enough to engage in this nefarious business, And as the result, by their contact with
civilization and Christianity, they will be elevated, in
the lapse of time, from the depths of their ignorance and
moral degradation, to such an acquaintance with letters and religion, as shall qualify them to return to
their native country as the heralds of Christianity
and civilization; and, by this process of providential
government, pour that flood of light and salvation on
benighted and degraded Africa, which shall elevate,
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renovate, and reinstate her to her proper rank among
the nations and kingdoms of the earth.
And what a glorious consummation of Divine Providence, that Africa is to be redeemed, regenerated,
and saved, by the instrumentality of her own returned children, who,  themselves, were prepared  and
fitted for this work by the workings of an inscrutable,
though benignant Providence, in the illuminating, refining, and elevating fires of a foreign bondage!
This, as we look at it, seems to be the order of Providence; our wickedness in their oppression having
providentially cut us off from the privilege and glory
of the accomplishment of this vast sum of good to
Africa, as the active agents on that field of labour.
In the retributive justice of Providence, it will be
ours to bear the burdens, and theirs to reap the glory,
of this wondrous achievement of goodness and of
grace.
Should their mental and moral condition as a nation be as we have conjectured; and should they
finally, as the result of a partial bondage for a short
season in this country, be lifted up as a nation from
the great depths of their fall, this view of the subject
will be a sufficient vindication of the goodness of
that providential act of government, that suffered,
for a time, their partial oppression in a foreign land,
in view of their final elevation at home.
But if, in connexion with this, under that yoke of
foreign oppression, their condition, as a whole, in reference to both time and eternity, is better than their
condition in their own country, the goodness of Providence will, in this matter also, be incontrovertibly
established, and the ways of God fully justified. And
that such, with all the disadvantages of their present
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condition, is the fact, so far as letters, civilization,
and religion are concerned, is, if the sources of our
information be correct, undeniable. All of which
conspire to assure us of the immeasurable depths of
the ignorance and depravity into which they, as a
nation, have fallen. Our views in this comparative
estimate of condition in Africa or America are not restricted to the body, but include the soul; and no
conceivable amount of bodily suffering can weigh
against its present and eternal interests.
And in reference to the present world, bad as their
condition is admitted to be here, it is fairly to be
presumed that, as a whole, it is as good, if not really
better, than in their own country. That there may
be exceptions to the rule is not denied. But this is
not the principle by which to determine this question.
If, as a whole, or, in other words, if any considerable
proportion of them are, or have it in their power, by
proper personal effort, to be in better circumstances
in their foreign oppression, than in their native land;
this, we think, is, to all reasonable men, a sufficient
proof of the goodness of Providence. Narrow minds
may think differently, but none but narrow minds
will so think. And that there is quite a proportion
of them in improved circumstances, as the result of
their present condition, may be fairly inferred from
the following considerations:
First. That about one-third of the whole amount
of our coloured population are freedmen; and are, or
might be, in a much better condition than in benighted Africa.
In the second place; allowing that which has not
even the probability of truth for its support; that onehalf of the remainder are in a worse condition in this,
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than they were in their own country, it gives the resuit of two to one,-or two-thirds of the whole coloured population of this country, as being improved
in their condition, so far as it concerns the present
life, as compared with their condition in Africa.
Our means of information on this subject may not
be such as to enable us to pronounce with absolute
certainty on the correctness of all the conjectures
here suggested. Nevertheless, we believe them to be
true. And if such be the fact, how luminously glorious does the wisdom, goodness, justice, and holiness of Providence, in this wonderful arrangement,
appear.
As above intimated, this general view of this question is not designed to extenuate or justify our wickedness in their oppression; but simply to show the
vigilance of Providence, in making use of the wickedness of mankind in carrying out the purposes of
his goodness toward benighted Africa.
SECTION IV.
ON THE DUTY OF THE GOVERNMENT.
IF, as we have seen, the Scriptures regard slavery as
a great evil, tolerating it, as an element of organized
society, only in view of the "weakness of the flesh,"
or the disordered state of the world; and if, by the
same high and paramount authority, the Church, under the existing circumstances, is in this matter, in
the sense explained, and to the extent stated in the
preceding pages, subordinate to the State; and in her
organized capacity, with due regard to Scriptural
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precedent, cannot move in advance of the action of
the State, what is the duty of the government in the
premises? The fact, that the Divine administration,
in mercy to our weakness, has taken hold of it as an
element of society, making the best of it that infinite
wisdom and goodness can, under the circumstances,
never was intended,-nor can it be pleaded in our jus tification as a state or nation; in the continuance of
this oppression; especially, if it may be fairly pre sumed that, as a state or nation, we have that amount
of light and information, on the principles of God's
moral and providential government of the world,
which will enable us to understand its true position,
and the reasons of its toleration. And until we are
fairly entitled to the conclusion, that such is the
amount of public intelligence on this subject, it is not
rational to suppose that our responsibilities as a nation are so great as they otherwise would be. For it
is only required of nations, as of individuals," according to what they have, and not according to what
they have not." And that it is to be presumed that
this nation, as a nation, has the necessary amount of
light on this subject, to form a correct public conscience, is to our mind a matter of very serious
doubt. And that for the following reason: That the
Christian ministry, whose only business it is to study
and understand this, with other subjects connected
with the Divine administration, are themselves greatly divided in their sentiments on this subject, occupying the extremes of the poles in relation to it.
Some of them contend openly, others believe privately, that the Scriptures authorize the conclusion,
that it is a Divinely appointed institution. Others,
that there is nothing to be found in all the Scriptures
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that will warrant the shadow of such a conclusion,
but entirely the reverse; and that, when properly
understood, there is not the most distant tolerant recognition of the practice.   While  another  class,
which, in all probability, is far the most numerous,
are all confusion in their reflections on the subject,
and therefore have come to no. settled conclusions
whatever.  They see and feel it to be an evil, but
how to pronounce upon it, as a whole, they know
not. Now, if those whose opportunities are the most
favourable to a correct understanding of this subject,
and whose business, as a part of their sacred calling,
is to investigate and elaborate it, are thus divided and
unsettled in the views which they, with equal confidence, profess to derive from the Holy Scriptures; by
what principle of sound reasoning are we entitled to the
conclusion, that the masses, or even our most prominent
active politicians, are so well informed as to have and
give a correct public conscience in reference to this
question? We believe there is none. And therefore the
impropriety of those severe anathemas, from the pulpit
and the press, unaccompanied with, or preceded by,
those discriminating, clear, and luminous instructions,
that rationally and unequivocally give the rule of duty,
on the high and unerring authority of" Thus saith the
Lord." Till this be done, all such denunciations are
perfectly gratuitous;-and, to make the very best of
them, they are the offspring of a zeal not according
to knowledge, for the plain and obvious reason involved in the apostle's argument, that" where there
is no law there is no transgression." It is not intended to be intimated that we have not, in the Holy
Scriptures, a law on this subject. The contrary we
believe to be the fact. But, from the manner in
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which the question is mixed up with the moral and
providential  government of God, as taught in the
Holy Scriptures, erroneous, confused, and unsettled
notions have obtained; the rule of duty is not clear
and distinct; and therefore liable to the same extenuation that would apply to individuals, who, under like
difficulties, would be slow to arrive at correct conclusions with regard to the rule of individual duty in
other matters.
Now if this reasoning is, as we suppose it to be, correct, it is clear that there must be more unanimity in
the views of the Church or ministry, as the guides of
public sentiment in this branch of public morals.  In
vain may it be urged as contrary to the law of nature
and the dictates of conscience, as determined by that
rule, while there is a lurking sentiment abroad that a
higher authority has authorized it. And equally ineffectual wrill that course be, which denies in toto that
the instructions of the Scriptures have any reference to
a state of slavery. The contrary doctrine is too outstandingly obvious on the plain face of the sacred text,
for men of reflection and discernment to be gulled
into that opinion, by all the ignorant and vehement
denunciation that may be brought to bear upon the
question;  so that it appears to us that an entire
change, as to the manner in which this investigation
is conducted, is imperiously demanded,,as preparatory
to intelligent and well-concerted political action.
Let the subject, in the exercise of calm and dispassionate reason, with due deference to the weakness of
the present state, be thoroughly examined in the light
of the Holy Scriptures, in its connrlexion with the principles and spirit of Christianity, and the government of
God. And surely if the Bible teaches anything very
.,If
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clear and distinct on this subject, we may arrive at
some unanimity of sentiment, to serve as a common
ground on which to concentrate public opinion.
We repeat, till this be done, we may not rationally
expect an intelligent public sentiment to give clearly
the rule of public duty, and a correct public conscience to carry out that rule, any more than we can
rationally expect an effect, either in morals or in physics, without an adequate cause.
When this shall have been accomplished, or when
the subject shall have been disabused from the contradiction, darkness, and confusion, which have, and still
mark the history of its investigation, and is placed in
a clear, distinct, and unsophisticated light before the
people, it will commend itself to their intelligence with
all the power of truth; a correct public conscience
will be created, and the way scripturally and rationally prepared for such action as the exigencies of the
case shall demand.
For it is not to be concealed, if we would meet the
question candidly and fairly, that after all this shall
have been accomplished, there still remain difficulties
of a serious nature to be examined and overcome.
We would not be thought, nor do we fear that the intelligent will regard us as unnecessarily multiplying
difficulties, by the enumeration of those which, in truth
and soberness, belong to the question. And we should
not, and will not, be deterred from the expression of
our honest convictions of truth and duty, by the
clamours of ignorance, recklessness, and fanaticism.
That it is the duty of ournational and State Governments to do all in their power to repair their own
wrongs to injured Africa, has already been stated as
the doctrine of these pages; but how far they are
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bound, on the principles of ethical, political, or moral
justice, to repair the wrongs of a previously existing
and distinct government, which is a principle involved in this question, we are not competent to decide;
and will therefore content ourselves with throwing out
the suggestion, that, if it has not been already done,
some competent pen may undertake it, and bless the
world with its thorough examination.
This, as above intimated, is the shape of this question, as connected with the civil and social regulations
of this country. The government of Great Britain,
we believe, when this country was known as the
British Colonies of North America, first introduced or
suffered its introduction here; which fact, as we think,
is to be received in mitigation of our demerit, or dereliction of duty. True, after our independence was declared, and our national existence acknowledged, we
have followed in this matter the example set us by the
former government; and by so doing have set the
seal of our approval to its wrongs. But so true is it
of all wrong, and "that evil communications corrupt
good manners," that but for that example it might
never have been introduced into this country. For it
is fairly to be presumed, from the prevailing sense of
liberty and equal rights that seems to have been prevalent at the time of the organization of this government,
that had it not been previously introduced among us
as an element of the civil and social state, it could not
have been introduced. It appears to us that it is only
necessary for us to be conversant with the general
sentiment of the times, and particularly the sentiments
on this subject of many of the master and leading
spirits of the day, to be fairly conducted to this conclusion. For it is a matter of public record, and out
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standing notoriety, that it well-nigh operated to defeat
the glowing enthusiasm of our patriotic forefathers in
the organization of this federal republic.  And we
think, after a somewhat careful and candid examina tion of the subject, it was only consented to, at least,
in some of its phases, lest a contrary course might,
directly or indirectly, endanger the great experiment
of human liberty, or free government, then about to be
made.  And if, as we think, this was felt to be the al ternative, how far, in view of the " weakness of the
flesh," the circumstances justify the conclusion, we
cannot take it upon us to say; but on the supposition
that, with all the facts before them, it was felt to be the
alternative, that it was entitled to some weight, no
sane mind will deny. For doubtless, when we look at
the question in all its bearings, it will be admitted that
it was better for the experiment to be made, with this
exception to the rule, than not to have been made
at all.
As it appears to us, there is another difficulty of
considerable moment connected with this subject, and
which, with the light we now have, we dare not overlook in its examination; which is, that by public law,
slaves being known as goods and chattels, and, as such,
liable for the debts of their owners or masters, and on
the faith of such public law, the owners of such slaves
have doubtless obtained credits to a large amount
which they could not have obtained, only for the security guaranteed in this species of property; that the
government should, and if they would do right must,
in their emancipation provide for such emergency. It
may, and doubtless will be objected, that the owners
have not, and cannot by the laws of nature have, any
right of property in them. This has already been ad
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mitted, as will be remembered by the careful reader;
but according to public law they have a right of property, and on the faith of this law, by common usage
and consent, they, as an article of property, have been
taken into the account as securities for the liabilities
contracted. We frankly admit that the case is a deplorable one; but it exists as the fault of the law;
and the governments cannot, without the most heartless mockery of public justice, back out from their responsibilities in this matter.
That it is our duty, partly on the grounds of public
justice, and partly on the principles of moral goodness,
to meet these emergencies, and others that may possibly exist which have escaped our attention, will not,
and, as we think, cannot be denied. For the time is
coming, and we trust is not far distant, when our duty
in a public or civil point of view in this particular, as
well as in our social and individual capacities, must
be looked at in the light and principles of Christianity.
Their practical utility on  this, as well as on  all
other subjects, will, by the force of its own intrinsic excellence and power, commend itself to
public notice, and wrest from the nation the homage
due to truth. Such long has been, and such especially,
as we think, in a partial degree, under its powerful
workings at the present time, to be the tone of public
sentiment; that a great solicitude is felt as to what is
the best course to overcome it, and what is the best
disposition that can be made of it, to make it a boon
to all concerned; which brings us to offer some
thoughts on this aspect of the question.
Our views on this subject, with some little qualifications and exceptions, cannot be better, if so well expressed, as we find them in the language of the late
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Richard Watson:   "As to the existence of'slavery in
Christian States, every government, as soon as it professes to be Christian, binds itself to be regulated by
the New testament; and though a part of its subjects
should at that time be in a state of servitude, and their
sudden emancipation might be obviously'an injury
to society at large, it is bound to show that its tendency
is as inimical to slavery, as the Christianity which it
professes. All the injustice and oppression against
which it can guard that condition, and all the mitigating regulations it can adopt, are obligatory upon
it; and since also every Christian slave is enjoined
by apostolic authority to choose freedom, when it is
possible to attain it, as being a better state, and more
befitting a Christian man, so is every master bound, by
the principle of loving his neighbour, and especially
his'brother in Christ,' as himself, to promote his
passing to that better and more Christian state.  To
the instruction of such slaves in religion, would every
such Christian government also be bound, and still
further to adopt such measures for the final extinction
of slavery; the rule of its proceeding in this case being
the accomplishment of its object as soon as is compatible with the real welfare of the enslaved portions
of the subjects themselves, and not the consideration
of the losses which might be sustained by their proprietors, which, however, ought to be compensated by
other means, as far as they are just and equitably
estimated.
"If this be the mode of proceeding, clearly pointed
out by Christianity, to a state on its first becoming
Christian, when previously, for ages, the practice of
slavery had grown up with it, how much more forcibly does it impose its obligations upon nations involved
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in the guilt of modern African slavery! They professed Christianity when they commenced the practice. They entered upon a traffic which, ab initio,
was, upon their own  principles, unjust and cruel.
They had no rights of war to plead against the natural rights of the first captives, who were in fact stolen,
or purchased from stealers, knowing them to be so.
The governments themselves never acquired any
right in the parents; they have none in their descendants, and can acquire none; as the thief who steals
cattle cannot, should he feed and defend them, acquire any right of property either in them or the stock
they may produce, although he should be at the charge
of rearing them. These governments, not having a
right of property in their colonial slaves, could not
transfer any right of property in them to their present
masters, for it could not give what it never had, nor,
by its connivance at the robberies and purchases of
stolen human beings, alter the essential injustice of the
transaction.  All such governments are, therefore,
clearly bound, as they fear God and dread his displeasure, to restore all their slaves to the condition of
freedom.  Restoration to their friends and country is
now out of the question; they are bound to protect
them where they are, and have the right to exact
their obedience to good laws in return; but property
in them they cannot obtain,-their natural right to
liberty is untouched and inviolable. The manner in
which this right is to be restored, we grant, is in the
power of such governments to determine, provided
that proceeding be regulated by the principles above
laid down:-First, that the emancipation be sincerely
determined upon at some time future; secondly, that
it be not delayed beyond the period which the general
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interest of the slaves themselves prescribes, aid which
is to be judged of benevolently, and without any bias
of judgment, giving the advantage of every doubt to
the injured party. Thirdly, that all possible means
be adopted to render freedom a boon to them. It is
only under such circumstances that the continuance
of slavery among us can cease to be a national sin,
calling down, as it has done, and must do, until a process of emancipation be honestly commenced-the
just displeasure of God. What compensation may be
justly claimed from the governments, that is, the public of those countries who have entangled themselves
in this species of unjust dealing, by those who have
purchased men and women whom no one had a right
to sell, and no one had a right to buy, is a perfectly
distinct question, and ought not to turn repentance
and justice out of their course, or delay their operations for a moment. Perhaps such is the unfruitful
nature-of all wrong, that it may be found, that as free
labourers, the slaves would be of equal or more value
to those who employ them than at present. If otherwise, as in some degree'all hale sinned,' the real
loss ought to be borne by all, when that loss is fairly
and impartially ascertained; but of which loss, the
slave interest, if we may so call it, ought in justice to
bear more than an equal share, as having had the
greatest gain." —Theol. Inst., vol. iii, p. 273.
These paragraphs, according to a note appended
by the American editors, which is doubtless true,
were obviously written with a view to states in which
Christianity, as a system, is formally established by
law. That does not, however, materially alter the
question in their application to us. For if religion
with us is not, and, as we think, ought not to be esta
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blished by law, we are, nevertheless, as a people, professedly Christian. It being the popular, and, with
very limited exceptions, the only religion known
among us. And as we, the people, in the form of
government, are established the sovereigns in this
country, the principles and arguments contained in
the above quotation apply to us in all their force,
with the exceptions we take to the following sentence: "Restoration to their friends and country is
now  out of the question,"   Restoration to their
friends may have been out of the question; but the
correctness of its being out of the question to restore them to their country, may be honestly doubted.
True, the immense amount of the public debt of the
British Government would  have been  an embarrassing question in its connexion with such an attempt.   But if, as a government, they had had in
this matter as much regard to public justice as
they had for vain, ostentatious, and ambitious parade and show, by which to keep up the dignity and
glory of the court of England, as evinced in the astounding dimensions of her  civil list, this  item,
paired down to what is befitting, in view of this and
other matters of public justice, would have gone far
in the lapse of time in accomplishing their return to
their own country.
Happily for us in this country, we are, by law, to a
very great extent, free from the enormous burdens of
their civil list; and by an economical administration
of the government, may soon be free from any public
debt. And with the inexhaustible resources of our
country, especially in view of our late acquisitions,
and which could not be more worthily appropriated,
we might address ourselves to this work with every
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prospect, in the lapse of time, of complete success.
And how nobly and godlike would it look, for a nation
actuated by a high sense of public justice and moral
goodness, thus magnanimously to repair its own, and
the wrongs of others.
And this, after all we have read and heard to the
contrary, when we look at the subject in all its bearings, as well as in the light of God's moral and providential government of the world, seems to us to be
the one indicated by Providence, and the best disposition that can be made of it.
The prejudice of colour in itself, not to say that it
possibly may be designed as a providential barrier, is
so deeply rooted, that the probability is strong against
their ever attaining fully to the rights of citizenship in
this country, while the history of nations furnishes
evidence that two distinct and separate nations or
races cannot co-exist on the same soil,-the stronger
preying upon the weaker, and the weaker thereby
tending to decay. And it is not rational to suppose
that amalgamation will ever overcome the evil.
Therefore, having full confidence in the practicability
of the measure, we believe colonization to be the best;
and, as above stated, the one indicated by Providence.
And if it is, as we have assumed, and frequently stated
it tobe, the duty of our General and State Govern.
ments, on principles of public justice and moral goodness, to make the earliest practical provision for the
emancipation of our coloured population-having
proper reference to their interest in so doing, it cannot
be their duty to make provision for its further extension and perpetuation. This would be to confound
all distinctions with regard to the rule of duty, and involve the State and national councils in the most posi.
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AN ESSAY ON SI,JAVERY.
tive contradiction; so much so, that the mnost unlettered citizen of this great republic could clearly see
their incongruity.
The question, then, resolves itself either into the
rightfulness of slavery, or the expediency of its longer
continuance, and its further extension, as necessary
in view of such continuance.
The doctrine of its rightfulness has already been
sufficiently refuted; for, as we have seen, both the
law of nature and the law of revelation lift up their
united voice in its condemnation. And we need not
insult the reader's understanding by any further effort
to disprove the rightfulness of its claims.
We have already stated that, in a political point of
view, the earliest practicable attention in their emancipation and removal, having reference to the good
of the enslaved, is the measure of our obligation to
them. On this principle would it not be safe in five,
or at furthest ten, years-or sooner, if practicablefor our national and State governments to commence
operations in this glorious and God-like movement.
Hopefully, not to say certainly, in that time, or even
before that time, matters and things, in reference to
this question, could be got in that state of matured
preparation which is necessary to, and should characterize, the incipient measures in this movement.
If so, the next question which arises in this connexion is, whether there is, in those States where the
relation now exists by municipal law, sufficient room
for their comfortable accommodation, for the period of
time above stated. To propose this question is to
answer it; it being obviously true that there is abundance of room for them, even for a much longer
period of time. For, in addition to the room there is
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in the old, and a number of the comparatively new
slaveholding States, Texas itself furnishes a sufficient
space for the increase of our coloured population for
half a century to come.
And furthermore, the advocates for the extension
of slavery have never felt this to be a difficulty, and
therefore have never set up the plea of necessity for
more room; but, in our federal relations, have claimed
it as a matter of right, guaranteed to them by the
constitution of the general government. Now, according to these facts, the doctrine of expediency is not
tenable on this ground.
And we suppose it will not be pretended that it is
necessary, in view of the supposed advantages that a
new settlement, in a new country, will furnish, for
their physical, mental, and moral culture, preparatory
to their emancipation. This, as it seems to us, would
be advancing backwards.
So far as national policy is concerned, it would
doubtless be most desirable to have harmonious national action in the settlement of this question. And
it is to be hoped that the South will yet see and retract their error in insisting on its further extension.
If they should not, what in this exigency is the duty
of the North?
If, as we have seen, slavery is in derogation of the
law of nature, and also of the spirit and principles of
Christianity, and only tolerated in the Divine administration for the time being, in view of the "weakness
of the flesh," till the practical benefits of the gospel
should, in their development, prepare the way and
point out the path of duty, ought they longer to cooperate with the South, by lending their sanction to
the extension and indefinite perpetuation of this
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wrong-this curse of humanity, and reproach of this
nation? We repeat, can they do so, without incurring, at the bar of a world's opinion, the verdict of a
world's condemnation? And, what is immeasurably
worse, can they do so without falling under the displeasure, and bringing down upon this guilty nation
the fearful judgments, of the almighty Ruler of the
universe, who assures us that he hates oppression,
and will in the end, in behalf of the oppressed, terribly vindicate right?
SECTION V.
A CALM ADDRESS TO THE SOUTH.
WHEN  from afar-off ages or generations the history
of a people, in all the force of their educational associations and biases, is written in deep and palpable
wrongs, on the known laws of mind they have claims
on our sympathy, and we cannot act rationally in
withholding it from them. If, in connexion with this,
these wrongs, from the commencement of their political history, have been authorized by public law, as a
part and parcel of the civil and social state, their
claims on our sympathy are strengthened. Added to
this, that what is regarded as their sacred writings
have many tolerant allusions to, and directions for,
the management of those wrongs as elements of civil,
social, and religious society,-those claims are increased by all the force of the over-awing and downbearing tendency of so high authority; which, with
beings constituted as we are, in whom the religious
principle is one of the strongest of our nature, must
necessarily be great, and cannot fail to make a deep
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and lasting impression, one to which the mind cleaves
with great tenacity;-watching with feelings of profound jealousy every attempted innovation on established and long-cherished opinions and usages, and
only surrendering them to the most clear, conclusive,
and obvious reasons of right and fitness. They must
be clear, in opposition to cloudy or murky;  conclusive, in opposition to "doubtful disputations;" obviously out-standing, so as to commend themselves to
our intelligence as being free from hypothetical conjectures, rhetorical flourishes, and every species of
illusory reasoning, by which to impose upon the understanding by false appearances, however plausibly
presented. If there is a lurking sentiment within, that
the arts of sophistry have been employed, and the
case not both fairly and fully mnet, the mind, instead
of being staggered from its former position, cleaves
with renewed confidence and satisfaction to the stability of its old and cherished opinions.
Now with these known facts of the laws of mind
before us, how would we, supposing they were heathen, approach a people situated as above described?
In the language of coarse, vulgar, inflammatory,
wholesale denunciation; consigning them to immeasurable infamy in the present life, and to the miseries
of an endless hell in the life to come?  What law of
mind, or principle of human nature, warrants even the
shadow of a conclusion that we shall make a favourable impression, or bring about a reformation by such
a course? We must confess that we have wholly
misinterpreted human nature, in its mental, moral,
and social tendencies, if such a course, instead of being productive of favourable results, will not tend to
harden and confirm them in those wrongs, and thus
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AN ESSAY ON SLAVERY.
render more difficult, if not totally defeat,-for the time
being, the meliorating object contemplated.
If this reasoning holds good in its application to
heathen nations, what reason have we to depart from
it in its application to Christian nations? Are the
laws of mind, and the principles of human nature, so
changed by the accidental or providential circunmstances of our existence, as to render effectual in the
latter case that course which proved an entire failure
in the former?  By what process of reasoning can
we arrive at such a conclusion? There is none of
which we can form the most distant conception.
And yet, as it appears to us, in the manner we approach the South on the subject of slavery, this whole
question is begged-taken for granted. The cases
are to all intents and purposes analogous; the South
being similarly situated in reference to slavery, as the
heathen nation in the wrongs above supposed. True,
there have been repeated and successful efforts to prove
slavery a great wrong; the laws of nature have been
summoned to the bar of public opinion, and have uttered, in unmistakable testimony, their verdict of condemnation; but a remark before made may be here
repeated, that weak and ineffectual is its testimony,
while there is a lurking sentiment within, that a higher
authority has authorized it. Mankind do not go to
the laws of nature, but to the Bible, to learn the rules
of moral duty; and so long as from that source they
can derive any support for the principle or practice
of slavery, the laws of nature will, as a general matter, be appealed to, and lift up their voice in vain on
this question. But the Bible has also been appealed to.
Admitted. But after what manner? Alas! here,
where all should be clear, conclusive, and out-standing,
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there has been the greatest darkness, doubt,,and confusion.
Some have taken and laid down general principles
from the Bible, and drawn conclusions from those
principles antagonistic to slavery; and gravely tell
us, whatever might have been the state of this question in the earlier and darker ages of the Church and
the world, that now the relation is utterly incompatible with Christianity; forgetting or overlooking, in
the mean while, the great cardinal doctrine of Divine
revelation, that the Scriptures were not given for one
race, or for one time, but for all races, and for all
time.
Others, starting from these general principles, unheedingly ride over the whole class of Scriptures
which, by tolerant allusion, and specific law, recognize
the relation, and give directions for its management,
as an element of civil, social, and religious society.
Others, again, attempt, but in a manner so weak and
unsatisfactory, to criticise and explain away those passages that bear directly on the relation, that the
veriest blockhead of a school-boy, twelve or fifteen
years of age, who can comprehend the ideas of which
language is the sign, can detect their fallacy.
Others, finding it impossible to give any rational
explication of those passages, only in their application
to a state of slavery; and being unable to reconcile
the tolerant recognition of the relation with their
views of the character and government of God, renounce the Bible as a Divine revelation, and launch
out into the wide and open fields of infidelity and
skepticism.
While others, with better accredited reputation for
general learning and intelligence, and equal claims to
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common honesty, common sense, and consistent piety
with the best of them, regard those Scriptures as bearing upon the relation, and the relation as compatible
with a creditable profession of religion, on the part
of both master and servant.
So that amidst these conflicting views, asserted
with equal zeal and confidence, an Egyptian darkness
enshrouds the question, doubt is induced, and, on the
principles above laid down, the mind which has been
trained by the whole force of its education, from infancy to manhood, to certain modes of thinking on
this subject, settles down in the conclusion, that after
all the elemental strife that has sounded in its ears,
and after all the war of doubtful disputation to which
it has given attention, it still is in the right, and therefore proceeds forward in the beaten track of ages.
Now it does appear to us that this is the exact, the
true state of this question-the necessary result of
the unadvised or the ill-advised manner in which the
investigation of this subject has been conducted.
Hence the bold and out-standing position of certain
eminent Southern men, in contending for slavery as
a Bible institution, challenging controversy on its
rightfulness, &c. We repeat, while the question retains this shape, and nothing more clear and definite,
with regard to its true position in the Divine administration, is elicited, this whole matter of vehement, reproachful, and unmeasured denunciation is useless,
and worse than useless: it is both irrational and unChristian. It might be employed with a faint shadow of plausibility among hog-drovers, in driving
their stock to market; but in no sense of the word
whatever is it admissible among rational, intelligent,
morally free, and accountable men.
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We are aware that in these remarks we shall call
down upon ourselves like denunciations from certain
ignorant praters, or "filthy dreamers," who know better how to use their pens and tongues in coarse, vulgar, and slanderous reproach, than they do about the
principles and spirit of Christianity; but, supported
by a deep, inward, conscious desireof promoting only
the truth, it is a light thing with us "to be judged"
and reviled "of men," and especially by such men
We have already been interrogated as to the latitude for which the book was written,-a question
that jaundiced prejudice, impertinent or well-meant
ignorance, might ask; but one that no intelligent and
upright mind, actuated by the principles and spirit of
Christianity, could ask. It could not dabble in such
dirty water, or swim in such a muddy stream, for the
plain and obvious reason, that pure Christianity impugns no man's motives, and particularly in an act
so public and solemn as that of writing and publishing a book on any great moral question. Therefore
they excite our pity, rather than our contempt.
We repeat: That before we can rationally expect
to make any favourable impression, or gain a candid
and impartial hearing in the court of the Southern
understanding, we must change our whole mode of
attack,-" turning our swords into plough-shares, and
our spears into pruning-hooks;" indicating thereby
the double purpose of yielding our hostile ground, and
in a peaceful, quiet, patient, but persevering way, digging deep into the soil of revealed truth, till we fathom
the depths of the Divine administration, and ascertain, if possible, and as far as possible, the true position of this feature of its policy.
This, to some extent, has been the design of the
10*
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present effort; in which we have endeavoured to
trace its connexion with the moral and providential
government of God; and which we may here recapi tulate, for the twofold purpose of placing the question
in as clear and distinct point of light as may be, and
as affording rational ground of appeal to all con cerned, with regard to duty in the premises.
First. That the constitution of human nature is
such, that civil government is not only indicated as
being necessary, but is revealed as being the will of
God, and is essential to the existence of the race.
Second. That in view of its lying so deep at the
foundation of our existence, the Church, which can
only exist, and is only necessary, in the continued existence of the race, is, particularly under the Gospel
dispensation, subordinate in her position, and subject
to the laws of the State in every matter where those
laws do not directly conflict with the law of God-as
in the case of Daniel, &c.
Third. That in the moral and providential government of God, the race is continued in existence in a
fallen, disordered, and mixed condition.
Fourth. That if it was just in God to continue the
race in existence in their fallen, disordered, and mixed
condition, the very same justice required that a benlevolent regard be had to the circumstances under
which we exist.
Fifth. That this benevolent regard is shown in the
slavery relation, in its tolerant recognition for the
time being; because, first, it could be turned to the
spiritual advantage of those in the relation, under
the patriarchal and Jewish dispensations; and, second, that under the Gospel dispensation, from the
known hostility of the parties, a law forbidding it by
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direct positive precept would, in the agitations of universal war and bloodshed that would have followed
its announcement and enforcement, have been a
greater calamity to the race than its temporary toleration. And especially in view of the vigilance of Providence in turning it to good account, as a lesson of
instruction to all created intelligences, on the painfully unnatural and deeply evil character of sin; as
well as a measure of providential government that has
already been- spiritually and otherwise-and yet may
be much more so, of vast importance to Africa itself.
Sixth. That its tolerant recognition is only in view
of the "weakness of the flesh," or present disordered
state of the world.
Seventh. That this tolerant recognition of the relation, as a temporary regulation, is guarded by restrictions and regulations which are promotive of the best
interests of all who are providentially found in that
relation, both for time and eternity.
Eighth. That it is essential wickedness to attempt
by force or fraud to reduce a free man to a state of
bondage.
Ninth. That as men, or Christians, we are justified
in continuing in the relation only so long as we are
unavoidably ignorant of its true position, and the reasons of its toleration in the government of God, or
connected with it by the operation of laws or circumstances which we did not create, and cannot control,
and which laws or circumstances render emancipation a doubtful good.
Tenth. That it is our duty, both as citizens and
Christians, to seek by all constitutional, orderly, and
peaceful measures, to remove all those legal and moral
barriers which prevent their emancipation.
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This, so far as they now occur to us, is a brief
analysis of the important principles elaborated in this
investigation, and which, as we think, show the very
complex and delicate nature of the relation;-the
reasons for, and the extent to which it is tolerated;with the circumstances under which we are not and
are justifiable in continuing in the relation, as well as
our solemn duty, whether as citizens or Christians, to
seek, in a proper way, its removal, And the whole
question, as it appears' to us, is disabused from its
darkness, doubt, and confusion, and the path of duty
plain before us.
And how, with these facts before them, and other
equally reliable and outstanding facts connected with
this question, (to which attention has been called,) a
body of grave, learned, and magnanimous divines
could, in grave deliberation, solemnly determine to
sever the bonds of visible, fraternal, and Christian
unity of a large and prosperous Church, for the sake
of sustaining a bishop, who, contrary at least to implied faith, had connected himself with this evil, is to
us as inexplicable as the tides, on any other principle
than on their part a total misconception and misapprehension of the facts here stated, and which are legitimate deductions from revelation, reason, and the
debates of the General Conference, before alluded to.
The principles of Christian charity are such, that if it
even was in our heart to do so — which we utterly
disclaim-we dare not charge them with known dereliction of principle in the course they have pursued
in this matter. It is capable of other, and more worthy
and rational explanations. Facts warrant us in a
different interpretation of their course. Many of them
claim that it is a Bible. institution, an appointment of
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AN ESSAY ON SLAVERY.
God. How generally this sentiment prevails, we have
not the means of definite knowledge; but it is rational
to conclude, that the fogs and mists under which they
have been accustomed to view this question, have had
much to do in misleading them.
Again: public sentiment in the South, by these
misleading causes, lay in this direction; and how far
they may have felt themselves bound to regard that
public sentiment, doubtless came in for a full share of
their sober regard.
And yet again, as they claim their professedly conventional rights, as an integral portion of the Church
this may have, and doubtless, from the debates of the
General Conference, had, a great deal to do with the
course adopted. We repeat, on the supposition that
they have had no such clearly defined and settled
views as we think are here presented, and as we believe are presented in the Scriptures, but have taken
the views above intimated; these form rational and
consistent grounds for explaining what we believe to
be, and will here call, their erratic course, without ungenerously and unchristianly impugning their motives;
a principle that stands at an immeasurable distance
fiom that charity which "rejoices not in iniquity, but
rejoices in the truth, beareth all things, believeth all
things, hopeth all things."
What course they will subsequently pursue, when
clearer light and better defined views shall mark the
boundaries, and fix the distinct limits of this question,
the future must determine. But that they can cling
to it in the sense of Divine right, Divine appointment,
or an institution of God, seems to us to be utterly out
of the question. For if the views we have presented
in these pages be Scriptural, and the contrary we
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think no man can prove, on their high, holy, and un erring authority, there is not even the shadow of evi dence to sustain such claims. The very strongest
Scriptural view that can be taken of it is, that through
the Divine forbearance it is temporarily tolerated;
not because it is right in the sense of eternal recti tude, or the laws of nature, but in view of the igno rance, weakness, and disordered state of the world,
which it is their business, as the ministers of a reli gion of essential moral goodness, to labour to correct
-a moral goodness so essentially disinterested and
self-sacrificing,'that instead of putting its feet on the
neck of the poor, oppressed, and down-trodden ones,
would, like an angel of mercy, fly to their rescue, and
say, in the language of Him who is their pattern and
head, "The Spirit of the Lord is upon me, because he
hath anointed me to preach the gospel to the poor,
he hath sent me to heal the broken-hearted, to preach
deliverance to the captives, and recovering of sight to
the blind; to set at liberty them that are bruised, to
preach the acceptable year of the Lord." The poor,
the outcast, the oppressed, the bound, and crushed,in a word, the neglected masses of society-were those
with whom the blessed Jesus sympathized and laboured, for whom he lived, and for whom he died.
Under the quickening power of a moral goodness,
which, at the sight of their deep woes and deeper
wrongs, stirred the fires of divinity within him, He
came from heaven to earth to lift them up to their
proper elevation here, and eternal glory hereafter.
And can his representatives, his ambassadors, charged
with all the interests of his great mission, not only to
the fallen, but to the most deeply fallen, unfortunate,
helpless, and distressed, so far forget their true posi
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230 
AN ESSAY ON SLAVERY.
tion, as to sustain a bishop who has giver the whole
weight of his spiritual and official character to sustain
and perpetuate that state of things which the great
Master came to subvert, uproot, and bear down, until
man's true dignity and common brotherhood should,
throughout his entire history, be practically asserted
and realized? Or having, in the unexpected hour of
hurried excitement, thus touched the ark of God with
an unsteady hand, will they, in their more cool deliberation, when sober second thoughts hold empire,
through pride of opinion, or any other unworthy motive, continue in a wrong position? Would it be
magnanimous?  Would it be Christian or Christ-like
to do so?  But you reply, We misinterpret your position, and disclaim any such intention on the part of
yourselves or your bishop. We rejoin, What is the
sound that has, from the South, gone forth to the
world on this question? Is it not that slavery is of
Divine authority, and therefore right?-right for
every minister and bishop to have slaves-that it is essential to the usefulness of a minister in the South to
be a slaveholder? With many other similar expressions, which all conspire to fix it as the opinion of
the Southern ministry, that it is an essential and permanent element of civil, social, and religious society;
and all this without one solitary breathing whisper
that we have ever heard or seen of its temporary
character, and only in the Divine forbearance tolerated in that sense, in view of the "weakness of the
flesh," or for want of a sufficient amount of moral
goodness in principle and practice by which to overthrow it; or, in other words, because the balance
of power on this question was on the wrong sidethe side of sin, the side of the devil; and that in that
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early, dark, heathenish age of the world, to have arrayed those powers in conflict, by a direct positive
law forbidding slavery, would have been a greater
calamity to mankind than its temporary toleration.
We repeat, that under the gospel dispensation this is
the most palpable reason that can be assigned for its
toleration. And when we hear without a dissenting
whisper a sound like the seven last thunders, coming
up from the whole South, that it is a Bible institution,
and as such to take permanent rank among the positive duties of society, are we to be told that we misinterpret them when we say that in their action in
this matter the whole weight of their influence is on
the wrong side-the side of sin-the side of the
devil,-perfectly antagonistic to what it should and
must be, if they would increase that balance of power,
or moral goodness, which, on this subject, is to give
the preponderance on the side of right, of truth, of
humanity, and of Christ? Impossible! It is too unmistakably true in its practical consequences to admit
of one moment's doubt. Whatever may be the amount
of their disclaimers, mankind will read in'this action,
and their position consequent upon that action, a
broad sanction to the principle and practice of slavery.
That in their action they designed a contravention
of the principles of moral goodness, or to be on the
wrong side of the balance of power, is another and
distinct question. As already stated, we do not, we
dare not, impugn their motives. Facts, out and longstanding facts, viz.: the as yet unmet challenge
given by the South to four of our most learned
doctors of the North, to discuss the sinfulness of slavery, compels us to believe that they honestly regard
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AN ESSAY ON SLAVERY.
themselves in the right. But we think, and-must contend, that by the weight of all the facts, principles, and
arguments elaborated in this investigation, we are
borne out in the conclusion, that in their zeal to do
right they have done wrong, which it is their imperious duty, on being convinced thereof, without let
or hindrance, to retract, by correcting their position before the world.
Shall we attempt further arguments with our brethren of the Church South?  And can we do so, avoid.
ing the beaten track which, on this subject, has filled
their ears, from the earliest agitation of this question?
These are already before them, and need not be here
repeated further than to say, that however irrational
and unchristian we may, and do, regard the manner,
yet the matter of many of those arguments, appeals,
&c., embody correct principles; principles that ought
not, could not, and would not, have been disregarded,
had they been presented in a proper manner. And
the South, on this subject, should, even at these unseemly, and, as to manner, unbefitting calls, awake
from the slumber of ages, moved thereto by the following known laws of human nature:
First. That such is our mental and moral constitution, that we cannot adopt any principle, or engage in
any practice, true or false, right or wrong, and con.
tinue therein any considerable length of time, without
finding a tendency, both mentally and morally, to become satisfied with, or easy in our position. In the
outset we may have our most serious doubts, possibly
our clear convictions, of both the incorrect and injurious character of such principle, or rule of action, and
fall painfully under the displeasure of conscience in
embracing the one, or acting upon the other; yet in
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adopting the theory, or acting upon the rule for a time,
matters become most seriously changed. Conscience,
conviction, and doubt, are all gone; and soon the
mind, thus agitated at the threshold of this new era
in our history, rights over to the at first doubted, convicted, and conscience-smitten position; and as a
general matter, feels as (lead to any other sensation
than that of ease and complacency, as if it was conscious of the most essential rectitude. This ease and
complacency may be attributed to the silence imposed upon our mental and moral powers, by the act of
receiving and entertaining principles and practices at
variance with their dictates, rather than to their approval of such theory or practice.  Granted.   But
does not the existence of the conceded fact prove the
truth of our proposition, that such is the tendency of
mind? And it matters not, so far as the practical
consequences are concerned, whether the state of mind
induced by the reception and practice of error consists in simple inaction, or a real and essential perversion of its tendency to wrong. The end is reached,
and all the fearful consequences involved in that end.
But we are inclined to the opinion, that facts warrant the conclusion, and we think the Scriptures sustain the doctrine, that such is our mental and moral
constitution, that the embrace and practice of error
produces in us a real and proportionate tendency to
the side of wrong; and which grows with our growth,
and strengthens with our strength, until the character
is finished for good or ill, as the case may be; for the
rule works both ways. And thus every additional
step taken in a course of error, destroys our aptitude
to, and power to do right, and proportionately increases the power of evil over us.
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This principle, or law of our nature, is strikingly
exemplified in the inebriate, the highwayman, the
murderer, and every other shade and shape of progressive vice; each renewed act of intemperance, or violence, diminishing our power of resistance, and increasing the evil forces within us; all of which our
own observation, together with the living and dying
confessions of our fellow-men, abundantly confirm.
And this tendency of our nature is forcibly expressed by Pope:
"Vice is a monster of so frightful mien,
As to be hated, needs but to be seen,
But seen too oft, familiar with her face,
We first endure, then pity, then embrace."
And its power over us, as the result of long habit
or indulgence, is fearfully portrayed in the language
of the prophet Jeremiah: "Can the Ethiopian change
his skin, and the leopard his spots? then may ye also
do good who are accustomed to do evil." So that it
is clear that the frequent repetition of wrong, or a long
continuance in error, has the tendency to induce
habits the will cannot resist, and finally, for aught we
can see to the contrary, to become an unalterable part
and parcel of our mental and moral constitution.
This, as it appears to us, is the doctrine of the Holy
Scriptures, as taught in the following passages:
"And for this cause (because they received not the
love of the truth) God shall send them strong delusions, that they should believe a lie that they all might
be danned." And again, "And for this cause, God
gave them up unto vile affections," &c.
Now we suppose these passages are similar in their
import, and, at least, intimate the downward tendency
of human nature in its erratic course, and the fearful
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acme gained in the progress of error, that they are
abandoned of heaven, left to their own waywardness,
to work out their own destruction with greediness.
And how frequently, in the single sin of drunkenness,
do we witness the verity of these solemn and awful
declarations; and which, so far as time or the present
life is concerned, abundantly sustains the truth of our
proposition, relative to the laws of mimd. And we
have, at least, one passage that reflects some light on
this subject, in its application to eternity. It is the
narrative of the rich man and Lazarus. Now it is
clear from the history of the case, as here given, that
the rich man, in his life-time, had Moses and the
prophets, but, disregarding their instructions as a rule
of duty, he lived a man of the world. When he died
he found himself in hell; and having no hope in his
own case, his sympathies were drawn out in behalf of
his brethren he had left behind him; and he desired
that Lazarus might be sent to warn them, lest they
also come into that place of torment. He was told
they had Moses and the prophets, let them hear them.
And he said, "Nay, father Abraham, but if one went
unto them from the dead they would repent." So that
he appears to have carried his bad principles and determined opposition to the Divine government to hell
with him; and though enveloped in its flames, and
feeling in his own experience the fearful demonstration of its verity, maintained those principles, and that
opposition, in a controversy with father Abraham;
so that on the high and unerring authority of Scripture, as well as the laws of mind, as above explained, however we may account for it, the incessant
changes of character, constantly going on in the history of man in the present life, tend to, and final
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ly terminate in, an unchangeable, an unalterable
character.
It may be inquired, what is meant by all this? What
relevancy have these remarks on the laws of mind and
morals, to the question in hand? We answer, much,
very much. They may put us on our guard in the
investigation of all moral questions,-a precaution of
immense importance on any moral subject. And what
moral question is there of greater moment than the
one involved in  these  pages,-the  right and the
practice of slavery,-a slavery in which millions of
human beings are, by force of existing civil laws,
doomed, from generation to generation, and from century to century, to pass a mere animal existence;
crushed in-body, crushed in mind, crushed in morals;
in a word, crushed in every ennobling aspiration and
feature of humanity,-in everything that indicates their
high origin, as having been made in the image of
God,-in everything that renders life desirable, or existence worth the name,-crushed in life, crushed in
death, crushed in time, and crushed in eternity?  Not
there, however, in the sense of ultimate perdition, as
the necessary result of their present degradation. But
if the law of analogy holds good, in its application to
the future world, their faculties and powers will have
had so little development in the present life, as preparatory to the more enlarged, elevated, and refined enjoyments of the heavenly state, as to be in.heaven, should
they get there, mere infants, as compared to men.
And may we not, yea, ought we not, to suspect the
soundness of that mind, which in its reasonings and
conclusions has adopted views favourable to the
principles and practice of a system so down-bearing
and imbruting in its tendency; and which, with feel
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ings of complacency, can witness its operations, and
the effect of its operations, as being under the misleadings of error?  Is it not rational to suppose that this
complacency, so far from being the result of well-defined views or clear convictions of its rightfulness, is
the result of human selfishness, strengthened by such
familiarity with the wrongs of slavery as to stifle our
sense of right, and by this effect of error on our nmental and moral constitution, dry up our sympathies for,
and leave us thus indifferent with regard to its wrongs?
And if so, ought we not to recur to first principles;
examine the ground over again, and on rational and
Scriptural principles, be able to satisfy ourselves, as
men, that we are correct in our position? It can do
no harm. Truth and right never suffer by the closest
scrutiny. And, on the other hand, it may do good; for
it is a well-known truth, that we are often benefited
by subjecting ourselves, and our principles, to the
closest scrutiny and most rigid examination.  And by
what process of reasoning can we arrive at the conclusion, that a course that will be productive of good
results on all other questions will be unavailing in
this? There is none.
And h(fwever we may feel settled and satisfied
with the existing state of things on the question of
slavery, there is one strong ground of suspicion that
we may be in the wrong. And that is, the opinion
of the world is on the other side of the question. And
it cannot be that the laws of mind are so essentially
different, that we must be conducted to conclusions
on this subject so wide apart. The Scriptures inform us, that the principles of moral rectitude therein
found constitute the rule, or law, by which all nations
are to be judged. This, in reference to the great
a
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question of morals, is conclusive of the unity of mind.
True, all minds may not equally comprehend moral
questions, either primarily or in detail. One reason
we might offer for this difference is, the diversity of
talent possessed by mankind; one having five, another two, and another one talent. Another reason
may be, that some men exercise,their powers more
than others in the investigation of such questions.
But all this does not affect the question. Moral truth
is one, and the moral powers of the race are alike, at
least in nature, adapted to that truth. And what the
moral intelligence of the world determines to be
wrong, that verdict, when sustained by the laws of
nature and the laws of God, as in the case of slavery,
must be true.
Another thought of some importance to the impartial examination of this subject is, that those connected with slavery are interested witnesses. And such
is the importance attached to this principle, in matters pertaining to the well-being of society, that in
all well-defined and well-settled systems of civil jurisprudence, the testimony of such witnesses is inadmissible, only under circumstances, the nature of
which preclude the possibility of other or better
testimony. And ought it not to be taken into the
account, in the settlement of this question? Can we,
in view of the weakness of human nature, without
giving the injured party the full benefit of this tendency of human nature to its own interest, decide
fairly and impartially? We think not.
And, on such a subject, can a Christian people
lightly disregard the sober judgment of the world,
especially in view of the fact just stated, that their
relation to it is such as to render them less interest
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ed, and therefore the more competent judges? Is it
rational, is it Christian to do so? We maintain that
no man can act either rationally or Christian-like
who unheedingly and impatiently gives the go-by to,
and disregards, the opinion of mankind on any question, and particularly on one of so grave importance
as the question of slavery. True, it may be claimed
that the evil is among yourselves, and that it is your
own business to manage it. Granted. And we will
here add, that we disclaim all right to interfere, in
any way or manner, with your institutions, further
than to appeal to your moral and religious sense, in
the words of truth and soberness. This we may do,
for we are all brethren. And the oppressed too are
our brethren,-of the same blood, —children of a
common parent, and al] alike hastening to the same
fearful or glorious end. It is in this broad view of
our common origin, oneness, and destiny, that we
would overleap the civil restrictions that hang around
this question, and appeal to your sense of humanity,
of right, and of grace. Can it be that an impartial
and just God, who is loving to every man, and whose
tender mercies are over all his works, is pleased with
a system that thus imbrutes, from age to age, so many
of his intelligent and accountable children? Can it
be that He will not visit for these things? One
guilty success after another may harden our feelings
to the voice of humanity and truth. And we may
conclude, as did ancient Israel, "that the vision is
for many days to come, and the prophecy is of times
afar off, and therefore, because judgment for an evil
work is not speedily executed, go on in the work of
oppression. But in this you err, not knowing the
Scriptures, nor the power  of God."  For, in the
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language of the prophet, "The days are at- hand, and
the effect of every vision." That is, although the
threatened doom may not be immediately visited, yet
the cause is at work, and the effect as certainly realizing, in the moral process of iniquity that is going
on within us, as if it were now upon us. Which
brings us to the examination of another law of our
nature, and one of great importance in this as well as
all other moral questions.
It is as follows. That such is the delicacy of our
mental and moral constitution, that we cannot inflict
wrong, even in the slightest degree, without receiving
wrong ouriselves, in exact proportion to the wrong
inflicted. Thus, when our mental and moral powers
are properly adjusted, we cannot do wrong without
a sense of personal meanness in proportion to the
wrong done.  It matters not whether done to a white
man, a black man, or a brute. The sense of meanness is consequent upon the action. If the commission of outstanding and palpable wrong is not followed
by a sense of meanness, it is conclusive of the perversion and corruption of those powers. And if, as
sometimes is the case, we take pleasure in the wrong
inflicted, and thus "glory in our shame," how total
the change in our powers, and the ruin consequent
upon that change! And to a mind that wishes to do
right, is it not, and ought it not to be, a matter of the
most serious interest, caution, and alarm, that such is
the law of our nature, and such are the fearful consequences which necessarily follow its violation?
Now if, in the sense of essential rectitude, the principle and practice of slavery be wrong-in contravention of the laws of nature and the laws of Godit cannot fail to produce an unfavourable reaction on
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those who practise it, by disqualifying them for the
perfection of moral government of which they were
originally capable, and which Christianity seeks to
restore. The Scriptures are a republication of those
laws of nature; and the whole process of moral government, revealed in the Bible, is designed and calculated thus to lift us up. And just so far as it
practically fails of this, it fails of the great object of
its mission. And just so far as it accomplishes this,
will it break down the principle and practice of
slavery, and every other form of oppression. And it
is as absolutely impossible for a man, be he bishop,
priest, deacon, or layman, to be under the full renewing power of this wonderful scheme of human purification and elevation, and at the same time in
principle and practice a slaveholder, as it is for him
to be Christ and Belial at one and the same time.
We may as well attempt to confound light and darkness, or destroy all distinctions between right and
wrong, as to admit it; for the principles are essentially and eternally opposite: the one is from above,
the other is from beneath; the one is from God,
the other is from the devil. Mark! the question is
not that even good men may not be in the relation,
and so hedged about with circumstances, that, for the
time being, it may be the best for them to continue
in the relation. But it is impossible for a good man,
fully imbued with the spirit of Christianity, to be at
heart favourable to the system. With him, no consideration of ease, ambition, or gain, can weigh
against the essential principles of right and goodness
involved in the question. And how careful should a
g o o d man                  be, a y, how careful will he be, to guard
himself against any connexion with the practical ope
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ration of a principle that is essentially and demonstrably from hell! And when we hear of Christian
ministers pleading a connexion with it in view of
their usefulness as ministers, and a grave bishop
saying he believed God had called him to such a connexion, and that too in opposition to the known
sense of his-brethren, whose suffrage placed him in
that spiritual elevation; we are strongly tempted to
think there is some mistake in this business. There
might have been a call. But if spiritual sensation
had been in proper requisition, the odour of brimstone
would have detected the cheat, and shown it to have
come from the devil transformed into an angel of
light, instead of from the "righteous Lord who loveth
righteousness."
From the length of our remarks we are admonished,to hasten to a close; and yet we can hardly tear
ourselves away from the subject. The thought that
it is possible for an intelligent community of nominal
and professed Christians and Christian ministers, with
the laws of nature before them, and the revelation of
God, as a republication of those laws, in their hands,
to undertake to defend the rightfulness and plead for
the permanent continuance of the system of slavery,
as being of special Divine appointment, is a heresy
of such monstrous dimensions, that we may well denominate it high treason to nature, to revelation, to
grace, and to God.
To effect their deliverance from their deep degradation, God has left as the work of the Church. If
ever it be done, it is to be done by the power of Christian principle. Aside from this, there is no help, no
hope for them. The sordid selfishness of human nature, its love of ambition, its love of ease, absolutely
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forbid all hope from this quarter. We may as rationally expect the father of lies to become devout,
as to look to fallen human nature, which is essential
wickedness, to take the lead in this movement of
moral goodness. The Church then, as the depository
of Christian sentiment, is the moral lever by which,
on this subject, to move the world, and move it in
the right direction; the source of light, to pour that
flood of moral glory on the universal mind, which
shall herald the jubilee of the oppressed and downtrodden. Should she prove recreant, and use that
power to strengthen the reign of wrong and oppression, or suffer the light within her to become darkness, how profound the gloom, how terrific the picture
of earth's deepest wrongs and deeper woes! Extinguish the light, strike down the principle and power
of moral goodness revealed in thegospel, and what
of hope is left for man?  Lost! lost! lost! would
be written on every heart; and the expiring throes
of dying hope would convulse to its foundations our
inmost being.
And are there no signs, no indications, no warning
voice in the recent struggle and present position of the
Southern Church, admonitory of this fearful tendency?
Is there nothing connected with her history in this
whole affair that speaks her on the side of wrong?
These are questions of grave importance, and demand
a corresponding answer.   There should be no shuffling, no evasion, no exaggeration. The replication
should be in the language of candour, soberness, and
truth. Well, to their answer. That slavery is right,
appointed by Jehovah, as a positive, permanent relation of society, distinctly and irrefragably capable of
proof as such,-if such is the fact, then the South have
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done right in giving it their support. But we challenge the correctness of this position, and here affirm
that no man can make good its pretensions to such
claims. We think in these pages we have shown the
contrary, beyond successful contradiction, and will
thank any man, by fair, rational, and Scriptural argument, to disabuse us from such conviction. Were it
not for seeming egotism, we would say we believe, we
know it cannot be done. If it is not right, then it must
of absolute necessity be wrong; there is no alternative. It is utterly out of the question to get away
from this conclusion. But it is claimed that we have
admitted the tolerant recognition of the relation, and
laboured hard to prove its compatibility with the rectitude of the Divine character and government. Granted. But in what sense? Because it is right? Never, no
never; or that those who are free from may run into
it at their pleasure; no more than we could dare,
voluntarily, to connect ourselves with any other outstanding and palpable wrong. The ground we have
taken is simply this: that when a man, in the providence of God, is in it, under circumstances he did not
create and cannot control, he is innocent; or when
he connects himself with it, as an act of mercy, for the
good of the slave. Under all other circumstances,
supposing him to be properly informed on the subject,
he is guilty of the sin of slavery, and of the wrong involved in that sin. We care not whether he be a
bishop, a presiding elder, a preacher, or a layman.
No position, no measure of fame, spiritually or otherwise, can shield him from the charge of guilt; and
God, the judge of all, will hold him responsible, and
require it at his hands.
In view of our love of ease, pleasure, honour, ambi
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tion, gain, and worldly glory, it may be convenient to
marry a lady with a score of slaves, or by other me  thods receive or acquire them. But Jesus Christ and
the apostles would no more have done so, than they
would have joined an open and proclaimed alliance
with hell. Everything we have on record of their
history is demonstrative of this position. Then 0, ye
professed representatives, successors, and followers of
Christ and the apostles; look on your exemplars, and
feel the awkwardness of your position. How you have
wounded them in the house of their friends! Don't
blink the question! Awake from the dark sleep of
slavery.   Look  big-souled gospel truth fully and
squarely in the face; give conscience fair play, and
doubtless you will see and feel your error.
Don't reason with flesh and blood, with ease, with
pleasure, with ambition, with honour, with profit, or
with worldly pomp and glory. But reason with truth,
with right, with humanity, with God, with Christ.
With Christ, when he said, "The spirit of the Lord is
upon me, because he hath anointed me to preach the
gospel to the poor; he hath sent nme to heal the brokenhearted; to preach deliverance to the captives, and
recovering of sight to the blind; to set at liberty them
that are bruised." Reason with Christ in the garden,
with Christ on the cross. Above all, reason with that
moral goodness displayed in the salvation you teach,
the religion you profess, the hope you entertain;
which, but for the omnipotence of voluntary sin,
would turn earth into paradise, and hell into heaven.
And reconcile it if you can, on any other principles
than those above laid down, with the principle and the
practice of slavery.
Your plea of connexion with it, in view of the effi
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ciency of the gospel ministry, is a vain philosophy, a
false philosophy, the philosophy of the pit. It is to
"do evil that good may come." A sad deterioration of
the morals of the gospel, and a principle that no man
can prove correct. Brother Winans may, if he can,
write it in a sunbeam, or in the language of fire; but
after all, to the intelligent mind, it amounts to this,getting on to the platform of inebriation and mirth, to
drink with the drunken, and fiolic with the merry,
and thus ingratiating ourselves into the graces of the
worshippers in the temple of Bacchus, or at the shrine
of sinful pleasure, that we may preach to them the
gospel of Christ. In a word, it is "casting out devils
by Beelzebub, the prince of devils." It is absolutely
and eternally impossible, on the philosophy of gospel
principles, to make anything else out of it. Brethren
may talk and write, but, after all, it will only be talking and writing. All the bishops, and all the doctors
of divinity and physic, and all the lawyers too, with
senator Calhoun's aid into the bargain, cannot make
good the principle, for the simple reason that truth is
eternal, and lies on the other side of this question.
But you claim that the laws of the land have established the relation, that the Scriptures recognize their
supremacy as the rule of duty in this matter; and, as
citizens, it is your right to enjoy all the privileges
guaranteed by the constitution and laws of your country. A question here arises: is the law which establishes slavery, as a social and civil relation, just?
founded in such principles of right and fitness as to
mark, unequivocally, its essential agreement with the
laws of nature and the principles of moral rectitude,
so as to vindicate its pretensions to the imposing
character claimed in its behalf? And is it in view of
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AN ESSAY ON SLAVERY.
rinciple of right, that God's law takes.hold of the
on? Or do the Christian Scriptures give it their
orary toleration as an element of the civil and
state, simply in view of the weakness of the
bringing, at the same time, principles to bear
, break it down, and crush it evermore?  This,
naintain, is the true state of the question, and
h we think is incontrovertibly sustained in these
, and which is so manifestly the design of the
1l, that to deny it is virtually, yea, in verity, to
t the counsels of Heaven's mercy. And as above
s, it is the business of the Church to apply there
ctives, to wage this war of moral power, on the
iples of moral goodness, that the gospel, in this
ular, may have free course, run and be glorified.
d how is she to do it? By trading in the bodies
he souls of men? or by the bishops and preachers
ying ladies that have a score or two of slaves on
convenient opportunity; and then, instead of
the influence of their position to mitigate their
tion, and effect their liberation, do as bishop
ew has done,-by deed of reconveyance to his
leave them in their slavery, and put it effectualt of his power to aid, Christlike, in the deliverof the captives? and then, like the bishop, gravel 1 us, that by this act they have washed their
s of the guilt of slavery?  This may be true, so
his hands are concerned; but we do not think it
h ashed his soul before God, or his position before
Church  and  the world, from  blood-guiltiness.
e is but one thing to protect him, and that is, unable ignorance, which, if he or his friends can,
are at liberty to plead, in his behalf.  But, we
t, is the above the course the Church should take
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in fulfilling her mission of mercy to the world, for
her bishops, preachers, and members, to monopolize all
the slaves they can by marriage and otherwise; and
thus give it their broad practical sanction, and then
privately or publicly deplore it as a "great evil?" We
think, by so doing they would fall under the whole
weight of the apostle's castigation, contained in the
following language: Rom. ii, 17-23. "Behold, thou art
called a Jew, and restest in the law, and makest thy
boast of God, and knowest his will, and approvest the
things that are more excellent, being instructed out of
the law, and art confident that thou thyself art a guide
of the blind, a light of them which are in darkness, an
instructor of the foolish, a teacher of babes, which hast
the form of knowledge and of the truth in the law:
thou therefore which teachest another, teachest thou
not thyself? thou that preachest a man should not
steal, dost thou steal? thou that sayest a man should
not commit adultery, dost thou commit adultery?
thou that abhorrest idols, dost thou commit sacrilege?
thou that makest thy boast of the law, through breaking the law dishonourest thou God?"
But again, you claim your conventional rights, your
rights as secured by the compromise laws, &c. With
the controversy between the North and South on this
subject we are not now concerned. It does not fall
within the scope of our present object. But for the
sake of argument, suppose, so far as the question of
conventional rights is concerned, we concede all that
the South claims, and to the full extent of those claims.
Is not the principle involved in the issue between the
parties-the rightfulness or sinfulness of the practice
of slavery-of more importance than millions of such
platforms, or more than all the interests involved in
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AN ESSAY ON SLAVERY.
the controversy would be, supposing every minister in
the entire South should lose his tiara in its triumphant
vindication?
The fact is, when weighed in the balances of essential and eternal truth, there is no conceivable or inconceivable amount of conventional rights, which
when, as in this case, are in contravention of the principle involved, that can by any possibility kick the
beam. For the reasons just stated, these conventional rights, as the doings of men, are to "be shaken;"
and the sooner the better. But the principle at stake
is among "those things that cannot be shaken," and
which must therefore "remain."
Such a contest about conventional rights, compromise laws, &c., might be expected from intriguing
politicians, who do not study the science of government in the light of Christianity. But for a body of
grave, learned Christian divines, full of godly wisdom,
to contend for, and finally sever the bonds of a large,
growing, prosperous Church, for the sake of sustaining them, is what we were not prepared to expect.
We repeat: For the ministers of a Christianity which
came from heaven to earth to lift up the most fallen,
-not only as slaves, but as men, and as freemen, (" If
thou mayest be made free, use it rather." "Be ye
not therefore the servants of men,")-to crush the
visible unity of a large and prosperous Church to
sustain the practice of slavery, and thereby put to
death this principle of moral goodness, or Christianity,
is, in the history of such deliberations, a climax nol
often reached; and, in the course of our reading,
without a parallel. Mark, we do not say that the
South for the sake of it, as such, aimed at this consummation of iniquity. Nevertheless, such we believe
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250 
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to be the result. And we think they cannot get away
from the conclusion.
But, further, they believe, they know that the North
did not stand up to this question "unto the death"
that followed, simply for the sake of oppressing them
in their rights. We here venture to affirm that there
is not a man of them who believes this; not one who,
had this been the only light in which the North looked
at this whole matter, but believes that the doings of
the General Conference, so far as this question is concerned, would have passed off harmoniously.
The question with the North, then, was one of
principle-of principle affecting conscience, which, if
not the highest, is the most authoritative faculty of
the human soul; one which, as they did, they should
have abided, not only before the General Conference,
the Church, and the world, but in the face of imprisonment and death.
Was the position of the South then, and is that
position now, backed up and sustained by considerations of equal weight?   Expediency was  the
ground then taken, and a pseudo expediency at that.
There was no claim in the sense of unbending and
eternal rectitude set up; conventional rights were
pleaded,-rights based on an existing civil law, which
is in contravention of the law of nature, and also of
the law of God; and only, in the Divine administration, tolerated in view of the "weakness of the flesh"
-the darkness, hardness, and mixed state of the
world.
The North standing on a rock, the South over
their eyes in the sand; the one planted on essential,
immutable, eternal truth, and the other on expediency; now which is to surrender? which is to sub
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mit? We reply, that no amount or measure of expediency should or can set aside the claims of obvious moral principle.   Paul's expediency did not
strike down obvious moral principle; he was under
no moral obligation to eat meat. And the expediency
of the Gospel, in its tolerant recognition of the relation of slavery as a temporary regulation, does not
strike down moral principle; it only comes  to the
aid of the "weakness of the flesh," by allowing us to
continue in the relation so long as, in view of surrounding providential circumstances, it is positively
the best that can be done with it; and thus enables
us, by walking in or after its spirit, to fulfil the law,
the paramount law of love, which works no ill to its
neighbour, by holding him in chains when liberty is
a practicable good. But the expediency for which
they contend, which we have denominated a pseudo
expediency, and which we here repeat, is one that
provides for avoidable contingencies; and thus "makes
provision for the flesh to fulfil the lusts thereof." Their
bishop has lost his wife, who has left him a family of
helpless children; he wants a wife and a mother for
them. All right thus far. But he wants more,-some
servants to nurse and wait on them. How convenient to marry a lady with a parcel of slaves, to do
up this business!
The young preacher wants a wife, and how convenient to nest himself among half a dozen or more
slaves, to wash and brush his clothes, to black his
boots, to harness and take care of the horse, and to
say "Massa," and to do up all "massa's" big and
little turns! O how gratifying to the "lust of the
flesh, the lust of the eye, and the pride of life!" This
is the expediency for which they contend. Only read
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the debates of the General Conference, where they
argue the constant liability of the Southern ministry
to become connected with it by marriage and otherwise.
But there is another light in which they urge this
doctrine of expediency, and which we wish here to
examine a little. It is, if they submit to a deposed,
dishonoured bishop, they would not dare to go home
to their respective spiritual charges, or fields of
ministerial labour.  What is the reason of all this?
What unread and unheard-of catastrophe would come
upon them? Why, in the Southern States, including
bishops, presiding elders, D. D's., and all, there are
some three hundred thousand slaveholders, some of
whom would be dreadfully put out with the doings
of the General Conference in this matter. What
portion of them? And who are they that would be
so dreadfully torn to pieces, borne down, and crushed,
or rather infuriated, by this act of the General Conference? Why, first of all, and foremost of all, high
up in the very front ranks, is the Bishop himself;
hard by his side, so far as the author has had the
means of information, all the slaveholding members
of the General Conference present.   They all gave
abundant evidence that they felt, and most deeply
felt. But then the outbursting they manifested was
only the reaction of the apprehended or real feeling
at home, produced by the intelligence that had reached
the distant South from the seat of the General Conference.  Well, be it so.  Who else felt?  Possibly
every slaveholder in the South, with others who may
have sympathized with them. But did these together
constitute a majority of the Church or the people?
It is very much doubted.   But suppose they did.
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And what then? Must the highest judicature of the
Church, to propitiate them, put to death, on the altar
of a pseudo expediency, essential moral principle an expediency that thus gives the go-by to the good
pleasure of the Divine will, to secure the good plea sure of these three hundred thousand slaveholders and that too in an unnatural and unchristian tyranny
over two millions of their species?  Never! no, never!
If the General Conference had sought to array the
Church against the State, or said that the Southern
ministry and membership, who, in the providential
circumstances of their existence, are unavoidably
connected with the evil of slavery, are not good ministers and good Christians; or that it is not the business of the Southern States to manage this whole
question as their wisdom and goodness shall determine
for the best,-then there would have been some just
ground of complaint. But not one word, no, not one
breathing whisper of all this was uttered! What
then is the measure of the offence? Why, the General Conference said, that a bishop, whose official character is the property of the whole Church, is unacceptable to the great body of the Church, because he
knowingly, avoidably, and contrary to implied faith
in his election to that office, voluntarily connected
himself with slavery; and that it was the sense of
that body that he relieve himself of that embarrassment before he proceed to the further discharge of
the duties of the episcopacy;-a request which he, as a
Christian bishop, waiving all the other facts in the case,
was, on the great law of gospel, not Southern, expediency, bound to regard, either by resigning his office,
or freeing himself from slavery.
It may be objected here, that the Church, in her
a
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AN ESSAY ON SLAVERY.
action in this case, did, in the personal rights of
Bishop Andrew, array herself against the State, and,
by consequence, against the rights of the entire
Southern ministry and membership.
We reply, First, our Discipline, which on this subject is only the utterance of the voice of reason and
revelation, declares slavery to be a" great evil." He
and they have subscribed to this doctrine; and they
act very inconsistently with their profession when
they voluntarily connect themselves with it. And it
is both the right and duty of the Church to protect
herself in the premises.
Secondly. If the laws of the State have established
a practical principle in contravention of essential
right, and which Christianity, for the time being, in
view of the "weakness of the flesh," tolerates in those
unavoidably connected with it, a layman has no
Christian right, much less a Christian bishop, voluntarily to connect himself with it, and then seek to
justify and defend his conduct on the ground of civil
rights.
It may be urged here, that in our mixed condition,
this is a point of great delicacy to come under
Church jurisdiction. This will be readily admitted.
But we are inclined to the opinion, that too much importance has been attached to it. We are perfectly
willing that it shall pass for all it is worth, but nothing
more. That by way of accommodation to our fallen
condition, the dispensations of our Maker have come
down in astonishing lengths, is not denied. Everything is done that could be done, without giving up
essential moral principle. And if we, in view of this
gracious stoop, voluntarily connect ourselves with any
palpable wrong, it is to presume on the mercy of God,
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and to "sin that grace may abound;" and by conse quence to fall under all the weight, and be chargeable
with all the guilt involved in the Apostle's argument
on this subject. But you object to the charge of sin fulness in such a step, claiming that the civil law has
established the relation, and that when thus estab lished the gospel tolerates it, and therefore it is your
right, as a citizen, to claim and act upon that right.
We have already, in a civil point of view, conceded
this right. But in reference to your Christian right
to do so, the question which here comes up is, when
examined in the light of the laws of nature, and pure
Christianity, is the civil law which establishes the relation based on essential right? And does the gospel
tolerate it in that sense? If such are the facts in the
case, such is your right, and you do right in acting
upon that right. But we reply, that we think we have
already proved beyond all controversy, that the laws
establishing the relation are not founded on right, and
that the gospel does not tolerate the relation in the
sense of right. The question then here is, Is it the
Christian right of any man, with his eyes open to all
the facts in the case, voluntarily and practically to
connect himself with a principle which is in contravention of the laws of eternal rectitude, simply because the gospel, on the ground of civil rights, tolerates it in those who, in the providential circumstances
of their existence, are unavoidably connected with it?
To grant this is, for aught we can see to the contrary,
to surrender the whole government of God. For on
this principle it is only necessary for the civil law to
establish any grossly immoral principle or practice;
and on the ground of civil rights, we may, as Christians, adopt the one, or conform to the other. To us,
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it appears to be absolutely impossible to get away
from this conclusion.
To deny this right, is to charge those who have
claimed and acted on it with sin, a violation of this
great law of Christianity, which is based on essential
moral principle, and all the guilt consequent upon so
fearful a departure from the rules of moral rectitude;
which, on the supposition that they knew the law,
must, in view of the consequences involved, be immense, not to say immeasurable. How has such a
course obscured the moral glory of Christianity! How
has it strengthened the bands of slavery! The single
case of Bishop Andrew is, and would have been much
more so, but for the rebuke it met with from the
Church, an apology-yea more, a cordial to the conscience of every human monster that trades in the
bodies and souls of men-of every slaveholder that
fattens on the gains of their sweat, and toil, and blood
-and of every unprincipled driver that lends himself
to the dirty work of plying the bloody lash. They
will reason, Why, the Bishop, one of the earthly spiritual heads of a large and prosperous Church-a
Church that claims to have been "raised up to spread
Scriptural holiness over these lands," is into it. And
surely, as Dr. Elliot says, "it must be a holy thing."
And thus they will strengthen their hearts in their
position, and feel quite complacent in view of their
honourable and holy company. This is neither a farfetched nor weak conclusion; we appeal to the intelligence of the world for its truth and support.
And if this one instance is fraught with such disastrous consequences, how great is the breach in this
branch of public morals, in view of the Hardings and
others in the ministry and membership, who have
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voluntarily connected themselves with this species of
iniquity! And how alarmingly fearful is the whole
system of American slavery, strengthened by the recent action and present position of the Church South!
What would-be or actual slaveholder but now feels
himself hedged about as with bulwarks of salvation?
that he is shielded, defended, and protected by the
whole weight of their influence, and the broad sanction that influence has given to the principle and
practice of slavery? Brethren, pause and look around
you!
And when examined in the light of Scripture, reason, and truth, as set forth in these pages, of what
avail are the so-called compromise laws, as interpreted
by the South?  Mark! when those compromise laws
are simply understood as covering the case of those
who, in the providential circumstances of their existence, are unavoidably connected with slavery, we
believe them to be correct; that in this sense they
are in perfect accordance with Scripture and reason.
But the South go further, and claim as their right,
secured by these compromise laws, that their members, preachers, and bishops, as in the case of Harding
and Andrew, may monopolize at will, by marriage,
gift, and otherwise, all this species of property. Now,
is it a rational conclusion that such was the design
of the framers of those laws, to say nothing about our
ecclesiastical laws, which declare and brand it as a
"great evil?"  Is there the least shadow of evidence
that such could have been their purpose? And when
we look at those compromise laws in the light of her
general standing laws on the subject of slavery, which
mark it as a "great evil," declare the ineligibility of
all slaveholders to any official station in the Church,
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when the laws of the State in which they live wil] ad mit ofernancipation, and permit the liberated slave to
enjoy freedom; and which further work the forfeiture
of the ministerial character of any travelling preacher
who by ANY MEANS becomes the owner of a slave or
slaves, unless he execute, if practicable, a legal eman cipation of such slaves, conformably to the laws of the
State in which he may reside; and in the face of all
this, for it now to be claimed that these same laws
were intended to shield men who, in the providential
circumstances of their existence, were free from it, in a
voluntary connexion with it, is entirely out of the
question. It is absolutely impossible, with any degree
of reason or plausibility, to suppose such to have been
their design. What! the assembled wisdom of a
whole religious body, full of godly wisdom, met in
grave and prayerful deliberation for the good of the
Church, the promotion of the kingdom of Christ in the
world-then and there solemnly (the South themselves
aiding and abetting) to conspire, not secretly, but by
public law, not only to nullify their own law, but on the
altar of an expediency which "does evil that good
may come," to commit high treason against the government of God? Impossible! No sound impartial
mind can so understand it. The thought is too monstrous,  too shocking for rational belief; and the
South should have more regard for themselves than
to urge it.
But should we, for the sake of argument, admit the
claims of the South in this matter, can they, will
they, in view of the principles involved, claim to abide
these laws, and that the Church is to be governed by
them? They cannot do this with impunity, on any
other ground than by first proving our position wrong,
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and estaolisning the doctrine that a man has a Christian right to do whatever the civil laws may legalize;
-that is, require or permit him to do.  So far as we
can see, there is no alternative. And failing to do
this, can it be they are so in love with, wedded to,
and blind as to the true character of the system,
that they are ready to make any sacrifice of principle to sustain it, and thus, before all earth and heaven, "crucify to themselves the Son of God afresh,
and put him to an open shame?" We repeat, are they
prepared for such a consummation as this? We hope
not. We entertain more charitable views of the
Southern Church, ministry, and people. Our solemn
conviction is, that they have not understood the true
position of slavery in the Divine administration; and,
therefore, they have wholly overlooked this great law
of Christianity which is involved in the question.
Such, we repeat, is our honest conviction of the causes
which have misled the South. Our mantle of charity
is big enough to cover every case but Bishop Andrew's;-and him too, in this particular aspect of the
question. It is the last thing we would dare to do, to
throw away any man, in a moral point of view, much
less a whole body of Christian ministers and people,
while there is any rational ground on which their conduct can be explained. There are other facts so notoriously outstanding in the Bishop's case, that our
mantle of charity cannot cover him. Out of his own
mouth we judge him! His having stated on the floor
of the General Conference that Brother Winans told
him he could not vote for him, because he was nominated as a Souithern man, free from slavery, and by
consequence, that his election was to proceed on that
principle, settles the question. As an honourable
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man, leaving Christianity out of the question, it was
his solemn duty then and there, at the time of his
election to the episcopate, publicly to have protested
against the principle; or, when he afterwards did
connect himself with slavery, to have resigned, or at
least to have tendered his office to the body that con ferred it.  There positively was no alternative-no
other way under the heavens for him to save his cha racter from just aspersion. And after all himself and
his friends can do, it is utterly out of the question to
shield him from guilt, and the just condemnation of
enlightened, intelligent, and public opinion.
We may be regarded as pressing this case too hard.
Our reply is, that the offence is public and outstand
ing, and is of such a nature, because of the peculiar
position of the perpetrator, that to pass over it in
smooth and honeyed phrase would be treason to truth
and the Church of God. And we feel deeply conscious before God, that the interests at stake fully protect us from the charge of "evil speaking," in the undisguised utterance of our sober convictions in this
matter. And we hope we shall ever have independence enough, when the truth requires it, to "know no
man after the flesh," whether bishop, priest, or deacon.
All things considered, abating, as a matter of taste,
one figure used, no speech delivered before the General Conference, on this unhappy question, pleased us
better than John Spencer's, of the Pittsburg Conference, (or brother Cass's, judging from his beginning,)
simply because it sought to meet the case on its
merits. And that man who writes the history of the
Church, including the doings of that General Conference, and does not give it a corresponding notice,
will fail of his duty.
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And when we bring that ever to be lamented plan
of division to the standard of moral and Christian
truth,-the great law of Christianity for which we
here contend,-and measure its dimensions, and ascertain its character by this test, in what light does it appear? Why, a sundering the bonds of Christian union
and fellowship, on the altar of a pseudo expediency.
Not one word was said by the North, in derogation of
the Christian or ministerial character of those unavoidably connected wvith the slavery relation. Their
position was against the voluntary connexion, on his
part, of one of their bishops with slavery. And the
position of the South was, that such was his right,
such was to be expected from his location as a southern man, and that the compromise laws fully covered
his case. We think, however, that we have demonstrably proved to the contrary, so clearly so, that the
South will, for their own sakes, as Christians and
Christian ministers, abandon it. But suppose they do
not, and still urge those compromise laws; our reply
is, that the great law of Christianity now under consideration does not cover it, but brands it with essential iniquity; and as the result, what are the respective
positions of the parties at issue? Why, the North
stands high up on the elevation of moral principle, truth,
and goodness, so as to be read and known by an intelligent universe, as being in the right. And the
South, so far as principle is concerned, away down
deep in hell, apparently enveloped in a darkness so
profound, as to render their opacity impenetrable by
the rays of moral glory which so flame out from this
principle as to give light to all the world beside.
True, the mists, and fogs, and smoke that were raised,
connected with the exciting character of the question,
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seem  to have disqualified the great portion of the
North for that clear and calm deliberation that is
necessary to those nice discriminations, which ascer tain and follow truth in those new channels of duty
which time and circumstances evolve. And hence
they were found on the contingency, that it, in the
future, should be ascertained to be'necessary for the
good of the Church, giving a reluctant assent to this
measure. The motive was a laudable one, and gives
character to the action, and is therefore their apology,
although the act, in itself, was essentially wrong.
However, in their sober second thoughts, they have
done the best that fallible mortals can do; discovering
their error, they, by seizing upon the first opportunity
to repeal the odious measure, have confessed and forsaken that error.
We might, in the next place, give a mnoment's attention to a question before alluded to. We mean the
overture tendered by the South for fraternal relations,
under the circumstances which mark the history of
the respective positions of the parties to this question:
Did the North do right in rejecting that overture?
To answer this question we must ask another. Have
the South, as we contend, in the position they have
taken, surrendered the government of God, by setting
up a spurious expediency unknown to Christianity,
and thus made void the law of God through their traditions? If such be the fact, and we challenge them
to disprove it, would not the action of the North, in
receiving and reciprocating the fraternal overture, be
to endorse their position, and, by so doing, to surrender this principle of the Divine government? Such,
for aught we can see to the contrary, is the conclusion
that logically flows from the premises; and in view of
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which fact, it was their imperative duty to reject the
overture tendered, under the pains and penalties of
high treason to the Divine government.
And examined in the light of this principle, is the
North justified in establishing conferences within the
jurisdiction of the slaveholding States? Our reply to
this interrogatory is, that in the surrender of this high
moral principle to a time-serving expediency, which
claims to "do evil that good may come," they have,
so far as this principle is concerned, given the go-by to
the gospel Paul preached. And does not he say, "If
an angel from heaven should preach any other gospel,
let him be accursed?" The application is easy.
Tested by this principle, the question is easily answered, and must be answered in the affirmative.
And yet once more, with regard to their antagonistic position. We now allude to the legal controversy
pending,-a grave matter, and one which, on Christian principles, and among a Christian people, never
can be justified, only by the most clear and outstanding reasons of right and fitness. If the question is involved in doubt, it might be in accordance with Christian principle to submit it amicably, for legal arbitrament; but in no case, or under no circumstances, is
it compatible with the principles and spirit of Christianity, to undertake the adjustment of questions thus
involved in doubt, in the spirit of litigation. In a case
of clear outstanding right, where one party, in open
violation of that right, persisted in holding on to any
advantage that circumstances may have given them,
the party complaining might, in this aspect of the
question, be justified in an appeal to Caesar. Let us
here inquire if the suit now pending, as instituted by
the South, is of this character,-if it possesses this
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unequivocal, authenticating claim, either in a legal or
moral point of view.
First, legal. As growing out of obvious, unequivocal
ecclesiastical law. Now we think this cannot be
maintained, because, first, a majority of the General
Conference, who are, when convened, the constitutional interpreters of their own acts, have, when thus
assembled, declared, by the solemn vote of a large majority, that the so-called compromise laws were not
intended to protect a bishop in voluntarily connecting
himself with slavery. And, second, because of its unreasonableness. It being, in effect, a nullification of
the other standing laws of the Church on the subject
of slavery, which brand and treat it as a great
wrong.
Second, moral. As having the support and sanction
of essential moral principle. This also we think cannot be maintained, for the following reasons:
1. It has as its only basis, a conventional article or
plan of division, extorted in the hour of confusion and
hurried excitement, as a contingency to meet possible,
future, apprehended difficulties.
2. This contingency was forthwith acted upon, by
the issue of a call for a convention of the Church,
composed of the slaveholding States, in contravention
of the faith of the party assenting to it merely as a
contingency, the necessity of which, time and circumstances must determine.
3. The contingency itself, should it, in the developments of time and circumstances, be found necessary,
in accordance with the faith of the assenting party, is
based on an illegitimate expediency, subversive of essential moral principle; which in itself, apart from the
aforementioned reasons but particularly in connexion
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with them, brands it as not having the support or sanction of gospel morality. And if, as we think we have
here proved, it shall be found that the suit now, in progress has neither the sanction of law or morals, can
the South proceed one step further in a course so essentially wrong, and still lay claim to the character of
Christians? We think not.
Should they continue in their present position,
everything that can be done without giving up essential moral principle should be done, to give them their
portion of the goods. And now, brethren, to close
this long address, as before intimated, "I wot that in
ignorance ye have done these things;" that is, without
a correct understanding of the question of slavery, and
the principles involved in the course you have taken.
Weigh well the doctrines of these pages, and the arguments by which they are sustained.  Examine them
in the light of Scripture and reason. If you can,
answer and refute them. If you cannot, retrace your
steps.
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CONCLUSION.
"LET US hear the conclusion of the matter."  Well,
as has been already stated, there are two great classes
of truth, or law, which govern this relation, and which
are to be kept steadily in view if, in our investigation of this subject, we would be conducted to safe
and satisfactory conclusions; a want of attention to
which has, as we think, greatly contributed to the
confusion and darkness in which this question seems
yet to be involved. And,
First. They are the great essential laws of right
and eternal rectitude, in the sense of immutable truth,
as pertaining to the first constitution of things.
Second. The great laws of Christianity, or the
principles of a remedial government.
The first law, or constitutiqon of things, determines
slavery to be essentially wrong,
The second law keeps up essentially the same idea,
but directs how to manage that wrong when and
where it is found in existence.
This brief analysis seems to us to be Scriptural
and rational, and as commending itself to the sober
judgment of all men as suchll.
Now, as it appears to us, the extremes of this question are as follows:  The ultraism of abolition plants itself on unbending
moral law, and measures the whole question by this
rule. This is correct, so far as the principle is con
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cerned; and will equally apply to all other wrong
principles which have obtained in the history of our
fallen world. But is this the rule on which the Di vine government, as now constituted, proceeds? Is
there no regard paid to the providential circum stances of our existence-our ignorance, our una voidable connexion with evil, &c.? Why, on all
other subjects, the principles of a remedial government apply; but on this subject there is no grace in
any of its phases, for, says the Rev. Edward Smith,
" Slavery is essentially man-stealing under all circumstances," and as such a soul-damning sin; and the
person or persons connected therewith-though, so far
as the circumstances which originated the evil, and by
which it was first made, and continues to be, an element of the social and civil state, are as innocent as
the angels in heaven-cannot have a place in the
Church of God; and therefore the apostles never
admitted them to its communion and fellowship.
Pro-slaveryism plants itself on unlimited and irresponsible grace; and claims, in contravention of the
law of nature and eternal rectitude, a Divine right to
practise on the principle; and thus wholly overlooks
the great design of the gospel, as a gracious expedient
to restore us back as fully, in spirit and practice, to
primitive rectitude as is consistent with our fallen
condition,-the consummation of which must, in its
onward march, sweep away slavery, and &ever y:other
refuge of lies, which, under the dominion and prevalence of sin, has obtained in the world. And also forgets that the Gospel tolerates it temporarily, only in
view of this reaction of grace, and holds us responsible, as Christians, for the fulfilment of the law Qf nature and eternal rectitude as fully, both in spirit and
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practice, as can be done in the providential circum
stances of our gracious existence: "That the righte ousness of the law might be fulfilled in us; who walk
not after the flesh, but after the Spirit."
Now, as it appears to us, the truth lies between
these extremes.  The law judges the character of
slavery; the gospel, the circumstances of our con nexion with it. The law proclaims the slave's right to
freedom; the gospel shows us how, and sets us to
work, not by acts of violence, but on principles of
moral goodness, to bring about that freedom.
This, as before remarked, seems to us to be the
only rational view we can take of this question; and
hence the ecclesiastical polity of Methodism, which,
as before stated, is in recognition of both these laws,
demonstrates her position to be Scriptural and rational;
as well as the folly, not to say the wickedness, of her
detractors, both in the North and South.
And now we have done. Not that we have said
all that might be said; nor yet that we would claim
exemption from all imperfections, either in style or
sentiment. This would be too much to expect in a
work written mainly in the interval of hours snatched
from the labours of the field by day, or rest by night.
We simply mean that we have said what we have
deemed necessary to place this question in a Scriptural and rational light before the Church and world;
and are unfeignedly conscious of not having designedly attempted to pervert or suppress our sober convictions of truth.
That it shall escape censure, is not to be expected;
nor yet that the author's motives will not be impugned.   We  desire that it may be tried by  the
closest scrutiny, as to doctrine; and if, when weighed
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in the balances of the sanctuary and reason, it shall
be found wanting, that it may receive its just demerits. We commend it to the reader, and commit
it to its fate, humbly praying that it may subserve the
cause of truth and righteousness, and shall patiently
await the verdict of calm, deliberate, intelligent public opinion.
THE END.
i    2AY 2 6 1921
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