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THE GREAT FRAUD
UPON
TiHE PUBLIC CREDULITY
~
IN THE
ORGANIZATION OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY
UPON
THE RUINS OF THE c"WHIG PARTY,"
AN ADDRESS TO THE OLD-LINE WHIGS OF THE UNION.
WASHINGTON:
PRINTED AT THE UNION OFFICE.
1856.
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THE DUTY OF THE WHIGS TO THE AMERICAN UNION.
Human society could not long exist without government; the strong
would crush out the weak, the ignorant would fall victims to the wise,
and the whole would be destroyed by the conflict of its parts.
In the present condition of human nature, laws, and their corresponding appendages, are not only a blessing, for which man should be
thankful, but a necessity, without which he could not live at all.
It is not a good argument against the propriety of law, and in favor
of anarchy, that, under every.form of government, and in the complicated working of every system of laws, injustice may be done to a
larger or smaller portion of the community. This has always been
the case, and most likely always will be, until angels instead of men
dispense the laws.
There can be no condition of society so perfect, or the administration of its laws so impartial, but that some classes of the people will
hlave apparent grounds of complaint against the unequal burdens which
seem to rest upon them. This complaint will always be directed
against the ruling power as the nearest perceivable cause, whilst the real
cause, however, is not necessarily in the government, but results from
the frail and corrupted condition of the nature of man himself, both the
governors and the governed, and is quite as visible in all of tile other
relations of life as in the civil government.
The republican has this eminent superiority over every other form of
government-that if the people are badly governed, unjustly dealt with,
or severely oppressed, they feel that it has been the result of their own
choice, and that the evil to be corrected is within their own powers
The form of government under which we live has much to do with
the laws which are made to sustain it, with the administration which
executes it, and the happiness, peace, and prosperity which the people
enjoy under it.  But the security of the citizen under any form of government is dependent entirely upon the supremacy of clearly defined,
well understood, and unquestionably just laws, impartially administered
in the spirit of charity.
In regard to civil government, as to all other subjects, differences of
opinion must exist upon all questions w here the truth is not clearly selfevident, of which character there are but few truths. This difference
of opinion must induce a corresponding difference of action. Upon
questions of policy or government, it of necessity arrays men into parties. In monarchical governments this difference of opinion fir(nds its
way to the public mind through literary journals, romances, stage and
plays, among the more intelligent, anrt in sonigs and proverbs among
the laboring classes. In republics, where the government emanates
from the fi'ee expression ()f the will, and the voluntary action of the
people, party is its natural offspring.  Such parties have always existed;
such parties we now have; and to their mutual vigilance we will alwkay 
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indebted  for the efficiency and purity of our present political
stem.  If we would have these parties efficient, they must be preved in purity; and they can be kept pure only by an unflinching
herence to well-settled principles.
A real statesman never can be governed by mere party. Party may
ry properly be used as the machinery by which principles do their
rk. Openly conducted, and justly administered, party organizations
essential to the safety and purity of our government itself, if party
made subservient to principle.  But where principles are made subvient to party considerations or party success, civil government has
guaranty for either its protection or its perpetuity.   The true doenepf pure republicanism is this: make party your servant; to be
rrected when wrong; to be cherished when right; to be abandoned
wen it becomes either corrupt or incorrigible. Let principle be your
mster-your supreme ruler.  Parties are the creatures of circumsnces.  They grow up hastily-are short lived; they serve the purses of government, or become the engines of corruption.   They then
d  out, and leave not so much as a shadow or a ghost behind them to
up their place, or mark the remembrance of their being.
Principles live forever. Justice, truth, and purity are co-eval and
eternal with God himself; in every climate, under every  form of
vernment, among all nations of the earth, these great principles have
en cardinal. For the time being, they may have been shrouded in
rkness, embarrassed by the interference of unwise government, but
y have never been crushed out.  They have always found some
lce, though obscure it may have been, to vindicate their supremacy
d assert their eternity.  Good men, in power, have been governed by
tse principles; bad men, in suffering, have appealed to them, not in
in, ibfor protection and redress. All men give assent to them, though
y may disregard their restrictions or neglect their injunctions.
Political parties have no right to plead exemption from the moral
ligations of these principles-this is always true; but it comes with
gater force at a time when all parties are dissolving; when old and
11-established and great truths are abandoned; when factions and
ques and secret lodges are banding together for purposes of political
wer, and personal emolument, defiant of national happiness, and
kless of the national existence.  Just such times are now upon the
untry.  Old party lines have been obliterated; entirely new party
oanizations are being formed all over the country, based upon entirely
w political doctrines, and inviting the people to issues no less perils than extraordinary.  One section of the Union is arrayed against
other; one great branch of the Christian church is making political
wr upon the other; local interests and local prejudices are put in con7t with national law and the administration of the general government.
ver since the Declaration of our Independence has the public mind
en so unsettled, and the peace of the country so imperilled as it now
is.
As citizens of a common country, and believers in a common Christian faith, it is a duty we owe to the great cause of civilization over the
whole earth, which is dependent to a great extent upon the success of 
our government, and the stability of our institutions; a duty we owe
to our posterity who will prosper for ages under our liberal institutions
transmitted to them, or perish in the general wreck of this free government; a duty we owe to God, who hath made the prosperity of all
government dependent upon the strict justice of its ruilers, and the quiet
submission of the people to the laws of the country, to carefully take
our steps in the determination of our destiny as a government, and our
happiness as a people.
In such confusion as now surrounds us, we can mark out for ourselves no safe pathway of duty, until we carefully examine the startingpoint of our political faith, and carefully consider what we ought to be,
and as calmly reflect upon what we are.
In the year 1852, we were at peace with the whole world; our ships
were laden with the riches of the land, and carried food and raiment
to every portion of the habitable globe; our fields were rich with the
frulits of a bounteous harvest; our people were employed, and the whole
country presented a prosperity and happiness without a precedent or
parallel in our history; benevolent societies were forrming in every
part of the country for the relief of distress and the amelioration of the
wants and sufferings of the benighted people of foreign lands; our
churches were crowded with penitent sinners and devoted Christians,
and a general revival of religion was spreading throughout the nation;
agricultural fairs were forming for the development of the resources
of' our wealth; railroad companies were organizing for the facilitation
of our internal commerce; gold commenced to be poured in from California; myriads of population were emigrating to the western S'tates;
the wages of labor were highly remunerative, and our people were
profitably employed and contented. So little did the country feel concerned for our political welfare, and so confident were the people of
our continued peace, that both political parties adopted substantially
a common platform.
The Whig platform of 1852 is undoubtedly the most candid, clear,
and unquestionable exposition of the sentiments, and feelings, and doctrines of that party which has ever been given to the country.
THE WHIG PLATFORM OF 1852.
"The Whigs of the United States, in convention assembled, firmly adhering  to the great
conservative republican principle by which they are control ed and governed, and now, as ever,
rely ir)g upon the intelligence of the American people, with an abiding confidence in their capacity for self-government, and their continued devotion to the Constitution and the Union, do
proclaim the following as the political sentiments and determination, fo the establishment and
mauitenance of which their national organization, as a party, is effected:
"1. That the _overnment of the United States is of a limited character, and it is confined to
the-exercise of powers expressly granted by the Constitution, and such as may be necessary
and prover for carrying the granted powers into full execution; and that all powers not thus
granted or necessarily implied are expressly reserved to the States respectively, and to the
people.
" 2 That the State governments should be held secure in their reserved rights, and the general government sustained in its constitutional powers, and the Union should be revered and
watched over as the palladium of our liberties
"3. That, while struggling freedom everywhere enlists the warmest sympathy of the Whig
party. we still adhere to the doctrines of the Father of his Country, as announced in his Farewell Address of keeping,urselves free firom all enttarigling alliances with foreign countries, and
of never quitting our own to stand upon foreign ground; that our mission as a Republic is not
to propagate our opinions, or impose on other countries our form of government by artifice 
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or force, but to teach by example, and show by our success, moderation, and justice, the
blessings of self-government, and the advantages of free institutions.
4. That where the people make and control the government they should obey its Constitution, laws, and treaties, as they would retain their self-respect, and the respect whlich they
claim and will aerforce from foreign powers.
"5. That the government should be conducted upon principles of the strictest economy, and
that revenue s,,fficient for the expenses of its economical administration in time of peace ought
to be mainly derived firom a duty on imports, e)nd not from direct taxes; and, it) levying such
duties, sound policy requires a just discrimination, whereby suitable encouragement may be
afforded to American industry, equally to classes, and t~ all portions of the country
"6  That the Co)ristitution vests in Congress the power to open and repair harbors, and remove obstructions from navigable rivers; and it is expedient that Congress should exercise
that power whenever such improvements are necessary for the common defence, or for the protection and facility of commerce with foreign natio,',s or among the States-suclh imnprovements
in every instance being national and general in their character.
" 7. That the Federal anid State governments are parts of ore system, alike necessary for the
common prosperity peace, and security, and ought to be regarded alike with a cordial, habitual,
and immovable attachment. Respect for the authority of each, and the acquiescence in Just
constitutional measures of each, are duties required by the plainest considtrations of nationa,
of State, and of individual welfare.
"8 That the series of acts of the thirty- first Congress, the act known as the fugitive slave
law included, are received and acqtui(e,sced in bi the Whig party of the United States as a settlement, in principle e nd substance, of the dangerous and exciting qu stions which they embrace,
ane, so far as thtiy are conrcer ed, we will maintain them, arid insist upon their enforce,rent
until time and experience shall demonstrate the necessity of further legislation to guard against
the evasion of the laws on the one hand, and the abuse of their powers or. the other, not impairirz their present efficiency; and we deprecate all further agitation of the questions thus settled
as dangerous to our peace, and will discountenance all eff:rts to continue or renew such agitation, whenever, wherever, or however, the attempt may be made; and we will maintain this
system as essential to the nationality of the Whig party. and the integrity of the Union."
The preamble declares the "abiding confidence" of the Whig party
"in the capacity of the people to govern themselves."
The first resolution asserts the limnited'character of the powers of
"the government of the United States."
The second resolution grows legitimately out of the first, and affirms
the doctrines of State sovereignty."
The third resolution is an expression of sympathy with the oppressed
everywhere, upl)on the one hand, and, upon the other hand, an unyielding determination to adhere to the policy of Washington-to interfere
with none of' the revolutions, nor participate in the civil wars of other
nations.
The fourth resolution is a pledge to the supremacy of the constitution and law in our own land, and the observance, in good faith, of treaties
made with foreign powers.
The fifth resolution recommends a revenue tariff. which will give
protection equally to the industry of every section of' the Union.
The sixth resolution is an elimination of Congressional power, in the
construction of internal improvements, to the specified grants of the
constitution itself.
The seventh resolution is an affirmation of that State comity which,
if exercised, will perpetuate us as one people for ages to come; but
without which we can have no lasting existence as a confederated
republic, and remain what we now are-E Flurzbuts Uitnm, to the glory
ot' civil liberty, anrid the terror of tyrants.
The eighth resolution is a covenant to leave undistur)bed the question
of slavery and the social law of' the country, allowing each section to
form its own jt(dgment, to pursue its own couirse, and determine its own
action in relation to its own police laws and its own domestic institutiOIis. 
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The foregoing resolutions are presented in detail and noted to prove
that there is not one single element of the Republican party deducible
or inferrible from, or in anywise affiliated with, the doctrines of the old
Whig party                        _
" Resolved, That the American democracy place t,eir trust in the intelligence, the patriotism
and the discriminatinrg justice of the Amverican people.
"Resolved, That we regard this as a distinctive feature  f our creed, which we are proud to
maintain betore the world as a great element in a form of government  sprngir)g from and up held by a popular will; and we contrast it with the creed and practice of federalism, under
whatever name or form, which seeks to palsy the vote of the constituent, and which conceives
no imp)stute too mains'rotls for the popular credulity.
"Resolved, therefore, That, entertaining these views, the Democratic party of the Union,
through their delegates. assembled in a general convention of the States, convening together in
a spirit of concord, of devotion to the doctrines and faith of a free representative governmert,
and appealing to their fellow.citizens for the rectitude of their inte, tions, renew and re-assert
before the American people the de; laration of principles avowed by them, when on former
occasions, in general conrivention, they presented their candidates ftr the popular suffrages.
"I1. That the federal government is one of limited powers, derived solely from the constitu tion, and the grants of power made therein ought to be strictly construed  by all the depart mernts and agents of the government; and that it is inexpedient and dangerous to exercise
doubtful constitutional powers.
"2. That the constitution does not confer upon the general government the power to com mence and carry on a general system of internal improvements.
3. That the constitution does n)t confer authority upon the federal governmenr, directly or
indirectly, to assumte the debts of the several States, contracted for local internal improve ments, or other State purposes; nor would such assumption be just or expedient.
'4. Tha,. justice atnd sound policy forbi, the federal governmetnt to foster one branch of in dustry to the detriment of any other, or to cherish the interests of one ptrtion to the injury of
another portion of our common country; thet every citizen and every section of the c,,u,,try
has a right to demarnd and insist upsn an equality of rights ard privileges, and a complete and
ample protection of persons and property from domes'ic volence an,d firein a.gression.
"5. That it is the duity of every branch of the government to enforce anid practise the mast
rigid economy in conducting ouir public afftAirs, and that no more revenue ought to be raised
than is required to defray the necessary expenses of the government, and for the gradual but
certain extinction of the public debt.
" 6. That Cone,ress has no power to charter a national bank; that we believe such an institution one of dead:y hostility to the berst irterest of our country, datngerous to (our republican
institutions and the liberties of the people, and calculated to place the business of the country
within the control of a concentrated money power, and above the laws and will of the people
and that the results of democratic legislation, in this and all other financial measures tiupon
which issues have been made between tbe two pol)itical parties of the coventry, have demonstrated to practical men of all parties their soundness, safety, and utility in all business pursuits.
"7. That the separation of the moneys of the government from all banking institutions is
indispensable for the safety of the finds of the government, and the rights of the people.
"8. That the liberal orinciples embodied by JiTff,.rson in the De(lar'ation of ind(lependence,
anti sanctioned in the constitutiorn, which makes ours the land of lit-erty and the asylum of
the oppressed of every ration, have ever been cardinal principles of the democratic faith.; ard
every atteimpt to abridge the privilege of becoming citizens and owners  of soil anongst  us
ought to be resisted with the same spirit which swept the alien and sedition laws from our
statute-book.
"9. That Congress has no power under the constitution to interfere with or control the domestic institutions of the several States, and that all such States are the sole and proper judtges
of everything appertaining to their own affairs not prohibited by the conrstitutiol; tbat adl
efforts of the Abolitionists, or others, made to induce Congress to interfere,,ith questitw.,s of
slavery, or to take inci)pient steps in relation thereto, ap,e calculated to l ad to the most, aarming
anid dangerous consequences; and that all such efforts have an ineviiaole ter.deicy to diru,tiish
the happiness of the people, and endanger the stability and permanency of the Union, and
ought not to be countenanced by any fliend of our political institutions.."
This was the Democratic platform in the year 1S,52, differing in no
cardinal principle or essential point from the one adop)te(1 by thet Whig
party.  On these platforms the c,ntest went to the people,; to this point
was the political controversy )f the country narrowed down, and upon
these issues did the contest end. After an honorable conflict of twenty
years, the Democratic party gained a final victory.
DEMOCRATIC PLATFORM. 
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Though defeated by an overwhelming majority, the Whig party mag
nanimously acquiesced in the election of President Pierce, and, by
unanimous consent, agreed to present no factious opposition to his
administration.
This election settled all the great questions of disputed national
policy, and these two platforms formed the basis of the prospective
course of both political parties.
In the mean time, a new and entirely different political organization
had been quietly commenced,  anid incidentally alluded to by the
editor of the New York Tribune.  For the last twenty years, the political principles of this new organization, in another form and by another
name, were thoroughly discussed, first in the New Yorker, afterwards
in the Tribune, and finally by all of its satellites in every part of the
northern States.
Up to the year 1852, for the purposes of preserving his political
influence, and obtaining numerical strength in a final rupture of the'
Whig party which he aniticipated, Hon. Horace Greeley announced
through the Tribune that he would support the nominees of the Whig
party, but would spit upon the plattorm, notwithstanding the principles of which the Whig candidates for President and Vice President
had sacredly bound themselves to maintain. In other words, he volunteered his frieneship to ruin the party. No sooner had he accomplished his object, than he publicly announced the death of the Whig
party.
Until now, the proper time had never presented itself for the practical adoption of his long-cherished social principles. He commenced
the inauguration of his new party, by proposing moral questions for
legislative action, which it had been the constitutional policy and
determined purpose of our government forever to exclude from the
arena of legislation.
In the early settlement of this country, our ancestors brought with
them the established religion of their native land to their respective
colonies.  Religious institutions were supported by a direct tax, and
ultimately, in some of the colonies, the right of opinion, the freedom of
speech and the liberty of conscience were entirely compromitted.
This was arlarmingly true of some of the New England provinces.
In the formation of the constitution of the United States, our fathers
put all questions of religious duty upon their true basis-upon man's
direct personal responsibility to God; whilst the government offered
perfect security to the life, liberty, property, and the pursuit of happiness of the citizen. It very properly committed the reformation of the
world, and the cultivation of the graces of the heart, to the voluntary
action of the people, under the moral teachings of Christ and his
Apostles.
Those early proscriptions had thrown a gloom over the self-denying
character, and otherwise chivalric and brilliant history of our ancestors.
The framers of the constitution sought to prevent their recurrence by a
special provision, that there should be no religious test required either
as a condition of citizenship, or qualification for office. These great religious questions have never been introduced anywhere into the councils 
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of civil government, without inducing civil war. They have uniformly
sapped the foundations of civil liberty wherever they have been raised.
But just such questions as these were proposed one by one for legislative action; they were intended ultimately to form the basis of a great
party.
In different States of the Union, these questions were urged by the
press which was under the control of the Tribune. The editor of the
Tribune was in early life an avowed socialist, a follower of Fourrier.
HIe talked, and wrote, and dreamed of an earthly millennium, which
should be consummated by the advent of social reform. For years he
made his press the lever-power of that system of reform. He pictured
a beau ideal government, and inculcated notions of FRENCH LIBERTY
and revolution of which this country is having just now quite enough.
Others claim the paternity of this NEW SOCIAL PARTY, for such it is.
But the editor of the New  York Tribune is the fatter of the whole
movement; for years it has been the nursling of his paper. Its varied
forms, insinuating power, and prospective success, are entirely dependent upon his superior tact and thorough control of the public passion
and intimate acquaintance with human character. If this party
succeeds, its success will be monumental of the immortality of iHorace
Greeley; if it fills, Horace Greeley will live in history as its bold and
ingenious architect, whilst all its elements, with its minor workers, will
be buried in the rubbish of its ruins.
The initiatory step in this orgo,nization was an ap)eal to the  moral
sentiment of the country to correct its immoralities b- positive legislatioli   The fi:st great principle of morality brought before the public
for its political action was
THE CAUSE OF TEMPERANCE.
For more than a quarter of a century the people of the United States
have been usitg every legitimate moral means  for the reformation
of intemperate men, who drank up their private fortunes, diseased
their phys,cal system, and ruined their families.  To mnore effectually
accomplish their purpose, they tormed benevolent societies for the reformatioji of the drunkard, and the relief of his family.  This good
work extended over the whole country, and became a strong feature of
the moral sentiment of the land.  Nearly evtry public man b)ecame a
member  of the temperance  sotietv-the work was universally approved. The pulpit sent forth its plea a; the miniister of' Christ wept over
the victims of drunkenness, and a;)pealed to them by prayers, aind
tears, anti exhortations. Mason,ic lodges, Odd-Fell,ws' encampmrnents,
and.rural neighborhoods were converted into temiperance societies, and
brought every conc(-eivable influence to bear upon the drunkard and
cure his infirmity.   The moral standard of the country was elevated
until it became a reproach to drink, or to be found in drinking-houses.
The jubilee of sobriety was dawning upon the country, and the moral
power of the Christian faith was becoming omnipotent.   Such was the
state of' the count y, and such the condition of the public mind, before
the inauguration of this new party.  Its leaders knew  how strong i
hold temperance had upon the popular feeling of the purest classes of
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society, and determined to direct that feeling as so much capital fo
their own political purposes.  They proposed the horough organization
of the temperance  forces in every neighborhood all over the whole
country, with passwords, and grips, and countersigns, and songs, and
festivals, and other extraordinary demonstrations. UTpon the part of
the people this was all done in good faith to arrest the evi4 of drunkenness.  Upon the part of the potiticians it was intended as but iniliatory to ulterior and entirely different purposes. It was not long, alter
these organizations were first instituted, that superannuated politicians,
who had followed the fortunes of' every political party, were found directing them.  The" SocNs OF TEMPERANCE,' "Good TEMPLARS,"
"RECHABITES," and "GooD SAMARITANS," were all lead by some zealous ex-n]iember of the legislature, or other political aspirant, who, with
wonderful self-denial, had abandoned their old political associations,
and, with extraordinary devotion to their new moral faith, spent night
and day in the organization of the various teLnperance orders.   Temperance was now'o assume a new position under the lead of these converted politicians.  They cared not so much ftbr the reformation of
drunkards, as for the destruction of all dram-shops and still-houses.
They discarded every manner of moral suasion as entirely inefficient
There was with them no cure for drunkenness, no hope for the drunkard but in legal suasion; not that legal suasion which punished drunkenness, and abolished drunken resorts.  They counselietd a temperance
legislation which transcended all bounds of the ordinary law-making
power in a free government.   The law of nearly every State in the
U'nion punished drunkenness and its consequent" crimes.  But they isisted upon the destruction of all liquors, and the atbsolute prohibition
of all liquor-making, upon the same principle that y'ou would cut (out
every nian's tongue to prevent slander, or cut off every man's hand to
prevent murder or theft.
In this wild excitement the sacred cause of Christianily anid temperantce, its puresut virtue, were illegitimately dragged into the political
arena.  I'he true friends of sobriety were nobly working for this great
reform in good Iaith, whilst these political reformers were turning the
various temperance orders into political caucuses, in which they nomi nated candidates for civil offi(e, and plans were laid for the( control of
elections.  In thus making these orders the ad(juncts ot'a pol tical party,
hundreds were seduced from their old party affinities, ard abandoned
entirely their party connexions.
Temperance reform was the ostensible object of this movement.
The real object was the acquisition of political power, by assuming
control over the popular feeling.
Strict and searching laws against drunkenness have stood upon the
statute-book of' eve.r State in the Union, and Congress has  made
severe police laws against drunkenness, and whiere it has een found
necessary for the preservation of the peace of society, has made the
liquor traffic highly penal.  In some of the States grog-shops were de clared a nuisance, and indictable as such, by positive law. It was
generally conceded that everything which law could profitably do had
been already done.  But with the reformers there were two insepara 
i11
ble objections to the existing laws.  The first objection was this: that
those laws had been made under the direction and auspices of the old
parties, and of course could ('reate no political capital f)r this new organization. The second objection was a cardinal one of great force.
Under the existing law there was no patronage to dispense; whilst,
under the contemnplated legislation, there were to be county agencies, search warrants, and neighborhood spies.  Liquor-selling would
now be legal, and honorably conducted under the auspices of total
dostinence.   Constables, young village  lawyers, would  rind abundant employ in enforicing temperance laws and quelling mobs.   It
was well known that this would invite resistance to the law itself
upon the part of the liquor dealers.  Then would followthe destruction
of their property, and the arrest of the offenders.  It was well calculated that all these feuds and broils would generate a perpetual excitement, and secure the aid of the moral force of the country in building
up a party for entirely irrelevant political purposes.  This was the basis of their action upon the temperance question, and such were the
means brought to bear to make it a powerful auxiliary of this political
party.  They inflamed the fanaticism of thie people until their legislative demands knew no bounds.  Even before the passage of the law
could be effected, mobs were raisedto tear down houses and pour out
liquors, to frustrate the real objects of the temperance movement,
and make it subservient to their almlbitions.  In the passage of the law
an inquisitorial system was adopted which contravened all the well-established principles of the right of property and private judgment.
They assumed supreme authority over the appetites and the, business of
private men.
Like every other unconstitutional assumption of leg,islative power,
these laws have produced a fearful reaction of the public mind, alnd
such is now the state of indignation against this untimely and mercenary interference, that it will require the most watchful and prudent
supervision and direction of the true temperance men, to preserve the
temperance cause itself from contempt.
No sooner had this political conquest I)een made over the virtues loaf'
the people by heartless demagogues, than THEY were found perpetrating an insult upon the irnjured enterprise of the temperance refurmation.
To make their perfidy complete, these very same men are celebr,ting, with wines and brandy and punch, railroad conventions, Nev;Year festivities, political parties, and private social gatherings.
It was a great wrong perpetrated upon the public passion to drive
it to madness, and make a great Christian virtue the pretext for ii,vading the private rights and family sanctuary with impudent spies
and pragmatical officials.
In our sober moments it alarms us that it was ever dreamed of',s
right to send constables into the sideboard and bureau, the bed-chamber and closet of a quiet Christian family, to know what they ate an.d
what they drank.
But that was not the only or the most Cearful wrong which was doae
to the country: that wrong was remediable; the people had the redress in thair own hands; they had no difficulty in determining and
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falling back upon their ow) legitimate rights. But morality was
stabbed to the heart under a false name, and her life-blood is dripping
down at her feet.  Real temperance men, who regard temperance in
its true light as the very highest and purest element of Christian character, now feel that the cause has been struck down in the prostituted
name of friendship.  The ordinary temperance appeals, though made
in good faith by good men, are assailed by suspicion and confounded
with politics; nor, until the last lingering element of political chicanery has been separated from the cause of temperance, can the lovers
of sobriety hope again to enter the field in successful contest against
the wide-spreading vice of drunkenness. The land is filled with drunkenness; our strong men are swept away by its fires like leaves in a
burning forest.  But so effectually have these political temperance
men hedged up our pathway, that we dare not now call up the subject in sermons or speeches without becoming obnoxious to the charge
of an illegitimate interference, under the cover of morality, with the
politics of the country.
Temperance men committed a folly when they did not repulse these
political intruders when they first put their unholy feet upon the threshold of the temperance movement. In the coming campaign the Republican party will obey the mandates and follow the course indicated
by the New York Tribune, their leader. Where the temperance question may be made available, it will be the movement, paramount to
all others. Where it would hang as a weight upon the success of the
Republican party, it will be thrown aside as an entirely secondary
matter, having no connexion whatever with politics. Such has been
their tactics, and such are the abuses that have been of the temperance
question by this party. What is now the condition of temperance in
the country; of societies laboring for the reformation of the inebri ate, blessed and loved by everybody?  We  have county groceries,
and liquor agencies, kept by political partisans, who are appointed by
the dominant political party according to his political complexion,
without any other regard whatever; and the whole now amounts to
nothing more nor less than the monopoly of the whiskey business to
reward partisans; for it is notorious that whiskey is everywhere given
out to all who seek it, with or without a just pretence under the law.
After the temperance question had been taxed to its utmost capacity
for the beniiefit of the party, the editor of the New York Tribune came
out in a long article, coolly informing the country that, though he had
always been an ardent temperance man, he attached no importance to
the question of temperance when compared with the great question
now at issue before the country-the triumph of the Republican party.
FOURRIERISM.-THE EMANCIPATION AND EQUALITY OF THE BLACKS.
The next element which entered into the organization of this party,
had its diversified beginnings under the auspices of Garrison, Gerrit
Smith, Joshua R. Giddings, Thompson, of England,  and other mnisguided philanthropists, who looked to the ultimate emancipation of the
slaves, and the political and social equality of all the races; the commnon distribution and enjoyment of the offices, honors, and wealth of so 
13
ciety among all men. They painted their republic upon canvass, and
presented in a captivating style. upon paper, their purely imaginary
society; a condition of society such as has never existed anywhere; a
state of things which has never been promised in the most thorough
reformation of human nature in this world; such as was denied to our
patriarchal fathers, which was beyond the asserted control of the Saviour himself in his mission among men, and which is in direct contravention of the unfulfilled prophecies of Christ and his Apostles for all time
to come. But such was their hope. Its futility wilt be examined.
There is an unspeakable difference between the highest conceivable
good as it exists in the imagination of the Utopian, and that other practical real good as it has descended to us in the history of human governments, and as it develops itself in the existing elements of humnan
society. Let us see what js that difference between what is real and
what is imaginary. I have been taught that the ultimate reward of
the Christian in his HOME of Heaven shall be per/ect.  I can conceive a
condition of man immortalized, where every sense shall be perfect,
and every perception will be accurate-where the eye, freed from disease, shall give to the soul a vision of truth, and beay, and comprehension; that could correctly, with ineffable pleasure, and at a single
glance, grasp the architecture and solve the mysteries of the firmament-sensitive to all symmetry and impervious to all pain.   I can;
conceive how the ear, strung to "the concord of sweet sounds," may
extract fr,)m the voice of the elements all their harmony, and be dea f to
all their discord; the thunders of the last judgment and the convulsions
of a dying universe would be sweet, like the music of the voice of
many waters. I can conceive how all the senses may be avenues ortunmixed pleasure, with health. and perfection to guard them again,st
the invasions of pain or decay. Nor do my imagnations cease here. I
can conceive how the intellectual powers of man may be elevated,
above error and passion, and impurity. I can conceive how the reason of a perfect mind may be exalted above fallacy or imposition; how
the memory might cling to every transpiring event, and treasure it up
as its own; how imagination, assisted by memory, could foresee with
certainty truths now shrouded in the distance of tuine.  I can conceive
how the unclad soul, relieved of the slavish mantle of flesh, woul(l torever aspire after and assimilate itself to the pure character of God.
Nor has it been placed beyond the reach of' human  conception for
it has been addressed to human belief, how the body itself' Lay be
made incorruptible and imnmortal, and, like asbestos in the furnace,
burn in eternal beauty. I can portray to my mind a condition oft society where all are equals and friends, bound together in chains of' -armnoniy and love as a great family, only subject to the supreme power of'
the Great Ruler of all things, elevated far above suffering and sustained
without syulpathy, fed by the hand of the Almighty.  This is whitt I
can imagine, and the joys of Heaven are "more;" than man can "conceive." but it is not beneaththe dignity of the philosopher to come down
from the regions of fancy and carefully examine  the real conditions of
society- as it nowis-as it always must be-in this world.   The real difficulty in the solution of man's earthly wrongs and sufferings is clearly 
14
and correctly presented by Israel's mightiest king in Holy Writ —' The
heart of mqen is deceitful above all things an(l de.perately wicked."
Let us look at man in the different stages of life and death, just as
he is, and see how it compares or contrasts with the condition of out
beau ideal man in our visionary society. Let us mark his moral condition. In the hour of death-this is the most sacred time in man's
earthly being-the circumstances that surround him, the deeds of his
life that pursue him, the terrible judgment and consequent responsibility that lift themselves up befbre hiri, combine to indicate to his own
mind the terrible necessity of personal purity, and mental and moral
perfection. Hie feels this as he never felt it before. But even here,
where, at the bidtling of God, angels keep watch over the destiny of the
dying, long-treasured malice and revenue still linger around the very
holy of the holies of the heart.   Insatiate ambition grasps with its
faltering arm at every fleeting object of power that dances before its
beclouded vision; even envy is not satisfied with the gnawings of a
life-time, but sits fault-finding at the portals of the grave.
But you mi  look after man still further: take the very highest
order of man, A CHRISTIAN, in the very holiest place where man holds
converse with God-at the sacramental board; here he swears allegiance to his Saviour by the blood which warmed his Saviour's heart,
which sits in symbols before him;  here he is in full view of the commanding majesty of Heaven, with the excruciating torture of the cross;
the unaffected simplicity of the life and the spotless innocence of the
character of the Saviour, the disinterested benevolence of the immortal
God, graphically pictured to his mind, and compassionately appealing
to his heart-here, where the footsteps of angels are carefully taken,
the wild passioIns of man's wicked nature leap over all these hallowed
environments; here avarice looks with undaunted impudence in the
very face of benevolence; impurity and crime claim for themselves a
lurking-place in the heart of the Christian, and the devil disputes for
dominion in the temple of God.
Follow man further still: go with him into the congregation of religious worshippers, where on the Sabbath day good men meet to rest
from the labors of the week; here, where the world is shut out, still
the world comes in; follow him out into society as it exists in our ownl
country, where the prime object of law is to secure equality and fireedom to the citizen; what do you see?  Do not the rich grind the face
of the poor?  Do not the learned take advantage of the ignorant?  Do
not the strong bear dom n the weak?  Arid, in the precious name of
liberty, are not whole communities openly defrauded of their dearest
rights?
What is the condition,of society in the great city of New York-the
metropolis of the western world?  Here restrictive laws have brought
all their powers to bear upon the evils of society for their correction.
Here a standing army of police officers claim supervision, under positive law, over the dwellings, and business, and intercourse of the
people.  Does society here present the reflex of our Utopian government-our imaginary human happiness and human perfection?
Is it not true that in the evening shadow of the Tribune office there 
is now reigning among the lower classes of the people a superstition,
(consisting of spiritual rappings, table-turnings, ftortune-telling, necromancy, clairvoyance, &c.,) as gloomy as the powowings of heathen
worship in the darkest ages of the world? Is there not in New York
city, now, a barbarism comprising prize-fights, street mobs, midnight
orgies, highway robberies, and petty pilferings, revolting to civilization,
as terrible as the savage rule of the Camanches?   Is there not a
feverish and loathsome licentiousness as vile as the abominations of
the Sandwich Islands?  Of the one million of inhabitants who live in
thlis vast metropolis, is there one prudent man of property who ventures
to lie down at night without locking his door to secure his house from
the invasion of burglars? or who feels a surprise to hear, when he rises
in the mr,rning, that innocent strangers have been murdered in the
streets in the silent hours of midnight?
All conditions of human society, fi.om the highest to the lowest, must
feel the necessary inquietude of the governed-the impracticability of
a just and impartial administration of government, so as to prevent complaint, and the constant dangers to which every member of society is
exposed, whether with or without government.
The source of much of the disquiet of the people at existing laws is
a- misapprehension of the character of government.  They forget to coinsider that government is the effect rather than the cause of anly great
good or great evil.
"That government is best, which is best administered."
THE CAUSE OF AFRICAN SLAVERY.
It is not the silent letter of the law which enslaves  the African, or
restricts a single privilege of his race.  He was a slave at home before
he was brought to America. He is now a slave. Free him in the slave
States, where he is not in a majority of the population, and society
would subject him to the same oppressive laws which are now brought
to bear himn down.  That is now true.  It is the prejudice and cupidity
,f the white man, and the ignorance and imbecility of the black man,
which indicates the relative condition of each, and fixes the law of their
respective power and consequent submission.
What isthe condition of the negro in the northern States, where the
ratio of' blacks to whites is such, that the blacks are scarcely a constituent element of society?  Is it not true that prejudice and  malice have virtually robbed the negro of every conceivable source of happiness and right?  In what northern State is this not true in relations
to the free negro as a class?  In Indiana, in Illinois, and in Iowa it is a
crime, with a degrading penalty, for any negro or mulatto to emigrate
to those States.  Even in New England-in  Puritan  New Eng,land,
the Land of the Pilgrims-the black man need aspire to no higher
j)sition than that of a master barber, head cook, or hotel boot-black.
This is the outside limit of his social position as a class.  An individual
exceptio,l to the rule there may be.  The prejudice is overpo)wering,
aind, poor unfortunate man, he is made to feel it wherever he goes. It,
*ta.ts as a canker in his bosom; it burns as a fSever in his bl(-od.
11
is 
16
In the South the proportion of the blacks to the whites is nearly as
two to three.  Here they are in slavery.  That occasional wrong may
be done them by  cruel masters, is quite likely.  That they have
received more than their due proportion of the injuries allotted by Divine Providence to the human race, may also be true; but, under the
circumstances that surround them, in both the North and the South,
that they suffer in person, in privilege, in character, in social regard, in
the latter more than they suffer in the former section of the Union, is
not true.
In the South the police regulation places them on the plantation,
subjected to plantation rules, among people of their own color, of their
own kindred in the place of their birth. Interest, affection, and association bind the master and his family to the slave and his family; and
it is a remarkable fact, that when the two families have grown up together, so mutual are the attachments and regard, that slavery ceases
in every other except its legal sense. In the North, excluded from
society, the jail is the penalty inflicted upon them for the exhibition of
those infirmities common to their race, which are scarcely recognised in
southern law as crimes in the conduct of the slave, under the rule of
heartless prison-keepers, inured to cruelty, and dead to every sentiment of kindness.
Prejudice and false accusations bear him down and contribute to
his misfortunes in the northern States; for there he has not even a
master to l)ok after his rights and defend him against the encroachments of unscrupulous men who with impunity may rob him of the
wages of his labor, outrage his feelings, and ruinii his character.
It is unphilosophical, impracticable, and without a single precedent
in the history of human government, that anv race or any individual
can gain social position until he has triumphed over social prejudices.
These prejudices are co-extensive with his being. On the American
continent they meet him wherever he goes. At the table he is a
waiter-never a guest; from the common school his child is excluded
a place with the child of the white man. It is true that in the church
he communes with God through the sacred emblems  of the body and
blood of his Saviour, but not until after the white man has partaken of
these precious tokens of the love of God. In court he may be a criminal, or he may perform the duties of a menial servant, but he is excluded from the bench, the bar, the jury-box, and even from the witness stand, though it be to protect his own most precious rights. Is
this liberty?  Yet such is the condition of the black man even in the
mighty FREE NORTH.
There is a prejudice which underlies the law, much stronger than
the law itself.  Until that prejudice is removed the condition of the
black man must remain deplorable. He will seek refuge in that condition of society which gives him protection, though it be in the degraded
relation of slavery. What has been his treatment in the North? In
Philadelphia, mobs have raised to drive him from the city. In Cincinnati he has been hunted down like a wolf. When the slaves of
John Randolph left the plantation cottages of old Virginia to seek a
home upon that rich free soil, so liberally granted by Virginia to the 
17
Union-those unfortunate men who had lingered round the mansion of
the Roanoke orator, and never knew that they had been slaves until
they were freed, and found slavery in freedom; when, after many
weeks' hard travel, old men, women, and children sought a home of
freedom upon their own land, they were met by an armed band and
driven away and hunted down as outlaws. Added to the prejudices
against the black man are the interests of the white laboring classes,
who, in competition with him, will destroy his business, or, in failing
to effect this, will engage in the extermination of his race.
In answer to these plain practical questions, which admit of no cavil
that is beyond all successful contradiction, we are tauntingly asked,
is the block man a brute?  Certainly not.  He is an immortal man,
with a soul that will burn in brilliant beauty long after the fires of the
sun have died out.  Why, then, this state of slavery?  -For the most
humane of all reasons: for the protection of those very rights which
are invaded by prejudice; for the expansion and development ot those
very minds jewels that have been buried in the darkness of idolatry
for ages.
Thie southern people have been insulted, aroused, and inflamed by
libellous publications, until, under the goading of intermeddlers, they
have passed some laws which are ut,nnecessary and unnatural, but
which lie as a dead letter upon the statute-book, as a record of misguided feelin::, which are scarcely ever executed.  It is barbarous to
tear asunder the bonds of matrimony; it is sacrilegious to lay waste
the family altar; but, unfortunately ior our unhappy race, we have never
been elevated above these misfortunes; they transpire daily in every
portion of the earth; under the cover of' law they ough't never to take
p ~ce, and the South owe it to the good name of their ancestors to modify
those liws, correct these evils; and if leti undisturbed by abolitionists,
thev would do it. In the north, capital is arrayed against labor, and the
sweat that falls from the brow of the mechanic and common laborer is
oily so much capital speculated upon by the capitalist who never
labors.'1'his state of' things has always existed; it will most likely
always continue; all efforts have failed to bring to bear efficient correctives; in the very effort to correct, a greater evil may ensue.
Slaveiy is only one form of evil growing out of the effort to govern
men. and it happens to be located and identified with the So'uth. Have
we any evils in the north, or in the general government, which bear unequally upon the different classes of the country? O)ur great governnient is rich-rich in mines, in resources, in yearly products; she is
affluent, without a peer in the civilized world. She ought to be magnanimous to the poorer cl tsses of her own people; she ought to be just.
But what do we see? Does not the laboring man pay a heavy tax
upon the salt that seasons his victuals; upon the shirt and pants with
which he is clothed; on the calico dress of his wife, and the shoes (of his
children; upon the iron in his plough; upon his hoe, his gears, and upon
the oil which preserves them? It is a heavy tax he pays. \Vhile the
property of the rich man-his lands, his bank and railroad stocks, his
piatoos, his library-is taxed only one per cent., the p;3or man pays
nearly forty per cent. upon nearly all the necessaries of life.  Such is 
18
the justice dealt out to the poor man north and s(oulh. But this -inj,;i,ce,
is aggravated when the apfblicati()s of' I he morneys are fairly tI t)led.
Why is this tax levied upon him-upon the poor man, who h,  (,)t a
com()rtable cabin in which to live(?  The first answer is, to m vbt itncidental protecti in to the business of the rich mali, who lives if the slyle
off an eastern prince-tlo the manufact urer of the northern States. Alter
this money  is thus raised, how is it spent?   Why, to pay f1i ilt')lic
documents,  engraved  sea-voyage  reports, electioneering cmiiaign
books, which are sent to the leaders of party, or to the parlors of the
wealthy and fashionable, but never to the poor man's cabi:,:, t,r the
workshop of the laborer. Look at this statement:
The poor laboring man's salary is $20 per month, or per ye,,r, of
12 months, $240.  His clothing li)r himself  and family costs $100;
of this $100, $40 is tariff on his clothes.
Making just one sixth of his whole salary, to say nothing of his taxes
upon the ne(cessaries of lite. How are the procteds of this robb;)'rv upon
labor applied?   Why, a very latge amount of it is squan(iered and
pilfered;'some of it is appropriated to buy books to send to tas  ich
neighbors.  Just think of it-one sixth of the,rdinary laborer's whaes,
two mrnonths of every year, given to government, every cent at w hich
is absolutely necessary for the decent sul)pport of himself andl it)mily;
more than enough to pay the tuition of his children is filched Irij him
by officials, stolen quietly from him before it has been in his p[)(.ket;
yes, taken from him to buy books for his landlord, or applied t-) i':itect
the capital of'manufactuiing earls. This is unjust, oppressive, ou,.:t geOus.
The wrong is magnified when it is properly considered that th(.e Wv:atlth
of the country is boun(dless.  Her public lands are a national  ihttl that
ought to yield sufficient for the support of government  ecot,,:tiiicailly
administered; but how are they disposed of?  For the ben(tfi cif' the
poor?  No.  Do the poor have equal chances in the sales of  tiem?
No.  Is it not true that by the general government these l:IfL.(s are
given in immense bodies to rich companies to create monopoii.,,, w,ich
will ultimately control the country?  The injustice of this will i., miore
apparent when more thoroughly presented, so that the gi. i:?nent
may lose nothing in the creation of' these mammoth monopolit.s. Provision is made to raise the price of the poor man's land just,ii hundred per cent., and this injustice, which will create invidious cli.s('s in
the society of the white man, has met with no opposition exc-t-L from
the South,
Many other evils than domestic slavery, contravening the very same
principles of human rights which are involved in it, atid Wtit ii are
suffered by white men, call loudly for legislative remedy, where we
have thie unquestionable legislative power to control the evil   Why
not save all this argument?  This party does not so much as pr,)pose the
abolition of slavery.  The men of the Republican party repel thi ilisinuation that they have  intimated the emancipation of the [i,-groes.
They do not so much as propose to free one human being, tint one.
It is the groun~d which they propose to emancipate, the soil which they
.intend to free. They protest that they want none of the black pope
'tation. either free or slave. 
19
In a late article in answer to the charge that Mfr. Fremont is a slaveholder, the Tribune denies that any such issue is made against slaveholders as wo,uld exclude them from  any high official position and
power.  The whole is reduced down to thel bare question of FREESOIL.
FREE SOIL.
The most specious, transparent, captivating, and yet unmeaning word
in the whole nomenclature of political claptrap, is this word FRtEE
SOIL. It is one of those apparent syn, nyms of benevolence which
carries to the idle mind a splendid promise, and means less than nothing
at all. It addresses itself to the love of liberty, and the rights of man.
Yet it really prop)oses to do no one act which can directly or remotely
benefit the negro, as a race, or as a single individual.  If freedom to
the black man be his natural right, the FREE-SOIL party does no()t propose to secure it to one single negro or mulatto.  If it be a political
blessing, this Free-sotl party has not an offer of it to one single child of'
the downtrodden race of Hatn.  It does not offer freedom to anybody;
but, on the contrary, the history of this FREE-SOIL movement carries
with it a single series of proscriptions to the black man and the white
man both. It began by excluding the right of white men to carry
slaves within its borders; but soon the real chlaracter of this movement
was manifest.  It was quite apparent that this warfare was not against
slavery as a system, but against the Africans as a race, for in Ohio
he was long excluded the State by the most savage laws, whilst he
voted in North Carolina anrid Pennsylvania when they were both slave
States.  In Kentucky and South Carolina, in Tennessee and North
Carolina, the negro may be a large property-holder, if free; whilst in
Illinois, in Indiana, and in Iowa, it is a crimte for a black man to seek a
home ON TIS FrFREE SOIL.  Indiana and Illinois were  the offspring of
the ordinance of 1787; yet by the constitution ot Indiana, the blacks
are excluded the State, and are thereby declared unfit for freedom,
whilst in Illinois a poor wayfaring Aftican may be sold out for venturing to rest his limbs on their free soil.  Nor did BARBOUR, JOHN U.
PETTIT, and MACE, then prominent Democrats, now Free-soil lcders
of their party in the State of Indiana, see any wrong done to the blacks
in this exclusion, for, notwithstanding this proscription, it still remained
FREE SOIL.  In the State of Indiana a black man may be stricken down,
his son may be beaten, his wite and daughter may be violated in his
presence by the vilest white men; and without even a master to redress
his wrong, or pursue the enemy of his household, the poor Afiican, thoughl
half his blood be Anglo Saxon, would not dare even file an information
affidavit setting fi-rth his wrongs, or seeking redress for his injuries.
Whilst in South Carolina the free black thay make affidavit f)r himself;
and the master mray, on behalf of his slave.  Nor does a white man
dare employ the black man in Indliaiia, under heavy penalties; yet
this isfree soil, made so by the ordinance of 17-7.
When  TIRUMBULL, and BISSELL, and LINCOLN, and the illustrious
JOHN WENTWORTH led the van of the Illinois Democracy, those laws
were enacted which make it a crime, with the penalty of a forfeiture
41
I 
20
of liberty, for a black man to breathe the atmosphere or set his feet
upon thefree so,il of Illinois. Yet, this is a part of the Territory made
ree by the ordinance of 1787, and these gentlemen are the benevolent
leaders of the Free-soil party.  Iowa was the first-born daughier of the
Missouri compromise, and punishes with imprisonment any negro or
mulatto who ventures emigration to herjree soil.
Lord Mansfield says that no slave can breathe the air of Great
Britain; so no black man can tread thefree soil of those "ORDINA:oCE,"
and " COMPt.OMISE," and "SACRED COMPACT"  Free-soil States.  As
though to complete the solemn farce and tinsel the grave burlesque of
free soil, in the strulggle fbr conquest in Kansas, the framers of the
Topeka constitution were careful that free negroes and mulattoes
should be excluded the contemplatedfree-soil State.
Government cannot be applied to soil. Government is the ruling
law of men-rational men; and there is just as much good sense in
talking of free vegetation, and less absurdity in speaking of free horses,
than in speaking of free soil. This party does not propose to enlighten the
black man and elevate his mental aspirations. It does not propose
to educate him, and prepare him for a higher state of social being.
It does not propose to give him one cent for his moral culture or his
religious improvement. It proposes to make him a pretext for official promotion and public plunder.
Now, honestly, what do they mean by free soil? Throwing off the
circumlocutions of language, the flowers of rhetoric, and the new-coined
nomenclature of party phraseology, does it not mean, practically about
this: A soil from which all Africans are exciu(jd-a mere Shibboleth
of disappointed political aspirants to catch up honest and well-dis)posed
yet deluded men, for the miere sake of personal preferment and political PowER'?
THE RELATIVE POSITION OF THE NORTFI AND SOUTH TO SLAVERY IN
THE UNITEDI) SATES.
That is not a bad law of benevolence which demands that "A man
should be just before he is generous;" nor is that an unreasonable law
of gentility which indicates that every man  should exemplify his precepts by his actions.  And upon these two unquestionably just principle do we now examine the superior claims to benevolence of tie free
States as against the slave States.
To correctly determine their relative position of regard and love for
the African race, we subjoin the following table.  There were, in the
year 1850, in the slave States
Free negroes.
Alabama............. -----------                 2,;265
Arkansas ------—..............i                  6()8
District of Columbia.............................. 10,059
Delaware-     -.....   ------—. —  1~,075
Deh-arida........................................  1 807
Florida —-. —----—. —   9j2
Georgia............ ----------------------------------------- 2,931
Kentucky... —-------------------               10011
Louisiana —........................ i17,-62
Maryland..... —...i.................. —   74,723
Mississippi._....-...................    930
4 
21
isri................................ 2,618
Carolina.                                                27,463
Carolina................................... S,960
ssee....... —---------------..                 6,422
Txs.-.-.-.-.-. —.-.-.- 397
ia-       -..-......... -54,333
23>',209
Slaves freed by legislation in what are now free States.
California........................ -
Connecticut....................
Illinois.... —--------------------------------------------
Indiana............................................
Iowa...-..........................
Maine....- -.. —. - -.                         -..
Massachusetts.......-..................
Michigan. -.-.............   —..   —...-..
New Hampshire...................................
New ampJersey................ —-----------------------------------
New Yorseyk —-------------—....
Ohio —---------------------------------------------
Pennsylvania...-.-..............
Rhode Island.. ------------------------------
Vermont —-------------
Wisconsin........................................
36,734
In making this estimate I allow that the highest number of slaves
which were ever held at any one time in those States which are now
free were freed by legislation. But we may justly make a deduction
of those slaves which were sold, and those which were freed by volurntary emancipation, amounting, together, to at least one-fourth of the
whole number of slaves in those States. Then the tables stand thus:
Origina lly..... —-.*....                                       36,734
Freed and sold-one-fourth. —.-. —.......... -9,18s
Leavings... —------------------—. —.-.- 27,651
which were freed by legislation in the free States, whilst (including
their descendants) 238,209 negroes have been freed by voluntary
emancipation in the slave States.
This calculation excludes those negroes who were emancipated in
Slave States, and emigrated to the free States. The foregoing table
proves, that in the slave States, where there is a population of 9,664,666, there are 238,209 free niegroes, or one free negro in forty persons;
whilst in the free States, where there is a population of 13,434,922,
there is a free negro population of 195,071, or one free negro in every
sixty-nine of the population; which is a demonstration of the fact that
Missoul
North (
South
Tennes
Texas
Virgini
2,759
917
237
16
2
1
32
158
7,557
20,843
6
3,737
952
17 
the negroes are freed by voluntary emancipation quite as rapidly -,s
they prove themselves capable of enjoying liberty.
free negroes in the free States.
California...X..X....................................
Connecticut  _-....,...................._._......6
Illinois ——. ---------—. —-------— 5,3
Illinois.............................................
Indiana —-—...... —-----------— 1,6
Indana......................................i
Iowa -------------------------------------      -    ------
Maine. —-------------------------------------------
Massachusetts-............
Michigan...........................................
New Hampshire..........-.............. —-0
New Jersey -........................................
New York.........................;*....
Pennsylvania.-................................
Ohio.-.....         9.....
Ohiod  Isad —--------------------------------------------
Rhode Island....
Vermont.......................................
Wisconsin..........................................
17
7,693
5,436
11,262
333
1,356
9,064
2,583
520
23,810
. 49,069
. 53,626
25,279
3,670
718
635
195,071
This table shows that even now there are m&e free Inegroes in the
slave States than in the free States.
The above tables prove that the moral power of the country, by elevating the moral condition of the slave, has done for him infinitely
more than all political power and political causes put together. And
it may be very properly submitted to the nothern people, whether it is
not their duty to contribute as much, in proportion to their wealth and;
population, to the freedom of the slave as the South has already done,
before they open their mouths in reproach against the South.
The foregoing tables demonstrate several thlngs:
1st. That the emancipation of slaves in most of the free States amounted
to a merely nominal abolition, for there were very few slaves in those
States to free.
2d. That the benevolence and philanthropy of the abolitionists
have exhibited more of the spirit of officious intermeddling than any
one real desire for the real good of the slave.
In the year 1850, in the slave States there were voluntarily mannumitted 1,467 slaves, which is 46 more than were ever freed by legislative enactment in all of the States of VERMONT, MAINE, MASSACHUSETTS, IOWA, WISCONSIN, OHIO, NEW  HAMPSHIRE, MICHIG-AN, and
INDIANA, all of which were once slaveholding States; and in the same
year there were nearly as many slaves, fugitives from the slave States,
as were thus freed by the above States. These figures can't lie; these
facts are undeniable.
So much for the principles involved in the slavery element of this
contest.
22 
23
So far this party is an illustrated national fraud committed upon the
cIoult ry —- tiost glarintg imp)sition upon a large body of its supporters.
Tl-is lrick tihas been made cnomplete.   The last stroke of policy is the
n(tst urcanr(-li(l o'f ill the re st.  It is the attem)pt, by bullying and denuncilti()n, to d(rive the n,orthern wing of the Whig party, without pro.
test, ino the sai)port of the m  n and measures of this new organizatiol.  l'he Whig patrty ha(t no lefgitimate connexion with this movemtnit.  It is anl abati(m)nmerit of all her ancient principles to affiliate
wvitht it.  Forgetting fortier (contests, abandoning  former principles,
un(ler the ('aptious lead of mere upstart politicians, who have in form and
in act ostracistud statesmanship who assume control over the masses,
which the masses have not conferred upon them, or invited them to,
this party draw black lintes aroujnd the names of high minded, honorable men  who ret'f tse to leld their aid to civil war and revolution.
7Tr''t,,r and d,,t, (h-ce are names  applied to every northern man who
esclhews the fanrlaticism of' this party. Where such authority is assumed, an({ such means are eipl()yed to slander the fair character
and browbeat into detiasing submission the most honorable body of
conservative men now ini the ci)unt,y, it is a duty we owe to civil
liberty atid to contemporaneous history to expose these pretensions-to
rebtuk: these assumptions.
By what right d(.) these mw-n call any Whig to account for not adher-itg to the,tr party?  The two parties have not one element of character iti cortiton.
1. TIhe Whig party, as pled(ged by its platforms, was conservative,
peace-taakiiig, law-abiditng: thie Republican party is ultra, aggressive,
ati( re->v(-luti,(iiiary.
2.'I'he Whig parly was a great constructive political organization,
thai gave to the'( ouriy its fi st impulses to internal improvement and
dotmesti, manutactures.  It Firoposed the development of our great nationi t resoutces, Ah, building ()t railroads, the fortification of the seaboad-, aid tile improvement,lt her harbors.  In the contemplation of
the. tiat W hig party, the prtluctive power of every valley, the grass
upoii every hill, the mineral un the bosom of the mountain, -and tilhe
CrIT stal strteatnms hat  washed by the mountain side, were so many varied
invw-simerits b-y the G()d of nature for the improvement, and blessings
an(i ('ontmf it rt' the citizen, ails the glory oft the country.
On tihe other hand, the Republican party is a destructive organization,
that proposes to itivd(-de the present state of society with radical
cha.l:ng(,s; that counsels the resistance to law with the force of arms and
the vi-Ilenee of civil war, and threatens, if its dictates are not corm plied with, to destroy the nation itself.
That immortal Wijig, Danil:el Webster, said:  " Liberty and union,
now an(i ft')rever, one and itnseparable."  Republican  Banks  says:
' Aet the Union slite."
3. The Wh ig party was comprehensive, liberal, and patriotic. IThe
Republican party have narrowed down the issues of a campaign and
the destinies of the republic to one idea, and that idea i one which has
'o legitimate connexion with politics. They have proscribed every mun
as a "' d'ughace," a "traitor," a "sycophant," who does not take t!e
.*ame view of questions of public policy which they do. They de 
24
dclare contempt for even the preservation of the country, if it be not
preserved by their own party, and upon their own terms.
4. The Whig party did not shrink trom contest, though she never in  vited it. She met it when it was offered her; but it was the conflict of
mind with mind in the discussion of great princip}es, in the determtina tion of great truths. The speeches of Clay, Webster, Clayton, Ber rien, Preston, Crittenden, Rives, and Bell, will go down to posterity
as congressional history, and their memories will be held in precious
remembrance as tong as true oratory has an admirer, or civil liberty a
friend.
The Republican party invites contest and provokes quarrel; but
it is the contest of passion and prejudice-the virus of envy infused
firom the poisoned tongue of slander and thrown into the life-blood of
the body politic; the contest of' je4l()usy, whose  infernal fires are
fanned by detraction and fed by tfalsehood; the contest of malignity
that hunts down the living, that throws its missiles at the good name
of the absent, and, jackall-like, howls around the sepulchres of the
illustrious dead.  Nor is it the quarrel of contending parties, aroused
by a sense of' injustice do)ne themn and tearless of conflict and death.
It is the bandying of epithets, the inauguration into the council ('ham bers of' the country of the vernacular of the billiard saloon and  the
billinu.gate of the beershop.
5. The Whig plattorm embraced not one single article or principle
contained in the late Repub)lican maniiesto of doctrines.
6. Tihe great leaders of the old Wfiig party have declined participa tion  in tht movement of' the Republican party, whilst most of the
prominent of that party have sought other political affinities.  Among
the men who, in the palmy days of Whig  honor, and power,  and
glory, enjoyed its confiilen-jce and  led its forces, were Rut'us Choate,
Robert C. WVinthrop, and Eflward Everett, of Massachusetts; John M.
Clayton, of Dela iware; VWilliamr C. Rtives, George W. Summers, A. H.
H. Stewart, of' Virginia; W. C. Preston, Wadd(y Thompsont, of' South
Carolina; Robert Toonmb-, A. H. Steveis, Crawford, antd Jenkins, of
Georgia; H  W. H~lliard, of Alatbamra; Benjamin, of Lousiana; John
Bell, Jarne, C. Jones, Neil Brown, of' Tennessee; John J. Crittenden,
the MarshallIs and Breckinri(tlges, and John B. Thompson, of Kentucky;v
George E. Badger, Wuilie P. Mangutm, an(d,. Stanley, of North Carolina; J. A. Pearce, Thomtas Pratt, Reverdy Johnson, of Maryland;
Richard  W   Thompson, of Indiana; Ewitig and Corwin, of' Ohio;
George Evans, or M,,tine.  [n view of these tfeats, what claim has the
Repuhb'tie tCi organization to any consideration wh::tever fromn the old
Wrig party?      W e halve earetully examined every element in the cormposition of the Republi an party.  In its nakedness look at its issues.
Careftily andi thoroughly canvass its claimns.  On the other hand, the
princeples of the - Whig party are set forth with clearnless and directness,
without euivoeation.  Logok at then,.  Is there anything in common
in the two parties,?  But, on the other hand, who leads this Republican
trarty?  The great st{n,.ard-bearer himself is a seceding D\emcra. t
by profession.  In Mlassacnus.etts, Charles Sumner, Henry Wilson, N.
P. Banks, who were all originally the political enemies of Daniel 
25
Webster, are now the expounders of the Republican faith. In New
York, Preston King; in New Hampshire, John P. Hale; in Maine,
Hannibal Hamlin; in Pennsylvania, David Wilmot and G. A. Grow;
in Ohio, Leiter and( Chase; in Indiana, Barbour, Mace, and John
U. Pettit; in Illinois, Lyman  Trumbull, John Wentworth, and W.
H. Bissell, are the prominent Free-soil leaders.  Horace Greeley
said that the Whig party is dead, and these seceding Democrats claim
the right, without invitation, voluntarily to administer upon the estate
and appropriate to themselves the effects, and kindly to act guardian
to her orphan children.
Surely no Whig will see political obligations resting upon him to support this new party.  Yet, upon their part, no eff)rt will be spared to
bully him into submission to, or slander him into acquiescence in their
measures as administered by these men.
THE MEANS EMPLOYED TO SECURE SUCCESS.
The composition of this party, the object of its being, the bold issues
presented, are not more startling and extraordinary than the means employed for the accomplishment of' their purposes.
THE COURSE OF THE OLD ABOLITION PARTY.
The old Abolition party, for the time being, gave way grounds which
she had hitherto regarded as essentially sacred; she now slumbered and
fell back into the foreground of Republicanism, as it now is.
SEORET LODGES.
In the mean time, in every ward in the cities, in every country village, at every cross-road school-house in the rural districts of the
North, lodges were formed, and men bound by oath to support the
members of their order in preference to all other persons whatsoever.
They used significant p)ass-words. They maoe it a point to receive no
old politician into their lodges; if he were an honest man, this would
have been fatal to their purpose-it would have secured their earlier
(xpositionl They made every manner of pretension, and every variety
of purpose was ostensibly set fofth in plea for the organization.
To old men, they would argue the necessity of a purification of the
government, and, in the degeneracy of the times, they would bring back
things to the simplicity and economy of Jefferson, Washington, and
Madison.
To the conservative men they presented a gloomy picture of the
dangers of the dissolution of the Union, and promised, in this new organization, a great national salvator.
- To the office-seekers, who had been disgusted with disappointment,
they depicted and deplored the monopolization of the offices of the
country by men of foreign birth, and gave, as the basis of the party
organization, the ostracism of all foreigners indiscriminately.
To the Protestant, they appealed to the prejudices and passions
aroused by ancient religious wars and sectarian persecutions, and gave
him assurances that the Catholic interest in the civil government of
America should be ignored forever; that no Catholic, nor one whose 
26
wife was a Catholic, or who was the sup)porter of a Catholic, or one
wtho did not join this order to oppose the C:,tholic in this pe(.uliar tnu,tner, should hold aniy (-)ffice whatever under the goverrnm,nt.
To the aboliltionist they presented the real issue, at)(d m.,de the true
appeal, and promised to seduce thous inds from old iMarty affinities, and
chain them with oaths, and then direct their votes for the accomplishmert of the great free-soil reform.
To young men they promised promotion, and position, and honor, as
inducement to commnence an early politic al career.
Political chicanery was reduced to a scie,ice, and  falsehood formed
the basis of the whole organiization-co)ticeived in deceptiol,, and consummnated in a great fraud upon public credulity.
THE PRESS.-SLANDER.
The press is prostituted to corrupt the public mind-in(u(-tive rea sonirg is sneered at; disgraceful epithets manufactured; slanders, the
misrepresentation of private business, the vilest assaults up()n personal
character and domestic life, are the ordinary means employed t(o excite
the'public mind.   The ruling power  is denounced  as imb)ecile and
desp,-tic; conservative men are branded with cowardice; the living are
attacked in their homes; the unwithiering laurels of the illustrious dead
are not too precious to be trammeled un(ler their feet, nor the sepulchre
too sacred to preserve it- from the vandal fury of these (lespoilers.
Burns well slid:  " That man  wais scarce o' news, who tauld his
father was hanged."  And that will be a gloomy  day in the  hist,)ry
of American li,erature, when the aspersions made against revolutiotiary
heroes can find a permanlefnt'iplace in an American lib'rary.  By this new
party, schools, coil(-ges, universities, ate al)p'opriate(l to the discussion
of these topics, and the minds of'the young are pofisoned with sectional
bitterness.
The pulpit, the great conservator of the peace and happiness of the
world, is perverted to most extraordinary purposes in this campaign.
During the times of' the Revolution, churches were used as citadels of
defence against the invasion of a foreign enemy who was burning our
cities and cornfields, gibbeting our soldiers, and commititig indiscriminate slaughter upon men, women, and children. It was right to defend ourselves. The very source of the law-making power was arrayed in war against us. There was no other remedy left for us; it was
our duty to fight.  In terrible times the temple of God has very appropriately become our city of refuge, and as such has been sacredly
regarded even by invaders in every civilized country.  But with the
law ruling over us-with not one wrong which the law will not speedily
redress when applied to-to use the house of God  for the purpo)se of
inflaming the passions of the people, to raise in arms to butcher their
neighbors, is a high crime against the Prince of Peace, which can admit of no justification whatever, consistent with that " peace on earth,
good will to man, glory to God in the highest," which was first sung
by the angels at the birth of'the Saviour.
But this has been done in New  England.  Good  men  have been
shocked by these demonstrations; bad men have been licensed by 
27
them to go forth and commit crimes and riot; children have watched
the movement, and the example will long live in their minds after the
precepts of the gospel have been forgotten, and terrible will be the
accountability of these men at the bar of Heaven. Weak men have been
placed in power by surprise to the people, to the lasting iinjury of civil
government, to the burning shame and disgrace of the country; tricksters, who before had but their chances to run, were by that process
secured in their aspirations by oaths exacted from their supporters.
Legislative experience has been presented as an objection to official
position, and sneered at as a qualification for the performance of official duties. It has become the boast of party men, that old offce-holders
have been displaced, and the representative government is now in the
hands of menfresh from the people.
With this new party lemperance has been ostensibly, but never has
been really an issue. Benevolence to the slave has been paraded in
the Free-soil platform as the ultima thule of the organization; but practically and really the issues are made regardless of his condition or
happiness.  It is free soil they are contending for-the emanc(ipation
of the land that they insist upon. But they have a real issue with the
democratic party, a real object in view, and under a quiet transparent
cover of the names of liberty, and morality, and t(nmperance, and progress,
they are drifting the wind in the distance, and, with keen scent, are
following the spoils of office.  Miany of them c,mplain of iheir disappointment, and charge home upon the present administration a want of
faith in the failure to appreciate their real worth and to reward their
real service in the labor of their party. This class of gentlemen have
been trimming fbr a lkfe-time between parties, and, alternately fed and
famishing between-party spoils 4nd party disappointment, they are most
fiurious in their warfare. Disappointed at every stage of their political
life, they are quite profuse in their political vituperation; "ten thousand
thousands are their throats, but only teats for one." It is a misfortune
in this government that the executive office is encumbered by an oppressive patronage such as now encumbers it.
In the incoming of each admihistration, instead of this class of men,
expecting, as they should, that the powers of the government will be
directed to the ends of justice, they would  have,  and try to make
scenes, at and after the inauguration of President of the United
States, with their scrambles for office. like the western land sales,
where bids and clubs are alternately used to buy, and intimidate  )uy ers. Finding no one so corrupt.,s themselves, they go away dissatisfied;
and failing to make honorable  men  subserve their purposes, they
commence a warfare upon those in office, without respect to either
their character or qualifications.
OFFICE, POWER, and  PATtONAGE, are the real issues  with  these
men; and to gain them, they dare present other issues as contingencies,
upon the failure of which, il this party contest, civil war is offered~as
the alernative of defeat with them.
The issue now made up is not equivocal, but clear, well defined,
and terrible.  Read it fromx the New York Tribune, and the leading
papers of that party: 
28
" We urge, therefore, unbending determination on the part of the northern  members hostile
to this intolerable outrage, and demtand of them, in behalf of peace-in behalf of freedom-in
behalfofjustice and humanity-resistance to the last. Better that conf]usion should ensuebetter that discord should reign in the national councils-better that Congress should break up in
wild disorder-nay, better that the Capitol itself should blaze by the tortch of the incendiary. or fall
and bury all its inmates beneath its crumbling ruins, than that this perfidy and wrong should
be finally accomplished."
This invites results which the noblest impulses of human hope can
scarcely outlive. It is couched in language as violent, reckless, revolutionlary, and incendiary, as words and sentences can make it.
To the citizens of the whole country these issues are addressed in
tens of thousands of copies of that vindictive sheet scattered over the
land. The question is not liberty or slavery, Whig or Democrat, or even
Free-soil and Democracy, giving to each their legitimate chances among
an honorable and liberty-loving people; but it is, shall Republicanism
triumph, and the country perish in the struggle? and whether it is of
no matter "that the Ca(pitol itself shovuld b'aze by the torch of the incendiary." This is, then, the unmistakable issue drawn out by their
leaders before the country.  "Rule or ruin" is their motto. - Their object ifi the comning campaign is the spoils of office, or the dissolution of
the Union.
The following paragraphs cannot be easily misapprehended-read
them:
REPURLICANISM AND DISUNION.
JOHN P. HALE,
The abolition candidate for President against Scott and Piece in 1852: What is his
record? On the 7th of February, 1850, he presented, insisted upon, and along with Chase
and Seward alone, voted to receive, refer, and consider a petition demanding of Congress "an
immediate dissolution of the Union," because a union with slaveholders is violative of divine
law and human rights.  Cass, Corwin, Benton, Clay, and Webster, with forty-six other
Senators, voted against it.
On the 23d of March, 1848, he presented a batch of eight petitions at once demanding the
same thing.
BENJAMIN F. WADE.
Hear him:
"He thought there was but one issue before the people, and that was the questicn of American slavery. He said the whig party is not only dead but stinks. It shows signs occasionally
of convulsive spasms, as is sometimes exhibited in the dead snake's tail, after the head and
body have been buried.
"There is really no union now between the North and the South, and he believed no two nations upon the earth entertained feelings of-more bitter rancor towards each other than these
two nations of the republic."
N. P. BANKS, JR.,
The "Union slider" Speaker of the abolition House of Representatives, is a leader of the
Fremont party, and was withdrawn from the candidacy of the Know-nothing seceders' conventi'on to make way for Fremont. Hear him:
"Although I am not one of that class of men who cry for the perpetuation of the Union,
though 1 am willing in a certain state of circumstances to let it slide, I have no fear for its perpetuation.  But let me say, if the chief object of the people of this country be to maintaini and
propagate chattel property in mrnan-in other words, human slavery-this Union cannot and
ought not to stand."
HORACE MANN.
Hear him:
"In concmusirn, I have only to add that such is my solemn and abi ing conviction of the
charac:t,r of slavery, tha,, u::der a full sense of my rcsionsibilty to my country and my God,
I deliberately say, better disunion-better a civil or a servile war-b(,tter anything that God in
his Providence shall send-than an extension of the bonds of slavery." 
29
CHARLES SUMNER.
Hear him:
"The good citizen as he reads the requirements of this act — the fugitive slave-is filled with
horror.  *  *  Here the path of duty is clear   I AM BOUND TO DISOBEY THIS ACT."
"Sir, I will not dishonor this home of the Pilgrims and of the Revolution by admittingnay, I cannot believe-that this bill wili be executed here."
RUFUS P. SPALDING
Was a member and leader of the convention. Hear him:
"Irt'he c,se of the alternative being presented of the continuance of slavery or a dissolution
of the Union, I am for dissolution of the Union.   I am for dissolution, and I care not how
quick it comes."
HON. ERASTUS HOPKINS,
Of Massachusetts, was a member of the convention.  Hear him:
If peaceful means fail us, and we are driven to the last extremity where ballots are useless
then we'll make bullets effective.'  [Tremendous applause.]
GEN. JAMES WATSON WEBB
Was a leader in the convention.  Hear him in a speech on the floor:
"O0r the action of this convention depend's the fate of the country; if the'Republicans' fail
at the ballot-box, we will be forced to drive back the slaveocracy with fire and the sword."
[Cheers. ]
Hear also H. M. ADDI.-oN, of the American Advertiser, in the same strain:
"I detest slavery, and say unhesitatingly that I am in favor of its abolition by some means,
if it should sexid all the party orgatizations in the Union, anti the Union itself, to the devil! If
it can orly exist by holding millions of humran beings in the most abject and cruel system of
slavery that ever cursed the earth, it is a great pity it was everformed, and the sooner it is dissolved
the better."
ANSON BURLINGAME
A Massachusetts member of Congress, is also a leader of the Fremont party.  Hear him:
1"The times demand, and we must have, an anti-slavery constitution, an anti-slavery Bible,
ard an anti-slavery God."
CIVIL WAR AND DISSOLUTION.
This issue they do not prosecute in bold, open, manly warfare.
They propose to weaken and undermine, and then overthrow the government. They set up imaginary standards of right, to which all law,
must conform, and to which all legislation must be subservient. If
laws are unju.st, cruel, or wrong, according to their standard, they do
not propose their repeal by the law-making power, but counsel armed
resistance to law.  If laws are unconstitutional, they do not propose
their abro)gation by an appeal to the judiciary-the constitutional remedy for the correction of unconstitutional laws; but that the constitution, law, and government itself shall fall a prey to the maddened moba victim to the fury of the licentious multitude. Is not the spectacle
now  presented to the country alarming and terrible?  Martal law
exists in Washington Territory; Indian war in Oregon. There is revolution in California and civil war in Kansas, and a licentiousness in
Utah that burlesques all Christian government.
These demonstrations of lawlessness are not mere spontaneous outbursts of passion in different portions of the country; they are the
legitimate tifruits of the teachings of revolutionary men who seek refuge
from imaginary wrongs in lawless anarchy.
In Boston, in the name of God and religion, officers of the law were
shot down by an irresponsible mob, because they believed the fugitiveslave law unconstitutional. The Suprenmie Court of the United States
could have been very properly appealed to to determine this great
legal question. 
30
But as though to make the triumph ot mob-law supreme, the judg:ment of the Supreme Court is challenged in the United States Senate
as time-serving, and the court itself, is characterized as the citadel of
slavery.
In Wisconsin the leading citizens join in a mob to liberate a slave.
The highest State judicial tribunal defendls the lawless course by dew,
ciding a question over which it had no jurisdiction whatever.
But when to mobs is surrendered the rule of the country, like'other
bodies invested with discretionary power, they are by no means so
ready to surrender it as they were to receive it.  They deem  the
"4 fugitive-slave law" unconstitutional, and oppose its execution.   But
tlhese same gentlemen take it into their heads that imprisonment for
life, though it be the extent of the law, is not a sufficient —punishment
for the crime of' murder, nor the sheriff the proper officer to enforce
law.  They follow the indications of high judicial decisions. In another
case they arrest the prisoner from  the hands of the law, and barbarously drag him  to the gallows.  This might, by a bare possibility,
be doing no injustice in an individual instance, but it does violence to
that legal security without which there cannot long exist either justice
or law.  These  outbreaks are spreading- over the land:   They are
spreading under the auspices of a perverted judiciary.  They are supported by ministers of religion  who have subsidized the temple of
God, and prostituted the Sal)bath of Christian civilization for the raising of fire-arms, the commission of murder, and the plotting of treasoni
again-st the liberties of the people and the perpetuity of tie governmnent under the sanctity of the hallowed name of duty and brotherly
love.
Lawless men will take courage from, and plead the precedent of
these nullifiers of law and justice and order. If this party is sustained
by the popular,vote, it may yet come upon us at a day near at hand,
that other cities than San Francisco miay establish martial law, and
send forth guerrilla bands to the rural districts to regulate the affairs of the
country; for if it be right to violate law in Boston to free a slave, it wiUll
be right to take him by force from Missouri or Maryland; and for all this
they will plead precedent-precedent established by the staid people
of Boston, precedent set by Puritan divines, precedent made and approved under the auspices and patronage of a liberty-loving people,
precedent sustained by the judiciary of Wisconsin.
With this state of things, soon will follow the entire rupture of communications between the States, and then the destruction of commerce.
And our navy and merchantmen, following the example of judges and
divines, will, in the wild spirit o free-booting and plunder, engage
in wart    t      eo f ee    the slaves along the  ea-board, and baptise the oean
with the blood of their countrymen; this will soon induce a general
border war all along the line.  Intercepting marauding companies
will engage in tearing up railroads that have cost years of labor and
millions of money.  Parties  made up of street loafers, prison convicts, headed by adventurous men without principle, without property,
and without stake in the country, will sally forth on each  side of the
black and bloody lie of the contending sections to lay waste farms,
I 
and li tlit uip the dwellin.,s of innocent men with the bonfires of mridfight.
Our- g,eict nat on, which fed starvinu, Ireland only yesterday, on  tom(rr()vs will, unless the-se flagrant outrages cease, engage in cutting
the tthr ratls of poor ii1straceted Americans
Bv finruiing this flame- -by a dissolution of the Union, such as is propose(i in the extracts above. the misguided politicians of New England
will throw out of employment her millioris of citizens.  The shop, the
lo(om, and the anvil will cease their murmuring music, and tens of
thotusanrds of the restless men who are now  waging war against the
pe~e-c o)f the country will be f)und( clamoring fo)r bread, and driving
fromn t[eir bosom the factious leaders who have sown this spirit of national discord among them-who have blighted their highest hopes and
thwarted their ho[;est aspirations.  In this anarchy, the necessary result ot these doctrines, bands of regulators will be instituted to correct
the evils iand promote the good of the country; trial by jury, the determintilon of' legal questions by the ordinary process of regular governtmenerit, will be entirely too slow and uncertain for these reformers.
Then -wvill the press gather its freedom from the dictum of alternate
factions, which will in turn assume to rule the various fragments of
our mutilnaed country.  Free speech will be under the same iron rule,
regulaited by like passions of like men.  Then will Republican, American, F(urrierite, Abolitionist, each in their turn play Jack Ketch, or
perish on the gibbet, just as fortune or power may smile or frown'upon
them.   Nor will the writ of' habeas corpus-the birthright of every American, the last hope of injured innocence-avail anything.  With the.
revolutio.nary remnants of our ruptured government, Dante, Marat, and
Robespierre, peers of Nero, Commodus, and Caligula-names that have
marked the ultra limits of incarnated despotismin, cruelty, and crimewill be leaded in precedent for the justification of all these outrages,
an(i necetssity will be the broad principle upon which apology will be
offered in defence of these infernal wrongs; these crimes against civilization and Christianity-against earth and Heaven.
Nor will the rights of conscience be any better preserved than the
liberty of speech. Another inquisitorial age may succeed, when the
opinions of men may be tortured from them, and traps be laid to entrammel them, and star-chambers may be instituted, and their own
frank testimony turned against honest men to secure their conviction
and insure their destruction.  in this heated fanaticism these men wvill
fancy themselves religious, and in the holy name of Christianity they
will doom Christians to expiate their heresy at the stake or on, the
scaffold.
-Nor will these things stop here.  Temples of God will be lighted up
by the torch of the bigot and incendiary, just as contending parties are
victorious or defeated-each  crimination and recrimination, each suf fering and consequent revenge, assuming a more terrible character and
/attended by a more horrible tragedy. Nor will our more enlightened
character render these conflicts less disastrous. This very fact will
call into requisition a greater power to perpetrate a more furious out rage and conisummate a more grievous wrong.   In this wreck nothing
will be preserved.
31
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Our character, too, will then go, in this general destruction of coulln try.  Surely our good nate is precious to the heart of every Arnerican. America has been the home of the oppressed of every nation
and kindred and tongue.   Her name has been a sure guaranty of
human rights to her citizens in foreign lands. The American name is
now a passport of honor among every people under the whole heavens.
The American republic yet stands as an exception-in the vigor of her
youth and in the strength of her manhood-to the doctrine that republics cannot endure.   Her magnanimity in. war, her benevolence in
peace, her kindness to her own people, and her hospitality to strangers,
gives her a character everywhere. And must this, too, fall a sacrifice
to the mad ambition of reckless men?  Is there nothing too sacred for
the invasion of this exterminating legion of government reforme&rs'?- 
HER FAME MUST GO WITH IT.-In such a destiny, the story of her
battle-fields must pass down to posterity as the legends of the skirmishes of restless rebels, who -madly dreamed of the permanent establishmenit of liberal institutions and republican government, and to corntrol and preserve them enacted the faroe of self-government. Let thi'
Union be dissolved, and the story of the battles of Bunker Hill -)nd
King's Mountain will not, be put in either contrast or comparison by
our ruined offspring; then the precious memories of those immortal
heroes who surrendered their lives to their country and their spirits to
God, as a voluntary offering for freedom, will be obliviated, to open up
the pathway of glory to despots and usurpers, who would desecrate
the temple of liberty, and sacrifice its inmnates; who would pollute the
altars of Heaven with the blood of their kindred and, in the insulted
name of Christian liberty would doom their posterity to a hundred
ages of hopeless despotism.
The issue is theirs; made up in their own words. It is not deductvie merely; it is not an inference; it is not painted.  Look at itread it. It is this:
Pure Christianity vs. Foirrierism, Socialism, and New England Atheism   Practical Government vs. Visionary Society.   The Perpetuity,
Prosperity, and Glory of the American Union vs. The Wild Forays of
Sectional Adventurers and Impracticable Fanaticism.
The  determination of this whole question will depend, in a great
measure, upon the action of that honorable body of men who stood by
the destinies of the country under the lead of Henry Clay, and who
will eschew sectionalism, and never cease to honor the proud name and
cherish the noble character of
NATIONAL WHIG.
I
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