REJECTED STONE;
INSURRECTION V.R R
I N
AMERICA.
BY A NATIVE OF VIRGINIA.
-,  i.,                                                                                                                )
0
Tbir'   Ebition.
BOSTON:
WALKER, WISE, AND COMPANY.
245, WASHINGTON STREET.
1862.
0
9
THE
f'.:
OR,
RESURRECTION
/) / 
Entered, according to Act of Congress, in the year 1861, by
WALKER, WVISE, AND COMPANY,
In the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the District of Massachusetts.
u
BOSTON.
PRINTED BY JOHN WILSON AND SON,
22, SCHOOL STREET. 
C O N T E N T S.
Page.
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I... O.... 
I............ 
I.........
IV.........
UNION....
UNMASK...
PILATE....
BETWEE-N US BE q
THE ORGANIC LA
TIlE REJECTED ST
CONSERVATION 
COMPROMISE..
BROKEN...
TIHE PRIVATEER
A FOREIGN POWE
.MANASSES o..
BETH-EL...
A REBELLION VS. A REVOLUTION.
EXCALIBUR.............
A FELICITATION.......
To THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED
To THE AMERICAN PEOPLE...
THE GREAT METHOD OF PEACE..
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Ill.
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V.
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PREFACE TO THE SECOND EDITION.
THIE discussion of the questions of which this little book
treats, always important, is now eminently so, because the Head
of the Nation has solemnly invoked the attention of Congress and
the People to the subject of Slavery as connected with our present conflict. The victories of our arms, still more this noblest
victory, - the word " Emancipation" uttered from the White
House, - make the conditions under which the second edition
of this work is issued much brighter than those which attended
its original publication: but the victory is not yet won; justice is
not yet accepted for the Head of the Corner. So, with gratitude
for the reception the volume has met with, I can only welcome
the demand for another edition; and, with a prayer that it may
find out those who need it, speed it on its way.
MIONCURE D. CONWAY.
CI.XCINNATI, OHIO, March, 1862.
1I
0
6 
LORD BACON recommends that all important affairs should
be committed first to Argus with a hundred eyes, and afterward to Briareus with a hundred arms.   " Things," he remarks, " will have their first or second agitation. If they be
not tossed upon the arguments of counsel, they will be tossed
upon the waves of fortune."
The hundred arms have laid hold on the American question:
whether the hundred eyes have done, or are doing, their work,
is doubtful.
The daily press brings to each household its presentation of
" the situation," in a military aspect; but the ever-developing
moral and historical situation is much neglected, oF, for reasons
of state, suppressed.
" Make bright the arrows," said the HIebrew prophet. In
this age, still more in this controversy, every weapon must
think, every missile be winged with intelligence, every shell be
fused with fire from God's altar.
It is with a profound conviction that the event of this war is
to depend more upon the impregnability of principles than that
of fortresses, and that it must be fought from a higher plane
than any yet occupied by our forces ere it can be won, that I
ofer the following suggestions and discussion to the American
people. 
THE REJECTED STONE.
I.
U N I 0 N.
IN the popular mind, the brave sufferings of our past,
the fruitions of our present, and the visions of our
future, as a people, are baptized and consecrated in the
name of UNION. The very word has thus become a
talisman, which, because so long supposed to contain
all the secret of our national health and wealth, has
gained the command of all the living forces of the New
World. The good and strong men who have arraigned
the Union have done so critically, not virtually; and
now, when the question is no longer on the exegesis of
MAr. Hamilton's or MIr. Randolph's remarks in the Convention of'87, but on the right of eminent domain in
this country, or any portion of this country, as between
Barbarism and Civilization, there is but one party possible among loyal men, - that which would preserve
the Union.
But it must be candidly acknowledged in the outset,
that, in the sense of the politicians, there is no Union 
THX  EJECTED STONE.
to be preserved.'Tis only a sad satire to call States
"United," wherein that which is felt on one side to
be the blot on the national escutcheon is maintained
on the other as the governor of the national machinery.
It is questionable whether the people mean, by their
effort to "save the Union," the same that is meant by
some of their proxies. Do they mean thereby the preservation of the right at the South to imprison Northern
seamen and landsmen accused of no crime? Do our
half-million bayonets gleam to-day to defend and preserve the right to nail up Northern freemen in tarbarrels, and roll them into the Mississippi River? Is it,
in short, the Union as it was that the people have with
one voice declared must and shall be preserved?
It is only a short time since compromises wvere
proposed and seriously considered by the American
people.  They were deliberately rejected, even when
the manifest alternative was civil war.  Why rejected?
Our people have not been given to scruples against
compromise: they had many interests which civil war
would ruin.  These compromises were rejected, and
the most unimportant guaranties refused, simply because
of the utter worthlessness of what they were to purchase; i.e., the Union as then existing. The only promise offered in response to Northern concession was, that
things just as they were should remain undisturbed and
immutable. But the people of this country had maturely
decided that the present edition of thle country was not
worth stereotyping. Indeed, if it were generally un
8 
UNMASK.
derstood that the power of our Constitution naturally
results or culminates in any one condition of things
which the country has yet known, it is doubtful, if, in
the Free States, there would be found ten men unrighteous enough to save it. In fact as,far as the old Union
is concerned, the only arms now defending it are in the
South: and they have reason; for it was possessed by
the demon of the South, its proper soul drugged into
torpor, supoosed by many dead.
II.
U N M A S K.
THE native glow of the human heart is always for
justice. Men have not peans and hymns and celebration-days for epochs when Wrong triumphed over Right.
So Tyranny has found it necessary to incloud the glow
of heaven in man, which would else melt every chain.
Thee is a legend of a youth, who, at a masquerade,
became interested to know a certain mask  This one
he pursued everywhere, the figure being equally intent
on eluding him. From room to room, from corridor to
corridor, he followed.  It mounted the stairway;  his
feet were swift after it. At length, in a deserted chamber, far away from the music and the dancing, he
9 
THE REJECTED STONE.
overtook, and unmasked it wili a kiss; but what it was
that turned and glared upon him he could never bring
his pallid lips to utter, - only that it was a thing not of
flesh and blood! So have we followed the figure cos tumed with the stars and stripes, wearing the mask of
Union. Far away from the music and the dance, into
the deserted chambers, we followed with heedless infa tuation. It is our very kiss that has unmasked it. 0
God! what monster has been moving in our midst, and
touching our hands, under this alluring costume!
Nowv we see that this Union, whatever those who
made it meant it should be, has become the hollow
mask of SLAVERY.
The present Secretary of State, just before entering
his office as such, said to some friends calling upon him,
"Let every man  now devote himself to saving the
Union."-" With liberty in it," suggested one in the
company.  "Liberty is always in the Union," replied
the future Premier. But so soon as he himself comes
into the Union with a little finger of authority, held only
in the name  of Liberty, that Union vanishes like a
pricked bubble.
. At that recent period, no Union but upon a slavery
basis, pure and simple, was regarded as possible.  Mark
the facts.
Our Republican President himself, elected by a people
fondly dreaming that Liberty might be allowed at least
an occasional angel's visit to the White House, pleaded
earnestly with the South to remain in the Union, on the
10 
UNMASK.
ground, that, if the Union should go, Slavery must go
with it.
The leading men of this administration joined in the
warning and appeal, arguing with clearness and force
that the Union was the only remaining fetter on four
millions of human beings.
" What," said the Secretary of State,-" what but
the obligations of the Constitution can prevent the
antislavery sentiment of this country friom assuming at
once the European type, - direct emancipation?"
Coincident were the appeals of clerical Unionists in
the North to the Southern wings of their churches.
The rivets of your slave's manacle are one with the
rivets of the Union!  " Separated from the North,"
wrote Dr. Hodge in the Princeton Review, "a Southern Confederacy of the Cotton-growing States would be
at the mercy of the antislavery feeling of the world."
Dr. Eliot, born and reared in Massachusetts, minister
of the Unitarian Church in St. Louis, implores, in the
name of Slavery, that Missouri shall resist Disunion:
"Separate Missouri from the Union," hlie said," surround
her with hostile Free States, and in five years the number o0 those held to involuntary service would be
exceedingly small."
Did the American people know, as they watched with
pride their colors floating f'om the mast where they
h-ad nailed them, that those colors were the only ones
on earth which could still protect the slave-ship?  Yet
it is even so. England and France stand able and will
11
0 
THE REJECTED STONE.
ing to prevent the slave-trade: but the slave-interest of
our country has gained a stern prohibition of the right
of searching our vessels; and now any pirate has only
to run up the stars and stripes over the smooth deck to
protect the horrors of the middle passage underneath.
On the 26th of February last, Lord John Russell said
ill the British Parliament, " This flag" (the American)
"has covered a vast importation of slaves.  If the Spanishli flag had been shown, our cruisers would at once
have seized the vessels; but, as they bore American
colors, it was impossible to do so."
Of every other flag that floats under heaven, you may
be sure that it does not cover the traffic in human
beings.  Of thine, 0 Union! we cannot even yet say
whether it is protecting a nation's honor or a world's
shame.
Think of it, my masters!
Think of America fitted out in the order of God as
the Life-ship of Nations; of America with a broad continent for her deck, mountain-ribbed to match any
billows, launched forth to respond to the signals that
come up from voyagers that can struggle no longer; of
America, her true captain chained below, turned aside
by mutineers from the perishing to whom she was sent,
flaring in the eyes of the world the black flag of the
slaver!
Reader, you know how it is at sea when the first big
ground-swells come: the passengers mutually disclose
what they have been dining on. The Union is always
12 
PILATE.
called the Ship of State; and the figure was never so
appropriate as now, when she has got out here amid
the swelling waves of the popular heart, the fresh gales
of Freedom filling her sails and snapping her flag, and
all the churches and the parties seized with deadly seasickness. There is no doubt now what they've all been
fattening on.  The vomit is black.  We find that the
churches have been retaliating upon the native African's fondness for " cold missionary," with an equal
devotion to pickled Ethiopian; and that the loaves and
fishes at Washington have invariably been eaten with
African sauce.
Thus, then, we have overtaken the Mask.
Of a truth, we have discovered it a thing not of flesh
and blood.
It is over that Union, with its mask fallen, that a
raven hovers to-day, with its one word,     "NEYERMORE! "
III.
PI LA T E.
VAINLY has this nation re-enacted the part of Pilate
in his court. The king sat with the robe of power
about him, and gave up Jesus to the mob. Then he
calls for a basin of water, and, washing his hands
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1  THE REJECTED STONE.
therein, declares, "I am iinnocent of the blood of this
just person: see ye to it."
Does that absolve the man whose business on that
throne is to protect the innocent?  The verdict of the
world is sure in the end.  For fifty generations, Christendom has gone  on repeating, "He suffered under
Pontius Pilate."
So this nation, sitting on the throne, and surrendering
Humanity to the tyrant and the pirate, has again and
again washed its hands and proclaimed its innocence.
Relentless posterity will all the same affirm that Humianity suffered under the Pilates   Democratic and
Republican -  who have ruled in the nation and ill the
States of the nation, and will not spend a thought on
the political basins in which their hands are washed.
The damned spot is in every palm: there is not water
enough in all the rivers and lakes of America to wash
it out. The time will come when we shall be eager to
pour into the basin our hearts' blood, and seek in that
to cleanse our hands of the stain fallen on us from the
sacred hands we have nailed and the side we have
pierced.
' Henceforth, brother, if we must be devils, at least
we can be honest devils; and if any craven priest or
tricky politician tells us that we have nothing to do with
the crimes of the Union against man, more than with the
widow-burning of Hindoos or the cannibalism of Fijians, shall we not at least tell him -in a devout and
Christian-like way- that he lies?
14 
BETWEEN US BE TRUTH.
IV.
BETWEEN US BE TRUTH.
WITHOUT doubt, the rule of Slavery in the United
States, which began its wane as the century passed its
noon, was one legitimate and structural phase of the
country.  It was the result of certain compromises
made by its builders; and freemen had either to endure
it as best they could, or, as some of the bravest did,
take sides with the stone which the builders rejected,
against the whole fabric.   But can any man in his
senses imagine that men fresh from a revolution for
Freedom would have stooped to that narrow gate andl
straitened way, unless they had seen, or thought they
saw, the spacious halls of Liberty in the distance?
Would they then and there have for ever sealed the
doom of their new-born nation's independence? Nailing up a Republican in a barrel, and rolling him into
the river, would then be only a symbol of what our
fathers did for the whole nation of Republicans. Had
the inion been the mere petrifaction of its most rudimental and unripe condition, a contract for the everlasting retention of its tottering infancy, a compact
generating no power of self-conservation amid the emergencies of the future, then the nation would have
kicked it off as a Chinese shoe, or limped with premature decrepitude to pay, ere its minority had passed,
15 
THE REJECTED STONE.
the debt of Nature,-  dissolution.   Everywhere  the
limit of growth is the inauguration of death.   But
the conservative principle in the Constitution was the
resource of POWER which it contained.   The  people
accepted the grub actual with thle golden wings implied;
and now, when the period of change has come,-  now,
when the chrysalid throbs with the power which forbids it longer to creep, - Slavery steps forward, and
cries, "In the Devil's name, creep for ever, or be
crushed for ever!"
True, we agreed to the worm.   It was not quite
noble; but we did it, and grievously have we answered
it.  But this, through  all, was our apology  to the
humanity we consented to wrong, -this the one solace
to our owni hearts in their pain and shame: "The worm
is no common worm, but one with an inherent power
and right to climb to wings. For the beautiful day of
its soaring and freedom, we will bear with its present
meanness and devastation."
There is need, that, between the star-spangled banner
and the stars with bars, a standard higher than either
should be lifted, and on it the ancient motto of the
LTve that is too great to conciliate,  " BETWEEN US BE
TRUTH."
When the people of the South consented to the present Constitution, they gained some immediate benefits
for Slavery, as we have seen; but no less did they
consent to the possible abrogation of every refuge and
cover under which Slavery was permitted to hide.
16 
BETWEEN US BE TRUTH.
Accepting that instrument, they consented not only to
the election of Abraham Lincoln, but to that of Wendell Phillips, if three-fourths of the American people
should so much desire such a result as to change the Constitution, so that Mr. Phillips could,,swear to support it.
South Carolina, in adopting that Constitution, pledged
her allegiance to a power which could abolish Slavery
throughout the land. For doing all these things, the
Constitution contains definite formulas and methods, in
its power, by a sufficient majority, to supplant its own
provisions.  Who does not know, unless it be a Secessionist, that this power in any constitution, of alteration
and adaptation, is the measure of its lease of life?
England has floated down like an ark over the social
deluges of centuries, because her constitution was unwritten, and able to grow with the growing world.
"'England," said Brougham, "has survived, because she
knew when to bend."
In its susceptibility of amendment, the Constitution
recognizes the Higher Law, -the only law that never
fails to be executed.
An ancient code provided the penalty of death for
any one who should propose any alteration of its provisions: the proposer should die, even though his
alteration should be adopted. And yet proposers came,
and their dying breath winnowed that code in every
particular.   Our Constitution contains no such bloody
l)arrier to its improvement, though the Apollyon of
Lynch-law has sought to extemporize one even in the
2*
17 
THE REJECTED STONE.
Senate-chamber. Whilst wisely securing thoroughness
in every radical change, by demanding a majority large
enough to place such change beyond suspicion of accicent or caprice, our fathers left a doorway for the
higher laws which higher civilization must from age to
age enact.  Had there been no such doorway, the walls
would have been long ago battered in under the steady
siege of Civilization.
Observe, then, men and brethren, that, in forming
this government, Slavery clutched at the strength of
the hour; Freedom relied on the inviolable justice of the
ages.   They have both had; they must have, their
reward. That it was and is thus, is apparent from the
very clauses under which Slavery claims eminent domain in this country: they are all written as for an
institution passing away.  The sources of it are sealed
up, so far as they could be; and all the provisions for
it  the crutches by which it should limp as decently
as possible to its grave — were so worded, that, when
Slavery should be buried, no dead letter would stand
in the Constitution as its epitaph. It is even so. No
historian, a thousand years hence, could show from that
Instrument that a single slave was ever held under it.
18 
THE ORGANIC LAW.
V.
THE ORGANIC LAW.
WHEN the Secretary of State said, "Liberty is always
iJb the Union," it was a truth in the guise of indirection.
But let us not be misled into supposing the Constitution to be the fortress of Freedom, apart from those who
occupy it. Except for the equal right of occupation by
the portal of the ballot which it gives to the friends of
Freedom, its every gun can be wheeled around against
Liberty with much more ease than against Slavery. If
the present agitation should do no more than bring
about a free and frank discussion of our organic law,
and suggest the exigent demand for its improvement,
it will be worth more than it has yet cost us, or is
likely to. There has existed heretofore a popular delusion, that the absolute and divine right of kings has in
America been simply transferred to a paper king; that
the Constitution is an inspired document, dealing with
every interest of its own or our or any time with exhaustive generalization.   "Who can tell," said Cicero,
"b)utthat the people may come to believe that these
stones and pictures are the gods themselves?"   Just
that came to pass. So the provisions of our Constitution, which our fathers themselves acknowledged as
necessarily partial, and in many regards temporizing,
are confused by the majority of our people with absolute laws, and worshipped accordingly.
19 
THE REJECTED STONE.
But, outside of mythologies, Minervas in full armor
do not spring from the skulls even of Joves (and, in
the remote antiquity of our origin,-  some sixty or
seventy years back, - all American statesmen become
Joves).
History and society repeat nothing more constantly
than the maxim of natural science, Nihil per salturn.
The Declaration of Independence has been called
a series of "glittering generalities."   Low as was the
spirit in which this phrase was uttered, it is certainly
true in a most important sense. That Declaration was
a study of the millennium; and that does not bloom on
the sapling of one revolution, nor of a thousand.   Human brotherhood is in it: the instruments are scarcely
invented- surely not tuned - to render that symphony. The men who announced those auroral theories of human rights went home to buy and sell their
human chattels as before. The French proverb says,
"When the saint's day is over, farewell the saint."
The signers of that Declaration did but make us a
saint's day; and it is to our credit that we rejoice in
it more than in all the days whose transactions became
the rafters of the house we live in.
It was a "pattern shown in the mount," after which
all things in the plain below were to be fashioned; but
no sooner have the tables of the law been given, and
the lightnings of revolution amid which they were announced sheathed, than the prosaic exigencies of the
hour asserted their qualifying clauses.   God is great:
20 
THE ORGANIC LAW.
Moses can approach him; a golden calf is more comprehensible to the multitude.
So the fiery Declaration cooled down to the wise and
wary Constitution.
It is a maxim of natural science, that things move
violently out of their places, calmly in them.   Ominous warnings are found in Washington's "Farewell
Address;" and our earliest state-papers show that fears
of a divorce were expressed at the marriage-altar;
which indicate that the equilibrium of elements was
even then felt to be imperfect. Under the increasing
agitations, the popular mind has been so Union-besotted,
that it has gone blindly, deeper and deeper, into the
danger it meant to avoid by clinging to the Union.
As an ideal, we should have been guided by it to a
solid shore: as an idol, we have drifted with it on the
breakers.
We may well ponder agitations which report things
out of their places. For example, Democracy is the
people governing themselves,- that is, making their
own institutions; but the provision for the rendition
of fugitives binds upon the citizens of Free States, to
a certain extent, an institution they have abrogated.
It is like forcing a horse to live upon fish.  Then,
again, Democracy must have equal rights as an atmospheric condition; but, by the constitutional basis of
representation, the vote of a large slaveholder may
balance that of two or three blocks of a Northern
city.
21 
THE REJECTED STONE.
These elements, and one or two more that might be
named, are out of their places in a republic; and much
of the agitation of recent years may be attributed to
the effort of the newly awakened forces of the New
World to classify themselves snore naturally.   But let
us not be misunderstood here.  The political situation
of tlhe parties to the present war does not delpend in the
slightest degree upon any defects, in the Constitution.
The North goes to the battle-field with a record of constitutional obedience clearer than some of her best
friends could wish it.  She has bowed her back to the
heaviest burdens that could be constitutionally imposed
upon her.   She has been put to shame in her own
gates, through long, weary years; and consented to toil
on toward her day of deliverance by the slow, prescribed paths.   Fulfilling the hard legal conditions,
Freedom had climbed the hill Difficulty raised in her
path by the Constitution itself, and was near to the
gates of the beautiful palace Success, when Apollyoin,
mad with envy and hate, broke through his own limits,
and prepared his darts at the very door of the chamber
named Peace.   The constitutional disparagements of
liberty have indeed roused Liberty to higher exertions. She has been more in earnest than if a freeman's
vote had been equal to a slaveholder's. The shame of
repelling the fugitive from her door has nerved her
to the atonement she is now ready to make by the
shedding of blood; but there has been no evasion,
no overleaping of conditions, no cutting of knots she
22 
THE REJECTED STONE.
had agreed to untie.   Boston saw the skeleton of
George III. exhumed, bone refitted to bone, and the
grinning skull crowned in her Court HIouse, -this so
often as she surrendered her fellow-citizens to slavery;
Cincinnati saw the Tour de Nesle rebuilt; Ohio, under
a Republican governor, held the clothes of those who
stoned Margaret Garner and her children to death, and
said, "11 Her blood be upon us and our children."
No! Slavery now appeals to arms, because Freedom,
in her slow but steady progress, has left no informality,
no flaw, which can be seized on to reverse the decision she has gained in any higher court.
VI.
THE REJECTED STONE.
IT is the inestimable gain of our present condition,
that we have come to perceive a weak point in our
organic law,- a stone left out, and that a fundamental
one. -
A disease in any body always flies to the weakest point
of that body, and thus proves what is its weakest point.
Chase the fox, and it will show you the hole in your
wall.
On either theory of the Constitution, that which
binds it back for ever to the shell it is ready to cast, or
23 
THE REJECTED STONE.
that which empowers it to struggle up with the struggling world,- conserving its principle of life in its
principle of growth, -our nation's present emergency
brings the whole country to the stone which the builders rejected; announcing the irreversible decree, that
either we must be wrecked upon that stone, or else
that it must be taken as the head of the corner.
That stone is, essentially, JUSTICE.
The form in which it stands for us is THE AFRICAN
SLAVE.
The ethnologic African is nothing to us here, nor his
place in the scale, nor yet his capacity. Our fact lies in
this, that he is inevitably the third party in any contract that can be made between the North and the
South. He must be presently recognized as a party to
the contract, who has already demonstrated his power
to tear it in pieces. We have already had our experience; and, if we do not profit by it,'tis our own loss.
Men who leap from precipices do not imperil the law of
gravitation. Obey the truth, and it comes a life-giving
sunbeam out of heaven; disobey, and it comes all the
same, but now a deadly sun-stroke.
When our national firm was consolidated, the African's name was left off the sign, as his right was left
out of the compact; but every year has shown his increasing power in that firm. It is plain, he can be no
longer considered even a silent partner. The thunder
of his voice mutters under every home in the South
to-day.   They who hear it turn pale, and say, "Your
24 
THE REJECTED STONE.
1]ttion is nothing, and worse than nothing, to us, unless
it resolve itself into a police-force for the protection of
Slavery. So soon as the monster is denied its daily
virgin, it turns to crush us."
Fearful is their sincerity! What~,they say is credible,
as the last words of the dying.  Unless the organic law
is so amended as to nationalize the code of Slavery, to
adopt and foster the institution, the South feels herself
to be, and is, in the midst of advancing society, like the
prisoner of the Inquisition amidst the ever-encroaching
walls of his dungeon, who could compute the minute
when they must crush him between them.
And to the North the warning of the African is
equally imperative. The North has walked behind to
strengthen those who shot their arrows at him, but has
found that every arrow was from a Tartar bow: it
has returned from its flight to plunge into those who
thought to find security in the rear. The North has,
in these last years, become a funeral procession following the hearses on which lie a fallen Literature, a
tainted Ermine, a putrid Church. On the scholars and
the orators, Slavery has brought the plague of the blacktongu..
The Devil's year draws to a close. Bring out the
ledgers! See, for every man bought and sold in the
South, one was bought and sold in the North!
It is simply useless to accuse the builders on account
of their rejection of this stone: it was too large for
3
25 
THE REJECTED STONE.
them to lift.  Have we not been dismayed by it? have
we not from year to year shrunk from it also?  The
exigencies of a new and infant nation, requiring before
any thing else the necessities of national life and defence, forbade the adjustmenit of any such question.
The true reason awhy this work was adjourned to us is
its commanding extent and grandeur.   For those who
see in this problem a question of the Negro race, its
power or weakness, can do little more  than bear a
hod for the edifice that is to rise upon this Head of the
Corner.
Ages of wrong have, like cold, hard glaciers, graven
on this lowly stone the sacred signs of the laws that
cannot be broken.   Now it stands in our midst the
touchstone of every virtue.
There is a print as of nails in the African's hands,
and a hollow wound in his side; and, though as a sheep
before his shearers he is dumb, a voice comes from
behind him, saying, "What for this least one of my
brothers you do or do not, you do or do not for me."
The Slavery question is to take many years yet; for
it involves the most transcendent laws that infold the
earth, - eternal laws of justice and humanity, which
have not yet risen, but have only lit up the morningstars which sing of a new creation.   That sneer so
lately heard on the street, about "the eternal nigger,"
is not without its significance: to America he has been,
and must continue to be, eternal, - even if his race
should perish from the planet.   Our relations to the
26 
THE REJECTED STONE.
Negro make him for us the sign of eternal justice and
inviolable honor. The gift derives its sacredness from
the altar. The more lowly and incompetent that race,
the more sacred its cause to all loyal men. His plea the
Negro can only utter by the tongue or pen of other
races; but his silence is more eloquent than any tongue
or pen. He is absent from our pews; he is unfit for our
parlors: but his absence bears a more withering rebuke
to the wrong that has held him down in the ascending
world, than his presence.   He can only sign his plea
with his cross-mark; but it is the indictment of humanity itself against us; and that sign of the cross affixed is
the double seal of his ignorance, and of the inhumanity
which has caused it. Thus the black man withdraws
before the universality of his issue, which becomes that
between absolute right and wrong. The verdict he
claims is the verdict of man as against the oppression
of a class.
Even if we cannot all see that his issue is that of the
whole world, we have surely found that it is that of
every race comprised in America.   In our grief, we
remember the warning of St. Pierre, that "man never
puts e chain about his brother's neck, but God is sure
to put the other end of it around his own."   In our
first Revolution, we saw that the right to take one pound
implied the right to take a thousand: we have required
another to reveal that the right to enslave four millions
implies the right to enslave thirty   Again and again
we have shoved aside the importunate, widowed Africa,
27 
THE REJECTED STONE.
who came withl shackled hand uplifted in petition; and,
now that she troubleth us, we may avenge her.  Her
cause has become our own.
Therefore we would avenge her; but would we do
her justice?
At this moment, we are inviting the thunderbolt of
subjugation by separating our own issue in the war from
that of the African as far as possible.   This day,
were our part of this difficulty settled by the rebels
grounding their arms, there would be no difficulty, as
far as our rulers are concerned, in consolidating the
Union over the prostrate form of the Negro.
But the rebels have no thought of grounding their
arms; nor will they, until they see flashing in the sunlight a certain sword which yet sleeps in its scabbard.
And it may be long yet before that sword is unsheathed. For to do justice to the Negro is to lay the
corner-stone of the Republic of Man. It is nothing less.
Therefore this crisis is the most solemn hour that Eternity has dialled on Time; and ages past and coming
meet here, and stand unveiled and expectant.
u
28 
CONSERVATION.
VII.
CONSERVATION.
THE preservation of the Union, which is the task
now assigned the American people, and of which,
fortunately, the evasion is harder than the accomplishment, must necessarily, at first, take the form of disintegration. With destruction all life begins. The birth
of the germ is the death of the seed. The Union is
under compulsion to find its life by losing it.  When
the sides of a seed-shell have fallen apart, sundered by
the springing germ, vainly shall you endeavor to rivet
them together again, and remake the old seed: they can
be re-united only by becoming loam for the new form to
which they have given birth. Every form, in any kingdom of Nature, contains the necessity of its decay as a
form, in the germ of its perpetuity as an essence.
This is a key to the startling evolutions which have
so befogged the empirics, and before which the donkeys
have not yet found presence of mind enough to bray.
How is it, that under the banner which is inscribed
Save the Union"  are suddenly found the leaders
whose lives have been consecrated to the destruction
of the Union in the interest of Freedom? Mr. Everett
does not yet comprehend his strange proximity to Mr.
Phillips; and the "New-York Hlerald" is confounded
3*
29 
THE REJECTED STONE.
at finding itself under the same flag with the "Antislavery Standard." It is because until now the phrase
"saving the Union" was the scarecrow of cowardice:
now'tis the watchword of heroism.   It meant last
year the fatal policy of fostering the ulcer that was
eating out the life of the real Union: to-day it means
to lay the foundation of a nation that shall be permanent, because founded on the rock of justice.
The soul of Nature has given one wave of its wand
over this land; and, in the presence of this Prospero,
the semi-brute Caliban and the winged Ariel start forth
upon one service. All around us are the treacherous
Calibans growling over the work they are forced to do,
stung and maddened by the Ariels who sweep on with
joy to the loyal task whose fulfilment marks the day of
their own liberation also.
Do we realize the straits and sorrows to which a
large class of our fellow-citizens are reduced? I refer
to the large and much-respected class of Sitters on the
Fence.
These have come to grief.  "Sitting on the fence,"
once the symbol of earthly ease and repose, has now
become the most distressing of attitudes.
Constant abrasions on each side have made the Fence
so razor-like, that one who sits on it is in imminent danger of being cut in two.
In the South, if any one attempts to sit on it, he is
compelled to ride for eternity upon its top-rail: in the
30 
COMPROMISE.
North, owing to the recent employment of a distinguished maker of rails to repair the Fence, and the
consequent shaking, any repose thereon is impossible to
any politician less skilful than M. Blondin.
VIII.
COMPROMISE.
THE agitation of the South in awaking from the stupor into which the Black Drug threw her, when new
markets raised the price of slaves, learning now, for the
first time since she signed the Compact, the nature and
extent of the power wherewith it has all along been in
gestation, is most natural.
The instinct of Slavery is wiser than the consciousness of the Republican party, which is so eager to deny
any dissatisfaction with Slavery where it exists; opposing it only where it doesn't exist.
The naturalists tell us that every animal knows by
instinct, and at first sight, the animal that naturally
preys upon it. The mouse just born, which has never
seen any animal, will show every sign of terror at sight
of a cat, whilst calm enough before other animals. The
instinct of the Southern mouse tells true when it recognizes that Freedom never yet rested, never can rest,
quiet with its eye upon a slave.
31 
THE REJECTED STONE.
It is very plain, that if, in ten years, had the normal
progress of the country continued, three-fourths of the
people had been found determined on taking advantage
of their constitutional authority to abolish Slavery, such
a result would not have been outside of the ratio in
which the antislavery sentiment has increased since
Hale and Julian, twelve years ago, received less than
two hundred thousand votes on the platform that now
rules in the Capitol.
Slavery, with the keen sense of a savage, lays its ear
to the ground, and hears in those ballots falling for
Abraham Lincoln the fatal tramp of many centuries,
the mustering for liberty of the ages that take no step
backward.  It does not pause even to listen to the protestations of Freedom's picket-guard, that her grand
army will never invade the sacred soil of constitutional
oppression; cares not to inquire whether they are
honest or otherwise; knows better; prepares to defend
every inch of its bloody deck, every fetter in its coffle.
Thank God for that savage instinct, which, when as yet
there was no North, saved us from the deadly evils that
spring from the making of promises that Fate must for
ever forbid us to keep!
The Republican party was doubtless sincere in its
eager denial of any intent to interfere with Slavery in
the States, even through legal and constitutional formulas; for even our President consented, in his inaugural,
to offer this filthy coin, slipped by Seward into his
hand, to purchase a Union, when the very fact of its
32 
COMPROMISE.
having to be purchased, even with a half-dime, would
prove it already gone.
The power which controls the country and the world
-the power which has put forth ten thousand parties
like summer-leaves, and shed them.when their autumn
came, itself remaining rooted and fixed in the stratum
that changes not - has already exculpated the Republican party from any suspicion of ulterior intent, by
raising up a nobler one to take its place. At a little
town in Ohio, where they had two poles with party-flags
flying from them, the people, when they heard the boom
of a shot falling in Fort Sumter, went to the common,
cut down the two poles, tore away the flags, spliced the
poles into one, which they raised with ONE flag on it.
This is a symbol of a process, which, somewhat more
slowly, but rapidly enough, has been for some months
going on with the parties. The electric power of patriotism is bringing from each some contribution to the
forces of Liberty.  The Republican party needed this
solvent as well as others.  It was no sooner in power
than it began to go the way of all parties.  Hear a
parable thereof.
Thee was a young man, as the story runs, whose
mistress was extremely ill. Anxious and distressed, he
went forth to seek a physician able to cure her. On the
way, he was offered, and purchased at a large price, a
talisman, which had the magic quality of revealing to
its possessor all disembodied spirits. With this he approached the doors of the most distinguished physicians
33 
THE REJECTED STONE.
of Paris. All above and about their doors, he saw, by
the aid of his talisman, the ghosts of those who had
departed this life under their practice. Spirits with
pill-boxes, spirits with syringes, with lancets, with wet
sheets, all spurted, and cut at, and sought to douse, the
unconscious doctors, whenever they appeared at their
doors.  Presently the young man, after wandering in
despair from door to door of the celebrities, paused before that of a physician, over which he saw two - only
two - very mild-seeming spirits. The contrast with the
doors of other doctors pleased him.  "Here," he said,
"must be an able physician.  Only two have died under
his charge; and they may have been too far gone before
he was called in." The young man entered, and told
his fear and distress: "0 sir! " he cried, "my only hope
is in you." -" And why," asked the happy doctor, "do
you trust in me? "-" Ah," replied the youth, unwilling to mention his talisman, "have I not heard your reputation for success in difficult cases bruited throughout
the city?"- " Good heavens!" exclaimed the astounded
doctor, -"my reputation!  Why, I have not been in
Paris but eight days, and never had but two patients
tl my life!" The young man remembered the two he
had seen over the door, and rushed from the room in
despair.
No wonder the country hurried away from such spirithaunted doors as those of Dr. Democrat, Dr. Whig, and
Dr. Know-nothing. But, over Dr. Republican's door,
there was a ghost before he had been in Washington a
34 
COMPROMISE.
week; and hlie never had but one patient in his life. He
inaugurated his practice in that city by proposing to
the States to adopt, as a part of the Constitution, the
most essentially unrepublican feature that could be
inserted in any organic code; namely, a fetter binding
the people for ever from any alteration of their Conrstitution as it concerns Slavery in the States. Jeff. Davis
will never give this nation so deadly a stab as would the
adoption of that provision by the people. In twentyfive 3years, the very swords which now defend the Union
would be turned toward its heart.
If Compromise -that old serpent ever coiling about
the tree of life- has been baffled this time, it is not
because the party in power did not yield to his seductions. Enough secret correspondence went on at Washington, which it will, for a long time, be "incompatible
with public (i.e. Cabinet) interest" to publish.  (Alas!
we need it not: the "Campbell and Seward Letters"
are already too much!) It now appears that the serpent only desired time to wound our heel. Four months
hlie got, against the protest of the nation, and planted his
fang just where he aimed.
A canpromise with the South has now been shown as
impossible as a compact with a maniac.   It is all the
more so when the maniac has a method in his madness,
and a sufficient reason for it.
Are men fit to lead and rule the forces now roused
into action in this country, who talk of" this wanton and
unnecessary rebellion "?  Stupid!
35 
THE REJECTED STONE.
There never was a more religiously earnest, deliberate, consistent, and necessary rebellion.  Is it not as
much the nature and mission of the thorns to spring up
and choke the good seed sown in their midst, as it is
the nature and mission of the honest soil to bring forth
thirty, sixty, or a hundred fold?   Slavery has never
departed from its normal development. Its exasperation is the legitimated result of the exasperation of
Freedom. It is always the sun itself that calls up the
cloud that would obscure it.
"The South has been told lies about us and our designs." Not at all. The South understands us better
than we do ourselves.  They see that politicians have
not awakened the forces that have made them, and
cannot put them to sleep as they will. They have seen
a man, w-ith a price set on his head, setting up his "Liberator " in an attic, with a Negro boy to help him,   now
dipping his pen to announce the decapitation of Slavery
under the guillotine erected by himself.  They have
seen millions kneel and weep at the uplifted scaffold of
a man who struck at the heart of Slavery, and knew
better than the cautious Secretary, who said that the
hero was "justly hung," that, the restraints removed,
they would have seen then what they saw a week ago,
— twenty thousand freemen gathered on the spot where
John Brown died and singing,
"May Heaven's smile look kindly down
Upon the grave of old John Brown!"
36 
COMIPROMISE.
Already they heard the cartmen and boatmenl of Newv
York and Boston singing to the ring of steel,
"John Brown's knapsack is strapped upon his back;
His soul's marching on! "
They counted each new face which came to the Senate
or the House to stand for a principle, which, a few years
since, it was a disgrace, or worse, to whisper; until
from the Illinois grave of Lovejoy, and on the anniiversary of his martyrdom, the conviction for which he died
was called by two millions of men, and lifted as the
standard of the nation.
They have watched, step by step, the steady, unimi)ulsive progress by which the people of America, against
ill the interests so often controlling, - the mercantile
interest, the church interest, the political interest, the
prayer of peace, -marched forward from year to year
to the music of Liberty. They looked straight into the
eye of Destiny, and saw that the time must surely come
when the free tongue of the ballot would be touched
with a live coal from the altar of the- American heart;
and, though over a devastated land, would at length
thunder to the world the law of Freedom and Humanity.
They knew that Humanity's eyes are in its forehead,
not in its occiput; that revolutions go not backward.
The South was right, entirely right, in seeing that
the election of Lincoln was the signing of the deathwarrant of Slavery in the Union.  It is of no use smooth —
ing matters to the patient who feels the hectic spot
4
37 
THE REJECTED STONE.
burning on his cheek.  No doubt, this first Republica
Administration would have been more tender with
Slavery than others: so do we humor and indulge, to
the top of their bent, those whose graves are near.
But on the day when the nation decided for the principle, that Slavery had a right to be treated only as local
property, and then with no more favor than other 2property, it touched the seat of life.
Slave property does not rest on the same basis with
other property; and, under the same treatment, must
inevitably pass away.
Its recovery, when astray, cannot be trusted to the
laws and courts by which recovery of other property is
easy.
It is not natural property, but the creature of enactment: consequently it cannot live on indifference. A
mother cannot leave the child born without arms to
make what way it can along with those who have two.
Slavery has grown strong by being the darling of the
Government: it can now live by nothing less.
Our leaders cannot yet bring themselves to treat
slave-owners with no more  consideration than  cowowners or house-owners. Would a general offer his
army to recover a flock of sheep which had taken to
their heels, affrighted by his advancing army? Would
a commander turn aside from an invasion to crush out
with an iron hand the army-worm, if it were devastating
the wheat of a field by which he was passing?  Would
any "Order No. 3" be issued to repel a thousand fugi
38 
COMPROMISE.
tive horses which should escape from a rebel regiment,
and approach our lines?
Where confiscation must touch the slaves of armed
rebels, -more perilous, as they are to us, than thrice
their value in other forms of property, - Congress halts,
hesitates, mixes, then, holding its nose, swallows.  This
overweening tenderness is the meat on which this our
Caesar has fed that he hath grown so great.  Mr. Breckenridge truly called it a bill for the abolition of Slavery.
Now, wherever our flag makes its way, liberty to every
slave must go with it.  This is theory, however: actual
emancipation comes later. " He found thereon nothing
but leaves; for the time of figs was not yet."
In the present conflict, Slavery has been more candid
than we could have claimed.   It has not, with the
Northern traitors, based its secession upon personalliberty bills. In some regions, it has acknowledged the
Fugitive-slave Law to be unconstitutional: but everywhere it has not failed to perceive that any State bill
must be considered constitutional, unless the appointed
court declares it otherwise; and has craved no such
decision, even with a court suited to its purposes. It
has not based its movement on any abridgment of territorial rights. It has frankly acknowledged, that its
very existence is incompatible with the existence of
free government and popular suffrage. The ballot-box
is its coffin. It demands girdling this year: it may de.
mand hewing down the next. It certainly will.
In what attitude does all this place the North?
39 
THE REJECTED STONE.
A mother fled from Moscow in a sledge drawn by an
Arab steed. At her breast, folded warm from the cold
of the bitter night, she held her babe.   Then came the
wolf upon her track, with its terrible howl.  Fast and
faster sped tlhe sledge over the frozen snow; but the
hungry wolf gained on her.  Piece by piece, she cast
behind all the provision she had: the wolf devoured
each, but, with hunger only whetted, rushed onward
after the mother and her child.  And now, when it was
close upon her, she unwrapped the babe that nestled so
near her heart, and cast it to the wolf.
Unnatural mother! would it not have been better,
than thus to have purchased for thyself a life of shame,
to have turned thyself to grapple with the wolf, and
committed thy babe to the Arab steed and to God?
'Tis but a picture of America, with hungry Slavery
howling after her. Swift and relentless, it has pursued
her.  To it she has cast territory after territory; to
it she has cast her treasures, and much  of her best
blood. She has seized from wveaker nations around her
that with which she thought to satiate the monster:
she has seized the panting fugitive, there with halo of
divinity about him, and torn him from the horns of God's
altar, to cast to the wolf.  Insatiable, it presses nearer,
and prepares for the final leap.
And now the question is, Shall America cast to the
wolf her own sacred child,- Liberty?
No!
0 my brothers! a thousand times, No! Let the mo
40 
COMPROMISE.
thier, let America, turn to cope with Slavery, though
she be torn asunder; but let the holy child Liberty,
over all, be saved!
This, then, being the moral situation of the two
parties, each knowing the very existence of the other
to be its own destruction, the very field of compromise
is the field of battle.
Freedom and Slavery have been hugging each other
so hard, that it has grown to a death-hug.
We need not fear negotiation too much: in this stage
of the conflict, any compromise will be only a flag of
truce. Some timid officials, wishing to get out of the
region of "villanous saltpetre," may send out such a
flag, and gain an armistice for a few months or years;
but the end cannot come until Slavery or Liberty lies
slain.
It is written, " Righteousness and Peace have kissed
each other." Sixty centuries of experience have added,
"Unrighteousness and War are forever linked together."
Can any compromiser promise us, as the result of his
plan, any thing else than the old "irrepressible conflict "?
You must cut the heart out of every thinker and
reformer in America ere you get any thing else; and
resistance is the multiplication-table of Reform.
Is this, then, as some affirm, the swelling of a flood
that shall presently subside again?
A traveller came to a river; and, being unable to ford
4*
41 
THE REJECTED STONE.
it, he sat down on its banks, saying, "I will wait until
the river has flowed by." He waited long; he built
him a house there; and when the traveller's bones were
traces of white lime, and the house marked only by the
luxuriance of weeds on its site, the river was still flow
ing by.
Let America scorn to adjourn for her children in the
fiuture the task now assigned her: she is too old in
sorrow already not to know that a postponement is all
she can effect, even if the Kind Hand has not removed
that temptation.  "The cup that my Father hath given
me to drink, shall I not drink it?"  Not to be evaded,
nor dashed aside, nor spilled, was it given.
Hail, hail to thee, Messiah of nations, - thou who comest from Edomn with thy garments dyed red! With
thee go the blessings, for thee rise the prayers, of noble
hearts all over the world, as thou goest forth steadfastly
to tread the wine-press prepared by Destiny for thy
feet, knowing not the wine that shall come, only that it
shall make glad the heart of man.  0 my Country! there
is a path that leads from Gethsemane, Garden of Agony,
up to the snow-pure summit of Tabor, Mount of Transfiguration.   There shall thy nobler children rear for
thee the tabernacles of the Past, the Present, and the
Future.
42 
BROKEN.
IX.
BR O K E N.
IN an old law-book -older than the Constitution, or
the Missouri Compromise, or the Omnibus Bill -it is
written of the Rejected Stone, "1 Whosoever shall fall on
this stone shall be b)'oken; but, on whomsoever it shallf/all,
it will grind him to powder."
Against the strong arm of this Universe hold out as
we may, at length to its behest we must be broken.
The Phoenician replies to the lightning with arrows: at
last, men return their arrows to the quiver, and lift the
lightning-rod for protection. Canute lashes the advancing tide: at last, men note the high-water mark, and
build far enough beyond it. So we yield in the end.
Broken!'Tis no threat;'tis no violence.   The
shuck of the wheat is broken under the flail, that the
grain may be separated; the grain itself is broken, that
bread may be kneaded. Even so it is with nations:
under the flails of God, they, too, must lie; upon his
mill-stone, for ever revolving, they must be broken.
"Though the mills of God grind slowly,
Yet they grind exceeding small."
In the pride of our progress, in the ruddy strength of
our youth, we lost the one thread that links the present
to the past: we neglected the ever-accumulating tradition, that Justice alone can really exalt a nation; that
43 
THE REJECTED STONE.
Justice, being overturned, will overturn.  A few years
ago, our leading statesman announced that there was a
higher law than any human code. An angry echo from
every point of our national compass growled back upon
him; the majority of the nation defied the supreme
right, until he who brought the tables of that higher
law was compelled to break them.  Our fathers, kneeling with reverence before the sublime fact, still fresh in
the wonder of nations, that a handful of men had been
able to repel the strongest of nations, simply by the
power of rectitude in their cause to engender superhuman strength, had recognized the law higher than
that which they framed, and left open the door of
amendment whereby new revelations might enter.  But
)ur nation declared for nullification of the laws of God.
It declared for injustice. It announced that the black
man had no right that the white man was bound to
respect. It enacted that every American, when called
on by an arch slave-hound, should at once get down on
dll-fours, and become a slave-liound. It went on from
whorl to whorl of corruption; it drew near to the bottomless pit; when suddenly the Great Hand rescued it from
the nearly completed death, and cast it upon a glorious
Revolution to be broken.
Did we think to gain any thing by consenting to sell
our brother to the Egyptian, heeding not his cries and
tears? Lo! a mighty famine is in the land, and the
lost Joseph is seen clothed with the power of locking
up all the produce and wealth of the country.
44 
BROKEN.
Begin on the lowest plane, -for some are oxen, and
must be led by bay, - and ponder well the "broken"
fortunes of this country, resulting from its proud conceit that it could outwit the equity of the Universe.
A pre-Esopian fable relates that there was a fox who
espied a garden of luscious grapes.  To this garden,
however, hle could find but one opening; and that was
too small to admit his somewhat portly dimensions.
The grapes were very tempting: what could Reynard
(ldo? He hit upon a plan: hlie would fast until lihe
became lean enough to get throughl the hole to the
garden. Each day he tried, and on the third day found
himself sufficiently  reduced to enter.  Judge lhowv tihe
hlungry, half-starved rogue  enjoyed  those  delicious
grapes. But, hark! there is the sound of a farmer's
voice: surely that was the distant bay of a dog!
Master Fox finds that his plan is not altogether safe:
the close fence was built to exclude foxes.  Hie hastens
to the hole; but, alas! he finds that the hole whlich was
large enough to admit a fox that had been fasting three
davs is too small for a fox full to the mouth of grapes.
What can hle do?  Another ominous bay of the distant
hound. decides him: hlie must needs fast three days
more; and then, just as the gardener  and his dog
entered, Ale managed to escal)e, j'st as lean a fox as he
wivas wvhen hae reached the deliciotus grapes.
Thius  it was that the Northern  fox  entered  the
Southern cotton-field.   On what a low diet he must
put himself!  " WAVe have some prejudices against the
45 
THE REJECTED STONE.
buying and selling of men, which don't go easily into
a plantation."  Mr. Webster replies, "You must conquer your prejudices."   Good heavens! who would
have thought that men could starve out to such an
extent the love of justice, the conscience, the manhood
which they had inherited! Yet the State would not
make the hole bigger, and the Church did not tempt
them with any other viands to abstain; and at length
the North was morally reduced enough to get on its
knees, and creep into the small aperture to King Cotton's dominions. Speedily the Yankee fattened on the
grapes; great flakes of Wall Street stuck out on his
sides; State-street layers puffed out his eyes, so that
he could scarcely see!
But the day of danger looms up.  When Master Fox
gave up soul and heart to get amongst these Southern grapes, he did not mean to give up himse,f; but
here Slavery is dogging him also.   We need not pursue further the history of the lhumriliating necessity
which we are now undergoing: the North is now disgorging all that it gained by years of shameful compliance with the evil of the South and the crime of the
nation; and it must continue to pay down dollar on
dollar until it reaches some new Plymouth Rock, as
lean as if it had never seen the garden of the South,
but rich, let us trust, in the experience that will never
again let the seeds of the " Miayflower" wither as they
spring up, because they have no depth of earth.
The Devil seemed to be the shrewdest of Yankees:
46 
THE PRIVATEER.
nows the old proverb is remembered, Thle Devil's an
a88.
Thou  hast conquered, 0  Galilean! " said dying
Julian th     e  Apostate.  The North may, and will, now
collect        the bones of her great-browed children who
yielde          d because she said "Yield;" the fallen pillars of
her crumbled church; her children whose wvounds yet
smoke fresh from the stab of Slavery; -and, broken
no          w u pon t he stone she so long refused, shall write
as their epitaph,
Vicisti, Humanitas!
X.
THE PRIVATEER.
A CRY comes up to the ear of America, - a long,
piercing cry of amazement and indignation, - recognizable as one which can come only when the profoundest emotions of the human pocket are stirred.
The privateers are at large! They have taken away
my coffee, and I know not where they have laid it.
They have taken my  India goods with swords and
staves. For my first-class ship they have cast lots.
Was such depravity ever known before? So long
as it was a human soul, launched by God on the eternal
sea, that they despoiled; so long as it was only a few
million bales of humanity captured; so long as it was
47 
THE REJECTED STONE.
but the scuttling of the hearts of mothers and fathlers
and husbands and wives,-  we remained patient and
resigned; did we not?  But coffee and sugar! -good
God! what is that blockade about?   To seize a poor
innocent sloop!- has. Slavery no bowels?   And its
helpless family of molasses-barrels! -  can  hearts be
so void of pity?  Slavery must end.  The spirit of
the age demands it.  The blood of a dozen captured
freights crieth to Heaven in silveriest accents against
it.
Brothers, there is a laughter that opens into the
fountain of tears.
Can you tell me, you ship-ovwners and rich merchants,
for how many cycles the coffee-berries ripened and fell
ere came that marvel, a human hand, to gather them
for you?  Will you ponder the stretch of the ages when
fields of sugar-cane rotted to bring on inew growths,
and these to bring on others, to prepare merely the sod
worthy to support the foot-sole of the man whom you
have  seen nailed up, body and mind, in your sugarhogshead, without complaint, so long as the sugar came
safely to hand? Have you not confused things a little,
imagining that in nature the dusky man was for loam,
and that the culminating glory and flower  of the universe is Cotton?  Hiowv else shall we interpret your
years of silence and calmness when  only men and
women were in the h-lands of the privateer, and your
outcry when old metals and juices and vegetables are
imperilled?
48 
THE PRIVATEER.
Yet, too thankful that even thus the heart of trade
is moved, one who, through many weary years, has
watched the torches kindled at the Light of lights
flickering their lives  away in the dark caverns underneath Trade's gay saloons, cannot repress delight at the
gay privateer.  God speed thee, rakish "Sumter;" and
thee, swift-pouncer "Nashville"! May Heaven's blithest breezes fill your sails, until your arrows of conviction
have penetrated every unconvinced heart!  We have
got our Scripture interpretations fearfully confused:
you peppery missionaries will shed brilliant exegetical
light over the land. We shall have revised views from
President Lord on the curse of Canaan; and anti-piratic
commentaries on the case of Onesimus, from Nehemiah.
Our ethnology has become somewhat foggy: your arguments will be stronger than the now fashionable ones
of Nott and Gliddon.  We may discover a link in the
races lower than the Negro, without travelling with Du
Chaillu. God speed thee, brave privateer!
So long as African Slavery runs the blockade of
the parties and churches of America, so long may the
privateer run the blockade of the Southern coast with
safety!
e
49 
THE REJECTED," S' NE.
XI.
A FOREIGN POWER.
THE promptness with which the Secretary of State
has expressed the position of our Government oil our
transatlantic relations has elicited the wvarmest commendations of the people.   It has been  distinctly
announced, that in this contest we will submit to no
interference and accept no help from foreign powers.
Especially none from the Powers Above!
Toward the last foreign Powers the cold shoulder
has been turned in a way to rejoice the hearts of the
" New-York Herald " and the "Boston Courier," and
many others, who have long insisted onil the strict application of the MIonroe doctrine to the government of
God, whose aims at encroachment on this continent
they have watched with such a jealous eye.
Yet it is less than doubtful if we can conquer without them, or irrespective of an alliance with them.
Except as the two are symbols of other facts, we
suppose that humanity at large is entirely indifferent
whether the individual residing in the White House for
the next four years is named J. Davis or A. Lincoln.
If these two represent inferior and superior principles,
- so that, as one or the other rules there, the shadow
moves forward or backward, marking progression or
retrogression on the dial of civilization, - then the
50
I 
A FOREIGN POWER.
world is pledged to the superior.  But suppose that to
England, for instance, there are presented simply two
jarring political - purely political - interests, ill the
names of the two Presidents; one representing the integrity of the boundary-line of a rival nation, the
other the independence of a nation not her rival, and
on which she is dependent for cotton.  The government, obeying its first instinct, self-preservation, as our
own does, stands perfectly justified in taking sides
with that party in which her interest is most involved.
England has herself set up the standard of emancipation, and to that her people would hold her; but where
that principle is not only not involved, but distinctly
disclaimed, the people will leave the government to the
normal influences of the cotton-mill. They do perfectly right.  The antislavery men of Europe have little
reason to choose between governments supported by
Caleb Cushing, B. F. Butler, and the "New-York
Herald," on the one hand, and Yancey, Rhett, and Jeff.
Davis, on the other. It is brought before Europe as a
purely political question; and we cannot, without a
contemptible conceit, expect any element to determine
the attitude of Europe toward it higher than POLICY.
Is not popular government involved? Assuredly: but
Europe has decided already that popular government
is not good; equally it has decided that cotton i8
good.
Now let us trace this same principle as it decides our
relation'a the transmundane Power.
51 
THE REJECTED STONE.
Our' Congress requested the President to appoint a
day of humiliation, fasting, and prayer; and he did so:
which shows that we have rather more disposition to
conciliate this than any other foreign power. This was
doubtless due to a late defeat.  One is reminded of
the psalm our fathers sang: -
"Jeshurun he waxed fat,
And down his cheeks they hung:
He kicked against the Lord his God,
And high his heels he flung."
Jeshurun was reduced.   We also have been reduced,
certainly in a military, and we trust in a moral sense.
When any fruits of this repentance are brought forth,
w-e shall be glad to record the indications.  Thus far, we
stand fighting for as purely a selfish end as the rebels
of the South.
No doubt there are thousands of men North, and
with our army in the South, who plead and fight for
justice and freedom, not only for the electors of Mr.
Lincoln, but also for men of every color. These maintain the Government, because they hope, that, in its
contest with the slaveholder, the slave will be freed.
But should the star-spangled banner ever float on the
shores of the Gulf, and still over African slaves, the
hearts of thousands would once again freeze toward
this nation, and the flag of Disunion float in the North,
with thousands around it where hundreds were be
fore.
Our President and his Premier have given us our
52 
A FOREIGN POWER.
watclhwvor(l: they have told ius, that between Slavery
and Freedom there is an "irrepressible conflict."  If
the Union with Slavery in it is regained, all will know
that it is but the lull of the volcano.
Thomas Jefferson once said, that, if the South were
ever to witness an insurrection of slaves, there was no
attribute of God which could take the side of the
oppressor in that contest. The leading commanders of
this war against an insurrection initiated their entrance
into the regions of Slavery by a promise of crushing
out with an iron hand the insurrection of slaves: in
other words, should these Negroes take side with  our
men in a struggle of life and death, they would be shot
down for helping us! Nearly every general proclaims
that no fugitive shall enter his lines.  Our President,
in the midst of a slaveholders' insurrection, and on
the blessed Fourth of July itself, sends a message
to Congress, in which Slavery is not remotely alluded to.
Not long ago, a distinguished friend of the Republic
of Haiti, in company with a very able and learned
Senator, entered the office of a very wise and diplomatic Seetetary of one of the departments of this Government: whereupon a scene like this occurred --
Senator. Mr. Secretary, permit me to introduce you
to Mr. A. B., a friend of the Haitian Government, and
authorized to represent the same to a certain extent.
Secretary.  Htow do you do, Mr. A. B.?
A. B. Quite well, I thank you.
5*
53 
THE REJECTED STONE.
Senator. The Hlaitian Government now naturally
hopes that the success of Republicanism secures the
recognition of her republic.
A. B.  She is ready to send her minister at any
time.
Secretary  (twisting uneasily in his seat).  Really,
gentlemen, this is a very grave and difficult question;
and I have not leisure to consider it.
Senator.  A  diecult question?'Tis but a scratch
of your pen.
Secretary (tcivsting three times in his seat).  But, sir,
really, sir,- I   I  A. B. Oh! do not let us press it, if thie Government
is averse to it.
Secretary.  The fact is, gentlemen, Washington cannot receive a black minister.
(Exeunt Senator and A4. B. with "Goodrnornings.")
The Republican Administrationll had answered Republican Haiti in the very words of Henry A. Wise, when,
a nation freed by her own right arm, she vaiily3 appealed to America for recognition, as America had a
few years before, and under the same circumstances,
appealed to other nations.
The intrenchments about Washington may  be very
complete; but mark this: WTash7ington is not safe until
a black minister can be received there!
Now, whilst we are speculating as to the possibility
of our blockade being raised by France and Eng]and,
would it not be well for us to see if we have not
54 
A FOREIGN POWER.
weakened our cause and our force by completely disowning the only moral element in this conflict?
WAVe have made, or are in danger of making, four
millions of disappointed enemies in the South, whom
we might have counted on as our friends in any emergency. Freedom is first with the black, as with every
man: next to that, the evil he knows, against that he
knows not.  Every Negro returned to his master-to
be made an example of what treacherous Negroes may
expect in these times- has sown amongst his comrades the seeds of hate  and revenge  against our
army.
We have disheartened many of our noblest and best
young men, by degrading, with a taint of man-hunting
and oppression, the banner and the cause.
Awe have paralyzed the pulses of the lovers of equality and liberty all over the world, which were ready
to beat toward us with a steady tide of sympathy and
encouragement. Hiow could Victor Hugo or Garibaldi
extend his hands to a general, who, with the very
weapon with wvhichl he is defending his own liberty, is
ready to crush others who would seek theirs?
We have lost the battle of MAlanasses, and with it
the prestige of a first victory and the order of an
army, chiefly because General IMcDowell's colorphobia
must cut off the Negro's hope, and with it hlis own
only source of information.   It was a crime and a
blunder.
In refusing to recognize Haiti, we have shrouded the
55
6 
THE REJECTED STONE.
one light that might now be shining over the darkest
problem of this war.
Would it not be a curious case of poetic justice, if;
in a year from lnowv, we should witness a "situation"
somewhat like the following?  1. The United States calling on the slaves of the
South, to whose bondage she has so long been a
party, whose possible freedom by confiscation she reluctantly approved, to save her entire people from
subjugation.
2. The United States begging Haiti to help her sustain and shield millions of manumitted women  and
children, and invoking  a black minister  at Waslhington.
The army of the United States is, without doubt,
fighting for the liberty of the slave; but so also is the
army of the Confederate States. Both are, by compulsion, hastening the day of freedom (but that is scarcely
more our object than it is theirs). Indeed, the Southern
army has done more of this indirect service to humanity than our own.  With both it has been involuntary.
There is a Power behind both thrones at workl.  Freedom sits above, in calmness and light; and we know her
star cannot recede below the horizon: but whether she
is to be advanced the next step by a dreadful retribution to the recreant North, or by the conquest of the
South, is, alas! yet doubtful. Again and again have
strong governments, not built upon the head corner
56 
A FOREIGN POWER.
stone of Justice, been buried under the splendor of
their own ruins, that humanity at large might have
another lmonumenlt to say, "REMEMBER! "
Were our cause sanctified by any universal principle,
the arm of God, whose sinews are the true hearts of the
whole world, would be folded about us.  "But," it is
replied, "we are fighting for the principle of free suffrage: it is bullets arraigning ballots." Yet scarcely can
free suffrage be called a principle. It is an institution
yet on trial in the world: it has yet to make its cause
good at the tribunal of Reason.  Freedom of the ballot
is not necessarily good in itself: if it result in perpetuating injustice or in anarchy, it proves itself a wrong
principle. New-York City has had to ask the State
Legislature to select her municipal officers.  England
mty well point to her superior freedom under limited
suffrage. Her members of Parliament are not assassinated; her Queen does not have to pass from Scotland
to London in disguise; there is no county of her kingdom where her most radical orator is debarred an
entrance on penalty of tar and feathers. All these evils
have -for vears co-existed with our popular suffrage; and
otr tiepublican Administratioi wvould hardly have molested one of them, had the South not precipitated this
Rebellion.
Therefore we still maintain, that, as far as our Government is concerned, - that is, saving a reserved
purpose among the unofficial masses whose power is
yet to be measured,-  we have no aimrn in this  con
57 
THE REJECTED STONE.
flict that makes our cause the cause of Destiny, or
our success any necessary step in the progression of
the world.
XII.
M A N A S S ES.
IT is said that one of our army chaplains had pre pared a discourse on the text, "Manasseh is mine."
It was never preached.  At daybreak his regiment was
marching forward, with the hope of preaching the same
text from the cannon's mouth. But the text has
remained a vision in the Psalms.
MIanasses is a symbol.   The  assault and the cou rage of it, the repulse and the shame of it, symbolize
with unerring accuracy a certain moral status of our
nation, consequently of its army, which, by the conditions of the universe, did not deserve Manasses, and did
not obtain it.  Why were we defeated there?  We had
poor generals.  Why had we poor generals?  Why was
Patterson enabled by his cowardice or treachery to
make our disaster sure, after MAcDowell, by blunderingly
marching in the dark, had made it probable? Both of
these men were known as life-long cringers to the men
they were sent to fight.  If John Brown had been with
a United-States army at Harper's Ferry, would he have
58 
MANASSES.
been animated with what seems to have been Patterson's one aim,- to return his young volunteers safe to
their parents unharmed?  Not so did John Brown return
his own sons.  If Montgomery of Kansas had been at
Fairfax, would he have scorned the only medium of
intelligence and real help,   the fugitive Negro?
Why were these men, who had proved themselves
moral cowards, set to control the forces of Liberty?
The Administration took them because the country was
not up to furnishing, or standing by, better men.  The
men who would unweariedly, sleeplessly, with the fireheart of Peter the Hermit and the iron nerve of
Cromwell, have pressed upon and taken Manasses on
that Sunday, were men whose appointment would have
returned on the Administration a storm of indignation
The  country would have been divided, and perhaps
surrendered.
Had the country been up to a victory at Manasses,
it would have been previously up to having Charles
Sumner for President.
But let us search a little further. We have seen that
we were  outgeneralled because we  had half-hearted
men to lead our forces. Our soldiers fought bravely,
earnestly, and had almost won  the day.   Why  that
panic? The intrenchments of the enemy were perfect:
our soldiers conquered one battery, only to find themselves at the mercy of two covering it.  It had been
impossible that Panic could have stormed our army, if
Despair had not first weakened it. Our army fought
59
6 
THE REJECTED STONE.
long after every soldier was convinced that they wvould
never occupy Alanasses that day.
There were long months, when, it is known, there
were few if any batteries or forces at Manasses.  Only
give me time enough, and I will make any hlien-coop
impregnable to all the artillery now on this continent.
The entire defences of that pass were reared by a most
culpable fault on the part of our military and civic
leaders, who will stand on the page of History which
records that day, as parties to a base deception of the
American people. It is now evident that they began
this contest on a theory radically different from that
which the people had determined was the only one
consistent with their national honor.  The people were
willing to trust them with the method, so long as it was
understood that the object to be reached was assigned
by them exclusively. Deliberately and absolutely, the
people had decided that there should be no new guaranties to Slavery; that there should be no compromise,
however infinitesimal; that this issue should fairly and
squarely be an acceptance of the gauntlet thrown at
their feet by the South.   Yet there succeeded the
uprising of the people a delay, which, under their very
eyes, was improved by the enemy to make Virginia one
large masked battery.
There is no question of military tactics and stratagem
here, - only a question of common sense and honesty.
The men who repulsed drilled regulars at Concord
Bridge did not wait for large arrays, fine uniforms, and
60 
MANASSES.
months of drill.  Nay, determination and rapidity had
already done for us ill Missouri what slowness andi(l Hardee have undone for us at Washington; and would have
so continued, had not Washington stretched its red tape
into MAlissouri.   These men at the:. Southi were  even
more undisciplined than ours. We should have been, so
far, equal. They were our superiors ill one thing alone:
they had stolen the means of putting a battery on every
square acre of. their frontier.   To fighit at once, we
were stronger in numbers, and as well drilled: to delay
until they were fortified was to make us inferior; the
axiom being, that one man behind the trenches equals
four outside. The Secessionists of Maryland and MAissouri have publicly declared, "We were conquered only
tby being surprised."  Virginia might have been to-day
joining in the same confession.
Meanwhile, about all this unfathomable strategy at
Washington, - which reminds one of Dr. Cudwortlh,
who, in his contest with the atheists, stated their argumenit so strongly that hlie couldn't answer it himself, -
there were indications that this delay was more for
diplomatic than for military reasons. No traitor was
treated as if we were at war.  Mr. Breckenridge, in his
seat in the Senate, taunted the Government that it had
not dared to treat seized rebels as by nations they are
treated. The people saw their own soldiers severely
and ignominiously punished for offences in the camp,offences half induced by the demoralization of the delay,
61 
THE REJECTED STONE.
- -wlnilst spies and assassins were released on their
already perjured parole.
It became probable to large numbers in this country,
who naturally hesitated to express their suspicion, that
TWO MEN at Washington -the one in the military, the
other in the civic department, each a possible-President
and hitherto associated with that office -were running
a race, each hoping to loom up before a re-united country as A GREAT PACIFICATOR.
Equally were these people convinced that their Presidlent was entirely trustworthy, and that no such base
pacification could be carried on without his being deceived with the rest of the people.
The suspicion increased wihen it came out that A5r.
Seward had held correspondence with Judge Campbell,
and that a quasi armistice had been made at Pickens, of
which our President was "imperfectly informed."
The suspicion spread like a contagion that we were
deceived. The Government gave no response; no act
was done, no traitor hlung, to show that the Government
meant what the people meant; until at last, the misgiving of our earnest masses becoming intolerable, they
uttered their whole heart in that noble war-cry, "FORWARD TO RICHMOND!"
The "Tribune," which was the tongue worthy to
utter it, did indeed bow to the storm which always
ineets the Cassandras who uitter too soon what all see
presently: but it will one day claim that watchword as
the dearest laurel among the many it has nobly earned
62
6 
MIANASSES.
in this conflict; and the people will one day remember
those who told them the truth at risk of their own displeasure, and as long as they could hear it
It was not its fault, nor that of the people for whom
it spoke, that stupid or selfish men, and deceivers of the
nation, perverted those words into "Forward to Richlnond half harnessed! Forward whilst your regiments
are in camps all over the North! Forward on empty
stomachs!  Be sure you take but one man to their
three! Be sure you depend for re-enforcement on a
man whom the miob of Philadelphia had to force into
showing his colors!"
No loyal heart in America should have failed to recognize the plain and ominous tones concentred in that
war-cry.   It meant, - and many a tricky, trembling
diplomat in Washington knew that it meant, -" We,
the people of America, are determined for once that we
will not be deceived.  We do not deplore, but welcome,
the storms that are now to sweep away the refuges of
lies which politicians have been building out of the
rights and honor of the nation.  Gentlemen at Washington, civic and military, we have arisen in our might.
Each family has with tears of agony, but no less eagerly,
laid on the altar its first and fairest fruits.  We have,
rather than offer a compromise  of right and honor,
surrendered wealth; ilay, some of us, the bread on our
tables.  We have shown you that we are in earnest.
Ife htave yet to see one fact at oui Capitol indicating thlat
you are in eariest as we are.  These men you release
63 
THE REJECTED STONE.
on parole we regard as the murderers of our country.
These men you write billets to we regard as the wouldbe assassins of our husbands, brothers, fathers, and
sons.  We will not be cheated.   We distrust your moral
position toward this Rebellion., No defeat that can befall
us on our way to Richmond can be so bad as being defeated by some patchwork of compromise in our purpose
of settling this issue with the South once and for ever.
We demand, then, that by some decisive blow, even if
it recoil upon us, we shall be utterly committed to this
war.  We demand that the chasm shall be made so complete, that the most abject trifler, who desires to bridge
it with a compromise, shall see that his effort would
only sink him in the abyss.   Therefore, forward to
Richmond! "
All this was in that war-cry, which is to be uttered
yet again, and, though with the united voice of the
country, with no more nobility than it possessed at first.
When General Scott heard of the defeat lt Manasses,
he, with great excitement, said that the President should
depose him as a coward, because hlie yielded to this popular pressure. General Scott is not physically a coward.
I hlie a moral coward?  Shall we take him at his word?
History records, that a great commander wrote after a
defeat, "I have lost a great battle, and entirely by my
own fault." In saving this, hlie gained a greater victory
than he lost.  Had as sincere and great a spirit commanded at Washington, we believe the country would
have received some such message as this:
64
I. 
6 
MANASSES.
"TO TH TE PEOPLE OF THE UNITED STATES.
"We, some of your official leaders, have lost you a
great battle by our own fault, as far as that fault can be
traced to any individuals; which arises from the general corruption of the Government through the malaria
of Slavery.  When you and your President decided to
fight for this Government, we, your public servants,
tacitly meant to pacificate and compromise.   Acting
under this purpose, we gave to you, as a reason for delay, a military pretext. We had no doubt that the South
would compromise.   They secretly encouraged us to
think so; until, when it was too late to remedy our mistake, they showed that their desire for peace was a feint
to get time for fortification.  When we came to see for
the first time definitely that the question must be settled by arms, the nation was already demanding that our
delay should end.  It was natural that they should so
demand.   But our first deception could, unless openly
confessed, lead only to the defeat of our forces. We
could not muster courage to acknowledge the result of
our folly, -to say,' The advance which was feasible
two mwnths ago, has, by our delay for negotiation, been
rendered impossible.   Our honest reply to your "Foriard to Richmod!"' is, that it cannot be done for six
months or more, without too much cost; and to advance
lnow would be to washl out a political deception in the
blood of brave men.' We had not the moral courage
to say it: the fatal result came."
6*
65 
THE REJECTED STONE.
The People reply:  "Whether the people decide that you gentlemen
who hold power under this administration are the right
men in the right place, or thle opposite, they cannot
allow the blame to fall on you for a default which is
much more their own.   They remember that a wise
man affirmed,'The people are always correctly represented.' Their leaders, military and civic, had every
reason to suppose that a people, who have for so many
years submitted to having their honor bought and sold
by their representatives, had still their price. Though
now,'a nation born in a day,' they abhor their former
stupidity and insensibility towvard Human Rights, no
less than their own self-respect, yet they cannot reasonably complain that these newly unsealed fountains
have not, as yet, cleansed the Augean stables of Washington.  Therefore we set up our memorial-pillar at
Manasses, on it writing,' Here outraged Humanity was
avenged upon a nation, that, from the day of its own
liberation, heard the scourges that fell, heard the cries
of the stricken, and heeded not, but went on in ignole rest, until the very sword which guarded its own
liberties had rusted in its scabbard.'   Therefore we
take to ourselves the reproach you have heaped on
yourselves, to bear it with you;  and, if we call new
leaders to your places, it is not for punishment, but it
is another effort to make ourselves understood at Washington.  It must be there known that we, the people,
66 
BETH-EL.
are in earnest; that we are absolutely determined that
this Rebellion shall be crushed, and that in no case shall
one-half of this continent be given over to the dominion of Slavery and Barbarism; and that whosoever
shall put himself in the way of tluis purpose shall be
swept off as by a flood."
Here let us end this sad chapter,- as painful to him
who wrote it as to any who shall read it.
XIII.
BETH-EL.
THIS was the name that the patriarch gave to the
place where he came a wanderer.  There the sun went
down, and he slept with a stone for his pillow.  In that
night, over that stony pillow, hovered the angels; and
in the morning "he took the stone that he had for a
pillow, and set it up for a pillar."  From his hard lot
uprose his strength.
Hard was the pillow given at Manasses, upon which
America must rest her head. Is there no heavenward
ladder stretching up from that grief?  Can she not also
take her stony pillow, and set it up for a pillar of future
strength?  "Experience," says Carlyle, " does charge
67 
THE REJECTED STONE.
dreadfully high school-wages; but she teaches as none
other."         To the same end, Burns's cheery verse:
"Though losses and crosses
Be trials right severe,
There's wit there, you'll find there,
You'll get no other-where."
The first and most important lesson inculcated at
MAlanasses is, that God is NOT on the side of the strongest
battalions.
I know that Napoleon said He was; but I also know,
that, soon after he began to act on that principle, his
Battalion-Providence took him to perish on a small rock
off the coast of Africa.
There was a time when Napoleon's battalions were
arrayed on the side of God: his eye was filled with the
coronation-day of Humanity, not of himself.   Then, indeed, he was the MAlan of Destiny; for Freedom marches
to the drum-beat of Destiny. Then it was that Beethoven, lover of the people, wrote the "Symphony for a
Ilero." But soon one brought the old composer tidings
of his idol, which caused him to leap from his seat, an(l
tear the symphony, and cast it into the fire: then, with
tears, hlie sat down and wrote the "Funeral March for a
Hero," who, as a person, was still living:  alas! lihe
lived no more for Man.  The Eternal Thought he demanded should shape itself to his battalions.   So the
halo of Napoleon faded to a diadem.
There is nothling arbitrary or specially providential
in all this.  He lost his faith in the power of ideas, in
68
a 
BETH-EL.
the tremendous power of enthusiasm for a high cause;
forgot that the sword that seemed to translate the lightning, when striking for eternal Truth and Right, was
but a piece of steel, or less, when carving a throne for
a man, even though that man were Napoleon. Again
and again, the lesson has been assigned us to learn.
Xerxes, advancing upon Greece with his countless host,
does not find that God is on the side of the strongest.
The same testimony was borne at the baptismal bloodfont of this nation, and the world called on to observe
how three millions had successfully repelled for eight
years the strongest nation on earth, and at last brought
it to terms, simply because their cause bore with it the
inspiration of Liberty.
It seems that we needed Manasses to remind us of
it once more.
"What! was the cause of the rebels, and not that of
our nation, the cause of Liberty?"
Let us not fear to face the facts i most of all, this
chief one: They were fighting for their liberty.  True,
it was their liberty; the liberty of Wrong, the free
course of Anarchy, the untrammelled rule of Passion,
the ucurbed privilege of trampling the most sacred
rights and hopes of mankind; a liberty which the
laws of this universe for evermore deny.  Still, mark:
this blow for animal liberty calls up the animal ferocity
and strength, which can be mastered only by an equal
passion and fortitude for the higher liberty.  Fanaticism is only second in strength to inspiration; and we
69 
TIIE REJECTED STONE.
can conquer in this war, only when the love of Humanity inspires us as fully as the love of Slavery inspires
the South.   Enthusiasm  for bunting;  interest in a
boundary-line; concern for the control of the Mississippi; "institutions bequeathed by our fathers; " "the
glorious fabric of our Union,"- I warn you, my countrymen, that, at whatever Mianasses these alone meet the
arms that fight for the kingdom of Oppression, they
will be swept away as by a blasting sirocco.
Let us follow the approved maxim that bids us learn
from our enemy, and sit at the rebel's feet a moment.
See how lie fights for Slavery!  See how pitiless he is
to the enemylll  of Slavery!  Do you live in a Slave
State: say one word against the institution, and see if
the hearts that knewv your childhood do not freeze to
ice, and if the arms once twined about you will not be
drawn to strike! Over all the appeals of relationship
and affection; over all the claims of brain to think, or
tongue to speak; over wvasted hlumanity, Sahliaras of
ignorance, over the interests of property, -OVER ALL,
the Slave-god sits amidst his devotees.   He has  his
martyrs, as much as Brahm or Jehovah.   The parallel
dvawn between thle warfare of Sepoy and Southerner is
not fanciful: all races fight so for their religions, and
Slavery is the real and only religion of the South. To
it other regions are evil in proportion to their freedom;
other Free States are diabolical, more or less; Massachusetts is the Devil, because Antislavery is Antichrist.
70 
BETH-EL.
Our reporters have told to horror-stricken ears the
cruel excesses whlichl succeeded the battle of Mlanasses.
A young man from the North, we are told, finding a
rebel soldier in a swoon, proffered his canteen: the
Southerner drankl, and revived; then immediately shot
lhis benefactor.   The  story is intrinsically credible.
Returning from his swoon, his first thought was for his
cause, and the blow for that cause which hlie was on that
field to strike! Supposing him even to have comprehlended all, - to have recognized his preserver in his
country's enenmy, to have felt the gratitude which any
brute must feel, -yet what business has he to let gratitude or any personal feeling come between him and
his cause?  That benefactor may be the very man to
send a ball through Jeff. Davis's heart!  He is not his
own, else he could press that kindly hand: he is
Slavery's; and Slavery has whispered all other spirits
out of him, and filled him with its own.  Ahl, if Freedom but had champions so surcharged witl her spirit!
If she but had great lovers to match such haters!
Slavery is a god, and has in the South gradually created his own new heavens and new earth.   In the
latter generaitions, he has moulded the very brains in
their wombs to his own image and likeness, so that they
reek with hot blood when any foe speaks in unbelief of
their creator. He is dear to them as to the eye is the
light of which it is the organism.
Now, Northmen, with what do you confront this?
Halve you any Freedom-frenzy, with its superhuman
71 
THE REJECTED STONE.
strength? Do you worship Liberty with a passion such
as the heart has for its blood?   Is Liberty anl uncompromisable principle to you, so that you count its foes
the agents of the fiend upon earth'?  Has  Boston
treated MIr. Yancey, when tlere pleading for Slavery,
as honestly and faithfully as Charleston treated Mr.
Hoar, when there to distantly hint Liberty?
The other day, MAIr. Speaker Grow, retiring temporarily from the chair of the House, called to that seat
Mr. Burnett of Kentucky, an avowed sympathizer with
treason.   Some one called attention to the contrast
betwveen the Republican and the Southern Speaker,
Orr, who never called any one to the chair but one of
his own party; and evidently considered the contrast
in MAr. Growv's favor!  Trace  the course of the two
Speakers, and they will take you logically to the relative positions of the two armies on the evening of
July 21; and until the country has got so far beyond these sentimentalities as not only to condemn
utterly even so slight a dapperness as that of MAr.
Grow, but to render it as impossible for Burnett to sit
in Congress as it would be for John M. Botts to be in
the Richmond Congress, it will put its trust in chariots
and horsemen ill vain. We are not in earnest for Freedom, as they are for Slavery: our battalions are not on
the side of our God; theirs are thoroughly and utterly
on the side of their God.  Therefore we stand mystified
and irritated,- eighteen millions held at bay and repulsed by eight!
'i 2 
BETH-EL.
At last, when it was too late, Napoleon had learned
the deeper lesson; and hlie said, "No people devoted to
its government and institutions can be conquered."
Devoted, observe! It is the old word for victims bound
on altars, and devoted to the gods; and Napoleon saw
that men could be thus sacredly devoted to their freedom, thus laid on the altar of their country; and that,
when they were so, something stronger than heavy
artillery was  at work.   So, by his own  authority,
we must change the maxim, and read, "The strongest
battalions are those on the side of God."
Another lesson, and one following on this, is, that we
must regard the forces in such a contest as this as more
nearly equal than we are apt to assume.   First, we
must remember that a nation never attacks one of twice
its population, unless in some way it has a full compensation for this discrepancy.  In the present case, we
know, that, when Sumter was attacked, the South was
armed, the North unarmed: in the next place, the repossession of its lost integrity and wrested property
made it necessary for the United States to take the
attitude of an invader, and the real disabilities of fighting on an unfamiliar soil. Under the circumstances, it
would have required an army at Manasses of two hundred thousand men to have made us equal in physical
force to the Southern army there. Secondly, we are to
remember that the very discrepancy in numbers and
wealth between belligerents, whilst it often begets a
dangerous sense of security in the stronger party, inva
7
73
0 
THE REJECTED STONE.
riably leads the weakler to the fullest tension of every
nerve and sinew, and the levying on every resource,
however   unusual.  From these considerations, wve see
the plain natural causes for the seeming paradoxes to
which       attention has been called.   We must more and
more fix it in our minds, that size and power are by no
means        convertible terms or facts.  A hornet is more
than a match for a wvolf. Emersonl's epigram reminds
us, -
"Foxes are so cunning
Because they are not strong."
In nature, weakness itself frequently becomes a source
of strength: liability and danger make the eye quicker,
the paw more velvety.  Wild animals become more spiteful and deadly as they are smaller: the inhabitants of
the tropics dread the roar of the lion less than the scent
of the vinegar-bug. Already we have seen the law
thus suggested borne out at the South in the effort to
poison our troops; in the spying of important facts
under flags of truce; in their confinement of the war,
so far as they could, to the plan of the moccason,'
picking off at night, ambuscade, masked battery, and
-the use of our own flag to protect themselves, and seduce our men into their trap.
When our army has fully learned its lessons, moral
and military, - the chaplain may preach on his text,
"Manasseh is mine: " it will be ours in a more important sense than if our flag waved over it to-day.
74 
A REBELLION rs. A REVOLUTION.
XIV.
A REBELLION vs. A REVOLUTION.
THERE has been a general confusion in the minds of
both parties as to their historical and moral position in
this conflict.  They of the South have claimed that they
are revolutionists, and justify themselves under the
right of revolution.  Many of the North have accepted
the terms; justly reasoning, that the right of revolution implies an interest, and possibly, as now, a duty
pledged to prevent it. Revolution depends for its dignity and heroism purely upon the worth and justice of
its cause; for, as all would applaud a child's resistance
to his father when that father demanded of it some dishonorable act, so all would cry" Shame!" on the violent
rebellion against a kind and good parent. Had our
American Revolution been for the purpose of forming
our Colonies into a band of robbers and pirates, no Pitt
would have been found to plead our cause, no Lafayette
to fight our battles. Revolution, in an unjust cause, is
only an-inauguration of bloodshed and assassination.
Therefore it is wrongly called Revolution. Revolution is a word nearly related to Evolution, and indicates
the normal and healthy progression of the world on the
prescribed orbit of civilization. Pangs it may have; but
they are the previous pangs of birth into life. It may
wring tears; but each tear falls in blessed light, and
75 
THE REJECTED STONE.
gives some tint to the bow that haloes the world.  Rev-olution has marched on with the advancing world, and
with it the fire of war and the cloud of sorrow; but its
fire and cloud have been pillars leading on to Humanity's Promised Lands..
Those vwhlo have set themselves against these revolutions - the normal steps of human progression -have
been always the Pharaohs, Hapsburgs, Philip the Seconds, George the Thirds, and Bombas; their use
being always the negative one of making each advance
more thorough by making it difficult and costly; their
d(lestiny, always to fail, in the end, to suppress the new
germ.  So, if this were a revolution in the South, this
nation would now, ere its own majority is reached, be
standing in the position of the hard Pharaoh and the
Egyptian taskmasters towards the Israelitishli bondmen,
and actually in the same relation to the South that
George the Third so lately held toward itself!
The South claims that this is the true attitude in
which the parties stand, and bids us prepare for the
fate that has ever overtaken the obstinate oppressor.
On the surface, and for the moment, the South is
llght in this. So long as the position of our Governnient is purely political, - so long as it remains, as
now, a question of government against government, of
authority against authority,- we are their obstinate
George the Third; and on that count we are already partially, and in the end shall be completely, nonsuited.
But this defeat will be our real success; for it will
76 
A REBELLION Vs. A REVOLUTION.
drive us from our present untenable fortress to that
which the ages have reared for us, and whose guns
command the continent and the world.   RIGHT  commands all trenches, even those of Liberty; and to it
is assigned the power of silencing the batteries that
defend the liberty of Wrong, under whatever mask of
Independence  it may  hide.  Meln fighting for their
"altars " are strong; but, if on those altars human
victims lie bleeding, they are weaker than those who
come to rescue those victims.
Behind the national army now in the field, there
stands in the shadowv another, silent and waiting.  As
yet, it is refused.  Not until other defeats, and an exhaustion of other re-enforcemnents, will these re-enforcements be called on. They can calmly wait; for they are
not three-years men: they are eternity men.   The
South already sees them behind there, more terrible
than an army with banners: they desire to settle the
war before this second army takes the sword.  For
they know that really the revolution is on our side,
and that as soon as the nation feels that, and acts
upon it, the strength of the South is gone.   In that
moment they become the Pharaohs and taskmasters,
and America the revolutionary Israel, bursting their
fetters, scorning their flesh-pots, and going forth in the
strength of Israel's God to inherit the land declared
unto their fathers.
WE ARE THE REVOLUTIOXISTS. It was the revolution
of the American nation that made this war necessary.
e*
7*
77 
THE REJECTED STONE.
The South stands relatively where it always stood, and
where the tyrant has stood since the world began.
This is true, not in any fanciful or strained sense, but
in the simplest and most direct sense.  Slavery has
always ruled this country. 4 soon as a seat of power
was reared, Slavery assumed it. Its rod was extended
over the lot of the righteous, and they put forth their
hands to iniquity. It ruled commerce; it expunged the
truth of history; it brought its Index Expurgatorius
on the page of school-book and prayer-book.  Scholars
wrote for it; divines preached for it: it clasped the
Bible with handcuffs, and festooned the Cross of Christ
with chains.
Its tyranny was over the North.   In the South was
its throne: the Southerners were its royal famnily. On
the North was laid its rod of iron. Under it their great
men bowed lowv, licking the dust from the tyrant's foot,
and getting in return his imperial kick. Did a minister
plead for Liberty? Slavery commanded that he should
be exiled from his pulpit, and his family live on a crust
of bread.   So it ordered, when Dudley  Tyng "stood
up for" the Christ of to-day with the scourges on his
back, and sent a South-Carolinian to take his place in
a Northern pulpit, to plot against the nation whilst in
that pulpit. Did any senator speak for Freedom? He
was avoided as a leper, or stricken down in his place.
The North was made to plait the lashes for its own
back,- to forge the chains for its own limbs: the men
vwhlom she furnished, and who were called Presidents
78 
A REBELLION vs. A REVOLUTION.
and Representatives, were not Presidents nor Represeutatives, but minions and crawling courtiers, sitting
under the footstool of Slavery. None could be trusted.
Head after head even of the noblest was laid low, as if
there were a dry-rot among men.  The dog-star reigned
and raged, and the best man could scarcely tell whether
he would not be a slave-hound before night.   We had
no country. In proportion as we were real men, our
country sank and hardened about us into a cold dungeon, where we lay chilled and chained, with vermin
creeping over us.
Against this Tyrant, America at last inaugurated a
revolution. Slowly and with many disparagements the
feeble cause of Liberty prepared for a final struggle.
Her pulses beat low; her heart-throbs are faint: she is
only not crushed because purblind Oppression imagines
the life already, or nearly, ebbed out. But an old fire,
that was in deep alliance with the central heats of the
earth, and under which old Wrong had again and again
shrivelled like a burnt scroll, yet lingered in her heart.
Anoni the flame leapt out at eye  and tongue;  and
despite the play of the engines, despite the cold-water
jets stnt from pulpit and press and society and office,
the winds of heaven fanned that flame until the parties
were consumed, the political elements melted with fervent heat, and Slavery compelled to begin the world
over again, and rebuild its throne over those ashles if it
could!
It was the noblest revolution the worl( ever saw that
79 
THE REJECTED STONE.
placed Abraham Lincoln in the White House at Washington; the noblest, because the first ever known upon
this planet where the legitimate weapons of Truth were
alone used. These mighty strongholds yielded to the
voices, the persuasions, the reasons, of earnest and just
men: they were besieged with arrows of light, shlielled
with the bombs of Free School and Free Thought.
"Love is the hell-spark that burncth up the mountain
of Iniquity," said Mohammed. So also have we found
it. Besides those who truckled to Slavery with mean
motives, there were many fond and simple souls, who
could "think no evil," were it of the Devil; and these
yielded to Slavery that vast extent of rope, wherewith,
when attained, rogues do proverbially hang themselves.
And thus the revolution, without the firing of a gun
from the side of the revolutionists, had gone on, until
the steps of Freedom were on the threshold of a
liberated and redeemed New World. The dayspring
from on high had already visited us: the banner which
had fallen out of the sky to blazon itself only in the
scars and stripes on the slave's back, or onl some weaker
nation beside us, once more floated up, and promised
te symbolize, as of old, the streaks of Humanity's advancing day.
The Southern movement is, then, not a revolution,
but a rebellion against the noblest of revolutions. It is
a league of confederates against the peaceful and legal
evolution of Liberty on this continent.  It is an Insurrection against a Resurrectionl.  It is Slavery, hoary
80 
A REBELLION vs. A REVOLUTION.
tyrant of the ages, standing before Hlumanity's morning, lifting its bars against the day-streaks, and crying,
"Back, back, accursed Dawn, into the chambers of
Night!"
The instinct of slaveholders has probed this matter
very accurately. They know that sunrise respects not
the protest of owl and bat against it. They have discovered that the North Star is a kind of Ossawattomie
star; refusing to stop its light at Mason and Dixon's
line; sending its incendiary ray far down into cane-brake
and dismal swamp; finding many a poor fugitive to hold
with its glittering eye until he is safe in the land of
Freedom.  They know that the sunlight will not respect
the sacred soil, and that their only hope is in seeing
that it shall shine through " bars."   They  scarcely
rebelled in time: they will have hard work building
the northward wall of their fortress in time to resist the
arrows of Ph(ebus. But they are doing their best.
It is a great mistake, however, for us to suppose that
they wvish to subjugate the North.   They have no desire to cast themselves straight across the railroad
where'the train of Civilization must pass. It is true
that all they desire is to be let alone.  But what does it
imply to let them  alone?   It implies that a nation
vwhich has heard at the door of its sepulchre the divine
mandate, "Come forth!" and whose hands and feet and
face are already halJf divested of their grave-clothes,
shall sink back again to decay, take again the napkin
81 
THE REJECTED STONE.
about its face, surrender its tissues again to the worm.
There is not one healthy movement of a free nation,
not one word or step, however innocent and uncon scious, which can by any possibility let Slavery alone.
Slavery knows they cannot, if'it is united with them in
one nation: it would discover, if separated, that Civili zation is no red-tapist; and that free America cannot let
oppression in the South alone, more than it can let it
alone in the Old World. Plutarch tells us that Bessus,
the Peonian, destroyed a nest of sparrows with cruelty; and, being reproached with this wantonness,
replied, that hlie destroyed them justly, since they constantly reproached him untruthfully with the murder
of his father. Thus he disclosed his crime. What the
twittering of innocent sparrows was to the parricide,
such must for ever be the natural influences of Liberty
its free schools, its free speech, its material progress -to parricidal Wrong the world over.   Let us
not wonder if the tyrannies of the Old World smile
complacently at the attempt of the Southern Bessus to
destroy the brood of Liberty in America.   Freedom
will never let them alone; will never cease to accuse
tlaem; will for ever proclaim from the house-top the
crimes they have committed in the cellars and closets.
When Lieut. Maury came down from the dome of the
United-States Observatory, where for so many years he
had watched the stars to so little purpose,- never
having discovered how they in their courses for ever
"fight against Sisera," -  to bend all he had learned
82 
A REBELLION vs. A REVOLUTION.
there to the behest of Slavery, the first evidence the
country had of his treachery was that the light-louses
all along the coast were darkened.  It was well.'Tis
an exact symbol of what the Confederacy to which he
had attached himself means.  To cuenclh all the lights
which guide Humanity; to darken every guiding bear
con to which the voyagers in the ancient Night are
looking; to extinguish every hope lit up on the shores
of the Future,   that is their design.   "Darken the
light-houses!" cry the wreckers of Humanity.   "Let
no ray shine out upon the night of Oppression! Let the
brave ships with their immortal freightage be dashed
upon the breakers! for so alone can their treasures gild
the coast of Slavery."
Shall we now spend our blood, our time, our strength,
fighting with Slavery for the treasures dragged from
the waves, - wrecker against wrecker? In that they
will be ahead of us: their drags and nets of spoil are
longer and better, their eagerness for their prey
greater. Shall                 we rekindle those extinguished lighthouses?    Shall               we see, that, all along the Atlantic and
the Pacific and the Gulf, the rays of Freedom and Justice
to all hhine out clear and beautiful, marking for every
struggling bark -f      or Germany, Hungary, Poland, for
all - a path of light to a haven of safety and rest?
Then we save the wrecker and the wrecked. We
kindle lights that shine not only outward upon those
ready    to perish in t   he stormy waves of Old-World
oppression, but inward upon our more pitiable fellow
83 
THE REJECTED STONE.
men, wandering in the darkness of crime, morally
wrecked on the rocks of Barbarism, because America
has hitherto failed to provide with the beacons of trade
and power those of national righteousness and honor.
Thus, and thus alone, we cease to be in the seat of
George the Third, fighting against the bud theIt 1)by
normal growth would grow from our side and climb to
its fruit. We ourselves become revolutionists against
our own wrong.   We  emerge from the ancient kingdom of Oppression, and make this a holy war,- a
second Revolution, achieving for the nations of the
world more than our first achieved for thirteen Colo
nies.
XV.
EX C ALIBUR.
THE centuries as they roll bring no season without
its fresh laurel for the brow of King Arthur. The sun
never rises and sets, but it leaves some new gleam of
light on the jewelled hilt, on the fine-tempered blade,
of Excalibur, -sword of Arthur, "flower of kings."
There came a day when out of the boiling sea a
great hand emerged, holding out this sword, with an
inscription which declared its name, and its power, if
wielded by its true king, to cut through iron or steel,
or conquer the strongest foe. It was given to Arthur;
84 
EXCALIBUR.
for was not he its true king, who stood for justice, for
honor, for the cause of the weak and wronged?
The virtue of the sword, as its name indicates, lay
in its Calibre. It was no larger than other swords;
but its quality was finer.  Character ~ is more than size
and the sword that defends the innocent and the
wronged must, in the end, win the day. So, ill the hand
of Arthur, Excalibur never failed.
At length, the noble King Arthur drew near his end.
Then wvent he, with one of his knights, near to the sea,
and Excalibur was cast therein: again the great white
hand emerged, and caught the sword. The legend runs,
that soon afterward the king himself was borne away
to some happy isle by nymphs. But he never died;
and the prophecies remained, that, when his race - our
race - shall be worthy to receive him, King Arthur
the Imperishable shall return, bringing with him Excalibur the Unconquerable.
All along the line of our army,- from the Chesapeake
to the Missouri, - many eyes have strained to meet
one like thine, O  Arthur! flower of kings.  We have
watched night and day, if through the dust and smoke
of any-conflict we could see the trusty Excalibur flashing in the light. It is not there: so we gain or lose as
the fortune of war may decide. With Excalibur there
is no chance, but certainty.
When we are worthy to receive him; when we stand
true Knights of Humanity; when we have set our
hearts to strike for the innocent and wronged; when
8
8
85 
THE REJECTED STONE.
we have bound ourselves by a holy compact, as a Legion
of Honor, to strike down those who raise themselves
upon the weak,- then the royal Soul of our race shall
rise, and return to lead us; and the sword that never
failed shall carve the path of,our victory through every
"bar," and bring back the thirty-two stars as jewels in
its hilt.
As yet, the watchers must sit by the foaming, seething sea of events, awaiting the great hand, and the
sword which alone can win the day for America.   Not
yet, not yet. As yet, our leaders turn their faces from
the hunted fugitive, even if forced to receive him; as
yet, the soldier's sword has not the calibre to carve the
iron of the slave's manacle.   When our Anglo-Saxon
blood mounts to its royal height, and grasps its final,
noblest weapon, four million chains will fall; nay, six
million hearts, whose drugged blood owns the same
fountain with ours, will cast off the virus which has
maddened them, and every State hasten as a Knight to
the Table where Arthur reigns.
Why does not this nation at once draw this sword?
Why does it not, owning what is whispered in every
heart, that this war means freedom for all or chains for
all, at once inscribe "EMANCIPATION" on its banner?
No one questions that Slavery is the cause of this
Rebellion.
No one questions that to recover the Union as it was
i.e., with Slavery in it- is to recover the elements
86
. 
EXCALIBUR.
that have led to this collision, and must bring it on again
whenever the Slave interest thinks itself strong enough
for another effort.
No one questions but that the only alternative of this
will be the subjugation of the North in a moral sense,
the suspension over the ballot-box of the hair-strung
sword of civil war; so that fear, and not conviction,
shall decide every election.
No one questions that Slavery is the one stain and
blot which disgraces our flag, and cripples our progress;
and that, but for the absence of any power to exterminate it in the Constitution, the nation should and would
have abolished it for ever.
No one questions, that, by the appeal which Slavery
has made to an arbitrament beside the Constitution,
compelling the temporary obedience to military law
and military necessity, by which the Constitution itself
has provided for its own possible suspension, our natioln has a right to strike at the very root of the evil,
which, so long as it remained subject to the Constitution, it must tolerate.
No one questions the position of John Quincy Adams,
that the power to abolish Slavery is contained in the
war-power.
Yet, in this war, law has been as often suspended in
favor of Slavery as against it: for it is a direct violation
of law for one of our soldiers or military officers to
return a fugitive slave; such return being provided for
in due form of law, and assigned to appointed civil offi
87 
THE REJECTED STONE.
cers. Where, by the growing compulsion of events,
our Government has been compelled to retain slaves, it
has done so with all the tenderness for the South that
a mother might show for her pet babe. To-day comes
the news, that, by a final decision, escaping slaves shall
be retained, whether belonging to loyal or disloyal; but,
as if frightened at reaching this dizzy height of resolution, the order of the Secretary of War immediately provides, that any slave, wishing to return to the service
from which he has escaped, shall have no let or hinderance! We quote this, not as an instance of unfaithfulness
to Freedom, but as an example of the infatuation and terror which seem to seize upon and confuse all our public
men when they touch this question of property in man.
Any one whose wits are about him can see, that, by this
order, any treacherous Negro of Governor Letcher's
household may be bribed into escaping to Fortress
Monroe, and, after suitable observations, "voluntarily
return," to give such information, as, at Manasses, the
rebels had, by their own account, to pay a hundred
thousand dollars for.
Why this timidity? Why this overweening tenderiess with human bondage? One would suppose that a
system repulsive to all the instincts of Humanity, which
can exist only by a toleration almost barbaric, would be
at once crushed when it became an outlaw and a foe;
but here we are pirouetting amongst its interests as
daintily as Mignon among the eggs she dares not break.
Wherefore?
88 
EXCALIBUR.
Not because any member of this Administration loves
Slavery, but because the Government fears to divide
its physical forces; that is, to alienate certain persons
in the North and (supposed) in the South from the
cause of the Union itself, as separate from the Slavery
question: in fact, for the sake of certain persons, who, in
case of a direct issue between the American Union and
Slavery, would take sides with Slavery.
But if such men should, unwashed, put forth their
hands to defend the Union, would it not be a sure proof
that it would be the old tar-and-feather Union, - a
Union not fit to be saved?
Unto their assembly, mine honor, be not thou united!
Indeed it is, in the eyes of every lover of universal
Freedom, the highest mission of this conflict to liberate
this land from the influence of that vile Northern
.NMephistopheles, - the party which has in every way
fostered the arrogance of Slavery, and encouraged the
madness of the South; which it is now forced to abandon
in the conflict to which it has seduced that misguided
section. The guilt of this Rebellion is not heaviest on
Dixie's Land, by any means.
The~,e Tories would be a drag and a curse to our side,
if they should espouse it.  The hearts of freemen the
world over would shrink back chilled and distrustful.
" We shall march conquering,- not through their presence;
Songs shall inspirit us,-not from their lyre;
Deeds shall be done,- whilst they boast their quiescence,
Still bidding crouch, whom the rest bade aspire."
8e
8*
89 
THE REJECTED STONE.
XVI.
A FELICITATION.
IN the pecuniary crisis of 1857, Stackpole, on hearing
that a certain bank had gone under, exclaimed, "Bully
for that bank!"  His astonished auditors asked why
his admiration was elicited for a bank that had just
broken.   "Broke!" exclaimed  Stackpole, amazed at
their stupidity: "well, why shouldn't it break?  What
else were banks made for? But see how long it held
out, -  fourteen days I   Thtat's what I call a bully
bank!"
Perhaps, on the same principle, we should say, "Bully
for the Democratic party!" Of course, we expected
it to go for the South, in the end. What else was it
meant for?  We were scarcely so green as to expect
that Slavery's Northern factotum would ever seriously
pass through a crisis involving a cessation, even temporary, of such stated religious services as the abuse
of the North and glowing eulogy of the South, to say
nothing of having such a means of grace as hunting
fugitive Humanity for our Southern brethren disturbed
by the "contraband" neology, without breaking down.
We had, from the first, prepared our ears to hear a
chorus of somewhat cracked voices singing the plaintive
melody, "Carry me back!" This was en regle. It was
what the metaphysicians call the "structural and normal
development of its central idea."
90 
A FELICITATION.
But, on the whole, we feel a disposition to be duly
thankful at the result.  It cannot be denied that the
party held out pretty well.  It has failed at last, but
not without losing many of its most talented leaders,
and being fearfully decimated in numbers. It has not
even enjoyed the delight of coming out in an open licking of its quondam master's hand. " Hypocrisy," says
the French satirist, "is the homage that vice pays to
virtue."   The South is too shrewd not to see that the
quasi support of this Government, under which the party conventions have found it necessary to conceal the
poison they would administer, is an attestation of the
true temper of the masses they hope to control,the homage that disloyalty finds it necessary to pay
to the throned patriotism of the people.
There is really no cause for apprehending any evil
from these sitters on the fence.  In due time, as we
have said, the fence will be so sharp, that those who
try it will be cut in two. But meanwhile it may be
held as a general truth, that those who have not the
courage to take a stand on either side will scarcely
have courage or strength to help our cause, if they
should,adopt it. On looking over the early chronicles
of our first Revolution, we find that our earnest and
patriotic fathers had to contend with a vast deal more
of disloyalty than we have now. The historians give us
evidence, that, even so late as after the destruction of
tea in Boston Harbor, a man might have been roughly
handled in Boston who should have advocated a com
91 
THE REJECTED STONE.
plete separation from England. It was some time after
the battle of Bunker Hill that this separation became
an avowed object of the war.   More people in this
country are now to be found who advocate a complete
casting-off of the yoke of Slavery, than, at the same
stage of the first Revolution, were in favor of casting
off the yoke of England; and just in the proportion,
that, under the tuition of events, our country then rose
to greater earnestness and bolder steps, the number of
sycophant Tories increased all over the country. Some
of the most fearful scenes of bloodshed occurred between
the Revolutionists and the Tories.
Now see how much better off we are. Val. and
Breck. are protected in Washington by their very
insignificance. The Tory Conventions, with all their
pusillanimous talk, are to-day regarded, by the best men
of the party they claim to represent, as only the hangingout of crape upon its door, to indicate that the pulses
of the living no longer beat through its veins.
There is one - and only one - way in which these
Northern Tories and dapper neutrals can work us an
injury; and that is by being regarded by our Government at Washington as a party worthy to be considered
in any of its measures, or of any effort at its conciliation. Let our Government have no Mrs. Grundy after
whose opinions to inquire in the solemn emergency.
Let it be brave and earnest, knowing that the great
heart of the people moves with it; knowing, too, that,
in these high magnetic conditions, the people see very
92 
TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES.
shrewdly into affairs.  It is through inattention or indifference that they are usually hoodwinked by politicians: now they are neither inattentive nor indifferent;
and the demagogues will soon find that it is they who
are hoodwinked in thinking so. We have no fear whatever of the verdict that the people will pass upon the
contemptible and selfish determination of these men to
decline all exertion to save the temple of Liberty from
the flames that threatened to envelop it, and sit down to
boil their party-pots in the fire.
XVII.
TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES.
IHONORED SIR:  From the many conflicting and vague statements
with which the telegraph fills the air, one seems to have
obtained the clearness and authenticity of a fact; this,
namely, - that GARIBALDI, the patriot whose knightly
kiss broke the evil spell which bound the Sleeping
Beauty of the Mediterranean, whose sword has carved a
gateway through the age-hardened prison-walls of Italy,
has sent word to America, "If this war is for Freedom,
I conme with twenty thousand men."
Garibaldi, sir, is a symbol. The spirit of this age has
produced him; and millions in every land recognize in
93 
THE REJECTED STONE.
him the appearance in our age of the Forerunner, -the
Voice in the Wilderness that has never failed any age,
and that cries now, as of old, "Prepare ye the way of
the Lord: make his paths straight. And now also the
axe is laid to the root of the tree: every tree that
bringeth not forth good fruit is hewn down, and cast
into the fire."
There are also in our midst other symbols. Never
was there a Moses without his Pharaoh; never a John
without his Herod. We have a party that has gained a
certain fictitious strength by Wrong and Deceit; and
their leaders say, "As soon as this is a war for Freedom,
we leave you, taking our twenty thousand men."
Between these two symbols you are compelled to
choose, - Garibaldi and millions of Garibaldini all over
the world, who can draw no sword but for Justice and
Liberty, on the one hand; and, on the other, the Proslavery politicians, who hate Liberty more than all else,
and whose half-hearted, muttering support to this Governmelt is given only in the ratio of that Government's
servility to Slavery. As Garibaldi is only known as the
hero of European Liberty, so are Vallandigham, Richniwnd, & Co. known only for the extent to which they
have crawled on their bellies before Slavery, and the
malignancy with which they have  sought to wound
the heel of Humanity. To accept one of these parties
is to refuse the other.
The American people look on very anxiously to see
to which of these you will turn, and which you will con
6
94 
TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES.
sequently make up your mind to alienate.  This much
any one may say for the American people.  Further
than this, each one can speak only for himself; and
since, by the nature of our institutions, the responsi bility for what is done by our Government must be
shared to some extent by the humblest individual, it
becomes the solemn duty of every man, who has an earnest conviction, to utter it,- as it is of every man,
who can strike a blow for his country, to strike it.
Now, therefore, I, sir, the writer of these pages, who
have seen my native State, the natural garden-spot of
this country, withered and wasted by Slavery; who
have seen its race of honorable and upright men disappear before a population of pygmies; who, exiled to the
North, have seen there how a nation can turn from its
great birthright to be warped and ruined by receiving
into its system a great moral poison, sugared over by an
important interest, - have seen there the best and
bravest men alienated from, and enlisted against, a
country in which they found no place unless their most
sacred convictions were laid down at the threshold,
vlwhilst the only titles to places of trust or power were
supple knee-joints and pliant vertebration; and who,
having known these things, arose one blessed morning,
,nd, invoking the benison of Heaven on a bit of paper
which bore the name of Abraham Lincoln, cast then my
first vote, hoping that it might be for the liberation of
this country from a great and dwarfing crime, - do
now implore the President to accept the proffer of
.
95 
THE REJECTED STONE.
Giuseppo Garibaldi, and thereby proclaim to the world
that this country links its destiny with that of Universal Freedom.
The only test of our good faith in this is, that the
world shall at once see inscribed on our banner, "IMMEDIATE AND UNCONDITIONAL EMANCIPATION."
1. It is legal. Your Excellency is sworn to execute
the laws: therefore you cannot even consider a measure
that is violative of the Constitution and laws. The Constitution and laws, in providing for possible war, do, in
case of war, at once deliver up the Government to the
laws of war; so that to follow the letter of the Constitution in times of war, when military law and advantage
demanded the contrary, would be violating the Constitution. There are times when the Constitution can only
be obeyed by its temporary suspension at the command
of the universal and necessary code, which, in common
with the organic law of all nations, it recognizes. The
suspension of the Habeas Corpus, and the discussion
which followed it, have made it perfectly clear to the
people, that, in each case where it was suspended, it
would have been unconstitutional to follow the ordinary
provision of the Constitution. It needs no discussion to
prove that the same laws, which take from a traitor the
ordinary form and process of law, may deprive an institution, that proves traitorous and deadly to the country,
of its ordinary guaranties. It thus becomes simply a
question of whether Slavery stands in this attitude towards the country.
96 
TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES.
2. It is just. The South would destroy the Union,
in the interest of Slavery. The Nation must destroy
Slavery, in the interest of the Union.
In the interest of Slavery, the territorial integrity of
the country has been destroyed, andt some arms, forts,
and money seized.  Is that all?  If so, perhaps the
account between this Nation and Slavery might be settled by the repentance of Slavery, and a return of the
stolen articles.
But it is less than a centime of the account which
this nation holds against Slavery. Years of usurpation
and corruption; of insults and abuses heaped upon
Freedom, in whatever form it tried to maintain its slight
foothold on the continent; years now summed up, and
culminant in a frantic civil-wvar, involving the daily
expenditure of millions, the perversion of the means
and powers of the people, the suspension and lasting
injury of trade, the re-instating of piracy on the high
seas; more than all, the death of vast numbers of the
youth of America, and the darkening of tens of thousands
of hitherto happy homes, - all these are in the account
that this nation has now to settle with Slavery. Can
they be repaid by the conquest of what forces the South
can bring into the field?  Will it be enough if Slavery
should at length agree to ground its arms until it is
stronger?  Can it be settled by a truce of one or two
or ten years? Is the balance struck, if we have the old
Union, with the old causes at work in it, to bring forth
like results in the future?
97 
THE REJECTED STONE.
Justice can be satisfied in that alone which satisfies
Wisdom, - THE UTTER DESTRUCTION OF SLAVERY. In no
other way can we act up to the lessons which Slavery
has taught us of its own blasting nature; in no other
way can we, as a nation, obtain that blessing for which
we have already paid the full price in treasure and
blood,- the riddance from the accursed evil under
which we have groaned ever since we became a nation.
This is justice to ourselves. I have not mentioned
that higher justice which is due to four millions of
human beings, cruelly deprived of "the right to life,
liberty, and the pursuit of happiness," which our
nation, in the pure aspirations of its youth, meant to
secure for all. You are bound to stand by legal formulas. Yet I cannot forget what I once heard you say,
with luminous words, that seemed to shine out like
responses to the everlasting stars that then and there
gleamed above you:" Every man that comes into the
world has a mouth to be fed, and a back to be clothed.
By a notable coincidence, each has also two hands.
Now, I take it that those hands were meant to feed
that mouth, and clothe that back; and any institution
that deprives them of that right, and the rights deducible from it, strikes at the very roots of natural justice,
which is also political wisdom."
I pray you, Mr. President, to remember, that, when
the laws of war permit you to restore millions to those
natural rights, every day thereafter that they remain
deprived of them will be traceable to your own door!
98 
TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES.
3. It is merciful.   Not only merciful to the slave,
that he should have this cruel and galling yoke that
binds him to the plane of the brute removed; not only
merciful to us, that the heart-burnings and animosities
which have rent our land should be laid by the eradication of their cause; not only merciful to posterity, that
this fearful and irrepressible source of trouble and guilt
should not be bequeathed to them; but, more than to
these or to all others, a decree of emancipation would
be MIERCIFUL TO THE SOUTH.
Up from broad and beautiful plains, worn out and
desolate; from undrained marshes and swamps, whose
very wealth has turned to malaria; from the locked
treasures of gold and iron in Virginia and the Carolinas;
from the eighty-five thousand wvhite adults in Virginia
who cannot read or write, and the even more fearful
proportions of ignorance in more Southern States; from
the young men trained to licentiousness and idleness,
whose remnant of strength is to-day given to the monster which has ruined them; from the tearful, anxious
eyes of mothers, wives, sisters, whose souls know the
agony of seeing the son, brother, and husband the easy
prey of. the temptations that cannot be escaped, -oh!
from all these, sir, would come a response to your
decree for Liberty: "Merciful, most merciful!"
There is a weak love that yields and indulges; there
is a great and divine love that spares not to smite when
to smite is best, - ever giving what is wanted more
than what is wished. An old legend relates that in the
::.V.
99 
THE REJECTED STONE.
court of King Arthur was a poor dwarf, named Carl.
He was much pitied by the king and his court, and
there were stern orders that none should harm the poor
dwarf. It wvas also supposed that Carl's mind was defective; for he every day went about the court with a
sword, beseeching each knight to cut off his head with
it. The knights, of course, would refuse to slay the
dwarf, who, they supposed, wished thus to be relieved
of life. At length, on a day, the dwarf stood before
Sir Gawain, and with a voice full of earnest appeal,
and with tears in his eyes, said, " Gawain, canst thou
not love me enough to smite off my head with this
sword?" Sir Gawain was so moved by this, that, in
an instant, he seized the sword, and cut off the poor
dwarf's head.
Poor dwarf no longer!  The evil spell which had
bound him in his misshapen form, until one of Arthur's
knights should cut off his head, was now broken, and, in
noble and knightly form and guise, Sir Carleton stood
where poor Carl was before.
Ah,'tis a great, a godlike mercy which can smite its
object!
, And there are dwarfs upon earth, from age to age,
that only thus can have the evil spell broken, and rise
to their full stature.   Sometimes  these dwarfs  are
States.
4. There is no real obstacle or danger in the way of
it. I know there are seeming lions in the path; but
several pilgrim nations have gone that way, and found
....
a
100 
TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES.    101
the lions chained each side, and impotent. We have
been told that dreadful scenes and vindictive actions
follow emancipation; that the Negroes will not labor
but as slaves, and thus become idlers on a nation's
hands. The facts bear otherwise. 
There is yet to be shown the State, that emancipated
its slaves, which did not at once rise above the stature
into which it was before dwarfed.
It has yet to be shown that Right has ever wronged
any.
If, under the formidable circumstances which now
surround our nation, we should fear the expense, or
the labors attending such a step, mark how Haiti stands
ready to bear a hand to the holy work. The Queen of
the Antilles sits there with her ungathered wealth
about her, her spices and fruits gilding every wave
around her shores, awaiting the ten millions of gatherers to whom she can yet give a hospitable home. One
word from you, sir, and she is a recognized sister Republic.  Another word, and, whilst African troops march
on to see that your decree is executed, the aged, the
women and children, which we can scarcely sustain,
are borne away to the happy clime where no fevers nor
lashes await them.
5. It is the only path to a real success.   We justly
count as a great natural fortress against Secession that
mountain range stretching from Pennsylvania almost to
the Gulf,-whose  brave and hardy inhabitants have
justified Milton's designation of Freedom as "a mountain
9*
6 
TIIE REJECTED STONE.
nymph: " why should we overlook the millions of the
oppressed stretching into every branch and twig of
Southern society, who, by the laws of God, are our
natural allies, unless, by our inhumanity, we drive them
to the side of the enemy?   Is it best to have  seven
hundred thousand fighting men of the South our enemies, when we can make them our friends?  We have
certain knowledge that we have been represented
to that class as their bitterest foes: they have been told
that our plan was to slay a proportion of them, and
banish the rest. This falsehood has been systematically
and' carefully circulated  throughout  the cabins  and
plantations, and justified by the most religious Southerners as a necessity of defence.   We  have  done
nothing to disabuse the slave's mind in this particular.
Consequently, although here and there a knowing
Negro has been able to do this for us, the mass has
been deceived, and is working most devotedly against
us.
At this rate, we shall be defeated, and, as I think,
deservedly.
But this war must, as now conducted, prove more
aid more a disheartening one to our people and our
soldiers.
As at Manasses our men conquered one battery, only
to find two more opening upon that, we all have a misgiving that a victory over the South would lead to the
most painful complications.   We must hold on to our
victory after we have got it; for it will have a perpetual
102 
TO THlE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES.    103
tendency to elude us. It was, you remember, a difficult
problem to decide, whether the wolf, or the man who,
having caught him, had to hold him fast, was made
captive by the exploit. If the cause of the hatred of
the South to the North and the nation and to free
government were removed, their rage against these
would still remain in the breast of the present Southern
generation; but for a generation we could hold them
quiet. The hatred might even be transmitted to the
next generation: that, too, might be held.   But in this
age, as we see in the case of France and England, feuds
must gradually be worn away before advancing commercial and other interests; and, with the root of Disunion plucked up, the third generation at the South,
and perhaps the next, would thank us for the painful
surgery with which we saved them, and we should be
bound together by all natural ties, -ties which Slavery
alone holds in abeyance now.  If this fair prospect
were ahead, our people would forget in its glory the
pains and deprivations of the present, and go forward
animated by that faith which is the substance of things
hoped for.
lMorover, the many disheartening circumstances that
press upon us now would be removed. To the soldier,
applause is sweet. But we have heard no plaudits from
the world looking on, -none from England or France
or Germany or Italy. They cried "Brava! " to America,
when our ballots bore you, sir, to the Capitol: they are
silent now that our bayonets would defend your right 
THE REJECTED STONE.
there. We hear from over the seas only cold calcula tions of the probable issue. The civilized world stands
ready with an equal welcome to either party that suc ceeds. These cold buckets, which are cast upon a conflict so sacred to us, we have invited, by placing the
issue on the lowest plane of which it was susceptible.
But this could not be, if, in the face of the world, we
rose to the standard of right and civilization which those
very nations have uplifted, and up to which even Russia
has come before us. We ourselves have from the first
held- hold now- the power to decide the posture of
every foreign nation toward this Rebellion.   Apart
from Slavery, England can only see in the Southern
movement the presentation to our own lips of the chalice
we once offered hers. Ill this she is right. We are
wrong and presumptuous in any complaint. But the
civilized world is antislavery; and if, in this war, we
did but touch the hem of Liberty's vesture, we should
be thrilled with an inspiration and sympathy which
would soon make us every whit whole. We should
come in contact with that electric belt which binds the
hearts of freemen round the world; and up from every
nation and clime would swell the vivas and bravas  and
hurrahs which would make our every soldier thrice a
soldier, and cheer us on to a victory which every eye
would see already written in the book of Fate.
6. It is thus alone that your Excellency can be faithful to your parole of honor to the United States.  You
have nobly discerned that your oath of office required
104
6 
TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES.    105
you to preserve the Union and the Constitution at any
cost.  You can hardly fail to remember that the American people, in electing you over candidates representing
all varieties of opinion, declared that certain principles
should prevail in the Government, of this country, -
principles to which you had pledged your allegiance.
When afterward the alternatives of this painful conflict,
or the abandonment of the principles on which you wvere
elected, were again and again presented to the American
people, they again and again refused any and every
compromise of those principles, whatever the result
might be. You cannot be true to them, if you compromise them, or fail to defend them.  Slavery would now
wrest more than half of this country from its allegiance to
those l)rinciples. Either the Principle which placed you
in office, or the Institution which is in deadly grip with
it, must fall to the ground.
Remember, sir, that the people did not place you
in office to preserve the Union merely: that they had
under Fillmore and Buchanan and Pierce; and they
might have retained it by electing Breckinridge instead
of yourself.  But, not doing so, they declared that the
Unioishould be administered in the interest of Freedom, even more than in the interest of peace and conciliation. To that end your honor stands plighted.
If any peace shall come in which that end is lost, the
country is defeated, whatever victory its military arm
may have achieved.
Can you, sir, preserve the United States with Slavery 
THE REJECTED STONE.
therein? Will Slavery ever be united with the principles you represent? Is not the effort to make it so
akin to the effort at any chemic impossibility, -as the
union exclusively of fire and water, of oil and alcohol?
It is not by presenting to the country its old hulls,
riveted with steel or welded with fire together, that
you can fulfil your trust.  It is not by returning us
a Union in which it will be virtually impossible ever
to elect another Republican President, for fear of another insurrection.   That would be to restore us a
country bound hand and foot. If Freedom can alone be
free by the destruction of Slavery, you cannot, in honor,
flinch from signing the death-warrant of that system.
In the ancient Promethean games, each racer bore in
his hand a lighted torch.   The one who first reached
the goal, with his torch still lighted, won the prize.  If
he came in foremost, but with torch extinguished, the
later comer, who came in with lighted torch, was declared victor.
No victory in this war can be a victory to America,
which does not bring in, bright and burning, the torch
of Liberty,- ay, of African Liberty, as far as the people
b,y their last election declared that they could and
would control and limit it, - which the Nation gave
you, lighted, to bear in their van. And, if Slavery has
resolved to stake its life on the wresting of rights
which the people have irrevocably denied it, either that
life or the verdict of the nation must be sacrificed.
VWhich shall it be? The people decided the question
106 
TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES.   1017
when they accepted a war with the South rather than
a denial of their principles; and to it, unless their rulers
debauch them, they will stand. We claim of you that
you shall fulfil Frederick the Great's definition of a
prince as "the first of subjects," anld prove it by being
the last to yield the standard which they have lifted,
and of which you are the symbol.
By proclaiming Freedom to all, white or black, who
will rally to the defence of our imperilled banner, you
are told that you will make enemies to yourself and the
cause of the nation.   You  may, sir, make of secret
enemies open ones.   The serpent that now creeps in
the grass may think it safe to come into the path; but
that will be a benefit.  It would be not the least good
of recognizing a direct issue with Slavery, that it
would be a better detective than Vidocq of the secret
traitors, who, whilst sentimentalizing about the Union,
really hold it as secondary and subservient to Slavery,
and only refrain from mutiny on the Ship of State because they hope to make it a slaver before the voyage
is over.
But, sir, when the half-hearted go, the whole-hearted
arrive. The Albany and Columbus cliques are a cheap
price to pay for the Garibaldis with their twenty thousands.
There is, honored sir, a class of men in this country
but little known, - men who have been kept out of the
politics and parties by which the forces of a country
are usually gauged, because of an enthusiasm for Li 
THE REJECTED STONE.
berty and a hatred of Slavery, as intense and devoted
as the enthusiasm for Slavery and the hatred of Freedom which the South is showing.  They are men who
have sacrificed the fair prospects of life, the wealth and
power which usually absorb men, for a truer devotion
to the cause of the weak and degraded, even against
the nation when it was wrong.   They are men who
hold their lives at the beck and call of Justice. They
stand to-day hand on hilt, and await the one word at
which their swords flash out.
That word is EM ANCIPATION.
These are not men that require to be waked up, nor
do they need a long drill: they have long been wide
awake, and they were born drilled.  Only let that
countersign, which Nature wrote on their hearts when
they came into the world, be uttered, and you shall see
again the Scourges of God, the Avengers, the Men of
D)estiny, -men born to conquer Slavery, as is the eagle
to destroy the serpent that coils about its nest, - sweeping downward from every plain and hill, riding on every
wind, until Humanity is avenged, the Tyrant and his
host overthrown, and Peace bends once more her blue
vault over a happy land, unflecked by a cloud of wrong,
glorious with the sun-burst of impartial Freedom.
But, sir, besides this resource, upon which you have
not drawn, even if you know of its existence,- a resource upon which only the Liberty which includes the
slave can draw,- I believe you would find that the people are generally prepared for this measure.
108 
TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES.    109
The very appearances of division and disloyalty in
the North, which may intimidate our leaders, may
well be considered indications of a growing and bolder
feeling among the masses.  The appearance of activity
amongst the compromisers is an indication of an increasing exasperation amongst the people against this
Rebellion, and a deepening conviction that a blow at
the cause of it is necessary.   The uprising of one
sentiment is always attended by the excitation of its
antagonist.
War is a swift and infallible educator.  The old mansion yet stands at Perth Amboy, where, in the midst of
the American Revolution, the British Howe, having
called for a conference with the Americans, met John
Adams, Benjamin Franklin, and Edward Rutledge, and
proposed to them a grant from England of relief from
the taxes under which they had groaned, and a full amnesty, if they would lay down their arms.  How they
would have leapt at the offer a little before! At Concord, at Lexington, every American musket would have
fallen to the ground before such a proposition.
Bunker Hill came: we were defeated there.
Bu there stands the monument of which every Ame rican is justly most proud, though it stands on the field
where we were defeated; for there the gate of compro mise with the oppressor closed for ever.
When our fathers began their Revolution, it was
against an unjust tax. Its removal would have closed
10
6 
THE REJECTED STONE.
the matter at once.  After a few months of war, its
removal and many other privileges are offered; but
the war has unsealed a higher aim. To the compromise
proposition, our fathers replied, "No:  THIS WAR ENDS
ONLY WITH THE ENTIRE INDEPENDENCE OF AMERICA."
I think, sir, that, even at this stage of our second
revolution against an internal tyrant, the concession
of an amnesty to Slavery on condition of its grounding
arms would be with difficulty obtained from the people;
and that the indignation which a few weeks ago would
have been allayed by the return of forts, and call for
a convention on the part of the South, rises each day,
and cannot now be restrained from the natural climax
that will sweep the source of all our evils and discords
out of our land for ever.
Thus, and thus alone, can we have an enduring
peace. Short of this, it is difficult to see even in a victory any thing but an armistice which shall be the
armistice of a generation of cowards, evading a task
because it is hard, by adjourning one thrice as hard for
their children.
Sir,'tis not often in this world that to one man is
iven the magnificent opportunity which the madness
of a great wrong has placed within your reach.
For the first time, there stands a man in the Earth
empowered to break four millions of fetters from the
hands, minds, and hearts of immortal beings.
What prophetic tongue can tell of the plaudits that
reach far into the procession of the ages, or of the free
110 
TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES.    111l
glad voices which shall deliver from generation to generation the name and the story of the lowly youth, -
the honest laborer, - the President who uplifted a race
from the dungeon of Slavery, and cleared a nation's
path straight to its sublime destiny?
But, ah! see what a precipice stretches downward
from this sunlit summit! Far happier the rude boy,
with his axe, unnamed, than one on whom  Earth's millions of eyes shall turn, only to remember that he could
have saved mankind, but faltered and failed.
Woe to him to whom four millions of slaves shall point
their shackled hands, and say, "There is just the one
man, whom, out of Earth's millions, God elected as him
who should have power to remove our yokes, to raise
us from beasts of burden to men; unsealing for us the
fountains of affection, hope, aspiration, which the Father
has provided as living water for his weary children.
He swooned on the great moment.
'Blot out his name, then; record one lost soul more,
One task more declined, one more footpath untrod,
One more triumph for devils, and sorrow for angels;
One wrong more to man, one more insult to God.'"
Wo~ to him whom posterity, reaping its bitter harvest
of agitation and affliction from the dire root of all our
evils, shall remember only to curse as the one who, alone
of all men in the history of this nation, stood on the moment and the spot where it was legal and practicable to
pluck up the roots of the infernal tree, but who friled
to put fortlIt Iis hand. 
THE REJECTED STONE.
Mr. President, History stands with the blank scroll
before her: her pen she holds ready; the next word you
must dictate. Shall it be Slavery or Freedom?
XVIII.
TO THiE AMERICAN PEOPLE.
OLD legends state, that once, in the midst of the city
of Rome, a vast and fearful chasm opened. The people
fled in terror to their Oracles, which said, "When that
which is in Rome is most precious shall be cast therein,
the chasm will be closed."
Then did each Roman- old and young, man and
maid -  bring of their treasures the richest, and cast
therein; but yet the abyss yawned wider and wider in
the city's heart.
At length, a young man rose before the council, and
said, "Romans, what is it that Rome holds most precious?   Is it not her MANHOOD?"   Thus saying, he
leaped into the chasm, and it closed above him for ever.
* It is not all fable. In every nation, the abyss has at
some time yawned, and closed only by the sacrifice
of manhood.
Under the heart of America, it opens to-day. We began by casting in this and that treasure. One brought
his compromise, another his diplomacy, another his military fame: still the abyss closed not.
112 
TO THE AMERICAN PEOPLE.
Is there not, then, in America any thing precious
enough to close it? My brothers, it is not the order of
this universe that an emergency should come to brute
or man or nation for which -if to pass it be lawfulthe strength has not been prepared. When wings are
formed in the egg, and no atmosphere provided to sustain them, -when eyes are fashioned in the womb, and
no sun rises to meet them, - then may you believe that
a nation worthy to survive is committed to an ordeal for
which there are no resources, or insufficient ones.
Resources there are in this land, did we only draw
upon them, which would close this war with the closing
of this year.
INTO THIS CHASM AMERICA'S MANHOOD MUST LEAP.
It is not manhood that fights for its own freedom,
holding itself ready to "crush with an iron hand"
others who would seek their freedom.
It is not manhood that raises a question of rule over
a question of Humanity.
It is not manhood that apologizes for every blow
it is compelled to give to the greatest wrong against
man..
It is not manhood that fears or distrusts the consequences of doing right.
When this becomes a war of our manhood,- i.e. a war
for Hiumanity, -then the abyss will close; not before.
Many treasures may be swallowed up ere that Curtius
comes.
10*
113 
THE REJECTED STONE.
Americans! for the first time in many years you have
an administration that really represents you.   Your
President is, by history and habit and sympathy, one of
the people: he has not lived long enough in Washington to get on that political tripod which destroys the
current of connection with the heart of the masses.
However much individuals may be dissatisfied with the
present management at Washington, there are many
proofs that it represents the average status of the
masses. As, then, we the people grow, it will grow;
as our energy ripens, the Government will ripen.
When Vallandigham is not sent from Ohio, his treason
will not be tolerated at Washington. Be sure that the
President will mirror your manhood when it arrives.
Bring forward the strength of your manhood, my
countrymen, to whatever post of labor you are appointed! We need Ellsworths of the press, Winthrops
of the fireside, Lyons of the pulpit. We need not only
the brave men who shall defend the standards when
they are lifted up, but earnest hearts who shall lift
them up, - ay, upon the very towers of Humanity and
Freedom. We need a banner on which every eye of
tie earth, looking, shall see written its freedom and joy.
We need a school of seers, of prophets, who, as of old,
shall cry aloud and spare not, showing the evils, the
inhumanities, which must be conquered in ourselves,
before we are worthy to fight for, and win, the victories of Right over Wrong, of Freedom over Slavery.
Liberty's arm is not shortened that it cannot save; but
114 
TO THE AMERICAN PEOPLE.
our iniquities have come between us and that arm.
Let every tongue that can speak be touched witn a live
coal from the altar of God; let every pen that can write
be dipped in the truest blood of an earnest heart; let
every arm that can strike nerve itself to smite or be
smitten for universal Freedom!  Let none stand back,
and say, "I will wait until this is a noble war, - a war
for Humanity:" let all enter, and make it a noble war,
- make it the struggle of Humanity. Our President
is a Resolution which the people have passed. When
a fresh and higher clause has been added by them, it
will be repeated by every sword and cannon that goes
southward from Washington. Whilst the water rises to
but twenty feet with the people, let them not expect
it to be thirty with their representatives. As we hold
up their hands, or fail to hold them up, the day will be
won or lost.
Forward, then, to the breach! I No war of Manhood
was ever yet lost.
The Rejected Stone, whose name is JUSTICE TO MAN,
is, in the order of God, once more offered America. It
is for the people to give it to the master-builder, to
be lair as the Head of the Corner in the future fabric,the Republic of Mlan.
That day, and that alone, which sees the Nation
"broken" to the measure of this stone upon which it
has now fallen, shall see its ONE FOE, upon which that
stone shall then fall, GROUND TO POWDER.
115 
THE REJECTED STONE.
XIX.
THE GREAT METHOD OF PEACE.
IT were a sad thing if we should suffer the clangor
of arms to drown that angel-choir that ever singeth of
"Peace on earth, and good-will to men." We should
indeed meet with utter indignation and execration that
Devil's-peace, whose white flag now seeks to disguise
the black one of the pirate and slaver, and to divide the
forces that rally under that which alone now floats for
Liberty and Justice. Co war, however bloody or interminable, can be so horrible as that peace offered us by
traitors in our midst,- a peace whose quiet would be
that of a nation's grave, whose outside repose would
be but the cover of corruption and loathsome vermin.
Against s8ch a peace God has for ever set his angel
with the sword of flame. Between him and all wrong
there can be no peace: the white flag of peace is only
a flag of truce. The truce may last a month, a year,
ten years; but between Justice and Injustice, Right
and Wrong, Liberty and Slavery, there can only be a
truce,- never a peace. The very field of conciliation
invariably turns out the field of battle; for before the
song of "Peace on earth!" comes that of "Glory to
God in the highest!"
But, my friends, though not a thousandth part so bad
116 
THE GREAT METHOD OF PEACE.
as a false peace, war is always wrong. It is sometimes,
as now, necessary; but not absolutely, only relatively,
necessary, -necessary, that is, only because we know
not the things that make for our peace. There might be
a peace at once,-a peace consistent with our national
honor and unity; but the means of it are hid from our
nation's eyes.  Every rebel might be disarmed to-morrow. But the victories of Peace require so much more
courage than those of war, that they are rarely won.
When we do conquer a peace, however, it will assuredly
be by the use of a certain sword, which, if drawn today, would win us a peace to-day,- a sword, too, which
does not destroy, but makes alive. 3
Gregory of Tours walked near the palace of Soissons
with Sylvius, the Bishop of Albi. "Do you see any
thing on that roof?" said Sylvius.  "I see the standard
which HIilperic the king has set up," replied the monk.
"And you see nothing else?" inquired the bishop.
"No: do you see any thing?"-" I see the sword of
Divine Vengeance hung over that wicked house."
So it proved; so it will ever prove. When human
endurance is at an end, the sentence of Heaven is close
at hain. Such sentence is indeed pronounced through
human lips, and executed by human hands; but when,
in an extremity, by the necessity that knows no law,
or rather obeys the highest of laws, a people is driven
to enact some mighty change in society, they consummate the decree of the Universe. By such revolution,
God fulfils the oath he has sworn, that every wrong
117 
THE REJECTED STONE.
shall be overthrown, and the kingdoms of this world
become the kingdom of his Christ for ever.
It does not require eyes so keen as those of the old
French bishop to see the hair-strung sword of retribution hung over the palace of King Secession. While
the North is now sending its young men to die on the
battle-field, the sword, at the sight of which Rebellion
would ground its arms, yet sleeps in the scabbard by
our side. That sword is Emancipation. Fear or hate
will inevitably draw it, in the end: how much better
that Justice and Mercy should draw it now! The
common sense of the nation has already rendered the
verdict, that Slavery is the cause of this trouble; yet
we have forborne to touch that institution. Not only
is Slavery the historic cause of the Rebellion, but it is
the one thing that alone makes it practicable at the
South.   Slavery is itself essentially, and in its most
quiet condition, a rebellion. It is a rebellion against
the laws of this Universe, -a guilty defiance of God
and of man. So it stood in reason before it bore its
bitter fruits in practice. Nettle-roots sting not; but'tis
their law to produce the nettles that do sting. Itence
Slavery has not departed from its natural law in now
seeking to lift its "bars" against "our banner in the
sky."  Its whole spirit and tendency is to engender
that arrogance and self-aggrandizement which have culminated in this Rebellion. To enslave four millions is
a suitable training for the enslavement of thirty. But,
as we have said, it is not only the ultimate cause of
118 
THE GREAT METHOD OF PEACE.
Secession: Slavery alone renders the present attitude
of the South possible. It is only because a slave can
be left at home to till the soil, that the white man is
able to bear arms in the army.   Should it be once
announced, that every slave was, in the eye of the
country, a free man, each Southerner would have to
hurry home to be his own home-guard and his own
home-provisioner. Such a measure would disband the
Southern forces, and pin every rebel to his home.
Their armies would soon "fold their tents, like the
Arabs, and silently steal away." Every slave in the
South, whether building breastworks or not, whether
belonging to a loyalist or not, is, by the wealth and
strength he produces in that section, really arrayed
against the North. Some of us are hoping for an insurrection down there to demoralize their army. It will
never come.  Three fully armed watchmen can secure
a hundred slaves from consultation or rising. HIercules
will not come and take the wheel out of the rut for us.
Nay, more: as long as we fail to use that weapon, it is
one whose hilt may at any critical moment be grasped
by the South, and wielded with terrible effect. The
Republic of Colombia placed a sword in every slave's
hand, and proclaimed freedom to each and all who
should rally to its defence. The South may follow
this example; and thus, by proving itself more the
Negro's friend than the North, may turn our natural
allies in their midst to our active and bitter foes. Dear
as their slaves are to the South, the hope of conquering
119 
THE REJECTED STONE.
the "Yankees" is dearer; and they would gladly give
up the half-million males which this would free to
insure their triumph. Should they adopt this measure,
we should be inevitably defeated in the war.
I feel profoundly impressed that the country should
at once and most seriously look this matter in the face.
In the rapid march of events, how soon may this sure
weapon be carried beyond our reach I  I therefore
propose to look below the surface of this matter, and
examine some of those popular errors concerning the
policy of emancipation which have been industriously
circulated and fostered by the defenders of Slavery,
and which may yet paralyze our arm in the great
moment of its opportunity.   These errors pass daily
from tongue to tongue on our streets, in such phrases
as "the horrors of insurrection," "the scenes of St.
Domingo;" and we are constantly asked, "What could
we do with the Negroes?"
It is a little singular that Slavery has so long been
able to keep up in the popular mind an idea that
emancipation would bring all manner of evils and complications in its train, when the facts are so emphatically
otherwise. The dictum is complacently announced in
our midst, whilst nearly every civilized nation is at this
moment enjoying the beneficent results of emancipation.  Let us see:  On the tenth day of October, 1811, the Congress of
Chili decreed that every child born of slave parents
after that date should be free.
120 
THE GREAT METHOD OF PEACE.
On the 9th of April, 1812, the Government of Buenos
Ayres declared the same free who should be born after
the 1st of January, 1813.
On the 19th of July, 1821, the Congress of Colombia
emancipated all the slaves who had borne arms for the
defence of the Republic, and provided for the entire
emancipation in eighteen years of all its slaves, -two
hundred and eighty thousand in number.
On the 15th of September, 1821, Mexico granted
immediate and unconditional emancipation to all its
slaves.
On the 4th of July, 1827, the State of New York
emancipated at once its ten thousand slaves.
On the 1st of August, 1834, Great Britain emancipated, at a cost of a hundred million dollars, all the
slaves ill her West-Indian possessions, -eight hundred
thousand in number.
Hiere, now, are instances of every variety of emancipation,- immediate, gradual, conditional, unconditional;
and it has not only yet to be shown where and when
any scene of violence or danger followed these decrees,
in even a single instance, but it can be shown that each
of thee countries rose after them in the national scale
as to security and general prosperity.   This has been
particularly the case in the West Indies, about which so
many lies have been so industriously circulated. There,
on one glorious night, eight hundred thousand slaves
knelt in their chapels, watching for Liberty's midnightmorning; and, when the midnight hour rang out, they
11
6
121 
THE REJECTED STONE.
arose freemen. The morning's dawn found each one at
his usual post of labor, and ready to continue to earn
the legitimate produce of the island. There were scenes
of joy such as might have drawn the gaze of hovering
angels; there were such touching scenes as must attend
the casting-aside of grave-clothes, - the emergence
from the sepulchre of a people who have heard a Messiah saying, "Come  forth!  Unbind him, hand and
foot!"  But there was not one scene of that rebellion
and retribution which had been anticipated, perhaps
because merited.
But we  hear much  of the "fearful scenes of St.
Domingo." I have reserved mention of this island,
because it contains for us a higher lesson than the
practicability of emancipation (which it also teaches);
even the formidable results which may follow an attempt to thwart the policy of emancipation when any
exigency commands it. There is, indeed, a possibility
that "the scenes of St. Domingo" may be repeated
upon this continent; and it is not hard to foretell on
whom the responsibility of their occurrence shall rest
in such an event.
- On the 28th of March, 1790, the National Assembly
of France decreed that "all free persons" of St. Domingo should have the right of suffrage. This was
passed at the solicitation of the free colored residents
of the island, and was meant to confer the privilege of
voting upon them. The planters became excessively
indignant at this grant of political privileges to the
122 
THE GREAT METHOD OF PEACE.
free Negroes, and denied them the right to avail themselves of it.  Oge4, a mulatto, claimed the exercise of
the right at the head of an army.   A war-cry was the
response.   At length, the planters, after the death of
six thousand men, acquiesced; the French Assembly
meanwhile inserting the word " colored" in their decree
of suffrage, so as to make its grant to the free Negroes
unmistakable.   Thus far, there was no attempt by any
party to free the slaves: indeed, the free Negroes had
helped at various times to suppress the insurrection
of slaves against those very planters withl whom they
were themselves contending.   In September, 1791, the
French Government revoked the decree of suffrage to
the free Negroes.   It was doubtless as an expedient:
for, on the 4th of April of the next year, the decree
of rights was again issued, and three commissioners
with six thousand troops sent by France to St. Domingo
to enforce it. Thereupon the planters inaugurated a
conspiracy to place their island in the hands of England.
The French commissioners, hearing of the approach of
English troops, and finding that they must resist an
assault from that power with about twventy-one thousand
troops on three-fourths of which (they being the militia
of the country) they could not rely, emancipated the
slaves, -five hundred thousand in number: a measure
which France and England may yet, in the same way,
compel the United States to adopt. The Britislh evacuation of St. Domingo took place in 1798.  Then Toussaint l'Ouverture became the black Washington of his
123 
THE REJECTED STONE.
country, securing the unity and independence of St.
Domingo in 1801.
Let it be remembered, that, up to this time, there
were no "fearful scenes" in St. Domingo, except such
as were occasioned by an insane rebellion of the white
planters against the just decrees of their government;
and each fresh horror came of their madl conspiracy
to transfer the island to foreign powers.   The slaves,
after their manumission by the French Commissioners,
went on for the most part working patiently as before,
seeking no political privileges, until this quiet was
changed by the conspiracies of the planters to betray
them, now to this nation, now to that, -to any that
would re-enslave them.   When  their liberties were
assaulted by Napoleon eight years after they were legally gained, these men showed themselves worthy of those
liberties by defending them, as brave men have done in
every age and land; but, with the exception of the massacre ordered by Dessalines, -which should be laid at
his own door, most of the Negroes recoiling from it,the whole history of the Haitian Republic down to this
day is a continuous record and attestation of French
,nd English and Spanish treacheries and cruelties,perfidies and cruelties persistent and almost incredible,
-and of heroism, patience, and only too much generosity, on the part of the Negroes.
Indeed, there never was a siege or campaign of one
of these white nations which was not followed by outrages, for the cruelty of which the records of insurrec
1  -1 
THiE GREAT METHOD OF PEACE.
tion furnish no parallel. Inl even the insurrection of
Nat Turner, in Virginia, the violation of woman formed
no part. In the plan of Denmark Vesey, in South Carolina, there was a stern prohibition against any wanton
outrage; and not a blow was aimed but would have been
essential to liberation.   No woman or child was ever
slain, except it was certain they would be able to alarm
neighborhoods, and defeat the plan of insurrection; and
the blow, wherever it fell, was swift, the death instant,
where in other lands vindictive tortures have been resorted to. The motto of the Negro, in the few instances
where he has struck for his freedom, has always been
"Liberty," never "Vengeance."   In this regard, the
mildest race in the world has been most infamously
slandered, or absurdly misunderstood.
As far as any minds are haunted by the question,
"What shall we do with the Negroes, should we free
them?" we have to say, that we should do with them
just what was done in the seven cases of modern times
already named, in each of which the same question,
"What shall we do with them?" cleared away like a
phantom before the dawn of emancipation.   The  measure was followed in each case by no evil, and by
every happy result. With the South, indeed, as with
others, the palaces of the few might shrink; but the
huts of the many would expand to homes of comfort.
Immense plantations would become smaller; but the
little patch of ground that scarcely sustains the poor
white of the South would be enlarged. And with this
11*
125 
THE REJECTED STONE.
whole false state of society would pass away the effeminacy, the licentiousness, the arrogance, and general
barbarism, which are the legitimate brood of Slavery,
and which have shown their power to make the fairest and broadest country of the earth a cage of unclean
birds.
There is one lesson that the Negro temperament
easily learns, and one which a long training has confirmed; that is, obedience. ile may presently become
a blind insurrectionist, and his wrath sweep like a conflagration through the land: w-e shall then see that it
was a false mercy to the South, and a great injustice to
the whole country, that he was not (as ihe may be now)
transformed into a controllable power and subject of the
niation.
As far as their able-bodied workmen are concerned,
there is plenty for them to do. Our broad lands North
and South need their labor as much as ever. As far as
the many aged and the children and invalids -who at
present, without risk, could not remain in the Southare concerned, we should be more fortunate than any
emancipating nation ever was before.   Haiti sits at
this momient waiting to help this great work; willing to
send her every ship to our shores, and bear to hers
every Negro who will go.  The Queen of the Antilles
sits on her throne of plenty, -her land gilded with
richest fruits, calling only for hands to gather and turn
them into wealth,- offering every colored man who
will come the bounty of a free voyage thither, and a
126
I
I
tI
4, 
THE GREAT METHOD OF PEACE.
land-grant on his arrival.  With one word of recognition, this Government can secure at once the peace and
safety of both Hlaiti and America.*
Is it not melancholy that nations so generally wait to
be driven by hard physical necessity to do great and
just deeds?  The just measure, which, if done from a
high mnotive and in calmness, produces pure and beneficent results to all, if done afterward, under the compulsion of fear or as a measure of vengeance, brings those
results fearfully alloyed with difficulties and dangers.
The work that God gives us to do, we do a great deal
better than it will be done if we send it back for him to
do.  lWhat the French Assembly might have written
peacefully onl parchment, but refused, God soon after
wrote with a pen of iron, and ill blood-red ink, on every
* It is almost unpardonable, indeed, that our Government has not already
spoken that word; and the failure may be attributed chiefly to the fact, that we
lh:ave nobody whose business it is to attend to such matters.  It may  be said,
just here, that it is high time that another department in our Government
should be recognized and formally created; one whose duty should be a suitable
attention to the Slavery question, and to the momentous and complex affairs
growing out of it day by day.  We need a new Cabinet officer for this.  It is
of infinitely more importance than the Bureau for the Indians.  The Government has already drifted hopelessly, and without any certain policy, amidst the
fragments and snags of this half-wrecked institution, -one policy in Missouri,
another in Virginia.  Let the peril be provided( for at once.  It may be, before
long, seen that the issue of our country's life or death rests withll the Slavery
question. Already it is generally felt, that, whilst there is the utmost need that
we should have a policy on the matter to which we can adhere, there is a paillnful confusion of thought among the people, and of actioni.ilnong their rulers, as
to what is, or should be, the attitude of our Governiment toward that institution.
Let the Government re-assure the public, by making it certain that we shall
not be wrecked on this rock for want of a special pilot to watch and warn.
127 
THE REJECTED STONE.
street in Paris. When we leave it to Providence to do
our work, Providence always brings with it a mixture
of hell-fire, to teach the foolish world how much better
it is to do its own work.   The abolition of Slavery,
which is almost inevitable during this war, would, if
accomplished at this moment, unselfishly and grandly,
simply because the war-power has broug,ht the nation
to tlhe one glorious moment when it can legally abolish
it, be a peace measure: ere long it will be a fierce
and fearful war measure, almost as painful to the party
forced to use it as to those at whom it will be aimed.
Ah l! if this nation but knew, in this its dclay, the things
that belong to its peace! Now they are hid from its
eyes.  Hid; but not because they are not just before
us; not because it is too late to avail ourselves of them:
they are hid because our eyes are wealk and averted,
not having the courage to look squarely before us.
Glorious as our national uprising has been, it has not
yet reached that pure and peaceful elevation, that, with
a wave of the divine wand of rectitude, could sway
without a blow the muttering Caliban of Rebellion.
An old man lately looked upon the pale, dead face of
leis slain son, and said, "Slavery, then, has thus entered
my  own door."  Into how many doors has it come!
Already- within six months, some ten thousand young
men of America have been sacrificed on the unholy
altar of human bondage. Already stalwart arms are
idle, Trade languishes at her marts, and the cry of the
poor at the North begins to answer that of the op
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pressed at the South: together their voices cry to God
and man, askling, "Men and brethren, what great good
has this institution ever done, what good is it now doing
or expected to do, that would make it desirable to sacrifice a single human life to it, muel less thousands of
lives?  What is there in Slavery that would make it
well to sacrifice to it the bread of one weeping child,
much less the living of thousands? Why, oh! why, this
cruel tenacity to an unmitigated evil, and one which
alone makes this war possible? Does it make the slaveholder a good man, or a wise and peaceful and happy
man?  Does it make freemen noble, brave, devoted to
the right? Does it add to the nation's wealth, culture,
progress, or happiness? Is it not an unmitigated and
blighting curse, now heavy upon every man, woman,
and child in this land?  Lookl, then, America, into the
pallid faces of thy slain young men; follow from home
to home where the destroying angel has passed; listen
to the growing cry for work, already changing to the
fiercer cry for bread; see paralyzed trade and closed
schools; and tell us what there is in human oppression
so sacred that its blood-splashed chariot-wlheels must
not be.stayed."
We all see plainly that our Government is led by the
people, and that the people must first pass the great
acts whilch must guide their rulers.  This has alwvays
been the case where any great and solemn crisis, involving high moral principles, has arrived to a nation.
Diplomatists and politicians never strike a great blow
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for the right, except from the constraining force of
public opinion: the wrong they do is spontaneous. If
they must do right, they take care to explain that it
is from military or political necessity; but they seem
never to fear that a measure will not be supported
because of its unrighteousness. The heart of England
was absolutely all aflame and seething against Slavery
in the West Indies, whilst the Government was cold
and impassive. One day, the petitions for emancipation were so numerous and bulky, that it took six men
to carry them into Parliament. Then Parliament stirred
a little. One day afterward, it was reported that eight
hundred thousand women of England- one for every
slave in the West Indies -were knockling at the door
of Parliament, and demanding the emancipation of the
slaves.  Then the Government sent them word: "Go
to your homes; the slave is free."
There is no reason why Americans  should not be
as earnest and persistent as their English relatives.
There is no reason why we should not have our six
men to carry in our petitions for emancipation into the
next Congress, and our eight hundred thousand or four
million women besieging the Government for that peace
which can alone repose on justice.
Many a young man is asking in these times, " How
can I best befriend my country?" Young man! you
can befriend it by letting your manhood utter itself in
word and deed; by bearing with your whole wveight,
howsoever you can make it felt, for thle liberation of
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the slave, which now means the liberation and peace
of your country. Many a noble woman yearns to serve
in some post of duty, and complains in her secret soul
of the hard fate that seems to shut her out from
places of active usefulness.  Women! remember those
who were "last at the cross, and earliest at the sepulchre;" remecmber those eight  hundred  thousand
women who wrung from England that bright First of
August,-tthe Coronal Day of Nations; and swear a
sacred oath to-day, that your prayer shall be heard in
the Capitol of this nation, imploring liberty and justice
for the slave, -the things that belong to our country's
peace.
TIlE  END.
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