ON THE COUNTRY, DELIVERED AT THE COOPER INSTITUTE, NEW YORK, DECEMBER 21, 1862. NEW YORK: BAKER & GODWIN, PRINTERS, PRaTIZG-HOUSE SQUARE, OPPOSITE CITY IALL. 1862* Will our nation be saved? I do not ask whether nation and daring have been our essential lack all It will be saved from being destroyed by this Re- the waythroughthe War, vhilst of indecision and delay, hesitancy and shrinking we have constantly bellion, but whether it will be saved from its hard had a ruinous abundance. I cannot advert to the heart-from its heart to oppress and enslave. That battle of Fredericksburg without saying out of a heart, and not the Rebellion, is the disease of which grateful heart: All honor to our valiant soldiers the nation is dying. The Rebellion is but one of the who fought and fell in it; and all honor to our valiant soldiers, who fought by their side and survive symptoms of the disease, and is;lo more to be con- them! As said Tennyson of the immortal six hunfounded with the disease than is coughing with con- dred in the Crimean War, so say I of these our imaumption. mortal ones: The Rebellion is not only not our disease; but "Whencantheirgloryfade?" horrible as it is, it is not eo much as the worst symp- I admitted the better prospect for putting down the Rebellion. But let us remember that it may be put lom of it. The endeavor two year~s since to make down, and still the national disease be left uncured. peace between the North and the South at the fur- I believe that our Government is at last convinced ther expense of the crashed and innocent negroes that its hesitating and inefficient prosecution of the'was a far worse symptom. Nay, in that endeavor_- WVar has failed to conciliate either the Southern leaders or their allies among the Northern Democratic in that climax of meanness and malignity-is to be leaders. I believe it now sees that only by Ai unseen the very worst of all the symptoms. " But as conditional and vigorous prosecution of the War can for these sheep, what had they done?" But as for it command the respect, or inspire the dread, or disthese harmless and helpless negroes, what had they courage the endeavors, or win the good will of either of these classes of leaders. In a word, the Govern-,done, that this expense also should fall upon them? ment is, I trust, at last resolved to put down the Another symptom of the disease preying upon the Rlebellion, cost what it may to put it down. I bevitals of this nation was the outrages of the Slave lieve. too, that none of our Generals will any longer TPower in Kansas. The Fugitive Slave Act was show more concern for the cause of the enemy than another. The Missouri Compromise and its Repeal for our own cause. I believe that none of them will were each of thein such a symptom. The cruel and any longer, by pledging themselves to put down serdiabolical expulsion of the Indians to make more vile insurrections, assure the Rebels of the continued room for Slavery was another. So too was there safety of their families. I believe that none of them another in the mean and murderous War for the wvill any longer feel bound to provide guards for same foul purpose against unoffending Mexico. Rebel homes, or to be so concerned to supply the A heart so hard as to hold millions and fresh mil- South with food as to seize and return to her fields lions in Slavery-in that condition where they are the laborers who had absconded from them. I bedenied all right to wife and husband and children lieve that none of them will any lorger, either in and knowledge and wages, and where body and these or other ways, virtually tell the Rebels that, 3nind and soul all lie at the absolute disposal of an so far from a large share of them being needed to irresponsible desporism-this, and this alone, is the stay behind for the protection of their homes or the disease of which our nation is dying. Will it be proJuction of their crops, they can every one of them cured? Not soon, I fear. Repentance is the only be spared to come out to shoot our soldiers and send remedy. The Abolitionists, beginning with William distress into our families. Oh, had this been so at Lloyd Garrison, have been prescribing it for more the beginning of the WVar, then should we. ere this, than thirty years. But the nation has constantly have seen the end of the War! Oh, had we, when refused to try it: and even now, in the midst of her the Rebels first struck at the life of the nation, interrible sufferings from the disease, she persists in stantly struck back at their life by proclaiming liberty refusing to try it. to the slaves, then had our na ion been now safe, I admit, that there is increasing ground to hope and tens of thousands of her families escaped their that the Rebellion will be put down. I say this too, sorrow! The excuse for this omission is, that the notwithstanding the recent disaster at Fredericks- people were not then prepared to have this decisive burg. For 1 see nothing in it to discourage us. On blow struck. But they were. Their right feeling the contrary I find much encouragement in the de- was then at high tide; and just because it was not termination and daring displayed by our brave army. then availed of, it has been ebbing away ever since. With here and there a splendid exception, determi- Ours is the only nation on the face of the earth that) in such circumstances, would not have instantly shall cost its every shilling and every adre, its last struck back with its hardest and deadliest blow. strength and last credit. Notwithstanding my abun There are mobs so tame and timid that you can sqat- dant advocacy for a quarter of a cetntury of the Conter them by shooting over their heads or at their stitution and the whole Constitution, I do not like legs. But the very first shots into this mad Southern to have our War called a War for the Constitution.mob should have been aimed at the head and the And I would rather not have it called a War for the heart. Hence the great Emancipation gun, which Country. Call it rather a War to put down the Rebalways aims itS shots at the vitals, should have been els-to put them down Constitution or no Constitubrought out at the very beginning. tion, Country or no Country Say you this is a reckYes, I believe that the prospect of putting less spirit? Nevertheless it is only by this spirit that down the Rebellion is much improved. The you can conquer-nay, only by this spirst that you folly of trying to put it down, and of try- can save either Constitution or Country. Upon the ing at the same time to keep up Slavery, Divine principle, that "he who loses his life shall is now apparent. The madness of refusing to save it," the people who are so noble as to respond march out our armies against the Rebellion, and to calls still more commanding than the high duty of the madness of refusing to vote against it, save on preserving Country and Consldtutirin, shall have, in the condition in either case that Slavery shall be return for their sublime devotion, both Country and preserved, no candid man any longer denies. In Constitution vouchsafed to them. Upon the Divine nothing I have said do I mean to countenance the principle of getting all by fors.kitlg tll, we lose nothcharge that our Pro-Slavery Generals are traitors. ing if we do what must be done even though it can I see no more reason for calling Gen. McClellan a be done but at the ceeming hazard of losing both traitor than for calling Gen. Scott one, or Gov. Constitution and Country. Seward one. or the President one. They are all op- " Submit or be conquered," is the only alternative posed to the Rebellion, and would all have it put that Government can offer the Rebels. Government. down. Thev all love their country and their whble can neither propose nor accept a Compromise. Governcountry, and would be very sad at seeing it divided. ment can tolerate no intervention, foreign or domestic. It is true that there was a time when they were all Foreign intervention it will regard as a declaration opposed to an uncompromising and unconditional of war, and domestic interventiou it will punish as coercion of the Rebels. His famous letter of March treason. As well might the fathe r I have referred to 3, 1861, to GoV. Seward, as also his choice of Gen. consent to a compromise or an inter vention in the case McClellan to be his successor, proves that Gen. of himself and his revolting child. I repeat that, Scott was opposed to it. Gov. Seward was " Submit or be conquered" is our only alternative also, as is manifest from his correspondence to the Rebels. If we consent to waive it for comwith Mr. Adams and from other sources. It promise, intervention, or mediation, or to modify it. was bv compromises and conditions, by burdens in any wise, however slightly, we perish. Our deeasy to beborne by both the Northern and the South- termination to beat the Rebels musr, be as strong, ern whites, because all to be laid on the shoulders and, in regard to consequences, as reckless, as is of the blacks; it was by the bloodless and winning theirs to beat us, or it will be in vain for us even to rhetoric of diplomacy; and it was not by any stern double the number of our regiments and our armed and compulsory proceesses, that he expected to be vessels. able to reduce the lite of the Rebeilion to the short This favorite Democratic idea of holding the period of sixty or ninety days. I confess that I did sword in one hand and the olive branch in the other myself believe that the Rebellion would be short. makes quite a pretty picture; and perhaps there are But it was only because I was so credulous as to be- Rebellions which pictures can overcome. But our lieve, that the outrage would turn the people of the Rebellion is not one of them. To overcome that North into Abolitionists and into deadly enemies of needs stern, uncompromising, unrelenting terms. that system, which is at once the cause of the Rebel- I say farther in regard to tis mistake, into which lion and the great essential and indispensable means so many of our leaders fell at the beginning of the of sustaining it. I said that the President, as well War, that the country has no rigut to complain of it. as those other gentlemen, was opposed to such a For the country, in common wirn these leaders, was coercion of the Rebels. For surely had there not been debauched by Slavery. In common with them, it harmony bebween himself and them at a point so im- had been trained to regard Slavery as among all inportaut, he would have preferred that others should terests the most sacred-as amoung them all the suoccupy their places. There can be no reasonable preme. The present and the past of our country, doubt that all of them believed that the proper and her policy and traditions, all went to make our Proeffectual way to overcome the Rebellion was faith- Slavery conduct of the war a thing of course. No fully to prosecute the compound purpose of restoring other could reasonably have been expected. The the Country, the Constitutiol, and Slavery to their country had better confess it-even though to do so condition before the Rebellion, save only that Slave- might render her still more the world's laughing ry was to have extended territory and even new Con- stock and scorn-that when Slavery, after all her etitutional advantages. Doubtless had they foi eseen other outrages upon her, at last took up arms against the vast dimensions, the determined and terrible her, her poor Slavery-infatutted people were in no spirit of the Rebellion, they would have known that more mood and condition to ni)t down the Rebellion it could be put down only by the simple purpose of (the Rebellion being simply Slavery in arms) than. putting it down, and not possibly by blending any drunkards would be to put dcwn a whisky insurrec. other purposes with it. I trust that they all now tion. Drunkards cannot fight against whisky. Nor see, that such a Rtebellion can be put down only by were we then prepared to ight against Slavery, unconditionally aiming to put it down-only by Neither could fight against i!; conqueror. None of aiming to put it down, come what will of the people are to-day capable' good service against Slavery or the Constitution, aye, or even of this Pro-Slavery Rebellion;cnept such of them as the Country. I say even of the Country. I speak have succeeded in breaking t.:: strong withes with considerately. For as the father is to put down the which Slavery had bound'th 1:, and as are now no child who revolts against his authority, and to do so longer cowed in its presence. without at all weighing the question whether he God be praised that man- atur leaders and of shall thereby break up or save his family; so Gov- our people have learaed muci: in tLa progress of this ernment is to put down a gang of Slavery-frenzied War. Among the things the have learned is, that and Satan-inspired Rebels, even though to do so this blatant solicitude to save lie Constitution is but 4 hypocrisy-is but solicitude to safe Slavery. Under capacity virtually to suspend the Writ is indiepensaall this affected regard for the Constitution, the real ble. I say his right virtually to suspend it. For if regard is for Slavery. This using the Constitution I could maintain his right literally to suspend it I to block the wheels of war, and thus save Slavery, need not. To show-his right to override, ignore, and is a crime against the Constitution and the Country, nullifv the Writ is sufficient: and that can be shown which, I trust, will not be perpetrated much longer. by a mere illustration-by any one of ten thousand The Constitution, say the sticklers for Slavery, illustrations. In the march of his Army he meets gives the President no right to liberate slaves. I with a dozen traitors, who try to seduce men from admit that he does not derive it from the Constitu- his ranks or prevent men from enlisting in them. To tion alone. It takes both the Constitution and the turn them over to the Civil authority-to its slow, Law of civilized warfare to confer it on him. The uncertain, and perhaps disloyal proceedings-would Constitution makes him the Head of the Army, and b.yno means meet the urgent demands of the case. the Law of civilized warfare authorizes him, as such, May he not so much as imprison them, and keep them to strengthen himself and weaken the foe by dis- imprisoned in spite of Writs, or aught else? If he posing of slaves, or anything else that may stand in may not, then there is no remedy against the ruin of his way-by turning them, or anything else, to the both Army and Country. But he clearly may; and best possible account. It is by this Law, and not by as clearly might he thus serve offenders, were they the Constitution, that he appropriates the buildings, perpetrating such mischief, ten; or a hundred, or even horses, cattle, and other property of the enemy. By r thousand miles away from his Army. As clearly, this Law alone is it that he provides for the feeding, too, might he thus serve those who were in other clothing, and exchanging of prisoners. By this alone ways periling the cause and the life of the nation. that he is forbidden to poison food or wells, or to I add, that it is not from the Constitution alone that he kill prisoners, or sell them into Slavery. I add that, learns his right to do this. He learns it, as he learns as this Law shall vary, his rights, being under it, his right to do the other things mentioned, from the must also vary. If it shall ever require the paroling Constitution, taken in connection with the usages of of all prisoners, then he must parole all prisoners. war. He finds in the Constitution that he is the Let me say that it is solely in the light of this In- Head of the Army. But what he may do in that caternational Law of War, that Congress should have pacity he finds in those usages. Let me add further, seen what would be a proper disposition for our na- that the Constitution, having made him unqualifiedly tion to make of the lands of the Rebels. The Con- the Head of the Army, it there are words in it which, etitutional limitation of the scope of Attainder had if applied to him as such, would cripple him, they nothing at all to do with the case. What a Court are clearly.not to be construed as entitled to such -may do with the house or farm of a person judicially application. convicted of treason is very far from being the Do you say, that the President may abuse his -measure of what the nation may do with the hbund- right to withstand the Habeas Corpus?-and that reds of millions of acres belonging to millions of he may abuse it to the ruin of innocent men and ]Rebels. Congress, like the President, must look, their families? I admit it. This is one of the fearnot at all into the Constitution, but solely into this ful but necessary risks of war, which admonish us International Law, to learn the penalties of War. to be exceedingly slow to get into war. The Head I say this, not because the Constitution does not of the Army, be he Emperor, King or President, must, clothe Congress with ample powers for its share in for the very life of the nation, have the right in conducting War. For it does. It empowers Con- time of war to lay hands on whom he will, and as gress to make whatever laws it may deem he will. It is, however, no small security against " necessary and proper" for carrying into effect its the abuse of this right, that when. Peace shall be:Declaration of War. Thus we see that, whilst the restored it may be punished. The Bill, recently inPresident is restricted in his Department by the Law troduced into Congress by Thaddeus Stevens, does of War, Congress in its Department of legislation not go to protect tee President in the abuse but only has unlimited power. Why I said that Congress in the exercise of the right. The President, no should look into this International Law to learn the more than any other person, is at liberty to perpepenalties of War, was because Congress like the Pres- trate a wrong under the cover and in the name of a ident should, in making up an opinion of the kind or conceded right. When we shall again be blest with degree of penalty suitable in a given case, defer and Peace, then punish Abraham Lincoln, or whoever conform to the usages of the civilized world. Congress may be the more responsible one, as severely as you Should not make laws that are in conflict with these please for the perversions of his office-be it that the -usages. There should be none such for the Presi- perversions have sprung from ambition, avarice, dent to execute. malevolence or whatever form of sel]ishneis. Nothing can be more absurd or disingenuous than I alluded to the President's famous Proclamation. this incessant prating of the duty of taking all our Let me say, in passing, that I am not of the number steps in the War according to the Constitution. of those Abolitionists who complain of its heartlessWith the exception of a few Constitutional starting ness. He was not at liberty, in writing it, to study P)oints, an old almanac would be as legitimate and the interests of the slaves or of any other class. It useful a guide as the Constitution. In a war wlth is purely a military paper, and anything embodied Great Britain we would not allow her, nor would it it beyond the purpose of helping on the War she allow us, to proceed by a National Constitution. would have been grossly wrong, and would have Neither would the other nations allow it. We should been utterly void both in the eye of the Constitution be compelled to proceed by the International Con- and of the'law of war. I readily admit that the stitution-by the Law of civilized warfare. So is President is to aim to do much for the slaves; but it in our strife with the South-a strife which bas put not in his military capacity. In that capacity, he on the dimensions and character of a national war, can help the slaves only incidentally. and is therefore to be conducted in the main as na- I adverted to the present more favorable prospect tional wars are conducted. of jlutting down the Rebellion. But, as I added, the I might have said, whn speaking of the sources of lebellion may be put down, and the country neverthe powers of the Head of the Army, that the vexed theless be not saved-or, in other words, its disease be question whether the President can suspend the writ not cured. Nor did I mean that it wou d necessarily of Habeas Corpus is reduced to no question at all in be saved by the abolition of Slavery. Slavery is, &he light of the fact, that the Constitution makes end from the day of the bombarding of Sumter it has htii the Head of the Army, and that his right in this been, in a rapid course of extinction. It is highly probable that within a very few years it will have of the first steps in it was to eternlize the abominah. wholly disappeared from the country. Very soon tion by making it the corner-stone of the new Govthere will be no Democratic party in favor of re- ernment. Not any of the Free States have ever faestablishing Slavery. The Democratic Party, which vored the Rebellion: but from the first all of them will spring up after Slavery is abolished, will repre- have been banded against it. Eleven of the Slave sent a genuine Democracy most widely contrasting States embarked in it: and the great reason why the with the spurious Democracy of the Party which remaining four did not is that in large sections of now presumes to call itself Democratic. The present each of them the Pro-Slavery interest and spirit are Democratic Party cannot survive Slaverv. It lives slight, because of the small proportion which the in the life of Slavery, and will die in its death. Full slaves bear to the whole population. I added, in well does it know this: and hence its close and respect to one of these four States, Kentucky, that anxious clingings to Slavery. More than this, when no other of all the Slave States has been so Peace shall have returned, and the passions of War effectively in our way as she, with her hostile shall have subsided, and the cost of it in life and politics more damaging than even her hostile arms. treasure shall have been counted, the people will be In another of the four, Mlissouri, we have had to so decided against there being another Pro-Slavery rfight bloodier battlesthan in Kentucky. In another, War that they will leave no door open for it, and I Maryland, the rqbel influence has been peculiarly therefore leave no shreds of Slavery in the land. perilous to us, because peculiarly disingenuous and They will feel that they have had enough, and more sly. No other two States in the nation have parthan enough, of Slavery. iled our cause so much as Maryland and Kentucky. Most properly do I speak of this War as a Pro- The other of these four States, Delaware, is too Slavery War. France and England, in their eager- small in both territory and population to be of much ness.to believe whatever is to the discredit and disad- account. Could its Southern half have had its way, vantage of this vast Republic, may try to believe Delaware too would have joined the Secession. All the nonsense that the Secession was caused by our four of them would have joined it b ut for their dread High Tariff. But the South neither believes nor says of Union troops. it. Ia poiat of fact we never had a Tariff so nearly ap- I said that Slavery might be put away and our naproacuing Free Trade, as that which existed when tion be not saved. If it be not put away in the spithe War began. Again, it was by means of the Se- rit of penitence; if our hard rational heart-our cession, and the consequent withdrawal of Southern heart of iDjustice and oppression-shall survive Membars of Congress, that we were able to get the Slavery; then will the nation remain unsaved, and High Tariff. And, again, we needed the High Tariff evils scarcely less or perhaps even greater than this to supply Government with means to overcome the Rebellion may soon break out to prove that it is unSecessiun. IIn a word, we must have a War Tariff, saved. The putting away of Slavery in the spirit Another, and no less false and nonsensical excuse for and fbo the pu: pose in which and for which the Presthe Secession is, that it was provoked by the North's ident's Proclamation would put it away, is good as violations of Pro-Slavery laws. The Democratic far as it goes. But to put it away simply in this spiParty was certainly not guilty of such violations; rit and simply for this purpose would fall very far and the reason why the Radical Abolitionists would short of savin)g the nation. It we puin it away in the not join the Republican Party was, that it spirit of selfishness and merely to save ourselves, and persisted in its Pro-Slavery interpretation of the our heart be still unbroken by a sense of our crimes Constitution, and in enforcing all the infernal Pro- against the black man,we may go on to become a greats Slavery legislation. Of all our Presidents, no one er criminal and marauder than ever, and be therefore ever entered upon his office with so eager and earnest further from national salvation than ever. In its promises as did Mr. Lincoln, (see his Inaugural and characteristic greed of territory and characteristic elsewhere,) to execute aganst innocent and holy overweening confiderce in its strength, our impeniFreedom all laws, either inside or outside of the tent nation might be left to unndertake wars of conConstitution, made to serve bloody and abominable quest and plunder against every nation within its Slavery. Another, and by far the most popular and reach. Such or any other flagrantly iniquitous ungenerally credited excuse for the Rebellion is, that dertaking on its part would not begin its ruin, tut the South was driven to it by the successful attempts would rather demonstrate and deepen its previous of the Anti-Slavery men in turning the American ruin. A nation no less than an individual given up mind against Slavery. When I was quite a young to work inj ustice was lonig before ruined. In this man we agitated the question in this State of the connection let me say that the first victim of injussuppression of Lotteries; and we succeeded; and got tice is always he who perpetrates it. Moreover, them prohibited in the organic law. I admit it was whilst the injury it does to him against whom it is right for the Pro-Lottery men to bold the Anti- directed, may be but outward and superficial and Lottery men Lresponslble for that change in easily cured, that which it does to himn from whom public sentiment. But I do not admit that had it proceeds is inward and radical, and but too genethe Pro-Lottery men resorted to arms, it would have rally incurable been right to hold the Anti-Lottery men I referred to the speedy termination of American responsible for that resort. It would however Slavery. Would that it miht have been the blood have been as right for them to do so. as it is less termination which the handful of Abolitionists for the Pro-Slavery men to lay the blanle of their labored for during thirty years. Bat they were not own recourse to arms on the men whose only crimrn listened to. No age ii-tens to its prophets. Hence is the impressions, which their discussions of Slavery Slavery is gQing out in blood. And one of the proofs had made on the public mind. If peorle have a sys- that it is going out under God's own hand and in tem or an institution which cannot withstand argu- God's own way-the way not that He would have meat, be it Slavery orLotteries, or even Protestanlt- chosen, but which our inlpenitence compelled Him to ism or Catholicism, let them hasten to exchange it take-is, that thls is not the blood of the slave, for one that can. Above all, let them not get so butof his common oppressors, the writes of the far back into the Dark Ages as to return arrgulmenlt orth and the whites of the South. When with lead and steel; the utterances of the suul with shall this blood cease to flow? Petrhaps not the death of the body. u'til these oppressors have repented. And not No, this is a purely Pro-Slavery Rebellion. It very improbable is it that ere long English blood was' begun for the sole purpose of ridding Slavery of will come to flow with it-the blood of that England, 1angers and securing to it new advantages: and one who has so long been enriching herself out of the unpaid toil of the Slave-of that England once so office. But the name was fatal to him. He wag conspicuously and honorably opposed to Slavery, highly qualified for the office. He was wise, pracbut now, alas, through her influential men, in such tical, and just. His generous use of his large estate guilty and shameless sympathy with it! From the had contributed to make him popular. His having hour when, in the Trent case, England, not allowing gone into the army, wvith his sons and son-in-law, even one moment for negotiation or explanation, and bravely and freely exposed his person in battle, virtually declared war against, hand-tied America, had added greatly to his popularity. But, alas! he. from that hour to the present American hatred of was an Abolitionist-and therefore could not be England has been growing wider and deeper. Every elected! He would have been by the largest majorarrival from England, freighted as it is with fresh ity ever known in the State, had all voted for him evidences of England's growing hatred of us, who refused to do so because he was an Abolitionincreases our hatred of her. Things look more ist, and also all, who voted for his opponent because and more as if God's time had at last come his opponent was an Anti-Abolitionist. for punishing those nations, which have been nocially, as well as ecclesiastically and politically, the chief reapers of the blood'stained harvests "' Abolitionist " is a disadvantageous, shunned and of American Slavery. Let impenitent England see abhorred name. Even now, after all that the Reto it,that her sympathy with Slavery does not result in belllon has done to redeem the name from its odiousthe dismemberment of her Empire.' And, let France, ness, the man who would get into what is called too, who also has interests on this side of the Atlan- " good society," had better be a debauchee or drunktic, and who is insanely bent on extending them, ard-nay,eboth-than an Abolitionist. I very well begin to calculate the possible consequences to her- remember being told by that keen observer of men self of her taking sides with a Pro-Slavery Rebel- and things, Edmund Quincy, when walking the lion. England and France, especially England, are streets of Boston with iim, more than twenty years already suffering greatly from the effect of this Re- ago, that the great objection of his friends to his bellion on their manufactures. But far more may being an Abolitionist was that the thigis sowvulgar. they yet have to suffer in consequence of their guilty The Abolitionists were nearly all plain and natural attitude toward it. people-and therefore vulgar in the eves of fehionaLet me not be understood to do injust;ce to the ble and conventional people. Moreover, their having English people. They love justice. It is their con- identified thamselves with a degraded and cast-offrace trolling leaders who do not; It is these, and not the made them lintensely vulgar iu such eyes. Er;aphatipeople, who are inl sympathy with Slavery and the cally true is it that at West Point one could not South. The people are with Freedom and the North. formlerly (however it may be now) be a gentleOne of the most beautilul and touching things in our man and yet an Abolitionist. Hten'ce an Abolitionday is the patience with which the starving English ist in that School was well nigh as scarce " as awolf operatiyes bear the sufferings, which this Iteel- in England or a toad in Iieland." What folly to lion has brought upon them. They tell us that they expect that officers educated to associate all that would not have them terminated by wrong to is honorable and gentlemanly with Slavery, and the slave; and that they are willing to suffer on, if the reverse of this with AntL-Slavery, should put only the slave can be made free. Sublime conduct! their whole heart into an euarnest resistance to a ProWould we Americans, if biought into such circum- Slavery Rebellion! For my part, I think that our stances, be found capable of it? West Point officers, considering what a Pt o-Slavery To return to the point wLence I set out. Will this education the country chose for them, have done nation be saved? Will she consent to the cost of her better than we had a right to expect. It is true salvation? In other words, will she give up her that., when the ltebelilon broke out, many of them Pro-Slavery heart in exchange for a heart of pity paid us for that education by entering the Southern and love and justice for the victims of her oppres- army, and that ImalJy who reumained at the North sion? I much fear she will not. She would not do paid us for it by sympathizing with the South. But so in the day when she prospered in her oppression. it is also true that many of the graduates of Wes8 She has not done so in this dark night wien she is Point are among the most aithful and able officers suffering the penallies of that oppression. The in the Nxrthelll army. What is quite nioteworthy Church is here and there beginning to denounce Sla- in this connection is that the South, in ruuuing very. But scarcely anywhere has she begun to through the vocabulary of bad names for one with confess her own guilty share in it. A selt-justify- which most effectually to stigmnatize and sting the ing spirit in regard to Slavery still prevails itt both Northern army, has finually lighted on Abolitionist. the political Parties: and the prees of the Demo- She talls it the "Abolitionist Army "-and this, too, cratic Party is still wicked and shameless enough to notwithstanding she must kuow what dangerous make arguments in proot of the economical and po- thoughts the name cannot fail to put into the heads litical advantagesof upholding Slavery. Half the of her slaves. But she could not forego the opporvoters in the Free States are ready to-day to vote tunit —she could not resist the temltation-to morfor a Peace on the basis of Pro-Slavery compro- tify and disgrace us. mises. And not a very small proportion of our re- I spoke of "good society." Being an Abolitioncently elected Governors would be glad to have the ist-bred one and born one-it is no, supposable that I North succumb to the South and purchase Peace by ever was in it. To get now and tlten into its subconsenting to such changes in the Constitution, as urbs or'immediate surroulmdings would be as much would favor the extension and perpetuity of Sla- as I could reasonably expect.'lhe thing itself very. In the light of such facts may we not well would be ever beyond my reach. I have said this fear that our country is lost? much of myself to follow it with the remark, that Another illustration of the deep, and perhaps des- seldom in my approaches to "good society " do I perate, debauchment of our country by Slavery is fail to witness such loathings of' he Abolitionists that for thirty years " Abolitionista' has been the and the negroes, and theretn ach insensibility to most odious name in it. Church members have been the claims of decency and justice, humani y and requick to disown it. Politicians have studied to ligion, as excite afresh my apprehension thaL Slavery show their loathing of it in every possiole way, and has debauched and debased the country beyond a to every possible degree. Gee. Wadsworlta (all reasonable hope of its recovery. honor to him!) is one of the very few of our enillent The one thing which this nation needs to do is to men who dare to welcome and wear the name. And make " Abolitionist " the iost popular name in it he does this even when ia nomination for a bigh -to make it as attractive as it is now repulsive, For nothing short of this will express her adequate lion triumplh, and to let her come up into the piratirepentance for her stupendous crime of having cal nation she purposes to be, would be to let her held, during her national existence, fifteen to twenty become as unhappy as she is guilty. To save hermillions of immortal beings in Slavery. Will the to save her from herself —we must be just and kind nation be brought to do.this honor-this mnerited to her-as we shall be if we bear in mind how honor-to that hated name? Wil her Seymours largely responsible the whole nation is for the Rebeland Rynders, her Van Burens, and Bennetts, and lion. The South rebelled because the nation began Woods ever be found singing Garrison's sub!irne to show signs of not letting the slaveholders go song: where they would with their slaves. Now, was not " I am an Abolitionist-I glory in the name?" a part of the guilt of the Rebellion fairly chargeable I fear she will have to wait for their children, if on the nation, which had practically (whether with not indeed for their children's children, to sine these or against the Constitution is immaterial to the arbrave words. gument) recognized the Southern laborers to be How great the change-ere the name of Aboli- property, and therefore subject to removal as well tionist shall become thus popular! Ere it become so as to the other liabilities of property? Whoever the negro must cease to be driven from the put)lic doubts t,he nation's having done so, should read conveyance, and from the school, and church, and Jay's " View of the action of the Federal Governcemetery. Ere it become so there must be tears of ment in behalf of Slavery," and Giddlngs's " Exiles penitence over his wrongs, instead of the heartless of Florida." As we had done so much to countelaughter over his sorrows and helplessness, and the nlance and educate the South in her crime-her fiendish shouts of exultation over his crushed ma:u- crime of crimes-and as we were still impenitently hood. I repeat, how great the change! And yet Pro-Slavery-was it not, to say the least, very ununtil this change the nation cannot be saved. For, gracious in us to threaten to restrict her commission until this change, God will continue to be at war of it? with tier. And every nation, as well as every indii- We shall, I trust, take her slaves out of the vidual, with whom God is at war, is lost. all preseLt, hands of the South. But that will be a comand seeming. and superficial appearances to the co - paratively easy thing. Thtat will be done by our trary notwithetandng-lost until repentance shall superior physical p)wer. An infinitely more difficome; and lost forever, if it shall never come. cult work for us will be to take the spirit of slaveGreat, indeed, muEt be the chance ere'"Abolition,- holding out of her heart. That we can do only by ist" shall become so honored a nlame! Before that a superior moral power-only by first taking it change can take place, our question: "What shall out of our own heart. Our repentance of slavewe do with the blacks 1" will be regarded as no less holding will be mighty to work her repentance of it. absurd than would be their question: " What shall It is often said that the North and the South have we do with the whites?" lBetore that change, they become so unlike each other, as never to be able to will be lett as free as any other race to go where live together again under the same Government. they will, or stay where they will. Their equal But common repentance of a great common sin goes rights will be recognized; and miranood will be held very far to make the penitents resemble each other. to be as sacred and inviolable in them as in others. They are alike before the repentance. They are Emancipation will doubtless drain the Fres States more alike after it. There will no longer be ground and Canada of a large share ot their blacks. But for complaining of a lack of homogeneousness in the this will be solely because Emancipatio:t falls in Americans after the North and South shall have reVwith nature, and opene an inviting way South to a Iented of their common wickedness against the people who, in violat:on of nature, were dragged to black man. True voke.fellows after that will they the ungenial North. be in the work of lifting up and enlightening the 1 have glanced at this spirit of caste, which inces- large black element and the larger and scarcely less santly clamors for the expatriation of the blacks. barbarous white element in her population. The That our rulers, and our chief rulers too. should at North will send down thousands of laborers in this any time be guilty of nlinistering to, this mean and blessed work; and the South will welcome them. murderous spirit is very sad. That they should Ungrudged and unlimited moneys and means will find leisure and have the heart to do so at such a the North put into Southern hands to be used in a time as this-a time when millions of Rei els are at cause that will then be equally dear to both North the throat of the nation-is indeed deeply discourag- and South. ing. Emphatically poor employment to be getting I said that for our own sake we must defeat the out of the country at such a time the only entirely nefarious purpose of the South to rob us of our counloyal eement in is whole population. But come try. To the heart of the patriot all is lost when what will of country, the one great prejudice of our country is lost. When our nation shall be divided people must be gratified. Let the nation perish! into two nations-nay, into four or five, as it will but let not hatred of the negro perish! soon be, should the South succeed-we shall have To return for a moment to this question: "What no nation left; and, on this side of the grave, no shall we do with the blacks?" Although I would home left. have this insulting question, which every day comes And I said that for the world's sake we must welling up out of our Pro-Slavery hearts, die away defeat the South. F'or the world's sake we must forever, I nevertheless would have the whole lanil not suffer this nascent piratical nation to pass its ring with the question: "What shall we do for the infancy. For the world's sake we must not suffer blacks?" And this reasonable and pertinent ques- such a scourge as it would be to the world-such a tion I would have both tthe North and South answer hostis /humani generis-to grow up in America. by doing for these outraged ones, in addition to giv- Hence, for the world's sake, we must put down this iug them freedom, education, and wages, everything Pro-Slavery Rebellion, and purge the American land which penitence and pity, love and justice can sug- of Slavery, and the American heart of the spirit of gest. To do with/ the blacks is to insult, cheapen, Slaveholding. When all this shall be done, how and degrade them, while to do for men as we have rapidly will the redundant and the discontented opportunity is a duty toward the highest as well as populations of other nations be attracted to happy the lowest, and dishonoring to neither. homes in this! And then the immigrant, no longer I pass on to ask what we shall do for the South. as now a subject, from the day he lands, of the perFor her own Bake, as well as for ours and the vertlng and debasing appliances of a Pro-Slavery world's sake, we must defeat her. To let her Rebel- Party, will immediately come under lafueauceo as purifying and expanding as the present influences I must close. We see in the light of what hai upon'immigrants are corrupting and shriveling. I been said, that our trust to put down the Rebellion add, that when all this shall be done, there will and so save the nation, must not be alone in our suvery soon be no Slavery left in any part of Christen- perior material forces. It must be also in justice, dom. I was happy, but not surprised, to learn that and in the God of justice-which however it cannot the price of slaves declined in Cuba as soon as be unless we become just. It is not true, as Napoleon the news of the President's Proclamation reached said it was-that God is on the side of the strongest the island. She would be able to maintain her battalions. He is ever on the siace of justice, be it the Slavery scarcely a year after ours had ceased. strongest or the weakest battalions that may happen Brazil has long been shaping herself to get rid of to be there. It has ever been true and it ever will Slavery. She will accelerate her steps to this end be, that " the nation that will not serve Him shall when her Slavery shall be deprived of the coun- perish." Many as are our people, great as are our tenance iven to it by American Slavery. riches and resources, and unequaled our invention Andfthien when America shall be sorrow-stricken and slill, we too shall perish if we fall not in with for having chained and lashed, and bought and sold the Divine laws. But we will fall in with them-. and imbruted so many millions of innocent men and will we not? And if we will, then how grand and women; and when her statesmen shall be ashamed blessed our future! In that future our condition will of every word they had spoken for Slavery, and be in all respects rise up into correspondence with our ready to wash out with their tears every word they matchless natural advantages. In that future there had written for it; then will our Free Institutions, will be no oppression of the black man, no oppreshitherto obscured by the black cloud of Slavery, and sion of the red man, and no oppression of any man. ineffably disgraced by an unnatural alliance with Then equal justice to all. Then the North and the their veriest opposite and their deadliest enemy, South, the East and the West re-linked together for. shine out as the Sun, and fast become the desire of ever and ever. Then from sea to sea all brothers. the whole earth. Precious Institutions! They shall Then a nation practically and cordially recognizing yet bless the whole earth, slaveholders and nal other all races and all nations to be of one brotherhood. tyrants to the contrary notwithstanding. Precious Then a nation with Christ for the leader of its peoInstitutions! I repeat. The masses of men can ple and Christ for the leader of its leaders. never rise under any other political institutions than Will Pro-Slavery priests and Pro-Slavery polithose which are Republican or Democratic. ticians say that I have here sketched but a Utopia, And far more than tbls. ~ When America shall but an impracticable ideal perfection; and that I have penitently put away Slavery, and not only have sought to please my hearers with a mere her statesmen shall be deeply and painfully ashamed fancy? We will reply, that if they and all who of having contributed to uphold it, but her con- with them breathe the contemptuous spirit of caste, science-convicted ecclesiastics shall at last be sensi- and deride the doctrine of the universal brotherble of their blood-guiltiness-then will Christianity hood, will but stand aside and no longer pour out be not only relieved of Amerioan misrepresentation, their malign and withering influence on mankind, but powerfully commended to the nations by regen- this ideal will be rapidly translated into the actual, erated America. It is vain to expect the prevalence and this fancy rapidly become a reality. of Christianity so long as the nations shall continue in her name to trampli upon.human rights. The The following Resolution, which Mr. Smith offered true Christianity does, in distinction front the coun- at the beginnin of his Speech, was, with the excepterfeit, honor God's rights through the honoring of mans rights. Herein is the great difference betweention of a solitary negative, adopted unanimously at Heathenism and Christianity. The one sacrifices its close by the thoueands who filled to its utmost men to God, while the other makes caring for men capacity the spacious Hall in the Cooper Institute: the most aceptable tworship of God. The current Whereas, It is no less true of a nation than of an indithemostacceptable of Thecurre vidual, that to bejust is to be saved, and to be unjust is to be Christianity is but too generally only a little better lost; and than a modified Heathenism. But tne blotting out Whecreas, Among all the greatest violations of justice, of Slavery in all Christendom will go far toward Slaery is pre-eminent, liftingrpthe current to the adResolved, therefore, that whatever the things which need lifting up the current to the.tandaxd of the true to be done by this nation in order to be saved, the peaitent Christianity, putting away of 8lavery must not be left undone.