*1'








fa








NEW LETTERS AND PAPERS OF LINCOLN














Ph.
we,


*


I


VI


ABRAHAM LI NCOLN
His last portrait, made in Washington, April 1o, 18~.by Alexander Gardner




NEW LETTERS AND
PAPERS OF LINCOLN
COMPILED BY
PAUL M. ANGLE
WITH ILLUSTRATIONS


BOSTON AND NEW YORK
HOUGHTON MIFFLIN COMPANY
Ifbe 3ibtrsfbtt Prtez Cambrfbg
1930




COPYRIGHT, 1930, BY THE ABRAHAM LINCOLN ASSOCIATION
ALL RIGHTS RESERVED INCLUDING THE RIGHT TO REPRODUCE
THIS BOOK OR PARTS THEREOF IN ANY FORM
Tbe ]literoibe trte
CAMBRIDGE MASSACHUSETTS
PRINTED IN THE U.S.A.




TO
THE MEMORY OF
JOHN G NICOLAY
AND
JOHN HAY
SECRETARIES OF LINCOLN
AND FIRST EDITORS OF HIS PUBLISHED WRITINGS








PREFACE


WHILE they were still secretaries of Lincoln, John G Nicolay
and John Hay conceived the idea of writing his biography.
With this end in view they preserved and thus saved from possible loss many papers to which their official positions gave them
access. After Lincoln's death they continued to gather material,
and succeeded in securing hundreds of letters written during the
earlier years of his life.
Some of these letters and papers were printed in their monumental biography, but by far the greater number found no
place in that work. It was then that Robert Todd Lincoln
wrote Nicolay. 'As you and Colonel Hay have now brought
your great work to a most successful conclusion by the publication of your life of my father, I hope and request that you and
he will supplement it by collecting, editing, and publishing the
speeches, letters, state papers, and miscellaneous writings of my
father.' Partly in fulfillment of this request, and partly because
they themselves had long planned such a publication, Nicolay
and Hay brought out the' Complete Works of Abraham Lincoln.'
Published in 1894, it was the first collection of Lincoln letters,
speeches, and papers which made any claim to inclusiveness.
This collection, originally issued in two large volumes, is the
nucleus around which all later editions of Lincoln's writings
have been built. Greatly supplemented, it was reissued in
twelve volumes by the Tandy-Thomas Company in 1905.
Generally known as the 'Gettysburg Edition of the Complete
Works of Abraham Lincoln,' this twelve-volume work remains
the most satisfactory edition of Lincoln's writings. Since its appearance, however, many additional letters have come to light.
Most of these are to be found in Gilbert A. Tracy's 'Uncollected
Letters of Abraham Lincoln,' published in 1917; and in 'Lincoln
Letters at Brown,' published by Brown University in 19~27.
The present volume is intended as a supplement to these
three publications. This purpose has made necessary the inclusion of a number of letters and papers already in print, but




V111


PREFACE


not to be found in the three books just mentioned. It is felt that
the advantage of having these letters and papers available in
one book, rather than in many, more than justifies the repetition.
One exception should be mentioned. In her 'Life of Abraham
Lincoln,' Mliss Ida M. Tarbell printed a large number of letters
and telegrams then unpublished. Since the appearance of that
book, all of these except the telegrams have found their way into
one or another of the aforementioned works. For the most part
the telegrams are identical, being instructions to commanders
in the field to suspend sentence until further orders should be
receive(l. It has been considered inadvisable to reprint so much
identical material, especially since it is to be found in a readily
accessible source.
Since earlier collections of Lincoln's writings were made, the
interest in his life has become ever greater This fact has led, in
this book, to two new departures. Where earlier compilers of
Lincoln's writings were inclined to include only those items to
which they ascribed some importance, the present collection includes every scrap, no matter how insignificant it may appear
And where former editors contented themselves with occasional
brief notes, an effort has been made in this volume to furnish
reasonably complete information about every letter or paper
printed. In many cases comment is obviously superfluous, and
is accordingly omitted, in many others it has been impossible to
ascertain anything about the document in question.
Every precaution has been taken to eliminate forgeries. In
the great majority of cases the compiler has seen either the
original or a photostatic copy. Where this was not possible,
copies have been used only when supplied by persons whose
familiarity with Lincoln's handwriting was beyond question.
Likewise, every effort has been made to insure accuracy of
transcription. Spelling, capitalization, paragraphing, and
punctuation - with one exception - are identical with the
originals. The exception is the short dash which Lincoln so
frequently used in place of a period. Because a number of the
documents given here were taken from printed sources where
this dash had already been rendered as a period, it was thought
best, in the interest of uniformity, so to render it in all.




PREFACE                       ix
In every case where the ownership of the original is known to
the compiler, that ownership has been acknowledged. Where
the ownership is unknown, the location of the copy from which
the text has been taken is given. Since Lincoln items are being
constantly sold and exchanged, doubtless many of the acknowledgments which appear here are already incorrect. They
have been printed, nevertheless, as marks of gratitude, as well
as the means by which any document might be tracked should
its authenticity ever be questioned.
In view of the intensive study which Lincoln's life has received, the collection of a body of material of the importance
and diversity of that presented here has been a source of surprise even to the compiler. Especially gratifying is its wide
range of subject-matter, embracing legal opinions and family
letters, notes jotted down during the trial of lawsuits, speeches,
telegrams, and even verse. Many of these documents throw
fresh light on the personality of the writer Particularly illuminating are the endorsements which form so large a part of Lincoln's correspondence during the Presidency.
One common feature of many of these letters and papers
deserves mention. Lincoln was always doing something for
some one. Now it is the purchase of the family homestead for
his parents, now the recommendation of a needy Democrat for
the Springfield postmastership, now legal advice to a widow in
need, autographs to young admirers, pardons and reprieves to
deserters and Confederate soldiers. As a politician, he realized,
of course, the value of the friendships which such acts create,
yet self-interest fails to account for more than a fraction of the
kindnesses he performed.
Without the cooperation of many individuals and institutions this book would never have been possible. To the Sustaining Membership and the Board of Directors of the Abraham
Lincoln Association, under whose auspices it has been compiled,
it owes its very existence. Collectors like Alfred C. Meyver, of
Highland Park, Illinois, and George R. Dyer, of New York
City, have drawn heavily upon their treasures for its sake.
Dealers have been uniformly gracious in allowing letters in
their possession to be used. Thomas F. Madigan and Gabriel




x


PREFACE


Wells, of New York City, and the Rosenbach Company, of
Philadelphia, have been particularly generous, while to Arthur
Swann, of New York, I am indebted for many suggestions leading to the location of material which would otherwise have been
overlooked. The Library of Congress, the New York Historical
Society, the New York Public Library, the Henry E. Huntington Library, the Historical Society of Pennsylvania, the Illinois
State Historical Library, the Chicago Historical Society, and
the Library of Brown University have furnished a considerable
part of the material here printed, and to them I am deeply
grateful. None of these individuals and institutions, however,
has exceeded in willingness the many others whose names, for
lack of space, cannot be here recorded.
Like every student of Lincoln's life, I am under a particularly
heavy obligation to Oliver R. Barrett, of Chicago. A busy
lawyer, he has never grudged the many hours I have stolen
from his work, while the resources of his marvelous collection
have always been at my disposal. More than that, it was Mr
Barrett who suggested the particular form this book has taken,
and whose advice and encouragement are largely responsible for
its completion.
And like every student of Lincoln's life, I owe a debt to
Emanuel Hertz, of New York City. Mr. Hertz has spent his
time and money liberally in acquiring a splendid collection of
Lincolniana, much of which he has published at his own expense, and all of which is ever at a student's disposal. Many of
the most interesting and important documents in this book
were first brought to light through his efforts. Few have done
more than he to add to our knowledge of Abraham Lincoln.
Many individuals have aided in lightening the editorial work.
Oliver R. Barrett, Worthington C. Ford, Carl Sandburg, Logan
Hay, Emanuel Hertz, and William E. Barton have all read the
manuscript. To each of them I am indebted for valuable suggestions and corrections, but none of them should be held responsible for errors which may still remain.
PAUL M. ANGLE
SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS
October 1, 1929




ILLUSTRATIONS


ABRAHAM LINCOLN                                               Frontispiece
From a photograph made in Washington by Alexander Gardner, April 10,
1865. The only photographic print made directly from the broken negative
is in the collection of Frederick H. Meserve, of New York. A number of small
negatives were made at the same time. This larger portrait was made last. It
is undoubtedly the last made of Lincoln as he died four days later. It is reproduced through the courtesy of Mr. Meserve.


AN UNUSUAL LETTER TO JOHN J HARDIN
From the original owned by David S. Lansden, Cairo, Illinois
SALMON PORTLAND CHASE
Photograph in the collection of Oliver R. Barrett, of Chicago
A PORTION OF LINCOLN'S ANNUAL MESSAGE TO CONGRESS, DECEMBER 6, 1864
From the original owned by Oliver R. Barrett


20
206
366








NEW LETTERS AND PAPERS
OF LINCOLN
*  S
BILL INTRODUCED IN ILLINOIS LEGISLATURE 1
December 9, 1834
THE year 1834 found Abraham Lincoln a resident of the little
village of New Salem, some twenty miles from Springfield,
Illinois. For three years he had resided there, earning his living
as clerk, storekeeper, militiaman, postmaster, and surveyor.
He had entered politics in 1832, by running for election to the
Illinois House of Representatives. Defeated, he was again a
candidate in 1834, and this time he was elected. The following
bill was his first effort at legislation. It was introduced on
December 9, 1834, but failed to become a law.
AN ACT to limit the jurisdiction of Justices of the Peace.
Be it enacted by the people of the State of Illinois, represented in the General Assembly That hereafter Justices of the
Peace shall not etertain [sic] jurisdiction of any civil case whatever unless it be in the precinct in which the defendent [sic]
resides or in which the contract on which suit is brought was
made and entered into, or made payable - any thing in former
laws to the contrary notwithstanding.
This act to be in force from and after the first day of June
next.
BILL INTRODUCED IN ILLINOIS LEGISLATURE2
February, 1835
More successful was a later effort, in which Lincoln had three
friends appointed commissioners to locate the first few miles of
the Springfield-Lewiston road. The bill became a law on February 12, 1835, the day before the session ended.
" Original in Division of Archives, State of Illinois.  2 Ibid.




2


NEW LETTERS AND PAPERS


See 1 Be it enacted by the people of the State of Illinois represented in the General Assembly.
That Reuben Harrison, John Clary and Tandy James be and
they are hereby appointed commissioners to view, mark and
permanently locate so much of the State road, leading from
Springfield in Sangamon county to Lewiston in Fulton county,
as lies between Springfield and George G. Miller's ferry on the
Sangamo river
Sec 2 Said commissioners or a majority of them shall meet at
the town of Springfield on the second Monday in March next
or as soon thereafter as practicable and after being duly sworn
by some officer authorized to administer oaths shall proceed
to perform the duties required of them by this act; avoiding
as much as possible the injury of private property
Sec 3 The said commissioners shall as soon thereafter as convenient, cause to be filed with the clerk of the county commissioner's court of Sangamon a report and complete map of said
road - which report and map shall be preserved and shall form
a part of the record of said court. Said road when so established
shall be kept in repair as other State roads are.
Sec 4 The county commissioners court of Sangamon county
shall allow to said commissioners, out of the county treasury;
such compensation, as to them shall seem just and reasonable.
To LEVI DAVIS t
April 4, 1836
At Vandalia, the state capital, Lincoln had undoubtedly met
Levi Davis, who served as State Auditor from 1835 to 1846,
afterwards becoming one of the leading lawyers of Alton, Illinois. Lincoln and Davis were always good friends.
NEW SALEM ILLS, April 4th 1836
DEAR SIR
You will confer a favour on me by examining the Record kept
by the old State Recorder, and ascertaining whether a deed
for the N. W. quarter of Section 23. in Town 10 North Range
5 West in the Bounty tract, made by Williamson Trent to
1 Photostat in Illinois State Historical Library.




OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN


3


Michael Mcdierman has ever been recorded in that office, and
if so, whether the record shows that the land has been transfered by Mcdierman, and if it has, who is the present owner
under him. Also please to give me all the information in your
office in regard to sales of said land for taxes, and who is the
present owner by tax title.
Very Respectfully,
Your Obt. Servt.
A. LINCOLN
TO JOHN MCNAMAR
December 24, 1836
One of the leading residents of New Salem was John McNamar. Under the name of McNeil he had settled there at about
the same time as Lincoln, and, in a short time, had accumulated
considerable property and had become engaged to Ann Rutledge. Then he announced his real name and went back to his
native state of New York, returning to New Salem three years
later.
VANDALIA, Dec. 24, 1836.
DEAR MACK:
I write this to notify you that I have received the petition for
the change of the state road, so as to make it run by Tilman
Hornsecker's and Bowman's, and that unless you, who are
opposed to the change, get up a remonstrance and send it on,
I shall be forced to have a bill passed upon the petition. I might
write you a long letter of political news but you will see that as
soon in the newspapers, which will save me the trouble.
If you feel any particular interest in this affair don't fail to
bestir yourself.
Your friend,
A. LINCOLN.
In an explanation made forty years afterward McNamar said
that Lincoln had surveyed the state road so as to run in front of
his farm, but that the petition would have relocated it a mile or: Printed in the Illinois State Journal, October 15, 1874.




4


NEW LETTERS AND PAPERS


two behind him. Evidently Lincoln's warning was effective,
for the 1836-37 Session Laws show no change of route.
RECEIPT 1 TO DAVID PRICKETT
August 6, 1839
Coming to Springfield in the spring of 1837, Lincoln became
the partner of the man who had induced him to study law, John
Todd Stuart. The firm name was Stuart & Lincoln, as Lincoln
signed the following receipt.
Received, Springfield, Aug- 6 1839 of David Prickett, two
hundred and fifty dollars, to be applied to the discharging of a
judgement in the Sangamon Circuit Court against said Prickett,
& in favour of the surviving partners of the firm of A. & G W.
Kern & Co.
STUART & LINCOLN
Atty. for Plffs
The judgment to be thus reduced was for $513.49, obtained
on July 13, 1839, when the defendant defaulted.
LAND RESOLUTIONS '
1839
Stuart, like most members of his profession, was an active
politician. During his partnership with Lincoln he was elected,
over Stephen A. Douglas, to the National House of Representatives. Lincoln signalized his partner's departure for Washington by entering in the firm's account book, 'Commencement of
Lincoln's administration. 1839- Nov 2.'
One of Lincoln's duties was to keep Stuart advised of the
local political situation. Most of the letters in which he did this
have been published - among them one written January 1,
1840,3 in which he said he was enclosing a copy of his land
1 Original owned by W K. Bixby, St. Louis, Missouri.
2 Owned by Heirs of Stuart Brown, Springfield, Illinois.
Nicolay and Hay, Complete Works of Abraham Lincoln, I, 140.




OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN


5


resolutions, passed by the Illinois legislature 'last winter.'
Since these resolutions were omitted at the original printing of
the letter, they are published here.
Resolved by the General Assembly of the state of Illinois, that
the said State propose to purchase of the government of the
United States, all the lands not sold or otherwise disposed of,
within the limits of said State, at the rate of twenty five cents
per acre, to be paid (unless otherwise agreed upon) at such time,
as the said Government of the United States, shall deliver over
to the authorities of the said State of Illinois, all the plats,
Field Notes &c &c pertaining to the surveys of said lands.
Resolved, that the faith of the said State of Illinois is hereby
irrevocably pledged, to carry into effect the foregoing proposal,
if the Government of the United States shall accept the same
within two years from the passage hereof.
Resolved, that our Senators in Congress be instructed and
our Representatives requested, to use their best exertions to
procure the passage of a law or resolution of Congress accepting
the foregoing proposal.
Resolved that the Governor be requested to transmit a copy
of the foregoing resolutions to each of our Senators and Representatives in Congress.
To MRS. ORVILLE HICKMAN BROWNING 1
December 11, 1839
On December 11, 1839 Lincoln wrote, in the form of a legal
petition, an invitation to Mrs. & H. Browning of Quincy to
'repair forthwith to the seat of Government, bringing in your
train all ladies in general, who might be at your command, &
all Mr Brownings sisters in particular ' 2 John Dawson, E. B.
Webb, and J. J. Hardin also signed the letter.
With the letter was enclosed another, still more whimsical,
elaborating the same theme. Written by Hardin, Lincoln and
E. B. Webb joined in by superimposing the word 'Endorsed'
and their signatures on the face of Hardin's letter.
1 Original owned by W K. Bixby, St. Louis, Missouri.
2 Published in Tracy, Uncollected Letters of Abraham Lincoln, p. 4.




6


NEW LETTERS AND PAPERS


[SPRINGFIELD, ILL., Dec. 11, 1839]
Mrs. O. H. Browning
Quincy Illinois.
DEAR MADAM
As the humble but honest instrument, selected to forward to
your Honoress, the foregoing memoranda of our grievances &
petition for redress, I present them with my most hearty congratulations at the prospect of your returning health & of your
ability to undergo another seige at the seat of Government.
The fact is madam, that in your absence, business will not
progress with its accustomed facility, & now when both yourself
& my distinguished lady are away, they cannot even begin
operations. There is no doubt if you were here, there would be
extensive improvement in the important business of visiting,
conversation & amusement.
In consideration of our distressed situation, Mr. Butler has
promised to give you up his parlor, but if there is any difficulty
on that point I promise as a gallant knight to give you the privilege of hanging up on a peg in my closet, whenever it may suit
your convenience.
I have been visiting the ladies this evening, they say it will
be quite gay this winter, several ladies from a distance are here,
with the intention of spending the winter. Mrs. H will be here
next week. The members are very much scattered in location,
but we have quite a pleasant society in this House.
Many others besides your humble petitioners are inquiring
for your Honoress & are anxiously awaiting your arrival. His
Excellency will be considered, when you arrive, as the minor
part of the Quincy Delegation. We trust therefore to have your
Honoress here by the 25th inst, as a living Christmas present
as large as life, twice as natural & three times as agreeable.
With sentiments of the most profound respect and esteem I
subscribe myself
Y'r m't ob't & very humble serv't
J. J. HARDIN
Endorsed
A. LINCOLN
E. B. WEBB.




OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN,


7


To JOHN TODD STUART 1
January 21, 1840
Prior to 1839 congressional elections were held in the summer
of the even years. In 1839, however, the next election of representatives was set for the first Monday of August, 1841, and
every second year thereafter. Lincoln's letter gives notice of an
attempt to revert to the old schedule of even years.
SPRINGFIELD, Jany. 21st 1840
DEAR STUART:
A bill bringing on the congressional elections in this state,
next summer, has passed the House of Representatives this
minute. As I think it will also pass the Senate, I take the
earliest moment to advise you of it. I do not think any one of
our political friends, wishes to push you off the track.
Anticipating the introduction of this bill, I wrote you, for
your feelings on the subject, several weeks since; but have received no answer It may be, that my letter miscarried, if so,
will you, on the receipt of this, write me what you think and feel
about the matter.
Nothing new, except I believe I have got our Truett debt
secured. I have Truetts note at twelve months, with his brother
Myers as surety.
Your friend, as ever,
A. LINCOLN.
Contrary to Lincoln's expectation, the bill was not passed.
The next election, in which Stuart was again a successful candidate, was held in the summer of 1841.
RESOLUTION 2
December 2, 1840
An act for organizing and maintaining common schools was
one of the principal pieces of legislation at the 1840-41 session
of the Illinois Legislature. On December 2, 1840, Lincoln
1 Original owned by Mrs. John T Stuart, Springfield, Illinois.
' Original in Division of Archives, State of Illinois.




8


NEW LETTERS AND PAPERS


offered the following resolution, which became Section 81 of
the act as ultimately passed. The act remains the foundation of
the present common school system of Illinois.
Resolved, that the Committee on Education be instructed to
enquire into the expediency of requiring by law for the examination, as to their qualifications, of persons offering themselves
as School-teachers, and that no teacher shall receive any part
of the Public School Funds, who shall not have successfully
passed such examination, and that they report by Bill or otherwise.
To JOHN TODD STUART 1
January 20, 1841
Upon the expiration of his first term in Congress Stuart was
reelected, and in 1841 was again in Washington. The following
letter was written less than three weeks after the mysterious
love crisis of 'the fatal first of January, 1841.' A. G. Henry was
a Springfield physician, an active Whig, and a close friend of
Lincoln.
SPRINGFIELD, Jany 20th 1841
DEAR STUART:
I have had no letter from you since you left. No matter for
that. What I wish now is to speak of our Post-Office. You
know I desired Dr Henry to have that place when you left,
I now desire it more than ever I have within the last few days,
been making a most discreditable exhibition of myself in the
way of hypochondriasm and thereby got an impression that Dr
Henry is necessary to my existence. Unless he gets that place
he leaves Springfield. You therefore see how much I am interested in the matter.
We shall shortly forward you a petition in his favour signed
by all or nearly all the Whig members of the Legislature as well
as other whigs. This, together with what you know of the Dr.'s
position and merits I sincerely hope will secure him the appointment. My heart is very much set upon it. Pardon me for not
1 Original owned by Milton Hay Brown, Springfield, Illinois




OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN


9


writing more; I have not sufficient composure to write a long
letter.
As ever yours
A. LINCOLN.
G. W Spottswood, and not Henry, got the postmastership.
RECEIPT TO JOSIAH FRANCIS 1
June 12, 1841
One of the leading citizens of Sangamon County was Josiah
Francis, who had settled in Springfield in 1831 Soon after his
arrival, Francis founded the 'Sangamo Journal,' which he
owned and edited until 1835. At the time the following receipt
was given he was living in the village of Athens, fifteen miles
northwest of Springfield.
June 1 t2l 1841.
This may certify that I have this day received of Josiah
Francis four notes, hereafter described, upon the following
conditions that I am to keep them forty days unless the makers
or any of them call and pay, and at the end of that time or any
time afterwards am to return them or so many of them as remain unpaid, when said Francis may demand them of me at my
office, and any money I may receive upon said notes is to be
applied to one or the other or both of two judgements obtained
against sd Francis in one case & against him and others in the
other, before Thomas Moffett a Justice of the Peace of Sangamon County The constable who has the executions in those
cases, if they will expire before the said forty days, may return
them and take out new, & if they will not so expire, he may
suspend acting upon them for that length of time.
The notes are as follows1 on Wesley Eads for                $73.58
1 on William Boyd for                34 06
1 on William Ramsay for              20.00
1 on Bandurent & Primm for           12.37
A. LINCOLN
1 Original owned by Heirs of Stuart Brown, Springfield, Illinois.




10


NEW LETTERS AND PAPERS


On the back of the foregoing document is the following, written by Lincoln and signed by Francis: 'All responsibility of
A. Lincoln on this receipt is discharged by receipt & application
of money & by return of notes. Nov. 17. 1845   Josiah
Francis.'
INDENTURE: THOMAS AND SARAH LINCOLN AND ABRAHAM
LINCOLN; - CHARLESTON 1
October 25, 1841
On December 31, 1840 Thomas Lincoln purchased from his
step-son, John D. Johnston, the forty-acre tract described in
the following instrument. The purchase price was fifty dollars.
The new acquisition made his total holding one hundred and
twenty acres.
This indenture made this twenty-fifth day of October in the
year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and forty-one by
and between Thomas Lincoln and Sarah his wife, of the County
of Coles and State of Illinois party of the first part and Abraham
Lincoln of the County of Sangamon and State aforesaid of the
second part
WITNESSETH:
That the said party of the first part for and in consideration of
the sum of Two Hundred Dollars to them in hand paid by the
said party of the second part the receipt whereof is hereby
acknowledged have granted, bargained and sold and by these
presents do grant, bargain and sell unto the said party of the
second part, his heirs and assigns forever all their right title,
interest and estate in and to the Northeast fourth of the Southeast quarter of Section Twentyone in Township Eleven North
Range Nine East containing forty acres more or less, reserving
however the exception, use and entire control of said tract of
land and the appurtenances thereunto belonging to the said
party of the first part and to the survivor of them during both
and each of their natural lives to have and to hold to the said
I Original in G. A. R. Hall, Chicago, Illinois.




OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN


11


party of the second part his heirs and assigns, forever subject to
the reservation aforesaid the above described tract or parcel of
land aforesaid together with all and singular the privileges and
appurtenances thereunto belonging.
IN TESTIMONY WHEREOF the said party of the first
part have hereunto set their hand and seals the day and year
above written.
THOMAS LINCOLN    (Seal)
her
SARAH X LINCOLN (Seal)
mark
BOND: CHARLESTON
October 25, 1841
WHEREAS, I have purchased of Thomas Lincoln and his
wife the North East fourth of the Southeast quarter of Section
twenty one in Township Eleven North of Range Nine East for
which I have paid them the sum of Two Hundred Dollars and
have taken their deed of conveyance for the same with a reservation of a life Estate to them and the survivor of them.
Now I bind myself my heirs and assigns to convey said tract
of land to John D. Johnston or his heirs at any time after the
death of the survivor of the said Thomas Lincoln and wife provided he shall pay me my heirs or assigns the said sum of Two
Hundred dollars at any time within one year after the death of
the said Thomas Lincoln and wife and the said sum may be paid
without interest except after the death of the survivor as aforesaid.
Witness my hand and seal this 25th day of October A. D.
1841.
A. LINCOLN (Seal)
Lincoln never sold or disposed of this forty-acre tract.
According to an affidavit filed May 7, 1888, John J. Hall, a
second cousin, had become the owner by undisputed possession
for more than twenty years.
1 Original in G. A. R. Hall, Chicago, Illinois.




12


NEW LETTERS AND PAPERS


EULOGY ON BENJAMIN FERGUSON 1
February 8, 1842
In the early forties temperance agitation was widespread.
Almost every town had its 'Washington' society for the promotion of the cause, and Springfield was no exception. Whether
or not Lincoln was a member of the Springfield society is unknown, but at any rate he addressed the members on Washington's Birthday, 1842, and at the meeting on February 11 -eleven days earlier - delivered the following eulogy of a deceased member.
MIR. PRESIDENT: - The solemn duty has been assigned to me,
of announcing to this Society, the sudden and melancholy
death of its much respected member, Benjamin Ferguson.
After an illness of only six days, he closed his mortal existence,
at a quarter past seven on the evening of the 3d inst., in the
bosom of his family at his residence in this city
Mr Ferguson was one who became a member of this society
without any prospect of advantage to himself He was, though
not totally abstinent, strictly temperate before; and he espoused the cause solely with the hope and benevolent design of
being able, by his efforts and example, to benefit others. Would
to God, he had been longer spared to the humane work upon
which he had so disinterestedly entered.
In his intercourse with his fellow men, he possessed that rare
uprightness of character, which was evidenced by his having no
disputes or bickerings of his own, while he was ever the chosen
arbiter to settle those of his neighbors.
In very truth he was, the noblest work of God - an honest
man.
The grateful task commonly vouchsafed to the mournful
living, of casting the mantle of charitable forgetfulness over the
faults of the lamented dead, is denied to us. for although it is
much to say, for any of the erring family of man, we believe we
may say, that he whom we deplore was faultless.
To Almighty God we commend him; and, in His name, implore the aid and protection, of His omnipotent right arm, for
his bereaved and disconsolate family.
1 Printed in the Sangamo Journal, February 11, 1842.




OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN


13


To FREDERICK A. THOMAS 1
April 21, 1842
The transfer, in 1837, of the State Capitol from Vandalia to
Springfield was the signal for the removal there of the United
States Circuit and District courts for Illinois. Lincoln was
admitted to practice in the Federal courts on December 3, 1839.
The establishment of these courts in Springfield meant a substantial increase in business for the local bar, since distant attorneys usually retained Springfield counsel for their United
States court work rather than undergo the cost and difficulty
of personal attendance. One such attorney was Frederick A.
Thomas, of Lawrence County.
SPRINGFIELD, April 21 1842.
FRIEND THOMAS'
Yours of the 11th Inst. was received some days since. As to
the Rules, it would be useless to send you a copy; in asmuch as
the Supreme court of the U S. have adopted a set of Rules,
which supercede, the rules adopted by the District court. The
Supreme court Rules have not yet reached us. The personal
attendance here of your friend Dr. Flanders is not absolutely
necessary mhen you get hold of the rules, make out his papers
according to them, and send them to me, and I will do my part
here, for whatever you charge him for doing your part there.
One thing bear constantly in mind; that is, that unless I am furnished with money to pay cost as the case progresses, I can
not move an inch - and State Bank paper will not do, at that.
The whole cost, exclusive of lawyer's fees, will be, as we think,
about $20. in something at least as good as Shawnee.
Yours &c
A. LINCOLN
P. S. Tell J. K. Dubois he must come to the Legislature
again; that I am off the track, and that the wheels of government will instantly stop without the aid of one of us.
A.L.
1 Original owned by Morris St. Palais Thomas, Chicago, Illinois.




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NEW LETTERS AND PAPERS


Jesse Kilgore Dubois evidently listened to Lincoln's plea, for
on August 1, 1842, he was elected one of Lawrence County's two
representatives in the General Assembly.
CIRCULAR TO HENRY ENOCH DUMMER AND OTHERS 1
July 2, 1842
Lincoln was a member of that small group of Springfield
Whigs- the 'Whig Junto,' the Democrats derisively called
them - who gave the party what scant central direction it enjoyed. In that capacity he signed, and perhaps wrote, the
following circular.
(Confidential)
SPRINGFIELD July 2d 1842
GENTLEMEN
Some difficulty arises under the apportionment Bill of the last
session as to the number of Senators to be elected, and the districts which they are to represent.
The Locofoco party, availing themselves as usual of every
opportunity to secure and increase their power, are running a
Senator from Cook and one from Will, while that district has a
Senator (Pearson) still in office. In the County of Green they
run a Senator for Green and Jersey to fill a vacancy (Allen) and
a Senator for Green & Calhoun under the new Law. It is very
much to be feared, that having already a majority assured in the
Senate they would if the votes should be wanted give these
Senators to be elected their seats right or wrong. There are
difficulties in a good Construction of the Law and it may be a
matter of much doubt, as to what the decision may be. At any
rate your District (Cass & Scott) is entitled equally with the
others to a Senator, if they receive them they must receive
yours, and if both should be rejected, things will be as they
were. We take the liberty therefore to suggest the propriety of
running a whig in your new district for a Senator, as it will be
done here, and we shall at any rate either get an equal number
of Senators by it or prevent them from getting any.
1 Original in Dummer Collection, Chicago Historical Society. The handwriting is not
Lincoln's, and all the signatures are by the same man who wrote the letter.




OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN


15


The chances of a majority for us on joint ballot are so good
that we ought not to permit ourselves to loose [swc] it by negligence on our part, or fraud on theirs.
Yours Sincerely
A. G. HENRY
H. E. DUMMER ESQR             E. D. BAKER
& other good Whigs           N. W. EDWARDS
S. T. LOGAN
A. LINCOLN
J. SMITH
P S. It will of course be better for the Clerk to give notices
of the elections, but want of time in the notice, will by no means
vitiate the Election.
Henry E. Dummer was a native of Maine. Coming to Illinois
in 1832, he soon became the partner of John T. Stuart. The
same issue of the 'Sangamo Journal' which carried the notice of
the formation of the firm of Stuart and Lincoln carried also the
notice of the dissolution of the Stuart and Dummer partnership.
At the time of the foregoing circular Dummer was practicing
law in Beardstown. Acting on the advice of the circular, he
became a candidate for election to the Senate from the Cass and
Scott district. He was defeated by James Gilham, a Democrat.
However, since Scott County was already represented under
the old law, Gilham was refused his seat.
To ALDEN HULL
February 14, 1843
After serving four terms in the Illinois General Assembly
Lincoln began to work for national honors. Among other
friends upon whom he called for aid was Alden Hull, a staunch
Whig who had represented Tazewell County in the legislatures
of 1839-40 and 1840-41.
1 Original owned by Mrs. W Halstead Vander Poel, and published in facsimile in
Sandburg, Abraham Lincoln: The Prairie Years, i, 295.




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NEW LETTERS AND PAPERS


SPRINGFIELD, Feby 14. 1843
FRIEND HULL:
Your county and ours are almost sure to be placed in the same
congressional district. I would like to be its Representative,
still circumstances may happen to prevent my even being a
candidate. If, however, there are any whigs in Tazewell who
would as soon I should represent them as any other person, I
would be glad they would not cast me aside until they see and
hear farther what turn things take.
Do not suppose, Esqr., that in addressing this letter to you,
I assume that you will be for me against all other whigs, I only
mean, that I know you to be my personal friend, a good whig,
and an honorable man, to whom I may, without fear, communicate a fact which I wish my particular friends (if I have any) to
know.
There is nothing new here now worth telling.
Your friend as ever,
A. LINCOLN.
Lincoln's first venture ended in disappointment when the
Whigs of Sangamon County, meeting to elect delegates to the
district convention, instructed them for E. D. Baker. Lincoln's
humiliation was increased by his own election as a delegate,
leaving him, as he said, 'a good deal like a fellow who is made a
groomsman to a man that has cut him out and is marrying his
own dear "gal."' The district convention, however, chose
John J Hardin of Jacksonville as the party's nominee. Hardin
was elected.
ARBITRATION AWARD 1
July 3, 1843
Reminiscent of Lincoln's years as a deputy surveyor of
Sangamon County is the following document, all in his handwriting except the signatures of Wycoff and Forrest.
Whereas we the undersigned, Samuel Wycoff, and Dennis
Forrest, the former being owner of the North West quarter of
1 Photostat in Illinois State Historical Library.




OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN


17


Section Eight, and the latter being owner of the South West
quarter of Section Five, both tracts of Township Fourteen
North of Range Six West, in Sangamon county, have a dispute
concerning a small strip of land, each claiming it as being part
of his tract aforesaid; therefore we submit said dispute to the
arbitrament of Abraham Lincoln, who is to hear the evidence
adduced by both parties, and thereupon, decide which is the
owner of the disputed land, and what line is hereafter to be the
dividing line between us, and we hereby mutually bind ourselves in the penal sum of five hundred dollars, as liquidated
damages, to abide by the decision he shall make, and each to
give and allow the other peaceable possession and enjoyment of
his own side of the line so to be designated.
Witness our hands and seals this 19th day of June A. D.
1843.
SAMUEL AWVYCOFF
DENNIS FORREST
In pursuance of the above agreement, having fully heard the
evidence, I decide that the land in dispute between said Wvcoff
and Forrest, belongs to said Wycoff, and that the old United
States Surveyor's line, beginning at the West end thereof, and
running thence Easterly as marked through the timber by said
U S. Surveyor, so far as the timber extends, and continuing the
same course as so marked, the proper distance to reach the East
side of the lands of said Wycoff and Forrest above described,
shall hereafter be the dividing line between the said lands of the
parties.
A. LINCOLN.
July 3rd. 1843.
To SIMEON RYDER 1
February 16, 1844
In the spring of 1841, after four years of practice with Stuart,
Lincoln became the partner of Stephen Trigg Logan. At the
November, 1843, term of the Sangamon Circuit Court Logan
and Lincoln instituted a chancery suit for Simeon Ryder
1 Photostat in Illinois State Historical Library.




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NEW LETTERS AND PAPERS


against Daniel Stringer and the heirs of Edward Mitchell, deceased. On November 30, 1843, they obtained a decree against
Stringer in favor of Ryder for the latter's debt of $300, with
interest at 7 per cent from January 1, 1836.
SPRINGFIELD, Feby. 16th 1844
MR. SIMEON RYDER:
Yours of the 14th Inst. is received. The decree taken against
Stringer at the last term of our court was not a final, but only an
interlocutory decree. The substance of it is, that Stringer pay to
you on or before the first day of the next term, your debt & interest, and that Stringer should have ten days to file an answer,
to enable him to contest the claim of Mitchells heirs, and the
cause continued. Stringer's ten days have long since expired
long ago, and he has filed no answer At next court, I suppose
a decree will [be] rendered, ordering the sale of the property to
pay your debt, subject to the claim of Mitchell's heirs.
No Injunction has been obtained in the case.
Yours &c
A. LINCOLN
At the next, or March, 1844, term of court the case was continued. The final decree was rendered on July 29, 1844 By its
terms Ryder was awarded $479.25 and the heirs of Mitchell
$716.45.
To ROWLAND, SMITH & COMPANY 1
April 24, 1844
The case mentioned in the following letter was commenced
before the termination of the Stuart and Lincoln partnership,
and the docket gives their names as attorneys for the plaintiffs.
SPRINGFIELD, ILLS. April 24th 1844
Messrs Rowland, Smith & Co.2
GENT.
Since the Supreme court of the United States have decided
our property laws to be unconstitutional, and our own courts
1 Photostat in Illinois State Historical Library.
2 The concluding paragraph of this letter appears in Tracy, Uncollected Letters, p. 12.




OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN


19


have ascertained, and concluded to follow the decision, we have
become a little encouraged to make some further attempts to
make some collections. Your case in our hands against Francis,
Allen, & Stone stands about thus.
1841 March 26th Judgment for $887.64. & costs.
1842. April 18th  Real estate sold and bought in for you at
the sum of $666.67. and not redeemed.
This sale, if we calculate the interest correctly, left still due you on
that date $277.55, which with interest from that date amounts
now to about $310.85- This last amount and the cost are still to
pay. We suppose you would be pleased to have it collected, but
in as much as the officers have never received any thing yet for
what they have already done, we apprehend they will be loth to
proceed. The precise amount of cost already incurred we have
not now at hand, but it will not greatly vary from $40. We will
direct the Sheriff to collect the ballance.
As to the real estate, we can not attend to it, as agents, & we
therefore recommend that you give the charge of it, to Mr Isaac
S. Britton, a trust-worthy man, & one whom the Lord made on
purpose for such bussiness.
Yours &c
LOGAN & LINCOLN
To HORATIO M. VANDEVEER 1
April 28, 1844
In preparation for his semiannual visit to Taylorville during
his round of circuit traveling, Lincoln wrote the following note
on the back of a bill for divorce, and sent it to H. M1. Vandeveer,
clerk of the Christian County Circuit Court. The complainant,
Andrew Jackson Wilson, charged Susan Wilson, his wife, with
adultery, and named Taylor as the co-respondent.
SPRINGFIELD, April 28th 1844
FRIEND VANDAVEER:
On the other half of this sheet is a little Bill for a Divorce.
I wish you would fill the blank in the proper place, with Taylor's
1 Original in office of Circuit Clerk, Taylorville, Illinois.




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christian name, file the Bill, and issue the subpoena in chancery
for the woman immediately.
Yours as ever
A. LINCOLN
On May 27, 1844, the court dismissed the bill, and ordered
the costs assessed against the plaintiff.
To JOHN J. HARDIN I
December 17, 1844
G. W. Spottswood, Postmaster of Springfield, died in the
autumn of 1844. Since a Democratic administration was in
office Lincoln and his Whig friends could exert little influence
on the selection of his successor.
SPRINGFIELD, ILLS. Decr. 17 1844
DEAR JOHN J.
You perhaps know of the great scramble going on here about
our Post office. Upon general principles, you know this would
be no concern of the whigs, but in this particular case, if it be
in your power to do any thing, you may thereby do a favour to
some of your friends here, without disobliging any of them, so
far as I believe. The man we wish appointed is J. R. Dillerthe reason is, that Major Spotswood's family, now comparatively destitute, will be favoured by it. I write this by an
understanding with Diller himself, who has seen its contents.
I do not perceive how you can effect any thing; but if you can
and will, you will oblige at least
Your sincere friend
A. LINCOLN
P. S. Let this be confidential.
LINCOLN.
Diller was appointed, and held office until removed by Taylor
in 1849.
1 Original owned by David S. Lansden, Cairo, Illinois.




1'4)
70


AN UNUSUAL LETTER TO JOHN J. HARI)IN








OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN


911


RELEASE OF JUDGMENT1
October 24, 1845
Morgan County, though contiguous to Sangamon, was not
part of the Eighth Judicial District which Lincoln regularly
traveled. Nevertheless, he occasionally practiced there, as the
following document shows.
For and in consideration of the sum of twenty five dollars
received of Francis Regnier, I do hereby transfer and release
to said Regnier all my right, title and interest in and to a judgment obtained in the Morgan circuit court in the year 1844
in favor of Eliza S. Cabbott (since married to     Torry)
against said Regnier it being my individual interest and believed to be one eighth part of said judgment, be the same more
or less. Witness my hand this 24th day of October 1845, as
one of the attorneys of the plaintiff.
A. LINCOLN
To JOHN J. HARDIN 2
February 7, 1846
When, in 1843, John J. Hardin had been nominated as the
Whig candidate for Congress, Lincoln made a proposal the exact
nature of which is still unknown, but which clearly looked to
the successive election of Hardin, Baker and himself Accordingly, Hardin retired at the end of his term, and Baker was
elected in his place.
But both Hardin and Baker, having had a taste of life in
Washington, wanted more, and threatened to oppose Lincoln
in 1846 for the nomination. Lincoln successfully induced Baker
to decline to consider renomination, but Hardin meant fight.
Soon after Baker's withdrawal Hardin proposed to Lincoln
that the convention system of nominations be discarded and a
new plan, less favorable to Lincoln's chances, be substituted.
Lincoln rejected the proposal.3 Hardin answered the letter of
1 Photostat in Illinois State Historical Library.
2 Original in Chicago Historical Society.
8 Letter printed in Nicolay and Hay, Complete Works, i, 271-74. It is misdated
January 19, 1845. It should be January 19, 1846.




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rejection, but before Lincoln could reply he saw in the 'Morgan
Journal,' printed in his rival's home city of Jacksonville, the
article which called forth the following lengthy letter.
SPRInGFIELD. Feb. 7, 1846.
Genl. J. J llardin:
DEAR SIR:
Your second letter was duly received and, so far as it goes, it
is entirely satisfactory.
I had set apart the leisure this day affords, to write you the
long letter alluded to by me in my last, but on going to the
Post-office, and seeing the communication in the Morgan Journal, I am almost discouraged of the hope of doing any good by
it, especially when I reflect that most probably that communication was written with your knowledge, in as much as it proceeds partly on information which could only have been furnished by you.
However, as I suppose it can do no harm, I will proceed. Your
letter, admiting [sic] my right to seek, or desire, a nomination
for Congress, opens with an expression of dissatisfaction with
the manner in which you think I have endeavored to obtain it.
Now, if I have, sought the nomination in an improper manner;
you have the right, to the extent, to be dissatisfied. But I deny
all impropriety on my part, in the matter
In the early part of your letter, you introduce the proposition
made by me to you and Baker, that we should take a turn a
piece; and alluding to the principle you suppose be involved in
it, in an after part of your letter, you say - 'As a whig I have
constantly combatted such practices when practiced among the
Locos, & I do not see that they are any more praiseworthy, or
less anti-republican, when sought to be adopted by whigs.'
Now, if my proposition had been that we (yourself, Baker & I)
should be candidates by turns, and that we should unite our
strength throughout to keep down all other candidates, I should
not deny the justice of the censurable language you employ; but
if you so understood it, you wholly misunderstood it. I never
expressed, nor meant to express, that by such an arrangement,
any one of us should be, in the least restricted in his right to




OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN


23


support any person he might choose, in the District; but only
that he should not himself, be a candidate out of his turn. I felt
then, and it seems to me I said then, that even with such an
arrangement, should Governor Duncan be a candidate, when
you were not, it would be your przvilege and perhaps your duty
to go for him.
In this, the true sense of my proposition, I deny that there is
any thing censurable in it - anything but a spirit of mutual
concession, for harmony's sake.
In this same connection you say, 'It is, in effect, acting upon
the principle that the District is a horse which each candidate
may mount and ride a two mile heat without consulting any
body but the grooms & Jockeys.' Well, of course, you go on the
contrary of this principle; which is, in effect acting on the principle that the District is a horse which, the first jockey that
can mount him, may whip and spur round and round, till
jockey, or horse, or both, fall dead on the track. And upon your
principle, there is a fact as fatal to your claims as mine, which is,
that neither you nor I, but Baker is the jockey now in the
stirrups.
'Without consulting any body but the grooms & Jockeys'
is an implied charge that I wish, in some way to interfere with
the right of the people to select their candidate. I do not understand it so. I, and my few friends say to the people that 'Turn
about is fair play.' You and your friends do not meet this, and
say 'Turn about is not fair play'  but insist the argument
itself, ought not to be used. Fair or unfair, why not trust the
people to decide it?
In the early part of your letter you say 'It is also true that
you did come to my house early in September to know whether
I desired to run, stating that you wanted to give Baker a race.'
In this you are mistaken. I did not state to you that I wanted
to give Baker a race; but on the contrary I told you I believed
I could get Baker off the track. I do not know that you attached any importance to what I am disavowing; but, on the
contrary, I do not know but you mean it as the basis of an inference that I acted deceitfully with you, in pretending to
expect a contest with Baker, when in fact I did not expect it.




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It is true, that after Baker's interview with you in September,
he did send a letter, by a messenger, to me at Tremont, in which
letter he detailed what passed at the interview, and the result.
precisely as you do, in substance; and in which letter he did
urge me to relinquish my my [sic] pretensions. He had before
told me that he would not be a candidate, if I desired he should
not, and he then repeated it; but at the same time argued that
you, by having been in Congress, and having taken a high
stand there, would in all probability beat me, so that the
sacrifice he made for me, in declining, would, in the end, do me
no good. And this is as near as I ever came of hearing Baker
express the determination that I should beat you, if he could
not, which you say you have learned he did. When he finally
determined to decline, he did express the wish that I might
succeed; and he has since written his letter of declension; and
when that is told, all I know, or believe, as to him, is told. If he
has ever, in any way, attempted to dictate to any friend of his
to go for me in preference of you, it is more than I know or
believe. That he has a part assigned him to act in the drama,
I know to be untrue. What I here say, is not in its nature
capable of very certain proof; but it may be said, that being
where he is, he can only opperate [.sic] against you by letters.
If he attempts this to any considerable extent, some of them
will fall into the hands of your friends who will apprize you of
them. Have you yet seen or heard of any?
I now quote from your letter again. 'You well knew I would
not be a candidate for Governor Yet during the fall courts,
whilst I learn you were obtaining pledges from all the whigs
you could to support you for the next candidate, my name was
run up as a candidate for Governor by one of your friends under
circumstances which now leave no room for doubt that the
design was to keep my name out of view for Congress, so that
the whi-gs might be more easily influenced to commit themselves
to go for you.'
Now this is a direct imputation that I procured, or winked at,
or in some way directly or indirectly, had a hand in, the nominating of you for Governor, and the imputation is to the utmost hair-breadth of it, unjust. I never knew, or believed, or




OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN


25


had any suspicion, that it was done, or was to be done, until it
was out, had gone to Alton, and been commented upon in the
Alton paper, and come back to Springfield, and my attention
was called to it by Stuart, in our circuit court room, a few days,
as I remember it, after you had been here attending to the case
of Thayer vs Farrall, and had left. I went immediately to the
Journal office, and told them it was my wish that they should
not fall in with the nomination for Governor They showed me
a little paragraph, which they had already prepared, and which
was published, and seen by you, as I suppose.
The reason I had not seen the nomination in the Tazewell
paper was, as I suppose, because I did not then, as I do not now,
take that paper. That I was wholly innocent and ignorant of that
movement, I believe, if need be, I can prove more conclusively
than is often in the power of man to prove any such thing.
In the paragraph last quoted you say that the design was to
keep your name out of view &c. In the general disavowal I have
made, this last is, of course included, and I now go farther, and
declare, that to my recollection, I have not, in a single instance,
presented my name as a candidate for Congress, without, at the
same time presenting yours for the same place. I have some
times met a man who would express the opinion that you would
yield the track to me; and some times one who believed you
would be a candidate for Governor, and I invariably assured
such, that you would, in my opinion, be a candidate for C(ongress. And while I have thus kept your name Iin ricw for congress, I have not reproached you for being a candidate, or for
any thing else, on the contrary I have constantly spoken of you
in the most kind and commendatory terms, as to your talents,
your past services, and your goodness of heart. If I falsify in
this, you can convict me. The witnesses live, and can tell.
And now tell me If you think so harshly of me because a
paper under the control of one of my friends nominated you for
Governor, what, or how, ought I to think of you because of your
paper at Jacksonville doing the same thing for me twice? Why,
you will say you had nothing [to] do with it; and I shall believe
you, but why am I to be judged less charatably? [.ic]
In another part of your letter you attempt to convict me of




26


26    NEW LETTERS AND PAPERS


giving a double account as to my motive in introducing the
resolution to the Convention at Pekin. You say 'You then told
me the object was to soothe Baker's mortified feelings, and that
it did not amount to a committal of any body ' 'Now you say
the object was to give Baker the field for the next race, so as to
keep the party together.' I kept no copy of my letter; but I
guess if you will turn to it, you will find that I have not, any
where in it, said 'the object was to give Baker the field for the
next race &c' and then if you will allow that you may have
committed as great a mistake, as to what I told you at Pekin,
you will find yourself a good deal short of the conviction you
intended. What I told you at Pekin I do not precisely recollect;
but I am sure of some things I did not tell you or any one else.
If you shall say that I told you it was an object with me, in
introducing the resolution, to soothe Baker's feelings, I shall
admit it, but if you shall say I told you that that was the sole
object, I deny it.
If you shall say I then told you that the passage of the resolution amounted to a committal of no one, I deny that also; but if
you shall say I then told you, it amounted to a committal of no
one, except the delegates, generally who voted for it, and me,
particularly, who introduced it, I shall not deny it. This much,
and no more, as a committal, I always supposed it to amount
to, and I guess you will be able to find nothing in my late letter
to you that is inconsistent with this. And I here add, that I
have not since entering this contest with you, or at any time,
sought to appropriate to myself any benefit from that resolution, either as settling the succession to pass through me, or
as settling a principle that shall give the succession that direction. I have said that 'Turn about is fair play;' but this I have
said just as I would, if that resolution had never been thought
of.- I should not hesitate to say publicly, that I claim nothing,
in any form, through the Pekin convention, were it not that
some friends have thought and spoken differently, and I dislike
to rebuke them for what they have not supposed to be injustice
to you, while they have meant it in kindness to me - yet,
rather than be over-delicate, if you desire it, I will do it any
how. I repeat, I desire nothing from the Pekin convention. If




OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN


27


I am not, (in services done the party and in capacity to serve
in future) near enough your equal, when added to the fact of
your having had a turn, to entitle me to the nomination, I
scorn it on any and all other grounds. The question of capacity,
I opine your Morgan Journal correspondent will find little difficulty in deciding; and probably the District may concur, with
quite as little.
A good long paragraph of your letter is occupied in an argument to prove that struggles for the succession will break down
the party It is certain that struggles between candidates, do
not strengthen a party; but who are most responsible for these
struggles, those who are willing to live and let live, or those who
are resolved, at all hazzards, to take care of 'number one'?
Take, as an example, the very case in hand. You have (and
deservedly) many devoted friends; and they have been gratified
by seeing you in congress, and taking a stand that did high
credit to you and to them. I also have a few friends (I fear not
enough) who, as well as your own, aided in giving you that
distinction. Is it natural that they shall be greatly pleased at
hearing what they helped to build up, turned into an argument,
for keeping their own favourite down? Will they grow, and
multiply on such grateful food? Is it by such exclusiveness that
you think a party will gain strength?
In my letter to you, I reminded you that you had first at
Washington, and afterwards at Pekin, said to me that if Baker
succeeded he would most likely hang on as long as possible,
while with you it would be different. If I am not mistaken in
your having said this (and I am sure I am not) it seems you
then thought a little more favourably of 'turn about' than you
seem to now. And in writing your letter you seem to have felt
this, for that is about the only part of mine, that you have failed
to notice.
After, by way of imputations upon me, you have used the
terms 'management' 'manoevering' [sic] and 'combination'
quite freely, you, in your closing paragraph say: 'For it is
mortifying to discover that those with whom I have long acted
& from whom I expected a different course, have considered it
all fair to prevent my nomination to congress.' Feeling, as I do,




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the utter injustice of these imputations, it is somewhat difficult
to be patient under them - yet I content myself with saying
that if there is cause for mortification any where, it is in the
readiness with which you believe, and make such charges,
against one with whom you truly say you have long acted, and
in whose conduct, you have heretofore marked nothing as dishonorable. I believe you do not mean to be unjust, or ungenerous, and I, therefore am slow to believe that you will not
yet think better and think differently of this matter
Yours truly
A. LINCOLN.
Lincoln won, for on February 16, 1846, Hardin wrote a public
letter declining longer to be considered a candidate. Two and
a half months later the district convention met at Petersburg
and unanimously named Lincoln as the Whig candidate. On
August 3, 1846, he was elected over Peter Cartwright, the
Democratic candidate.
THE BEAR HUNT
About 1846
In 1844, as a candidate for the office of Presidential Elector,
Lincoln had not only spoken widely in Illinois, but had also
made several speeches in southwestern Indiana. While there he
had visited the neighborhood of his boyhood home in Spencer
County. The sight, as he later wrote, 'aroused feelings in me
which were certainly poetry; though whether my expression of
these feelings is poetry is quite another question.'
To Andrew Johnston, an attorney then living in Quincy,
Illinois, Lincoln sent two 'cantos' of the verse his visit inspired,
and promised at the end of his letter, 'If I should ever send
another, the subject will be a "Bear Hunt."' He did send
another, the longest of the three.
A wild bear chase, didst never see?
Then hast thou lived in vain.
Thy richest lump of glorious glee,
Lies desert in thy brain.
I Original in the Pierpont Morgan Library, New York.




OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN


29


When first my father settled here,
'Twas then the frontier line;
The panther's scream, filled night with fear
And bears preyed on the swine.
But wo for Bruin's short lived fun,
When rose the squealing cry;
Now man and horse, with dog and gun,
For vengeance, at him fly.
A sound of danger strikes his ear;
He gives the breeze a snuff;
Away he bounds, with little fear,
And seeks the tangled rough.
On press his foes, and reach the ground,
Where's left his half munched meal;
The dogs, in circles, scent around,
And find his fresh made trail.
With instant cry, away they dash,
And men as fast pursue;
O'er logs they leap, through water splash,
And shout the brisk halloo.
Now to elude the eager pack,
Bear shuns the open ground;
Though [sic] matted vines, he shapes his track
And runs it, round and round.
The tall fleet cur, with deep-mouthed voice,
Now speeds him, as the wind,
While half-grown pup, and short-legged fice,
Are yelping far behind.
And fresh recruits are dropping in
To join the merry corps:
With yelp and yell, - a mingled dinThe woods are in a roar.




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And round, and round the chase now goes,
The world's alive with fun;
Nick Carter's horse, his rider throws,
And Mose' Hill drops his gun.
Now sorely pressed, bear glances back,
And lolls his tired tongue;
When is, to force him from his track,
An ambush on him sprung.
Across the glade he sweeps for flight,
And fully is in view.
The dogs, new-fired, by the sight,
Their cry, and speed, renew.
The foremost ones, now reach his rear,
He turns, they dash away;
And circling now, the wrathful bear,
They have him full at bay.
At top of speed, the horse-men come,
All screaming in a row.
'Whoop! Take him Tiger - Seize him Drum'
Bang, - bang - the rifles go.
And furious now, the dogs he tears,
And crushes in his ire.
Wheels right and left, and upward rears,
With eyes of burning fire.
But leaden death is at his heart,
Vain all the strength he plies,
And, spouting blood from every part,
He reels, and sinks and dies.
And now a dinsome clamor rose,
'Bout who should have his skin.
Who first draws blood, each hunter knows,
This prize must always win.




OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN


31


But who did this, and how to trace
What's true from what's a lie,
Like lawyers, in a murder case
They stoutly argufy.
Aforesaid flee, of blustering mood,
Behind, and quite forgot,
Just now emerging from the wood,
Arrives upon the spot.
With grinning teeth, and up-turned hairBrim full of spunk and wrath,
He growls, and seizes on dead bear,
And shakes for life and death.
And swells as if his skin would tear,
And growls, and shakes again;
And swears, as plain as dog can swear,
That he has won the skin.
Conceited whelp! we laugh at thee
Now mind, that not a few
Of pompous, two-legged dogs there be,
Conceited quite as you.
To WILLIAM BROWN1
October 22, 1846
William Brown, the recipient of the following letter, was the
law partner of Richard Yates at Jacksonville. Brown had
succeeded Stephen T Logan as judge of the first circuit, but
had resigned in 1837 after serving three months.
SPRINGFIELD, OCt. 22. 1846
DEAR JUDGE
I have just returned from Coles, where I saw Ficklin, who
handed me a note on Anthony Thornton and somebody else,
1 Original owned by Edward W Brown, Jacksonville, Illinois.




NEW LETTERS AND PAPERS


with $25. in money, which he directed me to pass over to you
upon presentation of his receipt (for the note I suppose)
I want to get the matter off of my hands. What shall be done
about it?
Yours truly
A. LINCOLN
To HENRY ENOCH DUMMER 1
February 8, 1847
Judge Lockwood (Samuel Drake Lockwood) mentioned in
the following letter, was Associate Justice of the Illinois Supreme Court, 1825 to 1848.
SPRINGFIELD, Feb. 8, 1847
FRIEND DUIMMER:
Yours of the 3rd was duly received. I have procured Judge
Lockwood's part to be performed and now mail the record to
St. Louis as you desired. I write you merely to relieve you of
any anxiety as to the matter having in any way miscarried.
Yours sincerely,
A. LINCOLN
OPEN LETTER ON SPRINGFIELD AND ALTON RAILROAD 2
June 30, 1847
Illinois newspapers of the late forties are filled with reports
of 'railroad meetings' - meetings held to further the proposed
construction of specific routes, or to discuss the general policy
the state should follow in granting charters to projected companies. Once before, in 1836 and 1837, the state had plunged
into an orgy of 'internal improvement,' during which the
Legislature, with Lincoln an active member, had authorized
a state-wide network of roads. The only result was one short
line from Naples to Springfield, and a burden of debt under
which Illinois struggled for many years.
By 1847, however, there was real reason for railroad conOriginal in possession of Stewart Kidd, Cincinnati, Ohio.
2 Illinois State Register, July 9, 1847.




OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN


33


struction, and the agitation then in progress was to result in
the building, before 1860, of most of the trunk lines of the
present great systems. One of the first routes proposed was the
Alton and Sangamon, a line to connect the cities of Alton and
Springfield. To further the enterprise numerous public meetings were held in the towns along the route, at which speakers
optimistically forecast the great increase in trade which would
result from the building of the road, and urged subscription
to the stock of the company.
One of these meetings was held at the courthouse in Springfield on May o', 1847. After the passage of resolutions favoring
the construction of the Alton and Sangamon, a committee of
seven citizens was appointed to prepare a public address on the
subject. This address, dated June 30, 1847, was published in the
'Illinois State Register' for July 9, 1847. The personnel of the
original committee had been somewhat changed, and three
new members, including Lincoln, had been added. The position
of Lincoln's name at the head of the list of signers, the way
in which the editor of the paper referred to the address of
'A. LINCOLN, and others,' and the characteristic phrasing of
the document itself, indicate that it was primarily his work.
To the People of Sangamon County:
An effort is being made to build a railroad from Springfield to
Alton. A charter has been granted by the Legislature. and
books are now open for subscriptions to the stock. The chief
reliance for taking the stock must be on the Eastern capitalists,
yet, as an inducement to them, we, here, must do something.
We must stake something of our own in the enterprise, to convince them that we believe it will succeed, and to place ourselves between them and subsequent unfavorable legislation,
which, it is supposed they very much dread.
The whole is a matter of pecuniary interest; and the proper
question for us is, whether, with reference to the present and
future, and to direct and indirect results, it is our interest to
subscribe. If it can be shown that it is, we hope few will
refuse.
The shares in the stocks are one hundred dollars each. Who



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ever takes a share is required to advance five dollars on it, which
will be returned to him, unless the whole stock is taken, so that
the work may certainly go on. If the whole shall be taken, the
fund created by the five dollar advances will be use d to begin
the work; and as it progresses, additional calls will be made
until it is finished. It is believed it can be completed in about
three years. Up to its completion, the shareholders will have
lost the use of their money, from the time of the respective
advances. The questions occur 'What will the road be worth
when completed?' 'How much will it pay for the use of the
money - how return the principal?' Many who have already
subscribed, and who therefore, if they deceive others also deceive theinselves, are satisfied that the road can be built for
something less than seven hundred thousand dollars. No actual
survey has been made, but a good engineer, well acquainted
with the route and the subject, estimates it at this. Now, if the
nett income shall be seven or eight - say eight - per cent per
annum upon this sum, in the aggregate $56,000, the stock will
be very good, and the shareholder who does not wish to have
money out at eight per cent interest, can readily sell at par, or
above it, and so have a return of his principal.
But will the road nett $56,000 a year? Will it make repairs,
bear expenses, and still leave this much? These are questions
which none can, beforehand, answer with precise accuracy
The more difficult it is to make a road at first, the more difficult
it is to keep it in repair, and vice rersa, so that the expenses and
cost of repairs of railroads have been found very nearly uniform
at ten per cent. per annum on the capital expended in building
them. This, on our road, would be $70.000 a year. Now if we
can insure a gross income of the 856,000 and the $70,000 together, that is, $1G,000 - all is safe.
This gross income must, of course, depend upon the amount
of business done upon the road. We suppose it is quite fair to
assume that all the transportation now done, directly and
indirectly, between St. Louis and Springfield, together with its
increase, will be done upon the road Awhen completed. We learn
it is an unquestionable fact, that the merchants of Springfield
now pay annually, for carrying goods from St. Louis to Spring



OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN


35


field, something more than $22,000. This being so, how much
does the country produce, that pays for these goods, cost in
carriage from Springfield to St. Louis? Certainly more, in the
same proportion as the produce weighs more than the goods.
But what is this proportion? One of our largest dealers, who
has, at our request, made an estimate, and has taken some pains
to be accurate, assures us that the average of country produce
is five times as heavy as the average of the articles in his business, in proportion to the value. His business, too, is exclusively
of dry goods, between which and produce the difference in
weight in proportion to value is still greater Another merchant
tells us that a barrel of flour is quite equal in weight to a hundred dollars' worth of average dry goods articles. We suppose,
then, we are far within bounds, in estimating that the transportation of produce from here to St. Louis costs five times as
much as the transportation of goods from there here. This
gives us $132,000 as the present annual cost of transportation
of goods and produce between St. Louis and Springfield. And
this does not include the trade of the villages of the county,
nor of the counties above and adjoining; nor of the intermediate country; nor anything for the mail, nor for passengers.
These must, on a moderate estimate, double the amount,
swelling it to $264,000! Assuming this as the gross income, and
it makes repairs, pays expenses, and leaves a nett sum of $194,000, being nearly 28 per cent. on the capital. This sum, however, is arrived at on the assumption that transportation is to
remain as dear as it now is; while the chief reason for desiring
the road is that transportation may be cheapened. Reduce,
then, the cost of carriage to one third its present rates, and it
still leaves more than nine per cent. as the profits of the stockholders. This the distant holder will be abundantly satisfied
with, while the resident will have the same, and much more
than as much additional, in the cheapening what he buys,
enhancing what he sells, and greatly increasing the value of his
real property.
Another important matter, already alluded to, is the certain
and large increase of business which must occur on the line of
the road, and this whether the road shall or shall not be built;




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greater, however, if it shall. Increase of business would naturally follow the building of a good road in any country, and this
applies especially to this road, by the facts that the country on
its line is unequalled in natural agricultural resources, is new,
and only yet very partially brought into cultivation. Not one
tenth of the land fitted for the plough has yet been subjected
to it. Add the new fact, that the use of Indian corn has, at
length, been successfully introduced into Europe, under circumstances that warrant the hope of its continuance, and the
amount of means of transportation which the people of this
country must need is beyond calculation.
Again: at no distant day, a railroad connecting the eastern
cities with some point on the Mississippi will surely be built.
If we lie by till this be done, it may pass us in such a way as to
do us harm rather than good, while if we complete, or even begin our road first, it will become, not merely a local improvement, but a connecting link in one of a great national character,
retaining all its local benefits, and superadding many from its
general connection.
In view of the foregoing considerations, briefly stated, is it
not the interest of us all to act, and to act now, in this matter3
It is encouraging, in a double aspect, to know that near a
hundred thousand dollars of the stock has already been taken
by some four hundred farmers, mechanics, merchants, and
members of all classes, resident in the counties of Madison,
Jersey, Macoupin, Morgan, and Sangamon. It is encouraging
in the amount taken, and also in the evidence of confidence in
the success of the undertaking, entertained by so great a number of men well acquainted with the country through which the
road is to pass.
Committee.
A. LINCOLN,         JOHN T STUART,
J. N BROWN,         WILLIAM PICRRELL,
JOHN CALHOUN,       J. BUNN,
B- C. WEBSTER,      JOHN WILLIAMS,
P. P. ENOS,         S. B. OPDYCKE.


SPRINGFIELD, June 30, 1847.




OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN


37


Construction work on the Alton and Sangamon was begun
in 1852, and the line was opened from Alton to Springfield
the following year. A connection to Chicago was established
in 1854. The line is now a part of the Chicago and Alton
system.
To 'FRIEND' SMITH
December 3, 1847
In the 'Illinois Journal' for October 28, 1847, appeared the
following paragraph 'Mr. Lincoln, the member of Congress
elect from this district, has just set out on his way to the city
of Washington. His family is with him, they intend to visit
their friends and relatives in Kentucky before they take up the
line of march for the seat of government."
WASHINGTON, Decr 3. 1847
FRIEND SMITH:
This is my first day at this place, & on reaching here I found
your letter in relation to your business with Douglass. I met
him afterwards, but disliking to dunn him at the first meeting
with him, I let it pass, for the time. I will attend to it shortly &
write you.
You intimate there is some danger of my neglecting the
business, but if you will get me as good a fee as you got for Jo.
Gillespie in the case he tells of, I'll never desert you.
Yours truly
A. LINCOLN
The reference in the foregoing letter to Joseph Gillespie, a
lawyer living in Edwardsville, indicates that the letter was
probably written to Robert Smith, of Alton, a friend of both
Gillespie and Lincoln. Smith had served with Lincoln in the
legislatures of 1836-37 and 1838-39, and, being a Democrat
at the time, was quite likely to have had business with
Douglas.
1 Original in the Chicago Historical Society.




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To PRESIDENT JAMES K. POLK 1
December 8, 1847
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES,
Decr 8 1847
His Excellency, the President of the U. States
DEAR SIR:
Mr Franklin L Rhoads, of Pekin, Illinois, desires the appointment to a Lieutenancy in the U.S. Army, as you perceive
by the Pe[ti]tion, accompanying this. Mr Rhoads is a Whig;
but of the fifteen persons who sign his Petition, I personally
know five to be influential Democrats, five whigs, and the remaining five to be respectable men, though their politics are
unknown to me. The Mr Jones, who writes the accompanying
letter, addressed to me, has received a Military education, and
was Mr Rhoads' Captain in the battle of Cerro Gordo. If the
appointment could be confered on Mr. Rhoads, I should be
personally grateful for it.
Very Respectfully
Your Obt. Servt.
A. LINCOLN
To RICHARD YATES 2
December 10, 1847
Richard Yates, the future war governor of Illinois, had already commenced his political career, having been twice elected,
in 1842 and 1844, as a representative to the General Assembly
from Morgan County At the time this letter was written he
was practicing law in Jacksonville.
WASHINGTON, December 10, 1847
FRIEND YATES:
I presented your claim to Douglass this morning; he says it
is all right and that he will pay it in a few days. When he shall
have done so, you will hear from me at once.
Things have not advanced far enough to enable me to tell
1 Original owned by George R. Dyer, New York City.
2 Printed in 'Lincoln,' a speech of Honorable Richard Yates of Illinois in the House of
Representatives, February 12, 1921.




OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN


39


you much in the way of politics, more than you see in the papers.
I believe Mr Calhoun and what force he can control are preparing to support Gen. Taylor for the Presidency. I get this
impression from conversations with Duff Greene, who boards
at the same house I do. There are, however, a great many
Whigs here who do not wish to go for Taylor, and some of
whom I fear can not be brought to do it. There are still many
others of them who are strong for him, among whom I class
Mr. Crittenden, although he does not expressly say so. I shall
be pleased to have a line from you occasionally.
Yours truly,
A. LINCOLN.
To PRESIDENT JAMES K. POLK 1
December 11, 1847
WASHINGTON, Decr 11. 1847
HIS EXCELLENCY, THE PRESIDENT
Some days since I submitted to you the application of Mr
Rhoads of Pekin Illinois, for a Lieutenancy Since then I have
received the enclosed letter of Hon E. D Baker, in his behalf,
which I now take the liberty of submitting to you.
Your Obt. Servt.
A. LINCOLN
Lincoln's efforts seem to have been without success. for the
army records do not show that Rhoads was ever appointed.
To TAYLOR COMMITTEE 2
February 9, 1848
By the beginning of 1848, sentiment for the selection of
General Zachary Taylor as the Whig candidate for the Presidency was widespread, though unorganized. To crystallize it,
prominent Whigs planned a demonstration at Philadelphia on
Washington's Birthday.
Original owned by George R. Dyer, New York City
2 Printed in a pamphlet, 'Great Whig Demonstration in Favor of the Nomination of
Gen. Taylor to the Presidency,' owned by William E. Barton, Foxboro, Massachusetts.




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IIHosE oF ERERESENTATIVES
WASHINGTON, Feb. 9, 1848
GENTLEMEN.
Your letter inviting me to attend a meeting on the 22(1
instant, at Philadelphia, to nominate General Taylor for the
Presidency, subject to the decision of a National Convention,
has been received. It will not be convenient for me to attend,
yet I take the occasion to say, I am decidedly in favor of
General Taytlor as the Whig candidate for the next Presidency
I am the only Whig member of Congress from Illinois, so that
the meeting will probably hear nothing from that State, unless
it be from me through the medium of this letter For this
reason I think proper to say, that during the last summer a
convention was held in that State for the purpose of amending
her constitution; that, in that convention, there were, as I
remember, some more than seventy Whig members, that, at a
meeting of those Whig members, they nominated General Taylor for the Presidency, and that, with the exception of a very
few, (not more than six I believe,) they subscribed their names
to that nomination and published it to the world. These delegates of course were not elected to nominate a candidate for
the Presidency, nor did they, in the matter, assume to act in
any capacity other than as so many individuals expressing their
own preferences, still, coming from all parts of the State as
they did, their action, together with other facts falling within
my observation, leave no doubt in my mind that the preference
of the Whigs of the State is the same.
Those Whig delegates said nothing as to a National Convention, as far as I can remember, nor has any thing transpired
since enabling me to determine what is the disposition of the
Whigs of Illinois on the subject; still it is my expectation that
they will send delegates to the Convention, as I think it will
be proper that they should.
Very respectfully,
A. LINCOLN.
The meeting was held as planned. There was much speechmaking, in which Taylor was hailed as a second Washington,




OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN


41


and there were eleven toasts offered. A summary of the proceedings of the meeting was published, together with letters
from 'Distinguished Whigs' who had not been able to attend.
Lincoln's letter was among these.
To MARY LINCOLN 1
April 16, 1848
The Congressional Directory for 1848 lists Lincoln as residing
at 'Mrs. Spriggs', Capitol Hill.' It also shows that among her
boarders were seven other Congressmen' John Blanchard,
John Dickey, Joshua R. Gildllngs, Abraham R. Mcllvaine,
James Pollock, John Strohm, and Patrick W. Tompkins.
Mrs. Spriggs's was one of the best known of the 'messes' or
boarding clubs in which a large number of the members of
Congress lived. It was located where the Library of Congress
now stands, in what was then called 'Duff Greene's Row'
Capitol Hill was partly built over, though most of the residents
of Washington lived on or near Pennsylvania Avenue.
WASHINGTON, April 16, 1848.
DEAR MARY:
In this troublesome world, we are never quite satisfied. When
you were here, I thought you hindered me some in attending to
business, but now, having nothing but business - no vanity -
it has grown exceedingly tasteless to me I hate to sit down and
direct documents, and I hate to stay in this old room by myself
You know I told you in last Sunday's letter I was going to make
a little speech during the week, but the week has passed away
without my getting a chance to do so, and now my interest in
the subject has passed away too. Your second and third letters
have been received since I wrote before. Dear Eddy thinks
father is 'gone tapila.' Has any further discovery been made as
to the breaking into your grandmother's house? If I were she
I would not remain there alone. You mention that your Uncle
John Parker is likely to be at Lexington. Don't forget to present him my very kindest regards.
1 Original owned by Oliver R. Barrett, Chicago, Illinois.




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I went yesterday to hunt the little plaid stockings as you
wished, but found that McKnight has quit business and Allen
had not a single pair of the description you give and only one
plaid pair of any sort that I thought would fit 'Eddy's dear
little feet.' I have a notion to make another trial tomorrow
morning. If I could get them, I have an excellent chance of
sending them. Mr Warrich Tunstall of St. Louis is here. He
is to leave early this week and to go by Lexington. He says he
knows you, and will call to see you, and he voluntarily asked if
I had not some package to send to you.
I wish you to enjoy yourself in every possible way, but is
there no danger of wounding the feelings of your good father by
being too openly intimate with the Wickliffe family?
Mrs. Broome has not removed yet, but she thinks of doing so
tomorrow All the house or rather all with whom you were on
decided good terms send their love to you. The others say
nothing. Very soon after you went away I got what I think a
very pretty set of shirt-bosom studs - modest little ones, jet
set in gold, only costing 50 cents a piece or $1.50 for the
whole.
Suppose you do not prefix the 'Hon.' to the address on your
letters to me any more. I like the letters very much but I would
rather they should not have that upon them. It is not necessary, as I suppose you have thought, to have them come
free.
Are you entirely free from headache? That is good - good
considering it is the first spring you have been free from it since
we were acquainted. I am afraid you will get so well and fat
and young as to be wanting to marry again. Tell Louisa I want
her to watch you a little for me. Get weighed and write me
how much you weigh.
I did not get rid of the impression of that foolish dream about
dear Bobby till I got your letter written the same day. What
did he and Eddy think of the little letters father sent them?
Don't let the blessed fellows forget father.
A day or two ago Mr Strong, here in Congress, said to me
that Matilda would visit here within two or three weeks. Suppose you write her a letter, and enclose it in one of mine, and




OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN


43


if she comes I will deliver it to her, and if she does not, I will
send it to her.
Most affectionately,
A. LINCOLN.
To BENJAMIN KELLOGG, JR.1
April 21, 1848
One of the members of Mrs. Spriggs's mess has left a picture
of Lincoln the 'working member' - attending sessions and performing such errands as the following letter to Benjamin Kellogg, Jr., of Pekin, Illinois, describes. 'Congressman Lincoln,'
wrote S. C. Busey, 'was always neat but very plainly dressed,
very simple and approachable in manner, and unpretentious.
He attended to his business, going promptly to the House and
remaining till the session adjourned, and appeared to be
familiar with the progress of legislation.'
WASHINGTON, April 21. 1848
DEAR BEN:
Your letter, which I herewith return, was received two days
ago. On yesterday I went to the Patent office with it, made the
memorandum on it which you see on the back of it, and left it.
Last night they returned it to me, with no other answer, than
the pencil notes at the top and bottom of it, which you see. I
return the letter, because I suppose you will understand their
notes better by seeing them, than you could by my writing
about them.
Yours as ever
A. LINCOLN
Kellogg's letter was an inquiry about a patent. On the back
Lincoln wrote the following note for the benefit of the Patent
Office:
Please examine this letter, and give me the desired information; and return this to me with your own.
A. LINCOLN.
1 Original owned by Frank T Miller, Peoria, Illinois.




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To MARY LINCOLN
May 24, 1848
One of Lincoln's favorite haunts in Washington was the
House post-office, which a newspaper correspondent of Lincoln's
time has described as 'a small room..where a few jovial
raconteurs used to meet almost every morning, after the mail
had been distributed into the members' boxes, to exchange
such new stories as any of them might have acquired since
they had last met.' In this gathering Lincoln soon became a
leader. 'His favorite seat was at the left of the open fireplace,
tilted back in his chair, with his long legs reaching over to the
chimney jamb. He never told a story twice, but appeared to
have an endless repertoire of them always ready, like the
successive charges in a machine gun, and always pertinently
adapted to some passing event.' It was probably in these surroundings that the following letter was written.
WASHINGTON, May 24. 1848
MY DEAR WIFE:
Enclosed is the draft as I promised you in my letter of Sunday  It is drawn in favor of your father, and I doubt not, he
will give you the money for it at once. I write this letter in the
post-office, surrounded by men and noise, which, together with
the fact that there is nothing new, makes me write so short a
letter.
Affectionately
A. LINCOLN
To MARY LINCOLN 2
July 2, 1848
When the following letter was written, Lincoln had recently returned to Washington from Philadelphia, where he
had attended the Whig National Convention as an ardent
supporter of General Taylor, the nominee.
1 Original owned by Emanuel Hertz, New York City.
2 Original owned by Alexander W Hannah, Chicago, Illinois.




OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN


45


WASHINGTON, July 2, 1848
MY DEAR WIFE
Your letter of last sunday came last night. On that day (sunday) I wrote the principal part of a letter to you, but did not
finish it, or send it till tuesday, when I had provided a draft for
$100 which I sent in it. It is now probable that on that day (tuesday) you started to Shelbyville, so that when the money reaches
Lexington, you will not be there. Before leaving, did you make
any provision about letters that might come to Lexington for
you? Write me whether you got the draft, if you shall not have
already done so, when this reaches you. Give my kindest regards to your uncle John, and all the family. Thinking of them
reminds me that I saw your acquaintance, Newton, of Arkansas, at the Philadelphia Convention. We had but a single interview, and that was so brief, and in so great a multitude of
strange faces, that I am quite sure I should not recognize him,
if I were to meet him again. I-e was a sort of Trinity, three in
one, having the right, in his own person, to cast the three votes
of Arkansas. Two or three dvys ago I sent your uncle John,
and a few of our other friends each a copy of the speech 1 I
mentioned in my last letter, but I did not send any to you,
thinking you would be on the road here, before it would reach
you. I send you one now  Last Wednesday, P. H. Hood & Co.
dunned me for a little bill of $5.38 cents, and Walter Harper
& Co. another for $8.50 cents, for goods which they say you
bought. I hesitated to pay them, because my recollection is
that you told me when you went away, there was nothing left
unpaid. Mention in your next letter whether they are right.
Mrs. Richardson is still here, and what is more, has a babyso Richardson says, and he ought to know  I believe Mary
Hewett has left here and gone to Boston. I met her on the
street about fifteen or twenty days ago, and she told me she was
going soon. I have seen nothing of her since.
The music in the Capitol grounds on saturdays, or, rather,
the interest in it, is dwindling down to nothing. Yesterday
evening the attendance was rather thin. Our two girls, whom
1 Probably the speech on internal improvements, June 20. See Nicolay and Hay,
Complete Works, ii, 28 ff.




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you remember seeing first at Canisis, at the exhibition of the
Ethiopian Serenaders, and whose peculiarities were the wearing
of black fur bonnets, and never being seen in close company
with other ladies, were at the music yesterday. One of them
was attended by their brother, and the other had a member of
Congress in tow. He went home with her; and if I were to guess,
I would say, he went away a somewhat altered man - most
likely in his pockets, and in some other particular. The fellow
looked conscious of guilt, although I believe he was unconscious
that everybody around knew who it was that had caught him.
I have had no letter from home, since I wrote you before,
except short business letters, which have no interest for you.
By the way, you do not intend to do without a girl, because
the one you had has left you? Get another as soon as you can
to take charge of the dear codgers. Father expected to see you
all sooner; but let it pass; stay as long as you please, and come
when you please. Kiss and love the dear rascals.
Affectionately
A. LINCOLN
To WILLIAM HENRY HERNDON 1
July 11, 1848
On July 10, Lincoln had written Herndon a solemn letter, in
reply to one he had just received, in which his partner had
made some bitter remarks about the 'old fossils' who were
guiding the Whig Party, as he thought, to its death. A second
letter from Herndon alleviated Lincoln's depression.
WASHINGTON, July 11, 1848
DEAR WILLIAM'
Yours of the 3rd is this moment received, and I hardly need
say, it gives unalloyed pleasure. I now almost regret writing
the serious, long-faced letter I wrote yesterday, but let the past
as nothing be. Go it while you're young!
I write this in the confusion of the H. R., and with several
other things to attend to. I will send you about eight different
1 Original owned by Oliver R. Barrett, Chicago, Illinois.




OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN


47


speeches this evening; and as to kissing a pretty girl, I know
one very pretty one, but I guess she won't let me kiss her.
Yours forever,
A. LINCOLN.
To WILLIAM H. YOUNG
August 28, 1848
William H. Young, of Mount Pulaski, Illinois, had served in
the Fourth Illinois throughout the Mexican War and therefore
was entitled to the three months' extra pay voted by Congress
on July 19, 1848.
WASHINGTON, Aug. 28 1848
W  H Young
DEAR SIR.
Your letter enquiring after land warrants has been received,
and I have left it with the Commissioner of Pensions, with a
special request, in writing that he attend to it, and write you.
You will hear from him before long  As to the three months
extra pay, Pay-masters are to go round and pay it to the
volunteers in their respective vicinities. Advertisements will
go in advance of them, and no forms are necessary, as I understand it.
Yours truly
A. LINCOLN
To THADDEUS STEVENS 2
September 3, 1848
As a member of the Whig National Committee, Lincoln
worked hard for the election of Zachary Taylor, taking, as he
himself described it, 'an active part for his election after his
nomination, speaking a few times in Maryland, near Washington, several times in Massachusetts, and canvassing quite fully
his own district in Illinois.' His interest is apparent in the following letter to Thaddeus Stevens, then a lawyer living in
1 Original owned by R. Allan Stephens, Springfield, Illinois.
2 Original in the Library of Congress.




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Lancaster, Pennsylvania, and a candidate for election to the
United States House of Representatives.
WASHINGTON, Set. 3, 1848.
Hion. Thaddeus Stevens
DEAR SIR:
You may possibly remember seeing me at the Philadelphia
Convention - introduced to you as the lone whig star of
Illinois. Since the adjournment, I have remained here, so long,
in the Whig document room. I am now about to start for home;
and I desire the undisguised opinion of some experienced and
sagacious Pennsylvania politician, as to how the vote of that
state, for governor, and president, is likely to go. In casting
about for such a man, I have settled upon you, and I shall be
much obliged if you will write me at Springfield, Illinois.
The news we are receiving here now, by letters from all
quarters is steadily on the rise, we have none lately of a discouraging character. This is the sum, without giving particulars.
Yours truly
A. LINCOLN.
Stevens was elected to Congress in 1848 and 1850. He was
elected again in 1858, and served in the House of Representatives until his death ten years later Soon after the commencement of Lincoln's first administration he became the leader of
the anti-slavery radicals, and as such was a constant thorn in
the flesh of the President.
To AiMos WILLIAMS 1
December 8, 1848
Amos Williams was an early settler of Danville, Illinois, and
for many years circuit clerk of Vermilion County.
WASHINGTON, Dec. 8, 1848
DEAR SIR:
Your letter of Novr. 27, was here for me when I arrived on
yesterday. I also received the one addressed me at Springfield,
I Original owned by the Woodbury family, Danville, Illinois.




OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN


49


but seeing I could do nothing in the matter then & there, and
being very busy with the Presidential election, I threw it by,
and forgot it. I shall do better now. Herewith I send you a
document of 'Information &c.' which you can examine, and
then if you think fit, to file a caveat, you can send me a description and drawing of your 'invention' or 'improvement' together with $20 in money, and I will file it for you. Nothing can
be done, by caveat, or by examining the models here, as you
request, without having a description of your invention. You
perceive the reason of this.
Yours as ever
A. LINCOLN
To C. U. SCHLATER 1
January 5, 1849
WASHINGTON, Jan. 5. 1849
Mr. C. U. Schlater:
DEAR SIR:
Your note, requesting my 'signature with a sentiment' was
received, and should have been answered long since, but that
it was mislaid. I am not a very sentimental man, and the best
sentiment I can think of is, that if you collect the signatures of
all persons who are no less distinguished than I, you will have a
very undistinguishing mass of names.
Yours respectfully
A. LINCOLN
To JAMES BERDAN 2
January 15, 1849
James Berdan, a lawyer of Jacksonville, Illinois, was a
political and personal friend of Lincoln's.
WASHINGTON, Jany. 15. 1849
DEAR SIR:
Your letter of the 2nd was received last night. I went this
morning to the folding room, and made enquiry for the docu1 Original in the Historical Society of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania.
2 Original in Lincoln Collection, Brown University, Providence, Rhode Island.




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ments you desire. They told me (what I had forgot) that our
House has ordered the printing of 10.000 copies of Emory's and
Albert's reports together, and that 8 copies for each member
will be ready in about two weeks. The first lot I receive, I will
provide you and Mr. Harkness out of. I was very glad to receive your letter, and shall be pleased at any time to have another. We have the news here, that Shields was nominated for
the Senate, and from which we infer that he was elected, as a
matter of course. How do you suppose this, as a fruit of the
glorious Mexican war, tastes to Breese, McClernand et al? Do
you suppose thev are in a mood of blessing the war about now?
Write me again.
Yours as ever
A. LINCOLN
The election of James Shields, a Democrat, to the United
States Senate took place on January 13, 1849. Sidney Breese
and John A. M\JcClernand, also Democrats, had, with their
party, ardently supported the war. Their claims to the senatorial office, however, were passed over in favor of Shields's
which included active participation as a Brigadier General of
Volunteers and a severe wound.
To J. B. HERRICK1
January 19, 1849
As the only Illinois Whig in Congress, Lincoln was likely to
have considerable influence in the distribution of the patronage
which would fall to the Taylor Administration after 1llarch 4th.
WASHINGTON, Jan. 19. 1849.
DEAR DOCTORYour letter from Chicago recommending Wim. M. Black, for
Register of the Land Office at Vandalia, is received. Two others,
both good men, have applied for the same office before. I have
made no pledge, but if the matter falls into my hands, I shall,
when the time comes, try to do right, in view of all the lights
1 Original owned by Mrs. William F Herrick, Shelbyville, Ill.




OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN


51


then before me. I do not feel authorized to advise any one of
the applicants what course to pursue.
Yours truly,
A. LINCOLN
James M. Davis, not Black, was appointed Register of the
Vandalia Land Office.
To JOSEPH GALES AND WILLIAM WINSTON SEATON 1
January 22, 1849
Gales and Seaton were the publishers, at Washington, of the
'National Intelligencer,' foremost organ of the Whig Party
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Jan. 22. 1849
Messrs Gales & Seaton:
GENTLEMEN:
Two drafts, one for $743 37/100 the other for $733 33/100,
drawn by Thomas French, and accepted by you, have been sent
to me for collection. Please let me hear from you on the subject.
Yours truly
A. LINCOLN
To WILLIAM BROWN AND RICHARD YATES 2
February 19, 1849
WASHINGTON, Feb. 19. 1849
Messrs. Brown & Yates
GENTLEMEN.
Your letter enclosing the papers for Bounty land & Extra
pay for Mrs. Eliza Pearson, was received saturday night. This
(monday) morning I went to the Pension office, filed the
Bounty land papers, went to the Pay Master, and had the claim
for extra pay rejected, because the proof of two witnesses that
Mrs. Pearson, is the widow of the soldier - which proof, they
say, is indispensable - [is lacking]. I went back to the Pension
t Original in Henry E. Huntington Library, San Marino, California.
z Original owned by Edward W Brown, Jacksonville, Illinois.




52


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office to see if the papers left there might not supply the proof,
but the office was so full, I could get no chance. I shall try it
again to-morrow morning.
Yours as ever
A. LINCOLN
To SECRETARY THOMAS EWING 1
March 9, 1849
Lincoln was not a candidate for reilection in 1848. His successor to the Whig nomination, Stephen T. Logan, was defeated
by Thomas L. Harris, Democrat, of Menard County. The loss
of the district was balanced by the election of E. D Baker, who
had represented it in 1844-45, from the Sixth or Galena District. Lincoln and Baker frequently joined in recommending
appointments.
WASHINGTON, March 9. 1849
Hon. Thomas Ewing
Secretary of the Home Department:
DEAR SIR:
We recommend that Mathew Gillespie be appointed to fill the
Land-office now, or soon to be, vacant at Edwardsville, Illinois.
Your Obt. Servts.
A. LINCOLN
E. D BAKER
Mathew Gillespie was an older brother of Lincoln's friend
Joseph Gillespie. President Taylor appointed him Register of
the Land Office at Edwardsville, a position which he held for
four years.
RECOMMENDATION a
March 14, 1849
On March 14, 1849, Baker, writing from Washington, sent
the following recommendation, obtained from Lincoln, to
1 Photostat in Library of Congress.
2 From a certified copy in the possession of William E. Barton, Foxboro, Massachusetts.




OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN


53


Nathaniel Green Wilcox, an Illinois Whig. On the same sheet
he wrote these words: 'We desire this to stand as our recommendation of your appointment to a Pursership in the Navy.'
If Mr. Wilcox can receive the appointment above indicated,
I shall be truly and heartily gratified. From at least one severe
test, I have seen him subjected to, I consider him a gentleman
of the highest honor, beside possessing all the other requisite
qualifications.
A. LINCOLN
To SECRETARY THOMAS EWING 1
April 13, 1849
Before the expiration of the Thirtieth Congress, Lincoln and
Baker made an agreement by which the latter was to control
the patronage of the northern part of the State, while Lincoln
was to have that of the southern half. The following is one of
numerous letters which Lincoln wrote at this time.
SPRINGFIELD, ILLS. April 13. 1849
Hon. Secretary of the Home Department.
DEAR SIR:
Under date of the 7th Inst. I forwarded to you, in separate
letters, recommendations that Walter Davis be Receirer, and
Turner R. King Register, of the Land Office at this place. For a
personal reason, of no consequence to the Department, I now
wish to transpose those recommendations; so that Davis may
stand for Register, and King for Recerier.
Your Obt. Servt.
A. LINCOLN
Lincoln outlined his reason for this transposition in another
letter. 'That private reason was the request of an old personal
friend who himself desired to be receiver, but whom I felt it my
duty to refuse a recommendation. He said if I would transpose
King and Davis he would be satisfied. I thought it a whim, but,
anxious to oblige him, I consented.'
1 Photostat in Library of Congress.




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To SECRETARY THOMAS EWING 1
April 26, 1849
The recommendation of King was to cause Lincoln no little
trouble, as the following letter indicates. Lincoln attributed the
opposition to the 'old personal friend' at whose instance he had
transposed the recommendations. As soon as he had induced
Lincoln to name King for the receivership, this man 'commenced an assault upon King's character, intending, as I suppose, to defeat his appointment, and thereby secure another
chance for himself.' The charges consisted of 'information of
an indictment having been found against him about three years
ago, for gaming or keeping a gaming-house.'
SPRINGFIELD, ILLS. April 26 1849
Hon. Secretary of Home Department
DEAR SIR:
Some time since I recommended to your Department, the
appointment of Turner R. King and Walter Davis, to the Land
Offices in this place. Several persons here, who desired these
offices themselves, are finding great fault with the recommendations, and I learned this morning that charges against King
have been, or are to be, forwarded to your Department. I
write this to request that, if in this, or any other case, charges
shall be sent against persons I have recommended, you will
suspend action, and notify me. I will take pains to avoid imposing any unworthy man on the Department. MIr King
resides in the Land District, but sixty miles distant from me;
and I recommended him to you, on the recommendation of his
neighbors to me. I know him personally, and think him a good
man, still my acquaintance with him is not intimate enough to
warrant me in totally disregarding a charge against him. Accordingly I am making particular enquiry in the matter, and
the Department shall know the result. I am not the less anxious in this matter because of knowing the principal object of
the fault finders, to be to stab me.
Your Obt. Servt
A. LINCOLN
1 Printed in facsimile in Anderson Galleries' Catalogue of Emanuel Hertz Sale.




OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN


55


On May 10, Lincoln requested that the recommendations be
considered as originally made. Late in May the appointments
were announced - Turner R. King, Register, and Walter
Davis, Receiver
To J. B. HERRICK
June 3, 1849
At the same time Lincoln was recommending others for
offices, he was working hard in his own behalf While Congress
was still in session he had pledged himself to secure the Commissionership of the General Land Office for Cyrus Edwards, of
Edwardsville, Illinois. Other applicants appearing, Lincoln
agreed with Baker that if Edwards and J L. D  Morrison, of
Belleville, could decide which would yield to the other, they
would jointly support the applicant.
By May, however, a strong rival - Justin Butterfield. of
Chicago -was in the field. Lincoln quickly concluded that
he himself stood a greater chance of obtaining the Commissionership than either Edwards or Morrison, so he set out to
obtain letters requesting that he or the man he would recommend be appointed. By June he had decided that he alone
could defeat Butterfield, as the following letter indicates.
SPRINGFIELD, June 3, 1849
Dr J B. Herrick.
DEAR SIR:
It is now certain that either Mr Butterfield or I will be commissioner of the general land office. If you are willing to give
me the preference, please write me to that effect at Washington,
whither I am going There is not a moment of time to be lost.
Yours truly,
A. LINCOLN
To WILLIE PERSON MANGUM 2
Willie P. Mangum, United States Senator from North
Carolina, was influential in Whig politics.
1 Original owned by Mrs. William F. Herrick, Shelbyville, Illinois.
2 Original in Harvard University Library



56


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SPRINGFIELD, ILLS. June 4th 1849
Hon: W'illic P. Mangum:
DEAR SIR:
I understand the President has determined to give the General Land Office to Illinois; and if you would quite as soon I
should have it as any other Illinoian, I shall be grateful if you
will write me to that effect at Washington, where I expect to be
soon.
A private despatch from thence, tells me the appointment
has been postponed three weeks from the first Inst. for my
benefit. No time to lose.
Your Obt. Servt.
A. LINCOLN
The 'Illinois State Register,' Springfield Democratic newspaper, celebrated Lincoln's departure for Washington with
the following doggerel, captioned 'Cowper improved for the
"Heroic Age"':
Away went Justin, neck or naught;
Away went hat and wig;
He little dreamed when he set out
Of running such a rig.
Away went Lincoln, who but he;
His fame soon spread around;
He carries weight! he rides a race;
He's for an OFFICE boundl
MEMORANDUM TO PRESIDENT ZACHARY TAYLOR 1
About June 15, 1849
Arriving in Washington, Lincoln found powerful influences
behind Butterfield's candidacy. In an attempt to counteract
these he prepared the following memorandum. All to no avail,
however, for Butterfield received the appointment.
Nothing in my papers questions Mr. B.'s competency or
honesty, and, I presume, nothing in his questions mine. Being
1 Printed in Barrett, Abraham Lincoln and Bis Presidency, I, 107-08.




OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN


57


equal so far, if it does not appear I am preferred by the Whligs
of Illinois, I lay no claim to the office.
But if it does appear I am preferred, it will be argued that
the whole Northwest, and not Illinois alone, should be heard.
I answer I am strongly recommended by Ohio and Indiana, as
well as Illinois; and further, that when the many appointments
were made for Ohio, as for the Northwest, Illinois was not
consulted. When an Indianian was nominated for Governor
of Minnesota, and another appointed for Commi;sioner of Mexican claims, as for the Northwest, Illinois was not consulted.
When a citizen of Iowa was appointed Second Assistant Postmaster General and another to a Land Office in MIinnesota,
Illinois was not consulted. Of none of these have I ever complained. In each of them, the State whose citizen was appointed
was allowed to control, and I think rightly. I only ask that
Illinois be not cut off with less deference.
It will be argued that all the Illinois appointments, so far,
have been South, and that therefore this should go North. I
answer, that of the local appointments every part has had its
share, and Chicago far the best share of any. Of tle transitory,
the Marshall and Attorney are all, and neither of these is within
a hundred miles of me, the former being South and the latter
North of West. I am in the center Is the center nothing?that center which alone has ever given you a W hig representative? On the score of locality, I admit the claim of the North is
no worse, and I deny that it is any better than that of the center.
To SECRETARY THOMAS EWING 1
June 19, 1849
WASHINGTON, June 19, 1849
Hon. T Ewing,
Secretary, &c.
SIR:
My friend, N. G. Wilcox, is an applicant to be Receiver of
the Land Office at Stillwater, Minesota; and I sincerely hope
he may succeed. He is in every way worthy of the office. I
1 From a certified copy in the possession of William E. Barton, Foxboro, Massachusetts.




58


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have once seen his devotion to principle put to the severest
test, and come out unshaken. My confidence in him unlimited
[sic].
Your Obt. Svt.
A. LINCOLN.
Lincoln's recommendation was not wasted this time, for Wilcox received the office.'
To JOSEPH GILLESPIE 2
July 13. 1849
In finally becoming an unconditional applicant for the Land
Office Lincoln had alienated Cyrus Edwards, whose candidacy
he had first favored. With the following letter was enclosed
another,3 tactful and conciliatory, which had as its purpose the
soothing of Edwards' wounded feelings.
SPRINGFIELD, ILL., July 13th, 1849.
DEAR GILLESPIE:
Your letter of the 9th of June in which you manifest some apprehension that your writing directly to Gen. Taylor had been
regarded as improper, was received by me at Washington. I
feel I owe you an apology for not answering it sooner. You
committed no error in writing directly to the President, half
the letters, or nearly so, on the subject of appointments, are so
addressed. The President assorts them, and sends them to the
Departments to which they belong respectively. Whether he
reads them first, or only so far as to ascertain what subject they
are on, I have not learned.
Mr Edwards is angry with me, and, in which, he is wronging
me very much. He wrote a letter against me & in favor of Butterfield, which was filed in the Department. Ever since I discovered this, I have had a conflict of feeling, whether to write
him or not, and, so far, I have remained silent. If he knew of
1 See page 52.
2 Original owned by Charles S. Gillespie, Edwardsville, Illinois.
I See Nicolay and Hay, Complete Works, II, 124-27.




OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN


59


your letters to me of the 9th of May, and to the President of
the 23rd, I suspect he would be angry with you too. Both those
letters would help defend me with him, but I will not hazzard
your interest by letting him know of them. To avoid that, I
write you a separate letter, which I wish you would show him,
when it may be convenient.
You will please accept my sincere thanks for the very flattering terms in which you speak of me in your letter to the President. I withdrew the papers on file in my behalf, by which
means your letter is now in my possession.
Yours as ever
A. LINCOLN.
To ISAAC ONSTOTT 1
October 14, 1849
While living at New Salem, Lincoln had often read his books
by the light of the open fire in the cabin of the village cooper,
Henry Onstott. Often the cooper's son, Isaac Onstott, studied
with him. Now Isaac, grown to manhood, wanted the postmastership at Havana, and Lincoln was supporting his candidacy.
SPRINGIEELD, Oct 14, 1849
DEAR ISAAC,
I have but a moment to say your letter is received; and that
when a Petition comes to me in relation to your Post Master it
shall be attended to at once. Give my respects to your father
and mother, and believe me ever
Your friend
A. LINCOLN
To JOSIAH M. LUCAS 2
Josiah M. Lucas was a citizen of Jacksonville, Illinois. At
one time he owned and edited the 'Illinoisan,' and he served as
Recorder of Morgan County for one term. During his lifetime
1 Original owned by John N. Onstott, Petersburg, Ilinois.
2 Original in Henry E. Huntington Library.




60


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he held several federal offices, among them the postmastership
of the United States House of Representatives and the United
States Consulate at Tunstall, England.
SPRINGFIELD, Novr. 17. 1849
J M. Lucas
DEAR SIR:
I have been from home a month, so that your letter of the
17th of October was not received by me till yesterday. I regret
that the elections in the states have gone so badly; but I think
there is some reason for hoping that this year has been the
administration's 'darkest hour.' The appointments were its
most difficult task, and this year it has necessarily been viewed
in connection with them alone. These are pretty much through
with, and next we can get on grounds of measures- policywhere we can unite & rally again. At least, I hope so. I am
sorry Don Morrison has thought fit to assail you; and exceedingly glad Mr Ewing has sustained you. I am glad of this, for
your sake and my own - my own, because I think it shows Mr.
Ewing is keeping faith with me in regard to my friends. By the
way, I have a better opinion of AIr Ewing than you, perhaps,
suppose I have.
As to the suppression of some of my letters of recommendation for the Genl. Land Office, Addison never said or wrote a
word to me, or I to him. After the appointment was made I
requested my letters to be returned to me, upon which a sealed
bundle was sent to my room. I took it, or rather, brought it
home unopened. Some days after I reached here I opened it,
and discovered that two letters were missing which I knew
ought to be in it. I did not make the matter public here, and I
wrote to no one concerning it elsewhere, except Mr. Ewing himself. He answered my letter, and that subject has been dropped
for at least three months. Till you mention it, I did not suppose
Addison had any knowledge of it. I dont perceive that it would
do any harm to any one, but perhaps it will be more prudent for
you not to speak of my having mentioned the subject to you.
Your friend as ever
A. LINCOLN




OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN


61


MEMORANDUM TO JOSEPH LEDLIE 1
About 1850
When, in 1835, Thomas M. Neale succeeded John Calhoun
as Surveyor of Sangamon County, he retained Lincoln as one of
his deputies. Fifteen years later, as the following document
shows, Lincoln was able to perform a service for Neale's widow.
In 1826, I believe it was, Elijah Iles conveyed a parcel of
ground to Thomas M Neale, by the following description -
'Beginning at a stake in the East line of Daniel P. Cook's
sixteen acre tract, 330 feet from Madison Street - thence North
with said Cook's line to his corner - thence at right angles to
James Adams' corner - thence South with his line to another
of his corners - thence East to John Taylor's corner of his
Eleven acre tract - thence South with said Taylor's line to
another of his corners on Madison Street - thence West to a
corner on said Street of Beacher's Block of lots - thence North
and West with the lines of said Block of lots to the beginning,
containing about Eleven acres.' Book B. 128
Afterwards Neale conveyed away part of the tract by the
following description
'Beginning at the South West corner of Joseph Millers
purchase from John Taylor -thence N 880 W. 1 chain & 20
links -thence N 20 E. 4 chains & 92 links -thence N 880 V.
4 chains & 80 links - thence N 20 E 7 chains & 925 linksthence S 880 E. 6 chains - thence S 20 W 12 chains & 17 links
to the beginning.' Book B_ 218
Also another part by the following description -
'Beginning at the North West corner of the tract last above
described -thence N 20 E. 4 chains & 48 links - thence N
890 E 4 chains & 30 links - thence North 48 links - thence
East 92 chains & 20 links -thence S 2' W. 4 chains & 96 links
-thence West 40 48 chains to the beginning' -These conveyances were to Edward Mitchell. Neale also made a conveyance to J. R. Saunders by the following description. Book
E. 421
' Original owned by William E. Barton, Foxboro, Massachusetts.




NEW LETTERS AND PAPERS


'Beginning at the N. W. corner of James Adams ten acre lot
- thence with the quarter Section West 3 chains & 31 linksthence at right angles with D. P Cook's East line to a stake
opposite the S. W. corner of said Adams' field - thence at right
angles to last mentioned corner - thence with Adams' line to
the beginning.' Book B. 144. Whether this last is intended as
part of the tract bought of Iles I am not sure, but I think probably it is.
Mrs. Neale, now for ten years a widow, and very necessitous,
thinks there is some small part of the Iles purchase which is not
included by the conveyances of her husband. If so, it can only
be ascertained by a Survey. If Mr Ledlie will take an occasion
to carefully make such survey, and thus ascertain the truth, I
will do as much or more for him, in the line of my profession, at
his order. I am not expecting any compensation from Mrs
Neale.
A. LINCOLN
To JOHN TILSON 1
February 15, 1850
As an early settler, a large landowner, and a philanthropist
much interested in education, John Tilson was well known
throughout Illinois. He lived at Hillsboro, Montgomery
County
SPRINGFIELD, Feb: 15. 1850
Mr John Tilson
DEAR SIR:
A Mrs. Stout, formerly a Miss Huldah Briggs, of Vandalia,
and who says she knows you, has become a near and favorite
neighbor of ours. She thinks that some relatives of hers in Bond
county have not done exactly right with her in relation to the
estates of her grand-father & grand-mother, and that you have
some knowledge on the subject.
The out-line of her narative is, that her father, Charles Briggs
died in Mass. in 1822 or thereabouts, that her grand-father,
1 Original owned by George R. Dyer, New York City.




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Richard Briggs, died at Boston about 1833, leaving some
property; that her grand-mother removed to Bond county, Ills,
bringing her husbands means with her, and acquiring some
herself by means of a pension, & divided some $5000 out to her
five liring children, giving nothing to Mrs. Stout, or to the
children of another deceased child. In 1842 her grand-mother
also died, leaving some property, as Mrs. Stout thinks, but of
which she still got nothing.
If you can, please answer me these questions.
Did her grand-father make a Will? & if so what was the substance of it?
Did her grand-mother bring means of her grand-father to
this country? & if so what went with it?
Did her grand-mother make a Will? & if so, what was the
substance of it?
Has there been an administration on either estate.
Any thing further which you may know. I shall be much
obliged if you will do this.
Yours truly
A. LINCOLN
To WILLIAM FITHIAN 1
February 16, 1850
Another of Lincoln's old friends was William Fithian, of
Danville, Illinois. Fithian had served with Lincoln in the
Illinois House of Representatives during the latter's first term,
and in 1838 had been returned to the State Senate. In later
life he became a large landowner.
SPRINGFIELD, Feb. 16. 1850
Dr. W. Fithian.
DEAR SIR:
I now undertake to answer your enquiries. According to the
opinion and information of Mr Higby, the agent who has attended to the property for Majr. Mobley
The piece near Butler's is worth $900 or $1000 - is rented at
six dollars per month, to terminate at the end of any month.
1 Photostat in Illinois State Historical Library.




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The piece near Dr. Henry's is worth $300, is rented at $2.75
per month, to terminate the first of April.
The piece near Burkhardt's is worth $400, is rented at $2.50
per month, to terminate any time.
The piece near the Governor's house is worth $800, is rented at
$5.00 per month, to terminate the first of April.
My partner Mr. Herndon, has been to Menard to see the
land there, and he reports it as worth about $3.25 cents per acre,
that it will sell best in 40 acre lots, and probably would bring
$4. per acre, if it could be sold on a credit. There are 200 acres
of it. The time of sale will be about the 1st of April, but it is not
yet fixed, when fixed, I will write you. The sale will be piece by
piece, applying the proceeds first to the Blanchard debt, and
so much as it takes to pay it will be without redemption & the
purchaser will get immediate possession. The remainder will
be subject to redemption, & immediate possession will not be
given.
Majr Mobley writes me that he shall try to be here at the
sale, and I think it will be to your interest to be here also. Both
being present, you can by agreement, sell a piece on credit whenever you see any thing can be made, or saved by it. Besides,
R. Latham who owns one undivided half of the piece near
Burkhardts says he wants to either buy or sell. In giving the
value, I mean, the undivided half, mortgaged to you, is worth
$400 & rents for $2.50.   Yours as ever
A. LINCOLN
To ABRAHAM BALE 1
February 22, 1850
Abraham Bale was a Baptist preacher who came to Menard
County from Kentucky in 1842. One of his contemporaries
writes that 'he was considered a great preacher. Tall, well
formed, with a powerful constitution and a voice like a lion,
he could wake the natives for a half mile " round."' The Hickox
of the following letter was probably Virgil Hickox, a prominent
Springfield merchant.
1 Original owned by New Salem Lincoln League, Petersburg, Illinois.




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SPRINGFIELD, Feb. 22, 1850
Mr. Abraham Bale,
DEAR SIR:
I understand Mr. Hickox will go, or send to Petersburg tomorrow, for the purpose of meeting you to settle the difficulty
about the wheat. I sincerely hope you will settle it. I think you
can if you will, for I have always found Mr. Hickox a fair man
in his dealings. If you settle, I will charge nothing for what I
have done, and thank you to boot. By settling, you will most
likely get your money sooner and with much less trouble and
expense.
Yours truly
A. LINCOLN.
To SECRETARY THOMAS EWING '
March 22, 1850
Among other applicants for office under Taylor was Dr.
Anson G. Henry, the same man whose effort for the Springfield
postmastership Lincoln had unsuccessfully seconded nine years
earlier.
SPRINGFIELD, ILLS. March 22. 1850
Hon. Thomas Ewing:
Secretary &c.
DEAR SIR:
I understand you have under consideration the question of
appointing Dr. A. G. Henry to some Indian Agency I wish now
merely to say that of all those whom I have desired should
receive appointments from this Administration, Dr. Henry was
at first, has always been, and still is, No. One with me. I believe, nay, I know, he has done more disinterested labor in the
Whig cause, than any other one, two, or three men in the state.
Your Obt. Servt.
A. LINCOLN
Lincoln seems to have been signally unfortunate in his efforts
on Henry's behalf. His name does not appear among those of
the Indian agents appointed by the Taylor Administration.
1 Original owned by the Rosenbach Company, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania.




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To THE EDITORS OF TIE ILLINOIS JOURNAL 1
June 5, 1850
Lincoln's one term in Congress had not been so successful,
that he was eager, a year afterward, to try for the honor a second
time. An article in the 'Tazewell Mirror' of Pekin, strongly
recommending him as the Whig candidate, called forth a quick
refusal to be so considered.
SPRINGFIELD, June 5, 1850.
Editors of the Illinois Journal:
GENTLEMEN -
An article in the Tazewell Mirror in which my name is
prominently used, makes me fear that my position, with reference to the next Congressional election in this District, is
misunderstood, and that such misunderstanding may work
injury to the cause of our friends. I therefore take occasion to
say that I neither seek, expect, or desire a nomination for a seat
in the next Congress; that I prefer my name should not be
brought forward in that connection, and that I would now
peremptorily forbid the use of it, could I feel entirely at liberty
to do so. I will add, that in my opinion, the whigs of the district have several other men, any one of whom they can elect,
and that too quite as easily as they could elect me. I therefore
shall be obliged, if any such as may entertain a preference for
me, will, at once turn their attention to making a choice from
others. Let a Convention be held at a suitable time, and in good
feeling, make a nomination; and I venture the prediction we
will show the District once more right side up.
Your obd't servant,
A. LINCOLN.
To NATHANIEL HAY 2
June 11, 1850
Nathaniel Hay made good bricks. The wall made with those
Lincoln ordered in the following note still stands intact.
1 Printed in the Illinois Journal (Springfield) for June 7, 1850.
2 Original owned by Logan Hay, Springfield, Illinois.




OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN


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SPRINGFIELD, June 11th 1850
MR.N HAY:
I wish to build a front fence, on a brick foundation, at
my house. I therefore shall be obliged, if you will, as soon as
possible, deliver me bricks of suitable quality, and sufficient
number to build such foundation, fifty feet long; of proper
width, and depth, under ground, and about two feet above
ground.
Yours &c.
A. LINCOLN
To LEWIS C. KERCHEVAL, BUCKNER SMITH MORRIS
GEORGE WASHINGTON DOLE, JOHN HARRIS KINZIE AND
WALTER LOOMIS NEWBERRY 1
July?24. 1850
Zachary Taylor, President of the United States, died at
Washington on July 9, 1850 That night the people of Chicago
held a meeting at which plans for a memorial service were made.
The committee appointed to select a speaker chose Lincoln,
then in Chicago on legal business. Although he accepted immediately, the formal invitation and acceptance were not exchanged until two weeks later.
CHICAGO, ILL., July 24, 1850.
GENTLEMEN. -
Yours of the 22nd inviting me to deliver an address to the
citizens of this city upon the life of Z. Taylor deceased, late
President of the United States was duly received. The want of
time for preparation will make the task, for me, a very difficult
one to perform, in any degree satisfactory to others or to myself.
Still I do not feel at liberty to decline the invitation; and therefore I will fix to-morrow as the time. The hour may be any, you
think proper, after 12 o'clock M.
Your Ob't Serv't,
A. LINCOLN
1 Chicago Weekly Journal, July 29, 1850.




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EULOGY ON ZACHARY TAYLOR 1
July 25, 1850
Lincoln spoke at the City Hall at four o'clock on the afternoon of July 25.
GENERAL ZACHARY TAYLOR, the eleventh elected President
of the United States, is dead. He was born Nov. 2nd, 1784, in
Orange county, Virginia; and died July the 9th 1850, in the
sixty-sixth year of his age, at the White House in Washington
City. He was the second son of Richard Taylor, a Colonel in
the army of the Revolution. His youth was passed among the
pioneers of Kentucky, whither his parents emigrated soon after
his birth, and where his taste for military life, probably inherited, was greatly stimulated. Near the commencement of
our last war with Great Britain, he was appointed by President
Jefferson, a lieutenant in the 7th regiment of Infantry. During
the war, he served under Gen. Harrison in his North Western
campaign against the Indians; and, having been promoted to a
captaincy, was intrusted with the defence of Fort Harrison, with
fifty men, half of them unfit for duty - A strong party of
Indians, under the Prophet, brother of Tecumseh, made a midnight attack on the Fort; but Taylor, though weak in his force,
and without preparation, was resolute, and on the alert, and,
after a battle, which lasted till after daylight, completely repulsed them. Soon after, he took a prominent part in the expedition under Major Gen. Hopkins against the Prophet's town;
and, on his return, found a letter from President Madison, who
had succeeded Mr. Jefferson, conferring on him a major's brevet
for his gallant defence of Fort Harrison.
After the close of the British war, he remained in the frontier
service of the West, till 1818. He was then transferred to the
Southern frontier, where he remained, most of the time in
active service till 1826. In 1819, and during his service in the
South, he was promoted to the rank of lieutenant colonel. -
In 1826 he was again sent to the North West, where he continued until 1836. In 1832, he was promoted to the rank of a
1 Chicago Weekly Journal, August 5. 1850.




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colonel. In 1836 he was ordered to the South to engage in what
is well known as the Florida War In the autumn of 1837, he
fought and conquered in the memorable battle of Okeechobee,
one of the most desperate struggles known to the annals of
Indian warfare. - For this, he was honored with the rank of
Brigadier General; and, in 1838 was appointed to succeed Gen.
Jessup in command of the forces in Florida. In 1841 he was
ordered to Fort Gibson to take command of the Second Military department of the United States; and in September, 1844,
was directed to hold the troops between the Red River and the
Sabine in readiness to march as might be indicated by the
charge of the United States, near Texas. In 1845 his forces were
concentrated at Corpus Christi.
In obedience to orders, in March 1846, he planted his troops
on the Rio Grande opposite MIattamoras. Soon after this, and
near this place, a small detachment of Gen. Taylor's forces,
under Captain Thornton, was cut to pieces by a party of Mexicans. Open hostilities being thus commenced, and Gen. Taylor
being constantly menaced by Alexican forces vastly superior to
his own, in numbers, his position became exceedingly critical.
Having erected a fort, he might defend himself against great
odds while he could remain within it, but his provisions had
failed, and there was no supply nearer than Point Isabel, between which and the new fort, the country was open to, and
full of, armed Mexicans.-His resolution was at once taken.
He garrisoned Fort Brown, (the new fort) with a force of about
four hundred; and, putting himself at the head of the main
body of his troops, marched forthwith for Point Isabel. - He
met no resistance on his march. Having obtained his supplies,
he began his return march, to the relief of Fort Brown, which
he at first knew, would be, and then knew had been beseiged
by the enemy, immediately upon his leaving it. On the first
or second day of this return march, the Mexican General, Arista,
met General Taylor in front, and offered battle. The Mexicans
numbered six or eight thousand, opposed to whom were about
two thousand Americans. The moment was a trying one. Comparatively, Taylor's forces were but a handful; and few, of
either officers or men, had ever been under fire. A brief council




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was held; and the result was, the battle commenced. The issue
of that contest all remember - remember with mingled sensations of pride and sorrow, that then, American valor and powers
triumphed, and then the gallant and accomplished, and noble
Ringgold fell.
The Americans passed the night on the field. The General
knew the enemy was still in his fort; and the question rose upon
him, whether to advance or retreat. A council was again held,
and, it is said, the General overruled the majority, and resolved
to advance. Accordingly in the morning, he moved rapidly
forward. At about four or five miles from Fort Brown he again
met the enemy in force, who had selected his position, and made
some hasty fortification. Again the battle commenced, and
raged till toward night-fall, when the Mexicans were entirely
routed, and the General with his fatigued and bleeding, and
reduced battalions marched into Fort Brown. There was a
joyous meeting. A brief hour before, whether all within the fort
had perished, all without feared, but none could tell - while the
incessant roar of artillery, wrought those within to the highest
pitch of apprehension, that their brethren without were being
massacred to the last man. And now the din of battle nears the
fort and sweeps obliquely by; a gleam of hope flies through the
half imprisoned few; they fly to the wall, every eye is strained
it is- it is -the stars and stripes are still aloft! Anon the
anxious brethren meet, and while hand strikes hand, the heavens are rent with a loud, long, glorious, gushing cry of victory!
victory!! victory!!!
Soon after these two battles, Gen. Taylor was breveted a
Major General in the U. S. Army.
In the mean time, war having been declared to exist between
the United States and Mexico, provisions were made to reinforce Gen. Taylor; and he was ordered to march into the interior
of Mexico. He next marched upon Monterey, arriving there on
the 19th of September He commenced an assault upon the
city, on the 21st, and on the 23d was about carrying it at the
point of the bayonet, when Gen. Ampudia capitulated. Taylor's
forces consisted of 425 officers, and 9,920 men. His artillery
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eight field batteries of four guns - the mortar being the only
piece serviceable for the siege. The Mexican works were armed
with forty-two pieces of cannon, and manned with a force of at
least 7000 troops of the line, and from 2000 to 3000 irregulars.
Next we find him advancing farther into the interior of
Mexico, at the head of 5,400 men, not more than 600 being
regular troops.
At Agua Nueva he received intelligence that Santa Anna, the
greatest military chieftain of Mexico, was advancing after him;
and he fell back to Buena Vista, a strong position a few miles
in advance of Saltillo. On the 22nd of Feb., 1847, the battle,
now called the battle of Buena Vista, was commenced by Santa
Anna at the head of 20,000 well appointed soldiers. This was
Gen. Taylor's great battle. The particulars of it are familiar to
all. It continued through the 23d; and although Gen. Taylor's
defeat seemed to be inevitable, yet he succeeded by skill, and
by the courage and devotion of his officers and men, in repulsing the overwhelming forces of the enemy, and throwing them
back into the desert. This was the battle of the chiefest interest
fought during the Mexican war. At the time it was fought, and
for some weeks after, Gen. Taylor's communication with the
United States was cut off, and the road was in possession of
parties of the enemy For many days after full intelligence of it,
should have been in all parts of this country, nothing certain,
concerning it, was known, while vague and painful rumors were
afloat, that a great battle had been fought, and that Gen.
Taylor, and his whole force had been annihilated.
At length the truth came, with its thrilling details of victory
and blood - of glory and grief. A bright and glowing page was
added to our Nation's history; but then too, in eternal silence,
lay Clay, and AIc'Kee, and Yell, and Lincoln, and our own
beloved Hardin.
This also was Gen. Taylor's last battle. - He remained in
active service in Mexico, till the autumn of the same year, when
he returned to the United States.
Passing in review, Gen. Taylor's military history, some
striking peculiarities will appear. No one of the six battles
which he fought, excepting perhaps, that of Monterey, pre



NEW LETTERS AND PAPERS


sented a field, which would have been selected by an ambitious
captain upon which to gather laurels. So far as fame was concerned, the prospect- the promise in advance, was, 'you may
lose, but you can not win.' Yet Taylor, in his blunt businesslike view of things, seems never to have thought of this.
It did not happen to Gen. Taylor once in his life, to fight a
battle on equal terms, or on terms advantageous to himself -
and yet he was never beaten, and never retreated. In all, the
odds was [sic] greatly against him, in each, defeat seemed inevitable; and yet in all, he triumphed. Wherever he has led, while
the battle still raged, the issue was painfully doubtful, yet in
each and all, when the din had ceased, and the smoke had blown
away, our country's flag was still seen, fluttering in the breeze.
Gen. Taylor's battles were not distinguished for brilliant
military manoeuvers; but in all, he seems rather to have conquered by the exercise of a sober and steady judgment, coupled
swith a dogged incapacity to understand that defeat was possible. His rarest military trait, was a combination of negatives
- absence of excitement and absence of fear. He could not be
be fliErrted, and he could not be scared.
In connection with Gen. Taylor's military character, may be
mentioned his relations with his brother officers, and his
soldiers. Terrible as he was to his country's enemies, no man
was so little disposed to have difficulty with his friends. During
the period of his life, duelling was a practice not quite uncommon among gentlemen in the peaceful avocations of life, and
still more common, among the officers of the Army and Navy.
Yet, so far as I can learn, a duel with Gen. Taylor, has never
been talked of
He was alike averse to sudden, and to startling quarrels, and
he pursued no man with retcuge. A notable, and a noble
instance of this, is found in his conduct to the gallant and now
lamentated Gen. Worth. A short while before the battles of the
8th and 9th of May, some questions of precedence arose between Worth, (then a colonel) and some other officer, which
question it seems Gen. Taylor's duty to decide. He decided
against Worth. Worth was greatly offended, left the Army,
came to the United States, and tendered his resignation to the




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authorities at Washington. It is said, that in his passionate
feeling, he hesitated not to speak harshly and disparagingly of
Gen. Taylor. He was an officer of the highest character; and
his word, on military subjects, and about military men, could
not, with the country, pass for nothing. In this absence from
the army of Col. Worth, the unexpected turn of things brought
on the battles of the 8th and 9th. He was deeply mortified -
in almost absolute desperation - at having lost the opportunity of being present, and taking part in those battles. The
laurels won by his previous service, in his own eyes, seemed
withering away. The Government, both wisely and generously,
I think, declined accepting his resignation, and he returned to
Gen. Taylor. Then came Gen. Taylor's opportunity for revenge.
The battle of Monterey was approaching, and even at hand. -
Taylor could if he would, so place Worth in that battle, that his
name would scarcely be noticed in the report. But no. He felt
it was due to the service, to assign the real post of honor to some
one of the best officers; he knew Worth was one of the best, and
he felt that it was generous to allow him, then and there, to
retrieve his secret loss. Accordingly he assigned to Col. Worth
in that assault, what was par excellence, the post of honor; and,
the duties of which, he executed so well, and so brilliantly, as to
eclipse, in that battle, even Gen. Taylor himself.
As to Gen. Taylor's relations with his soldiers, details would
be endless. It is perhaps enough to say - and it is far from the
least of his honors that we can truly say - that of the many
who served with him through the long course of forty years, all
testify to the uniform kindness, and his constant care for, and
hearty sympathy with, their every want and every suffering;
while none can be found to declare, that he was ever a tyrant
anywhere, in anything.
Going back a little in point of time, it is proper to say that so
soon as the news of the battles of the 8th and 9th of May 1846,
had fairly reached the United States, Gen. Taylor began to be
named for the next Presidency, by letter writers, newspapers,
public meetings and conventions in various parts of the country.
These nominations were generally put forth as being of a
no-party character. Up to this time I think it highly probable




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- nay, almost certain, that Gen. Taylor had never thought of
the Presidency in connection with himself. And there is reason
for believing that the first intelligence of these nominations
rather amused than seriously interested him. Yet I should be
insincere, were I not to confess, that in my opinion, the repeated, and steady manifestations in his favor, did beget in his
mind a laudable ambition to reach the high distinction of the
Presidential chair.
As the time for the Presidential canvass approached, it was
seen that general nominations, combining anything near the
number of votes necessary to an election, could not be made
without some pretty strong and decided reference to party
politics. Accordingly, in the month of May, 1848, the great
Democratic party nominated as their candidate, an able and
distinguished member of their own party, on strictly party
grounds. Almost immediately following this, the Whig party,
in general convention, nominated Gen. Taylor as their candidate. The election came off in the November following; and
though there was also a third candidate, the two former only,
received any vote in the electoral college. Gen. Taylor, having
the majority of them was duly elected; and he entered on the
duties of that high and responsible office, March 5th, 1849.
The incidents of his administration up to the time of his death,
are too familiar and too fresh to require any direct repetition.
The Presidency, even to the most experienced politicians, is
no bed of roses, and Gen. Taylor like others, found thorns
within it. No human being can fill that station and escape
censure. Still I hope and believe when Gen. Taylor's official
conduct shall come to be viewed in the calm light of history, he
will be found to have deserved as little as any who have succeeded him.
Upon the death of Gen. Taylor, as it would in the case of the
death of any President, we are naturally led to consider what
will be its effect, politically, upon the country. I will not pretend to believe that all the wisdom, or all the patriotism of the
country, died with Gen. Taylor But we know that wisdom and
patriotism, in a public office, under institutions like ours, are
wholly inefficient and worthless, unless they are sustained by




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the confidence and devotion of the people. And I confess my
apprehensions, that in the death of the late President, we have
lost a degree of that confidence and devotion, which will not
soon again pertain to any successor. Between public measures
regarded as antagonistic, there is often less real difference in
its bearing on the public weal, than there is between the dispute
being kept up, or being settled either way. I fear the one great
question of the day, is not now so likely to be partially acquiesced in by the different sections of the Union, as it would
have been, could Gen. Taylor have been spared to us. Yet,
under all circumstances, trusting to our Maker, and through
his wisdom and beneficence, to the great body of our people,
we will not despair, nor despond.
In Gen. Taylor's general public relation to his country, what
will strongly impress a close observer, was his unostentatious,
self-sacrificing, long enduring devotion to his duty He indulged
in no recreations, he visited no public places, seeking applause;
but quietly, as the earth in its orbit, he was always at his post.
Along our whole Indian frontier, thro' summer and winter, in
sunshine and storm, like a sleepless sentinel, he has watched,
while we have slept for forty long years. How well might the
dying hero say at last, 'I have done my duty, I am ready to go.'
Nor can I help thinking that the American people, in electing
Gen. Taylor to the presidency, thereby showing their high
appreciation, of his sterling, but unobtrusive qualities, did their
country a service, and themselves an imperishable honor. It is
much for the young to know, that treading the hard path of
duty, as he trod it, will be noticed, and will lead to high places.
But he is gone. The conqueror at last is conquered. The
fruits of his labor, his name, his memory and example, are all
that is left us - his example, verifying the great truth, that 'he
that humbleth himself, shall be exalted' teaching, that to serve
one's country with a singleness of purpose, gives assurance of
that country's gratitude, secures its best honors, and makes 'a
dying bed, soft as downy pillows are.'
The death of the late President may not be without its use, in
reminding us, that we, too, must die. Death, abstractly considered, is the same with the high as with the low, but practi



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cally, we are not so much aroused to the contemplation of our
own mortal natures, by the fall of many undistinguished, as
that of otne great, and well known, name. By the latter, we are
forced to muse, and ponder, sadly.
Oh, why should the spirit of mortal be proud!
So the multitude goes, like the flower or the weed,
That withers away to let others succeed;
So the multitude comes, even those we behold,
To repeat every tale that has often been told.
For we are the same, our fathers have been,
We see the same sights our fathers have seen;
We drink the same streams and see the same sun
And run the same course our fathers have run.
They loved; but the story we cannot unfold;
They scorned, but the heart of the haughty is cold;
They grieved, but no wail from their slumbers will come,
They joyed, but the tongue of their gladness is dumb.
They died! Aye, they died; we things that are now;
That work on the turf that lies on their brow,
And make in their dwellings a transient abode,
Meet the things that they met on their pilgrimage road.
Yea! hope and despondency, pleasure and pain,
Are mingled together in sunshine and rain,
And the smile and the tear, and the song and the dirge,
Still follow each other, like surge upon surge.
'Tis the wink of an eye, 'tis the draught of a breath,
From the blossoms of health, to the paleness of death.
From the gilded saloon, to the bier and the shroud.
Oh, why should the spirit of mortal be proud!
To LEWIS C. KERCHEVAL AND RICHARD JONES HAMILTON 1
July 26, 1850
CHICAGO, July 26, 1850.
GENTLEMENYour polite note of yesterday, requesting, for publication, a
copy of the address on the life and public services of Gen.
1 Chicago Weekly Journal, August 5, 1850




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Taylor, is received; and I comply with the request very cheerfully. Accompanying this, I send you the original manuscript.
Your ob't serv't.,
A. LINCOLN.
The address was published in the 'Chicago Journal.'
To JOHN ADDISON 1
September 9, 1850
SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS, Sept. 9. 1850
John Addison, Esq.
SIR:
There are some letters remaining at the Department of the
Interior, which were placed there as recommendations of myself
for Comr of the Genl. Land Office. I will thank you to withdraw them, and forward them to me.
Truly yours
A. LINCOLN.
To ISAAC ONSTOTT 2
November 6, 1850
For over a year Isaac Onstott had been working for the
Havana postmastership. Lincoln's second letter, printed
below, was superfluous, since Onstott's appointment was dated
the day after the letter was written.
SPRINGFIELD, Nov. 6, 1850
DEAR ISAAC:
I have been absent on the circuit seven weeks, only getting
home to the election; so that I could not answer your letter of
the 16th of Octr. till now. I am for you; and have written to
the Department, that if the recommendations from your own
county place you on very nearly equal ground with the best of
your competitors, I desire that you may be appointed. I send
1 Original in Library of Congress.
Printed in facsimile in Reep, Lincoln at New Salem, p. 106.




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the letter directly to the Department thinking it may be best
not to lose the time of sending it to you first.
Your friend as ever,
A. LINcoLN
To DAVID ALLEN SMITH 1
February 20, 1851
D. A. Smith was a lawyer of Jacksonville, Illinois. At the
time this letter was written he was one of the attorneys for
Albert G. Caldwell, who was a party to a case then before the
Supreme Court, Atwood vs. Caldwell. The printed report does
not give Lincoln's name as one of the attorneys in the case.
SPRINGFIELD, Feb. 20. 1851
D. A. Smith, Esq.
DEAR SIR
I learn that Caldwell has execu[ted his] bond and qualified
under the decree. I am now anxio[us to] know whether the
arrangement has been made to your sat[tsfac]tion, and I do not
like to ask Caldwell. Will you write [me] by return mail?
Yours as ever
A. LINCOLN
To DAVID ALLEN SMITH 2
March 28, 1851
At the time this letter was written the case in question,
David A. Smith and George A. Dunlap, Assignees of the Bank
of Illinois, vs James Dunlap, had been tried in both the Sangamon Circuit Court and the Supreme Court. It was then back
in the Circuit Court.
SPRINGFIELD, March 28, 1851.
DEAR SMITH
On yesterday evening we argued and su[bmit]ted the Bank
Certificate question. I learn that Da[vis] will probably not
1 Photostat in collection of Abraham Lincoln Association. One edge of the letter has
been damaged. The reconstruction is mine. P M. A.
2 Original owned by Thomas S. Noyes, Chicago, Illinois. One edge of the letter has
been burned. The missing words which I have supplied, are indicated by brackets
P M.A.




OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN


79


decide it for a week or [so] when he will send the decision down
from [the] circuit. Logan entered his motion merely [for] satisfaction to the extent of the notes & certif[icates] received, taking
no notice of the tender. [This] I suppose will test the question
just a[s] well. He also thinks there may be a dif[fer]ence between notes and certificates; and therefore urged me, and I consented, that you should ascertain the exact separate am[ounts]
of each, which you have received, and send it up, so that it can
be got into the record. He also pressed me to agree that the
certificates are in the form given in the [?] Sec' of the Act of
1843. I agreed to this, [on] condition that my agreement should
go for nothing. if the fact is really otherwise. [So much] on all this.
One other little matter I am short of [funds] and intended to
ask Col. Dunlap for my [fee] in the case in the U S. court, but
he lef[t sooner] than I expected. He is in no default wi[th me]
for he once mentioned the subject to me, a[nd I] passed it by.
But I now need the money [and] I will take it as a favor if you
will s[how] him this note & get him to send it to me. We never
agreed on the amount; but I cl[aim] $50. which I suppose
neither he or you will think unreasonable.
Yours truly
A. LINCOLN
Judge Davis overruled Logan's motion and the case went
again to the Supreme Court, this time at the June, 1851, term
at Ottawa, where the judgment of the Circuit Court was reversed. In all four trials Lincoln represented the plaintiffs.
To WILLIAM MARTIN 1
July 26, 1851
William Martin was a lawyer who lived at Alton, Illinois.
SPRINGFIELD, July 26, 1851
Hion: Wm Martin
DEAR SIR:
I received yours of the 22nd yesterday. I went to the Telegraph office and found the despatch as you say, of Jany 25th
1 Original owned by Emanuel Hertz, New York City.




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It is in pencil, and the operator says he does not know whose
handwriting it is; but that he does know it is not the writing of
the operator who was here at that date. I took Mr. James L.
Lamb to see it, who at first said it was not McCormack's nor
his own writing; but that he thought he knew who wrote it, and
would enquire. Just now he has told me that the man he
thought had written it, denies doing so, and that he, Lamb,
now has no idea who did write it. He says it is a much better
hand than McCormack himself can write. I do not see any
clew to the handwriting. Can you not set it up in pleading so
as to be relieved from proving its execution unless McCormack
denies it under oath?       Yours as ever
A. LINCOLN
ARBITRATION AWARD 1
December 6, 1851
With the exception of the last sentence and Logan's signature,
the following document is entirely in Lincoln's handwriting.
We, Stephen T. Logan and Abraham Lincoln, to whom a
certain matter in dispute between David Spear and Isaac P.
Spear was this day, in writing, submitted for our decision and
award, having heard and considered the allegations and proofs
of the parties, so far as the same were offered, do award that,
to entitle the said Isaac P. Spear to a conveyance of the land
mentioned in the said submission, and particularly described
in a written obligation of the said David to the said Isaac P. of
date May 22nd 1840, he is to pay to the said David Spear, six
thousand five hundred and fifty seven dollars, and seventy
eight cents, the value of the said Isaac P. Spear's half of a
stock of goods lately transferred to the said David Spear, and
leaving now to be paid to the said David, by the said Isaac P.
the nett sum of three thousand and fifty four dollars and
sixty cents. Given under our hands and seals this 6th day of
December 1851
STEPHEN T LOGAN
ABRAHAM LINCOLN
Published in facsimile in Reep, Lincoln and New Salem.




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RESOLUTIONS IN BEHALF OF HUNGARIAN FREEDOM 1
January 9, 1852
The visit to the United States of the exiled Hungarian leader,
Louis Kossuth, was the signal for widespread demonstrations
in behalf of Hungarian freedom. Frequently these demonstrations took the form of public meetings. Such a meeting was
held in Springfield, January 8, 1852. Lincoln stated the purpose
of the gathering, whereupon John Calhoun was chosen president.
'Mr. Lincoln first addressed the meeting, followed by Judge
Trumbull, favoring the cause of Hungary - sympathizing
with the Hungary exiles, and explaining the doctrines of nonintervention.' After several other speeches a committee to
report resolutions was appointed: Abraham Lincoln of Sangamon, Samuel S. Marshall of Hamilton, Ebeneezer Peck of Cook,
Lyman Trumbull of Madison, Archibald Williams of Adams,
William I. Ferguson and Anson G Henry of Sangamon. The
meeting then adjourned until the following eveningOn January 9, Lincoln started proceedings by offering the
following resolutions, which several speakers supported and
attacked.
Whereas, in the opinion of this meeting, the arrival of Kossuth in our country, in connection with the recent events in
Hungary, and with the appeal he is now making in behalf of
his country, presents an occasion upon which we, the American
people, cannot remain silent, without justifying an interference
against our continued devotion to the principles of our free
institutions, therefore,
Resolved, 1. That it is the right of any people, sufficiently
numerous for national independence, to throw off, to revolutionize, their existing form of government, and to establish
such other in its stead as they may choose.
2. That it is the duty of our government to neither foment,
nor assist, such revolutions in other governments.
3. That, as we may not legally or warrentably interfere
abroad, to atd, so no other government may interfere abroad,
1 Printed in the Illinois State Journal for January 14, 1852.




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to suppress such revolutions, and that we should at once,
announce to the world, our determination to insist upon this
mutuality of non-intervention, as a sacred principle of the international law.
4. That the late interference of Russia in the Hungarian
struggle was, in our opinion, such illegal and unwarrentable
interference.
5. That to have resisted Russia in that case, or to resist any
power in a like case, would be no violation of our own cherished
principles of non-intervention, but, on the contrary, would be
ever meritorious, in us, or any independent nation.
6. That whether we will, in fact, interfere in such case, is
purely a question of policy, to be decided when the exegencies
arise.
7 That we recognize in governor Kossuth of Hungary the
most worthy and distinguished representative of the cause of
civil and religious liberty on the continent of Europe. A cause
for which he and his nation struggled until they were overwhelmed by the armed intervention of a foreign despot, in
violation of the more sacred principles of the laws of nature and
of nations - principles held dear by the friends of freedom
everywhere, and more especially by the people of these United
States.
8. That the sympathies of this country, and the benefits of
its position, should be exerted in favor of the people of every
nation struggling to be free, and whilst we meet to do honor to
Kossuth and Hungary, we should not fail to pour out the
tribute of our praise and approbation to the patriotic efforts of
the Irish, the Germans and the French, who have unsuccessfully
fought to establish in their several governments the supremacy
of the people.
9. That there is nothing in the past history of the British
government, or in its present expressed policy, to encourage
the belief that she will aid, in any manner, in the delivery of
continental Europe from the rope of despotism, and that her
treatment of Ireland, of O'Brien, Mitchell, and other worthy
patriots, forces the conclusion that she will join her efforts to
the despots of Europe in suppressing every effort of the people




OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN


83


to establish free governments, based upon the principles of true
religious and civil liberty.
After the discussion two resolutions, expressing sympathy
with the Irish more pointedly than the originals had done,
were offered and adopted as amendments. Copies were then
ordered sent to Kossuth and to each Illinois Congressman.
The meeting adjourned with 'Three hearty cheers for Kossuth,
Hungary and Ireland.'
To HEZEKIAH MORSE WEAD 1
January 22, 1852
The case mentioned in the following letter was probably tried
in the United States Court, where, unfortunately, no records
prior to 1855 are in existence. Hezekiah Morse Wead was an
attorney living at that time in Lewistown, Illinois.
SPRINGFIELD, January 22, 1852.
H. M Weed, Esq.
DEAR SIRYour letter inquiring for your case was duly received. We
finished arguing and submitted the case yesterday afternoon,
and it is not yet decided. We had a two days' trial of it, and
they are pressing on very hard on one or two points. I should
not wonder if the case is decided against us. One of the hard
points is that our deed of January, 1820, is under the act of
1819 fraudulent and void as against their deed of August, 1820,
because it was not proved or acknowledged according to that
act and because their deed was not defeated by a subsequent
recording, the only mode of defeasance known to that law, and
because it was incompetent to the legislature to defeat it on
any other mode, as they apparently do by the act of December,
1822. This is the only dangerous point, as I think, on their old
deed. As to tax deed, they do not rely on it as a perfect title nor
as a basis for the limitation act of 1839, but only as a basis for
the limitation act of 1835. To our objection that the law was
1 Original owned by Emanuel Hertz, New York City.




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repealed under which the sale was made, they insist that as the
new law only repeals all laws coming within the purview and
meaning of it, and as the uncollected taxes of 1838 were not
within the purview of the new law so far, the old law itself
was not witnin the purview of the new and so far was not repealed. This position of theirs seems absurd to me, and I found
several authorities against it, but they find one for it, and, worse
than all, the judge intimates that he is with them. If they get
this deed on, their next step is to show 'actual residence.' On
this they introduced but one authority, which clearly is not a
point, and the judge has given no intimation on this point.
Thus stands the case. I will write you so soon as it shall be
decided.
Yours truly,
A. LINCOLN.
To J. C LONDEMAN & Co.1
March 14, 1852
SPRINGFIELD, ILLS. March 14. 1852
Messrs. J C. Londeman & Co
St. Louis,
Mo.,
GENTLEMEN.
Mr. Bunn has returned to Springfield, saying he took the
sample of our carpet to you, and afterwards forgot to give the
matter any further attention. He also says he handed you your
own letter to us, with a memorandum of mine at the bottom of
it. I must now ask the favor of you to send us back the sample,
(as, to lose it will spoil the carpet we have) and with it, if it
matches, the quantity, or number of yards (35 I believe) of the
new, mentioned in the memorandum. The expense, at all
events, and price of the new carpet, if it matches & you send
it, I will pay promptly to your order - and shall feel under
great obligation, besides.
Very Respectfully
A. LINCOLN.
1Original owned by W. K. Bixby, St. Louis, Missouri.




OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN


85


SPEECH AT SPRINGFIELD
August 14 and 26, 1852
On June 1, 1852, the Democratic National Convention
assembled at Baltimore. Douglas's name was placed before
the convention, and attracted considerable strength - enough
to make it advisable for him, after Pierce's nomination, to take
an active part in the campaign in the interest of party harmony.
He made his first speech at Richmond, Virginia, on July 9.
This speech was the object of Lincoln's attack, when, at his
own request, he addressed the Springfield Scott Club on August
14 and 26. A young man, Tompkins Bush, was to have spoken
before the club, but asked to be excused because of a recent
severe illness. Lincoln took his place. Unable to finish on the
first evening, he concluded twelve days later The speech was
written out and published at the request of the club.
GENTLEMEN' - Unlike our young friend who has just taken his
seat, I do not appear before you on a flattering invitation, or
on any invitation at all; but, on the contrary I am about to
address you, by your permission, given me at my own special
request. Soon after the Democratic nomination for President
and Vice-President in June last at Baltimore, it was announced
somewhat ostentatiously, as it seemed to me, that Judge Douglas would, previous to the election, make speeches in favor of
those nominations, in twenty-eight of the thirty-one States.
Since then, and as I suppose, in part performance of this undertaking, he has actually made one speech at Richmond, Virginia. This speech has been published, with high commendations, in at least one of the Democratic papers in this State,
and I suppose it has been, and will be, in most of the others.
When I first saw it, and read it, I was reminded of old times -
of the times when Judge Douglas was not so much greater man
than all the rest of us, as he now is - of the Harrison campaign,
twelve years ago, when I used to hear, and try to answer many
of his speeches; and believing that the Richmond speech though
1 Printed in the Illinois Journal (Springfield) for September 15, 16, 17, 18, 20 and 21,
1852.




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marked with the same species of 'shirks and quirks' as the old
ones, was not marked with any greater ability, I was seized
with a strong inclination to attempt an answer to it; and this
inclination it was that prompted me to seek the privilege of
addressing you on this occasion. In the speech, so far as I propose noticing it now, the Judge rebukes the Whigs for calling
Gen. Pierce 'a fainting General,' eulogizes Gen. Scott's military
character; denounces the Whig platform, except as to the slavery question, which he says is a plank stolen from the Democratic platform; charges that Gen. Scott's nomination was
forced on the South by the North on a sectional issue, charges
Gen. Scott with duplicity, and intent to deceive in his letter of
acceptance, attempts to ridicule Gen. Scott's views on naturalization, charges that Gen. Scott, in his letter of acceptance, has
pledged himself to proscription; denounces as dangerous the
election of military men to the Presidency, says the hand of
Providence saved us from our first and only military administration, speaks of Mr. Fillmore and his administration. In
addition to these specific points, a constant repetition of
something more than insinuations and yet something less than
direct charges, that Gen. Scott is wholly under the control of
Seward of New York, and that abolitionism is controlling the
whole Whig party, forms a sort of key-note to the whole speech.
As a further characteristic of the speech, it may be noted that
a very small portion of it is devoted to Pierce, and almost the
whole of it to attacks upon Scott.
As I desire to say something on each of these matters, and as
the evening is already partially spent, I propose going only
about halfway through, reserving the remainder for a subsequent meeting. As to the Judge's rebuke of the Whigs for
calling Pierce 'a fainting General,' in which he insists that they
mean to intimate cowardice to Gen. Pierce, and that it is
cowardly and false in them to cast such an imputation, I have
only to say that, Gen. Pierce's history being as it is, the attempt
to set him up as a great General, is simply ludicrous and laughable, and that the free merry people of the country have
laughed at it, and will continue to laugh at it, in spite of the
querulous scolding of Judge Douglas or of anybody else, and




OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN


87


further, that if the Judge has any real honest indignation
against unjust imputations of cowardice, he will find a much
ampler field for the indulgence of it against his own friends, who
are everywhere seeking by reference to an old affair with Gen.
Jackson, to throw such an imputation upon Gen. Scott.
As to the Judge's eulogy on Gen Scott's military character,
in which he says 'I will not depreciate his merits as a soldier,
because truth and honor forbid it,' I have but to remark that
whoever will read the speech through and carefully note the
imputations implying ignorance and stupidity, and duplicity
and knavery, against Gen. Scott in almost every paragraph,
will I think, conclude that the eulogy on his military character,
was dictated quite as much by the Judge's view of the party
impolicy of assailing that character, as by a love of truth and
honor.
In denouncing the Whig platform generally, the Judge gives
no reason other than that it is 'a Whlg concern' and that all
Democrats are presumed to be opposed to it. This needs no
answer other than that for the same reason all Whigs are presumed to be in favor of it. But as to the slavery question, the
Judge says it was a plank stolen from the Democratic platform.
On what authority does he make this declaration? Upon what
fact, or what reasoning from facts does he base it? I had understood and now understand, as the indelibly written history of
the country, that the compromise measures were not party
measures - that for praise or blame, they belonged to neither
party to the exclusion of the other; but that the chief leaders
in their origin and adoption were Whigs and not Democrats.
I had thought that the pen of history had written, acknowledged, and recorded it as facts, that Henry Clay, more than
any other man, or perhaps more than any other ten men, was
the originator of that system of measures, and that he together with Webster and Pearce of Maryland, (not Gen.
Pierce) were its most efficient supporters in its progress. I
knew, or supposed I knew, that Democrats, numerous and
distinguished, gave it able and efficient support; and I have not
sought, or know of any Whig seeking to deprive them of the
credit of it. Among these last Judge Douglas himself was not




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the least. After the close of the session of Congress at which
these measures were passed, Judge Douglas visited Chicago, in
this State, and the measures, if not the Judge himself, were
there clamorously assailed. He succeeded in getting a hearing
at a public meeting, and made a speech which silenced his
adversaries, and gave him a triumph most complete. It was
afterwards written out and published. I saw a copy, and read it
once hastily, and glanced over it a second time. I do not now
remember seeing anything in it to condemn, and I do remember that I considered it a very able production- by far superior to any thing I had ever seen from Judge Douglas, and
compared favorably with any thing from any source, which I
had seen, on that general subject. The reading of it afforded
me a good deal of pleasure; and I never said, or inclined to say
any thing in disparagement of it. But as the Judge, in his
Richmond speech, has thought fit to speak so confidently, and,
in my judgment so unjustly, of stealing, I will venture to suggest that if he had stolen none of the ideas of Henry Clay and
Daniel Webster, and other Whigs, which he had been listening
to for the last preceeding six or eight months, he might not have
been able to get up quite so creditable a speech at Chicago as
he did.
But the Judge asserts in substance, that the nomination of
Scott was forced on the South by the North, on a sectional issue,
and he argues that such a nomination is exceedingly perilous
to the safety of the Union. As evidence that the nomination
was forced on the South by the North, the Judge says, 'every
Southern delegation voted against him more than fifty times,
day after day, and night after night.' This is not quite correct,
for one, two, or more of the Virginia delegation voted for
Scott every ballot after the first, but call it substantially correct
to say that the Southern delegations did not vote for Scott, does
it follow, in the sense the Judge would have us to understand,
that they voted against Scott? If so, then, by the same rule, in
the Democratic Convention, every delegation North and
South, voted against Gen. Pierce thirty-four times.
Now, according to the Judge's logic, the nomination of Pierce
was forced on the whole country by some mysterious and in



OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN


89


visible agency, 'in defiance of thirty-four times repeated protest
and remonstrance of the delegates from ALL, the States of the
Union represented in the Convention.' Still the Judge thinks
the nomination of Scott, made in compliance with the original
preference of nearly half the Whig convention, is extremely
perilous to the safety of the Union; but that the nomination of
Pierce, made contrary to the original preference of every man
in the Democratic Convention (and every man out of it, I presume) is to be the very salvation of the Union!!! It may be
said that although every member of the Democratic convention
preferred some other man, finally they all honorably surrendered their preferences and united on Pierce Very well, if
the whole Democratic convention could honorably, and without
being forced, go over to Pierce, why could not HALF the Whig
convention, as honorably and as free from force, go over to
Scott?
But, according to the Judge's view, Scott's nomination was
not only forced upon the South, but was forced upon it, on a
sectional issue. Now, in point of fact, at the time the nomination was made, there was no issue, except as to who should be
the men to leave [lead] the campaign upon a set of principles
previously put in writing and acquiesced in by the whole convention; and those principles, too, being precisely such as the
South demanded. When the platform, which I understand to
be just such as the South desired, was voted upon by the convention - the whole South, and more than half the North
voted for, and adopted it, by a vote of '206 to 66; those who
voted against it made no further opposition to it. On the
adoption of the platform arose the only sectional issue which
came before the convention, and by the vote it passed from an
issue into a decision, and left no issue before the convention,
except as to men. - It is proper to notice, too, that on the first
ballot for a candidate for the presidency, Scott's vote only
lacked one of doubling the numbers of all the votes cast against
the platform; so that of Scott's original friends in the convention, more than half may have been, and within one of half
must have been original platform men. If Scott should throw
himself into the hands exclusively of those who originally pre



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ferred him, to be controlled by the majority of them, in utter
disregard of all those who originally preferred others, it is still
probable that the majority would lead him to adopt the platform or union view of the slavery question.
But the gist of all the Judge's views is, that Scott's nomination, made as it was, is more perilous to the safety of the Union,
than all the scenes through which we have recently passed in
connection with the slavery question. Well, we ought all to be
startled at the view of 'peril to the Union,' but it may be a
little difficult for some short-sighted mortals to perceive such
peril in the nomination of Scott. Mark you, it is the nomination
and not the election, which produces the peril. The Judge does
not say the election, and he cannot mean the election, because
he constantly assures us there is no prospect of Scott's election.
He could not be so alarmed at what he is so sure will never
happen. In plain truth I suppose he did mean the election, so
far as he meant anything, but feeling that his whole proposition
was mere nonsense, he did not think of it distinctly enough to
enable him to speak with any precision.
As one point in support of his charge of duplicity against Gen.
Scott, Judge Douglas attempts to show that Gen. Scott in his
letter of acceptance, framed language studiously for the purpose of enabling men North and South to read it one way or the
other, as the public pulse should beat in their particular localities, and he insists that the language so designed will be so used.
He quotes Scott's language as follows, 'I accept the nomination,
with the resolutions annexed,' and then he criticizes it as follows. 'Now gentlemen I desire to know what is the meaning of
the words 'with the resolutions annexed.' Does he mean that
he approves the resolutions? If so, why did he not say so, as the
candidate for the Vice Presidency, Mr Graham, did in his
letter of acceptance? Or why did he not do as that gallant and
honest man, Frank Pierce did, and say, 'I accept the nomination upon the platform adopted by the convention, not because
this is expected of me as a candidate, but because the principles
it embraces command the approbation of my judgment.'
'There you have (continues the Judge) an honest man speaking from an honest heart, without any equivocation, dissimula



OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN


91


tion, or mental reservation. Here you find that Gen. Scott
accepts the nomination with the resolution annexed - that is
to say, using language susceptible of two constructions - one
at the North, and another at the South. In the North it will be
said he accepts the nomination notwithstanding the platform;
that he accepts it although he defies the platform, that he
accepts it although he spits upon the platform. At the South
it will be said he accepts it with the approval of the platform.
I submit the question to you whether that language was not
framed studiously for the purpose of enabling men, North and
South to read it one way or the other as the public pulse should
beat in their particular localities. Again, I submit to you, was
it the General-in-chief of the armies who fought the battles in
Mexico, that conceived this part of the letter, or was it his
commander-in-chief, Gen. Seward, who dictated it?' [Great
Applause]
What wonderful acumen the Judge displays on the construction of language!!! According to this criticism of his, the
word 'with' is equivalent to the word 'notwithstanding,' and
also to the phrases, 'although I defy,' and 'although I spit
upon.' Verily these are wonderful substitutes for the word
'with.' When the builders of the tower of Babel got into difficulty about language, if they had just called on Judge Douglas,
he would, at once, have construed away the difficulty, and
enabled them to finish the structure, upon the truly democratic
platform on which they were building. Suppose, gentlemen,
you were to amuse yourselves some leisure hour, by selecting
sentences, from well known compositions, each containing the
word 'with' and by striking it out, and inserting alternately, the
Judge's substitutes, and then testing whether the sense is
changed.
As an example, take a sentence from an old and well known
book, not much suspected for duplicity, or equivocal language,
which sentence is as follows.
'And Enoch walked with God; and he was not, for God took
him.'
1 In the interest of clarity I have modified somewhat Lincoln's use of quotation marks
in this and the preceding paragraph. P M. A.




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Try, for yourselves, how Judge Douglas' substitutes for the
word 'with' will affect this sentence. Let Judge Douglas be
brought to understand that he can advance the interest of a
locofoco candidate for the presidency by criticising this sentence, and forthwith he will hie away to the African church in
Richmond, Virginia, and make a great speech, in which he will
find great difficulty in understanding the meaning of the
words 'walked with God.' He will contrast it, greatly to its
disadvantage, with the language of that gallant and honest man,
Frank Pierce! He will show that it is, and was designed to be,
susceptible of two constructions, one at the North, and another
at the South, that at the North the word 'with' will be read
'NOTWITHSTANDING,' 'ALTHOUGH           HE   DEFIES,'
'ALTHOUGH HE SPITS UPON,' and finally he will thrill,
and electrify, and throw into spasms of ecstasy his African
church auditors by suggesting that such monstrous duplicity
could not have been conceived by Enoch or Moses, but must
have been dictated by General Seward!!!
As another example, take from Judge Douglas' ratification
speech a sentence in relation to the Democratic platform and
the Democratic ticket, Pierce and King, which is as follows:
'With such a platform, and with such a ticket, a glorious
victory awaits us.'
Now according to the Judge's rule of criticising Gen. Scott's
language, the above sentence of his will, without perversion of
meaning admit of being read in each of the following ways
'NOTWITHSTANDING such a platform, and notwithstanding such a ticket, a glorious victory awaits us.'
'ALTHOUGH WE DEFY such a platform, and although
we defy such a ticket, a glorious victory awaits us.'
'ALTHOUGH WE SPIT UPON such a platform, and although we spit upon such a ticket, a glorious victory awaits
us.'
Similar examples might be found without end; but the foregoing are enough, if indeed anything was wanting to show the
utter absurdity of the Judge's criticism. Can any two fair
minded men differ about the meaning of this part of Gen. Scott's
letter? Do his friends, North and South, read it differently, as




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Judge Douglas asserts they will? Nothing is too absurd for the
malice of his fault finding enemies; but where among his millions
of friends can a single one be found who is supporting him because he understands him to defy, and spit upon the Whig platform?
Judge Douglas also perceives the same duplicity in Gen.
Scott's language about the Public Lands, and about Naturalization, but his criticisms upon it, are so similar to that which I
have already reviewed, that I am willing to trust my review of
the one, to stand as answer to the whole.
But, in addition to the charge of duplicity, the Judge also
seizes upon what Gen. Scott says about Naturalization, on
which to base a charge of ignorance and stupidity against Gen.
Scott. Scott, in his letter of acceptance, suggests the propriety
of so altering the naturalization laws as to admit to the rights of
citizenship, such foreigners as may serve one year in time of
war, in the land or naval service of the United States. The
Judge insists that it is uncertain whether the General means
this to be an addition to the present laws on the subject, or a
substitute for them, but by a few brief dashes, he argues himself
into the belief that the General means his proposition to be a
substitute - to embrace the only law on naturalization; and
then the Judge bewails the supposed condition of things, when
the numbers of the army and navy must either be swelled to
a million, or the bulk of the foreigners must remain unnatllralized, and without rights of citizenship among us. He admits the
General does not say that he intends his proposition to embrace the only law; but inasmuch as he does not say the contrary, he must so mean it, because, the Judge argues, to maintain the present laws, and such as Scott proposes, together,
would be unconstitutional. He quotes from the Constitution,
and shows that there can be but one uniform rule of naturalization, and swelling with indignation, he grows severe on Gen.
Scott, and asks, 'Is it possible that this candidate for the
Presidency never read the Constitution?' He insists that to
add Scott's proposition to the present laws, would establish
two rules because it would admit one person on one set of
reasons and another person on another; and hence the un



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constitutionality  Now it so happens that the first Congress
which ever sat under the Constitution, composed in a great
part of the same men who made the Constitution, passed a
naturalization law, in which it was provided that adult aliens
should come in on one set of reasons; that their minor children should come in on another set; and that such particular
foreigners as had been proscribed by any State, should come in,
if at all, on still another set. Will Judge Douglas sneeringly ask
if the framers of this law never read the Constitution? Since the
passage of the first law, there have been some half a dozen acts
modifying, adding to, and substituting the preceding acts; and
there has never been a moment from that day to this, when, by
the existing system, different persons might not have become
naturalized on different sets of reasons.
Would it be discourteous to Judge Douglas to retort his question upon him, and ask, 'Is it possible that this candidate for
a nomination to the Presidency never read the naturalization
laws?' Cases under these laws, have frequently arisen in the
courts, and some of them have gone to and passed through,
the Supreme Court of the United States. Certainly in some,
probably in every one of these cases, one of the parties could
have gained his suit by establishing that the laws were unconstitutional, and yet I believe Judge Douglas is the first man who
has been found wise enough or enough otherwise, as the case
may be, to even suggest their unconstitutionality
Even these adopted citizens, whose votes have given Judge
Douglas all his consequence, came in under these very laws.
Would not the Judge have considered the holding those laws
unconstitutional, and those particular votes illegal, as more
deplorable, than even an army and navy, a million strong?
If the Judge finds no cause to regret this part of his assault
upon the General, I certainly think that the General needs not.
The man recovered of the bite,
The dog it was that died.
When I spoke on a previous evening,1 I was not aware of
what I have since learned, that Mr Edwards, in his address to
Second part of speech, delivered August 26, begins here.




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you, had, to some extent, reviewed Judge Douglas' Richmond
speech. Had I known this, I probably should [have] abstained
from selecting it as the subject of my remarks; because I dislike the appearance of unfairness of two attacking one. After
all, however, as the Judge is a giant, and Edwards and I are but
common mortals, it may not be very unfair. And then it is to
be considered too, that in attempting to answer the Judge,
we do not assail him personally, but we are only trying to meet
his mode of conducting the assault which the whole party are
making upon Gen. Scott.
Taking up the Richmond speech at the point where I left it,
the next charge is that Gen. Scott has pledged himself to a
course of proscription. This charge the Judge makes in the
following language.
'General Scott, in his letter of acceptance - in cunning and
adroit language - solemnly pledges himself that no Democrat
shall ever hold office under his administration, but that abolition Whigs may do so without the slightest hindrance.'
Upon this the Judge indulges himself in a long comment,
in the course of which he falls into a strain of wailing pathos
which Jeremiah in his last days might envy, for the old soldier
Democrats to be turned out of office by Gen. Scott. And
finally he winds up with the use of Clayton's name in such
connection, as to insinuate that he, as Secretary of State under
Gen. Taylor, had been exceptionally proscriptive.
In the first place, I think it will be in vain, [that] any fair
minded man will search for any such solemn pledge in the letter of acceptance, as Judge Douglas attributes to it. Indeed,
the Judge himself seems to have thought it would not be quite
safe to his reputation to leave his allegation without furnishing
it the means of escape from a charge which might be brought
against it, for he immediately adds, 'This is my translation of
that part of his letter.' He then quotes from the letter, as
follows:
'In regard to the general policy of the administration, if
elected I should, of course, look among those who may approve
that policy for the agents to carry it into execution, and I
should seek to cultivate harmony and fraternal sentiments




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throughout the Whig party, without attempting to reduce its
members by proscription to exact conformity to my own views.'
Now it appears to me the Judge's translation of this may be
called a very free translation - a translation enjoying a perfect
freedom from all the restraint of justice and fair dealing. So
far from having solemnly pledged himself that no Democrat
should ever hold office, the evident sense of the sentence shows
that he was not spleaking or thinking of the democrats at all -
that he was merely giving an assurance that difference of opinion among Whigs should not be regarded, except in the higher
offices, through which the general policy of the administration
is to be conducted.
But suppose the translation is correct, I still should like to
hear from the Judge where are the Democratic office holders who
are to be made to 'walk the plank' by Gen. Scott, after having
told us in this very speech that the Taylor and Fillmore administrations have proscribed every Democrat in office. The
Judge's pathos on this subject reminds me of a little rumor
I heard at Washington about the time of Gen. Taylor's inauguration. The Senate was Democratic and could reject all
the nominations. The rumor was that the Democratic clerks
from Illinois, appealed to our Democratic delegation to save
them their places if possible; but that the delegation told
them no; 'We prefer your heads should fall, the sight of your
blood will aid us to retain our lost power' Judge Douglas
was then at the head of our delegation, and will know better
than I whether the rumor was true.
A word now about Clayton, and his proscriptive disposition
and practices, as insinuated by Judge Douglas. It is a matter
of public history, that on Saturday night before Taylor was
inaugurated Monday, Mr. Polk nominated Edward Hannegan,
a Democrat, as Minister to Prussia, and that the Senate confirmed the nomination; and that Clayton, a few days after
becoming Secretary of State, to which department such appointments belong, allowed him to go, and receive the outfit and
salary of $18,000. This is public history, about which there is
no disputing. But the more private history, as I have heard
and believe it, and as I believe Judge Douglas, knows it, is still




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more favorable to Clayton's character for generosity It is that
Mr. Clayton induced Mr. Polk to make the appointment, by an
assurance that the new administration would not revoke it.
Hannegan had been a Senator from Indiana six years, and, in
that time, had done his state some credit, and gained some
reputation for himself; but in the end, was undermined and
superseded by a man who will never do either. He was the son
of an Irishman, with a bit of the brogue still lingering on his
tongue; and with a very large share of that sprightliness and
generous feeling, which generally characterize Irishmen who
have had anything of a fair chance in the world. He was personally a great favorite with Senators, and particularly so with
Mr Clayton, although of opposite politics. He was now broken
down politically and pecuniarily; and Mr. Clayton, disregarding the ties of party came to his relief. With a knowledge of the
exact truth on this subject, how could Judge Douglas find it in
his heart to so try to prejudice the nation against John M.
Clayton? Poor Hannegan! Since his return, in a heated, and
unguarded moment, he spilled the life of a favorite brother-inlaw, and for which he is now enduring the tortures of deepest
mental agony, yet I greatly mistake his nature, if, ever to be
released from his extreme misery, he could be induced to assail
John M. Clayton, as one wanting in liberality and generosity.
Next Judge Douglas runs a tilt at Gen. Scott as a military
politician, commencing with the interrogatory 'Why has the
Whig party forgotten with an oblivion so complete all that it
once said about military politicians?' I retort the question, and
ask, why has the Democratic party forgotten with an oblivion
so complete all that it once said about military politicians
But the Judge proceeds to contrast Scott with General Pierce
and with all our General presidents, except Taylor, and he
succeeds in showing that Scott differs from them, in having held
a military commission longer than any of them, in holding such
a commission when nominated for the presidency, in not having
been a physician or farmer and in not having held civil office.
He does not stop to point how any of these differences is material
to the question of his qualification for the presidency; but he
seems to assume that disqualification must necessarily follow




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from these facts. Let us not adopt this conclusion too hastily.
Let us examine the premises. Ile has held a military commission
a long time - over forty years. If you assert that this has bred
in him a thirst for war, and a distaste for peace, 'the known
incidents of a long public life' abundantly prove the contrary.
Among them are his successful efforts for peace and against war
in the South Carolina Nullification question, on the burning of
the Caroline, and on the Maine boundary question. the mere
fact that he held a military commission when he was nominated,
I presume no one will seriously contend proves anything to the
point. Nor is it perceived how being a physician or farmer,
should qualify a man for office. Whatever of sound views of
government is acquired by the physician or farmer, is acquired
not in their regular occupations, but by reading and reflection
in the hours of relaxation from their regular occupations. It is
probable that the leisure time for such reading or reflection
would, in time of peace, be quite as abundant with an officer of
the army, as with a physician or farmer.
But Gen. Scott has not held civil office, and General Pierce
has, and this is the great point. Well, let us examine this too.
Gen. Pierce has been in the State Legislature and in Congress;
and I misread his history if it does not show him to have had
just sufficient capacity, and no more, of setting his foot down in
the track, as his partizan leader lifted his out of it, and so trudging along in the party team without a single original thought or
independent action. Scott, on the contrary, has on many occasions, been placed in the lead, when originality of thought
and independence of action, both of the highest order, have been
indispensable to success, and yet he failed in none. What he has
performed in these stations bears much stronger resemblance to
the duties he would have to perform as president, than anything
Gen. Pierce has ever done. Indeed they were literallr, in every
instance, executive duties - functions delegated to Gen. Scott
by the president, because the president could not perform them
in person. Is it not great folly to suppose that the manner of
performing them is any less a test of his capacity for civil
administration than it would be if he had held a civil office at
the time? They say we rely solely on Gen. Scott's military




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reputation. Throw it aside then. In comparing the candidates
let no consideration be given to military reputations. Let it be
alike forgotten that Gen. Pierce ever fainted, or that Gen. Scott
ever made a 'fuss' or wore a 'feather' Let them be placed in
the scales solely on what they have done, giving evidence of
capacity for civil administration; and let him kick the beam
who is found lightest.
But, we cannot help observing the fact, that the Democrats,
with all their present horror of military candidates, have themselves put a general on the track. - Why is this? It must have
been by accident or by design, and it could not have been by
accident, because I understand the party has become very
philosophical, and it would be very unphilosophical to do such a
thing by accident. It was by design, then. Let us try to trace it.
They made their nomination before we made ours, but they
knew we ought, and therefore concluded we would, not nominate
Gen. Scott, and they shaped their course accordingly They
said 'confound those old generals, is there no way of beating
them? In 1840 we thought it would be mere sport to beat Harrison. We charged that his friends kept him in a cage, that he
was an abolitionist, so far as he had sense enough to be anything; and we called him a petticoat general, and an old granny,
but the election showed we had not hit upon the true philosophy. Again when Taylor was put up, we did not venture to call
him an old granny, but we insisted he was not a Whig, and, to
help along, we put up a general against him, relying on our accustomed confidence in the capacity of the people to not see the
difference between one who is a general and one who is called
a general, but we failed again. "History is philosophy teaching
by example," and if we regard the examples it has given us, we
must try something new, before we can succeed in beating a
general for the presidency.' 1
Accordingly they nominated Pierce. It soon came to light
that the first thing ever urged in his favor as a candidate was his
having given a strange boy a cent to buy candy with. An examination of the official reports of his doings as a general in
1 Quotation marks in this paragraph have been modified in the interest of clarity.
P M. A.




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Mexico, showed him to have been the victim of a most extraordinary scene of mishap, which though it might by possibility have so happened with a brave and skillful general, left
no considerable evidence that he was such. Forthwith also appears a biographical sketch of him, in which he is represented, at
the age of seventeen, to have spelled 'but' for his father, who
was unable to spell it for himself. - By the way I do wish Frank
had not been present on that trying occasion. I have a great
curiosity to know how 'old dad' would have spelled that difficult word, if he had been left entirely to himself. But the
biography also represents him as cutting at the enemy's flying
cannon balls with his sword in the battles of Mexico, and calling
out, 'Boys there's a game of ball for you;' and finally that he
added enough to a balance due him to raise the whole to three
hundred dollars, and treated his men.
When I first saw these things I suspected they had been put
forward by mischievous Whigs, but very soon I saw the biography published at length in a veritable Democratic paper, conducted by a man whose party fidelity and intelligent co-opera,
tion with his party, I know to be beyond suspicion. Then I was
puzzled - - But now we have a letter from Gen. Shields, in which,
speaking of Pierce and himself, he says, 'As we approached the
enemy's position, directly under his fire, we encountered a
deep ditch, or rather a deep narrow, slimy canal, which had
been previously used for the purpose of irrigation. It was no
time to hesitate, so we both plunged in. The horse I happened
to ride that day was a light active Mexican horse. This circumstance operated in my favor, and enabled me to extricate myself and horse after considerable difficulty. Pierce, on the contrary, was mounted on a large, heavy American horse, and man
and horse both sank down and rolled over in the ditch. There
I was compelled to leave him... After struggling there, I cannot
say how long, he extricated himself from his horse, and hurried
on foot to join his command, etc.'
Now, what right had a brigadier general, when approaching
the enemy's position, and directly under his fire, to sink down
and roll over in a deep slimy canal and struggle there before he
got out, how long, another brigadier general cannot tell, when




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the whole of both their brigades got across that same 'slimy
canal,' without any difficulty worth mentioning? I say, Judge
Douglas, 'Is this manoeuvre sanctioned by Scott's Infantry
Tactics as adopted in the army?' This ludicrous scene in Gen.
Pierce's career had not been told of before; and the telling of it
by Gen. Shields, looks very much like a pertinacious purpose to
'Pile up' the ridiculous. This explains the new plan or system of
tactics adopted by the Democracy. It is to ridicule and burlesque the whole military character out of credit, and thus
to kill Gen. Scott with vexation. Being philosophical and literary men, they have read, and remembered, how the institution of chivalry was ridiculed out of existence by its fictitious
votary Don Quixote. They also remember how our own 'militia
trainings' have been 'laughed to death' by fantastic parades
and caricatures upon them. We remember one of the parades
ourselves here, at the head of which, on horseback, figured our
old friend Gordon Abrams, with a pine wood sword, about nine
feet long, and a pasteboard cocked hat, from front to rear about
the length of an ox-yoke, and very much the shape of one turned
bottom upwards, and with spurs having rowels as large as the
bottom of a teacup, and shanks a foot and a half long That was
the last militia muster here. Among the rules and regulations,
no man is to wear more than five pounds of cod-fish for epaulets,
or more than thirty yards of bologna sausages for a sash; and
no two men are to dress alike, and if any two should dress alike
the one that dresses most alike is to be fined, (I forget how
much.) Flags they had too, with devices and mottoes, one of
which latter is, 'We'll fight till we run, and we'll run till we die.'
Now, in the language of Judge Douglas, 'I submit to you
gentlemen,' whether there is not great cause to fear that on
some occasion when Gen. Scott suspects no danger, suddenly
Gen. Pierce will be discovered charging upon him, holding a
huge roll of candy in one hand for a spy-glass; with B-U-T
labelled on some appropriate part of his person, with Abrams'
long pine sword cutting in the air at imaginary cannon balls,
and calling out 'boys, there's a game of ball for you' and over
all streaming the flag, with the motto, 'We'll fight till we faint,
and I'll treat when it's over.'




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It is calculated that such opposition will take 'Old Fuss and
Feathers'by surprise. lie has thought of, and prepared himself
for, all the ordinary modes of assault - for over-reachings, and
underminings; for fires in front and fires in the rear; but I guess
this would be a fire on the 'blind side' - totally unlooked for
by him. -Unless the opposition should, once more sink down,
and roll over, in that deep slimy canal, I cannot conceive what
is [to] save General Scott.
But Judge Douglas alluding to the death of General Taylor
says it was the hand of Providence which saved us from our
first and only military administration. This reminds me of
Judge Douglas' so much wanted confidence in the people. The
people had elected General Taylor; and, as is appointed to all
men once to do, he died. Douglas chooses to consider this a
special interference of Providence, against the people, and in
favor of locofocoism. After all, his confidence in the people
seems to go no farther than this, that they may be safely trusted
with their own affairs, provided Providence retains, and exercises a sort of veto upon their acts, whenever they fall into the
marvelous hallucination,' as the Judge calls it, of electing someone to office contrary to the dictation of a Democratic convention. The people have fallen into this hallucination in two of
the presidential elections of the four since the retirement of Gen.
Jackson. The present struggle is for the best three in five. Let
us stand by our candidate as faithfully as he has always stood
by our country, and I much doubt if we do not perceive a slight
abatement in Judge Douglas' confidence in Providence, as well
as in the people. I suspect that confidence is not more firmly
fixed with the Judge than it was with the old woman, whose
horse ran away with her in a buggy She said she trusted in
Providence till the britchen broke; and then she didn't know
what on airth to do. The chance is the Judge will see the
breechen break, and then he can at his leisure, bewail the fate
of locofocoism, as the victim of misplaced confidence.
Speaking of Mr. Fillmore, the Judge calls him, 'a man who,
previous to that time (his accession to the presidency) had never
furnished such proofs of superiority of statesmanship as to
cause him to be looked to as a candidate for the first office.'




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0 ho! Judge; it is you, is it, that thinks a man should furnish
proofs of superiority of statesmanship, before he is looked to as a
candidate for the first office? Do please show us those proofs in
the case of your 'gallant and honest man, Frank Pierce.' Do
please name a single one that you consider such. What good
thing, or even part of good thing has the country ever enjoyed,
which originated with him? What evil thing has ever been
averted by himn? Compare his proofs of statesmanship with
those of Mr Fillmore, up to the times respectively when their
names were first connected with presidential elections. Mr
Fillmore, if I remember rightly, had not been in Congress so
long as Mr. or Gen. Pierce; yet he did acquire the distinction of
being placed at the head of one of the most important Committees, and as its Chairman, was the principal member of the
H. R. in maturing the tariff of 1842. On the other hand, Gen.
Pierce was in Congress six whole years, without being the chairman of any committee at all, and it was at the beginning of his
seventh year when he was first placed at the head of one; and
then it was a comparatively unimportant one. To show by
comparison, to the people of Illinois, the estimate in which Mr
Pierce was held, let me mention, that Douglas and IMcClernand
were each, placed at the head of an important committee, at the
commencement of their second term; while it was not till the
commencement of Pierce's fourth term, or rather of the fourth
congress of which he had been a member, that he was admitted
to the head of a less important one. I have no doubt that Col.
McClernand is as much the superior of Pierce as this difference
in the estimation in which they were held in Congress, would
indicate. I have glanced over the Journals a little to ascertain
if I could [find], what it is, or was, that Gen. Pierce had originated; and the most noted of any thing I could see, was a proposition to plead the Statute of Limitations against certain Revolutionary claims, and even this I believe he did not succeed in
having adopted. There is one good Democrat in our town who
I apprehend would turn against Pierce if he only knew of this,
for I have several times heard him insist that there is nothing
but unmitigated rascality in Statutes of Limitation.
Judge Douglas says Mr. Fillmore, as President, 'did no harm




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to the country,' and he says this in such connection as to show
that he regards it a disparagement to an administration to be
able to say no more for it, than that it 'did no harm to the
country.' And please Judge, is not an administration that 'does
no harm,' the very beau ideal of a Democratic administration?
Is not the very idea of beneficence, unjust, inexpedient, and unconstitutional, in your view? Take the present Democratic
platform, and it does not propose to do a single thing. It is full
of declarations as to what ought not to be done, but names no
one [thing] to be done. If there is in it, even an inference in
favor of any positive action by the Democracy, should they
again get into power, it only extends to the collecting a sufficient
revenue to pay their own salaries, including perhaps, constructive mileage to Senators. Propose a course of policy that shall
ultimately supplant the monstrous folly of bringing untold
millions of iron, thousands of miles across water and land, while
our own hills and mountains are groaning with the best quality
in the world, and in quantity sufficient for ten such worlds, and
the cry instantly is 'no.' Propose to remove a snag, a rock, or
a sand-bar from a lake or river, and the cry still is 'no.'
I have seen in a dirty little Democratic issue, called 'papers
for the people,' what is there called a 'Democratic Battle
Hymn.' The first stanza of the delectable production runs as
follows:
'Sturdy and strong, we march along,
Millions on millions of freemen bold;
Raising the dead, with our iron tread -
The noble dead, of the days of old!'
Now I do not wish to disturb the poet's delicious reverie, but
I will thank him to inform me, at his earliest convenience,
whether among the 'noble dead' he saw 'stirred up' there were
any from the hulls of flats and keels, and brigs, and steam boats,
which had gone to the bottom on questions of constitutionality?
After speaking rather kindly of Mr. Fillmore, the Judge proceeds to find fault with 'certain features' of his administration,
for which, he says, the Whig party is responsible, even more
than Mr. Fillmore. This is palpably absurd. The Whigs hold
no department of the government but the executive, and that




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is in the hands of Mr. Fillmore. What can they be responsible
for which he is not? What led the Judge to make this absurd
declaration is equally plain. He knew the Whigs of Virginia
were partial to Mr. Fillmore, and he supposed to hold him up
as a good man sacrificed, might excite his friends against Scott;
but suddenly it occurs to him it will not do to leave the thing in
such shape, as that the Whir party may claim it as an indorsement, to any extent, of a Whig administration. It was with
some regret, that the Judge could do no more for lack of time
than merely glance at these 'certain features.' He had before,
in his ratification speech at Washington, glanced at the same
features, not having sufficient tune to consider them at length.
It is to be hoped that in some one of the twenty-seven speeches
yet to come, he will find ttme to be a little more specific.
One of these 'certain features' is that the proper satisfaction
was not insisted upon, for the shooting of the Americans in
Cuba last year He says that, whether they were right or
wrong, they were, by a treaty stipulation, entitled to a trial,
which was not given them. - Now whether there is a treaty
stipulation that American citizens shall not be punished in
the Spanish dominions, without a fair trial, I know not, but it
strikes me as most remarkable that there should be. Without
any express treaty stipulation, it would seem to me to be a plain
principle of public law. The question is, did the principle apply
to these fifty men? Were they 'American citizens' in the sense
of that principle? The position they had assumed was, that
they were oppressed Spanish subjects, and as such, had a right
to revolutionize the Spanish government in Cuba. They had
renounced our authority and our protection; and we had no
more legal right to demand satisfaction for their treatment,
than if they had been native born Cubans. Their butchery was,
as it seemed to me, most unnecessary and inhuman. They were
fighting against one of the worst governments in the world; but
their fault was, that the real people of Cuba had not asked
for their assistance; were neither desirous of, nor fit for civil
liberty.
But suppose I am mistaken, and that satisfaction should
have been demanded of Spain for the shooting of the fifty in




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Cuba. What should have been the nature of the satisfaction?
Not pecuniary certainly. A disavowal of the act by the government, with the punishment of [the] perpetrators? The very
nature of the case made this impossible. The satisfaction, if
sought at all, must have been sought in war. If Judge Douglas
thought it cause for war, upon him rests the responsibility of
not bringing a proposition before the Senate to declare war.
I suppose he knows that under the constitution, Congress, and
not the president, declares war. Does not his omission to move
in the matter, in Congress, coupled with his greediness to agitate it before ratification meetings, and African church audiences, prove that he feels much greater concern for a presidential election, than he does to vindicate the honor of the
nation, or to avenge the blood of its citizens?
The extra:vagant expenditures of the present administration
is another of the Judge's 'certain features.' On this subject his
language is very general, for want of time no doubt. At the
'ratification' he says, 'You find the expenditures nearly
doubled, running up to about sixty million dollars a year, in
times of profound peace.' At Richmond he says, 'I should like
to know nwhy a Whig administration costs more in a profound
peace than a Democratic administration does during a great
war ' I have not had the opportunity to investigate this subject
as I would like to do before undertaking to speak about it, but
I have learned enough to feel confident that the expenditures
(of 1850-51 for instance) have not, by any plausible mode of
estimating them, amounted to sixty millions, or to more than
the expenditures of a 'Democratic administration in a great
war,' by at least ten millions of dollars.
I take the following from a paper, which is not often misled,
and never intentionally misleads others - the National Intelligencer:
'In the discussions which have taken place, in the newspapers
and elsewhere, on the financial question, an attempt has been
made to hold the present administration responsible for an
alleged large increase of the expenditures of the Government.
With the growth of the Government, and the additional cost of
governing newly acquired and distant territories, it could not




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well be otherwise than that the expenses of the Government
must be somewhat increased, but not to anything like the
amount at which it has been stated; as, for example in the
" Union " of a few days ago, in which the expenditures of Go vernment were charged to have reached fifty-two millions of dollars, instead of the thirty-seven millions which they had reached
at one period of the Van Buren administration.
'Let us briefly analyze this sweeping charge. It is not true,
in the first place, that the expenditures of the Government last
year amounted so high as fifty millions. In so large an expenditure, however, a few millions more or less would by some persons be thought to make little difference. But the actual payments during the year amounted to only forty-eight millions
of dollars, instead of fifty-two millions (or fifty millions, as
estimated by others,) as will be seen by the following statement, made up from authentic materials:


'The payments (not expenses) of the Government for fiscal
year 1850 and 1851 were...........
From which deductOn Mexican Installment................  $3,L4,400
Mexican indemnity claims.......    ~,516,691


$18,005,878
5.759.091
$4 46,787


Duties refunded on sugar and molasses wrongfully
collected (see decisions of Supreme Court)
Debentures........
Excess of duties.
Expenses of collecting the revenues and sales of
lands...


$513,850
867,268
896,0'24
2,051,708


4,328,845
$38,917,936


Census expenses.....        672,500
Three and five per cent. funds to states, and repayment of lands erroneously sold.....   74,345
Smithsonian Institution..............    30,910       777,755
$37,140,177
And mail service - Navy Department....................... 1,303,365
$38,837.81 2
Payments to volunteers.........      635,380
$35,201,432




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'Of the expenditures of the last year nearly six millions of
dollars, it will be seen, went to pay in part for our little property
in California.
'The duties refunded, and the expenses of collecting the
revenues, etc., amounting to more than four millions of dollars,
would, under former Administrations, according to the then
existing laws, have been paid by and deducted from the revenue
by collectors. Now everything is paid into the Treasury and
repaid to the employees, etc.
'The items under the third division of the above statement
are surely not "ordinary expenses" of Government.
'The revenue from the Ocean Mail Steamers not appearing
in the receipts of the Treasury, the fourth item of the above
should not be added to the expenses.
'The volunteers (comprising the fifth item) ought to have
been paid years ago. Why, then, does that hold a place in the
account of "ordinary expenses" of the Government?
'A just computation of the "ordinary" expenditures of the
Government for the year 1851 is, therefore, by this analysis,
reduced to little more than thirty-five millions of dollars, being
a less annual amount, as before stated, than the Government
expenditure had risen to before the Whigs had ever had any effective share in the administration of the General Government.'
By this it appears that in this twice made assault upon the
administration, Judge Douglas is only mistaken about twentyfive millions of dollars - a mere trifle for a giant!
I come now to the key-notes of the Richmond speech -
Seward -Abolition -free soil, etc., etc. It is amusing to
observe what a 'Raw-Head and Bloody Bones' Seward is to
universal Locofocoism. That they do really hate him there is no
mistake; but that they do not choose to tell the true reason of
their hatred, is manifest from the vagueness of their attacks
upon him. His supposed proclamation of a 'higher law' is the
only specific charge I have seen for a long time. I never read
the speech in which that proclamation is said to have been
made; so that I cannot by its connection, judge of its import
and purpose, and I therefore have only to say of it now, that
in so far as it may attempt to foment a disobedience to the Con



OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN


109


stitution, or to the constitutional laws of the country, it has my
unqualified condemnation. But this is not the true ground of
Democratic hatred to Seward, else they would not so fondly
cherish so many 'higher law' men in their own ranks. The real
secret is this: whoever does not get the State of New York will
not be elected president. In 1848, in New York, Taylor had
218,538 votes - Cass, 114,319, and free soilism, under Van
Buren, 120,497, Taylor only lacking 16,234 of beating them
both. Now in 1852, the free soil organization is broken up,
Van Buren has gone back to Locofocoism, and his 120 thousand
votes are the stakes for which the game in New York is being
played. If Scott can get nine thousand of them he carries the
State, and is elected; while Pierce is beaten unless he can get
about one hundred and eleven thousand of them. Pierce has all
the leaders, and can carry a majority; but that won't do - he
cannot live unless he gets nearly all. Standing in the wav of
this Seward is thought to be the greatest obstacle. In this division of free soil effects, they greatly fear he may be able to get
as many as nine out of each hundred, which is more than they
can bear; and hence their insane malice against him. The indispensable necessity with the Democrats of getting these New
York free soil votes, to my mind, explains why they nominated
a man who 'loathes the Fugitive Slave Law' In December or
January last Gen. Pierce made a speech, in which, according
to two different newspaper reports, published at the time in his
vicinity and never questioned by him or any one else till after
the nomination, he publicly declared his loathing of the Slave
law. Now we shall allow ourselves to be very green, if we conclude the Democratic convention did not know of this when
they nominated him. On the contrary, its supposed efficacy to
win free soil votes, was the very thing that secured his nomination. His Southern allies will continue to bluster and pretend to
disbelieve the report, but they would not, for any consideration, have him to contradict it. And he will not contradict it
- mark me, he will not contradict it. I see by the despatches he
has already written a letter on the subject; but I have not seen
the letter, or any quotation from it. When we shall see it, we
shall also see it does not contradict the report - that is, it will




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not specifically deny the charge that declared his loathing for
the Fugitive Slave Law. I know it will not, because I know
the necessity of the party will not permit it to be done. The letter will deal in generalities, and will be framed with a view of
having it to pass at the South for a denial, but the specific point
will not be made and met.
And this being the necessity of the party, and its action and
attitude in relation to it, is it not particularly bright - in
Judge Douglas to stand up before a slave holding audience, and
make flings at the Whigs about free soil and abolition! Why
Pierce's only chance for the presidency, is to be born into it, as
a cross between New York old hunkerism, and free soilism, the
latter predominating in the offspring. Marryat, in some one of
his books, describes the sailors, weighing anchor, and singing:
'Sally is a bright Mullatter,
Oh Sally Brown -
Pretty gal, but can't get at her,
Oh Sally Brown.'
Now, should Pierce ever be President, he will, politically
speaking, not only be a mulatto, but he will be a good deal
darker one than Sally Brown.
To L. M. HAYS 1
October 27, 1852
SPRINGFIELD, Oct. 27, 1852.
L. M. Hays, Esq.
DEAR SIR.
Yours of Sept. 30th just received. At our court, just past, I
could have got a judgment against Turley, if I had pressed to
the utmost, but I am really sorry for him - poor and a cripple
as he is - He begged time to try to find evidence to prove that
the deceased on his death bed, ordered the note to be given up
to him or destroyed. I do not suppose he will get any such evidence, but I allowed him until next court to try.
Yours &c
A. LINCOLN
1 Original owned by L. M. Bamberger, Newark, New Jersey.




OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN


III


TO NINIAN WIRT EDWARDS 1
January 15, 1853
SPRINGFIELD, Jany 15, 1853
MR. N W EDWARDS
Please pay N W. Edwards & Co., eighty dollars, which will
be in full of interest on your note till 1st May 1853.
A. LINCOLN.
To SOLON CUMINS 2
February 14, 1853
SPRINGFIELD, ILLS. Feb. 14. 1853.
Solon Cuwmins Esq
Grand Detour
Ills.
DEAR SIR:
Your letter in relation to Mr Adams' business is received.
The time will possibly come when we shall need Bradshaw's
testimony to the point you mention, but in the present attitude
of the case we are not ready for it - it would not avail us nomv
if we had it. Still, I shall be very glad if you will ascertain, and
put down in writing, exactly what Bradshaw will swear, on the
question of Denny having been paid for the land with Adams'
money, & also, as to whether Adams, when he took the deed,
had any knowledge of Kemper's judgment against Bradshaw.
Ascertain these things & write me what they are.
Very Respectfully
A. LINCOLN.
To W. D. BRIGGS 3
March 19, 1853
As the following letter shows, Lincoln was not averse to aiding a lawyer not so well informed as he. W. D. Briggs was a
Tazewell County attorney.
1 Original owned by Mrs. Mary Edwards Brown, Springfield, Illinois.
2 Original owned by Alfred C. Meyer, Highland Park, Illinois.
I Original owned by A. V. D. Rousseau, Los Angeles, California.




112


NEW LETTERS AND PAPERS


SPRINGFIELD, March 19, 1853.
W D. Briggs, Esq.
DEAR SIR.
I suppose it will be necessary to take a deposition in the attachment case you mention. It will have to be done under the
act of March 1st 1845 - found in the Session Acts of 1845, at
page 27. The way will be to make out a notice with interrogatories, precisely as you do to take a deposition of a non-resident
witness in an ordinary case, except that 4 weeks instead of 10
days time must be given; and as you can not serve the notice,
post one copy on the court house door, & file the other in the
clerk's office 4 weeks before suing out the commission. If
posted at the court house door I think it need not be posted in a
newspaper - one or the other will do.
As to the declaration, I suppose that a common count is all
that is necessary, & accordingly I send a draft of that sort.
Yours truly
A. LINCOLN.
P. S. When you send on for evidence, better also get an authenticated copy of the Charter. Also look over the declaration
I send, fill in blanks, correct mistakes, if any, in names, amounts,
&c.
A. LINCOLN
To HENRY ENOCH DUMMER 1
March 28, 1853
SPRINGFIELD, March 28. 1853.
DEAR DUMMER
Inclosed please find three dollars, the smallest sum I could
send by mail for the $2.50 you kindly advanced for me; which
please accept, together with my thanks, and offer to reciprocate
when occasion presents.
Your friend as ever
A. LINCOLN.
Original in Chicago Historical Society.




OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN


113


To LEONARD F. Ross AND GEORGE W. STIPP 1
About April 25, 1853
On March 25,1853, Ross and Stipp, Lewistown lawyers, wrote
Lincoln the following letter: 'Dear Sir. We wrote to you some
time previous to the last term of the U. S. Dist Court to attend
to a suit for us in said Court - Ejectment Northrup vs Reynolds et al. Please write us as to the situation of the cause now,
and what was done in it last term.' A month later, Lincoln
answered, using the back of the letter for his reply.
I have to beg your pardon for not having wrote you before on
the subject of the within. The rule to plead had expired months
before you wrote me &, I presume, months before you were
employed. Mr. Lawrence, who was for the plff said if he did
not believe it was the deft.'s own default, he would not hold on
to it, but as it was, he would.
A. LINCOLN
To GEORGE B. KINKEAD 2
May 27, 1853
Mrs. Lincoln's father, Robert S. Todd, had been for many
years prior to his death in 1849 a member of the firm of Oldham, Todd and Company, cotton manufacturers of Lexington,
Kentucky. His estate was practically settled when, on May
12, 1853, a suit was filed in the Fayette Circuit Court (Kentucky) by Edward Oldham and Thomas Hemingway, the surviving partners of Oldham, Todd and Company, against Abraham Lincoln, Ninian W. Edwards and George B. Kinkead. The
plaintiffs alleged that Lincoln owed them $472.54 for money
collected and unaccounted for, that Edwards was indebted to
the extent of $9.00 for freight charges paid by them, and that
Kinkead, Lincoln and Edwards's attorney at Lexington, had in
his possession some $1,500 - their share of the Todd estate -
which was more than sufficient to pay the claim.3
1 Original in Galesburg Public Library, Galesburg, Illinois.
- Owned by William H. Townsend, Lexington, Kentucky
s A complete account of this litigation may be found in Townsend, Abraham Lincoln:
Defendant. Boston, 1923.




114


NEW LETTERS AND PAPERS


DANVILLE, ILL. May 27, 1853.
George B. Kinkead, Esq.,
Lexington,
Ky.
I am here attending court a hundred and thirty miles from
home, and where a copy of your letter of this month, to Mr.
Edwards, reached me from him, last evening. I find it difficult
to suppress my indignation towards those who have got up this
claim against me. I would really be glad to hear Mr. Hemingway
explain how he was induced to swear he believed the claim to be
just! I herewith inclose my answer. If it is insufficient either in
substance, or in the authentication of the oath, return it to me
at Springfield (where I shall be after about ten days) stating the
defective points. You will perceive in my answer that I ask the
Petitioners to be ruled to file a bill of particulars, stating names
& re.ldclelces &c. I do this to enable me to absolutely disprove
the claim. I can really prove by independent evidence, every
material statement of my answer, and if they will name any
living accessable man, as one of whom I have received their
money, I will, by that man disprove the charge. I know it is for
them to prove their claim, rather than for me to disprove it; but
I am unwilling to trust the oath of any man, who either made
or prompted the oath to the Petition.
Write me soon.
Very Respectfully,
A. LINCOLN.
In his answer, also dated May 27, 1853, Lincoln denied that
he had ever collected $472.54 or any other sum for Oldham,
Todd and Company; that any claim had ever been placed in his
hands by the firm for collection, and that he was ever employed
as an attorney or in any other capacity by them.
To DAVID ALLEN SMITH 1
June 10, 1853
James M. Higgins, Medical Superintendent of the Illinois
State Hospital for the Insane at Jacksonville, was removed by
I Original owned by David S. Lansden, Cairo, Illinois. It is slightly burned on one
edge, and I have supplied the missing parts of words. P M. A.




OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN


115


resolution of the Board of Trustees June 6, 1853. David A.
Smith, a Jacksonville lawyer, evidently sent him to confer with
Lincoln and Logan, for the following letter was not mailed, but
carried by Dr. Higgins to Smith.
SPRINGFIELD, June 10. 1853.
D. A. Smith Esq.
DEAR SIR:
We have had Dr Higgins' [ca]se under consideration, and,
inasmuch as, by the [law] 'he shall be subject to removal only
for infi[delity to] the trust reposed in him, or incompetency [to]
the discharge thereof'- we think the resolution [o]f removal,
not placing the removal on either [of] these grounds, is, on its
face void, and we further think, that any removal, without
giving the Dr a chance to be heard in his defence, on the questions, of infidelity and incompetency, one or both, will be void.
Quo warranto, we think, is the way; [an]d we think it better
that he should [h]old on, and leave his adversaries to proceed;
but if his holding on would embarrass the institution, he might,
without much disadvantage, leave, and commence the proceedings himself.
Yours &c
A. LINCOLN
S. T. LOGAN
At the fall term the Morgan Circuit Court held that Higgins's
removal was illegal, and therefore null and void. The case was
taken to the Supreme Court, and argued for four days in January, 1854. Lincoln was one of Higgins's counsel, and made the
closing argument on his behalf. The Supreme Court, however,
decided against his client when it reversed the decision of the
lower court.
To GEORGE B KINKEAD 1
July 6, 1853
Although Lincoln's answer was filed in the Fayette Circuit
Court June 13, 1853, the June term passed with no effort on the
1 Original owned by William H. Townsend, Lexington, Kentucky.




116


NEW LETTERS AND PAPERS


plaintiffs' part to have the case set for trial. In the absence of
information about the suit, Lincoln became uneasy.
SPRINGFIELD, ILLS. JUlY 6, 1853.
Geo. B. Kin kead, Esq.
Lexington, Ky.
DEAR SIR.
I feel some anxiety about the suit which has been gotten up
against me in your court; and I therefore hope you will pardon
my requesting you to write me when your court sits - whether
it is probable I shall have to take proof here &c. &c. In the
autumn of 1849 I was at Lexington several days, during which
time I was almost constantly with L. &- Todd; and if he shall,
when this case comes on to be tried, think he remembers that I
told him I had collected money for Oldham, Todd & Co, the
story would be plausable enough to require an answer. Such
recollection would be an utter mistake, yet if something of
the sort is not relied on, I can not not [sic] conceive how Mr
Hemingway was induced to swear to the truth of the Bill; for
they can not, in any other way, make the slightest show of
proof I therefore think it safest to look to their making this
proof, as, at least, possible, and to be prepared for it. I have
said before, and now repeat, that if they will name the man or
men of whom, they say, I have collected money for them, I will
disprove it. I hope you will write me at once. I conclude with
the remark that I expect you to be compensated for your services in this case, in addition, to your compensation for your
attention to our business, in common, there.
Respectfully
A. LINCOLN.
To GEORGE B. KINKEAD1
September 13, 1853
In reply to the foregoing letter, Kinkead must have written
that he expected the case to be dismissed at the next term of
court. Yet, when only one more day of the August term remained and no motion of dismissal had been made, he evidently
1 Original owned by William H. Townsend, Lexington, Kentucky.




OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN


117


thought it his duty to inform his clients that the case still
remained on the docket.
BLOOMINGTON, ILLS Sept. 13, 1853
Geo. B. Kinkead, Esq.
Lexington, Ky.
DEAR SIR:
Your letter of the 2nd Inst. to Mr. Edwards, has been forwarded by him to me here where I am attending court. When,
in your letter to me, of the 12th July, you gave the opinion that
0. T. & Co would abandon their suit, it was plain to my mind
they intended no such thing, else they would have told you so
plainly. The matter now takes me at great disadvantage, in
this, that it will cost me more to leave the Circuit (which has
just commenced) and attend to taking proof, than it would to
give up the claim; and your letter does not mention the time
of your next term.
But the great difficulty of all is the want of something definite, to take proof about. Without a bill of particulars stating
the names of the persons of whom, 0. T. & Co. claim that I have
collected money for them, any proof I can possibly take, will
be wide of the mark - can not meet Levi's statement, (which
I now suppose he is determined to make) that 'I told him I
owed the amount attached.' I can prove by John T Stuart, of
Springfield Illinois, that he & I were partners in the law from
the Spring of 1837 to the Spring of 1841, and that, so far as he
knows, we never had any business for 0. T. & Co. By Stephen
T. Logan of Springfield, Ills, that he & I were partners from the
Spring of 1841 to the autumn of 1844, and that so far as he
knows, he & I never had any business for 0. T. & Co. By William H. Herndon of Springfield, Ills, that he and I have been
partners from the autumn of 1844 up to the present time; and
that so far as he knows, he & I never had any business for
0. T. & Co. - and by all three that they never knew of me,
individually having any business for 0 T. & Co. Also, by
Ninian W. Edwards of Springfield, Ill, that so far as he knows
or believes the whole of the business of 0. T & Co in Illinois
passed through his hands, and that so far as he knows or be



118


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lieves, none of it ever went into my hands - that the claims at
Beardstown and Shelbyville both passed through his hands, and
were, in the fall of 1843, given to me, as desparate debts, by Mr.
Todd, in manner as I have stated in my answer; and that less
than three years ago, the father-in-law of one of the debtors,
called on him to try to compound the debt. As I understand,
both these claims went into judgments; and as to that at Beardstown, I can prove the truth of the answer, by the record; and by
Henry E Dummer of Beardstown, Cass Co Ills. As to that at
Shelbyville, I can prove the truth of the answer, by the record
that it was taken not by me, but by a different attorney, and
that it remains apparently unsatisfied. By William F. Thornton of Shelbyville, Illinois, that he is the father-in-law of the
debtor - that the debtor has gone to California; and that he
left this, among others, as an unpaid debt, which he desired the
witness to compound for him if he could. All this I can prove,
but without a Bill of particulars, it seems to me, it will not meet
the case. ('an they not be ruled to give a Bill of particulars?
This matter harasses my feelings a good deal, and I shall be
greatly obliged if you will write me immediately, under cover to
Mr. Edwards at Springfield Ills - telling me first, when is the
next term of your court; and second, whether I can or can not
have a bill of particulars.
Yours truly
A. LINCOLN.
To GEORGE B. KINKEAD1
September 30, 1853
Although the plaintiffs had as yet taken no steps to prove
their case, Lincoln now set out to disprove it. Accordingly, on
September 22, he gave notice that he would take the depositions
of several of the men whom he had named in his last letter
At this stage of the proceedings he was informed by Kinkead
that what purported to be a bill of particulars had been filed.
This document specified two claims. one of June 17, 1841
against Bain, Tompkins & Barrett for $129.05; the other against
Hawley & Edwards for $343.49.
1 Owned by William H. Townsend, Lexington, Kentucky.




OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN


119


PEORIA, ILLS. Sept. 30, 1853.
Geo. B. Kinkead, Esq.
Lexington, Ky.
DEAR SIR:
Your letter of the 22nd has just reached me through Mr
Edwards, and for which I thank you heartily I now feel that
the case is entirely manageable. I well know who Htawley and
Edwards are. The 'Hawley' of that firm is Eliphalet B.
Hawley; and the 'Edwards' is no other than Ninian W. Edwards, whom you know nearly as well as I do, & being the same
who, on behalf of himself, and the rest of us here, has conducted
all the business with you, in relation to Mr Todd's estate. Mr
Hawley still lives at Springfield, and I will thank you to give a
notice to take his deposition at the same time and place named
in my former letter for the taking of that of Mr Edwards &
others at Springfield.
Very truly yours &c
A. LINCOLN.
P S. Still write me, under cover to Mr. Edwards at Springfield,
who will forward to me.
A.L.
To-?1
November 11, 1853
The following letter evidently treats of the same subject as
that of February 14, 1853 to Solon Cumins.
SPRINGFIELD, Nov. 11. 1853.
DEAR SIR' Judge Logan, Kemper's attorney, authorizes me
say [sic] he consents to the within named Clerk, taking the
deposition, in lieu of the man named in the commission, on
condition that, if you can, you will notify Kemper's lawyer
there, of the time & place. Mr Adams perhaps will know
who the lawyer is. Dont neglect, or fail for your life
A. LINCOLN
Photostat in Library of Congress




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NEW LETTERS AND PAPERS


To W. W. R. WOODBsRY AND WILLIAM FITHIAN '
January 26, 1854
From Danville, Illinois, two of Lincoln's friends wrote for an
opinion on a legal question. W. W. R. Woodbury, one of the
co-authors, had commenced the study of medicine under the
guidance of Dr William Fithian, and had completed his studies
in 1850 at Rush Medical College. Instead of commencing
practice he had started a drug business in partnership with
Dr J A. D. Sconce. Sconce sold out in 1853, and soon afterward died. Woodbury and Fithian probably wrote this letter
as friends of his widow.
SPRINGFIELD, Jany. 26. 1854
W W R. Woodbury &
Wnm. Fithian
GENTLEMEN -
Your letter is received. You say Mrs. Sconce will relinquish
her rights under the will. This she must do, in order to get her
legal rights. My opinion on all the questions asked is as follows.
She will have Dower (that is one third for life) in the lands,
for which the Dr. assigned the certificates, and she will have
nothing more in those lands. (I suppose the lands lie in this
State)
If the Dr. was in his right mind, he could give away the notes
and money; and if he did so, it will stand, so that this part of
the case depends upon how the fact may prove to be. Whoever
administers must claim the notes and money, and contest with
them, for them. She need give no notice to the Genl. Land office. I infer that when Dr Sconce died neither he nor his wife
had any living child; and if I am right in this, then Mrs. Sconce
will hold thee [sic] quarters of the land deeded to the child -
thus - the child dying without brother or sister the land went
in halves, or equal parts to the father and mother, and the father
afterwards dying without a living child, one half of his half went
to his wife - making up the three quarters. Their having the
deed to the child will do no harm.
1 Original owned by Woodbury family, Danville, Illinois.




OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN


121


Better mention this to W. H. Lamon, lest he should, unawares, commit me to the other side.
Yours &c
A. LINCOLN.
For more than a year, Ward Hill Lamon had been Lincoln's
law partner at Danville. On November 10, 1852, a newspaper
notice had announced that henceforth 'Lincoln & Lamon,
Attorneys at Law, having formed a co-partnership will practice
in the Courts of the Eighth Judicial Circuit, and the Superior
Court, and all business entrusted to them will be attended to
with promptness and fidelity.'
MEMORANDUM TO JOSEPH GILLESPIE 1
February 11, 1854
By 1854, railroad-building in Illinois had advanced from the
stage of public meetings passing resolutions and issuing addresses in support of some proposed route to actual, solid
achievement. Hundreds of miles of road had been constructed
and were in operation, and plans for hundreds more were being
made.
Progress had been expedited by the passage of a general railroad law in 1849. Yet for five years the backers of the Atlantic
and Mississippi, under the presidency of John Brough, had
been trying unsuccessfully to obtain the legislative authorization without which, under the law, construction could not be
started. Since the western terminus was to be Illinoistown (the
present city of East St. Louis), the rival city of Alton, aided by
those 'State policy' adherents who opposed any project likely
to build up a city of another State, was in bitter opposition.
The following fragment not only places Lincoln quite definitely with the friends of 'State policy,' but shows that he was
one of an alliance which had pursued this same end ever since
the abortive internal improvement scheme of 1837. It was
written in the Senate Chamber for Joseph Gillespie, who represented the Madison and Clinton senatorial district, but who was
1 Original owned by Charles Gillespie, Edwardsville, Illinois. Written in pencil.




NEW LETTERS AND PAPERS


absent when Lincoln wrote. Gillespie came in as Lincoln was
finishing, and therefore it is unsigned.
SPRINGFIELD, Feb. 11, 1854.
Today a petition was circulated in Springfield, and signed
by some of the citizens, instructing the Sangamon members to
vote for Brough's road. Whether this is a movement to force
the members to desert us, or to excuse them, being already so
inclined, we do not certainly know; but either way, it behooves
us, who have been their fast friends, in all things, for the last
seventeen years, to have our eyes open. We sincerely hope the
movement is too limited to amount to anything, for we much
prefer standing with old friends, to being driven to form new
ones. But if Springfield, and Sangamon county, are determined
to try their fortunes in other company, we have no power to
hinder it; and all we can do is to take care of ourselves as best
we may. They, of course, will not complain of us. It probably
would help us more than Brough's road would hurt us, to be
enabled to tap the East & West line of road running through
Springfield, by forming a connection between LaFayette, Indiana and Paris in this state; and we have no doubt that
Brough himself would be glad to help us to the connection, in
consideration that we should withdraw our opposition to his
road. It thus is plain, that if Springfield must sell us to Brough,
she may find herself sold in the same market before the end of
the session. Being released from Springfield, there are some
other matters, of which she is not wholly indifferent, in relation
to which we possibly could gain as many votes, even against
Brough's road, as it is in the power of Springfield to take from
us. It is our interest to be looking for the means of indemnity
in case she is really preparing to stab us.
LEGAL OPINION 1
March 1, 1854
The 'State policy' opposition, though successful for five
years, availed nothing in 1854. On February 23 the Legislature
1 From Daily St. Louis Intelligencer, March 9, 1854.




OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN


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granted the Mississippi and Atlantic Railroad authority to
commence construction and to condemn property for its use.
St. Louis celebrated by providing a three-day festival for the
Illinois lawmakers.
The opposition, however, was not yet entirely vanquished.
On March 9 - a scant week after the celebration - the following letter and legal opinion appeared in the 'Daily St. Louis
Intelligencer,' the organ of a rival road whose right of way
paralleled that of the Mississippi and Atlantic.
SPRINGFIELD, (ILLS.) March 1, 1854.
DEAR SIR.
We herewith send you our answer to the questions propounded in your letter of the 24th February, 1854.
Yours, Respectfully,
JOHN T STUART,
A. LINCOLN,
B. S. EDWARDS.
Hon. Robert Smith, Alton, Illinois.
First. Is the corporation legally formed?
The articles of association filed in the office of the Secretary of
State, establish the length of the road at one hundred and sixty
miles or thereabouts. They also show subscriptions to an
amount in the aggregate less than forty thousand dollars. With
the articles and endorsed thereon or annexed thereto, is filed
the affidavit of three persons, named in said articles as Directors,
stating that the 'amount of stock necessary for the incorporation of said company has been subscribed, viz, one hundred and
szxty thousand dollars, and that ten per cent. on the amount, viz'
sixteen thousand dollars, has been actually paid in as required
by law.' The date of this certificate is August 7, 1850
It is, we think, undoubted law, that such associations are
confined to the provisions of the act authorizing them, and
cannot be organized until all its substantial enactments on the
subject are complied with. See the case of 'Valk vs. Crandall
and others' - 1st Sanford's Ch. Rep. p. 179 The substantial
provisions of the act of Nov. 5, 1849, preliminary to the incor



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poration of the company, are contained in the first and second
sections of the act. The language is explicit, 'That any number
of persons not less than twenty-five, being subscribers to the
stock of any contemplated railroad may be formed into a
corporation for the purpose of constructing, owning and maintaining such railroad by complying with the following requirements.' W~hen stock to the amount of at least one thousand
dollars for every mile of said road so intended to be built, shall
be in good faith subscribed, and ten per cent. paid thereon as
herein required, then the said subscribers may elect Directors for
the said company, thereupon they shall severally subscribe
articles of association, &c. 'Each subscriber to such articles of
association shall subscribe thereto his name, place of residence,
and the number of shares of stock taken by him in such company. The said articles of association may, on complying with
the next section, be filed in the office of Secretary of State, and
thereupon the persons who have subscribed, and all persons
who shall from time to time become stockholders in such companv, shall be a body corporate by the names specified in such
articles.'
'Sec. 3 Such articles of association shall not be filed in the
office of the Secretary of State, until ten per cent. on the amount
of stock subscribed thereto, shall have been actually and in good
faith paid in cash to the Directors named in such articles, nor
until there is endorsed thereon, or annexed thereto, an affidavit
made by at least three of the Directors named in such articles,
that the amount of stock required by the first section has been
subscribed, and that ten per cent. on the amount has actually
been paid in.'
We cannot doubt that the obvious intention of the Legislature
was to require that all the preliminary steps to the incorporation of the company must appear on the face of the papers filed
in the Secretary's office. The manifest propriety of such a
requisition as security to the public against the formation of
fictitious and irresponsible corporations, would of itself constitute a sufficient reason for this construction. The minuteness
of detail contained in these sections is inconsistent with any
other. Why such precision in these requirements, and the




OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN


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further requisition that these articles should be filed in the
office of the Secretary, if not for the very purpose of manifesting the compliance with the provisions of the act? We think
that the subscription of the amount prescribed by the first
section must be antecedent to the formation either of a company or the corporation. Until this amount has been subscribed and the ten per cent. paid, the articles of assoctation
cannot be legally entered into. The language is: HW'hen stock to
the amount required shall be in good faith subscribed and the
ten per cent. paid, 'then the said subscribers may elect directors
for said company; thereupon they shall severally subscribe
articles of association.' Now, who are to subscribe these articles? Clearly, those who have subscribed the amount previously
ascertained by the act, and have paid the per centage. These,
and these only, are the said subscribers who may elect directors,
the names of whom are to appear in the articles. Until the
amount required is subscribed, no election of directors is authorized. Any persons elected directors by any number of subscribers prior to that event, would be illegally elected, and their
certificate or affidavit would, so far as compliance with this act
is concerned, be of no more legal validity than the statement of
persons nowise connected with the company.
This view is corroborated by the 3d section of the act, which
makes a certified copy of 'any articles of association filed in
pursuance of this act with a copy of the affidavit aforesaid endorsed thereon presumptive evidence of the incorporation of
said company.' Being only presumptive evidence, even if every
thing required appeared on the face of the papers, the truthfulness of the statements contained in them might be controverted.
Surely it was not intended that a copy of articles showing only
a subscription of a part of the amount required, should be presumptive evidence of the subscription of the whole. And here
we can see no reason for requiring an affidavit. The law requires the subscription to be made in good faith. The names of
subscribers, if genuine, with the amount of their subscription,
would show the liability of each, and afford the means of
ascertaining the aggregate amount. The affidavit would make
the prima facie evidence of the genuineness of the signatures,




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the good faith of the subscriptions, and the payment of the ten
per cent. Two essential guaranties are thus afforded for the
construction or honestly attempted construction of the contemplated road, viz; The personal responsibility of the subscribers, as provided in the 14th section of the act, and the
affidavit of three directors to the good faith of the subscription
and the payment of the instalment, and these, the articles subscribed as required, and the affidavit, constitute the presumptive evidence of incorporation. The one was not intended as a
substitute for the other The company could no more be organized without the subscriptions appearing on the articles than
without the affidavit, and vice versa.
We think that the only subscriptions which would in any
event be obligatory, are those which appear on the articles, or
are subscribed on the books opened by the Commissioners.
Now by reference to the 5th section it will be seen, that the
commissioners are only authorized to open books, 'from time to
time after the company shall be incorporated.' Such subscriptions
cannot supply the place of those which by the terms of the law
are required to be made anterior, and as a condition precedent
to the incorporation of the company. Without further extending the argument, we are clearly of opinion that the association
called 'The Atlantic and Mississippi Railroad Company' is not
a corporation legally formed, 'under the act to provide for a
general system of railroad incorporations,' approved November
5, 1849.
Second. Have they such an organization as entitles them to
come before the present session of the Legislature? We think
not. By the tenth section of the fourth article of the constitution the Governor 'may on extraordinary occasions convene
the general assembly by proclamation, and shall state in said
proclamation the purpose for which they are to convene, and
the general assembly shall enter on no legislative business except that for which they were specially called together.'
The proclamation which is thus made the exclusive grant of
legislative power at this session - which cannot constitutionally be transcended - is, so far as relates to this subject, in
these words: 'To pass laws recognizing the existence of, and con



OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN


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ferring additional powers upon corporations formed, or which
may be formed prior to the action of the legislature thereon,
under the act to provide for a general system of railroad incorporation' - approved Nov. 5, 1849 - 'declare the public
utility of their works, sanction the routes and termini thereof,
and authorize the construction of the same.' This language is
plain and the meaning apparent. It is, not to recognize the
existence of, and confer additional powers on associations, but
corporations formed under the act - not companies whose
organization had not been completed, but those who, by complying with the requirements of the general law have perfected
their organization thereunder, so far as that could be done
anterior to the legislation which is required by that law. It is
apparent that the Governor had in contemplation the twentysecond section of the act containing provisions for those acts of
the Legislature necessary to clothe the corporation with all the
powers conferred by the act; and particularly to the last clause
of that section, 'And the Legislature reserve [the right] to itself
to indicate the routes and termini of said roads, and the same
shall not be constructed and commenced without the express
sanction of the Legislature of this state by a law to be passed
thereafter.' It was intended that the assembly might sit under
the law of '49, but not that they might legislate in direct conflict with its provisions.
The answers to the remaining questions, are we think,
necessarily involved in what we have already stated. If we
are correct in these opinions, then it follows, that the Atlantic
and Mississippi Railroad Company has no legal existence as a
corporation - that the law of this session being beyond the power
of the Legislature at a called session to pass, is a nullity, that no
bonds could be issued, nor collections of subscriptions be enforced
by a so called corporation which had no legal existence. As all
subscriptions must be supposed to have been made with reference to an organization under the general law, they would only
be payable to a corporation legally formed under that law -
while all who subscribed to the articles of association, may be
presumed to have known that action of the Legislature according to the general law of Nov. 5, 1849, would be applied,




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for they will not we think, be presumed to have understood
that such application would be made until all the prerequisites
of that law had been complied with. All subscriptions, prior to
the filing of the articles must, in our opinion, have been made
with the implied or express understanding that the full amount
required by the law would be bona fide subscribed, and the per
centage paid, and until that event, they would not be bound.
We do not think that by the mere act of subscription they
assented to the filing of the articles before the one hundred and
sixty thousand dollars had been legally subscribed. Those who
subscribed after the alleged formation of the Company by the
filing of the articles, will be presumed to have so subscribed
with the understanding, that all the requisitions of the act had
been complied with, and the articles of association had been
legally filed in the office of the Secretary, and if this has not
been done they would not be bound to pay their subscriptions.
JOHNT STUART,
A. LINCOLN,
B. S. EDWARDS.
At the time the foregoing opinion was written the question at
issue was being considered by the Supreme Court. A quo
warranto proceeding testing the validity of the Atlantic and
Mississippi's organization under the general railroad law had
been commenced in the Clark Circuit Court at the May term,
1853, and when decided in favor of the company, had been
appealed to the Supreme Court. Before a decision was rendered
the legislature passed its confirmatory act of February 23,
1854. The court took the position that the passage of this act
remedied any defects which might have existed in the original
organization.
To GEORGE B. KINKEAD I
March 31, 1854
During the early part of November Lincoln took four depositions in the case pending against him at Lexington, Kentucky.
1 Original owned by William H. Townsend, Lexington, Kentucky.




OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN


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So completely did they sustain the allegations of his answer that
on January 16, 1854, the plaintiffs filed a motion to dismiss the
suit, which was done at the opening of the next term of court
on February 10, 1854.
SPRINGFIELD, ILLS. March 31, 1854.
Mr George B. Kinkead, Esq.
DEAR SIR:
Your note of January 1st, informing me that Messrs Oldham
& Hemingway had dismissed their suit against me, was duly
received. I write this now merely to say that I expect and desire
you to be paid a separate fee for your attention to that suit,
and to authorize you to retain what you shall deem reasonable
on that account, out of any money of mine which is or may
come into your hands. If nothing further for me is, or is likely
to be in your hands, write me and I will forward you the
amount.
Very truly yours &c.,
A. LINCOLN.
CERTIFICATE OF EXAMINATION1
May 27, 1854
With the exception of Swett's signature, the following certificate is entirely in Lincoln's handwriting.
We have examined Hiram W. Beckwith and George W.
Lawrence touching their qualifications to practice law, and
find them sufficiently qualified to commence the practice, and
therefore recommend that Licenses be allowed them.
A. LINCOLN
L. SWETT
DANVILLE May 27, 1854
Hiram W. Beckwith, admitted to the bar soon after the foregoing certificate was written, had studied law in the Danville
office of Lincoln and Lamon. He remained in that office until
1859, when he succeeded to the practice of the firm. For many
years he held a high place among the lawyers of eastern Illinois.
1 Original owned by David Davis, Bloomington, Illinois.




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To MILTON K. ALEXANDER 1
June, 1854
The following note, postmarked Springfield, June 13, 1854,
was written on the back of a letter from Alexander, asking
Lincoln to recover, if possible, his title to a town lot in Clinton,
Illinois which had been sold for taxes.
It pains me to have to say that I forgot to attend to your business when I was in Clinton, at Court in May last. Your best
way would be to address me a letter at Clinton, about the time
I go there to court in the fall (Oct. 16th I think) and then it
will be fresh, & I will not forget or neglect it.
Yours truly
A. LINCOLN
To GEORGE B. KINKEAD 2
June 16, 1854
The following letter concluded the correspondence in regard
to Lincoln's personal lawsuit.
SPRINGFIELD, ILLS. June 16, 1854
George B. Kitnkead,
Lexington, Ky.
DEAR SIR: -
Your letter of the 8th inst. to N  W. Edwards, enclosing a
draft of between two and three hundred dollars (I write from
memory only as to the amount) reached me here a day or
two since, and was, in Mr Edwards' absence, taken from the
P. Office and opened by his brother It was shown to me this
morning and will be kept at the store of which Mr. Edwards is
a partner until his return, which will be about six weeks hence
& when, doubtless, he will write you.
I ran my eye over the contents of your letter & only have to
say you do not seem to compensate yourself very liberally for
the separate service you did for me.
Yours truly,
A. LINCOLN.
1 Original owned by Robert S. Lamon, Chicago, Illinois.
s Original owned by William H. Townsend, Lexington, Kentucky.




OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN


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To RICHARD YATES 1
August 18, 1854
Writing of himself, in 1860, Lincoln marked the year 1854 as
a point of departure in his life. By that time, he said, 'his profession had almost superseded the thought of politics in his
mind when the repeal of the Missouri Compromise aroused him
as he had never been before. In the autumn of that year he took
the stump with no broader aim or object than to secure, if possible, the re-election of Hon. Richard Yates to Congress.' 2 The
following letter reveals Lincoln's first moves in support of
Yates.
SPRINGFIELD, August 18, 1854.
Hon. R. Yates,
Jacksonville, Ill.
MY DEAR SIR:
I am disappointed at not having seen or heard from you since
I met you more than a week ago at the railroad depot here. I
wish to have the matter we spoke of settled and working to its
consummation. I understand that our friend B S. Edwards is
entirely satisfied now, and when I can assure myself of this perfectly I would like, by your leave, to get an additional paragraph
into the Journal, about as follows:
'To-day we place the name of Hon. Richard Yates at the
head of our columns for reelection as the the [sic] Whig candidate for this congressional district. We do this without consultation with him and subject to the decision of a Whig convention, should the holding of one be deemed necessary; hoping,
however, there may be unanimous acquiescence without a
convention.'
May I do this? Answer by return mail.
Yours, as ever,
A. LINCOLN.
The 'Illinois Journal' of August 22, 1854, contains two items
bearing on the subject of this letter- 'Hon. Richard Yates ar1 Printed in 'Lincoln,' a speech of Honorable Richard Yates of Illinois in the House
of Representatives, February 12, 1921.
2 Nicolay and Hay, Complete Works, vi, 37.




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rived in this city on yesterday'; and, 'Hon. Richard Yates has
yielded to the solicitations of his friends and consented to b~e a
candidate for re-election to Congress, subject to the decision of
a convention should one be held.' Since no convention was held,
the nomination stood.
EDITORIAL 1
September 11, 1854
Lincoln's relations with the 'Illinois Journal' were so close
that his writings occasionally were printed as editorials. No
matter how characteristic they may appear, it is generally
dangerous to designate such unsigned articles as indisputably
Lincoln's; but about the authorship of the following there can
be no doubt.
The following is the 14th section of the Kansas-Nebraska
law  It repeals the \llssouri Compromise, and then puts in a
declaration that it is not intended by this repeal to legislate
slavery in or exclude it therefrom, the territory
Sec. 14. That the Constitution, and all the laws of the United States
which are not locally inapplicable, shall have the same force and effect
within said territory of Nebraska as elsewhere in the United States,
except the 8th section of the act preparatory to the admission of
Missouri into the Union, approved March sixth, eighteen hundred and
twenty, which being inconsistent with the principles of non-intervention by congress with slavery in the States and Territories as recognized by the legislation of eighteen hundred and fifty, commonly
called the compromise measures, is hereby declared inoperative and
void, it being the true intent and meaning of this act not to legislate
slavery into any territory or State, nor to exclude it therefrom, but to
leave the people thereof perfectly free to form and regulate their domestic institutions in their own way, subject only to the constitution
of the United States, Provided, that nothing herein contained shall be
construed to revive or put in force any law or regulation which may
have existed prior to the act of sixth of MAarch, eighteen hundred and
twenty, either protecting, establishing, prohibiting, or abolishing
slavery
The state of the case in a few words, is this The Missouri
Compromise excluded slavery from the Kansas-Nebraska ter1 From Illinois Journal (Springfield), September 11, 1854.




OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN


133


ritory. The repeal opened the territories to slavery If there
is any meaning to the declaration in the 14th section, that it
does not mean to legislate slavery into the territories, [it] is this:
that it does not require slaves to be sent there. The Kals;as and
Nebraska territories are now as open to slavery as Mississippi
or Arkansas were when they were territories.
To illustrate the case - Abraham Lincoln has a fine meadow,
containing beautiful springs of water, and well fenced, which
John Calhoun had agreed with Abraham (originally owning
the land in common) should be his, and the agreement had been
consummated in the most solemn manner, regarded by both as
sacred. John Calhoun, however, in the course of time, had become owner of an extensive herd of cattle - the prairie grass
had become dried up and there was no convenient water to be
had. John Calhoun then looks with a longing eye on Lincoln's
meadow, and goes to it and throws down the fences, and exposes it to the ravages of his starving and famishing cattle.
'You rascal,' says Lincoln, 'what have you done? what do you
do this for?'- 'Oh,' replies Calhoun, 'everything is right. I
have taken down your fence, but nothing more. It is my true
intent and meaning not to drive my cattle into your meadow,
nor to exclude them therefrom, but to leave them perfectly free
to form their own notions of the feed, and to direct their movements in their own way!'
Now would not the man who committed this outrage be
deemed both a knave and a fool, - a knave in removing the
restrictive fence, which he had solemnly pledged himself to
sustain, - and a fool in supposing that there could be one man
found in the country to believe that he had not pulled down the
fence for the purpose of opening the meadow for his cattle?
REPORT OF SPEECH AT BLOOMINGTON 1
September 12, 1854
In his brief autobiography Lincoln has said that while he
took the stump in the autumn of 1854 with the sole purpose of
securing the reilection of Richard Yates, 'his speeches at once
1 From the Bloomington (Illinois) Weekly Pantagraph, September 20, 1854.




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attracted a more marked attention than they had ever before
done. As the canvass proceeded he was drawn to different parts
of the State outside of Mr Yate's district.''
Lincoln's first speech outside Yates's district — he had
already spoken at Winchester, Carrollton, Jacksonville and
Sprinngfield in the district- was made at Bloomington on
September 1e, 1854. He was there attending court at the same
time that a German Anti-Nebraska meeting was in session, and
by request he addressed the delegates on the Nebraska question.
'The speech was clear and unanswerable, for it was a plain
statement of facts, and of sound, strong argument; it was eloquent, for he spoke the deep convictions of truth from a heart
warmed with the love of his country, and the love of freedom.'
Thus commented the 'Bloomington Pantagraph' in reporting
the address.
He first declared that the Southern slaveholders were neither
better, nor worse than we of the North, and that we of the
North were no better than they. If we were situated as they are,
we should act and feel as they do, and if they were situated as
we are, they should act and feel as we do, and we never ought
to lose sight of this fact in discussing the subject. With slavery
as existing in the slave States at the time of the formation of the
Union, he had nothing to do. There was a vast difference between tolerating it there, and protecting the slaveholder in the
rights granted him by the Constitution, and extending slavery
over a territory already free, and uncontaminated with the
institution. When our federal compact was made, almost all of
the valley of the Mississippi belonged to the French, not us,
and what little territory we had belonged to different States,
Virginia owning almost all of what now constitutes the State
of Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Michigan, and Wisconsin. Thomas
Jefferson, being a Virginian, proposed the cession of this territory to the general government, and in carrying out the measure, had the clause especially inserted, that slavery should never
be introduced into it. Kentucky belonged also to Virginia, but
was settled as a part of the State of Virginia, so that slavery
1 Nicolay and Hay, Complete Works, vi, 37-38.




OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN


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was carried there by the first settlers from Virginia, and was
admitted into the Union with the institution as existing there.
Tennessee belonged to North Carolina, and was settled by emigrants from that State, and was admitted into the Union as
Kentucky was. Alabama was settled from South Carolina and
admitted in a similar manner Thus three slave States were
made from territories that belonged to individual slaveholding
States.
Jefferson saw the necessity of our government possessing the
whole valley of the Mississippi, and though he acknowledged
that our Constitution made no provision for the purchtsing of
territory, yet he thought that the exigency of the case would
justify the measure, and the purchase was made. When the
lower part of this territory comprising the State of Louisiana,
wished to be admitted, the institution of slavery having existed
there long before the territory was bought, she was admitted
with the institution without any opposition, as a right that belonged to her citizens.
There was an old French settlement in St. Louis and vicinity,
with slaves, and that territory comprising what is now the State
of Missouri, was settled in part by Slaveholders. And when
that territory, according to the law, gave notice that they
should apply for admission into the Union, the North voted
that she should not be admitted unless she framed a State
Constitution excluding involuntary servitude, and they were
the majority. Neither the North nor the South would yield,
and the discussion became angry and endangered the peace of
the Union. A compromise was made by agreeing that all territory bought of the French, north of 36~ 30', should be free,
which secured the whole of Nebraska, Iowa and Minnesota to
freedom, and left the balance of the French purchase south of
the line to come in as free or not, as they might choose to
frame their state Constitution.
Missouri chose to come in a slave-state, and was so admitted,
as was afterwards Arkansas, according to the compromise.
And afterwards, when first the Democrats and afterwards the
Whigs held their Conventions at Baltimore, in forming their
platforms they both declared that compromise to be a 'finality,'




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as to the subject of slavery, and the question of slave territory
was by agreement settled forever
There was no more agitation of the subject till near the close
of our war with Mexico, when three millions were appropriated
with the design that the President might purchase territory of
Mexico, which resulted in our obtaining possession of California,
New Mexico, and Utah. This was new territory, with which
Jefferson's provision and the Missouri Compromise had nothing
to do. The gold in California led to such a rush of immigration
that that territory soon became filled with the requisite number of inhabitants, and they formed a constitution, and requested an admission into the Union. But the South objected
because her constitution excluded slavery This gave rise to the
'Wilmot proviso,' no more slave territory; next the 'Omnibus
bill,' and finally what are called the 'compromise measures of
1850,' which comprised among other things the following
1st. The 'fugitive slave law,' which was a concession on the
part of the North to the South.!nd. California was admitted as a free State, called a concession of the South to the North.
3rd. It was left with New Mexico, and Utah to decide when
they became States, whether they would be free or not. This
was supposed by the North to settle the question of slavery in
this new territory, as the question with regard to the former
territories had been settled forever.
The matter with regard to slavery was now settled, and no
disturbance could be raised except by tearing up some of the
Compromises with regard to the territory where it was already
settled. The South had got all they claimed, and all the territory south of the compromise line had been appropriated to
slavery, they had gotten and eaten their half of the loaf of
bread, but all the other half had not been eaten yet; there was
the extensive territory of Nebraska secured to freedom, that
had not been settled yet. And the slaveholding power attempted to snatch that away. So on Jan. 4, 1854, Douglas
introduced the famous Nebraska Bill, which was so constructed
before its passage as to repeal the Missouri Compromise, and
open all of the territory to the introduction of slavery. It was




OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN


137


done without the consent of the people, and against their
wishes, for if the matter had been put to vote before the people
directly, whether that should be made a slave territory, they
would have indignantly voted it down. But it was got up unexpectedly by the people, hurried through, and now they were
called upon to sanction it.
They ought to make a strong impression against the imposition; that would prevent the consummation of the scheme.
The people were the sovereigns, and the representatives their
servants, and it was time to make them sensible of this truly
democratic principle. They could get the Compromise restored. They were told that they could not because the Senate
was Nebraska, and would be for years. Then fill the lower
House with true Anti-Nebraska members, and that would be
an expression of the sentiment of the people. And furthermore
that expression would be heeded by the Senate. If this State
should instruct Douglas to vote for the repeal of the Nebraska
Bill, he must do it, for 'the doctrine of instructions' was a part
of his political creed. And he was not certain he would not be
glad to vote its repeal anyhow, if it would help him fairly out of
the scrape. It was so with other Senators, they will be sure to
improve the first opportunity to vote its repeal. The people
could get it repealed, if they resolved to do it.
To RICHARD YATES 1
November 1, 1854
Lincoln may have inadvertently misdated the following
letter, for on November 1, Orville H. Browning, of Quincy, a
staunch Whig, noted in his diary that 'A. Lincoln Esqr of
Springfield arrived in Town last night.'
NAPLES, ILL., November 1, 1854.
DEAR YATES:
I am on my way to Quincy to speak for our old friend Archie
Williams. On my way down I heard at Jacksonville a story
1 Printed in 'Lincoln,' speech of the Honorable Richard Yates of Illinois in the House
of Representatives, February 12, 1921.




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which may harm you if not averted - namely, that you have
been a Know-Nothing. I suggest that you get a denial - something like the enclosed draft which I have made - into the
hands of a safe man in each precinct.
The day before election will do.
Yours, as ever,
A. LINCOLN.
Lincoln's advice was sound, though the remedy he suggested
turned out to be ineffective. Yates was defeated by a small
majority, largely through the disaffection of the English-born
residents of Morgan County who resented his reputed KnowNothingism.
To ADAM ADAMS 1
November, 1854
The following note, which evidently refers to the same matter as Lincoln's letters of February 14 and November 11, 1853,2
was written on the back of a letter from Adam Adams, of Grand
Detour, Illinois. Adams's letter was written November 1, 1854.
I have talked with Peters; and he is not certain; but inclines
to rember [sic] that you were present when the deed was made.
That wont do. Turner writes me that he has found out where
Bradshaw is. Do you know what he will swear? Better go right
to Turner, & take measures to get Bradshaw's deposition. I
write to Turner by this mail.
Yours truly
A. LINCOLN.
LEGAL OPINION 3
December 18, 1854
In 1854 the city of Springfield obtained a new charter from
the state legislature. Section 4 of Article 13 of that instrument
1 Original owned by Paula Angle, Springfield, Illinois.
2 See pp. 111, 119.
3 Photostat in collection of Abraham Lincoln Association.




OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN


139


provided for the care of paupers in these words* 'The county of
Sangamon shall be exempt from the support of any citizen of
said city who may become a pauper, but the city council shall
provide for the support and care of all paupers belonging to the
said city, and pass such ordinances and regulations as they
shall deem proper for the purpose thereof.... In lieu of the
support of paupers... the personal property of the inhabitants of said city shall be exempt from all tax for county purposes.'
John Fitzgerald, eighteen years of age, able-bodied, but
without pecuniary means, came directly from Ireland to
Springfield, Illinois, and then stopped, and sought employment,
with no present intention of returning to Ireland, or going
elsewhere. After remaining in the City some three weeks, part
of the time employed, and part not, he fell sick, and became a
public charge. It has been submitted to me, whether the City
of Springfield, or the County of Sangamon is, by law, to bear
the charge.
It is my opinion, and decision, that the City is to bear it. I
base this upon the construction I give the 4th Section of the
13th Article of the new City charter (Approved March 2, 1851)
I think the Legislature intended that all public charges, arising
from the indigence of persons, resident within the City, were to
be borne by the City -and not by the County. I think it was
not the intention that this class of charges was to be parcelled
out between the City and County, by critical discussions on the
words 'citizen' 'pauper' and the like.
A. LINCOLN.
Dec: 18. 1854.
LEGAL OPINION, LINCOLN AND EDWARDS 1
January 6, 1855
In the following opinion the questions are in the handwriting
of Lincoln, and the answers in that of Benjamin S. Edwards, one
of Springfield's ablest attorneys.
1 Original owned by Morton D. Hull, Chicago, Illinois.




140


NEW LETTERS AND PAPERS


Joseph Smith and James M. Bradford were partners in trade.
Bradford (lied, and there was, and is, an administration of his
estate  Smith, as surviving partner, proceeded to settle the
firm business, but without finishing it, died also, and there is an
administration of his estate.
1st Who, according to law, is to finish the adjustment of the
firm business.
2nd If any firm debt has been lost, which Smith could have
save(l during his surveyorship, is Smith's estate liable for
Bradford's share of such lost debt?
3rd If it be held that Smith's administrator is to settle up the
firm business, and any firm debt be lost, which such administrator could have saved, is Smith's estate liable for Bradford's
share of that debt?
4 In the absence of any agreement, is the partner who advanced more cash than the other, entitled to interest on the
excess?
5 If the surviving partner make advances, to pay debts, is he
entitled to interest?
6 While the firm was in active business, the estate of Micajah
Smith loaned certain money to the firm, which is still unpaid.
At what rate, and in what manner, is interest to be allowed on
this?
The foregoing questions having been submitted the following
are our answers.
To the 1st We say the Administrators of the estate of Joseph
Smith deceased.
To the 2nd. & 3rd. WNe reply - in our opinion Joseph Smith
the surviving partner, and after his death - his administrators,
are chargeable with all the debts that at the time, of, and after
the death of James M  Bradford, were good, and could have
been collected by the use of ordinary diligence - that is, such
diligence as a prudent business man would exercise in the
management of his own affairs of a similar character - and
that in settling the accounts the estate of Joseph Smith
deceased is to be charged with all the debts due to the partnership that were good at the time of the death of Bradford, ex



OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN


141


cept such as they can show satisfactorily, could not have been
collected by said Joseph Smith in his life time, or by them
since his death, by the use of the diligence aforesaid.
The 4 & 5th questions we answer with a negative.
To the 6th. The firm of Bradford & Smith is liable to repay
money borrowed with simple interest upon the amounts loaned
from the times they were so severally loaned. The interest cannot be compounded. If no agreement as to interest was made,
with the creditor - the rate of interest would be six per cent.
As between the estates of Bradford, & Smith -from the
time (if such be the case) sufficient money was received from
the assets of the firm, by Smith or his administrators, or might
by the use of ordinary diligence as aforesaid have been collected
to pay all the debts due by the partnership - the estate of
Bradford would be chargeable with no part of that interest.
A. LINCOLN
BT S. EDWARDS
Jany 6. 1855.
To W. F BOGGS
May 14, 1855
Lincoln wrote the following on the back of a letter from
Boggs, who was trying to obtain for Barnett the land bounty
which Congress had voted to volunteers who had served in the
Black Hawk War.
SPRINGFIELD, ILLS, May 14. 1855
W F Boggs, Esq.
Kingston, Mo.
Although my Christian name is Abraham, and not Edward,
the within letter is evidently intended for me. Whether I ever
gave Mr. Barnett a discharge I can not remember; nor do I
know whether it would now be proper for me to give him one,
not having, or knowing where to find, any of the old rolls or
papers of my company. I do very well remember, however,
that Clardy Barnett, a small man, with a scar on his face, and
1 Original owned by the Rosenbach Company, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania.




142


NEW LETTERS AND PAPERS


not far from my own age, which is now 46, did serve more than
fourteen days (near forty I think) in the company of which I
had the command as Captain, in Col.-    Thompson's Regiment of Mounted Volunteers, in the Black-Hawk War of 1832
- and that he was entitled to an honorable discharge. We went
from Sangamon county, Illinois, and Samuel \Whiteside of
Madison Co, Ills, was our Brigadier General.
Yours &c
A. LINCOLN.
To D. R. AND S. SANDFORD1
June 1 (?), 1855
On May 16, 1855, D  R. and S. Sandford of Paris, Illinois,
sent Lincoln a five dollar fee. The following note was written on
the back of their letter It was received at Paris on June 3,
1855.
The five dollars within named, received. From Paris I sent
Harding an order for both claims. One of them he wont get,
the other, I wish you and he would try to get
Yours truly
A. LINCOLN
To MARIA L. BULLOCK 2
August 31, 1855
Maria L. Bullock was a younger sister of Robert S. Todd,
and hence an aunt of Mrs. Lincoln. Although a resident of
Lexington, Kentucky, she owned considerable property in
Springfield and Sangamon County which Lincoln sold for her
in 1855.
SPRINGFIELD, August 31, 1855.
Mrs. Maria L. Bullock,
DEAR AUNT -
The following is a correct statement of your business so far
as I have transacted it for you.
1 Original owned by Robert S. Lamon, Chicago, Illinois.
2 From a photostatic copy in the possession of William H. Townsend, Lexington,
Kentucky.




OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN


143


The lands out of town I had surveyed into separate parcels,
and on June 23, 1855 had it sold at public auction for sums
amounting in the aggregate to $1427-921- cents.
On the 25th. of June, I received of the purchasers in cash,
two sums, together amounting to $143.68. On the same day
you deeded to one of the purchasers, John Connell, Senr one
parcel of the land and I took from him his two notes with personal security, together amounting to $377 - payable in one
and two years, with six per cent interest from date, and also
his mortgage on the parcel of land. On the same day you deeded
to Nathaniel Hay the other three parcels of the land, and I
took from him his two notes, with personal security, together
amounting to $907-14 cents; payable in one and two years,
with interest from date, at six per cent, and also took his
mortgage on the premises. Of the $143.18 cash received by me,
I paid out for taking acknowledgments of deeds and mortgages,
for advertising notice of sale in newspaper, printing notice bills
thereof, to auctioneers, for recording mortgages and to Surveyor and hands the aggregate sum of $42.70. And on the LI27th.
of June 1855, I delivered to you a certificate of deposit made
at Clark's Exchange bank for $101.00.
The land in town in connection with some land owned by
Elijah Iles, he and I had surveyed into town lots; and a plat
made and filed for record as Bullock's Addition to the City of
Springfield. On the 18th. of August 1855 I had your part of
the lots sold at public auction for various sums, amounting in
the aggregate to $990 Soon after, I received of the purchasers
various sums in cash, amounting in the aggregate to $197 On
the 20th. day of August 1855, I took from John Cook his two
notes amounting to $468 - payable in one and two years, with
six per cent interest from date, and took no mortgage from him
- and you, on the same day deeded him his lots. On the same
day you deeded Patrick Keily his lots, and I took of him his
two notes, together amounting to $153, payable in one and two
years, with six per cent interest from date, and also his mortgage
on his lots. On the same day you deeded to William S. Viney
his lots; and I took his two notes for the aggregate sum of $162,
payable in one and two years, with six per cent interest from




144


NEW LETTERS AND PAPERS


date; and also his mortgage on his lots. On the same day you
deeded to Elijah lies, and to the city for him, the lots bid off
by him, and I took neither notes or mortgages of him, I deducting ten dollars, and he paying the remainder of his bids, cash
down. Of the $197 - cash received by me, I paid out for taking
acknowledgments of Plat, deeds and mortgages; for recording
same; for advertising and Bills for Sale, to Surveyor and hands,
and to auctioneer, the aggregate sum of $38-10.- Also to
Matheny's heirs for quit claim deed, to remove cloud from title
$50. On the 27th. of August I handed you the certificate of
deposit at Clark's Exchange Bank for $106-90 cents, and I
now hand you $'2-08 cents
Aggregate of sales                 $2417-92
Amount of notes        $2067-14
Deduction to Iles         10-00
Expenses                  80-80
Paid M1atheny's Heirs    50-00
Paid you                 209-98
2417-92
The notes are in my hands, and the mortgages are at the Recorders office subject to my control. They are all in your name.
The taxes of this years I suppose you will have to pay
Very truly yours,
A. LINCOLN
NOTES FOR LAWSUIT 1
November 30-December 10, 1855
In the spring of 1855 a suit to break a will was filed in the
Sangamon Circuit Court. The style of the case was Correll et
al. vs. McDaniel et al. Logan, Stuart and Edwards represented
the plaintiffs, Lincoln and Herndon the defendants.
On June 19 the case was tried before a jury. The jury failed
to agree, and the case was continued. On November 30 it was
again tried, and this time the jury held the will null and void.
1 Original in Henry E. Huntington Library.




OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN


145


The following notes contain Lincoln's outline of his address to
the jury, his summary of the witnesses' testimony, his authorities, and the high points of the arguments of opposing counsel.
Undismayed by the jury's adverse verdict, Lincoln made
plans to obtain a new trial. The concluding section of his notes
represents a summary of the status of the case made with this
end in view The formal motion for a new trial was made on
December 12 and overruled the same day. However, the case
was not finally settled until May 8, 1857, when the court decreed that the property should be distributed according to law.
Correll & others
vs          Will Case
McDaniel & others
1 General remarks on the law of Wills.
2. Answer the particular points and objections made by the other side. See notes taken while they
were speaking.
3. Read from the authorities, and settle
on a definition of 'Sound mind and memory.'
4. Show that, in this case, the Testator had
such 'Sound m ind and memory' at the time of making the Will.
1 By his asking Dr. Randall to write his Will.
2. His reply to AMrs. Herron, when she said he was too sick &
weak to make Will.
3. His saying his Will was already made, and getting roll of
blank paper.
4. His getting the package of title papers.
5 His making first provision for his Wife, and charge upon
Sutcliff for her and his sisters.
6 His deciding correctly, as to the 'long way of the land
7. His providing that James should pav rent to his mother
8 His decision as to what was to be done with the home
place.
9 His reply when Correll proposed that all should leave the
house.
10 His calling for Robert's widow; and describing the land
to be given to her children.




146


NEW LETTERS AND PAPERS


10  HIis recollection of his enmity to Correll & Mclntire.
11 His objection that any of his own family should be administrator
12. His suggesting of Hamm, for Administrator
13 His asking Cyrus Correll & Samuel Havener to witness
the Will
Add to all these his long settled purpose to make, substantially,
such a Will. Quote authorities.
His eagerness about it the night before, & on the day the Will
was made - his being reminded of it, the day after - and still
remaining quiet till his death.
The Will is unquestionably as it would have been, if it had been
made before his sickness.


Debts & funeral
expenses
Widow


William Sutcliff
His sisters
His grandmother,
the widow.
His Sisters.


1. That all my debts, and funeral expenses be paid.
2. I want my wife, Margaret McDaniel,
to have and hold all my property, in
the same manner that I now possess
it, during her lifetime.
3. And after her death, I want William
Sutcliff, my grandson, to hold and
have a certain share, towit Eighty
acres running North and South, being
the North East quarter of Section
Eighteen, in Township Sixteen North
of Range Three West of the Third
Principal Meridian, to hold till his two
sisters, namely Emeline Sutcliff, and
Harriet Crumpton shall become of
the age of twentyone, then I Will and
bequeath to said William Sutcliff, to
be his for his own disposition forever,
the whole eighty acres of the aforesaid,
in case that he remains with his grandmother, Margaret McDaniel, and sees
that she is well provided for, and his




OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN


147


James McDaniel
His Mother- the
Widow.
Joseph McDaniel


sisters also, till they are of the age
above specified.
4. I also Will and bequeath to my son
James the following lands towit, the
West Eighty acres of land being the
North West quarter of Section Eighteen, Township Sixteen North of Range
Three West of the third Principal
Meridian, and also a certain portion
of wood-land, towit, the fourth of all
the woodland that I own, to be divided by three disinterested persons
in the following manner The quality
of soil and timber to be equal in value,
and his part to be awarded by said
appraisers. Said James McDanlel is
to have possession of said woodland
as soon as divided, and is also to have
the immediate possession of the aforesaid eighty acres, but shall pay a rent
of one dollar and fifty cents per acre
annually on forty acres during the
lifetime of his mother, and by so
doing he becomes possessed of the
whole of said eighty, and at the death
of his mother all rent ceases, and he is
to hold the whole of his own, to dispose of, according to his own pleasure,
free and unmolested forever.
5 And to my son Joseph I bequeath a
like quantity of woodland to be to
him awarded in like manner, as was to
my son James, and also I bequeath to
said Joseph McDaniel Eighty two
acres running East and West, being
the South part of the farm that I now
occupy to be possessed of the same at
my death on which he is to pay an




148


NEW LETTERS AND PAPERS


His Mother - the
Widow.
William Sutcliff
again.
Rufus & Robert
McDaniel
Their mother
Their grandmother,
the widow.
The Daughters


annual rent of sixty dollars to his
mother during her lifetime, then he
shall hold the whole of said Eighty
two acres to be his own free and clear
for his disposition forever.
6. I also bequeath to aforesaid William Sutcliff the same amount of
woodland that I did to my sons
James and Joseph, and awarded in
like manner
7. And I also bequeath to my two
grandchildren, Rufus McDaniel and
Robert McDaniel, the sons of Robert
McDaniel, deceased, the remaining
portion of woodland, in like manner
as given to James McDaniel, Joseph
McDaniel, and William Sutcliff, to be
possessed by their mother, Elizabeth
McDaniel for their mutual benefit,
as expressed in the Will of my deceased son Robert McDaniel. I also
bequeath the North East 40 acres of
my present home farm to the aforesaid Rufus and Robert McDaniel, to
be possessed by them at the death of
my wife Margaret McDaniel. But
previous to her death the said forty
acres of land shall be rented to the best
advantage, and the proceeds of said
land be at the disposal of my wife for
her own benefit.
8 I also bequeath to my daughter
Luannah Sparks, and to the children
of my daughter Sally Correll, and the
children of my daughter Martha
Mclntire, and to my daughter Mary
Ann Herrin, and to the female children of my deceased daughter, Eliza



OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN


149


beth Langly, namely Mary Ann
Cooper, Emeline Sutcliff and Harriet
Crumpton, all the personal property
that there may be left, equally divided
at the death of my wife, Margaret
McDaniel, after all debts are paid,
and suitable grave-stones are provided
and erected at the graves of my wife
and myself. I do hereby appoint
Joseph McDaniel and James McDaniel my administrators
Cyrus Correll    Wm McDaniel
Samuel Havener
CYRUS CORRELL
Attested the Will in Testator's presence, and thought him
to be of sound mind & memory. Was called in by Dr Randall,
and then was requested by Testator, to attest it. During last
eight years before Testator's death, when he was perfectly well,
often heard say what sort of Will he was going to make, said he
was going to leave his land to his boys. Said if Wm Sutcliff behaved well, he would do a good part by him - heard him say
Joseph was to have the home farm - James was to ha[ve] the
tract he claimed and improved, which he had occupied 4 or
five years.
SAMUEL HAVENER.
Attested the Will in Testators presence; and thinks he was
of sound mind and memory Testator requested him to attest
the Will. Mrs. Correll & Mrs. Herrin, grumbled a good deal,
and said he was not able to make a Will.
DR. ALPHONSO RANDALL.
Wrote the Will for the Testator. Wrote the first part, that
provision for his wife, and the giving 80 acres to Sutcliff. Read
the whole Will over to him in loud, and energetic tone, turned
to him, found him awake and asked him if it was right, he said
it was. It was then signed.




150


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JOIN GELLING.
Knew Testator from 1845. Said he intended to make Sutcliff equal with his own boys - this August before his death.
Saw him day Will was written - held out his hand and seemed
to recognize.
JONATHAN MCDANIEL.
From 1836 till death, always said his boys were to have his
land. Other property to be divided equally among daughters,
till about 10 years ago, when he fell out with McIntire & Correll. 4 or 5 years ago, said he would give a home to Sutcliff Was
with him all the night before Will was made - was bright in
mind & keen to have Will made, but I thought him too weak.
Never suspected him of being flighty but once, & then I was
mistaken. Land Willed, at time Willed, worth $12 or 15 per acre.
JAMES MAXFIELD.
In 1848, said he was going to give the E ~ N W. 18. to James.
Sparks then living on it - the piece Robt. lived on he was going
to give him. Give Jo. home-place; and make Sutcliff amends.
At different time, said he did not intend any thing for C. or Mc.
but children. in 1853. Land worth $12 or 15 per acre.
JACOB CONSTANT
Intended the land for Robt. & James & Joseph. Said C. &
Me. should never have any more. Dont remember his saying
he would give Sutcliff anything.
WILLIAM HICKMAN
Frequently heard him say from 15 years ago, up to 1850.
Said money & p prop go to girls. C & Mc should have no more.
Would do handsome for Sutcliff. Talked about it a dozen times.
Came to my house in fall of 1850, to write Will - repeated
former purposes.
James Havener.
Knew from 1851. told me he intended his land for his sons -
build house - intended to make Sutcliff equal with his sons.




OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN


151


Jeremiah Maxwell.
Knew him about 11 years heared him dozens of times over
which acquaintance with him - land for boys - p. prop &
money for girls - repetition - Would recompense Sutcliff.
Intended nothing for C & Mc. but go to Children.
Jacob Morgan.
Heard same as others once long ago. Present when Roberts
Will was made. Deeded 40 & promised rest.
Charles Morgan
Said C. & Mc. should have no more - last desire - C. told
same thing.
Mrs Hickman
From 1844 to 1850. Would make Will, give land to boys.
Correll would get nothing. Sutcliff bore name, would be equal
with other boys.
Dr. Conrey.
Saw but once - mind right thence.
Complainants witnesses
Mrs. B2ce.
Was there when Will was being made. Testator knew her.
C. proposed all go out. Tes. said. make just Will, stand in
judgment. Called for Robts widow - described land intended
for her children.
Robert McDaniel.
A year before Testator died said C. & Me. feel it all their
lives. I said make my daughters equal. Tes. said intend to
make mine equal too. When fuss [?] was up
The declarations of the Testator long before his sickness, to
make such a Will as he finally did make, are admissable, and
weighty evidence in support of the Will




152


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7 Ala.        55
5 Strob.     167
7 Humph.     320
7 Ala.       519
6 Geo.       324.
Where an influence is acquired over a testator, by kind
offices, or persuasion, unconnected with fraud, the Will made
under such influence, would not be set aside.
2. N. J.     117
5 Strob.     167
3 Strob.      44. 552.
6 Geo.       324.
3 Denio       37.
1 Rich.       80.
Cheves.    37.
2 J. J. Mar. 340.
3 S & R.     267
1 Harring    454.
2 Do.        375.
A lower degree of intellect is requisite to make a Will than to
make a contract.
21. Vt.       168
9 Ind.        99
6 Geo.       324
7 B. Mon.    665
3 Denio       37
9 Conn.      102.
On 'Sound mind and memory' and also on 'opinions' of witnesses, see
Lowe vs Williamson      1 Green's Ch.     82.
Sloan vs Maxwell        2 Green's Ch.    563.
Hunt's heirs vs Hunt    3 B. Mon.        575
McDaniel's Will         2 J. J. Mar      331
Note. Hunt's heirs vs Hunt, above cited, contains an excellent




OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN


153


form of an instruction to be given to a jury, as to the weight due
to the opinions of the witnesses.
MR. EDWARDS' ARGUMENT.
1 Vol. Williams on Ex. 33-4-5 side pages. Definition of sound
mind and memory.
1 Powell on Devises 75. for same purpose.
21 Vt. 168. for same purpose.
92 Harrington 381. for same purpose.
1     Do   464. for same purpose.
2 J J. Mar. 3492. Same purpose.
7 Humph.    322. Same purpose. good.
2 Zab.      133  Same object.
5 J. J. Mar.  91  Same object.
Proceeds to the Evidence.
Asks which is the best opinion, Randall's or Correll's and
Haveners - 2. Harrington. 381-2 - 385.
Comments on fact of old man saying he was better -had
passed a good night.
Says he was under moral coercion of James & Joseph - See
authorities to this point)
Comments on roll of blank paper.
Comments on provision for old woman, without previously
having said he would - and on inconsistency of, with rest of
Will. 2 Blacom. 381.
Now, on misdiscription of the land.
Says this paper is no other than a transcript from the county
report, imposed on the old man when he had no sense, if he ever
had any.
Says he changed his mind from time to time as to the disposition of his property.
Says the sore point in the case is that these boys will have it,
that the old man remembered his hatred to C & Mc to the last.
Judge Logan's Argument.
Judge Logan's unpleasant situation in this case.




154


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Makes the point that he changed, as to who should be Administrators.
Comments on his efforts to sign the Will. The 'W'
Judge Logan resumes after dinner
Wants the jury to watch me very closely
Says some Judges decide one way, and some another, in Will
cases.
Comments on what passed between Testator & Mrs. Herron,
the day after the Will was made.
Jonathan McDaniel - 'horse sixteen feet high' -
Comments on what is 'a sound memory'
Comments on the fact that the Will was not in strict conformitv to his long expressed purpose.
Comments on fact of several of the boys having died.
Jew's notion that name be perpetuated on the land.
Old argument of last term, as to new purpose to make all
equal 'to stand in judgment.'
Comments on the real inequality of the distribution of the
property.
[Logan's argument apparently ends here. What follows seems
to be Lincoln's summary of the status of the case.]
All persons are made parties, in the Bill, who are necessary
to be made parties
All adult defendants served with process; and all have answered, except, Luanna Sparks, Margaret McDaniel, widow,
Mary Ann Cooper, Madison Cooper, and Correll.
All minor defendants have been served with process, and
have answered by guardian ad litem, except as follows.
No process has issued for Sally Correll's children, of course,
none has been served upon them; and no answer has been
filed for them, but we, for our clients, have stipulated, not to
object on this ground.
No process has issued for McIntyre's children, and of course
none has been served upon them. The form of an affidavit of
their non-residence, is written at the foot of the Bill, purporting to be signed with a mark by Herrin; but on this 10th day




OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN


155


of December 1855 there is no jurat to show that it was ever
sworn to. There is also a certificate of publication, April 11 -
May 9 - describing McIntyre & wife as defendants in the
suit. An answer of a guardian ad litem has been filed for
McIntyre's children. We have waived nothing as to McIntyre's children.
Thomas Correll            The publication
Sarah Correll             contains the names
James Herrin              of none but Thomas
Mary Ann Herrin           Correll et al
Aaron McIntyre            James McDaniel
Martha McIntyre           et al, and the
vs                seven Mclntyres
Joseph McDaniel
James McDaniel
Luana Sparks
Elizabeth McDaniel
Mary Ann Cooper
Madison Cooper
Emeline Sutcliff
Harriet Crumpton
Rufus McDaniel
Margaret McDaniel
William H. Thomas
Margaret M. Tomlin
Edward M. Tomlin
W Fletcher Correll
D Simpson Correll
Warner Correll
Cornelius Correll
John Correll
Levi Correll
Frances Correll
Newton McIntyre
Mary McIntyre
Joseph Mclntyre
Eliza T. McIntyre
James McIntyre.




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To JOSHUA FRY SPEED 1
December 12, 1855
Occasional personal contacts, supplemented by correspondence, had kept alive the friendship between Lincoln and Joshua
Speed, still residing on his plantation near Louisville, Kentucky.
SPRINGFIELD, Dec. 12. 1855
DEAR SPEED
Yours of the 7th accompanied by the deed of P S. Loughborough, to Lawrence Young, is this day received; and I answer
in haste to say, that I am engaged for James M. Loughborough,
and it might not be consistent with my duty to him, for me to to
[stc] attend to the business for Mr. Young. I shall therefore hold
the deed subject to your order; suggesting that the land is in
Champaign county, and that I think H. C. Whitney, of Urbana,
would be a very proper person to entrust the business to.
All well. Kindest regards to Mrs. S.
Your friend as ever
A. LINCOLN.
To JAMES M. LOUGHBOROUGH 2
December 12, 1855
SPRINGFIELD, Dec: 12. 1855
James M. Loughborough, Esq.
DEAR SIR
To-day I received from Louisville, an unrecorded deed from
your uncle P. S. L. to Lawrence Young, of date March 10 -1845, for
S. E. 27-        T 21 N.R. 7 E          160 acres
E- S.W. 27               "       "            80  "
S~  N. E. 27            "        "            80
W~   S.W.   26                                 80
W~7  N. E. 15                                  80  "
480
It was sent me with the request that I should have it recorded,
1 Original in Illinois State Historical Library, Springfield, Ill.
' Original in Chicago Historical Society, Chicago, Illinois.




OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN


157,


and make some search for tax-titles. I have written back declining to do either; & saying I hold the deed subject to order.
I have thought proper to notify you of this at once.
Yours truly
A. LINCOLN.
LEGAL OPINION 1
March 6, 1856
Since 1853 Lincoln had been in the regular retainer of the
Illinois Central Railroad Company. In that capacity he rendered the following opinion.
'Can there be any valid pre-emption on sections of land
alternate to the Sections granted to the Illinois Central Railroad?'
My opinion is asked on the above question.
'An Act to appropriate the proceeds of the sales of the public
lands, and to grant pre-emption rights' Approved Sep. 4. 1841,
contains the first permanent, or prospective pre-emption law
5 U. S. Stat. at Large 453.
Sections ten, eleven, twelve, thirteen, fourteen, and fifteen,
of this act, relate exclusively to pre-emptions. In Section ten it
is provided that 'no sections of land reserved to the United
States alternate to other sections granted to any of the States
for the construction of any canal, railroad, or other public improvement, shall be liable to entry under and by virtue of the
provisions of this act.'
This act continues to be our general pre-emption law, up to
the present time - and, although some supplementary provisions had afterwards been enacted, the above provision, in
section ten, remained untouched up to Sep. 20. 1850, when the
Central Railroad grant was made.
The latter act, pre-served existing pre-emptions, on the even
Sections, granted generally, for the Road, but made no mention
of pre-emptions, as to the odd sections reserved to the United
States.                           9 Stat. at Large 466.
1 Original owned by the Illinois Central Railroad Company, Chicago, Illinois.




158


NEW LETTERS AND PAPERS


August 2. 1852 'An Act to protect actual Settlers upon the Land
on the Line of the Central Railroad and Branches, by granting
Pre-emption rights thereto' was passed. By this act, pre-emptions were given on these reserved Sections, to such persons as
were settlers on them, on Sep. 20. 1850. in such way as to be
entitled to the benefit of the Act. of Sep. 4. 1841
10 Stat. at Large - 27.
This, it is perceived, limits the right to those who had made
actual settlements upon the lands, on the 20th of Sep. 1850 -the date of the Central Railroad grant.
March 3. 1853 'An Act to extend Pre-emption Rights to certain
lands therein mentioned' was enacted.
By this act the general pre-emption laws are extended to
these reserved Sections, with a proviso 'That no person shall be
entitled to the benefit of this act who has not settled and improved, or shall not settle and improve such lands prior to the
final allotment of the alternate sections, to such Railroads by
the General Land Office.'     10 Stat. at Large - 244.
I have examined all the subsequent acts of Congress up to
the close of the Session, on March 3, 1855, and I do not discover
that the above quoted proviso has ever been disturbed - 'An
Act for the Relief of Settlers of Lands reserved for Railroad
purposes' Approved, March 27. 1854. does not affect the act
last aforesaid.                  10 Stat. at Large 269
The final allotment of the alternate sections to the Illinois
Central Railroad Company, by the General Land Office, was
made on the 13th day of March, 1852.
It is my opinion that persons who settled on those reserved
sections prior to the date of said 'final allotment' might have
valid pre-emptions, and that those who settled thereon after
the date of said allotment, can not.
As to the mode of redress, in cases of pre-emptions having
been improperly allowed by the Register and Receiver, it is
more difficult to answer, owing to that matter depending upon
the regulations, or special action, of the Departments, and not
upon express statutory provisions.
I understand that if a pre-emption be illegally allowed by the
Register and Receiver, or, even legally allowed, but upon false




OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN


159


or fraudulent proof, and forwarded to the General Land Office;
the party interested to contest the pre-emption, may address
a letter, or petition, to the Commissioner of the General Land
Office, describing the land, stating the facts, and pointing out
wherein the illegality or fraud consists, and asking for a rehearing; and that, thereupon, the Commissioner will direct the
Register and Receiver to give a re-hearing, upon notice to both
pre-emptor, and contestant.
I, therefore, would advise that wherever, on these reserved
sections, a settlement and improvement have been made before
the 'allotment' of the General Land Office, to wit before March
13. 185. and a claim is now set up, the claim should be contested, on the ground that the right has been lost, by not being
followed up with claim, proof, and payment, in due time - see
Section 15 of the Act of Sep. 4. 1841.
In cases where settlements were made after the allotment,
contest them on the ground that there never was a right.
The contest to be made in the mode above pointed out. The
letter, or petition, to the Commissioner, should, in this class of
cases, contain a reference to the aforesaid Acts. of Sep. 4. 1841
Sep 20 1850 August 2. 1852. March 3. 1853 & MAarch 27 1854.
and particularly to that of March 3. 1853.
Also, if it be intended to assail the proof which the pre-emptor
has made, as being false or fraudulent, it would be better to
verify the Petition by affidavit.
A. LINCOLN
March 6. 1856
TO NICHOLAS H. RIDGELY 1
May 1, 1856
On April 14, 1856, N H. Ridgely, Springfield banker and
capitalist, wrote Lincoln a letter in which he asked him to clear
a flaw in the title to the land on which the Springfield Gas
Works stood when, in the course of his circuit travelling, he
should reach Tazewell county.
1 Printed in Illinois State Journal, January 24, 1909.




160


NEW LETTERS AND PAPERS


PEKIN, ILL., May 1, 1856
N H. Ridgely, Esq.,
DEAR SIR:
I have just examined the papers and record of the partition
case mentioned in your letter, and found them all right, except
the Sheriff's return of 'the service of process on the child; and
as the old Sheriff, who made the service, was here, I got leave
of the court, and had him to amend the return. It is all right
now, I think.
Yours truly,
A. LINCOLN.
EXPLANATION 1
June 9, 1856
Soon after the death of Nathaniel Hay, Springfield brick
maker, Lincoln presented a claim against his estate, which he
accompanied with the following explanation.
Explanation
In April 1849 I loaned Nathaniel Hay two hundred dollars,
for which I took his note at six per cent for first six months and
ten per cent afterwards. At the time, he owed me some trifle
for fees. Afterwards from time to time I had bricks of him, and
once he paid me ten dollars in money In January or February
1855 we made a turn by which he paid the First Presbyterian
Church twelve or fifteen dollars for me. On the 2nd of March
1855, we had a settlement including all these things; and as the
old note was already nearly covered with former settlements
and credits, he took it up, and gave me the note and due-bill
herewith filed, the note being for the original principal loaned,
and the due-bill for a ballance of interest due. After this, in
June 1855, he furnished me bricks for the foundation of a fence,
amounting to fifteen or sixteen dollars, which I have always
considered as having substantially paid the due-bill. In August
1855 he furnished me bricks for the pit of a privy, for which he
or his estate is entitled to a credit on the note. The exact
I Originals, notes as well as explanation, owned by Logan Hay, Springfield, Illinois.




OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN


161


amount of this last lot of bricks, I never knew; but I suppose the
administrator can find it on Mr. Hay's books.
A. LINCOLN.
June 9. 1856.
The note and due-bill referred to are in Lincoln's handwriting, though signed by Hay.
SPRINGFIELD, March 2, 1855
$200.
On the ninth day of April next I promise to pay A. Lincoln two
hundred dollars, with ten per cent interest after due until paid, for
value received.
N HAY
SPRINGFIELD, March 2, 1855.
Due A. Lincoln sixteen dollars and eighty cents for value received.
N HAY
On May 16, 1857, Lincoln gave the following receipt.
Received, May 16. 1857, of Joshua F Amos, administrator of the
estate of Nathaniel Hay deceased, two hundred and twentyfive dollars, in full of all my demands against said estate.
A. LINCOLN.
To JAMES BERDAN 1
July 10, 1856
In the spring of 1856 Lincoln definitely allied with the Republican party. In the presidential election of that year he took
an active part, making more than fifty speeches in behalf of the
Fremont ticket, and, as the following letter shows, engaging in
no little amount of political manipulation.
SPRINGFIELD, July 10, 1856
James Berdan, Esq.
MY DEAR SIR:
I have just received your letter of yesterday; and I shall take
the plan you suggest into serious consideration. I expect to go
to Chicago about the 15th, and I will then confer with other
1 Original in Davenport Academy of Sciences Museum, Davenport, Iowa.




162


NEW LETTERS AND PAPERS


friends upon the subject. A union of our strength, to be effected in some way, is indispensable to our carrying the State
against Buchanan. The inherent obstacle to any plan of union,
lies in the fact that of those germans which we now have with
us, large numbers will fall away, so soon as it is seen that their
votes, cast with us, may possibly be used to elevate Mr. Fillmore.
If this inherent difficulty were out of the way, one small improvement on your plan occurs to me. It is this. Let Fremont
and Fillmore men unite on one entire ticket, with the understanding that that ticket, if elected, shall cast the vote of the
State, for whichever of the two shall be known to have received
the larger number of electoral votes, in the other states.
This plan has two advantages. It carries the electoral vote
of the State where it will do most good, and it also saves the
waste vote, which, according to your plan would be lost, and
would 'be equal to two in the general result. But there may be
disadvantages also, which I have not thought of.
Your friend, as ever,
A. LixcoiN.
The Republicans failed to effect the 'indispensable' union
with the Fillmore element, and consequently lost the state to
Buchanan.
To ARTEMUS HALE1
July 28, 1856
Lincoln's acquaintanceship with Artemus Hale had commenced when both men were Whig members of the Thirtieth
Congress. Lincoln probably knew, too, that Hale's wife —
formerly Deborah Lincoln - was a distant relative of his. After
serving in the Twenty-ninth and Thirtieth Congresses Hale
retired from public life until 1864, when, as a Republican
presidential elector, he cast his vote for Lincoln and Johnson.
I Original in Pierpont Morgan Library, New York City,




OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN


163


SPRINGFIELD, July 28. 1856
Hon. Artemus Hale
Bridgewater - Mass.
MY DEAR SIR:
Yours of the 24th Inst. is just received. I very cheerfully give
you my opinion as to the prospects of the Presidential election
in this state & Indiana; premising that I am a Fremont man, so
that you can make due allowance for my partiality.
I have no doubt, then, that the opposition to Buchanan, are
the majority in both these states, but, that opposition being
divided between Fremont & Filmore, places both states in some
danger I think the danger is not great in Indiana; but some
greater here. The Filmore men have no power in either state,
beyond dividing strength, and thereby bettering the chances of
Buchanan. They know this, and I still hope the bulk of them
will think better than to throw away their votes for such an
object.
Your Obt. Servant
A. LINCOLN
Even in regard to Indiana, Lincoln was too optimistic. The
Republicans lost that State, as well as Illinois, because of the
vote uselessly cast for Fillmore.
To JULIAN M. STURTEVANT 1
September 27, 1856
Julian M. Sturtevant, president of Illinois College at Jacksonville, Illinois, was well known as a radical opponent of
slavery.
SPRINGFIELD, Sept. 27, 1856.
MY DEAR SIR:
Owing to absence yours of the 16th, was not received until
the day before yesterday. I thank you for your good opinion of
me personally, and still more for the deep interest you take in
the cause of our common country. It pains me a little that you
have deemed it necessary to point out to me how I may be
1 Printed in the Autobiography of Julian M. Sturtevant, p. 298.




164


NEW LETTERS AND PAPERS


compensated for throwing myself in the breach now This
assumes that I am merely calculating the chances of personal
advancement. Let me assure you that I decline to be a candidate for congress, on my clear conviction that my running
would hurt and not help the cause. I am willing to make any
personal sacrifice, but I am not willing to do, what in my own
judgment, is a sacrifice of the cause itself.
Very Truly Yours,
A. LINCOLN.
To ABRAHAM JONAS
October 21, 1856
One of Lincoln's closest friends, both personally and politically, was Abraham Jonas, an English Jew who lived in Quincy,
Illinois.
URBANA, Oct. 21. 1856
A. Jonas, Esq
MIY DEAR SIR'
I am here at court, and find myself so 'hobbled' with a
particular case, that I can not leave, & consequently, can not be
with you on the 23rd. I regret this exceedingly, but there is no
help for it. Please make the best appology, for me, in your
power.
Your friend as ever
A. LINCOLN.
A large Republican mass meeting, held in Quincy October 23,
was the gathering which Lincoln had hoped to attend. Orville
H. Browning presided at the meeting, and speeches were made
by John P. Hale, Lyman Trumbull, Owen Lovejoy, Richard
Yates and several others.
To JAMES STEELE AND CHARLES SUMMERS 2
February 12, 1857
Shortly before the following letter was written Lincoln had
filed a personal suit against the Illinois Central Railroad Com1 Original owned by Oliver R. Barrett, Chicago, Illinois.
2 Original owned by George R. Dyer, New York City



OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN


165


pany for $5000 - the fee which he claimed for successfully
defending the company in the famous tax case brought by
McLean County. James Steele and Charles Summers were
attorneys of Paris, Illinois.
SPRINGFIELD, Feb. 12th 1857.
Messrs. Steele & Summers
GENTLEMEN
Yours of the 10th covering a claim of Mr. D. A. Morrison
against the Illinois Central Railroad Company is received. I
have been in the regular retainer of the Co. for two or three
years; but I expect they do not wish to retain me any longer.
The road not passing this point, there is no one here for me to
present the claim to.
I have concluded to say to you, that I am going to Chicago,
if nothing prevents, on the 21st Inst and I will then ascertain
whether they discharge me, & if they do, as I expect, I will attend to your business & write you. If this is satisfactory, let it
so stand - if not write me at once.
Yours truly
A. LINCOLN
Contrary to his expectation, Lincoln's connection with the
Illinois Central was not terminated. Instead, when the MIorrison case reached the Supreme Court (Illinois Central Railroad
Company vs. Morrison and Crabtree) he appeared for the
company and won the case.
To CHARLES D GILFILLAN 1
May 9, 1857
Charles D. Gilfillan was a prominent Minnesota Republican.
SPRINGFIELD, May 9. 1857
C. D. Gilfillan, Chairman &c.
DEAR SIR:
Your letter of the 1st Inst. inviting me to visit your Teritory,
and to give such assistance as I might be able, to the Republican
1 Original owned by Mrs. Edward C. Dugan, St. Paul, Minn.




166


NEW LETTERS AND PAPERS


cause, during your approaching political struggles, is received.
I have no great faith in the success of my efforts; still it is with
some regret I have to say I can not visit you before the June
election, and I can not, as yet, say I will be able to do so in the
summer or fall. Having devoted the most of last year to politics,
it is a necessity with me to devote this, to my private affairs.
I have learned that our Republican Senator, Judge Trumbull,
will be with you. You will find him a true and an able man.
May the God of the right, give you the victory now, as He
surely will in the end.
Your Obt. Servt.
A. LINCOLN.
AGREEMENT 1 REGARDING THE MISSOURI DEMOCRAT
July 3, 1857
The central and southern sections of Illinois, settled largely
by southerners, were at best lukewarm in their reaction to the
doctrines of the Republican Party The wider circulation of
the 'Missouri Democrat,' staunchly Republican, might secure
converts where they were badly needed. Lincoln wrote the
following document.
We, the undersigned, each agree to be one of ten persons to
furnish five hundred dollars, to be used in giving circulation, in
Southern and Middle Illinois, to the newspaper published at
St. Louis, Missouri, and called 'The Missouri Democrat.'said sum of five hundred dollars to be paid over to John G.
Nicolay, so soon as he shall furnish evidence that he has made
arrangements with the proprietors of that paper, giving promise
of a reasonable degree of success in the enterprize.
July 3. 1857
A. LINCOLN
0 M. HATCH
JESSE K. DUBOIS
JOHN WILLIAMS
L. TRUMBULL
JOHN WOOD
WILLIAM Ross PR 0. M  H.
Original owned by Ozias M. Hatch, Springfield, Illinois.




OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN


167


On the back of this document are two endorsements over
Nicolay's signature 'Nov 5, 1857 Recd. twenty five dollars on
the within of 0. M. Hatch;' and 'Dec 3d 1857 Received twentyfive dollars on the within of Jesse K. Dubois.'
NOTES IN LAWSUIT1
June 23, 1857
In 1855, McLean County had filed suit against the Illinois
Central Railroad Company for taxes which it claimed were due
and unpaid.
The case, which turned on the interpretation of the company's
charter, was exceedingly important. Lincoln and James F.
Joy appeared for the company, and after twice arguing the case
before the Supreme Court, obtained a favorable decision. For
his fee Lincoln asked $5,000, but for some reason not entirely
clear, the company refused to pay. Lincoln then filed suit. The
case came on for a hearing on June 18 at Bloomington, and
judgment was rendered by default. On the afternoon of the
same day the judgment was set aside and the trial set for June
23- The trial took only a few minutes. Lincoln presented his
proof - of which the following is an outline - and the jury
rendered its verdict for the amount asked.
Proof
Retainer.
Brayman & Joy's letters, with proof of their signatures, and that they were the active agents of the
Company.
That I did the service, arguing the case twice.
Logan & Stuart.
What was the question. How decided - & on what point.
The record - the final order - & the opinion. That
I, and not Joy, made the point & argument on which
the case turned.
Logan & Stuart.
1 Original owned by the Illinois Central Railroad Company.




168


NEW LETTERS AND PAPERS


The Company own near two million acres; & their road runs
through twenty-six counties.
That half a million, put at interest, would scarcely pay the tax.
Are, or are not the amount of labor, the doubtfulness and difficulty of the question, the degree of success in the result, and the
amount of pecuniary interest involved, not merely in the particular case, but covered by the principle decided, and thereby
secured to the client, all proper elements, by the custom of the
profession to consider in determining what is a reasonable fee
in a given case.
That $5000 is not an unreasonable fee in this case.
To ROBERT E. WILLIAMS 1
August 15, 1857
Robert E. Williams was a lawyer of Bloomington, Illinois.
SPRINGFIELD, Aug. 15, 1857.
R. E. TIilliams, Esq.
DEAR STR
Yours of the 12th in relation to a suit of Bakewell vs. Allin,
was received a day or two ago. I well remember the transaction;
but as Bakewell will need no lawyer but you, and as there is
likely to be some feeling, and both the parties are old friends
of mine, I prefer, if I can, to keep out of the case. Of course I
will not engage against Mr. Bakewell.
Yours truly
A. LINcoLN
To RICHARD YATES 2
September 30, 1857
The following letter shows Lincoln preparing for the election
of 1858. He had already decided to be a candidate for United
States Senator - hence his anxiety about the representative
from Morgan County in the next legislature.
1 Original owned by Robert E. Williams III, Great Bend, Kansas.
2 Printed in facsimile in 'Lincoln,' a speech of Honorable Richard Yates of llinois in
the [ouse of Representatives, February 12, 1921.




OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN


169


SPRINGFIELD, Scpt. 30, 1857.
Hon. R. Yates.
DEAR SIR,
Your letter, called out by the letter of J 0. Johnson, was
received by me on my return from Chicago. Mr Johnson wrote
the letter by concert with me; and is entirely reliable. He is a
new-comer; but he can devote more time to getting up an organization, than any one I know, who knows as well as he, how to
do it.
And now, let me say, I wish you could make up your mind to
come to the Legislature from Morgan next term. You can be
elected, and I doubt some whether any other friend can. It will
be something of a sacrifice to you, but can you not make it?
Yours as ever
A. LINCOLN.
Yates did not run, and, as Lincoln feared, a Democrat was
elected.
NOTES IN LAWSUIT'
January 13-16, 1858
The month of January, 1858, was a busy one for Abraham
Lincoln. Both the State Supreme Court and the United States
Court were in session in Springfield, and Lincoln had many
cases before them. Of these cases none was more important
than Gale rs. Morgan County Bank, tried before a jury in the
United States Court for four days, January 13 to 16. It was a
suit in assumpsit in which the plaintiff was trying to recover
$10,000.00 from the Morgan County Bank at Jacksonville.
Stuart and Edwards represented Gale, Lincoln and Logan the
Bank.
After four days of argument, the jury returned a verdict in
favor of the defendant on January 16. Two weeks later tie
plaintiff entered a motion for a new trial, which the court refused to allow. Thus Lincoln and Logan won a clear-cut victory. The notes which follow, all in Lincoln's handwriting,
were evidently taken during the course of the trial.
1 Original owned by the Henry E. Huntington Library.




170


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De Witt C. Gale
vs       B
Morgan County Bank. Plaintiffs evidence
John Dixson.
Proves little- settlement - Bank-book to be in Mr Reed's hand-writing & that
Reed is President of Bank. Also identifies some other papers.
Chas. S. Watrous. Deposition by Plaintiff.
James E. Dunlap.
Oct. 14. 1856
went with Gale to Bank, before breakfast - saw Gale sign a
draft - saw him get no money - witness signed check that
morning for $100.
Cross
Myself - Gale & Wright there - father came in - did not see
Reed.
William Dunlap. senr -
Gave check Oct. 14, 1856. Saw no one but Gale, Son & Wright
- remember no particulars of talk about a draft. Saw no money
paid over to Gale.
William Dunlap, Jr.
Went with Gales to Wright's house, at 8 o'clock at night of 13th
Oct. 1856. Saw Wright - came to door & told Gale he would
fix his business in morning - Witness drew check for $400.
dated Oct. 14. 1856.
Cross
Dont know whether Reed was at home - didn't see him -
Night of 16. the witness got $500 from Gale - Eastern money
- principly fives.
A. B. McMillan.
Bought hogs for Gale. Went to hunt Gale in Jacksonville, on
tuesday after 10th of Oct. Saw James E. Dunlap. Left Jacksonville, about 16th Gale paid me $1000. on 16th of Oct. 1856.
Eastern money. On one occasion witness got Ohio, or Eastern
from Morgan Co. Bank. Thinks he received about $500 of Gale
about the 10th of Oct. 1856.
Cross.
Got $2000 from Gale sometime in September 1856.




OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN


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Expressman.
do.      1  5000.
Sept.     2 $4825 75
11 25
15   4886 25 by Henry Ridgely.
Oct.     13           Rebilled. Sent to Jacksonville
the 14th.
Charles Ridgely
The Henry Ridgely package deposited Sept. 17 & checked out
- checks drawn about
Defts evidence
Henry R. Reed.
Says he paid Gale currency for the disputed drafts at the time
they were drawn - drafts are filled in witnesses handwritingas also are the corresponding margins in the draft book. Says
Wright was not in Jacksonville on the 14th Oct. 1856 till after
dinner, when he arrived from Springfield. Says the three Dunlap checks are all filled in his, witnesses hand writing.
W  W  Wright
Robert Irwin.
Says customary in Banks when buy a draft & pay money down
for it, to make no entry of it. Says the filling of disputed drafts
is in the handwriting of Reed. Also Wright's name is in his,
Wright's, handwriting. Not certain of hand-writing of the
three Dunlap checks, but it dont look like Wright's. Also
identifies Wright's signature in Auditor's book.
Charles Ridgely
Bought 8- 10 or 12 drafts from Plff without entering any
account of them, because paid money down. Last draft got
of Gale before 14 Oct. was on 21st August. Last money paid
to Gale before 14 Oct. was on 29 Sept.
Jacob Bunn
My habit has been if the transaction a clean one - that is, paid
in full for draft, at time he bought it, made no entry with person
of whom he bought. Identifies wright's signature in Register
and Auditor's Book. Also Reeds in drafts & checks.
John H. Dixon.
Identifies Wrights signatures in Register & Auditors book -




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$1000 draft filled by Reed. $3000 draft - not entirely certain
looks like Reed. dont look like Wrights.
John T Jones.
Proves Wrights signature in Register & Auditor. Drafts in
Reed's writing. Checks also filled by Reed. certainly not
Wrights.
Dep of Watrous.
John Bunn
Proves Register & Auditor
Disputed drafts filled by Reed.
'except in currency'
Checks not in Wriglts - dont look like Reed's
Ishem Burnett
Delivered my hogs to Gale on the 15. Oct. 1856 at Franklin
depot. Gale paid me same day - Illinois mostly - some Eastern
189-63
360-91
550-54
James Burnett
Admitted by plaintiff that it was on the 15 Oct 1856 Most of
the money was Illinois paper. Gale said he had just got the
money out of the Bank. did not say what Bank - nor what day
he got it. All I11. money except two or three bills - told Mr.
Gale would rather have Ills.
Joseph Cline
Got about 138 dollars Oct. 15. 1856. of Gale just common currency - dont know whether Ills. or not. Saw Mr. Gale pretty
soon that morning. Saw him, weighed hogs, got my money,
and home - 8 miles before dinner.
Caneday
Delivered hogs same day - received $140-& some cents -
paper money - impression Ills. money, but not certain. Ater
& Hardin also got paper money - dont know what sort of
money. One of them had about 30 hogs.
Dep. B. Carver.
J. W. Morrison
Settlement Book ballances on the 8th 11th & 24th Oct. 1856




OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN


173


Ed. Henrichsen
Down trains at that time reached Franklin one quarter past
eleven. Jacksonville three quarters past eleven. Plaintiff goes
on.
Jesse K. Dubois.
Bank reports to Auditor
James E. Dunlap.
Reed said he gave Gale the $3000. & Gale gave 1000 to Jesse
Henry, 1000 to McMillan & put the rest in his pocket.
William Dunlap, senr.
Tells the same story as witness last above. Said so more than
once.
Jesse Henry
My impression is that I gave the $3000. to Gale & Gale gave
witness 1000 - & McMillan 1000. & kept the rest. I found
that if he had that impression it was not correct.
A. B. McMillan
Paid Haggard for his hogs with money got from Gale in September Same story as to the three 1000- as last witnesses. Got 500
on 10. Oct. & 1000 on the 18th. When I referred to matter on
18th he said 'you must be right & I wrong'
William Dunlap Jr.
Dont remember &c.
Stuart, begins the argument.
James E. Dunlap drew checks of the following dates and
amounts
1856. Oct. 14. Self         $100 00
"   17. Self         "Q00 00
Nov. 4. H. R. Johnson  "462 33
"  11 Self           "560 55
"  11 Self.          "518 50
"   11 Self.         "297 26
Dec. 19 Self.          "500 00
"   "  26 Self.      "563 25
William Dunlap. sen drew &c.
1856 Oct. 14 Self           $100 00
" Dec. 8. Hogs             "316 46
"   "    8. Self.          " 79 20




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1856 Dec.   8 Self.           "130 40
"~   "  15 Self or Gilmore  "295 37
"    i  27 Self             "104 55
1857 Jany. 5 Self.            "178 07
William Dunlap. Jr. drew &c.
1856 Oct. 14 Self             $400 00
"  Nov. 5 N. Caneday        "194 65
"   " Z. Johnson       "494 06
All that contradicts Read
1. His interest
2. The Dunlaps
3. His telling two stories
4. Gale's falling behind with V & W.
All that corroborates Read.
1 Custom of Banks
2. Original pass book - previous drafts &c
3. The money Gale used on the 15th.
4. Letter of 24 - Settlement book &c.
5. Why did not Gale think.
AUTOGRAPH INSCRIPTION 1
February 23, 1858
The following inscription was written in an autograph book
owned by Henry B- Rankin.
To-day, Feb. 23 1858, the owner honored me with the privilege of writing the first name in this book.
A. LINCOLN.
To OWEN LOVEJOY 2
March 8, 1858
'It turned me blind when I first heard Swett was beaten and
Lovejoy nominated,' 3 wrote Lincoln when Owen Lovejoy, the
1 Printed in facsimile in Rankin, Personal Recollections of Abraham Lincoln, p. 133.
2 Original in Henry E. Huntington Library.
' Nicolay and Hay, Complete Works, n, 290.




OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN


175


crusading abolitionist of Princeton, Illinois, was nominated for
Congress in the summer of 1856. Yet Lovejoy was elected, and
so conducted himself that two years later Lincoln was anxious
for his reelection.
SPRINGFIELD, March 8. 1858.
Hon: 0 Lovejoy
DEAR SIR
I have just returned from court in one of the counties of your
District, where I had an inside view that few will have who
correspond with you; and I feel it rather a duty to say a word
to you about it.
Your danger has been that democracy would wheedle some
republican to run against you without a nomination, relying
mainly on democratic votes. I have seen the strong men who
could make the most trouble in that way, and find that they
view the thing in the proper light, and will not consent to be so
used. But they have been urgently tempted by the enemy; and
I think it is still the point for you to guard most vigilantly I
think it is not expected that you can be beaten for a nomination; but do not let what I say, as to that, lull you.
Now, let this be strictly confidential; not that there is anything wrong in it, but that I have some highly valued friends
who would not like me any the better for writing it.
Yours very truly
A. Lincoln
P. S. Be glad to hear from you.
Lovejoy was reelected without difficulty in 1858. He served
in Congress continuously until his death in 1864.
To JEDIAH F. ALEXANDER 1
May 15, 1858
Although formal announcement of Lincoln's candidacy had
not yet been made, Republicans all over Illinois knew that he
was to be the man to oppose Douglas for the Senatorship. The
honor carried with it the obligation of speaking in all parts of
1 Original owned by Mrs. Alice Carroll, Princeton, New Jersey.




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the state. Among the Republicans of southern Illinois who
desired Lincoln's presence there was Jediah F. Alexander,
founder and editor of the Greenville Advocate.
SPRINGFIELD, May 15 1858
J F Alexander, Esq
Grcenville, Ills.
MY DEAR SIR
I reached home a week ago and found yours of the 1st inviting
me to name a time to meet and address a political meeting in
Bond county. It is too early, considering that when I once
begin making political speeches I shall have no respite till
November The labor of that I might endure, but I really can
not spare the time from my business.
Nearer the time I will try to meet the people of Bond, if they
desire.
I will only say now that, as I understand, there remains all
the difference there ever was between Judge Douglas & the
Republicans - they insisting that Congress shall, and he insisting that congress shall not, keep slavery out of the Territories before & up to the time they form State constitutions. No
republican has ever contended that, when a constitution is to
be formed, any but the people of the territory shall form it.
Republicans have never contended that congress should dictate
a constitution to any state or territory; but they have contended
that the people should be perfectly free to form their constitution in their own way - as perfectly free from the presence of
slavery amongst them, as from every other improper influence.
In voting together in opposition to a constitution being forced
upon the people of Kansas, neither Judge Douglas nor the
Republicans, has conceded anything which was ever in dispute
between them.
Yours very truly
A. LINCOLN
Lincoln's emphatic demonstration, in the foregoing letter, of
the difference in principle between Douglas and the Republican
party was called out by a very real fear. Douglas' opposition to




OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN


177


the Lecompton Constitution, which contravened his cherished
popular sovereignty, had caused many eastern Republicans to
urge the party in Illinois to support him instead of running a
candidate of its own. Illinois leaders generally were opposed to
such a course, yet for months they feared the popular effect of
the proposal.
LEGAL OPINION 1
May 20, 1858
Understanding that Col. W B Warren, being owner in fee
of the land described in the attached bond, contracted to sell it
as per said bond; that under said contract Bennett took possession, and made some improvements, including some plank
fencing; that afterwards Bennett abandoned his contract, left
the possession, and surrendered said bond to said Warren, and
that some person or persons claiming that said Bennett was his
or their debtor, knocked the planks of the fences off the posts
[and] carried the planks away
I think Warren can maintain trespass against such persons,
or Replevin for the planks themselves if they can be found and
identified.
A. LINCOLN
SPRINGFIELD, May 20. 185 8
To SAMUEL WILKINSON 2
June 10, 1858
When Douglas refused to support the Lecompton Constitution he precipitated a bitter battle with the Buchanan administration. Federal officeholders for whose appointment he was
responsible were removed by the dozen, and in every possible
way the power of the administration was used against him. In
many counties Buchanan candidates for the legislature were
put forward with the scarcely hidden purpose of so dividing the
Democracy that a Republican victory would be certain. The
situation seemed to make a combination between Republicans
' Original owned by Miss Virginia Warren Baird, San Diego, California.
2 Original owned by Miss Grace Wilkinson, Peoria, Illinois.




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and Buchanan Democrats almost unavoidable, yet, in the following letter to Samuel Wilkinson, an acquaintance who lived
at Farmington in Fulton County, Lincoln emphatically denied
that one existed.
SPRINGFIELD, June 10. 1858
Samuel Wilkinson Esq
MY DEAR SIR
Yours of the 26th May came to hand only last night. I know
of no effort to unite the Reps. & Buc. men, and believe there is
none. Of course the Republicans do not try to keep the common
enemy from dividing; but, so far as I know, or beliedve, they will
not unite with either branch of the division. Indeed it is difficult
for me to see, on what ground they could unite; but it is useless
to spend words, there is simply nothing of it. It is a trick of our
enemies to try to excite all sorts of suspicions and jealosies
[sic] amongst us. We hope that our Convention on the 16th.
bringing us together, and letting us hear each other talk will
put an end to most of this.
Yours truly
A. LINCOLN
To JOSEPH MEDILL 1
June 25, 1858
Throughout the campaign of 1858 Democratic newspapers
made much of Lincoln's opposition to the Mexican War. In its
issue of June 23 the 'Chicago Times,' Douglas's personal organ,
printed a particularly virulent article charging that in Congress
Lincoln had voted against a bill appropriating money for the
purchase of medicines and the employment of nurses for
wounded American soldiers. 'I, Abraham Lincoln, of Sangamon county,' ran the 'Times' article, 'refuse to vote one dollar
to feed, clothe, or minister to the wants of the sick and dying
volunteers from my own State, who are suffering in Mexico.
Let them die like dogs! Let them die for want of medicine!
Let the fever parched lips of my Illinois neighbors crack in pain1 Printed in facsimile in the Chicago Tribune, February 12, 1928.




OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN


179


ful agony - not one drop of cooling liquid shall soothe them if
I can help it.'
Effective ammunition this was, and the Republicans knew
it. On the day the 'Times' article appeared Joseph Medill, of
the' Chicago Press and Tribune,' wrote Lincoln for a refutation,
which he lost no time in furnishing.
SPRINGFIELD, June 25 1858
J Medill, Esq.
MY DEAR SIR
Your note of the 23rd did not reach me till last evening. The
Times article I saw yesterday morning. I will give you a brief
history of facts, upon which you may rely with entire confidence,
and from which you can frame such articles or paragraphs as
you see fit.
I was in Congress but a single term. I was a candidate when
the Mexican war broke out - and I then took the ground,
which I never varied from, that the Administration had done
wrong in getting us into the war, but that the Officers and
soldiers who went to the field must be supplied and sustained at
all events. I was elected the first Monday of August 1846, but,
in regular course, only took my seat December 6, 1847. In the
interval all the battles had been fought, and the war was substantially ended, though our army was still in Mexico, and the
treaty of peace was not finally concluded till May 30, 1848.
Col. E. D. Baker had been elected to congress from the same
district, for the regular term next preceding mine; but having
gone to Mexico himself, and having resigned his seat in Congress, a man by the name of John Henry, was elected to fill
Baker's vacancy, and so came into congress before I did. On
the 23rd day of February 1847 (the very day I believe, Col.
John Hardin was killed at Buena Vista, and certainly more than
nine months before I took a seat in congress) a bill corresponding with great accuracy to that mentioned by the Times, passed
the House of Representatives, and John Henry voted against it,
as may be seen in the Journal of that session at pages 406-7.
The bill became a law; and is found in the U. S. Statutes at
Large- Vol. 9 page 149 -



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This I suppose is the real origin of the Times' attack upon
me. In its blind rage to assail me, it has seized on a vague recollection of Henry's vote, and appropriated it to me. I scarcely
think any one is quite vile enough to make such a charge in such
terms, without some slight belief in the truth of it.
Henry was my personal and political friend; and, as I thought,
a very good man, and when I first learned of that vote, I well
remember how astounded and mortified I was. This very bill,
voted against by Henry, passed into a law, and made the appropriations for the year ending June 30, 1848 - extending a
full month beyond the actual and formal ending of the war
When I came into Congress, money was needed to meet the
appropriations made, and to be made; and accordingly on the
17th day of Feb. 1848, a bill to borrow 18,500,000. passed the
House of Representatives, for which I voted, as will appear b)y
the Journal of that session page 426, 427. The act itself, reduced to 16,000,000 (I suppose in the Senate) is found in U S.
Statutes at Large Vol 9-217
Again, on the 8th of March 1848, a bill passed the House of
Representativ-es, for which I voted as may be seen by the Journal 520-5021 It passed into a law, and is found in Statutes U S.
at Large Page 015 and forward. The last section of the act on
page 217 contains an appropriation of 800,000. for clothing the
volunteers.
It is impossible to refer to all the votes I gave but the above
I think are sufficient as specimens; and you may safely deny
that I ever gave any vote for withholding any supplies whatever, from officers or soldiers of the Mexican war. I have examined the Journals a good deal, and hence [?] I can not be
mistaken, for I have my eye always upon it. I must close to get
this into the mail.
Yours very truly
A. Lincoln.




OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN


181


To JOSEPH T. ECCLES 1
July 25, 1858
Joseph T. Eccles, like Lincoln, served in the Black Hawk
War, and was for many years a member of the Whig party. He
had joined the Republican party upon its formation. At the time
this letter was written he was a merchant in Hillsboro, Illinois.
SPRINGFIELD, July 25. 1858
J T. Eccles, Esq
MY DEAR SIR
Your two letters are received. I shall try to visit Hillsboro,
this canvass, but I can not yet say when.
As I have made two speeches at Springfield - one June 16 &
one July 17 - I am not sure which it is you want. I shall go to
the Journal office to-morrow, and see what can be done for you.
Yours very truly
A. LINCOLN
To JEDIAH F. ALEXANDER 2
August 2, 1858
On July 24, Lincoln issued his challenge to Douglas. 'Will it
be agreeable to you to make an arrangement for you and myself
to divide time, and address the same audiences the present
canvass?' Douglas answered that his appointments were already made, that other Democratic speakers would be present
at his meetings, and 'that these various candidates, in connection with myself, will occupy the whole time of the day and
evening, and leave no opportunity for other speeches.' Nevertheless, he designated the seven places at which the great
debates were held.3
SPRINGFIELD, Aug. 2. 1858.
J. F. Alexander, Esq
MY DEAR SIR
I should be with Judge Douglas at your town on the 4th had
he not intimated in his published letter, that my presence would
I Original owned by Frank W Brown, Peoria, Illinois.
2 Original owned by Mrs. Alice Carroll, Princeton, New Jersey
' Nicolay and Hay, Complete Wtorks, iI, 189-92.




182


NEW LETTERS AND PAPERS


be considered an intrusion. I shall soon publish a string of appointments following his present track, which will bring me to
Greenville about the 11th of Sept. I hope to have Judge Trumbull with me.
Yours truly
A. LINCOLN
To JOSEPH T. ECCLES
August 2, 1858
SPRINGFIELD, Aug. 2. 1858
J. T Eccles, Esq
MY DEAR SIR
I should be at your town to-day with Judge Douglas, had he
not strongly intimated in his letter, which you have seen in the
newspapers, that my presence, on the days or evenings of his
meetings would be considered an intrusion. Before long I shall
publish a string of appointments following upon his present
track, which will bring me to Hillsborough about the 9th of
September.
Yours truly
A. LINCOLN
True to his promise, Lincoln arrived in Hillsboro on September 9. Reaching there during the evening, 'he was escorted to
the residence of Judge Eccles,' where, on the following morning,
'he received a constant stream of old friends.' On the afternoon
of the 10th he spoke for two hours.
To DANIEL STEVENS DICKINSON 2
August 3, 1858
Absorbed as he was in politics, Lincoln could still find time
to investigate the case of a convict who had appealed to him
for aid.
1 Original owned by Mrs. Bess E. Dressier, Shelbyville, Illinois.
2 Facsimile in New York Public Library




OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN


183


SPRINGFIELD, ILIA. AUg. S. 1858
flon: D. S. Dickinson
SIR
In March 1857 I saw upon the Railroad train, being taken
from Chicago to Alton, to the Penitentiary there, a man of
gentlemanly appearance by the name of Hyde. He accosted me
and conversed some as to the chance of obtaining a pardon. A
year after he addressed me the inclosed letter from the prison.
You see he mentions your name. Do you really know him"
If our Governor could learn that he has been respectable, and
is of respectable connections, perhaps he would pardon him.
Please answer
Pardon the liberty I take in addressing you. Several vears
ago I knew you slightly at Washington.
Your Obt. Servt.
A. LINCOLN
Dickinson had been a Democratic Senator from New York
when Lincoln was in Congress.
To WILLIAM H. GRIGSBY 1
August 3, 1858
As the following letter shows, Lincoln's growing political
prominence was attracting to the firm of Lincoln & Herndon a
prestige which had embarrassing aspects.
SPRINGFIELD, Aug. S. 1858
Wm. H. Grigsby, Esq.
MY DEAR SIRW
Yours of the 14th of July, desiring a situation in my law
office, was received several days ago. AMy partner, Mr. Herndon, controls our office in this respect, and I have known of his
declining at least a dozen applications like yours within the last
three months.
If you wish to be a lawyer, attach no consequence to the place
you are in, or the person you are with; but get books, sit down
1 Original owned by John G. Oglesby, Elkhart, Illinois




184


NEW LETTERS AND PAPERS


anywhere, and go to reading for yourself. That will make a
lawyer of you quicker than any other way.
Yours Respectfully,
A. LINCOLN.
To ALBERT PARKER
August 10, 1858
SPRINGFIELD, Aug. 10, 1858
Albert Parker, Esq
MY DEAR SIR
Yours of the 7th is just received. I am greatly hurried, for
which reason you will pardon me for not writing a longer letter
As to the law-question. As the consideration of the notes,
Gridley will insist they were given because of his acting as agent
for the makers of the notes, in purchasing the land; and I rather
think this will make out a legal consideration.
As to politics I am doing what I can for the cause. They have
a meeting at Tremont on Saturday the 14th. and I wish you
would go down and mingle with your old friends upon that
occasion.
Again let me beg you to excuse the shortness of this letter.
Yours very truly
A. Lincoln
EXTRACT FROM SPEECH AT BEARDSTOWN2
August 12, 1858
On the 12th of August, Lincoln commenced his active campaign - a campaign in which he was to speak almost daily for
two and a half months - with a speech at Beardstown. He
arrived in the morning on the steamer from Naples and found
two bands, two military companies and several hundred enthusiastic adherents waiting to escort him to the National Hotel.
During the afternoon he spoke for two hours. The following
pages constitute an extract from, rather than a summary of, his
address.
1 Original owned by C. C. Parker, Los Angeles, California.
2 Printed in the Illinois State Journal, August 19, 1858.




OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN


185


I made a speech in June last, in which I pointed out, briefly
and consecutively, a series of public measures leading directly
to the nationalization of slavery - the spreading of that institution over all the Territories and all the States, old as well as
new, North as well as South. I enumerated the repeal of the
Missouri Compromise, which every candid man must acknowledge conferred upon emigrants to Kansas and Nebraska the
right to carry slaves there and hold them in bondage, whereas,
formerly they had no such right. I alluded to the events which
followed that repeal - events in which Judge Douglas' name
figures quite prominently I referred to the Dred Scott decision,
and the extraordinary means taken to prepare the public mind
for that decision - the efforts put forth by President Pierce to
make the people believe they had indorsed, in the election of
James Buchanan, the doctrine that slavery may exist in the
free Territories of the Union - the earnest exhortation put
forth by President Buchanan to the people to stick to that
decision whatever it might be, [laughter] the close fitting niche
in the Nebraska bill wherein the right of the people to govern
themselves is made 'subject to the Constitution of the United
States' - the extraordinary haste displayed by M\r Douglas to
give this decision an endorsement at the Capitol of Illinois.
I alluded to other occurring circumstances which I need not
repeat now, and I said that though I could not open the bosoms
of men and find out their secret motives, yet, when I found the
framework for a barn or a bridge, or any other structure, built
by a number of carpenters - Stephen and Franklin and Roger
and James - and so built that each tenon had its proper mortice, and the whole forming a symmetrical piece of workmanship, I should say that these carpenters all worked on an intelligent plan, and understood each other from the beginning. This
embraced the main argument in my speech before the Republican State convention in June. Judge Douglas received a copy
of my speech some two weeks before his return to Illinois. He
had ample time to examine and reply to it if he chose to do so.
He did examine it, and he did reply to it, but he wholly overlooked the body of my argument, and said nothing about the
'conspiracy charge,' as he terms it. He made up his speech of




186


NEW LETTERS AND PAPERS


complaints against our tendencies to negro equality and amalgamation. [Laughter.] Well, seeing that Douglas had had the
process served on him, that he had taken notice of such service,
that he had come into court and pleaded to a part of the complaint, but had ignored the main issue, I took a default on him.
I held that he had no plea to make to the general charge. So,
when I was called on to reply to him twenty-four hours afterwards, I renewed the charge as explicitly as I could. My speech
was reported and published on the following morning, and of
course Judge Douglas saw it. He went from Chicago to Bloomington, and there made another and longer speech, and yet took
no notice of the 'conspiracy charge.' He then went to Springfield and made another elaborate argument, but was not
prevailed upon to know anything about the outstanding
indictment. I made another speech in Springfield - this time
taking it for granted that Judge Douglas was satisfied to take
his chances in the campaign with the imputation of the conspiracy hanging over him. It was not until he went into a small
town (Clinton) in DeWitt county, where he delivered his fourth
or fifth regular speech, that he found it convenient to notice
this matter at all. At that place (I was standing in the crowd
when he made his speech,) he bethought himself that he was
charged with something; [laughter;] and his reply was that 'his
self-respect alone prevented his calling it a falsehood.' Well, my
friends, perhaps he so far lost his self-respect in Beardstown as
to actually call it a falsehood! [Great laughter - Douglas had
called it 'an infamous lie.'] But now I have this reply to make:
That while the Nebraska bill was pending, Judge Douglas
helped to vote down a clause giving the people of the Territories
the right to exclude slavery if they chose; that neither while the
bill was pending, nor at any other time, would he give his opinion whether the people had the right to exclude slavery -
though respectfully asked; that he made a report, which I hold
in my hand, from the Committee on Territories, in which he
said the rights of the people of the Territories in this regard are
'held in abeyance,' and can not be immediately exercised, [MIr.
Lincoln here read the passage referred to, from an official document in the Senate,] that the Dred Scott decision expressly




OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN


187


denies any such right, but declares that neither Congress nor
the Territorial Legislature can keep slavery out of Kansas; and
that Judge Douglas indorses that decision. All these 'charges'
are new; that is, I did not make them in my original speech -
they are additional and cumulative testimony. I bring them
forward now, and dare Judge Douglas to deny one of them.
Let him do it, and I will prove it by such testimony as will confound him forever. [Loud applause.] I say to you, gentlemen,
that it would be more to the purpose for Judge Douglas to say
that he did not repeal the Missouri Compromise; that he did not
make slavery possible where it was impossible before; that he
did not leave a niche in the Nebraska bill for the Dred Scott
decision to rest in; that he did not vote down a clause giving the
people the right to exclude slavery if they wanted to, that he
did not refuse to give his individual opinion whether a Territorial Legislature could exclude slavery; that he did not make
a report to the Senate in which he said that the rights of the
people in this regard were 'held in abeyance' and could not be
immediately exercised, that he did not make a hasty indorsement of the Dred Scott decision over at Springfield; that he
does not now indorse that decision, that that decision does not
take away from the Territorial Legislature the power to exclude
slavery, and that he did not in the original Nebraska bill so
couple the words State and Territory together, that what the
Supreme Court has done in forcing open all the Territories for
slavery, it may yet do in forcing open all the States- I say it
would be vastly more to the point for Judge Douglas to say he
did not do some of these things, did not forge some of these links
of overwhelming testimony, than to go vociferating about the
country that possibly he may hint that somebody is a liar!
[Deafening applause.] I repeat and renew, and shall continue to
repeat and renew this 'charge' until he denies the evidence, and
then I shall so fasten it upon him that it will cling to him as long
as he lives.




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EXTRACT FROM SPEECH AT CARLINVILLE 1
August 31, 1858
Two and a half weeks after opening his campaign at Beardstown, Lincoln was at Carlinville. In the interval he had twice
met Douglas in debate - at Ottawa and Freeport - and had
spoken nine times in addition. At Carlinville he delivered what
the local newspaper described as 'an honest, logical and telling
speech' to several hundred persons assembled at Morton's
Grove.
He [Lincoln] said the question is often asked, why this fuss
about niggers? 2 It is dictated that their position is a small matter, but let us inquire whether it is or not. His speech at the
June convention had been much commented upon, and he read
an extract from it, and showed wherein it had been misrepresented as to the ultimate triumph or extinction of slavery; that,
although the agitation of the question was commenced in '54
with the avowed object of putting a stop to it, yet, the agitation
was still increasing. The policy then adopted professed to leave
the subject to the people of the territories and save politicians
further trouble. Buchanan and Douglas have often promised us
that this agitation would cease, but it is still going on, and only
last winter was the hottest of any time yet.
The measures of '50 settled it for a time, only to be reopened
in '54 in a worse and more malignant form in a territory where
it had been previously at rest. Clay, Webster, Calhoun and
Benton have gone but we still have the slavery agitation, and
will have it till a more conservative and less aggressive party
gains power. The north is not alone to blame - for churches
and families divided upon this question - is it then a little
thing?
In view of its importance and aggressive nature, I think it
must come to a crisis - that it will become national by court
verdicts or local by the popular voice. We have no idea of interfering with it in any manner. I am standing up to our bargain
I Printed in the Carlinville (Illinois) Democrat, September 2, 1858.
2 Lincoln never used the word 'nigger.' The reporter is responsible for its use in
this speech.




OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN


189


for its maintenance where it lawfully exists. Our fathers restricted its spread and stopped the importation of negroes, with
the hope that it would remain in a dormant condition till the
people saw fit to emancipate the negroes. There is no allusion to
slavery in the constitution - and Madison says it was omitted
that future generations might not know such a thing ever
existed - and that the constitution might yet be a 'national
charter of freedom.' And Keitt of S. C., once admitted that
nobody ever thought it would exist to this day
If placed in the former attitude we should have peace. But
it is now advancing to become lawful everywhere. The Nebraska bill introduced this era - and it was gotten up by a man
who twice voted for the Wilmot Proviso and the extension of
the Missouri Compromise line to the Pacific. This change in our
national policy is decided to be constitutional - although the
court would not decide the only question before themwhether Dred Scott was a slave or not - and did decide, too,
that a territorial legislature cannot exclude slavery in behalf of
the people, and if their premises be correct a state cannot exclude
it - for they tell us that the negro is property anywhere in the
light that horses are property, and if the constitution gives the
master a right of property in negroes above the jurisdiction of
the territorial laws, enacted in the sovereignty of the peopleit only requires another case and another favorable decision
from the same court to make the rights of property alike in
states as well as territories, and that by virtue of the constitution and in disregard of local laws to the contrary - Buchanan
takes this position now.
Sustain these men and negro equality will be abundant, as
every white laborer will have occasion to regret when he is
elbowed from his plow or his anvil by slave niggers.
Douglas insists that I am in favor of perfect uniformity in the
institutions of all the states. I believe in their right to do just
as they please in this matter. But he is not quite so vain as
to say that the Good Man uttered a falsehood when he said,
'A house divided against itself cannot stand.' Does he believe
this thing will always stand as it now is - neither expand or
diminish?




190


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In '32, I voted for Henry Clay, in '36 for the IIugh L. White
ticket, in '40 for 'Tip and Tyler.' In '44 I made the last great
effort for 'Old Harry of the West' with my friend there, Dr.
Heaton. But we got gloriously whipped. Taylor was elected in
'48, and we fought nobly for Scott in '52. But now Douglas
snatches the robes of Clay and dubs me an abolitionist! How
do the principles of the two men agree? Clay always opposed
the rightfulness of slavery - Douglas always took the opposite, or kept mum. I can express all my views on the slavery
question by quotations from Henry Clay. Doesn't this look like
we are akin?
Douglas tries to make capital by charges of negro equality
against me. My speeches have been printed and before the
country for some time on this question, and Douglas knows the
utter falsity of such a charge. [To prove it Mr. L. read from a
speech of his at Peoria in '54 in reply to Douglas as follows ]
'Shall w-e free them and make them politically and socially
our equals? MAY OWN FEELINGS WILL NOT ADMIT OF THIS, and
if they would the feelings of the great mass of white people
would not. Whether this accords with strict justice or not is not
the sole question. A universal feeling, whether well or illfounded, cannot safely be disregarded. We cannot then make
them our equals.... When they remind us of their constitutional rights I acknowledge them fully and freely, and I would
give them any legislation for the recovery of their fugitives,
which would not be more likely, in the stringency of its provisions, to take a man into slavery than our ordinary oriminal laws
are to hang an innocent man.'
There is no reason in favor of sending slavery to Kansas that
might not be adduced in support of the African slave trade.
Each are demanded by the profitableness of the traffic thus
made in opening a new slave mart, and not from the rightfulness
of it. They are upon a common basis, and should be alike
condemned. The compromises of the constitution we must all
stand by, but where is the justness of extending the institution
to compete with white labor and thus to degrade it? Is it not
rather our duty to make labor more respectable by preventing
all black competition, especially in the territories? [Mr. L. then




OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN


191


read from another speech of his in '54, showing that Douglas
there attempted to gain the public favor by pandering to the
prejudices of the masses, in disregard of truth.] Negroes have
natural rights, however, as other men have, although they cannot enjoy them here, and even Taney once said that 'the Declaration of Independence was broad enough for all men.' But
though it does not declare that all men are equal in their attainments or social position, yet no sane man will attempt to
deny that the African upon his own soil has all the natural rights
that instrument vouchsafes to all mankind. It has proved a
stumbling block to tyrants, and ever will, unless brought into
contempt by its pretended friends. Dougrlas says no man can
defend it except on the hypothesis that it only referred to
British white subjects, and that no other white men are included - that it does not speak alike to the down trodden of all
nations - German, French, Spanish, etc., but simply meant
that the English were born equal and endowed by their Creator with certain natural or equal rights among which are life,
liberty and the pursuit of happiness, and that it meant nobody
else. Are Jeffersonian Democrats willing to have the gem taken
from the magna carta of human liberty in this shameful way?
Or will they maintain that its declaration of equality of natural
rights among all nations is correct?
Douglas pretends to be horrified at amalgamation, yet had he
not opened the way for slavery in Kansas, could there have been
any amalgamation there? If you keep the two races separate is
there any danger of amalgamation? Is not slavery the great
source of it? You know that Virginia has more mulattoes than
all the northern states! Douglas says he does not care whether
they vote slavery up or down in Kansas; then I submit it to
this audience which is the most favorable to amalgamation, he
who would not raise his finger to keep it out, or I who would
give my vote and use my lawful means to prevent its extension.
Clay and other great men were ever ready to express their
abhorrence of slavery - but we of the north dare not use his
noble language when he said, to force its perpetuation and extension you must muzzle the cannon that annually proclaims
liberty, and repress all tendencies in the human heart to justice




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and mercy We can no longer express our admiration for the
Declaration of Independence without their petty slncers. And
it is thus they are fast bringing that sacred instrument into
contempt. These men desire that slavery should be perpetual
and that we should not foster all lawful moves toward emancipation, and to gain their end they will endeavor to impress upon
the public mind that the negro is not human, and even upon his
own soil he has no rights which white men are bound to respect.
Douglas demands that we shall bow to all decisions. If the
courts are to decide upon political subjects, how long will it be
till Jefferson's fears of a political despotism are realized? He
denounces all opposed to the Dred Scott opinions, in disregard
to his former opposition to real decisions and the fact that he
got his title of Judge by breaking down a decision of our supreme
court. Hie has an object in these denunciations, and is it not
to prepare our minds for acquiescence in the next decision regarding slavery to exist in the States? If Douglas can make you
believe that slavery is a sacred right - if we are to swallow
Dred Scottism that the right of property in negroes is not confined to those states where it is established by local law - if by
special sophisms he can make you believe that no nation except
the English are born equal and are entitled to life, liberty, and
the pursuit of happiness, upon their own soil, or when they are
not constitutionally divested of the God-given rights to enjoy
the fruits of their own labor, then may we truly despair of the
universality of freedom, or the efficacy of those sacred principles
enunciated by our fathers - and give in our adhesion to the
perpetuation and unlimited extension of slavery.
EXTRACT FROM SPEECH AT GREENVILLE 1
September 13, 1858
Lincoln's itinerary took him to Greenville on Sunday, September 12. He remained overnight, and spoke at one o'clock
Monday afternoon. The editor of the 'Greenville Advocate'the same Jediah F Alexander who had invited Lincoln to the
town -apologized for the brevity of the following report on
1 Printed in the Greenville (Illinois) Advocate, September 16, 1858.




OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN


193


the ground that 'the circuit court is in session and we have not
time to write at length upon anything.'
In a most able manner did Mr. Lincoln clear up and refute
the charges that he was an Abolitionist, and an Amalgamationist, and in favor of placing negroes upon a social and political equality with the whites. He asserted positively, and
proved conclusively by his former acts and speeches that he
was not in favor of interfering with slavery in the states where
it exists, nor never has been. That he was not even in favor of
abolishing slavery in the District of Columbia unless a majority of the people of the district, should be in favor of it and
remuneration should be made to masters who might be unwilling
to give up their slaves without compensation, and even then he
would want it done gradually He also showed clearly what
nobody but the Democrats, deny, that slavery is a great, moral,
social and political evil, and was so looked upon by all the
fathers of the government - that the institution was considered a foul blot on the nation, which would at some future
day be removed. MIr. Lincoln said he had always believed as
the Fathers did that it would in the course of time be entirely
removed from our country, until the new policy of nationalizing
it had been set on foot. Since that time he had believed it
would either become alike lawful in all the States, or that
eventually, in God's own time and way, it would finally disappear. But whether it should ever become extinct or not, he
was in favor of livting up to all the guarantees of the Constitution. Whatever constitutional rights the slaveholders might
have, he was in favor of protecting them.
On the other hand, he was opposed to the new doctrine that
the Constitution carries slavery into all the Territories, and
protects it there against the wishes of the people. It had always, until latelv, been held that slavery was a creature of local
legislation, and did not legally exist anywhere, in the absence of
such legislation. Yet he admitted that practically it would exist
where there was no legislation in regard to it; that it had been
so planted wherever it has existed. That it would be taken into
new Territories and there permitted to remain, until legislation




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would become necessary to protect it; when such legislation
would be enacted, and it would thereby become legalized.
To MARTIN P. SWEET'
September 16, 1858
The Lincoln-Douglas debates constituted the great news
feature of the day. Reporters for papers all over the country
covered many of the meetings of the campaign, while the full
text of each of the seven debates, taken down in shorthand by
Robert R. Hitt, of the 'Chicago Press and Tribune,' and Henry
Binmore and James B. Sheridan, of the 'Chicago Times,' was
widely printed. Charges of misquoting were frequent - and
generally without foundation.
CENTRALIA Sept 16 1858
Hon M P Swceet
MY DEAR SIR
Yesterday Douglas and I met at Jonesboro. A very trifling
thing occurred which gives me a little uneasiness. I was, at
the suggestion of friends, putting in some resolutions and the
like of abolition caste, passed by Douglas friends, some time
ago, as a set-off to his attempts of a like character against me.
Among others I put the questions to T Campbell and his answers to them, in 1859 when you and he ran for Congress. As
my attention was divided, half lingering upon that case, and
half advancing to the next one, I mentioned your name, as
Campbell's opponent, in a confused sentence, which, when I
heard it myself, struck me as having something disparaging
to you in it. I instantly corrected it, and asked the reporters to
suppress it, but my fear now is that those villainous reporters
Douglas has with him will try to make something out of it. I do
not myself exactly remember what it was, so little connection
had it with any distinct thought in my mind, and I really hope
no more may be heard of it; but if there should, I write this to
assure you that nothing can be farther from me than to feel,
much less, intentionately say anything disrespectful to you.
1 Printed in facsimile in The World Today, xvi, 183.




OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN


195


I sincerely hope you may hear nothing of it except what I
have written.
Yours very truly,
A. LINCOLN.
In 1850, Thompson Campbell had defeated Martin P Sweet
for Representative from the Galena District. As regards Lincoln's fear that Binmore and Sheridan might make something
of his reference to Sweet, the printed text of the debate revealed it to be groundless.
To STEPHEN ARNOLD DOUGLAS I
September 20, 1858
On September 20, at Sullivan, occurred one of the few incidents that marred the high character of the campaign. Through
a misunderstanding, Lincoln's meeting was announced for two
o'clock, although Douglas, who was not scheduled to commence
until one, would still be speaking. Accordingly, Lincoln sent
the following note.
Understanding that Judge Douglas would speak before dinner, I announced that I would address our friends at Freeland's
Grove, at 2 P.M. As he does not begin till 1 o'clock, if he will
announce the fact, so that I can understand it, I will postpone
to 3 o'clock.
Douglas made the announcement, and Lincoln changed the
time of his meeting. Douglas was still speaking, however, when
Lincoln's supporters escorted him to the grove. The procession
passed the meeting, disturbed it, and a street fight was narrowly
averted.
ENDORSEMENT 2
September 25, 1858
On Saturday, September 25, in the midst of the campaign,
Lincoln returned to Springfield to spend the week-end with his
1 Original owned by William H. Townsend, Lexington, Kentucky
2 Printed in Nicolay, Personal Traits of Abraham Lincoln, p. 110.




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family In his mail was an express company envelope containing fifteen dollars. On the envelope he made the following notation.
September 25, 1858
This brought me fifteen dollars without any intimation as
to where it came from. It probably came from Mr. Patterson,
to whom I loaned this amount a few days ago.
LINCOLN.
VERSES TO ROSA AND LINNIE HAGGARD 1
September 28 and September 30, 1858
On the afternoon of September 28, Lincoln spoke at a large
barbecue held at Winchester, the county seat of Scott County.
He remained in town all the following day, and in the evening
spoke to a meeting in the courthouse. The next day, September
30, he left for Pittsfield, where he was scheduled to speak on
October 1
During his stay in Winchester, Lincoln stopped at the town
hotel, the Haggard House. In the proprietor's family were two
daughters. At their request Lincoln wrote the following verses
in their autograph books.
To Rosa -
You are young, and I am older;
You are hopeful, I am notEnjoy life, ere it grow colderPluck the roses ere they rot.
Teach your beau to heed the lay -
That sunshine soon is lost in shade -
That now's as good as any dayTo take thee, Rosa, ere she fade.
A. LINCOLN.
WINCHESTER, Sep. 28. 1858
1 Originals owned by Edward G. Miner, Rochester, New York.




OF ABRAHAM LlNCOLN


197


To LinnieA sweet plaintive song did I hear,
And I fancied that she was the singer
May emotions as pure as that song set a-stir
Be the worst that the future shall bring her.
A. LINCOLN.
WINCHESTER Sep. 30. 1858.
CONCLUSION OF SPEECH AT SPRINGFIELD 1
October 30, 1858
On Saturday, October 30, the final Republican meeting of the
campaign was held in Springfield. In spite of muddy roads,
several thousand enthusiastic visitors had arrived in town by
noon. The 'Illinois State Journal,' Springfield Republican
paper, described the speech which Lincoln made on this occasion 'At two o'clock, the vast multitude being congregated
around the stand, Mr. Lincoln began his speech. We have
neither time nor room to give even a sketch of his remarks today. Suffice it to sav, the speech was one of his very best efforts, distinguished for its clearness and force, and for the satisfactory manner in which he exposed the roorbacks and misrepresentations of the enemy The conclusion of this speech was
one of the most eloquent appeals ever addressed to the American
people.'
My friends, today closes the discussions of this canvass. The
planting and the culture are over; and there remains but the
preparation, and the harvest.
I stand here surrounded by friends - some political, all personal friends, I trust. May I be indulged, in this closing scene,
to say a few words of myself. I have borne a laborious, and, in
some respects to myself, a painful part in the contest. Through
all, I have neither assailed, nor wrestled with any part of the
constitution. The legal right of the Southern people to reclaim
their fugitives I have constantly admitted. The legal right of
Congress to interfere with their institution in the states, I have
1 Original owned by Oliver R. Barrett, Chicago, Illinois.




198


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constantly denied. In resisting the spread of slavery to new
territory, and with that, what appears to me to be a tendency to
subvert the first principle of free government itself my whole
effort has consisted. To the best of my judgment I have labored
for, and not against the Union. As I have not felt, so I have not
expressed any harsh sentiment towards our Southern brethren.
I have constantly declared, as I really believed, the only difference between them and us, is the difference of circumstances.
I have meant to assail the motives of no party, or individual;
and if I have, in any instance (of which I am not conscious) departed from my purpose, I regret it.
I have said that in some respects the contest has been painful
to me. Mhyself, and those with whom I act have been constantly
accused of a purpose to destroy the Union, and bespattered with
every imaginable odious epithet; and some who were friends,
as it were but yesterday have made themselves most active in
this. I have cultivated patience, and made no attempt at a
retort.
Ambition has been ascribed to me. God knows how sincerely
I prayed from the first that this field of ambition might not
be opened. I claim no insensibility to political honors, but
tod.at could the Missouri restriction be restored, and the whole
slavery question be replaced on the old ground of 'toleration'
by necessity where it exists, with unyielding hostility to the
spread of it, on principle, I would, in consideration, gladly agree,
that Judge Douglas should never be out, and I never in, an
office, so long as we both or either, live.
The foregoing brief address is taken from a manuscript in
Lincoln's handwriting Several considerations indicate that it
represents only a small part of what he said on this occasion.
Speaking almost daily, as he had for more than two months,
Lincoln probably would not have written out the body of his
remarks, though it would have been natural for him to write
out a few concluding paragraphs. The fact that the newspaper
account refers particularly to his conclusion, and gives no intimation that the speech was as extraordinarily brief as this document, leads one to think that this is only the concluding part.




OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN


199'i


That there was only one other speaker besides Lincoln, and
that the meeting lasted from two o'clock until six, strengthens
this belief.
TESTIMONIAL'
November 10, 1858
A few days after the election, Isaac Lawrence found Lincoln
in his office and obtained the following testimonial.
SPRINGFIELD, ILLs, Nov. 10. 1857.
Having hastily examined 'Larrance's Post-office Chart' and
considered the principle upon which it is arranged, I think it
will prove a great convenience to Post-Masters and others whose
business lead them to search out particular localities upon
maps.
A. LINCOLN
To SAMUEL C. DAVIS AND COMPANY 2
November 17, 1858
S. C. Davis and Company were wholesale merchants located
at St. Louis, Missouri. They did a large business in Illinois, and
employed Lincoln and Herndon to collect, through the United
States Court, their bad accounts in the central and southern
parts of the State.
SPRINGFIELD, Nov. 17 1858
Messrs S. C. Davih & Co
GENTLEMEN
You perhaps need not to be reminded how I have been personally engaged the last three or four months. Your letter to
Lincoln & Herndon, of Oct. 1st complaining that the lands of
those against whom we obtained judgements last winter for
you, have not been sold on execution has just been handed to
me today. I will try to 'explain how our' (your) 'interests have
been so much neglected,' as you choose to express it. After
those judgments were obtained we wrote you that under our
law, the selling of land on execution is a delicate and dangerous,
matter; that it could not be done safely, without a careful ex1 Photostat in Library of Congress.
2 Original owned by Emanuel Hertz, New York City



200


NEW LETTERS AND PAPERS


amination of titles, and also of the value of the property. Our
letters to you will show this. To do this would require a canvas
of half the State. We were puzzled, & you sent no definite instructions. At length we employed a young man to visit all the
localities, and make as accurate a report on titles and values as
he could. He did this, expending three or four weeks time, and
as he said, over a hundred dollars of his own money in doing so.
When this was done we wrote you, asking if we should sell and
bid in for you in accordance with this information. This letter
you never answered.
My mind is made up. I will have no more to do with this class
of business. I can do business in Court, but I can not, and will
not, follow executions all over the world. The young man who
collected the information for us is an active young lawyer living
at Carrolton, Greene County, I think. We promised him a
share of the compensation we should ultimately receive. He
must be somehow paid; and I believe you would do well to turn
the whole business over to him. I believe we have had, of legal
fees, which you are to recover back from the defendants, one
hundred dollars. I would not go through the same labor and
vexation again for five hundred, still, if you will clear us of Mr.
William Fishback (such is his name) we will be most happy to
surrender to him, or to any other person you may name.
Yours &c
A. Lincoln
To WILLIAM MEADE FISHBACK 1
December 19, 1858
William Meade Fishback was a young lawyer who had come
to Illinois from Richmond, Virginia, in the early part of 1858.
By the time this letter was written, however, he had removed to
Arkansas.
SPRINGFIELD, Dec. 19. 1858
Wm. Fishback, Esq
MY DEAR SIR.
Yours of the 1st to C. M. Smith, has been handed me to
answer. Soon after the political campaign closed here Messrs.
1 Original in possession of Louis F Fishback, Fort Smith, Arkansas.




OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN


201


S. C. Davis & Co wrote me rather complaining that lands had
not been sold upon their executions. I answered them, saying
it was their own fault, as they never answered after we informed
them of the work you had done. I also informed them that in
the future we would not follow executions, and requested them
to pay you for what you have already done, and transfer all
the business in our hands to you. They replied they would do
so; but by that time we had learned that you were gone. Very
reluctantly I had to write them that you were gone, and that
we must renew our effort to collect the money on their executions. And so we have pitched into it again. To my regret I find
that I have either lost one of your letters, or your researches did
not go so far as I thought. I find nothing about the case at
Browning in Schuvler County
We drew on S. C- Davis & Co for $100 and send you the proceeds.
Unless your prospects are flattering where you are, or your
health will not permit, I wish you would return and take charge
of this business. With the general chances of a young man, and
additional business of the same sort which we could from time
[to time] put in your hands, I feel confident you could make a
living.
Yours very truly
A. Lincoln
Fishback remained in Arkansas, and later became Governor
of that State. Lincoln and Herndon continued to represent
S. C. Davis and Company.
AUTOGRAPH INSCRIPTION 1
December 21, 1858
My young friend George Perrin Davis, has allowed me the
honor of being the first to write his name in this book. Bloomington, Dec. 21. 1858.
A. LINCOLN.
George Perrin Davis was a son of David Davis.
1 Facsimile in Illinois State Historical Library.




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LEGAL OPINION 1
December 30, 1858
Lincoln was in Bloomington attending the winter term of the
McLean Circuit Court when he wrote the following legal
opinion.
In the case of the Will of John Franklin, Sr. two points of
difficulty have arisen.
One is that eighty acres of land is bequeathed to Nelson N.
Franklin, upon condition that he pay in one year after the death
of the Testator, eight dollars per acre. It turns out that forty
acres of the land had previously been deeded to Nelson. I think
he is entitled to have the forty acres not previously deeded, on
paying eight dollars per acre for it, without paying anything for
the forty previously deeded.
The next difficulty is, that certain lands are bequeathed to
the widow during her life, and the same lands, and one hundred
& ten acres additional, are bequeathed to Wesley P. Franklin,
at the widows death, he paying the other heirs eight dollars
per acre. At what time does he get the one hundred and ten
acres? I think he is to have it at once, upon paying the eight
dollars per acre for it.
There is also a question outside of the Will, which is that some
of the minor children have, while living with the Testator, their
father, and by his consent and permission, accumulated some
personal property, as their own. The question is, do these children keep their respective parts of this property, independent of
the estate, or does it fall back into the estate? I think they are
to keep it independent of the estate.
I see nothing upon which I think the Will can be broken.
A. LINCOLN.
BLOOMINGTON Dec. 30. 1858.


1 Photostat in Illinois State Historical Library.




OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN


203


To MARIA L. BULLOCK 1
Januaty 3, 1859
'Cousin Charles Carr,' mentioned in the following letter, was
the son of an elder sister of Mrs. Lincoln's father, and therefore
a nephew of Mrs. Bullock.
SPRINGFIELD, ILLS, Jan. 3. 1859
DEAR AUNT
I have recently had two letters from our cousin Charles Carr,
in relation to your business. It annoys me to have to say that
I can not collect money now. I now believe the quickest way I
can get your money is for me to buy the debts of you, as soon as
I can get in any money of my own to do it with. I keep some
money loaned at ten per cent, and when I can get hold of some,
it would be a ready investment for me to just take these debts
off your hands; and I shall try to do so. I think it will be better
all round than to resort to the law. This does not apply to the
small debt of eighty odd dollars, upon which I shall sue and
foreclose the mortgage next court.
All well.
Yours as ever,
A. LINCOLN.
There is no record of the transfer of any of the Bullock mortgages to Lincoln.
FEE BILL AND LETTER TO NICHOLAS H. RIDGELY 2
May 26,1859
SPRINGFIELD, ILL., May 26, 1859.
Mr. N. H Ridgely:
To Lincoln & Herndon, Dr.
To services in the Gas Light Works and in defending the
same at Law vs. Gibson............ $500 00
Credit by cash............................. 50 00
$450 00
1 From a photostat in the possession of William H. Townsend, Lexington, Kentucky,
2 Printed in Illinois State Journal (Springfield), January 24, 1909.




204


NEW LETTERS AND PAPERS


DEAR SIR. We may want to draw on you or get the money
in a day or two. Your attention to this will much oblige.
LINCOLN & HERNDON.
CONTRACT WITI THEODORE CANISIUS '
May, 1859
During the fifties a large number of Germans immigrated to
the United States. Many of them settled in Illinois. They were
an intelligent group, and, wherever possible, established their
own schools and newspapers. One such paper was the Illinois
Staats-Anzeiger, published at Springfield by Theodore Canisius.
Canisius, however, had become indebted to one John Burkhardt, and had transferred to him the title to the property of
the paper Lincoln purchased control, and, in the following
instrument, came to an agreement with Canisius for the publication of the newspaper Lincoln, like other Republican leaders,
realized that the German vote would be a big factor in the election of 1860
This instrument witnesseth that the Printing-press, german
tyl)es &c purchased of John Burkhardt, belong to Abraham
Lincoln, that Theodore Canissius is to have immediate possession of them, and is to commence publishing in Springfield,
Illinois, a Republican newspaper, to be chiefly in the german
language, with occasional translations into English at his
option, the first number to issue in the ensuing month of June,
and to continue thenceforward issuing weekly or oftener, at the
option of said Canissius, he, said Canissius, bearing all expences, and charges, and taking all incomes and profits, said
paper, in political sentiment, not to depart from the Philadelphia and Illinois Republican platforms; and for a material
departure in that respect, or a failure of said paper to issue as
often as weekly, or any attempt to remove said press, types &c,
from Springfield, or to print with them any thing opposed to, or
designed to injure the Republican party, said Lincoln may, at
his option, at once take possession of said press, types &c, and
1 Original in Brown University Library, Providence, Rhode Island.




OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN


205


deal with them as his own. On the contrary, if said Canissius
shall issue a newspaper, in all things conformable hereto, until
after the Presidential election of 1860, then said press, types &c
are to be his property absolutely, not, however, to be used
against the Republican party; nor to be removed from Springfield without the consent of said Lincoln.
A. LINCOLN
TH CANISIUS
May 1859
Two copies of this contract were made, one for Lincoln and
one for Canisius. In both copies the body of the instrument is
the same. However, at the bottom of Lincoln's copy there is
the following sentence in pencil.
May 30. 1859 Jacob Bunn, bought the press, types &c. of
John Burkhardt, for me, and with my money
A. LINCOLN
Canisius faithfully carried out the obligations of the contract,
with the result that, on December 6, 1860, Lincoln, for a valid
consideration, conveyed to him the type, paper, and good will.
Soon afterward the paper was discontinued. Lincoln quickly
appointed Canisius United States Consul at Samoa.
To SALMON PORTLAND CHASE 1
June 9, 1859
Next to William H. Seward, probably the most prominent
leader of the Republican Party was Salmon P Chase. Entering
the United States Senate in 1849, he soon attracted attention by
his general ability and by his outspoken opposition to slavery.
In 1855, running as a Free Soil Democrat, he was elected Governor of Ohio. Two years later he was reelected, this time as a
Republican. He was still in office when the following letters
were written.
' Original in Historical Society of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania.




206


NEW LETTERS AND PAPERS


SPRINGFIELD, ILLS. June 9. 1859
Hon: S. P Chase:
DEAR SIR
Please pardon the liberty I take in addressing you, as I now
do. It appears by the papers that the late Republican State
convention of Ohio adopted a Platform, of which the following
is one plank, 'A repeal of the atrocious Fugitive Slave Law.'
This is already damaging us here. I have no doubt that if
that plank be even introduced into the next Republican National convention, it will explode it. Once introduced, its supporters and its opponents will quarrel irreconcilably. The
latter believe the U.S. constitution declares that a fugitive slave
'shall be delivered up'; and they look upon the above plank as
dictated by the spirit which declares a fugitive slave 'shall not
be delivercd up-'
I enter upon no argument one way or the other, but I assure
you the cause of Republicanism is hopeless in Illinois, if it be in
any way made responsible for that plank. I hope you can, and
will, contribute something to relieve us from it.
Your Obt. Servt.
A. LINcoLN.
To SALMON PORTLAND CHASE
June 20, 1859
SPRINGFIELD, ILLS. June 20, 1859
Hon S. P Chase
MY DEAR SIR
Yours of the 13th Inst. is received. You say you would be
glad to have my views. Although I think Congress has constitutional authority to enact a Fugitive Slave law, I have never
elaborated an opinion upon the subject. My view has been, and
is, simply this. The U.S. constitution says the fugitive slave
'shall be delivered up' but it does not expressly say who shall
deliver him up. Whatever the constitution says 'shall be done'
and has omitted saying who shall do it, the government established by that constitution, ex vi termini, is vested with the
1 Printed in facsimile in the Ohio Archaeological and Historical Quarterly, xxxn, no. 1,
pp. 31-32.




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From a photograph in the collection of Oliver R. Barrett








OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN


207


power of doing; and Congress is, by the constitution, expressly
empowered to make all laws which shall be necessary and proper
for carrying into execution all powers vested by the constitution
in the government of the United States. This would be my view,
on a simple reading of the Constitution; and it is greatly
strengthened by the historical fact that the constitution was
adopted, in great part, in order to get a government which
could execute its own behests, in contradistinction to that under
the Articles of Confederation, which depended in many respects,
upon the States, for its execution, and the other fact that one of
the earliest congresses, under the constitution, did enact a
Fugitive Slave law.
But I did not write you on this subject, with any view of discussing the constitutional question. My only object was to impress you with what I believe is true, that the introduction of a
proposition for repeal of the Fugitive Slave law, into the next
Republican National convention, will explode the convention
and the party. Having turned your attention to the point, I
wish to do no more.
Yours very truly
A. LINCOLN.
To FREDERICK C. W  KOEHNLE 1
July 11, 1859
Frederick C. W Koehnle was a young German who had come
to the United States in 1853. At the time this letter was written, he was an assistant in the office of the Logan County
Circuit Clerk at Lincoln, Illinois. He was an active Republican.
SPRINGFIELD, July 11. 1859
MY DEAR SIR
By this mail I send you a specimen copy of the new german
paper started here. I think you could not do a more efficient
service than to get it a few subscribers, if possible. I have sent
a copy to Capps at Pulaski.
Yours as ever
A. LINCOLN
1 Original in Henry E. Huntington Library.




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NEW LETTERS AND PAPERS


To D. T. JEWETT1
July 23, 1859
On July 14, 1859, Lincoln, with a party of state officials and
lawyers, started on a trip over the lines of the Illinois Central
Railroad. The men took their families with them, and combined
business - the assessment of the road's property - with
pleasure. The trip lasted nine days.
SPRINGFIELD, July 23. 1859
D. T. Jewetf, Esq
DEAR SIR:
After an absence of nine days I reached home last evening and
found yours of the 20th. I find Judge Treat has decided in your
favor, rendering judgment for $517.00 & costs. You will have
to advance the cost before execution will issue. So says the
clerk.
Yours truly
A. LINCOLN.
The case to which Lincoln referred was Whiting rs Mudge,
tried in the United States Court at Springfield. Jewett represented the plaintiff, Lincoln, Logan and Gillespie the defendant.
It terminated July 11, 1859 with a judgment of $517.41 against
the defendant.
REPORT OF SPEECH AT DAYTON 2
September 17, 1859
Early in September, Lincoln accepted invitations to speak at
Columbus and Cincinnati on September 16 and 17. He intended to make no other addresses than these, but having to
wait for several hours at Dayton for a train connection, he was
urged to speak so insistently that refusal was impossible. For
two hours, in the afternoon, he held forth at the courthouse.
I Original in Library of Yale University, New Haven, Connecticut.
2 From the Weekly Dayton Journal of September 20, 1859, reprinted in Ohio Archleological and Historical Quarterly, xxx, no. 1, pp. 64-65.




OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN


209


Mr. Lincoln directed the greater part of his speech to demonstrate the falsity of the assumption contained in the question in
Senator Douglas' magazine essay, by which he seeks to make
the framers of this government consider slavery a desirable
feature in the material out of which the Union was formed.
Mr. Lincoln met this assumption by a condensed statement
of the facts in the history of the government, going to show that
the framers of the government found slavery existing when the
constitution was formed, and got along with it as well as they
could in accomplishing the Union of the States, contemplating
and expecting the advent of the period when slavery in the
United States should no longer exist.
He referred to the limitation of the time for the continuance
of the slave trade, by which the supply of slaves should be cut
off - to the fact that the word slave does not occur in the constitution, for the reason given at the period of its formation,
that when, in after times, slavery should cease to exist, no one
should know from the language of the constitution itself, that
slavery had ever existed in the United States. We cannot attempt to follow Mr Lincoln in his statement of facts and argument in exposing the false assumption of Senator Douglas. but
Mr Lincoln showed conclusively that instead of desiring that
we should have a Union made up of free and slave States, as a
sort of happy admixture of political elements, the framers of our
government regarded the removal of slavery as only a question
of time, and that at some day, not far distant, the people among
whom it existed would get rid of it.
Mr Lincoln referred to the assertion of Mr Douglas that the
Ordinance of 1787 had never made a free State, and that Ohio
had been made free solely by the action of its own people. MAlr
Lincoln spoke of the difficulty of getting rid of slavery wherever
it gained a foothold. He spoke of the trouble which encompassed the formation of a free constitution in the territory
where there were slaves held as property, and attributed the
untrammelled action of the Convention which framed the
Constitution of Ohio in 1802 to the fact that the Ordinance of
1787 had prohibited the ingress of slaves, and so had relieved
the question of a free constitution of all embarrassment.




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In connection with the action of the people of Ohio, Mr.
Lincoln referred to what is said of the influence of climate and
soil in inviting slave labor to agricultural pursuits. He contended that the soil and climate of Ohio were just as favorable
to the employment of slave labor as were the soil and climate of
Kentucky. And yet without the Ordinance of 1787 Kentucky
was made a slave state, and with the Ordinance Ohio was
made a free state.
Mr. Lincoln closed with an eloquent defense of the rights of
free labor. The free white men had a right to claim that the
new territories into which they and their children might go to
seek a livelihood should be preserved free and clear of the incumbrance of slavery, and that no laboring white man should
be placed in a position where, by the introduction of slavery
into the territories, he would be compelled to toil by the side of
a slave.
'Wnhen Mr. Lincoln had closed,' said the 'Dayton Journal,'
'three cheers were given, and he left for Cincinnati on the 4
o'clock train.' That his speech was effective is evident from the
comment of the 'Dayton Daily Empire,' Democratic in its
sympathies. 'Mr. Lincoln is a very seductive reasoner,' that
paper stated, 'and his address although a network of fallacies
and false assumptions throughout, was calculated to deceive
almost any man, who would not pay very close attention to
the subject, and keep continually on the guard.'
REPORT OF SPEECH AT INDIANAPOLIS 1
September 19, 1859
While at Cincinnati, where he remained over Sunday, the
18th, Lincoln accepted an invitation to address a meeting at
Indianapolis on his return trip to Springfield. On Monday
afternoon he reached that city, and at once took rooms at the
American House. The meeting at which he spoke was held in
the evening at Masonic Hall. 'Mr. Lincoln spoke nearly two
hours,' said the 'Indianapolis Daily Atlas,' 'and was frequently
1 Printed in the Indianapolis (Indiana) Daily Atlas, September 20, 1859.




OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN


211


interrupted by cheers and laughter. At the close of his remarks, he sat down amid great applause.'
Mr Lincoln addressed the people as 'Fellow citizens of the
State of Indiana,' and said:
He now, for the first time in his life, appeared before a large
audience in Indiana. Appearing at the capital of this now great
State, and traveling through a good portion of it in coming
from Cincinnati, had combined to revive his recollection of the
earlier years of his life. Away back in the fall of 1816, when he
was in his eighth year, his father brought him over from the
neighboring State of Kentucky, and settled in the State of
Indiana, and he grew up to his present enormous height on our
own good soil of Indiana. [Laughter] The scenes he passed
through to-day are wonderfully different from the first scenes
he witnessed in the State of Indiana, where he was raised, in
Spencer county, on the Ohio river. There was an unbroken
wilderness there then, and an axe was put in his hand, and with
the trees and logs and grubs he fought until he reached his
twentieth year
He expected the people came to hear something about politics. It was almost impossible for him to speak of politics without associating Judge Douglas with it. He hoped he would be
permitted to take, among the range of political topics, the same
that Judge Douglas took, if he spoke here while stopping on his
way to Chicago, or the one he would have chosen. He knew his
Democratic friends thought a Republican speaker could not
speak of anything but the negro. He would ask if they ever heard
their leader talk of anything else in the past few years of
his political career. He did not hesitate to enter upon this subject. There were so many points rising out of that single topic,
in the range that it has taken, that he could give but a very
small portion of it.
Some time during the last canvass, he had expressed the
opinion that this government of ours cannot 'endure permanently, half slave and half free; that a house divided against
itself cannot stand'; that some time after, Governor Seward, of
New York, in a speech of his, expressed the same opinion in




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different language. These expressions of opinion had given very
great offense to Judge Douglas. Ile had denounced them as
heresy, a fatal heresy. How it is fatal, or in what way fatality
is to come out of it, the Judge had not said. Still he had denounced it as a heresy, and rung a great many changes on it.
Among other things, he asked, 'why cannot this government
endure forever, part free, part slave, as the original framers of
the constitution made it?' He would take this as one of the
topics on which to speak to his audience.
There was no falsehood absolutely in that question. Perhaps
it was hardly to be said that a man can very well utter a falsehood in putting an interrogatory But he insisted in the first
place, that there was couched in that interrogatory the assumptton of a falsehood. It was true that our fathers made this
government, and that when it was made it was part slave and
part free. But the assumption of the interrogatory is, that our
fathers made the government part free and part slave from
choice - that they had chosen to make it so because they
thought a government thus made, was the best that could be
made. Of choice they made it part free and part slave. That
was the assumption of the interrogatory, and he would try to
prove it untrue. It was not the judgment of the framers of the
Constitution, that it was best that the States should be part
free and part slave. There was no provision made for peopling
one portion of the States with slaves. There was no place
spoken of where slaves could be got. There was no provision
made in the Constitution, that the African slave trade should
ever be suppressed - that it should be repealed. There was a
total silence on that question. There is a misunderstanding
with some people on this subject.
It was his opinion that our fathers did expect Congress to
prohibit the slave trade in twenty years. They made a provision
in the constitution by which they prohibited them from doing
so prior to the expiration of twenty years. The language is the
migration or importation of such persons as the States shall see
fit to admit shall not be prohibited, but a certain tax might be
levied on such importation. None of the States then existing
should be prohibited for twenty years. But what was to be




OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN


213


done after that time? The Constitution is silent about that.
There is absolutely nothing said about it - the framers of the
Constitution expected that the slave trade would be abolished
before that time, owing to public sentiment - nothing was said
about new States - it had reference to the then existing States.
All the States had slavery, with one exception - some, so small
an amount as not to feel it, and others quite a large amount.
All the States of the South had a considerable amount of slavery
in them. The trade of importing slaves was carried on Ly the
commerce of those States where the small amount of slavery
existed. It was so carried on that the whole government had an
interest invested in some way or other. The Southern people
were cultivating their soil with slaves, and it was in deference to
that state of things that the framers of the Constitution put in
the provision, that Congress should not prohibit that trade
until after the expiration of twenty years.
The ordinance of 1787 was passed simultaneously with the
making of the Constitution of the United States. It prohibited
the taking of slavery into the North-western Territory, consisting of Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Michigan and Wisconsin.
There was nothing said in the Constitution relative to the
spread of slavery in the Territories, but the same generation of
men said something about it in this ordinance of '87, through
the influence of which you of Indiana, and your neighbors in
Ohio, Illinois, Wisconsin and Michigan, are prosperous, free
men. That generation of men, though not to the full extent
members of the Convention that framed the Constitution, were
to some extent members of that Convention, holding seats, at
the same time in one body and the other, so that if there was
any compromise in either of these subjects, the strong evidence
is, that that compromise was in favor of the restriction of slavery from the new Territories. Our fathers who made the government, made the ordinance of 1787.
Under the control of this same generation of men, in 1802,
the first portion of this North-Western Territory sought admission into the Union. An enabling act was passed by Congress to enable Ohio to make a Constitution and come into
the Union in accordance with the ordinance of 1787. Congress




9214


NEW LETTERS AND PAPERS


composed of the same generation of men that framed the Constitution, enabled Ohio to make a State Constitution, provided
it was not repugnant to this ordinance. The same process was
gone through when Indiana applied for admission. Then followed Illinois and Wisconsin. In the case of Michigan there
was no enabling act. Indiana, in her territorial condition, more
than once petitioned Congress to abrogate the ordinance entirely, or at least to so far suspend its operation for a time, in
order that they should exercise the 'popular sovereignty' of
having slaves if they wanted them. The men then controlling
the government refused Indiana that privilege - so, had it not
been for the ordinance of '87, Indiana would have been a slave
State, and all the other States included in the North-Western
Territory. Thus, down through a period of sixty years, until
the last inch of that Territory came into the Union, the prohibition of slavery was religiously adhered to.
That the fathers of this government did not make it part
slave and part free to remain permanently so, he would bring
forward a few facts tending to show a reasonable and unbiassed
mind, that it was expected at that time that the institution of
slavery would gradually come to an end. If they intended
it to endure forever, why did they hedge it into its then existent
limits. There is nothing said about it in the Constitution. The
word slave or slavery is not mentioned in it. This was very
singular if it was the intention that slavery should become a
permanent institution. It was his opinion that the whole subject was left out by design - it was not done by accident but
by design - as every one could see the framers of the Constitution expected that the institution would die. Some of
them declared it as their desire that it should. Nothing should
be left on the face of the Constitution to tell that there had
ever been slavery in the land. If this were so, then we had the
fact established, that our fathers made the government contrary to the manner in which Judge Douglas said it was done.
The assumption of his interrogatory was false in truth and in
fact.
No one of Judge Douglas's propositions was with the ordinance of '87. He had repeatedly asserted that Congressional




OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN


215


interference never did make any State a free State, and that if
Ohio was a free State, it was made free on his great principle of
'popular Sovereignty.' While a Territory, a portion of the
people of Indiana asked Congress to suspend the ordinance of
1787, but Congress refused to do so. The people wanted to
exercise the principle of popular sovereignty, and chafed at the
barrier of the ordinance of '87, but that ordinance kept slavery
out of their limits and made Indiana a free State. There was
no difficulty in introducing slaves into Kentucky if the people
wished, but it is a hard job to get them out of it. When the
Kentuckians chose to form the Constitution, they had the embarrassing circumstances of slavery among them - they were
not a free people to make their Constitution. The people of
Indiana had no such embarrassment, but would have had, had
not slavery been kept away by the ordinance of '87.
The general course of the river Ohio, from the eastern boundary of the State of Ohio, was very nearly southwest - perhaps
a little more west than south. The northeastern part of
Kentucky, and the western part of Virginia, are considered
north of that portion of Ohio where Cincinnati is, and still
farther north of the southern portions of this State and Illinois.
Now, it so happens that the country south of the Ohio is slave,
and the country north, free. What caused this? Judge Douglas
says that the ordinance of '87 did not do it. If not, what did?
There is no difference in soil nor in climate. He never heard that
the left bank of the Ohio was more favorable to slavery than the
right. It could not be because the people had worse hearts.
They were as good as we of the North - the same people.
There was some other reason. You could light upon nothings in
the whole range of conjecture, save and except that the ordinance of '87, in the incipient stages, kept it out of the country
north of the Ohio, and no law kept it out of Kentucky and the
South. It was not the great principle of popular sovereignty.
In 1810 there was a little slavery in Illinois and a little in
Missouri. The two States ran along together, getting ready to
form a State Constitution until 1820. Each one of them had a
few slaves. When they were ready to come into the Union, they
had not kept parallel on the subject of slavery. In Illinois it




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had decreased, while in Missouri the number of slaves had
increased to 10,000. Missouri came in as a slave State and
Illinois as a free State. The two States are to a certain extent
in the same parallel of latitude, at least the northern half of
Missouri and the southern half of Illinois are in the same latitude, so that the climate would have the same effect on one as
the other, and in the soil there is no material difference as far
as bears upon the question of slavery being settled upon one or
the other. There were no natural causes to make a difference in
the filling up of the two States, yet there was - what was the
cause of that difference?
It is most natural to say, that in Missouri there was no law to
keep that country from filling up with slaves, while in Illinois
there was the ordinance of 1787. The ordinance being there,
slavery decreased during that ten years - not being in the
other, it increased from a few to ten thousand. The proposition
of Judge Douglas, that the ordinance of '87, or the national
restriction of slavery never had a tendency to make a Free
State, was not true - it had not the semblance of truth about
it. Douglas had sometimes said, that all the States that have
become free, have become so on his great principle. There was
not a single free State in the Union but what had a national
prohibition of slavery in it when it came into the Union. He
wanted to know where the 'great principle of popular sovereignt' had made a free State? Several free States had come
into the Union since the original thirteen - and they had all
come in with the national prohibition of slavery over them
during their existence as Territories. All the States south of the
Ohio and the Missouri compromise had come into the Union
as slave States. The ordinance of '87 did not apply to them.
They could make use of the 'great principle of popular sovereignty.' Kansas will come in as a free State, not because of
popular sovereignty, but because the people of the North are
making a strong effort in her behalf. But Kansas is not in vet.
Popular sovereignty has not made a single free State in a run
of seventy or eighty years.
He said it was agreed, on every hand, that labor was the great
source from which all our comforts and necessaries were de



OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN


217


rived. There is a difference of opinion among political economists, about the elements of labor in society. Some men say
that there is a necessary connection between labor and capital,
and this connection draws within it the whole of the labor of the
community. They assume that nobody works unless capital
excites them to work. They say there are but two ways: the
one is to hire men, and to allow them to labor by their own consent; the other is to buy the men and drive them to it, and that
is slavery Assuming that, they proceed to discuss the question
of whether the laborers themselves are better off in the condition
of slaves or of hired laborers. They generally decide that they
are better off as slaves. They have no responsibility on them
then, and when they get old, thev are taken care of. In the State
of Indiana, of all that is produced, seven-eighths of it is produced
by the hands of men who work upon their own ground, and no
more than one-eighth is produced by hired men. The condition
of the hired man was not worse than that of the slave.
The speaker himself had been a hired man twenty-eight
years ago- He didn't think he was worse off than a slave He
might not be doing as much good as he could, but he was
now working for himself. He thought the whole thing was a
mistake. There was a certain relation between capital and
labor, and it was proper that it existed. Men who were industrious and sober, and honest in the pursuit of their own
interests, should after a while accumulate capital, and after
that should be allowed to enjoy it in peace, and if they chose,
when they had accumulated capital, to use it to save themselves
from actual labor and hire other people to labor for them, it was
right. They did not wrong the man they employed, for they
found men who have not their own land to work upon or shops
to work in, and who were benefitted by working for them as
hired laborers, receiving their capital for it.
If a hired laborer worked as a true man, he saved means to
buy land of his own, a shop of his own, and to increase his
property - For a new beginner, this was the true, genuine
principle of free labor. A few men that own capital, hire others,
and thus establish the relation of capital and labor rightfully.
The hired laborer, with his ability to become an employer,




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NEW LETTERS AND PAPERS


must have every precedence over him who labors under the inducement of force.
Judge Douglas' popular sovereignty, as a principle, was
simply this: If one man choose to make a slave of another man,
neither that other man or anybody else has a right to object.
Applied in government, as he seeks to apply it, and it was this
- if, in a new Territory, into which a few people are beginning
to enter, they choose to either exclude or to establish it there,
however one or the other may affect the persons to be enslaved,
or the greater number of persons who are to inhabit that Territory, there is no power or right to interfere. This is the application of Douglas' popular sovereignty. Douglas thinks slavery
so insignificant that the people must decide that question for
themselves, though they are not fit to decide who shall be their
officers. Planting slavery is a small matter, in his estimation,
and nobody ought to be allowed to say anything about it.
He thought that there was a feature in connection with
Judge Douglas's Popular Sovereignty, that was more dangerous
than anything else, that was not generally observed. That was
the debauching of public sentiment. The maxims he taught in
regard to the institution of slavery, and by relative operation
upon the principle of liberty itself, were more pernicious than
anything else. The Judge said he did not care whether slavery
was voted up or voted down. That was as much as to say, that
he does not believe it to be wrong. This was not the opinion
held by the good men of the Revolution of it. It was not the
expressed opinion of Mr. Jefferson. Douglas don't care whether
slavery goes up or down. He tells us that the Declaration of
Independence never meant negroes, and not only does he tell
us so, but every follower joins in and says that the Declaration
does not apply to negroes. The speaker asked any Democrat
present, if he would have the boldness to say that the Declaration did not include negroes as well as whites? [Here Mr Lincoln looked hard at Gov. Willard, who was sitting in front of
him.] He never heard any one say so, and he had asked thousands. No President had ever said so - no head of any department, nor a member of Congress.
And yet you allow this man to debauch public sentiment




OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN


219


among you. You have taken the negro out of the catalogue of
man, when you had not thought of such a thing five years ago.
Five years ago no living man expressed the opinion that the
negro had no share in the Declaration of Independence. But
within that space Douglas had got his entire party, almost
without exception, to join in saying that the negro has no share
in the Declaration. The tendency of that change, that debauchery in public sentiment is to bring the public mind to the
conclusion that when white men are spoken of, the negro is not
meant, and when negroes are spoken of, brutes alone are contemplated. That change had already depressed the black man
in the estimation of Douglas himself, and the negro was thus
being debased from the condition of a man of some sort to that
of a brute.
Douglas had declared that in all contests between the negro
and the white man, he was for the white man, but that in all
contests between the negro and the crocodile, he was for the
negro [laughter]. He (Douglas) had made the remark a great
many times in the canvass in Illinois. It was a deliberate way of
expressing himself on that subject. The first inference from
this remark, seemed to the speaker to be that you are wronging
the white man in some way or other, and that whoever is opposed to the negro being enslaved is in some way opposed to the
white man. That was not true. If there were any conflict between the white man and negro, he [the speaker] would be for
the white man as much as Douglas. There was no such conflict.
The mass of white men were injured by the effect of slave labor
in the neighborhood of their own labor.
The next inference is, that there is a conflict between the
negro and the crocodile. The speaker did not think there was
any such struggle. He supposed that if a crocodile (or alligator,
as the broad horn men on the Ohio river used to term it), came
across a white man, he would kill him if he could! And so he
would a negro. The proposition amounted to something like
this - as the negro is to the white man, so is the crocodile to the
negro, and as the negro may treat the crocodile as a beast or
reptile, so the white man may treat the negro as a beast or reptile. [Laughter and applause.] That was what it amounted to.




220


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REPORT OF SPEECH AT BELOIT 1
October 1, 1859
On September 30, 1859, Lincoln spoke before the Wisconsin
Agricultural Society at Milwaukee, Wisconsin. His address,
which the newspapers described as 'dignified and impressive,'
was not political in character His reputation as a political
speaker, however, was such that he was forced to speak three
times upon 'the topics of the day' before leaving Wisconsin.
On the evening of September 30, Lincoln made an impromptu
political address at the Newhall House in Milwaukee. On the
following (lay he spoke at Beloit. A large crowd greeted him at
the depot when he arrived at noon, and a band escorted his
carriage to the Bushnell House. An open-air meeting had been
planned, but stormy weather made an indoor meeting necessary. 'At two o'clock Hanchett's Hall was packed to hear the
address.'
He [Lincoln] opened with a statement of the different positions taken by the different political parties of the country. He
named four existing democratic parties, or, rather, sub-divisions
of the great Democratic party. These were united on one point,
viz. their opposition to the Republican organization and to
Republican principles. At the South, the hostility to organization proceeded, in a great measure, from ignorance and misapprehension of the principles and aims of that organization. -
The Democratic leaders there sedulously strive, by misrepresentation and falsehood, to produce the impression that the Republicans desire to meddle with their existing institutions.
Mr Lincoln then went on to state the real position of the
Republican party. Its underlying principle is hatred to the
institution of Slavery; hatred to it in all its aspects, moral,
social, and political. This is the foundation of the Republican
party - its active, life-giving principle. The expression, by
words and deeds, of this hatred to Slavery, is the policy of the
party, and this expression, is, and should be, made in every
legitimate, Constitutional way. With Slavery in the States they


1 Printed in the Beloit (Wisconsin) Journal, October 5, 1859.




OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN


2.21


had nothing to do; but when it attempts to overleap its present
limits, and fasten itself upon free territory, they would resist
and force it back. This, he said, was what the Republican
party was now trying to do. On this point he clashed with the
popular sovereignty doctrine, and accordingly, he proceeded to
pay his respects to the author of that stupendous humbug.
This he did in a way that must have convinced every candid
man in the audience of the emptiness of his arguments, and of
the baneful results of the adoption of Douglas' policy by the
National government. First, as to the working of the popular
sovereignty principle. In no single case had it, when left free to
work out its own legitimate results, brought into the Union a
Free State. Every Free State which has been carved out of
territory belonging to the United States, and has been received
into the Union since the compact was formed between the
original thirteen, had been, at some time during its territorial
existence, subject to a prohibition of slavery. In the states
formed out of the Northwestern territory, it was prohibited by
the Ordinance of '87, in the Free States formed out of the
Louisiana purchase by the Missouri compromise, and in California, by the Missouri compromise, and by Mexican laws. In
every territory where slavery had, in accordance with popular
sovereignty, obtained a foothold, it had maintained its position
after the state organization. Kansas would probably be the
first instance of a free state's being formed under the auspices of
popular sovereignty. In this case, freedom was secured at the
expense of a civil war
The cause of this uniform result is this: Suppose that onefifth of the inhabitants of a territory are slaves, and it is proposed to form a State Constitution. The question of course
arises of Slavery or no Slavery? Before a prohibition is decided
upon, several other questions are to be settled relative to the
disposition of the slaves already in the territory One man
thinks that it is unjust to deprive a man of his lawful property at
all, and all differ as to the means by which the difficulty shall be
removed. The result of their disagreement will be, that the
institution is permitted to remain undisturbed.
Slavery may thus be introduced into and retained upon terri



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tory where a large majority of the population are decidedly
opposed to it. The practical difficulty in the way of removing
the curse overbalances their aversion to it in principle, and in
its practical effects upon the prosperity of the country. Mr
Lincoln proceeded to speak of the demoralizing tendency of a
general prevalence of Douglas' doctrines in the country. Mr
Douglas takes it for granted that slavery is not a moral wrong.
To him it is a matter of indifference whether it is 'voted up or
voted down.' Of course, then, if he makes any pretence to morality, he considers that no moral question is involved. It is
right and necessary at the south, he says and he sneers at the
idea of an 'irrepressible conflict' between negro bondage and human freedom. 'They are an inferior race.' 'Between the white
man and the negro, he goes for the white man, but between
the negro and the crocodile, he goes for the negro.' These
are Douglas' sentiments. The man who expresses such sentiments as these can see no moral wrong in slavery But if it
is morally right below the line of 36~ 30', it must be above.
Questions of abstract right and wrong cannot be questions of
locality. But slavery is unprofitable at the north, Mr. Douglas
says, but this is no reason for its prohibition. - Cotton cannot
be profitably grown at the north; but who ever thought of
State enactments forbidding the raising of cotton for such a
reason?
The natural result of a general belief in such doctrines would
be the ultimate establishment of slavery in every State of the
Union.
The orator then went on to prove the identity of the Republican principles with those of the Fathers of the Republic. This
he did most satisfactorily, citing in proof the passage of the
Ordinance of '87, and the refusal several times of the Federal
Legislature to grant the petition of a majority of the inhabitants
of the territory of Indiana for liberty to hold slaves in that
territory. Innumerable other cases might be cited to prove the
same point. If twelve good sound democrats could be found in
the county of Rock, he would put them on oath as a jury. He
would bring his evidence in form of depositions in a court, and
wring from them the verdict that the Republicans hold to the




OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN


223


same principles which Washington, Jefferson, Adams, Madison
and their compeers held.
Mr Lincoln closed with an eloquent passage from Mr. Clay,
pointing out, with prophetic voice, the ruin which the adoption
by the people of such principles as Douglas advocates would
bring upon the country, and denouncing, in terrible language,
the authors of such a change of public policy.
'Mr Lincoln makes no attempt at rhetorical display,' said
the 'Beloit Journal,' 'but in his simple unpretentious manner,
he brings out his arguments with great clearness and force. He
was repeatedly applauded while speaking, and as he closed, the
audience gave three rousing cheers for Abraham Lincoln.'
FRAGMENT OF SPEECH AT JANESVILLE 1
October 1, 1859
The news that Lincoln was to speak at Beloit soon spread
to the neighboring town of Janesville. A committee at once
departed to invite him to speak at Janesville that evening. He
accepted.
In addition to a brief report of his address, the 'Janesville
Gazette' gave its readers a fresh, vivid picture of Lincoln as a
speaker. 'Many present saw Mr. Lincoln for the first time, and
as his person is tall, lean and wiry, his complexion dark, his
physiognomy homely, and his phrenological developments being
peculiar, he attracted much attention. His style of oratory is
plain and unpretending and his gesticulations sometimes
awkward.... Whatever unfavorable opinion any person in the
audience may at first have formed of Mr. Lincoln's ability as
an orator soon vanishes, and the power of the high order of
intellect which he undoubtedly possesses, makes itself felt, not
only while the speech is being delivered, but afterwards. His
speeches are not easily forgotten, and we doubt not that all his
audience that heard him through, still remember his points and
his hits, and will do so for many a day; and that they still
1 Printed in the Janesville (Wisconsin) Gazette, October 4, 1859.




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have a vivid recollection of that tall, gaunt form, stooping over
towards his hearers, his countenance full of humor or frowning
with scorn, as he lays bare to the gaze of the audience the ridiculous positions of Douglas or withers with his pungent sarcasm the false positions of the believers in popular sovereignty.'
He enquired why slavery existed on one side of the Ohio river
and not on the other? Why did we find that institution in Kentucky, and not in Ohio? There was very little difference in the
soil or the climate, and the people on one side of the line loved
liberty as well as on the other The northern portion of Kentucky was opposite free territory, while the southern portions
of Ohio, Indiana and Illinois, had for neighbors states in which
slavery existed. Indiana while a territory had petitioned congress three times to allow them to introduce slavery, while
slavery actually existed in Illinois when she was admitted as a
free state. It was apparent that some of the people wanted
slavery. MIr Lincoln said that there could be no other reason
than that it was prohibited by congress. If it had been left to
the people, as proposed by Mr Douglas, a few slaves would
have found a place there - if ten thousand had been admitted
into Ohio while she was a territory, many questions would have
been presented that would have been embarrassing, which
would not have perplexed the people if slaverv had been prohibited by congress - the question would have come up, what
shall we do with these ten thousand slaves? Shall we make
them free and destroy property which people supposed they
possessed? If they abolished slavery what would thery do with
the negroes? And so forth. These questions would be troublesome and difficult to decide. The power of this amount of
property in the hands of wealthy and educated men, who
would most likely own the slaves, would in the end prevail and
slavery would be established, whereas if congress had prohibited it until the state constitution was about to be formed,
slavery and freedom would start upon an equal platform, and
without the embarrassing questions named - freedom in this
case would prevail and slavery would be prohibited. Slavery
comes gradually into territory where it is not prohibited with



OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN


out notice, and without alarming the people, until having
obtained a foothold, it cannot be driven out.
Thus we see that in all the new states where slavery was not
prohibited, it was established. In Kentucky, Tennessee, AMississippi, Alabama, Louisiana, Arkansas and Missouri, the principle
of popular sovereignty prevailed - congress permitted the
people to establish the institution of slavery if they pleased.
In all these instances, where they had their choice, slavery
had been introduced; but, on the contrary, in all the new states,
where slavery had been prohibited, and where popular sovereignty had no choice until state constitutions were formed the
states have prohibited slavery in their constitutions, such
was the case in Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Michigan, Wisconsin,
Iowa, California and Minnesota. In California, it had been
prohibited by the old Mexican law, which was not abrogated
before California became a state. Minnesota was a territory
five years after the Missouri compromise was repealed, but
commenced its settlement with a congressional restriction
against slavery.
It is therefore evident, if the principle of popular sovereignty
becomes the settled policy of the country, that slavery will have
a great advantage over freedom, and the history of the country
proves this to be true.
Mr Lincoln said that he had failed to find a man who five
years ago had expressed it his belief that the declaration of
independence did not embrace the colored man. But the public
mind had become debauched by the popular sovereignty dogma
of Judge Douglas. The first step down the hill is the denial of
the negro's rights as a human being. The rest comes easy.
Classing the colored race with brutes frees from all embarrassment the idea that slavery is right if it only has the endorsement of the popular will. Douglas has said that in a conflict
between the white man and the negro, he is for the white man;
but in a conflict between the negro and the crocodile, he is for
the negro. Or the matter might be put in this shape- As the
white man is to the negro, so is the negro to the crocodile!
(Applause and laughter.) But the idea that there was a conflict
between the two races, or that the freedom of the white man was




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insecure unless the negro was reduced to a state of abject slavery, was false and that as long as his tongue could utter a word
he would combat that infamous idea. There was room for all
races and as there was no conflict so there was no necessity of
getting up an excitement in relation to it.
In the foregoing extract, said the 'Gazette,' 'we have thrown
out only a few of the ideas broached by Mr. Lincoln, and these
not in his own words. We have entirely omitted all mention of
the opening part of his speech which related to the position of
the two parties on the slavery question. He spoke about an
hour and a half.'
To WILLIAM MARTIN DICKSON 1
October 17, 1859
While in Cincinnati, Lincoln had met William Martin Dickson, who, seven years earlier, had married Annie Marie Parker,
a first cousin of Mrs. Lincoln. Dickson was well known in Ohio
Republican circles. Early in 1859, Governor Chase had appointed him Judge of the Common Pleas Court of Hamilton
County to fill an unexpired term. He retired from this office on
November 7, 1859, and took up again his private law practice.
SPRINGFIELD, Oct. 17. 1859
lion. W. Al. Dickson
MY DEAR SIR
Well, the election in Ohio is over; and there is nothing to
regret but the loss of Cincinnati & Hamilton county. Pecuniarily, I suppose it is better for you to be remitted to the bar. The
general result in the state - and in the other states - is, indeed, glorious. Now, let our friends bear, and forbear, and not
quarrel over the spoils.
We were very glad to learn by your letter that your children
were through the danger of Scarlet fever. Tell Cousin Annie
that her Cousin Ann, here, now has it among her children.
1 Photostat in Library of Congress.




OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN


227


Otherwise the relations here are well. Give our love [to] Uncle
Dr. Parker, and particularly to our Republican Aunt.
Yours very truly
A. LINCOLN
The 'Cousin Annie' to whom Lincoln referred was Mrs.
Dickson, and Dr Parker was her father. 'Cousin Ann' was
Mrs. C. M. Smith of Springfield, one of Mrs. Lincoln's sisters.
To JESSE A. PICKRELL 1
November 3, 1859
Though not optimistic about the chances of success, Lincoln
worked hard for the election of John M. Palmer to Congress.
He not only spoke several times in his behalf, but urged his
election in letters to friends. Among those whom he thus approached were Jesse A. and William S. Pickrell, farmers living
near Mechanicsburg in Sangamon County. All of Jesse's five
sons, and two of William's six, were of voting age.
SPRINGFIELD, Nov. 3, 1859
DEAR JESSE,
I am never done asking favors. I shall be much obliged if you
and William, and your sons will do what you can to get as good
a vote for Palmer as possible. He is a good and true man, and
we possibly may elect him. Get all our voters out that you can.
Yours as ever
A. LINCOLN.
John A. McClernand, the Democratic candidate, defeated
Palmer by a majority of 401 votes.
REPORT OF SPEECH AT ELWOOD, KANSAS 2
December 1, 1859
Early in 1859, Kansas Republican leaders invited Lincoln to
visit that territory and make several speeches. He accepted
1 Photostat in Illinois State Historical Library.
2 This copy is taken from the Kansas Historical Collections, Vol. vii, 536-538. The
text there was reprinted from the Elwood (Kansas) Free Press, Dec. 3, 1859.




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tentatively, but for one reason or another the visit was postponed until December On the first day of that month he arrived in Elwood, Kansas. 'Although fatigued with the journey,
and somewhat "under the weather," he kindly consented to
make a short speech here. A large number of our citizens
assembled at the Great Western hotel to hear him.'
Mr Lincoln said that it was possible that we had local questions in regard to railroads, land grants and internal improvements which were matters of deeper interest to us than questions arising out of national politics, but of these local interests
he knew nothing and should say nothing. We had, however,
just adopted a state constitution, and it was probable that,
under that constitution, we should soon cease our territorial
existence, and come forward to take our place in the brotherhood of states, and act our part as a member of the confederation.
Kansas would be free, but the same questions we had had
here in regard to freedom or slavery would arise in regard to
other territories, and we should have to take our part in deciding them. People often ask, 'Why make such a fuss about a few
niggers?' I answer the question by asking, What will you do to
dispose of this question? The slaves constitute one seventh of
our entire population. Wherever there is an element of this
magnitude in a government it will be talked about. The general
feeling in regard to slavery has changed entirely since the early
days of the republic. You may examine the debates under the
confederation in the convention that framed the constitution
and in the first session of Congress and you will not find a single
man saying that slavery is a good thing. They all believed it
was an evil. They made the Northwest Territory, the only
territory then belonging to the government, forever free. They
prohibited the African slave trade. Having thus prevented its
expansion and cut off the supply, the fathers of the republic
believed slavery must soon disappear. There are only three
clauses in the constitution which refer to slavery, and in neither
of them is the word 'slave' or slavery mentioned. The word is
not used in the clause prohibiting the African slave trade; it is




OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN


not used in the clause which makes slaves a basis of representation; it is not used in the clause requiring the return of
fugitive slaves, and yet, in all the debates in the convention
the question was discussed and slaves and slavery talked about.
Now, why was this word kept out of that instrument, and so
carefully kept out that a European, be he ever so intelligent,
if not familiar with our institutions, might read the constitution
over and over again and never learn that slavery existed in the
United States? The reason is this. The framers of the organic
law believed that the constitution would outlast slavery, and
they did not want a word there to tell future generations that
slavery had ever been legalized in America.
Your territory has had a marked history - no other territory
has ever had such a history There had been strife and bloodshed here; both parties had been guilty of outrages, he had his
opinions as to the relative guilt of the parties, but he would not
say who had been most to blame. One fact was certain - there
had been loss of life, destruction of property, and material
interests had been retarded. Was this desirable? There is a
peaceful way of settling these questions - the way adopted
by government until a recent period. The bloody code has
grown out of the new policy in regard to the government of territories.
Mr. Lincoln, in conclusion, adverted briefly to the Harper's
Ferry affair. He believed the attack of Brown wrong for two
reasons. It was a violation of law; and it was, as all such attacks must be, futile as to any effect it might have on the
extinction of a great evil.
'We have a means provided for the expression of our belief
in regard to slavery - it is through the ballot box - the peaceful method provided by the constitution. John Brown has
shown great courage, rare unselfishness, as even Governor W1ise
testifies. But no man, North or South, can approve of violence
or crime.'




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REPORT OF SPEECH AT LEAVENWORTH, KANSAS 1
December 3, 1859
Lincoln's main address in Kansas was delivered at Leavenworth on Saturday, December 3. His arrival in the city was the
occasion for a triumphal procession. 'Notwithstanding the
inclemency of the weather,' said the 'Leavenworth Register,' 'he was met on Sixth street by a large concourse of our
people, which augmented as it neared Turner's Hall, and when
it reached Deleware street it contained seven or eight hundred
persons... Along the sidewalks a dense crowd moved with the
procession. All the doors, windows, balconies and porticos were
filled with men and women, all anxious to get a sight of honest
old Abe. On arriving at the Mansion House, the concourse
halted, and three long and loud cheers were given for Lincoln.'
Lincoln spoke in the evening at Stockton's Hall.
'Ladies and Gentlemen: You are, as yet, the people of a Territory; but you probably soon will be the people of a State of the
Union. Then you will be in possession of new privileges, and
new duties will be upon you. You will have to bear a part in all
that pertains to the administration of the National Government. That government, from the beginning, has had, has now,
and must continue to have a policy in relation to domestic
slavery. It cannot, if it would, be without a policy upon that
subject, and that policy must, of necessity, take one of two
directions. It must deal with the institution as being wcrong or
as not being wrong.'
Mr Lincoln then stated, somewhat in detail, the early action
of the General Government upon the question - in relation
to the foreign slave trade, the basis of Federal representation,
and the prohibition of slavery in the Federal Territories; the
Fugitive-Slave clause in the constitution, and insisted that,
plainly, that early policy was based on the idea of slavery being
wrong; and tolerating it so far, and only so far, as the necessity
of its actual presence required.
1 This copy is taken from the Illinois State Journal of December 1l, 1859, which reprinted the speech from the Leavenworth Register.




OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN


9231


He then took up the policy of the Kansas-Nebraska act,
which he argued was based on opposite ideas - that is, the
idea that slavery is not wrong. He said 'You, the people of
Kansas, furnish the example of the first application of this new
policy. At the end of about five years, after having almost
continual struggles, fire and bloodshed, over this very question,
and after having framed several State Constitutions, you have,
at last, secured a free-state constitution under which you will
probably be admitted into the Union. You have at last, at the
end of all this difficulty, attained what we, in the old Northwestern Territory, attained without any difficulty at all. Compare, or rather contrast, the actual working of this new policy
with that of the old, and say whether, after all, the old way -
the way adopted by Washington and his compeers - was not
the better way.'
Mr Lincoln argued that the new policy had proven false to
all its promises - that its promise to the Nation was to speedily
end the slavery agitation, which it had not done, but directly
the contrary - that its promise to the people of the Territories
was to give them greater control of their own affairs, than the
people of former Territories had had; while, by the actual
experiment, they had had less control of their own affairs, and
had been more bedeviled by outside interference than the people
of any other Territory ever had.
He insisted that it was deceitful in its expressed wish to confer additional privileges upon the people; else it would have
conferred upon them the privilege of choosing their own officers.
That if there be any just reason why all the privileges of a
State should not be conferred on the people of a Territory at
once, it only could be the smallness of numbers, and that if
while their number was small, they were fit to do some things,
and unfit to do others, it could only be because those they were
unfit to do, were the larger and more important things - that,
in this case, the allowing the people of Kansas to plant their
soil with slavery, and not allowing them to choose their own
Governor, could only be justified on the idea that the planting
a new State with slavery was a very small matter, and the
election of Governor a very much greater matter. 'Now,' said




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he, 'compare these two matters and decide which is really the
greater You have already had, I think, five Governors, and
yet, although their doings, in their respective days, were of some
little interest to you, it is doubtful whether you now, even remember the names of half of them. They are gone (all but the
last) without leaving a trace upon your soil, or having done a
single act which can, in the least degree, help or hurt you, in all
the indefinite future before you. This is the size of the Governor
question.
'Now, how is it with the slavery question? If your first settlers had so far decided in favor of slavery as to have got five
thousand slaves planted on your soil, you could, by no moral
possibility, have adopted a Free-State Constitution. Their
owners would be influential voters among you, as good men as
the rest of you, and, by their greater wealth, and consequent
greater capacity to assist the more needy, perhaps the most
influential among you. You could not wish to destroy, or injuriously interfere with their property. You would not know
what to do with the slaves after you had made them free.
You would not wish to keep them as underlings, nor yet to
elevate them to social and political equality. You could not
send them away The slave States would not let you send
them there, and the free States would not let you send them
there. All the rest of your property would not make a free State
if the first half of your own numbers had got five thousand
slaves fixed upon the soil. You could have disposed of, not
merely five, but five hundred Governors easier. There they
would have stuck, in spite of you, to plague you and your children, and your children's children indefinitely. Which is the
greater, this, or the Governor question? Which could the more
safely be entrusted to the first few people who settle a Territory?
Is it that which, at most, can be but temporary and brief in its
effects? or that which, being done by the first few, can scarcely
ever be undone by the succeeding many?'
He insisted that, little as was Popular Sovereignty at first,
the Dred Scott decision, which is indorsed by the author of
Popular Sovereignty, has reduced it to still smaller proportions,
if it has not entirely crushed it out. That, in fact, all it lacks of




OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN


233


being crushed out entirely by that decision is the lawyer's
technical distinction between decision and dictum. That the
Court has already said a Territorial government cannot exclude slavery; but, because they did not say it in a case
where a Territorial government had tried to exclude slavery,
the lawyers hold that saying of the Court to be dictum and
not decision. 'But,' said Mr. Lincoln 'is it not certain that
the Court will make a decision of it the first time a territorial
government tries to exclude slavery?'
Mr Lincoln argued that the doctrine of Popular Sovereignty,
carried out, renews the African Slave Trade. Said he. 'Who can
show that one people have a better right to carry slaves to where
they have never been, than any people have to buy slaves
wherever they please, even in Africa?'
He also argued that the advocates of Popular Sovereignty,
by their efforts to brutalize the negro in the public minddenying him any share in the Declaration of Independence, and
comparing him to the crocodile - were beyond what avowed
proslavery men ever do, and really did as much, or more than
they, toward making the institution national and perpetual.
He said many of the Popular Sovereignty advocates were 'as
much opposed to slavery as anyone,' but that they could never
find any proper time or place to oppose it. In their view, it
must not be opposed in politics, because that is agitation, nor in
the pulpit, because it is not religion; nor in the Free States, because it is not there; nor in the Slave States, because it is there.
These gentlemen, however, are never offended by hearing
slavery supported in any of these places. Still, they are 'as
much opposed to slavery as anybody.' One would suppose that
it would exactly suit them if the people of the slave states
should themselves adopt emancipation; but when Frank Blair
tried this last year, in Missouri, and was beaten, every one of them
threw up his hat and shouted 'Hurrah for the Democracy!'
Mr. Lincoln argued that those who thought slavery right
ought to unite on a policy which should deal with it as being
right; that they should go for a revival of the slave trade, for
carrying the institution everywhere, into Free States as well as
Territories; and for a surrender of fugitive slaves in Canada,




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or war with Great Britain. Said he: 'All shades of Democracy,
popular sovereign as well as the rest, are fully agreed that
slaves are property, and only property. If Canada now had as
many horses as she has slaves belonging to Americans, I should
think it just cause of war if she did not surrender them on demand.
'On the other hand, all those who believe slavery wrong should
unite on a policy dealing with it as wrong. They should be
deluded into no deceitful contrivances, pretending indifference,
but really working for that to which they are opposed.' He
argued this at considerable length.
He then took up some of the objections to Republicans. They
were accused of being sectional. He denied it. What was the
proof? 'Why, they have no existence, get no votes in the
South. But that depends on the South, and not on us. It is
their volition, not ours; and if there be fault in it, it is primarily
theirs, and remains so, unless they show that we repel them by
some wrong principle. If they attempt this, they will find us
holding no principle other than those held and acted upon by
the men who gave us the government under which we live.
They will find that the charge of sectionalism will not stop at
us, but will extend to the very men who gave us the liberty we
enjoy. But if the mere fact that we get no votes in the slave
states makes us sectional, whenever we shall get votes in those
states we shall cease to be sectional; and we are sure to get votes,
and, a good many of them, too, in these states next year.
'You claim that you are conservative, and we are not. We
deny it. What is conservatism? Preserving the old against the
new And yet you are conservative in struggling for the new,
and we are destructive in trying to maintain the old. Possibly
you mean you are conservative in struggling for the new and we
are destructive in trying to maintain the old. Possibly you
mean you are conservative in trying to maintain the existing
institution of slavery. Very well; we are not trying to destroy
it. The peace of society and structure of our government both
require that we should let it alone, and we insist on letting it
alone. If I might advise my Republican friends here, I would
say to them, Leave your Missouri neighbors alone. Have




OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN


5235


nothing whatever to do with their slaves. Have nothing whatever to do with the white people, except in a friendly way.
Drop past differences, and so conduct yourselves that, if you
cannot be at peace with them, the fault shall be wholly theirs.
'You say that we have made the question more prominent
than heretofore. We deny it. It is more prominent; but we did
not make it so. Despite of us, you would have a change of
policy; we resist the change, and, in the struggle, the greater
prominence is given to the question. Who is responsible for
that, you or we? If you would have the question reduced to its
old proportions, go back to the old policy. That will effect it.
'But you are for the Union; and you greatly fear the success
of the Republicans would destroy the Union. Why? Do the
Republicans declare against the Union? Nothing like it. Your
own statement of it is, that if the Black Republicans elect a
President you won't stand it. You will break up the Union.
That will be your act, not ours. To justify it, you must show
that our policy gives you just cause for such desperate action.
Can you do that? When you attempt it, you will find that our
policy is exactly the policy of the men who made the Union.
Nothing more and nothing less. Do you really think you are
justified to break up the government rather than have it administered by Washington, and other good and great men who
made it, and first administered it? If you do you are very un.
reasonable; and more reasonable men cannot and will not submit to you. While you elect the President, we submit, neither
breaking nor attempting to break up the Union. If we shall
constitutionally elect a president, it will be our duty to see
that you submit. Old John Brown has just been executed for
treason against a state. We cannot object, even though he
agreed with us in thinking slavery wrong. That cannot excuse violence, bloodshed, and treason. It could avail him nothing that he might think himself right. So, if constitutionally
we elect a president, and therefore you undertake to destroy
the Union, it will be our duty to deal with you as old John
Brown has been dealt with. We shall try to do our duty  We
hope and believe that in no section will a majority so act as to
render such extreme measures necessary."




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Mr Lincoln closed by an appeal to all - opponents as well as
friends - to think soberly and maturely, and never fail to cast
their vote, insisting that it was not a privilege only, but a duty
to do so.
From Saturday until the following Wednesday Lincoln remained in Leavenworth. Most of his time he spent in renewing
old acquaintanceships, since among the citizens of the town
were many former Illinoisans. However, on the afternoon of
December 5th he delivered a second address in Leavenworth
before what was described as 'an immense audience.'
INSCRIPTION IN AUTOGRAPH BooK
December 7, 1859
Among Lincoln's old acquaintances now living in Leavenworth was one whose family included a daughter just approaching young womanhood. In her autograph album Lincoln wrote
the following inscription.
DEAR MARY
With pleasure I write my name in your Album. Ere long
some younger man will be more happy to confer his name upon
you. Don't allow it, Mary, until fully assured that he is worthy
of the happiness. Dec. 7. 1859
Your friend
A. LINCOLN
To WILLIAM KELLOGG 1
December 11, 1859
William Kellogg, of Canton, Illinois, was a Republican
Congressman and a firm friend of Lincoln. On December 5,
1859, while commenting from the floor of the House on a dispatch of Horace Greeley's in the 'New York Tribune,' he took
occasion to charge its author with treachery to the Republican
Party 'When the struggle in Illinois commenced,' he said
1 Original owned by Oliver R. Barrett, Chicago, Illinois.




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237


[referring to the campaign of 1858], 'Mr. Greeley and others
met in the parlor of Senator Douglas, plotting and planning to
sell Illinois and Missouri, too.... The idea was to make Mr.
Douglas Senator - to reelect him - and it was done. Mr.
Douglas, in the mean time, was declaring that he was a Democrat.'
Greeley replied in a signed editorial which appeared in his
paper on December 8. He admitted that he had visited Douglas
in Washington and that they had discussed political subjects.
However, he could prove by a reliable witness, he said, 'that
Mr Douglas's reelection to the Senate, or his future election to
any post whatever, was not even mentioned. And never did
any letter, message, or word, pass between us implying a desire
on his part that I should, or a promise on mine that I would,
support him, at any time, for any office whatever.'
SPRINGFIELD, ILLS. Dec. 11, 1859.
Hon. William Kellogg.
MY DEAR SIR:
I have been a good deal relieved this morning by a sight of
Greeley's letter to you, published in the Tribune. Before seeing
it, I much feared you had, in charging interviews between
Douglas & Greeley, stated what you belicited, but did not certainly know to be true; and that it might be untrue, and our
enemies would get an advantage of you. However, as G admits the interviews, I think it will not hurt you that he denies
conversing with D. about his re-election to the Senate. G I
think, will not tell a falsehood, and I think he will scarcely deny
that he had the interview with D in order to assure himself
from D's own lips, better than he could from his public acts and
declarations, whether to try to bring the Republican party to
his support generally, including his re-election to the Senate.
What else could the interviews be for? Why immediately followed in the Tribune the advice that all Anti-Lecompton democrats should be re-elected? The world will not consider it any
thing that D's reelection to the Senate was not specifically
talked of by him & G. Now, Wash, I do not charge that G was
corrupt in this. I do not think he was, or is. It was his judg



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ment that the course he took was the best way of serving the
Republican cause. For this reason, and for the further reason,
that he is now pulling straight with us, I think, if I were you,
I would not pursue him further than necessary to my own
justification. If I were you I would however be greatly tempted
to ask him if he really thinks D's advice to his friends to vote
for a Lecompton & slave Com. man is 'plucky.'
Please excuse what I have said, in the way of unsolicited
advice. I believe you will not doubt the sincerity of my friendship for you.
Yours very truly,
A. LINCOLN.
Kellogg does not appear to have asked Greeley Lincoln's
question. The controversy ended with Greeley's explanatory
editorial.
To JOHN OLNEY 1
February 21, 1860
Lincoln's leadership of the Republican Party in Illinois is
evident from his correspondence, including as it does frequent
letters to party workers all over the state. Such a one was John
Olney, an attorney who lived at Shawneetown on the Ohio
River. Olney was a Republican presidential elector in the 1860
campaign.
SPRINGFIELD, Feb. 21. 1860.
John Olney, Esq
MY DEAR SIR:
Your excellent letter of the 14th is just received. It puts
some propositions so admirably that I am tempted to publish
them - without names, of course.
Yours very truly
A. LINCOLN


1 Original in Henry E. Huntington Library




OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN


239


NOTES FOR SPEECH AT HARTFORD, CONNECTICUT 1
March 5, 1860
On February 27, 1860, Lincoln delivered his famous Cooper
Union Address in New York City. Immediately he departed on
a speaking tour through New England - a tour which was to
last two weeks and take him into Rhode Island, Connecticut
and New Hampshire. He spoke eleven times in as many
different cities.
On the evening of March 5, Lincoln spoke at the City Hall
in Hartford, Connecticut. Like his other New England addresses, his Hartford speech was extemporaneous.2 He had
jotted down a few notes, however, and had left them lying on
a table in the City Hall after the meeting. A newspaper reporter found the sheet of paper and preserved it.
SIGNS OF DECAY - BUSHWHACKINGIRREPRESSIBLE CONFLICTJOHN BROWN
SHOE-TRADE -
True, or not true.
If true, what?
Mason
Plasters.
If not true, what?
[Illegible] is the question.
We must deal with it.
Magnitude of question.
What prevents just now?
Right - wrong - indifference
Indifference unphilosophical
Because nobody is indifferent
Must be converted to
1 Original owned by John 0. H. Pitney, Newark, New Jersey.
2 A brief report of the Hartford speech is to be found in Nicolay and Hay, Complete
Works, v, 329-38.




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Can be, or can not be done.
I suppose can not.
But if can, what result?
Indifference, then, must be rejected.
And what supported?
Sectionalism
Conservatism
John Brown
Conclusion
FRAGMENT'1
Undated
The following fragment, though undated, probably was used
in one or more of Lincoln's addresses in New England. As in his
Springfield speech at the conclusion of the senatorial campaign,
it would have been natural for him to write out some thought
which he wished to express with particular effectiveness.
All this is not the result of accident. It has a philosophical
cause. Without the Constitutwon and the Union, we could not
have attained the result, but even these, are not the primary
cause of our great prosperity There is something back of these,
entwining itself more closely about the human heart. That
something, is the principle of 'Liberty to all' -the principle
that clears the path for all - gives hope to all - and, by consequence, enterprise, and industry to all.
The expression of that principle, in our Declaration of Independence, was most happy, and fortunate. Withlout this, as
well as with it, we could have declared our independence of
Great Brittain; but without it, we could not, I think, have
secured our free government, and consequent prosperity. No
oppressed people will fight, and endure, as our fathers did, without the promise of something better, than a mere change of
masters.
The assertion of that principle, at that time, was the word,
'fitly spoken' which has proved an 'apple of gold' to us. The
1 Original owned by Oliver R. Barrett, Chicago, Illinois.




OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN


241


Union, and the Constitution, are the picture of silver, subsequently framed around it. The picture was made, not to conceal,
or destroy the apple; but to adorn, and preserve it. The picture
was made for the apple - not the apple for the picture.
So let us act, that neither picture, or apple, shall ever be
blurred, or bruised or broken.
That we may so act, we must study, and understand the
points of danger.
Lincoln's reference was to the eleventh verse of the twentyfifth chapter of Proverbs: 'A word fitly spoken is like apples of
gold in pictures of silver' It is possible that this fragment was
written early in 1861 instead of 1860. In a letter dated Crawfordsville, Georgia, December 30, 1860 Alexander H. Stephens
urged Lincoln to make a public announcement of the policy he
intended to pursue. 'A word "fitly spoken" by you now,'
wrote Stephens, 'would indeed be "like apples of gold in pictures of silver."'
To AUGUSTIN CHESTER 1
March 14, 1860
Augustin Chester, the recipient of the following courteous
letter, was an Illinois newspaperman.
SPRINGFIELD ILLS. March 14, 1860
A. Chester, Esq
DEAR SIR:
Your very kind and flattering letter, inclosing an invitation
to the Connecticut editors to accept the hospitalities of those
giving the invitation, while attending the Chicago convention,
was received by me at New Haven. I was the guest of an editor
at the time - Mr. Jas F. Babcock - and to whom I delivered
to [the] document, perceiving no better way to dispose of it. I
suppose it was published at once.
Yours truly
A. LINCOLN
1 Original in Chicago Historical Society, Chicago, Illinois.




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To SOLOMON STURGES 1
April 14, 1860
Solomon Sturges was a well-known Chicago banker and
capitalist.
SPRINGFIELD, April 14, 1860
Mr. Solomon Sturgee
DEAR SIR
Yours of the 9th is received; and, allow me to say, I should
not disagree with you in many of the opinions therein expressed.
Whether I shall be able to attend the Chicago Convention,
I have not yet determined, and so, of course, I can not yet say
whether I can accept your very kindly proffered hospitality.
Yours very truly
A. LINCOLN
To MARK W. DELAHAY 2
May 12,1860   a
An old friend of Lincoln was Mark W. Delahay, a lawyer
who had formerly lived in Illinois, but who now resided in
Leavenworth, Kansas. Ever since Lincoln had visited that
territory, Delahay had been acting as a sort of manager of his
local pre-presidential campaign. But he was short of funds, and
to remedy this deficiency, Lincoln had written him, on Mlarch
16, 1860, that if he should be elected a delegate to the convention, 'I will furnish one hundred dollars to bear the expenses of
the trip.'  But when Kansas appointed delegates, Delahay
was not among them. Moreover, they were instructed for
Seward. 'Don't stir them up to anger,' counseled Lincoln, 'but
come along to the convention, and I will do as I said about
expenses.' 4
1 Original owned by Benton Sturges, Lake Geneva, Wisconsin.
2 Original in Brown University Library, Providence, Rhode Island.
3 See Tracy, Uncollected Letters of Abraham Lincoln, 135.
' Ibid., 142.




OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN


243


SPRINGFIELD, May 12. 1860
Hon: M. W. Delahay i
MY DEAR SIR
Yours informing me of your arrival in Chicago was duly
received. Dubois, our A[uditor, goes] to Chicago to-day; and
he will hand you $[?. The] remainder will come before you
leave the s[tate.]
Look to Minnesota and Iowa rather, esp[ecially Iowa. Be]
careful to give no offence, and keep cool under all circumstances
Yours in haste
A. LINCOLN
Delahay was later to be a source of considerable trouble to
Lincoln. In April, 1861, Lincoln appointed him SurveyorGeneral for Kansas and Nebraska, and two and a half years
later, United States District Judge for Kansas. So flagrant was
his misconduct in the latter office that impeachment proceedings were instituted. The testimony was so damaging that
Delahay resigned.
To LEONARD SWETT 2
May 26, 1860
On Friday, May 18, 1860, the Republican Party nominated
Abraham Lincoln as its candidate for the Presidency of the
United States. The news reached Springfield shortly after noon.
At once a salute of one hundred guns was fired, and every bell
in the city was rung until sundown. All afternoon the Lincoln
home was crowded with citizens come to offer congratulations.
In the evening a jubilant Republican mass meeting adjourned
from the State House to the Lincoln residence, where, after loud
calls, Lincoln appeared at the doorway, and invited in as many
as the house would hold. It was late at night before the throng
dispersed.
On the following evening the notification committee arrived
from Chicago. After responding briefly to the formal address of
1 A piece about one and one half inches square has been carefully torn from the right
hand edge of this letter. The restoration is mine. P M. A.
2Photostat in Illinois State Historical Library, Springfield, Illinois.




244


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notification, Lincoln shook hands with each member, not omitting to ask the lengthy Mr. Kelly of Pennsylvania how tall he
was. An eye-witness has recorded that Lincoln, 'dressed with
perfect neatness, almost elegance,' bore himself during the
evening 'with dignity and ease.'
The first excitement over, Lincoln settled down to the task
of organizing his party for victory. In this work he was to make
considerable use, as a sort of confidential agent, of the man to
whom the following letter was written - Leonard Swett. Swett
was a lawyer of Bloomington, Illinois, who for many years had
been one of Lincoln's fellow circuit-travelers. To him, with
Judge David Davis of Bloomington, belongs chief credit for the
success of the last-minute manipulations which resulted in
Lincoln's nomination at Chicago.
SPRINGFIELD, May 26, 1860
DEAR SWETT
I see no objection to the letter you have written to Shaffer.
Send it to him, but do not let him know I have seen it, and, by a
postscript, tell him to come down and see me.
Yours as ever
A. LINCOLN
TO SCHUYLER COLFAX 1
May 31, 1860
Lincoln's nomination was the occasion for a flood of congratulatory letters. Among them was one from Schuyler Colfax,
then a member of the House of Representatives from Indiana.
SPRINGFIELD, ILLS, May 31, 1860
Hon. Schuyler Colfax
MY DEAR SIR:
Yours of the 26th is received, and so far from regarding it as
presumptuous, I should be right glad to have one from you every
mail. Bear this in mind, and act accordingly. You will readily
understand and appreciate why I write only very short letters.
Yours very truly
A. LINCOLN
1 Original owned by the Rosenbach Company, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania.




OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN


245


To F. A. WOOD'
June 1, 1860
Mingled with the flood of letters of congratulation was one
of the penalties of fame, requests for autographs.
SPRINGFIELD, ILLs. June 1. 1860
F. A. Wood, Esq.
DEAR SIR
Yours of May 24th is received. You say you are not a Lincoln
man; 'but still would like to have Mr. L's autograph.' Well,
here it is.
Yours with respect
A. LINCOLN.
To JOHN EDDY2
June 4, 1860
It became apparent, soon after the nomination, that Lincoln's
little, dingy law office was neither large enough nor dignified
enough for the nominee of the Republican Party But in the
State House the Governor's office was unoccupied - in those
days of simple government the Governor's office was needed
only when the Legislature was in session. Accordingly, Lincoln
made that his headquarters. Here he received the crowds of
well-wishers, office-seekers, and merely curious, and here he
wrote dozens of letters like the following to John Eddy, of
Providence, Rhode Island.
A contemporary newspaper correspondent has described the
surroundings in which this letter and those that were to follow
in the next eight months were written. 'The room of the Governor of the State of Illinois cannot be said to indicate the vast
territorial extent of that Commonwealth. It is altogether inadequate for the accomodation of Mr. Lincoln's visitors. Twenty
persons will not find standing room in it, and the simultaneous
presence of a dozen only will cause inconvenience. The room is
furnished with a sofa, half a dozen arm chairs, a table and a
1 Original in Brown University Library, Providence, Rhode Island.
2 Photostat in Library of Congress.




246


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desk.... These, together with countless letters and files of newspapers, and quite an assortment of odd presents, constitute the
only adornments of the apartment.'
SPRINGFIELD, ILLS. June 4. 1860
John Eddy, Esq
MY DEAR SIR:
Your very gratifying letter of the 29th ult and although you
considerately I say [stc] I need not answer it, I will at least
acknowledge it's receipt.
Present my respects to Mr. James, to all friends, and to
'Little Rhoda' generally.
Yours very truly
A. LINCOLN
To D. V. BELL 1
June 5, 1860
In the following letter Lincoln acknowledged the receipt of
the first reward of victory. When the Michigan delegation
arrived in Chicago for the convention, they brought with them
a massive oak chair, to be presented to the nominee. Lincoln
not having attended the convention, the chair was sent to
Springfield by D. V. Bell of Chicago.
SPRINGFIELD, ILL., June 5, 1860.
Judge D V. Bell -
MY DEAR SIR:
The chair which you designate as the 'Chair of State,' is duly
at hand and gratefully accepted. In view of what it symbolizes,
might it not be called the 'Chair of State and the Union of
States?' The conception of the maker is a pretty, a patriotic
and a national one.
Allow me to thank both you and him much, for the chair, and
more for the sentiment which pervades its structure.
Your obedient servant,
A. LINcoLN.
1 Printed in the Chicago Press and Tribune, June 8, 1860.




OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN


247


To WILLIAM MARTIN DICKSON 1
June 7, 1860
The nomination called forth at least one communication less
welcome than letters of congratulation and Chairs of State.
SPRINGFIELD, ILLS. June 7. 1860
Hon. W. M. Dickson.
MY DEAR SIR:
Your telegraphic despatch, the day of the nomination, was
received; as was also, in due course, your kind letter of May
21st with Cousin Annie's note at the end of it.
I have just now received a letter from Cincinnati, of which
the following is a copy.
'CrCINNATI, June 5. 1860
'Hon. A. Lincoln
'DR. SIR:
'We are extremely sorry to be under the necessity of calling
your attention to the inclosed bill during your sojourn at the
"Burnet" in Sept. last; but it appears there is no remedy left
us other than to advise you of its never having been paid. We
relied upon the Republican Committee, but as yet have not
been able to find any one willing to take the responsibility of
paying same - consequently advise you in the premises.
'VeryRespy Yours,
'JOHNSON, SAUNDERS & Co'
The inclosed bill is as follows:
'BJBURNETr HOUSE
'CINCINNATI, Sept. 19. 1859
'Hon: A. Lincoln
'To Johnson, Saunders & Co. Dr.
Board & Parlor self & family             37 50
Extra Suppers 3.50. Wines, Liquors &
Cigars 7.50     11 00
Occupancy of room No. 15. Committee       5 00
$ 53.50'


1 Photostat in Library of Congress.




248


NEW LETTERS AND PAPERS


Now this may be right, but I have a slight suspicion of it, for
two or three reasons. First, when I left, I called at the office of the
Hotel, and was there distinctly told the bill 'was settled' 'was
all right' or words to that effect. Secondly, it seems a little steep
that 'Board & parlor' from Saturday 71 P. M. to Monday 10~
A. M. for a man woman and one small child, should be $37.50.
Thirdly, we had no extra suppers, unless having tea at one room
the first evening, was such. We were in the house over the time
of five meals, three only of which we took in the house. We did
not once dine in the house. As to wines, liquors & cigars, we
had none- absolutely none. These last may have been in room
15- by order of Committee, but I do not recollect them at all.
Please look into this, and write me. I can and will pay it if it
is right, but I do not wish to be 'diddled.' Please do what you
do quietly, having no fuss about it.
Yours very truly
A. LINCOLN
To JOIN A. JONES 1
June 8, 1860
John A. Jones was a Republican who lived in Tremont, Illinois. When Lincoln had spoken there during the campaign of
1858, Jones had introduced him to his audience.
SPRINGFIELD, ILLS. June 8, 1860
J. A. Jones, Esq
MY DEAR SIR:
I can only find time, just now, to gratefully acknowledge the
receipt of your kind congratulatory note.
Your friend, as ever
A. LINCOLN
To JAMES E. HARVEY 2
June 9, 1860
James E. Harvey was an Eastern newspaper correspondent
whom Lincoln was to appoint Minister to Portugal after his
inauguration.
1 Original owned by Mrs. Roy W Ide, Springfield, Illinois.
2 Original in Historical Society of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania.




OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN


249


SPRINGFIELD, ILLS. June 9. 1860
James E. Harvey, Esq
MY DEAR SIR:
Your very acceptable letter of the 5th is received; and I repeat what I said before, that I am glad to have one from you as
often as you can conveniently write.
Yours truly
A. LINCOLN
To CHARLES SUMNER 1
June 14, 1860
On June 4, in the United States Senate, Charles Sumner, the
famous anti-slavery radical, delivered a scathing speech which
he named 'The Barbarism of Slavery.' It was his first address
since the spring of 1856, when Preston Brooks had assaulted
him, almost fatally, in the Senate Chamber. He consumed four
hours in delivering what the 'New York Tribune' called 'a
scourging review of slavery in all its relations, political, social,
moral and economical.'
SPRINGFIELD, ILLS. June 14. 1860
Hon. C. Sumner
MY DEAR SIR:
Your note of the 8th, and the copy of your recent speech, are
received; and for both of which, please accept my thanks. I
have not yet found time to peruse the speech, but I anticipate
much both of pleasure, and instruction from it.
Your Obt. Servt.
A. LINcoLN.
To WILLIAM MARTIN DICKSON 1
June 15, 1860
Evidently Dickson paid the Burnet House bill, probably with
the intention of recovering the amount from the Cincinnati
Republican Committee.
1 Original in Henry E. Huntington Library.




250


NEW LETTERS AND PAPERS


SPRINGFIELD, ILLS. June 15. 1860
Hon: W. MI. Dickson
MY DEAR SIR
Yours inclosing receipt of 'Burnet House' is received; and I
sincerely thank you for your attention to this business. Let it
stand as it is for the present, with the distinct understanding
that you are not to ultimately lose the money.
Give my love to Cousin Annie.
Yours very truly
A. LINCOLN
To GEORGE LATHAM 1
July 22, 1860
In spite of his daily receptions, his extensive correspondence,
and the many grave cares of his new position, Lincoln found
time to write the following remarkable letter to a good friend of
his oldest son Robert, then in his first year at Harvard.
SPRINGFIELD, ILLS. July 22, 1860.
MY DEAR GEORGE
I have scarcely felt greater pain in my life than on learning
yesterday from Bob's letter, that you had failed to enter Harvard University. And yet there is very little in it, if you will
allow no feeling of discouragement to seize, and prey upon you.
It is a certain truth, that you can enter, and graduate in, Harvard University; and having made the attempt, you must
succeed in it. 'Must' is the word.
I know not how to aid you, save in the assurance of one of
mature age, and much severe experience, that you can not fail,
if you resolutely determine, that you will not.
The President of the institution, can scarcely be other than
a kind man; and doubtless he would grant you an interview, and
point out the readiest way to remove, or overcome, the obstacles
which have thwarted you.
In your temporary failure there is no evidence that you may
not yet be a better scholar, and a more successful man in the
1 Original owned by Mrs. H. S. Dickerman, Springfield, Illinois.




OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN


251


great struggle of life, than many others, who have entered College more easily.
Again I say let no feeling of discouragement prey upon you,
and in the end you are sure to succeed.
With more than a common interest I subscribe myself
Very truly your friend,
A. LINCOLN.
TO JAMES 0. PUTNAM 1
July 29, 1860
Although remaining in Springfield and making no speeches,
Lincoln kept in close touch with influential Republicans, as the
following letter shows. James O. Putnam was one of New
York's Republican electors-at-large and as such he took the
stump for Lincoln. For his services Lincoln later appointed him
United States Consul at Havre.
SPRINGFIELD, ILLS. July 29. 1860
Hon. James 0. Putnam
MY DEAR SIR
I have just read the speech you sent me, with your note of the
23rd attached. I do not mean to flatter you when I say it is,
indeed, a very excellent one. The manner in which you point
out to Gov. Hunt that his objections to the election of the
Republican candidate apply with manifold force to the candidate he would elect instead, is truly admirable.
And now allow me to name one error John Adams was not
elected over Jefferson by the H. R, but Jefferson was over Burr.
Such is my recollection.
Yours very truly
A. LINCOLN.
TO WILLIAM FITHIAN 2
August 15, 1860
Keeping in touch with Republicans in distant States did not
by any means mean the neglect of those nearer home. In addi1 Original owned by George B. and James W Putnam, New York City.
2 Original in Illinois State Historical Library, Springfield, Illinois.




NEW LETTERS AND PAPERS


tion to being a client of Lincoln for several years past, Dr.
William Fithian was a Republican worker of importance in
Danville and Vermilion County. Lincoln had been his guest
when he spoke in Danville during the campaign against Douglas.
SPRINGFIELD, Aug. 15, 1860
Dr Wm. Fithian
MY DEAR SIR,
I understand there is trouble in Old Vermilion about its next
Representative to the Legislature. I have learned nothing as
to the grounds of the difficulty; but I will be greatly obliged if
you will find a way of so adjusting it, that we do not lose that
member. To lose Trumbull's re-election next winter would be a
great disaster. Please do not let it fall upon us. I appeal to you
because I can to no other, with so much confidence.
Yours as ever
A. LINCOLN
To C. H. FISHER
SPRINGFIELD, ILL., Aug. 18, 1860
C. H. Fisher, Esq.
DEAR SIR -
Your letter of the 14th inst. came duly to hand, together with
the book written by your brother which you are kind enough to
send me. Please accept my thanks for the same. While I have
not yet found time to examine it, I doubt not I shall find much
pleasure in its perusal.
Yours Truly,
A. LINCOLN
Only the signature of the foregoing letter is in Lincoln's handwriting - a fact which probably accounts for the stilted
phraseology.
1 Original in Historical Society of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania.




OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN


253


To JOHN HANKS 1
August 24, 1860
Letters from Lincoln to members of his family are rare. The
one here printed is of particular interest because of the spectacular part John Hanks played in fastening the name 'RailSplitter' upon Lincoln.
On May 9, 1860, the Republican State Convention met at
Decatur. Hardly had it convened when the chairman announced that an old-time Democrat of Macon County wanted
to make a contribution. In marched John Hanks, carrying two
time-stained fence rails, placarded as having been made by
Lincoln. After a wild burst of cheering, Lincoln was called on
for a speech. He admitted that he had split rails in Macon
County, but whether these were of his manufacture he did not
know. At any rate, he had split a great many better ones. From
that time on Lincoln was the 'Rail-Splitter' candidate.
John Hanks was a first cousin of Nancy Hanks Lincoln and,
therefore a second cousin of Lincoln. Charles Hanks was a
brother of John Hanks.
SPRINGFIELD, ILhS. Aug. 24. 1860
John Hanks, Esq
MY DEAR SIR:
Yours of the 23rd is received. My recollection is that I never
lived in the same neighborhood with Charles Hanks till I came
to Macon county, Illinois, after I was twenty-one years of age.
As I understand, he and I were born in different counties of
Kentucky, and never saw each other in that State; that while I
was a very small boy my father moved to Indiana, and your
father with his family remained in Kentucky for many years.
At length you, a young man grown, came to our neighborhood,
and were at our house, off and on, a great deal for three, four, or
five years; and during the time, your father, with his whole
family, except William, Charles, and William Miller, who had
married one of your sisters, came to the same neighborhood in
Indiana, and remained a year or two, and then went to Illinois.
' Original owned by John G. Oglesby, Elkhart, Illinois.




2405%4


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William, Charles, and William Miller, had moved directlv from
Kentucky to Illinois, not even passing through our neighborhood in Indiana. Once, a year or two before I came to Illinois,
Charles, with some others, had been back to Kentucky, and
returning to Illinois, passed through our neighborhood in
Indiana. He stopped, I think, but one day, (certainly not as
much as three); and this was the first time I ever saw him in my
life, and the only time, till I came to Illinois, as before stated.
The year I passed in Macon County I was with him a good deal
- mostly on his own place, where I helped him at breaking
prairie, with a joint team of his and ours, which in turn, broke
some on the new place we were improving.
This is, as I remember it. Dont let this letter be made public
by any means.
Yours very truly
A. LINcoLN
To JOHN 0. PUTNAM1
September 13, 1860
In a second letter to Putnam, Lincoln took the sting out of his
earlier criticism by citing an error of his own. The speech to
which he referred was made at Peoria, October 16, 1854. There
he stated, incorrectly, that 'Mr. Jefferson.. prevailed on the
Virginia legislature to adopt his views, and to cede the Territory,
making the prohibition of slavery therein a condition of the
deed.'
SPRINGFIELD, ILLs., Sep. 13, 1860
Hon. James 0. Putnam
MY DEAR SIR
Your short letter, with the newspaper containing your late
excellent speech at Rochester, was duly received, and for which
I thank you sincerely.
You must not lay much stress on the blunder about Mr.
Adams; for I made a more mischievous one, in the first printed
speech of mine, on the Slavery question - Oct. 1854 - I
stated that the prohibition of Slavery in the North West Terri1 Original owned by George B. and James W Putnam, New York City.




OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN


tory was made a condition in the Virginia deed of cessionwhile, in fact, it was not. Like yourself, I have since done what
I could to correct the error.
Yours very truly
A. LINCOLN.
To NEHEMIAH DAY SPERRY1
September 26, 1860
By early autumn, Lincoln had received enough optimistic
reports to indicate that his election was almost certain. Among
others came one from N. D. Sperry, Connecticut Republican
leader. Soon after the inauguration, Lincoln rewarded Sperry
for his work in the campaign by appointing him Postmaster at
New Haven, a post which he held for twenty-four years.
SPRINGFIELD, ILIs. Sep. 26. 1860
N. D. Sperry, Esq
MY DEAR SIR:
Yours of the 19th is duly received; and for which I sincerely
thank you.
My intelligence from Penn. & from the whole field, is very
much the same as you seem to have. As to my forgiving you for
detaining me last Spring, I certainly do not hold you, and the
Republicans of Connecticut, my debtors in anything.
Yours very truly
A. LINCOLN
RECEIPT, LINCOLN & HERNDON 2
October 6, 1860
An important lawsuit was the occasion for the lucrative fee
the payment of which Lincoln acknowledged in the following
receipt. The case, Beaver vs. Gilbert and Taylor, was tried in
the summer of 1859. The plaintiff was trying to recover some
sixty-five acres of land adjoining the city of Cairo. Lincoln and
1 Original in Henry E. Huntington Library.
2 Original owned by Logan Hay, Springfield, Illinois.




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Hemdon, Logan, Stuart, and Edwards represented the defendants. The court found for the defendants, and overruled a
motion of the plaintiff, made in the summer of 1860, for a new
trial.
Received of Stephen T. Logan, on Sept. 4, 1860, five hundred
dollars, on subsequent day Jos. S. Smith's note, due thereon to
July 1st 1860 - three hundred and sixtyone dollars, and on
Oct. 6, 1860, in cash, and note of himself, due Feb. 1. 1861. Six
hundred and thirty nine dollars - altogether fifteen hundred
dollars, and being our fee in full in the Ejectment case in U. S.
court in regard to Cairo City property
LINCOLN & HERNDON.
To DAVID CHAMBERS 1
November 5, 1860
Only the signature of the following letter is in Lincoln's handwriting.
SPRINGFIELD ILL Nov 5th 1860.
Hon. David Chambers
DEAR SIR -Your kind letter of the 31st ult. came duly to
hand. Please accept my thanks for the favor.
Yours Truly
A. LINcoLN
To NATHAN SARGENT 2
November 9, 1860
On November 7, Abraham Lincoln was elected President of
the United States. Although confidently expected, the news
produced great excitement in Springfield, culminating in a
riotous celebration, lasting most of the night, in the Hall of the
House of Representatives. The next morning - and for days
afterward - Lincoln was in his room at the State House,
1 Original in Library of Congress.
2 Original owned by Stuart W Jackson, New York City.




OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN


9257


'receiving the heartiest congratulations of his friends, or, in
other words, of the entire community.'
After the election, one of Lincoln's first tasks was the selection of his Cabinet. The following letter to Nathan Sargent
shows him at work on this problem.
SPRINGFIELD, ILL.
November 9th, 1860.
N. Sargent, Esq.
DEAR SIR:
I have duly received your letter of the 4th inst. Will you
please to write to me by return mail and give me the name of
the Republican whom Judge Campbell suggested for Secretary
of State?
Yours truly,
A. LINCOLN.
After the inauguration, Sargent, an Old Line Whig whom
Lincoln referred to as 'my old friend,' tried to obtain the postmastership at Washington. Lincoln was compelled to refuse,
but did appoint him Commissioner of Customs.
To JOSHUA FRY SPEED 1
November 19, 1860
Elected with Lincoln, but as Vice-President, was Hannibal
Hamlin, of Maine. Since the two had never met, Lincoln wrote
Hamlin soon after the election and asked him to come to Chicago for a conference. November 921 was the date set. In anticipation of the trip, Lincoln asked his old friend Joshua Speed
to come to Chicago, and the friendship of many years was
again taken up.
SPRINGFIELD. ILLS. Nov. 19, 1860
DEAR SPEED.
Yours of the 14th is received. I shall be at Chicago Thursday
the 22nd. Inst. and one or two succeeding days. Could you not
meet me there?


I Original owned by Oliver R. Barrett, Chicago, Illinois.




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Mary thinks of going with me; and therefore I suggest that
Mrs. S. accompany you.
Please let this be private, as I prefer a very great crowd
should not gather at Chicago.
Respects to Mrs. S.
Your friend, as ever
A. LINCOLN.
REMARKS AT LINCOLN AND BLOOMINGTON 1
November 21, 1860
On the morning of November 21, the Lincolns left Springfield
for Chicago. In spite of the effort which had been made to keep
the trip from general knowledge, crowds gathered at every station. At the town of Lincoln, the call for the President-elect
was so persistent that he appeared and spoke a few words.
Fellow Citizens: - I thank you for this mark of your kindness
towards me. I have been shut up in Springfield for the last few
months, and therefore have been unable to greet you, as I was
formerly in the habit of doing. I am passing on my way to
Chicago, and am happy in doing so to be able to meet so many
of my friends in Logan county, even if to do no more than exchange with you the compliments of the season, and to thank
you for the many kindnesses you have manifested towards me.
I am not in the habit of making speeches now, and I would
therefore ask to be excused from entering upon any discussion of
the political topics of the day. I am glad to see so many happy
faces, and to listen to so many pleasant expressions. Again
thanking you for this honor, I will pass on my journey.
At Bloomington a very large crowd had gathered, so Lincoln
appeared and spoke a second time.
Fellow Citizens of Bloomington and McLean County: - I am
glad to meet you after a longer separation than has been common between you and me. I thank you for the good report you
1 Printed in the New York Herald, November t2, 1860.




OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN


259


made of the election in Old McLean. The people of the country
have again fixed up their affairs for a constitutional period of
time. By the way, I think very much of the people, as an old
friend said he thought of woman. He said when he lost his first
wife, who had been a great help to him in his business, he
thought he was ruined - that he could never find another to
fill her place. At length, however, he married another, who he
found did quite as well as the first, and that his opinion now was
that any woman would do well who was well done by. So I think
of the whole people of this nation - they will ever do well if
well done by. We will try to do well by them in all parts of the
country, North and South, with entire confidence that all will
be well with all of us.
After Lincoln had concluded, Trumbull spoke briefly. Loud
calls went up for Mrs. Lincoln. 'She bore herself admirably,
bowing gracefully to the crowd, and shaking hands with those
who approached her for that purpose in the car.'
To ANDREW GREGG CURTIN '
December 21, 1860
During the summer and autumn of 1860, Southern threats of
secession in the event of Lincoln's election steadily grew in number and seriousness. The effect of the election on this movement was evident even in Lincoln's own mail - letters informing him that he had been hanged in effigy now mingled with the
flood of congratulatory notes. Leaders the country over were
alarmed, and were calling for a statement from the Presidentelect as the best antidote for the disunion movement. Willing
enough to state, in private letters, his opinion 'that no State can
in any way lawfully get out of the Union, without the consent
of the others, and that it is the duty of the President and other
governmental functionaries to run the machine as it is,' Lincoln
firmly refused to announce publicly any line of action. He
yielded only to the extent of inspiring a passage in a speech of
1 Original owned by Emanuel Hertz, New York City.




260


NEW LETTERS AND PAPERS


Lyman Trumbull,' and of giving Governor Curtin of Pennsylvania the cue for his inaugural address. The letter to Curtin
was written the day after news of the passage of South Carolina's ordinance of secession reached Springfield.
Confidential
SPRINGFIELD, ILLS. Dec. 21. 1860
Hon. A1 G. Curtin
MIY DEAR SIR
Yours of the 14th was only received last night. I am much
obliged by your kindness in asking my views in advance of
preparing your inaugeral [sic]. I think of nothing proper for me
to suggest except a word about this secession and disunion
movement. On that subject, I think you would do well to
express, without passion, threat, or appearance of boasting, but
nevertheless, with firmness, the purpose of yourself, and your
state to maintain the Union at all hazzards. Also, if you can,
procure the Legislature to pass resolutions to that effect. I
shall be very glad to see your friend, the Attorney General, that
is to be, but I think he need scarcely make a trip merely to confer with me on the subject you mention.
Yours very truly
A. LINCOLN
To ISAAC FENNO 2
January T2h, 1861
Gifts were showered upon the newly elected President.
Books, clothing, even soap, were sent by admirers. In the following letter Lincoln thanks the donor of an overcoat.
Private
SPRINGFIELD ILL. Jany 22 1861
Isaac Fenno Esq 3
DEAR SIR
Your note of the 1st inst., together with a very substantial
and handsome overcoat which accompanied it by Express, were
1 Tracy, Uncollected Letters, 168.
2 Original owned by Alexander W. Hannah, Kenilworth, Illinois.  s L. S. only.




OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN


261


duly received by me, and would both have been acknowledged
sooner but for the multifarious demands upon my time and
attention.
Permit me now to thank you sincerely for your elegant and
valuable New Year's Gift, and the many kind expressions of
personal confidence and regard contained in your letter
Your obt. Servt.
A. LINCOLN.
To THE DIPLOMATIC AGENTS OF THE UNITED STATES 1
January 22, 1861
In all probability the following letter was the first official
communication which Lincoln wrote as the head of the government of the United States.
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA
STATE OF ILLINOIS
SPRINGFIELD, Jany. ~. 1861
To all Diplomatic Agents of the United States of Anmcrica in Europe.
GENTLEMEN: This will introduce to you C. M. Hardy Esq, a
citizen of the State of Illinois, and United States of America,
who goes on a tour of travel through Europe during the coming
summer.
Mr Hardy is reliably recommended to me as a highly intelligent, worthy and honorable gentleman, and any assistance or
favor you may render him will be kindly remembered by himself
and give me much gratification.
With high consideration
I subscribe myself
Your Obt. Servt.
A. LINCOLN
RESPONSE TO NOTIFICATION COMMITTEE 2
February 26, 1861
On February 26, a Congressional committee, consisting of
Lyman Trumbull and E. B. Washburne, formally notified Lin1 Photostat in Illinois State Historical Library, Springfield, Illinois.
2 New York Herald, February 27, 1861.




262


NEW LETTERS AND PAPERS


coin of his election as President of the United States. He responded in the following words.
GENTLEMEN:
With deep gratitude to my countrymen for this mark of their
confidence, with a distrust of my own ability to perform the
required duty under the most favorable circumstances, now
rendered doubly difficult by existing national perils, yet with a
firm reliance on the strength of our free Government and the
ultimate loyalty of the people to the just principles upon which
it is founded, and above all, an unshaken faith in the Supreme
Ruler of nations, I accept this trust. Be pleased to signify my
acceptance to the respective Houses of Congress.
RECOMMENDATION 1
March 7, 1861
EXECUTIVE MANSION, March 7. 1861
WIhom it may concern
William Johnson, a colored boy, and bearer of this, has been
with me about two months, and has been, so far, as I believe,
honest, faithful, sober, industrious, and handy as a servant.
A. LINCOLN
To SECRETARY GIDEON WELLES 2
March 22, 1861
After the inauguration, Lincoln's most troublesome problem
was not secession, nor Fort Sumter, but the distribution of the
vast number of government offices in his control. Place-hunters
swarmed to Washington, and for weeks made life a nightmare.
Even the White House was invaded. 'At any hour of the day,'
wrote Lincoln's secretaries, Nicolay and Hay, 'one might see
at the outer door and on the staircase, one line going, one coming. In the anteroom and in the broad corridor adjoining the
President's office there was a restless and persistent crowd,ten, twenty, sometimes fifty, varying with the day and hour, -
1 Original in New York Public Library, New York City.
2 Original owned by Emanuel Hertz, New York City




OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN


263


each one in pursuit of one of the many crumbs of official
patronage.' Through this crowd Lincoln had to pass when he
went to his meals at the other end of the building, 'and thus,
once or twice a day, the waiting expectants would be rewarded
by the chance of speaking a word, or handing a paper direct to
the President himself - a chance which the more bold and
persistent were not slow to improve.'
The following letter to Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy,
is but one of the many in which this scramble for office is
reflected.
EXECUTIVE MANSION
March 22. 1861
Hon. Sec. of Navy
SIR.
I understand there is a vacancy in the office of Engineer in
Chief of the navy, which I shall have to fill by appointment.
Will you please avail yourself of all the means in your power for
determining, and present me the name of the best man for the
service [burned] of other circumstances.
Yours &c
A. LINCOLN.
On March 26, Lincoln appointed Benjamin F Isherwood, who
had served in the Department since 1844, Engineer-in-Chief of
the Navy.
To HIRAM BARNEY 1
March 29, 1861
Hiram Barney was a prominent New York politician whom
Lincoln appointed Collector of the Port of New York.
WASHINGTON
March 29, 1861
Hon. Hiram Barney
MY DEAR SIR:
Please come here. I think I can make up the New York
card better after having a talk with you.
Yours truly
A. LINCOLN
1 Original in G.A.R. Hall, Chicago, Illinois.




264


NEW LETTERS AND PAPERS


To JESSE KILGORE DUBOIS 1
March 30, 1861
Pressure from home was hardest to resist. Jesse K. Dubois,
State Auditor of Illinois, was not only an influential Republican,
but Lincoln's personal friend of long standing.
WASHINGTON, March 30. 1861
Hon. J. K. Dubois:
MY DEAR SIR
I was nearly as sorry as you can be at not being able to give
Mr Luce the appointment you desired for him. Of course I
could have done it, but it would have been against the united,
earnest, and, I add, angry protest of the republican delegation
of Minnesota, in which state the office is located. So far as I
understand, it is unprecedented, [to] send an officer into a state
against the wishes of the members of congress of that State, and
of the same party.
Your friend as ever
A. LINCOLN
To MRs. MARY HANCOCK COLYER 2
April 2, 1861
It must have been a relief to receive, in the flood of applications and recommendations, a letter from one who wanted
nothing. On March 22, Mrs. Mary Hancock Colyer, a grandniece of John Hancock, sent Lincoln an interesting historical
relic - 'a share ticket issued by the province of Massachusetts
Bay, 1765, for the rebuilding of Faneuil Hall, signed by John
Hancock, and endorsed on the back by Abraham Lincoln,
written by one of your ancestors nearly a century ago.' Mrs.
Colyer added the hope that it might prove 'a happy augury of
our country's future history - "The Cradle of Liberty" "rebuilt" by the joint efforts of John Hancock and Abraham
Lincoln.'
1 Photostat in Illinois State Historical Library, Springfield, Illinois.
t Printed in the Illinois State Journal, April 90, 1861.




OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN


265


EXECUTrVE MANSION,
April 2, 1861.
MY DEAR MADAM,
I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your favor of
the 22d of March.
Permit me to express my cordial thanks for the interesting
relic you were so kind as to send me, as well as for the flattering
sentiment with which it was accompanied.
I am with great respect,
Your obedient servant,
A. LINCOLN.
MRS. MARY HANCOCK COLYER, NEW YORK.
To ATTORNEY GENERAL EDWARD BATES 1
April 6, 1861
Ward Hill Lamon, appointed Marshall for the District of
Columbia, was Lincoln's former law partner at Danville, Illinois, as well as his companion on the famous secret journey
from Harrisburg to Washington.
EXECUTIVE MANSION
April 6. 1861
Hon. Attorney General
DEAR SIR:
Please make out and send me the proper document, for appointing Ward H. Lamon, to be Marshal for the District of
Columbia.
Yours truly
A. LINCOLN
To GOVERNOR ANDREW GREGG CURTIN 2
April 8, 1861
At the time of Lincoln's inauguration, seven Southern States
had seceded from the Union. In a sense, hostilities had actually
begun, for most of the Southern forts and arsenals had been
1 Original in G.A.R. Hall, Chicago, Illinois.
2 Photostat in Library of Congress.




266


NEW LETTERS AND PAPERS


surrendered, and those which remained in Union hands were
seriously menaced. On one of these, Fort Sumter in Charleston
Harbor, the eyes of the nation were focussed. It was weak, and
its garrison needed provisions, yet any attempt to relieve it was
almost certain to precipitate war Under these circumstances
Lincoln hesitated, but finally decided to send provisions only
to the besieged garrison. On April 6, in accordance with prior
agreement, he sent a messenger to notify Governor Pickens of
South Carolina that an attempt would be made to provision the
fort. Two days later, the following warning went to Governor
Curtin of Pennsylvania.
EXECUTIVE MANSION
April 8. 1861
Got,A. G. Curtin
MY DEAR SIR:
I think the necessity of being ready increases. Look to it.
Yours truly
A. LINCOLN
To SECRETARY SALMON P. CHASE 1
April 10, 1861
To a greater extent, perhaps, than any other President, Lincoln held himself at the disposal of callers. Patience on the
part of the visitor was the only quality requisite to the attainment of an interview. Of course the number of those who sought
audience was immense. 'I am looking forward with a good deal
of eagerness,' wrote Nicolay, 'to when I shall have time to at
least read and write my letters in peace without being haunted
continually by some one who "wants to see the President for
only fice minutes." At present this request meets me from almost every man, woman and child I see, whether by day or by
night, in the house, or on the street.'
Normally, the stream of callers would have subsided after the
last appointments to office had been made. But, because of the
war, it never ceased. Men seeking commissions, officers seeking
1 Photostat in Illinois State Historical Library, Springfield, Illinois.




OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN


267


promotion, inventors with all sorts of new devices of destruction, wives and mothers of soldiers wanting favors of all kinds
- these and others crowded the Presidential offices at every
opportunity Lincoln listened to all. Sometimes he acted summarily upon the case, sometimes he referred the applicant to
the proper official with a certain line of action recommended,
and sometimes - as in the following letter - he simply wrote
a brief letter or card of introduction.
EXECUTIVE MANSION
April 10. 1861
Hon. Sec. of Treasury
DEAR SIR
Mr. Wood thinks that possibly he can save you something
in the matter of engraving Treasury Notes. Please give him an
interview, & see what there is of it.
Yours truly,
A. LINCOLN
MEMORANDUM 1
April 11, 1861
This 11th day of April 1861, Mr. Caleb N Taylor, personally
appears and urges, in behalf of the 7th Congressional District,
that Mahlon Yardley, be appointed Deputy Surveyor at Philadelphia. In this Hon. D. Wilmot & Hon. Jno. Covode, back Mr.
Taylor.
[Unsigned]
To SECRETARY GIDEON WELLES
April 15, 1861
EXECUTIVE MANSION.
April 15, 1861.
Hon. Sec. of Navy,
MY DEAR SIR
I must relieve myself of the remaining California appointments. The charge against Samuel Bell is unsustained, and,
Photostat in Illinois State Historical Society, Springfield, Illinois.
2 Original owned by Thomas F. Madligan, New York City.




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in fact, in a good degree, disproved. I therefore request that
you send me a Commission for him as Navy Agent
Very truly,
A. LINCOLN.
To SECRETARY GIDEON WELLES 1
April 17, 1861
Fort Sumter was bombarded on April 12. On the following
day it was surrendered. The attack and surrender meant w ar,
which Lincoln recognized by issuing an immediate call for
75,000 volunteers. To command this force a large number of
new officers had to be appointed, and so another burden was put
upon the shoulders of the President.
EXECUTrVE MANSION
April 17 1861
Hon Gideon Welles.
MY DEAR SIR:
I have no reason to doubt that Mr. James S. Chalker, the
bearer of this, is, as he says, the author of the 'Wide Awake'
order As he is your townsman, you will know; and if it is all
straight, please add your recommendation to mine, that he have
some suitable appointment in the Army, which he desires. When
you shall [have] added your word, send the whole to the War
Department.
Yours truly
A. LINCOLN
To SECRETARY WILLIAM H. SEWARD 2
April 18, 1861
Closely allied with William H. Seward, Lincoln's Secretary of
State, was Thurlow Weed, editor of the 'Albany Evening
Journal' and political boss of the Republican Party in the State
of New York.
1 Original owned by the Rosenbach Company, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania.
2 Original in New York Public Library, New York City



OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN


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EXECUTIVE MANSION
April 18. 1861
Hon. W H. Seward,
MY DEAR SIR
You astonish me by saying Mr. Weed understands there is
some alienation, or enmity of feeling, on my part towards him.
Nothing like it. I shall be glad to see him any time, & have
wondered at not having seen him already.
Yours very truly
A. LINCOLN
ENDORSEMENT 1
April ~5, 1861
Under the pressure of a heavy correspondence, Lincoln resorted to the expedient of endorsing his opinion on the back of
letters received and referring them to the proper authority, instead of answering the sender. Many of his decisions and recommendations were conveyed in this fashion.
The following endorsement was written on the back of a
letter from Hannibal Hamlin, the Vice-President, dated New
York, April 23, 1861. Hamlin wrote: 'We are sadly deficient -
and we want and need and should have rifles & cannon. Let me
urge earnestly and frankly that the works up Chickopee be put
in opperation, to their utmost capacity to furnish them.'
Let the suggestion of the Vice President, as to putting the
Chickopee Works into operation, be duly considered.
A. LINCOLN
To SECRETARY SIMON CAMERON 2
April 26, 1861
Under the call for 75,000 volunteers the quota of Illinois was
six regiments aggregating 4683 officers and men. Governor
Yates published his call on April 16, and by the next day forty
companies had been tendered. So enthusiastic was the response
1 Original owned by Gabriel Wells, New York City
2 Original owned by George R. Dyer, New York City




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that the military organization of the State was almost overwhelmed.
EXECUTIVE MANSION
April 26. 1861
I-ION. SEC. OF WAR:
I learn that the Gov of Illinois, who is acquainted with
Capt. John Pope, now at Cincinnati, desires to have Capt. Pope
sent to Illinois to assist in the organization & equipment of the
Military forces of the State.
Are his present duties such that he could not properly be
ordered to report himself to Gov. Yates? If not, please direct
him to report to Gov. Yates for duty.
Yours truly
A. LINCOLN
P.S.
Capt. Todd leaves for the West to-morrow afternoon; and,
being an experienced Military man, would bear and deliver any
despatches confided to him.
A.L.
Captain John Pope was an officer well known to Lincoln. A
veteran of nearly twenty years' service, he had been one of
Lincoln's suite on the journey to Washington. In accordance
with Yates's request he was transferred to Illinois. However,
promotions came quickly, and finally brought him command of
the Army of Virginia, a post which he held a short time with
disastrous consequences.
RECOMMENDATION 1
April 27, 1861
WASHINGTON D. C.
April 27 1861
Whom it may concern
The bearer of this, Hon. H. V. Sullivan resides, and for a long
time has resided at Quincy, Illinois, and is a most respectable,
and trust-worthy gentleman.
A. LINcoLN
1 Original in Henry E. Huntington Library.




OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN


271


To SECRETARY GIDEON WELLES 1
April 29, 1861
On April 22, General Scott reported several rumors and
designated the following, among others, as 'probable': 'That
from 1500 to 2000 troops are at the White House (four miles
below Mount Vernon, a narrow point in the Potomac) engaged
in erecting a battery.'
EXECUTIVE MANSION, April 29. 1861
Hon. Secretary of the Navy,
SIR.
You will please to have as strong a War Steamer as you can
conveniently put on that duty, to cruise upon the Potomac, and
to look in upon, and, if practicable, examine the Bluff and vicinity, at what is called the White House, once or twice per day,
and, in case of any attempt to erect a battery there, to drive
away the party attempting it, if practicable, and, in every event
to report daily to your Department, and to me.
Your Obt. Servt.
A. LINCOLN
Private note. The above order I make at the suggestion of
General Scott, though the execution of it, I believe is substantially what you are already doing.
A.L.
TO FRANCIS S. CORKRAN 2
May 6, 1861
On April 15, 1861, Lincoln had appointed Corkran Naval
Officer at the Baltimore Customs House.
WASHINGTON D. C.
May 6, 1861
Hon. F. S. Corkran
MY DEAR SIR
I am quite sure you are not aware how much I am disobliged
by the refusal to give Mr. F. S. Evans a place in the Custom1 Photostat in Library of Congress.
2 Printed in facsimile in Catalogue of Stan V Henkle.




272


NEW LETTERS AND PAPERS


House. I had no thought that the men to whom I had given
the higher offices would be so ready to disoblige me. I still wish
you would give Mr Evans the place of Deputy Naval Officer.
Yours Ec.
A. LINCOLN
On the same day that the foregoing letter was written, Lincoln appealed to Secretary Chase of the Treasury Department
for a place for Evans, adding, 'I have been greatly - I may
say grievously - disappointed and disobliged by Mr Corkran's
refusal to make Mr. Evans deputy naval officer, as I requested
him to do.'
To SECRETARY SALMON P. CHASE 1
May 6, 1861
James Gordon Bennett, owner and editor of the 'New York
Herald,' second only to Greeley's 'Tribune' in influence, had
violently opposed Lincoln's election. After the inauguration,
his opposition went to such lengths, and aroused such feeling
among ardent loyalists, that his own life was endangered, and
the Administration seriously embarrassed. When Sumter fell,
a reversal of his policy seemed imperative. Accordingly, Lincoln made overtures which resulted not only in a promise of
support from Bennett, but also in the offer of his son's yacht,
the Henrietta, for the revenue service on condition that its
owner be appointed a lieutenant.
EXECUTIVE DEPARTMENT
May 6, 1861.
Hon. Sec. of Treasury
DEAR SIR:
The Secretary of State this moment introduces to me
Mr James Gordon Bennett, Jr. who tenders to the U. S. service,
a fine Yacht of 160 tons burthen. If you allow him an interview, which I ask for him, he will talk with you about putting
some other vessels of the same class into the service. We send
1 Printed in Seitz, The James Gordon Bennetts, 181.




OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN


273


this subject to you because we believe these vessels may be
made most available in the Revenue service.
Yours truly,
A. LINCOLN.
On May 14, 1861, Bennett was commissioned a third lieutenant in the Revenue Service. The Henrietta was in service
until April 29, 1862, when she was withdrawn. Bennett resigned his commission shortly afterward.
ENDORSEMENT 1
May 24, 1861 '
Lincoln's first call for troops limited the service of the volunteers to three months in accordance with the Militia Act of
1795 under which it was issued. In his second proclamation,
however, the President extended the time of service to three
years, expecting his act to be legalized as soon as Congress
should meet. In many cases troops already in the field volunteered for the longer period. Whether they should be accepted
or not was a question for the War Department to decide.
The following endorsement was written on the back of a
letter dated May 21, 1861, and signed by the colonels commanding the six regiments of the first brigade of Indiana
Volunteers.
If the Secretary of War can accept the Regiments named
within, I shall be greatly gratified.
A. LINCOLN
May 24, 1861
To GENERAL WINFIELD SCOTT 2
May 24, 1861
On May 24, the first advance movement of the war was
made. In accordance with carefully laid plans several regiments
crossed the Potomac and occupied Alexandria and Arlington
1 Original owned by Gabriel Wells, New York City.
2 Photostat in collection of the Abraham Lincoln Association, Springfield, Illinois.




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Heights. The small body of Southern troops stationed at
Alexandria withdrew, and the only casualty was Colonel
Ephraim Elmer Ellsworth, commanding the Eleventh New
York, shot just after he had cut a secession flag from the roof of
the Marshall House in Alexandria.  Ellsworth had been a
student in Lincoln's law office and a member of his suite on the
journey to Washington, and his death caused profound sorrow
in the White House
EXECUTIVE MANSION
May 24. 1861
Lieutenant General Scott
MY DEAR SIR
What think you of the propriety of yourself, or the more
immediate commander - Genl. Mansfield, as I understand -
taking the occasion of occupying Alexandria & Arlington
Heyhts, to make a proclamation to the citizens of those places,
and vicinity, assuring them that they are not to be despoiled,
but can have your protection, if they will accept it, and inviting
such as may have left their homes, and business to return?
Mr. Nicolay will show you a Telegram, which will not displease you.
Your Obedient Sert.
A. LINcoLN
Major-General Sandford, commanding the advance, issued a
proclamation along the lines suggested by Lincoln.
ENDORSEMENT 1
May 31, 1861
When I was a member of Congress a dozen years ago, I
boarded with the lady who writes the within letter. She is a
most worthy and deserving lady, and if what she desires can be
consistently done, I shall be much obliged I say this sincerely
and earnestly.
A. LINcoLN
May 31, 1861
' Original owned by Oliver R. Barrett, Chicago, Illinoi.




OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN


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Below Lincoln's endorsement, Mrs. Lincoln added hers:
'i1on Mr. Smith We boarded some months, with Mrs. Sprigg,
& found her a most estimable lady & would esteem it a personal
favor, if her request, could be granted. Mrs. A. Lincoln.'
ENDORSEMENT 1
May 31, 1861
It is perceived within that Mr Irvin's friends desire him to be
Superintendent of Utah. Is there any such office, other than
the Superintendent of Indian Affairs, which has already been
filled? Hons. Messrs Stratton & Nixon of N. J. present this
paper to me.
A. LINCOLN
May 31. 1861
To SECRETARY SIMON CAMERON2
June 5, 1861
EXECUTIVE MANSION
June 5.1861
Hon. Sec. of War
MY DEAR SIR
Herewith I send a draft for an order giving Gen. McClelland
discretion to receive a particular company  There is no cheat
about it. Mr. Sturges, who brings this to you is a man of large
means, and of the highest character. Inclosed also is Gen.
Scott's note, substantially assenting to the order.
Yours truly
A. LINCOLN
The company to which Lincoln referred was undoubtedly the
Sturges Rifles, raised and equipped by Solomon Sturges, of
Chicago. The company was sent to West Virginia, where it
served as McClellan's bodyguard. When McClellan was giv en
I Photostat in Illinois State Historical Library, Springfield, Illinois.
2 Original owned by George R. Dyer. New York City.




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NEW LETTERS AND PAPERS


command of the Army of the Potomac, the Sturges Rifles were
transferred to Washington. The company was in service in
Washington and in the field until it was discharged in November, 1863.
ENDORSEMENT 1
June 13, 1861
During the campaign of 1860, few individuals had given
Lincoln more effective support than Carl Schurz. He was
promptly awarded with an appointment as Minister to Spain.
However, as soon as Sumter was fired upon, Schurz sought to
resign and enter the army. Lincoln dissuaded him, but gave
him permission to raise a cavalry regiment before assuming his
diplom,-atic duties.
On June 5, 1861, Schurz wrote Major A. T McReynolds, a
veteran of the Mexican War, that he was forced to dissolve his
connection with his regiment, and asked him to take his place.
On this letter Lincoln wrote the following endorsement.
HON SEC. OF WAR
Please sav to Col. A. T. McReynolds, that when he will
present the Cavalry Regriment according to the within authority
they will be received under him as they would have been under
Carl Schurz.
A. LINCOLN
June 13, 1861
To SECRETARY SIMON CAMERON 2
June 17, 1861
Early in May, Lincoln had issued a proclamation calling for
42,000 volunteers to serve three years, and increasing the
regular army and navy. The regular army increase was for
eight regiments of infantry, one of cavalry, and one of artillery
an aggregate addition of 22,700 officers and men.
'Original owned by Gabriel Wells, New York City,
2 Original owned by George R. Dyer, New York City.




OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN


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EXECUTrVE MANSION
June 17. 1861
Hon. Sec. of War
MY DEAR SIR
After examining the list presented for Officers of the Addition
to the Regular Army, I deem it a little unfortunate, that they
are drawn from the different States in such unequal proportions,
a single State furnishing nearly one fourth of the whole; still I
think we have not time now to break up and reconstruct the
card. The few modifications I desire to make are as follows
1st. Let Col. Robert Anderson be appointed a Brigadier
General, and Col. William H. Emory take his place on the
card, as Colonel of the 15th Regiment of Infantry.
2nd. I wish Oliver L. Shepherd, now Captain in the 3rd Infantry, and Major by brevet, to be a Lieutenant Colonel, you
to find the place for him.
3rd. I wish Abner Doubleday, now a Captain in the 1st Artillery, to be a Major in the similar corps if possible, you to
find a place for him.
4th. I wish Adam J Slemmer now a first Lieutenant in same
Regiment last mentioned, to be a Major in a similar corps,
if possible, you to find a place for him.
5th. If he desires it, I would also like for Capt. Theodore Talbot, who escorted my messenger to Gov. Pickens last
April, to be a Major.
6th. Because of his relationship to the late Senator Douglas,
I wish James Madison Cutts, Jr to be a Captain in some
part of this new corps.
7th. At the very urgent solicitation of Hon Mr. Van Wyck,
I wish Horatio B. Reed to be a Second Lieutenant in this
new corps.
8th. 1 also wish Francis E. Brownell, who stood by Col. Ellsworth at his death, to be a Second Lieutenant in this
corps.
Yours truly
A. LINCOLN




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To SECRETARY WILLIAM H. SEWARD 1
June 24, 1861
During the first months of the Administration, no regular
Cabinet meetings were held, Lincoln summoning the members
through the Secretary of State when a meeting was desirable.
EXECUTIVE MANSION
June 24. 1861
Hon. Sec. of State
MY DEAR SIR
I think we would as well have a Cabinet meeting at 12 to-day.
Please have the members notified.
Yours truly
A. LINCOLN
To SECRETARY SIMON CAMERON 2
June 25, 1861
Under the volunteer system of raising troops, used for the
first two years of the war, calls were issued for a certain number
of men. A percentage of this number was then assigned to
each State, and constituted its quota. At the beginning, when
enthusiasm ran high, quotas were often exceeded, and then the
War Department was faced with the problem of accepting or
rejecting the units offered. Individuals frequently went to the
President in their efforts to get their organizations into the
service.
EXECUTIVE MANSION
June 25. 1861
Hon. Sec. of War
MY DEAR SIR:
Col. Richard D Goodwin, wishes to tender another Regiment from New-York. With your concurrence, and the consent
of the Governor of New-York, I have no objection. Please give
him a short interview, and look at the notice of his Regiment
which he will show you in the New-York Tribune.
Yours truly
A. LINCOLN
1 Original in Historical Society of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania.
2 Original owned by George R. Dyer, New York City.




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To SECRETARY SIMON CAMERON 1
July 8, 1861
Hostilities had already commenced in West Virginia, where
the people, predominantly Union in sentiment, had repudiated
Virginia's act of secession and had established a provisional
State government of their own.
EXECUTrVE MANSION
July 8. 1861
Hon. Sec. of War
MY DEAR SIR
Please lose no time, in giving an interview to Adjt. Genl
Wheat of Western Virginia, and furnishing him, if possible with
what arms, equipage &c. &c. he needs. This is very important,
and should not be neglected or delayed.
Yours truly
A. LINcoLN
ENDORSEMENT 2
July 15, 1861
Levi Davis, whom Colonel E. A. Paine of the ninth Illinois,
then stationed at Cairo, was recommending for a second lieutenancy in the regular army, was the son of Lincoln's old friend
Levi Davis, of Alton.
r
The father of the young man - Levi Davis - within recommended for a Lieutenancy, is a very highly valued friend of
mine, of long standing; and Col. Paine- to say nothing of
others - who recommends him, is a fine officer educated at
West Point, and who served in the Florida War. I therefore
hope a Lieutenancy can be found for him.
A. LINcoLN
July 15. 1861.
1 Photostat in collection of Abraham Lincoln Association, Springfield, Illinois.
Original owned by Louis Bamberger, Newark, New Jersey.




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NEW LETTERS AND PAPERS


ENDORSEMENT 1
July 17, 1861
This endorsement was written on the back of a memorial
signed by many prominent political leaders asking that
James B. Merwin be appointed a major in the army and assigned to temperance work among the soldiers. Below Lincoln's endorsement, Winfield Scott and Benjamin F. Butler
wrote recommendations. The War Department did not make
the appointment.
If it be ascertained at the War Department that the President has legal authority to make an appointment such as is
asked within, and Gen. Scott is of opinion it will be available
for good, then let it be done.
A. LINCOLN
July 17, 1861.
To JOHN W. FORNEY '
July 20, 1861
On Monday, July 15, Senator Browning of Illinois made the
following entry in his diary' 'We nominated Forney for Secretary of the Senate I voting for him on the recommendation of
the President & others, knowing nothing about him myself.
Never having even seen him to know him. We afterwards
elected him in the Senate. I then wrote a note to the President
to try and get him to give Sam Sympson a place.'
EXECUTIVE MANSION
PRIVATE                                   July 20. 1861
Hon. J. W. Forney
MY DEAR SIR
There is a young man here by the name of Sympson (Senator
Browning will give you his Christian name) to whom the giving
of some place, if in your power, would greatly oblige me. His
1 Original owned by Charles T. White, Brooklyn, New York.
2 Photostat in Illinois State Historical Library, Springfield, Illinois.




OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN


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father is one of my best friends whom I have not, so far, been
able to recognize in any substantial way.
Yours very truly
A. LINCOLN
Samuel Sympson was the son of Alexander Sympson, of
Augusta, Illinois, one of Lincoln's strong supporters.
ENDORSEMENT 1
July 25, 1861
This endorsement was written on the back of a letter from
Charles B. Stuart, Washington, July 23, 1861. Stuart offered a
regiment of engineers and mechanics for the duration of the war.
If the Adjutant General can get the Regiment together on
the terms proposed, I think it will be a good corps, and ought
to be accepted.
A. LINCOLN
July 25, 1861
The regiment was accepted, and became the Fiftieth New
York Volunteer Engineers.
To SECRETARY SIMON CAMERON 2
July 29, 1861
EXECUTIVE MANSION
July 29. 1861
Hon. Sec. of War.
MY DEAR SIR
I understand that by an existing law, there is to be a Paymaster for every two regiments of volunteers. W1ith this
understanding I wish to appoint Valentine C. Hanna of Indiana
one of these Paymasters; and that it be done at once, or put on
a list so that it will certainly be done in due course.
Yours truly
A. LINCOLN.
Hanna was appointed paymaster of volunteers on August 15,
1861.
1 Original owned by Gabriel Wells, New York City.
2 Original in Henry E. Huntington Library.




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To ATTORNEY GENERAL EDWARD BATES 1
August 5, 1861
EXECUTIVE MANSION
August 5. 1861
lion. Attorney General
MY DEAR SIR:
As you are anxious that Fletcher M. Haight shall be Judge of
the Southern District of California, send me the nomination.
Also, at the request of the Wisconsin members, I conclude that
Joseph G. Knapp shall be an Associate Justice in New-Mexico,
in place of - Blackwood.
Yours truly
A. LINcoLN
To JAMES S. JACKSON 2
August 7, 1861
Among the Union members of Congress from Kentucky was
James S. Jackson, a veteran of the Mexican War.
WASHINGTON, Aug. 7. 1861
Hon. James S. Jackson
MY DEAR SIR
If you will, with the concurrence of the Union members of
Congress, of Kentucky, raise a Regiment of Cavalry in that
State, it shall be received into the U. S. service - yourself to
be Colonel, and, if you please, Capt. R. Johnson to be Lieut.
Colonel.
Yours very truly
A. LINCOLN
The day after this letter was written the War Department
authorized Jackson to raise a regiment of cavalry on condition
that he have it ready for marching orders within ninety days.
Jackson made good, raising more than nine hundred men by
November. In the summer of 1862 he was promoted to the
rank of brigadier general, only to be killed on October 8 of the
same year at the battle of Perryville.
1 Photostat in Illinois State Historical Library, Springfield, Illinois.
I Original owned by the Rosenbach Company, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania.




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To SECRETARY GIDEON WELLES '
September 16, 1861
EXECUTIVE MANSION
Sept. 16. 1861
Hon. Sec. of Navy
MY DEAR SIR
Judge Peters says that Robert Mitchell, of Darlington District, South Carolina, wishes to enter the Naval, and that the
M. C. of the District would have nominated him had it not been
for secession. I do not know the young man, but if he be
shown to be loyal, and qualified & suitable in other respects, I
think you might appoint him.
Yours truly
A. LINCOLN
To JAMES GORDON BENNETT 2
September 28, 1861
Since the battle of Bull Run, Bennett had staunchly supported the Administration. Nevertheless, Lincoln did not feel
sure of him, and therefore had no intention of permitting such
an incident as is described in the following letter to cause a
breach.
Private & confidential,
WASHINGTON, D. C.
Sept. 28, 1861
Mr James Gordon Bennett
MY DEAR SIR
Last evening Mr. Wickoff solicited me for a pass, or permission to a gentleman whose name I forget, to accompany one of
our vessels down the Potomac to-day, as a reporter of the
Herald, saying the Sec. of the Navy had refused, while he had
given the privilege to reporters of other papers. It was too late
at night for me to see the Secretary, and I had to decline giving
the permission, because he, the Sec., might have a sufficient
reason unknown to me. I write this to assure you that the
1 Original owned by the Rosenbach Company, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania.
Printed in Seitz, The James Gordon Bennett, 186.




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Administration will not discriminate against the Herald, especially while it sustains us so generously, and the cause of the
country so ably as it has been doing.
Your Obt. Servt.
A. LINCOLN
To GENERAL GEORGE B. MCCLELLAN 1
September 30, 1861
In the following note Lincoln introduced to the commander
of the Army of the Potomac his old friend and fellow circuittraveler, Henry C. Whitney, of Urbana, Illinois, now a paymaster of volunteers.
Will Gen McClellan please see Pay-Master Whitney a
moment?
A. LINCOLN
Sep. 30. 1861
ENDORSEMENT 2
September 30, 1861
Lincoln wrote the following on the back of a letter from
E. P. Phelps, a Methodist minister of Alexandria, Virginia,
recommending B. W   Ferguson for 'some office in your gift' on
the ground that he was a strong Union man and in need of
money
I do not recollect having any acquaintance with Esqr. Ferguson, But if the Comr. of Pub. Buildings inclines to appoint
him to any place, I have no objection
A. LINCOLN
Sep. 30. 1861.
ENDORSEMENT 8
October 25, 1861
The loyalty of Mr. Larrabee, as seen within, is vouched by
Gov Hicks. He wishes a pass for himself and driver, to cross
1 Photostat in collection of the Abraham Lincoln Association, Springfield, Illinois.
2 Original in Henry E. Huntington Library,
8 Original owned by Lemuel A. Welles, New York City




OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN


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and recross the Potomac, taking oysters to our camps. I think
he should have the pass.
A. LINCOLN
Oct. 25. 1861.
DRAFT OF BILL FOR COMPENSATED
EMANCIPATION IN DELAWARE 1
November, 1861
In his message to Congress of December 3, 1861, Lincoln
broached in a guarded way the subject of compensated emancipation. There being no immediate response from Congress, he
decided to try the experiment on Delaware, which, by the census of 1860, contained less than two thousand slaves. Already,
in November,2 he had drafted two different bills for this purpose. One draft has long been published, 3 the other follows
here.
Be it enacted by the State of Delaware, that on condition the
United States of America will, at the present session of Congress, engage by law to pay, and thereafter faithfully pay to the
said State of Delaware, in the six per cent bonds of said United
States, the sum of seven hundred and nineteen thousand and
two hundred dollars, in five equal annual instalments, there
shall be neither slavery nor involuntary servitude, at any time
after the first day of January in the year of our Lord one
thousand, eight hundred and sixty seven, within the said State
of Delaware, except in the punishment of crime, whereof the
party shall have been duly convicted: Provided, that said State
shall, in good faith prevent, so far as possible, the carrying of
any person out of said State, into involuntary servitude, beyond the limits of said State, at any time after the passage of
this act, and shall also provide for one fifth of the adult slaves
becoming free at the middle of the year one thousand eight
hundred and sixty two; one fourth of the remainder of said
1 Original in Henry E. Huntington Library.
' Nicolay and Hay, Abraham Lincoln: A History, v, 206.
' Nicolay and Hay, Complete Works, vii, 21 ff.




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adults, at the middle of the year one thousand eight hundred
and sixty three; one third of the remainder of said adults, at
the middle of the year one thousand eight hundred and sixty
four; one half the remainder of said adults at the middle of
the year one thousand eight hundred and sixtyfive; and the
entire remainder of adults, together with all minors, at the
beginning of the year one thousand eight hundred and sixtyseven, as hereinbefore indicated. And provided also that said
State may make provision of apprenticeship, not to extend
beyond the age of twenty-one years for males, nor eighteen for
females, for all minors whose mothers were not free, at the
respective births of such minors.
Using Lincoln's drafts as a starting-point, friends of the
project drew up a bill for compensated emancipation in Delaware, and circulated it among the members of the Legislature
of that State. It soon became apparent that the measure had
no chance of passage; therefore it was never introduced.
MEMORANDUM
December 5, 1861
This day, Dec. 5. 1861. Mrs. Nininger, sister of Gov. Ramsey, calls, with her son, Alexander R. Nininger, 17 2nd. Augt.
last, asking to have him placed at the Naval School. Will the
Sec. of Navy please preserve this, and give it favorable consideration at the proper time?
A. LINCOLN
To GENERAL GEORGE B. MCCLELLAN 2
January 9, 1862
As the year 1862 opened, the newly formed Congressional
Committee on the Conduct of the War was pressing McClellan
hard for his inactivity. Although popular sentiment was overwhelmingly with the Committee, Lincoln wasg-shielding the
t Original in Historical Society of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania.
1 Original owned by Louis Bamberger, Newark, New Jersey.




OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN


9287


General as well as he could. At the time this note was written,
McClellan was recovering from an attack of typhoid fever.
EXECUTIVE MANSION
Jan. 9. 1862
Majr. Genl. McClellan.
MY DEAR SIR:
I think you better go before the Congressional Committee
the earliest moment your health will permit - to-day, if
possible.
Yours as ever
A. LINCOLN
RECOMMENDATION 1
January 23, 1862
This man wants to work - so uncommon a want that I think
it ought to be gratified. I shall be obliged by any Head of a
Bureau, or Department who can and will find work for him.
A. LINcoLN
Jan. 23. 1862.
TELEGRAM TO ORDNANCE OFFICER 2
January 23, 1862  %
The following telegram was written by Lincoln and sent by
H. A. Wise to the Ordnance Officer at Pittsburgh. At the time
Foote was cooperating with Grant on the Tennessee River As
soon as the telegram was sent, Wise wrote a letter in which he
said, 'I am just from the President, who is stirring up the Army
Ordnance with a sharp stick about mortars. He said to me,
"Now I am going to devote a part of each day to these mortars
and I wont leave off until it fairly rains Bombs." '
The President wishes the rafts with their 13 inch mortars and
all appointments to be ready for use at the earliest possible
moment. What can we do here to advance this? What is
1 Original in Henry E. Huntington Library.
2 Photostat in Illinois State Historical Library, Springfield, Illinois.




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lacking? What is being done, so far as you know? Telegraph
us every day, showing the progress, or lack of progress in this
matter.
The day after this telegram was sent, Lincoln asked the
Secretary of War to order the ordnance officer at Pittsburgh to
ship 'the ten mortars and two beds to Cairo instantly, and all
others as fast as finished till ordered to stop.'
To SECRETARY EDWIN M. STANTON 1 2
January 25, 1862
EXECUTIVE MANSION
Jan. 25. 1862.
HON. SEC. OF WAR
Let Henry MA. Judah of the Regular Army, be appointed a
Brigadier General of Volunteers.
Yours truly
A. LLNCOLN
To SECRETARY GIDEON WELLES 3
February 5, 1862
EXECUTIVE MANSION,
WASHINGTON, Feb. 5, 1862.
Hon. Sec. of Navy
MY DEAR SIR.
Hon. Mr. Veree, of Penn. makes such representation, as to
the Naval Agent, at Philadelphia, and a sort of factotum of his,
- one Derringer -as makes me think your Department
better look to it.
Yours truly
A. LINCOLN
1 Original in New York Historical Society, New York City.
2 On January 13,1862, Edwin M. Stanton succeeded Simon Cameron as Secretary of
War.
3 Original owned by the Rosenbach Company, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania.




OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN


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To GOVERNOR WILLIAM A. NEWELL 1
February 18, 1862
On February 18, 1862, Governor Newell of New Jersey wrote
Lincoln that 'Col. Hatfield is impressed with the belief that I
have not faithfully urged his appointment to a Brigadiership
with your Excellency chiefly on account of the few words I said
to you in relation to Col. Allen.... I beg you to write on this
note that I have acted in good faith with him, and urged his
success to the best of my ability.'
EXECUTIVE MANSION,
Feb. 18,1862.
Hon. W. A. Newell,
MY DEAR SIRYour note on the other half of this sheet is exactly true so far
as is within my power to know. Your advocacy of Col. Hatfield for a Brigadier-General has been earnest, without reservation, oft repeated, and persistent, so that I can and do know it
was not in your power to do more for Col. Hatfield with me than
you have done.
You never urged Col. Allen, except with the express reservation that his appointment should in no wise interfere with
Col. Hatfield.
Yours truly,
A. LINCOLN
To SECRETARY EDWIN M. STANTON 2
March 4, 1862
EXECUTIVE MANSION,
WASHINGTON, March 4, 1862.
Hon. Sec. of War
MY DEAR SIR
Send me at once a nomination of Daniel Tyler of Connecticut
as a Brigadier General of Volunteers. Let it date as of yesterday, so as to be part of the lot then sent to the Senate.
Yours truly
A. LINcoLN
1 Original owned by Emanuel Hertz, New York City.
1 Photostat in Library of Congress.




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RECOMMENDATION 1
March 4, 1862
EXECUTIVE MANSION,
WASHINGTON, March 4. 1862
Whom it may concern
Edward Burke, the bearer of this, was at service in this Mansion for several months now last past; and during all the time
he appeared to me to be a competent, faithful, and very genteel
man. I take no charge of the servants about the house, but I
do not understand that Burke leaves because of any fault or
misconduct.
A. LINcoLN
At the bottom of the same sheet is the following. 'If Mr
Newton can do any thing for Edward Burke, the bearer of this,
I will be obliged to him. I think him worthy. O. H. Browning.'
To SECRETARY GIDEON WELLES 1
March 10, 1862
On AIarch 9, 1862, the Monitor fought her famous duel with
the Confederate ironclad, the Merrimac, at the conclusion of
which the latter vessel retired to Norfolk. Lieutenant John L.
Worden, commanding the Monitor, had been wounded in the
battle.
EXECUTIVE MANSION
March 10, 1862
Hon. Sec. of Nary
MY DEAR SIR
I have just seen Lieut. Worden, who says the 'Monitor' could
be boarded and captured very easily - first, after boarding, by
wedging the turret, so that it would not turn, and then by
pouring water in her & drowning her machinery. He is decidedly of opinion she should not go sky-larking up to Norfolk.
Yours truly
A. LINCOLN
In response to this letter, Welles ordered that the Monitor be
1 Photostat in Library of Congress.




OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN


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not too much exposed, and that she be not allowed to proceed
to Norfolk unattended.
To MICHAEL CROCK '
April 2, 1862
Only the signature to the following note is in Lincoln's handwriting. In all probability one of his secretaries placed it
among a number of official documents awaiting his signature,
for it is signed with the full name usually reserved for state
papers.
EXECUTIVE MANSION
April 2, 1862
MY DEAR SIR
Allow me to thank you in behalf of my little son for your
present of White Rabbits. He is very much pleased with them.
Yours truly
ABRAHAM LINCOLN
MICHAEL CROCK ESQ
860 N Fourth St. Philada
RECOMMENDATION 2
April 12, 1862
EXECUTIVE MANSION,
WASHINGTON, April 12, 1862
Whom it may concern
Mr Charles C. Lathrop, bearer of this, is vouched to me as a
worthy and loyal gentleman. He wishes to serve as a volunteer
aid to some of our generals, and I am quite willing for him to do
so, with any one of them who may see fit to avail himself of his
services.
A. LINCOLN
ENDORSEMENT 3
April 26, 1862
In a letter dated Washington, April 26, 1862, Milton S.
Latham, Representative from California, called attention to the
1 Original owned by Oliver R. Barrett, Chicago, Illinois.
s Original in Brown University Library, Providence, Rhode Island.
s Original in New York Historical Society, New York City.




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depredations which Indians were committing on the line of the
Overland Mail and Telegraph near Independence Rock. He
suggested that authority be given Brigham Young to raise and
equip one hundred men for ninety days' service in protecting
the line.
Sec. of War please make an order carefully in accordance with
the within.
A. LINCOLN
April 26. 1862.
Two days later the Adjutant-General gave Young the
necessary permission.
TELEGRAM TO GENERAL HENRY W. HALLECK '
May 11, 1862
The following telegram to Major-General Halleck, then commanding the Department of the West, was sent at a time when
the prospects for a successful termination of McClellan's Peninsular campaign seemed bright. The Confederates had evacuated Yorktown, and after a severe struggle had withdrawn from
Williamsburg.
FORT. MONROE, VA. May. 11. 1862
Major Gen. Halleck
Pittsburg Landing, Tenn.
Norfolk in our possession, Merrimac blown up, & Monitor &
other boats going up James River to Richmond. Be very careful
to sustain no reverse in your Department.
A. LINcoLN
In the last line of the foregoing, Lincoln had written 'sure,'
but Stanton substituted 'careful.'
To JAMES GORDON BENNETT 2
May 21, 1862
On May 9, 1862, Major-General David Hunter, commanding
the Department of the South, issued a military order emanci1 Original in New York Historical Society, New York City.
2 Printed in Seitz, The James Gordon Bennetts, 187.




OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN


293


pating the slaves in Georgia, Florida, and South Carolina. It
was several days before Lincoln learned of the order, but when
he did he acted promptly, issuing, on the 19th, a counterproclamation nullifying it. Bennett had grasped the order of
emancipation as an opportunity for assailing not only Hunter,
but through him, Stanton.
Private                                EXECUTIVE MANSION
May 21, 1862.
James G, Bennett, Esq
DEAR SIR.
Thanking you again for the able support given by you,
through the Herald, to what I think the true cause of the
country, and also for your kind expressions towards me personally, I wish to correct an erroneous impression of yours in
regard to the Secretary of Wiar. He mixes no politics whatever
with his duties; knew nothing of Gen. Hunter's proclamation;
and he and I alone got up the counter proclamation. I wish
this to go no further than to you, while I do wish to assure you
it is true.
Yours truly
A. LINCOLN
To ELIHU B. WASHBURNE1
May 30, 1862
The President directs Mr Washburne to say to his German
friends in N. Y. that Col. Willich has already been appointed a
Brigadier General
A. LINCOLN
EXECUTIVE MANSION
May 30. 1862.
August Willich, a popular officer of German birth, was made
a brigadier-general on May 17, 1862. As a young man he had
served in the Prussian army, but he had suffered exile because
of his connection with the revolutionary movement of 1848. At
the beginning of the Civil War he had enlisted in an Ohio
1 Photostat in Library of Congress.




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regiment. Some months later he raised a regiment of Indiana
Germans, and became its colonel.
To GENERAL JAMES WOLFE RIPLEY 1
June 2, 1862
General James Wolfe Ripley was Chief of Army Ordnance.
Will Gen. Ripley please consider whether this Musket-shell,
would be a valuable missile in battle?
A. LINCOLN
June 2. 1862.
To SECRETARY EDWIN M. STANTON 2
June 5, 1862
William Kellogg, Jr., the son of Lincoln's friend Kellogg,
of Canton, Illinois, had resigned from the United States Military Academy under demerit which would have caused his dismissal. His father, a Congressman, renominated him. General
Joseph G Totten investigated the case, and reported against
the appointment, but Lincoln overruled him.
PRIVATE                               WAR DEPARTMENT
WASHINGTON CITY, D. C.
June 5, 1862.
Hon. Sec. of War.
MY DEAR SIR
Herewith I return you the papers in relation to the proposed
re-appointment of William Kellogg, Jr to a Cadetship. Upon
Gen. Totten's statement of the case I think it is natural that he
should feel as he expresses himself. And yet the case comes upon
me in the very strongest way to be painful to me. Hon. William
Kellogg, the father, is not only a member of Congress from my
state, but he is my personal friend of more than twenty years'
standing, and of whom I had many personal kindnesses. This
matter touches him very deeply - the feelings of a father for a
child - as he thinks, all the future of his child. I can not be the
1 Photostat in Illinois State Historical Library, Springfield, Illinois.
2 Original in New York Historical Library, New York City.




OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN


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instrument to crush his heart. According to strict rule he has
the right to make the re-nomination. Let the appointment be
made. It needs not to become a precedent. Hereafter let no
resignation be accepted under demerit amounting to cause for
dismissal, unless upon express stipulation in writing that the
cadet resigning shall not be renominated. In this I mean no
censure upon Gen. Totten; and although I have marked this
note 'private' I am quite willing for him to see it.
Yours truly
A. LINCOLN.
To SECRETARY EDWIN M. STANTON '
June 6, 1862
Captain John A. Dahlgren, distinguished naval officer, was
in command of the Washington Navy Yard at the time this
letter was written.
EXECUTIVE MANSION,
WASHINGTON, June 6, 1862.
Hon. Sec. of War
MY DEAR SIR
I need not tell you how much I would like to oblige Capt.
Dahlgren. I now learn, not from him, that he would be gratified
for his son Ulric Dahlgren, to be appointed a lieutenant in the
Army Please find a place for him.
Yours truly
A. LINCOLN
Ulric Dahlgren had been appointed a captain a few days
before this letter was written. In the summer of 1863 he was
promoted to the rank of colonel. On March 2, 1864, while commanding a regiment of cavalry, he was killed in a skirmish near
King and Queen Court House, Virginia.
ENDORSEMENT 1
June 6, 1862
This endorsement was written on the back of a letter from
A. Edwards, dated Washington, June 6, 1862, requesting a
1 Original in New York Historical Society, New York City



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transfer to the staff of one of the military governors of South
Carolina or Georgia, and giving as his reason for the request
prior residence in Charleston and Savannah.
I am quite willing, and even should be pleased, for Capt.
Edwards to be transferred as he desires, if it can be done consistently with the public interest.
A. LINCOLN
June 6, 1862.
ENDORSEMENT 1
June 23, 1862
This endorsement was written on a letter from Lincoln's old
friend, Joshua Speed, dated Louisville, June 17, 1862. Speed
says that he has asked General Lovell H. Rousseau, who was
going to Washington for medical advice, to see Lincoln and have
an interview about 'the army of the Ohio and the relation of its
officers to the Government.'
Gen. Rousseau was our first active practical Military friend in
Kentucky, as the within letter shows, & as I knew before. He
raised two regiments of Kentuckians over the river in Indiana,
before they would allow him to organize them in Kentucky He
fought bravely at Pittsburg Landing. These things entitle him
to a fair hearing, which I ask the Secretary of War to give him.
A. LINCOLN
June 23. 1862.
ENDORSEMENT 2
June 26, 1862
Lincoln's interference in army discipline was notorious. The
Secretary of War, the Attorney-General, the Judge-AdvocateGeneral, the commanders of the army in the field - all protested against his wholesale clemency, but he went right on
making each case referred to him the subject of personal in1 Original in New York Historical Society, New York City,
2 Original owned by George R. Dyer, New York City.




OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN


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vestigation, and remitting sentences wherever it was at all
possible.
Believing that William Griffin, named within, has been sufficiently punished, he is hereby pardoned of so much of the sentence against him as has not already been executed.
A. LINCOLN
June 26, 1862.
ENDORSEMENT'
July 18, 1862
This endorsement was written on the back of a commission,
dated June 14, 1861, appointing Wharton White a first lieutenant in the Sixteenth Infantry.
I understand the young man mentioned within was forced to
decline this appointment by reason of some injury or disease
about the foot which has now recovered, and that he had the
promise of a re-appointment on recovery, from Gen. Cameron.
Under these circumstances, I shall be glad if a vacancy of 2nd
Lieutenancy can be found for him, especially as it is said he has
been studying and preparing in reliance upon such promise.
A. LINCOLN
July 18, 1862.
ENDORSEMENT'
July 19, 1862
On July 18, 1862, Brigadier-General J. T. Boyle telegraphed
from Louisville, Kentucky, asking for authority to raise twelve
months' men and for permission to send South the families of
men under arms for the Confederacy  Lincoln forwarded the
wire to the Secretary of War with the following endorsement.
Will the Sec. of W1ar please respond to this? Let Gen. Boyle
raise one years' men, unless there be some potent objection.
A. LINCOLN
July 19, 1862.
1 Original in New York Historical Society, New York City.




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To SECRETARY EDWIN M. STANTON
July 23, 1862
EXECUTIVE MANSION,
WASHINGTON, July 23, 1862.
Hon. Sec. of War
SIR
It is a question whether we shall accept the troops under the
call of Governor Curtin for 9 months men & 12 months men.
I understand you say it rests with me under the law. Perhaps it
does, but I do not wish to decide it without your concurrence.
What say you? If we do not take them after what has happened, we shall fail perhaps to get any on other terms from
Pennsylvania.
Yours truly
A. LINCOLN
The War Department reluctantly accepted the troops, but on
the understanding that the 'Governor must take the entire
responsibility of raising them without an express caU of the
President.'
To SURGEON-GENERAL WILLIAM A. HAMMOND 2
July 24, 1862
Although James B. Merwin 3 failed to secure a major's commission, he succeeded in obtaining appointment as a hospital
chaplain in the Volunteer Service on June 13, 1862.
Surgeon General will send Mr. Merwin wherever he may think
the public service may require.
A. LINCOLN
July 24, 1862.
1 Original in the New York Historical Society, New York City.
2 Original owned by Charles T. White, Brooklyn, New York.
3 See page 280.




OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN


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ENDORSEMENT 1
July 25, 1862
Col. Morrison is above a false pretence, & saying this I leave it
to the Adjt. Genl. to say whether he shall have leave of absence.
A. LINCOLN
July 25, 1862.
MEMORANDUM 2
July 29, 1862
To-day, Mrs. Robert T. Knight, calls and asks that her
husband be Assessor of this District, in which he resides. She
says good papers are on file with Sec. of Treasury. I am to give
respectful consideration to the case.
A. LINCOLN
July 29. 1862.
ENDORSEMENT 2
July 30, 1862
Lincoln placed the following endorsement on a letter from
Morris Ketchum, dated New York, July 28, 1862. Ketchum
wanted Captain James H. Bradley to have permission to raise a
regiment.
We want the proposed Regiment if we can get it, and, with
the concurrence of the Sec. of War, and the Gov. of New-York,
and not without, let Capt. Bradley raise the regiment.
A. LINCOLN
July 30. 1862
To MARY L. BOOTH 3
August 1, 1862
EXECUTIVE MANSION,
WASHINGTON, August 1, 1862.
MADAM
Allow me to return my cordial thanks for your kindness in
sending me a copy of your translation of the Comte de Gas1 Photostat in Illinois State Historical Library, Springfield, Illinois.
2 Original in Library of Congress.
3 Original in New York Public Library, New York City. L. S. only.




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parin's 'America before Europe.' I shall read it with pleasure
and with gratitude.
I am very truly
Your Obt. Servt.
ABRAHAM LINCOLN
MARY L. BOOTH
To GENERAL HENRY W. HALLECK 1
August 2, 1862
William M. Orme, the subject of the following note, was the
former law partner of Leonard Swett, of Bloomington, Illinois,
and therefore an old acquaintance of Lincoln. As colonel of the
newly organized Ninety-fourth Illinois, he was trying to have
his regiment assigned to active service.
Gen. Halleck, please see the bearer, Mr. Swett, who will tell
you truth only about Wm. M. Orme, whom I also know, to be
one of the most active, competent, and best men in the world.
A. LINCoLN
Aug. 2. 1862.
To SECRETARY EDWIN M. STANTON 2
August 4, 1862
Federal troops had evacuated Texas in the spring of 1862.
However, there was considerable Union sentiment in the State,
and this, coupled with Maximilian's activities in Mexico,
seemed to make a military expedition advisable.
EXECUTIVE MANSION,
WASHINGTON, Aug. 4., 1862
Hon. Sec. of War
SIR -
Please see these Texas gentlemen, and talk with them. They
think if we could send 2500 or 3000 arms, in a vessel, to the
vicinity of the Rio. Grande, that they can find the men there
1 Photostat in Illinois State Historical Library, Springfield, Illinois.
2 Original in Brown University Library, Providence, Rhode Island.




OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN


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who will re-inaugerate [sicl the National Authority on the Rio
Grande first, and probably on the Nuesces also. Perhaps Gen.
Halleck's opinion should should [sic] be asked.
Yours truly
A. LINCOLN
No action was taken on the Texas project at this time. It
was more than a year before an attempt to win back Texas was
made, and that ended disastrously.
To SECRETARY EDWIN M. STANTON 1
August 6, 1862
EXECUTIVE MANSION,
WASHINGTON, Aug. 6, 1862
Uon. Sec. of War.
SIRAfter the late battles before Richmond, we promoted Gen.
Israel B. Richardson to be a Major General. He wishes that
Gen. French may be assigned to his old Division, and that he
may be assigned to a new Division from Michigan, which he
thinks he can bring forward faster than any one else, & which
I think is probable. You and Gen. Halleck must decide these
things.
Yours &c
A. LINCOLN
Richardson, one of the best division commanders in the
army, was mortally wounded at the battle of Antietam.
ENDORSEMENT 1
August 9, 1862
On July 2, 1862, the Government called for 300,000 volunteers. On August 4 - scarcely more than a month later - a
call for 300,000 more was issued, and this time the draft was
authorized if the quotas should not be met. In Illinois the re1 Original in New York Historical Society, New York City.




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sponse was immediate, for on August 8, four of the State
officials, all friends of Lincoln, wired from Springfield: 'An immense number of people are here, many counties tender a
regiment. Can we say that all will be accepted under call for
the War?'
Sec. of War, please respond. I think we better take while we
can get.
A. LINCOLN
Aug. 9. 1862.
The War Department wired that all volunteers would be
accepted until August 15.
To PAYMASTER-GENERAL BENJAMIN F. LARNED
August 18, 1862
EXECUTIVE MANSION
Aug. 18, 1862
If the Paymaster General is satisfied upon examination of this
case that Lieut Tosk actually performed the service stated and
is kept from his pay by a mere informality which my order will
remedy, let him be paid.
A. LINCOLN
ENDORSEMENT 2
August 21, 1862
Mr Mason W. Newell, within recommended for Railroad
employment, is personally known to me as a Railroad man. He
was engaged in that capacity at Springfield, the place of my
residence, for five years, and during that time enjoyed the
reputation of a most competent and faithful man. I afterwards saw him at Cincinnati, engaged in the same business. I
never heard any thing against him personally or professionally.
I shall be very glad if employment can be found for him.
A. LINCOLN
Aug. 21, 1862.
1 Photostat in Illinois State Historical Library, Springfield, Illinois. L. S. only.
2 Original owned by Mrs. John H. Armel, Humboldt, Kansas.




OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN                      303
ENDORSEMENT 1
August 22, 1862
This endorsement was written on a letter from Rear Admiral
S. F. Du Pont, Port Royal, South Carolina, August 15, 1862,
recommending acting Flag Lieutenant Preston for a full lieutenancy.
Respectfully submitted to the Navy Department, asking
special attention, and as favorable action as may be consistent.
A. LINCOLN
Aug. 22. 1862.
TELEGRAM TO COLONEL HERMAN HAUPT 2
August 27, 1862
The following telegrams to Colonel Herman Haupt, Chief of
Railway Construction and Transportation of the Army of the
Potomac, were written just as Pope's Virginia campaign was
climaxing in disaster.
August 27, 1862
COLONEL HAUPT.
What became of our forces which held the bridge till twenty
minutes ago, as you say?
A. LINCOLN
TELEGRAM TO COLONEL HERMAN HAUPT 2
August 31, 1862
WAR DEPT., Aug. 31, 1862. 7:10 AM
COL. HAUPT:
What news? Did you hear any firing this morning?
A. LINCOLN
To JAMES N BROWN 3
September 5, 1862
James N Brown, of Island Grove, Illinois, was an influential
member of the State Agricultural Society.
1 Original in New York Public Library, New York City.
2 Reminiscences of General Herman Haupt, 100.
' Original owned by Latham Souther, Springfield. Illinois. L. S. only.




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EXECUTIVE MANSION,
WASHINGTON, September 5, 1862.
MY DEAR SIR
I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your favor of
the 24th August. I fully appreciate the patriotism and devotion which dictated the tender of service of the Agricultural
Society and have referred the matter to the consideration of the
Secretary of War.
I am very truly
Your Obt. Servt
A. LINCOLN
JAs. N BROWN ESQ
To SECRETARY EDWIN STANTON 1
September 11, 1862
This letter was written below the following extract from a
letter from August Belmont, New York banker and politician,
to Lincoln, dated September 4, 1862: 'I think that new vigor
and energy would be infused into our military operations, and
the exhausted ranks of our army would be speedily filled, if you
place General Halleck at the head of the Department as Secretary of War, and appoint General McClellan Commander-inChief of the United States forces east of the Alleghany mountains, which would place the operations in Virginia, Washington and Maryland, under his sole control.'
EXECUTIVE MANSION,
Sept. 11, 1862
Hon. Secretary of War
MY DEAR SIR
I have two long letters from Mr. Belmont, and the above
extract is the only part in either, which can be construed to
alude to you. I will show you the letters if you wish.
Yours as ever
A. LINCOLN
1 Original in New York Historical Society, New York City.




OF ABRAHAM      LINCOLN                305
To SURGEON-GENERAL WILLIAM A. HAMMOND 1
September 18, 1862
EXECUTIVE MANSION,
WASHINGTON, Sep. 18, 1862.
SURGEON GENERAL,
Please ascertain for me whether Isaac Schneider, of the 100th
New-York Regiment, and now at the Douglas hospital is likely
soon, or ever to be fit for duty again. He was wounded at Fair
Oaks, as I understand; is but sixteen years old, and I am
appealed to to discharge him.
A. LINCOLN
To SECRETARY EDWIN MI. STANTON 2
September 19, 1862
EXECUTIVE MANSION,
WASHINGTON, Sep. 19, 1862
Hon. Sec. of War
DEAR SIR
Mr Henry G. Ward, accredited Agent for the government of
China, represents to me that he purchased three hundred and
thirty six barrels of powder at New-York, which he is prevented
from shipping by your order The preventing of the shipping of
powder may be a military necessity with us at this time, and if
so, it can be no just ground of offence to any other government,
as I suppose. But should we not, in such case, tender the
purchase money to the agent so that he can use it elsewhere?
Yours truly
A. LINCOLN
ENDORSEMENT 2
About September 20, 1862
On September 18, 1862, Colonel J. J Berdan wrote Lincoln
that under existing regulations no Governor had authority to
commission his field and staff officers, his command being made
up of companies from different States. He asked that this con1 Photostat in Illinois State Historical Library, Springfield, Illinois.
2 Original in New York Historical Society, New York City




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dition be rectified, and that he have authority to recruit the
corps to a brigade.
Col. Berdan's Sharp shooters, are an irregular (in a sense, an
illegal) organization. Its field and staff officers have had no
Commissions. It is a good deal reduced by skirmishes, battles,
and other hard service. So far as I know, there are no jealousies against it, and it is universally appreciated. I therefore
propose that the Sec. of War, with the assistance of the Adjutant General, and Col. Berdan, put the Corps into the most
effective form, regardless of existing regulations; and I will
recommend to Congress to ratify it, giving Commissions, pay &c
from the time individuals entered the service.
A. LINcoLN
To SECRETARY EDWIN M. STANTON 1
September 20, 1862
EXECUTIVE MANSION,
WASHINGTON, Sep. 20, 1862.
IHon. Sec. of War
DEAR SIR.
I know it is your purpose to send the paroled prisoners to the
seat of the Indian difficulties; and I write this only to urge that
this be done with all possible despatch. Gen. Wool telegraphs
that including those from Harper's Ferry, there are now twenty
thousand at Anapolis, requiring four good unparoled regiments
to guard them. This should not be endured beyond the earliest
moment possible to change it. Arm them and send them away
just as fast as the Railroads will carry them. Each regiment
arriving on the frontier will relieve a new regiment to come
forward.
Yours truly
A. LINcoLN
The prisoners mentioned in the foregoing letter were Union
soldiers who had been captured by the Confederate armies and
1 Original in New York Historical Society, New York City.




OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN


307


released on parole. Shortly after this letter was written, several
regiments were sent to Minnesota, where Indian disturbances
had recently occurred.
ENDORSEMENT 1
October 10, 1862
The organization attempted by Mr. Boswell, makes a place for
people in that region inclined our way, to go; and, in that
respect is important. While it is proper that a corps of Northern
men should not be raised & be called Mississippians, still I see
no objection to Alabamians, and even persons from other Southern states, found in Missippi, [sic] joining the organization.
Suppose the Sec. of War modifies his order so as to admit of this;
and also providing that when enough for a regiment are obtained they shall go into the service at once, not waiting for the
completion of a Brigade - nevertheless Mr Boswell proceeding
to get the materials for a Brigade, if practicable. One man
there is worth two here in this, that it adds one to us, and takes
one from the enemy, and for which advantage we can afford to
endure a little extra extra [sic] trouble and perplexity.
A. LINCOLN
Oct. 10. 1862.
In one corner of this document is the following curt notation
in Stanton's handwriting. 'Boswells Case. Oct. 11. The
Secretary of War refuses to extend Boswells authority'
MEMORANDUM 2
October 16, 1862
EXECUTIVE MANSION,
WASHINGTON, Oct. 16, 1862.
To-day, Mr. Goodloe calls with Rev. Mr Channing of the
Unitarian Church here, (now used as a hospital) to be Chaplain
1 Original in New York Historical Society, New York City.
s Original in Brown University Library, Providence, Rhode Island.




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there, or elsewhere here. I believe him entirely worthy, but
I have not now an appointment to make.
A. LINcoLN
To ATTORNEY-GENERAL EDWARD BATES 1
November 10, 1862
EXECUTIVE MANSION
WASHINGTON, D. C. Nov. 10. 1862
Hon. Attorney General
DEAR SIR
I am not quite ready to appoint a Judge for the District of
Indiana; and, therefore I will thank you to take proper measures
for having court held by a neighboring Judge.
Yours truly
A. LINCOLN
A few weeks after this letter was written, Caleb B- Smith,
Secretary of the Interior, resigned to accept the position of
United States Judge for the District of Indiana.
To SAMUEL TREAT 2
November 19, 1862
After the battle of Corinth, in early October, 1862, the AMississippi River was free from Southern control or threat as far
south as Vicksburg. Union forces controlled New Orleans, but
between these two points the river was in Confederate hands.
Giving access to Texas with its huge herds of cattle, this territory was of great importance.
Grant determined to break this control by a general southern
movement which had Vicksburg as its first objective. The
movement did not get under way as rapidly as Grant and many
others - among whom was Samuel Treat, United States Judge
at St. Louis - wished. In a letter to David Davis, recently
appointed a Justice of the United States Supreme Court, Treat
stressed the importance of the contemplated movement.
1 Original in Library of Congress.
2 Printed in Stephens, 'Lincoln and Missouri,' in the Missouri Historical Retiew, x,
no. 2, p. 91.




OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN


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EXECUTIE MANSION,
WASHINGTON, Nov. 19, 1862.
Judge S. Treat,
St. Louis, Mo.
MY DEAR SIR.
Your very patriotic and judicious letter, addressed to Judge
Davis, in relation to the Mississippi, has been left with me for
perusal. You do not estimate the value of the object you press
more highly than it is estimated here. It is now the object of
particular attention. It has not been neglected, as you seem to
think, because the West was divided into different military
districts. The cause is much deeper The country will not
allow us to send our whole western force down the Mississippi,
while the enemy sacks Louisville and Cincinnati. Probably it
would be better if the country would allow this, but it will not.
I confidently believed last September that we could end the
war by allowing the enemy to go to Harrisburg and Philadelphia, only that we could not keep down mutiny, and utter
demoralization among the Pennsylvanians. And this, though
unhandy sometimes, is not at all strange. I presume if an army
was starting to-day for New Orleans, and you confidently believed that St. Louis would be sacked in consequence, you
would be in favor of stopping such army
With great respect
Your obt. servant,
A. LINCOLN.
To R. SHELTON MACKENZIE 1
December 11, 1862
EXECUTIVE MANSION,
WASHINGTON, Dec. 11, 1862)
R. SHELTON MACKENZIE.
Below is my autograph for your good lady as you request
Yours truly
A. LINCOLN
1 Original in Henry E. Huntington Library.




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To SECRETARY EDWIN M. STANTON
December 26, 1862
EXECUTIVE MAN.SION,
WASHINGTON, December 26, 1862
Hon. Sec. of War:
SIR:
Two Ohio regiments and one Illinois regiment were captured
at Hartsville, have been parolled, and are now at Columbus
Ohio. This brings the Ohio regiments substantially to their
homes. I am strongly impressed with the belief that the Illinois
regiment better be sent to Illinois, where it will be recruited and
put in good condition, by the time they are exchanged, so as to
re-enter the service. They did not misbehave, and I am satisfied, so that they should receive no treatment, nor have anything withheld from them, by way of punishment.
Yours truly
A. LINcoLN
PROCLAMATION 2
January 21, 1863
One of the duties placed upon the President by the act chartering the Union Pacific Railroad Company, passed July 1,
1862, was that of designating the uniform width of the track, on
the branches as well as the main line. From the time of the
passage of the act, letters advocating different gauges poured
into the Department of the Interior The East generally favored
the standard gauge of four feet eight and one half inches; the
West, particularly California, five feet. On January 20, the
day before this proclamation was written, Lincoln, without
discussion, asked his Cabinet for a vote on the question - 'not
that it should be conclusive,' Secretary Welles recorded, 'but as
an expression of the unbiased opinion of each.' Welles added
that he himself favored the narrow gauge, and believed that
the other members felt likewise.
Whereas, by the 12th section of an act of Congress, entitled
1 Original owned by Gabriel Wells, New York City.
2 Printed in Starr, Lincoln and the Railroads, 2i1-22.




OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN


311


'An Act to aid in the construction of a Railroad and Telegraph
Line, from the Missouri River to the Pacific Ocean and to
secure to the Government the use of the same, for postal, military, and other Purposes,' approved July 1st, 1862, it is made
the duty of the President of the United States of America, to
determine the uniform width of the track of the entire line of
the said railroad and the branches of the same; and whereas,
application has been made to me, by the Leavenworth, Pawnee
and Western Railroad Company (a company authorized by the
Act of Congress above mentioned to construct a branch of said
railroad) to fix the gauge thereof.
Now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the
United States of America, do determine that the uniform width
of the track of said Railroad and all its branches which are
provided for in the aforesaid Act of Congress, shall be Five (5)
feet, and that this order be filed in the office of the Secretary of
the Interior, for the information and guidance of all concerned.
Done at the City of Washington, this Q21st day of Januaryr, in
the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty
three.
ABRAHAMi LINCOLN.
The narrow-gauge advocates, however, were not to be so
easily vanquished. On February 2, a bill establishing the uniform width of track of the Union Pacific at four feet eight and
one half inches was introduced in Congress. It passed readily,
and received Lincoln's signature on 1March 3, 1863.
To GENERAL STEPHEN A. HURLBUT 1
January 202, 1863
Stephen A. Hurlbut, in civil life a lawyer of Belvidere, Illinois,
had been appointed a brigadier-general soon after the outbreak
of hostilities. After the battle of Shiloh he had been promoted
to the rank of major-general. A Republican in politics, he had
been a good friend and supporter of Lincoln.
1 Original owned by Alfred C. Meyer, Highland Park, Illinois.




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EXECUTIVE MANSION,
WASHINGTON, January 22, 1863.
Major Gen. S. A. Hurlbut
1MY DEAR SIR,
Yours of the 17th to Mr Washburne has been shown me.
As your friend, which you know I am, I would advise you not
to come to Washington, if you could safely come without leave
You now stand well with the Sec. of War, and with Gen. Halleck, and it would lessen you with both for you to make your
appearance here. I advise you by all means to dismiss the
thought of coming here.
Yours very truly
A. LINCOLN
On February 5, Hurlbut was given command of the Sixteenth
Army Corps, with headquarters at Memphis. He ended his
military career as commander of the Department of the Gulf,
succeeding Banks in 1864.
UNFINISHED DRAFT OF LETTER TO GENERAL
NATHANIEL P BANKS
About January 23, 1863.
After a stormy career as commander of the Department of
the Gulf, Major-General Benjamin F. Butler was recalled on
December 16, 1862, to be succeeded by Major-General Nathaniel P. Banks. On January 23, 1863, Lincoln wrote Stanton'I think General Butler should go to New Orleans again. He
is unwilling to go unless he is restored to the command of the
department. He should start by the 1st of February, and should
take some force with him. The whole must be so managed as to
not wrong or wound the feelings of General Banks. His original
wish was to go to Texas, and it must be arranged for him to do
this now with a substantial force; and yet he must not go to the
endangering the opening of the Mississippi. I hope this may
be done by the time General Butler shall arrive there, but
whether or not, I think we cannot longer dispense with General
1 Original in New York Historical Society, New York City.




OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN


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Butler's services.' In pursuance of this resolution Lincoln
drafted the following letter.
EXECUTIVE MANSION,
WASHINGTON,, 1863.
Major Gener Banks [sic]
MY DEAR SIR:
In superseding you, by returning Gen. Butler to command
the Department of the Gulf, I have trusted that you will not
understand me as being even indifferent to your feelings and
your honor. I would be as careful of yours as of my own.
I have issued the proclamation, which, like most measures
has two sides to its effects. What is evil in effect we are already
enduring, and we must have the counterpart of it. For this
last, as I think, there is no such place as Louisiana, and no such
man as Gen. Butler But to make the most of both, he must go
with heart and will; and having been relieved from that Department it is a great point with him to be restored to it. In
beginning the peculiar work alluded to there should not be
another hour's delay Hence I send him at once. I sincerely
hope the Mississippi may be opened by the time Gen. Butler
reaches New-Orleans; but whether it shall be or not, he must go
forward without more delay That you shall make your independent expedition into Texas is still intended, but it can not be
made so long as your force is needed on the Mississippi, and
while needed there, it is my purpose that you retain the immediate command of it in its operation, although you are to
report to Gen. Butler after his arrival. When your force, or a
substantial and sufficient part of it can be spared from the Mississippi, you are to go to Texas with a department independent
of Gen. Butler. His orders and instructions are drawn up with
a view to, and in conformity with all this.
This letter was never finished. General Banks remained in
command of the Department of the Gulf until May, 1864, when,
as the result of the unfortunate outcome of his Texas expedition, undertaken during the spring of that year, he was relieved
of the command.




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To QUARTERMASTER-GENERAL MONTGOMERY C. MEIGS 1
January 31, 1863
At the outbreak of the war, and for many months afterward,
the Federal Government was able to furnish no more than a
part of the camp equipage and clothing necessary for the equipmient of the volunteers. In order to get the troops in the field as
rapidly as possible, the Secretary of War instructed the Governors to furnish the materials, and promised that the Government would reimburse the States. James C. Conkling, whom
Governor Yates appointed as the Illinois agent for the settlemnent of these accounts after the death of Thomas H. Campbell, was a Springfield lawyer.
EXECUTIVE MANSION,
WASHINGTON, January 31, 1863.
Quarter-Mllaster-General
DEAR SIR:
The bearer of this, Mr. James C. Conkling, is successor to
MIr Thomas H. Campbell, now deceased, as agent to adjust
accounts with this government for the State of Illinois. He has
ample business qualifications, is entirely trustworthy; and with
all is my personal friend of long standing. Please see & hear him.
Yours truly
A. LINCOLN
To SECRETARY EDWIN M. STANTON 2
February 3, 1863
Sec. of War, please see Mr. Conkling, a good man, who comes
as successor of MIr. Campbell, now deceased, as agent to settle
accounts for Illinois.
A. LINCOLN
Feb. 3. 1863.
1 Original in Henry E. Huntington Library.
2 Photostat in Illinois State Historical Library, Springfield, Illinois.




OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN


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To SECRETARY EDWIN M. STANTON 1
February 9, 1863
Will Mr. Stanton please see Col. Kirkham and read the letter
of Mr. Butler, one of our wisest and most reliable men at
Springfield
A. LINCOLN.
Monday.
Feb. 9. 1863.
Colonel Ralph W. Kirkham was Chief Quartermaster of the
Department of the Pacific, while William Butler had just concluded his second term as Treasurer of Illinois.
ENDORSEMENT 2
February 9, 1863
This endorsement was written on the back of a letter from
J J. Crittenden, A. Harding, and Garrett Davis, Washington,
January 6, 1863, requesting that General Speed S. Frye, of
Kentucky, be transferred from the Army of the Cumberland to
the Army of the Ohio.
I know nothing as to whether the transfer sought, is admissable. I have a very strong impression, however that Gen.
Frye is a worthy gentleman and meritorious officer
A. LINCOLN
Feb. 9. 1863.
To SECRETARY EDWIN M. STANTON 3
February 11, 1863
EXECUTIVrE MANSION
February 11, 1863
Hon. Sec. of War
MY DEAR SIR
Mr Senator Henderson and Mr Representative Rollins, are
so anxious to have something done for Edward H. Casth, of
1 Original in New York Historical Society, New York City L. S. only.
2 Original in New York Historical Society, New York City$ Original owned by Gabriel Wells, New York City.




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Mo. that I ask you to see them, and oblige them if you can
consistently with law and propriety.
[No signature]
PASS AND RECOMMENDATION FOR GENERAL BENJAMIN F
BUTLER '
February 11, 1863
His plan to restore Butler to his command at New Orleans
failing,2 Lincoln asked him to visit the Mississippi and examine
the civil administration of the several departments, and to
report on the military situation. Anticipating his acceptance,
he prepared the following pass and recommendation. Butler,
however, declined the commission.
EXECUTIVE MANSION
WASHINGTON, February 11, 1863
Whom it may concern.
Major General Butler, bearer of this, visits the Mississippi
River, and localities thereon, at my request, for observation.
The Military and Naval Commanders, whom he may meet;
will please facilitate his passage from point to point, and make
him as comfortable as possible during his stay with them respectively I will thank them also to impart to him such information as they may possess, and he may seek, not inconsistent
with the military service.
A. LINcoLN
IMEMORANDUM 3
February 13, 1863
EXECUTIVE MANSION,
WASHINGTON, Feb. 13. 1863.
To-day, Hon. Mr. Yeaman, of Ky calls and asks that Gen.
R. W  Johnson, may be transferred from Gen. Rosecrans command to that of Gen. Wright. Mr Yeaman says he does this
at the request of Gen. Johnson
A. LINCOLN
1 Printed in facsimile in Butler's Book, 569.  2 See page 312.
a Original in Henry E. Huntington Library.




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To SECRETARY EDWIN M. STANTON 1
February 14, 1863
EXECUTIVE MANSION,
WASHINGTON, February 14, 1863
Hon. Sec. of War.
MY DEAR SIR:
Will you please let me see the papers mentioned to us some
time last summer, by Gen. Halleck as convicting Fitz Henry
Warren of fraud in connection with the payment of a regiment.
Yours truly
A. LINCOLN
Fitz Henry Warren was an Iowa Republican leader who had
been commissioned a brigadier-general of Volunteers in the summer of 1862. He continued in the service until the end of the war.
To SECRETARY EDWIN M. STANTON 1
February 21, 1863
EXECUTIVE MANSION
WASHINGTON, Feb. 21. 1863.
Hon. Sec. of War
MY DEAR SIR.
George W. Phipps, of Philda., is brother-in-law to Senator
Foster; and I am led to think, he has more than common qualifications for, say, a Pay-Mastership. I shall really be glad if an
Additional Pay Mastership can be given him.
Yours truly
A. LINCOLN.
To JUDGE-ADVOCATE-GENERAL JOSEPH HOLT 2
March 9, 1863
EXECUTIVE MANSION,
WASHINGTON, March 9, 1863.
Hon. Joseph Holt
Judge Advocate General.
MY DEAR SIR
I understand there is one vacancy of a Judge Advocate,
under the 6th section of the same act under which you hold your
I Original in New York Historical Society, New York City
2 Original owned by Emanuel Hertz, New York City.




318


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appointment. If so, please indorse on this sheet, your opinion
as to whether, with reference to the service, the vacancy should
now be filled, and also what army the appointee shall be assigned to.
Yours truly
A. LINCOLN
ENDORSEMENT 1
March 11, 1863
On January 13, 1862, Brigadier-General Daniel Ullman was
given authority to recruit a brigade (four regiments) of Louisiana volunteer infantry, the intention of the War Department
being that these should be colored troops. On March 11, Ullman telegraphed from New York that he could obtain officers
for at least two more regiments within ten days, and asked for
authority to raise them. Lincoln wrote the following comment
on the back of the telegram.
Submitted to the Sec. of War, with the remark, that the experiment of filling up the authorized four regiments better be
made, without wasting time to get up the framework of two
more.
A. LINcoLN
March 11. 1863.
Ullman was given authority to raise an additional battalion
(six companies) on March 24.
To SECRETARY EDWIN M. STANTON 1
March 19, 1863
EXECUTIVE MANSION,
WASHINGTON, March 19, 1863.
Hon. Sec. of War.
SIR.
Hon. John A. Gurley, Gov. of Arizona, wishes one of the
Colorado regiments, to be placed where it can give protection to
1 Original in New York Historical Society, New York City.




OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN


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that Territory; and he also wishes authority to raise one regiment in the territory. I wish you and the General-in-Chief,
would consider whether these things, one or both, can not be
safely & profitably done?
Yours truly
A. LINCOLN
ENDORSEMENT 1
March 21, 1863
The following noncommittal endorsement was written on an
unsigned note which read. 'Governor John S. Phelps suggests
that immediate steps be taken to occupy the State of Arkansas
with an adequate force - say 12,000 or 15,000 men. March 21,
1863.'
Submitted to the Secretary of W1ar.
A. LINCOLN
March 21, 1863.
Ever since the battle of Pea Ridge, in the spring of 186%,
Arkansas had been open to whichever side could spare a few
thousand soldiers to occupy and hold it. Neither was able to do
this until the late summer of 1863, when it was occupied by an
adequate Union force.
ENDORSEMENT 2
March 27, 1863
On the back of a letter from John Archbishop, New York,
February 4, 1863, asking that the son of IIrs. Emily Duke, of
Washington, be made a lieutenant of Marines, Lincoln wrote
the following.
If there be any vacancy of a Lieutenant of Marines, I really
wish the appointment within requested to be made.
A. LINCOLN
March 27 1863.
There is no record of the appointment.
1 Photostat in Library of Congress.
2 Original owned by Oliver R. Barrett, Chicago, Illinois.




320


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MEMORANDUM 1
March 27, 1863
EXECUTIVE MANSION,
WASHINGTON, March 27 1863.
To-day Mr. Blake, of Indianapolis, asks
1. Capt. Aiken be promoted
2. Col. William H. Blake of the 9th be promoted.
3. Col. John W. Blake of the 40th be promoted.
4. That himself - James Blake - have something.
There is humor - even though it may not have been intentional - in the brief endorsement Lincoln made on the back
of this document'
Submitted to the Secretary of War.
A. LINCOLN
March. 30. 1863.
To SECRETARY EDWIN M. STANTON 2
March 29, 1863
For the first three months of 1863, Grant's army was largely
occupied in digging canals and cut-offs in an attempt to get
below Vicksburg without having to pass in front of its fortifications. On March 28, 1863, the 'New York Sunday MIercury'
announced - erroneously - the successful use of one of the
canals. The dispatch, dated Cairo, March 28, 8 P.Mi., read as
follows. 'We have stirring news from below The rise in the
river has flooded the Peninsula, and there are sixteen feet of
water in the cut off. A fleet of six iron-clads and twenty transports passed through early this morning. They carry a force of
fifteen thousand men. They are to join Admiral Farragut's two
vessels, the Hartford and Monongahela, below Warrenton.
The object of the expedition is kept secret, but there can be no
doubt that Port Hudson is the point to be attacked.'
March 29. 1863
Hon. E. M. Stanton
SIR
I fear - in fact, believe - the despatch you mentioned is
utter humbuggery I have tracked it up & found that it came
1 Original in Library of Congress.  2 Photostat in Library of Congress.




OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN


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from Cairo last-night to the New-York-Mercury, was printed
in that paper of this morning, which came by mail to Philadelphia & is thence telegraphed to Capt. Fox. Now, is it not past
belief that such news would be at Cairo that length of time,
and not be sent directly to us - especially as Pennock is under
strict orders to send everything promptly. Besides there are no
six iron-clads, nor 15000 men at Vicksburg to pass through the
canal, even if the Mississippi river had risen fifteen feet in as
many minutes.
Yours truly
A. LINCOLN
To SECRETARY JOHN P. USHER 1
April 13, 1863
EXECUTIVE MANSTON,
WASHINGTON, April 13, 1863
Hon. Sec. of Interior
MY DEAR SIR
Please see Mr Dickey a friend, and son of a friend, of mine.
He is a gentleman of very high standing; and I will be glad if
you will hear him patiently, and oblige him if possible.
Yours truly
A. LINCOLN
To SECRETARY EDWIN M. STANTON 2
April 16, 1863
EXECUTIVE MANSION,
WASHINGTON, April 16, 1863.
Hon. Sec. of War.
SIR.
I understand that Major Easton, Q. M. in regular Army,
and now serving at Leavenworth, Kansas, is sought to be dismissed on a charge of disloyalty. The present Governor of
Kansas, Senator Pomeroy, and U S. Judge Williams, (the latter of whom I have known nearly thirty years) all say he is not
1 Original owned by William H. Keller, Lancaster, Pennsylvania.
' Original in New York Historical Society, New York City.




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disloyal, but is a worthy and efficient officer. I therefore think
we better not act without positive evidence. Perhaps better
wait to hear from the Governor after he shall have reached
home.
Yours truly
A. LINCOLN
Instead of being dismissed from the service, Langdon Cheves
Easton was promoted to the rank of lieutenant-colonel on
November 13, 1863. During Sherman's Atlanta campaign he
was brevetted brigadier-general for distinguished service in the
quartermaster's department, and in March, 1865, he was
brevetted major-general for meritorious service during the war
MEMORANDUM 1
April 18, 1863
EXECUTrVE MANSION,
WASHINGTON, April 18, 1863.
This man, Rosenberg, who, it seems was with Fremont & Sigel, in several battles, can get no pay in any way. Gen. Hooker
testifies to have seen him doing efficient service at the 2nd.
Bull-Run.
A. LINCOLN
On the back of this memorandum Lincoln wrote the following
endorsement:
Submitted to the Sec. of War.
A. LINcoLN
April 20. 1863.
MEMORANDUM 1
April 22, 1863
In December, 1861, a Federal expedition under General
Burnside, in which General John Gray Foster commanded a
brigade, commenced a movement against Roanoke Island, a
point of great strategic importance off the coast of North Carolina. After hard fighting the island was taken early in February
1 Original in New York Historical Society, New York City




OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN


323


of the following year. Using it as a base, subsidiary expeditions
soon brought so large a part of eastern North Carolina under
Federal control that a military governor, Edward Stanley, was
appointed.
EXECUTIVE MANSION,
WASHINGTON, April 22, 1863
To-day, Gov Stanley, calls and asks that Gen. Foster, may
have his commission dated back. Gen. F.'s conduct at Washington N C. I think, entitles him to additional consideration.
A. LINCOLN
Lincoln must have confused Washington, which the Confederates abandoned, with New Berne, which was stubbornly
defended. Foster was not even present at Washington, but at
New Berne his brigade bore the brunt of the attack. His commission as major-general was dated July 18, 1862, a few days
after he succeeded Burnside in command of the Department of
North Carolina.
TELEGRAM TO GENERAL JOSEPH HOOKER 1
April 28, 1863
On January 26, 1863, Major-General Joseph Hooker succeeded Ambrose Burnside in command of the Army of the
Potomac. As soon as the roads were passable, Hooker started
to move toward Richmond, only to be decisively defeated at
Chancellorsville a few days after this telegram was dispatched.
EXECUTIVE MANSION,
WASHINGTON, April 28, 1863.
MAJOR GENERAL HOOKER
The maps, newspapers, and letter of yesterday are just received, for all which I thank you. While I am anxious, please do
not suppose I am impatient, or waste a moment's thought on
me, to your own hindrance, or discomfort.
Yours as ever
A. LINCOLN
Original in Henry E. Huntington Library.




NEW LETTERS AND PAPERS


ENDORSEMENT 1
May 4, 1863
Lincoln wrote this endorsement on the back of a telegram
from Rufus Ingalls, Chief Quartermaster, to Colonel D. H.
Rucker. The wire, sent from United States Ford on May 4 fat
5.10 P.M., read, 'Ship no more horses or other stores until further
notice. Please advise Capt. Stoddard & Ferguson (Quarter
Masters at Alexandria). My reasons are good.'
1 It appears Ingalls is not with Hooker, and therefore may not
be acting under his special direction.
2. He may consider it a proper precaution, in view of what he
knows is going on at Fredericksburg
3. He may not know that we know about Fredericksburg, and,
to keep it from us, may say 'My reasons are good'
A. LINCOLN
May 4. 1863
Chancellorsville was fought on May 2, 3, and 4. As a part of
that engagement, General Sedgwick, commanding the Sixth
Corps, had taken Fredericksburg on the 3d, but was forced to
evacuate it the next day. On the 4th, the Union defeat was
quite apparent. Ingalls, realizing this, knew that retirement
was likely, and that the drive to Richmond was once more
stopped.
To SECRETARY EDWIN M. STANTON 1
May 18, 1863
Notices and advertisements from the executive departments
were required by law to be published in the two Washington
newspapers having the largest permanent circulation, and, at
the President's discretion, in a third paper to be selected by
him. On April 11, 1861, Lincoln designated the 'National
Republican' this third paper, and reaffirmed the order February 13, 1863.
1 Original in New York Historical Society, New York City.




OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN


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EXECUTIVE MANSION,
PRIVATE                           WASHINGTON, May 18, 1863.
Hon. Secretary of War
MY DEAR SIR
You will greatly oblige me, because it will be a matter of
personal relief to me, if you will allow Hanscom's (the Republican's) accounts to be settled and paid.
Yours truly
A. LINCOLN
ENDORSEMENT 1
May 19, 1863
This endorsement was written on the back of a telegram to
Lincoln from Joshua F and James Speed, dated Louisville,
May 19, 1863. The wire read: Did you get our dispatch of
Sunday about Churchill of St. Louis. The time is so short & we
so anxious must be our apology for this message.'
Sec. of War, please make up an order & send to Mr. Guthrie
according to the despatches pro & con, in the case of Samuel
B Churchill.
A. LINCOLN
May 19, 1863.
A telegram of Lincoln's, sent May 16 to James Guthrie, of
Louisville, Kentucky, explains this case. 'I personally know
nothing of Colonel Churchill,' Lincoln wired, 'but months ago
and more than once he has been represented to me as exerting
a mischievous influence at Saint Louis, for which reason I am
unwilling to force his continuance there against the judgment of
our friends on the ground, but if it will oblige you, he may
come to, and remain at Louisville upon taking the oath of allegiance, and your pledge for his good behavior.' 2 Early in
1865, Lincoln stated that he had 'quite satisfactory evidence'
that Churchill had not misbehaved at Louisville.3
1 Original in New York Historical Society, New York City.
2 Nicolay and Hay, Complete Works, vm, 276-77.  3 Ibid., xi, 48.




326


NEW LETTERS AND PAPERS


ENDORSEMENT 1
May 23, 1863
On May 13, 1863, Thomas M. Vincent, Assistant AdjutantGeneral, informed Lieutenant-Colonel J. W Wetherill that the
Secretary of War had decided that he could not be mustered
into the Eighty-Second Pennsylvania Regiment, but that he
could be mustered into any other regiment than this. Lincoln
wrote this endorsement on the back of Vincent's letter - and
Wetherill was mustered into the Eighty-Second Pennsylvania.
There is a mistake somewhere in this case. By the accompanying copy of Gov. Curtin's letter, with my indorsement on it, it is
seen that I removed the disability of Lt. Colonel Wetherill, for
the express purpose of allowing him to be appointed Lieut Col.
of the 82nd Regt. & not, as the writer of this assumes, to allow
him to be appointed to any regiment other than the 82nd. Will
the Sec. of War please have the matter corrected? or explain to
me wherein the hitch is?
A. LINCOLN
May 23. 1863.
To SECRETARY EDWIN M. STANTON 2
May 23, 1863
WASHINGTON, May 23, 1863.
Hon. Sec. of War,
MY DEAR SIR:
In order to continue the Illinois Central Railroad, a large
grant of land was made by the United States to the State of
Illinois, which land was again given to the Railroad Company
by the State, in certain provisions of the Charter. By the U S.
Grant, certain privileges were attempted to be secured from the
contemplated Railroad to the U. S. and by the Charter certain
per centage of the income of the road was to be from time to
time paid to the State of Illinois. At the beginning of the present
war the Railroad did certain carrying for the U. S. for which it
claims pay, and as I understand, the U. S. claims that at least
1 Original in New York Historical Society, New York City
2 Printed in Starr, Lincoln and the Railroads, 71.




OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN


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part of this the road was bound to do without pay. Though
attempts have been made to settle the matter, it remains unsettled. Meanwhile the Road refuses to pay the percentage to
the state. This delay is working badly; and I understand the
delay exists because of there being no definite decision whether
the U. S. will settle its own accounts with the Railroad, or will
allow the state to settle it, and account to the state for it. If I
had the leisure which I have not, I believe I could settle it, but
prima facie it appears to me we better settle the account ourselves, because that will save us all questions as to whether the
state deals fairly with us in the settlement of our account with a
third party - the Railroad.
I wish you would see Mr Butler, late our State Treasurer,
and see if something definite can not be done in the case.
Yours truly,
A. LINCOLN
Eleven days after this letter was written, the QuartermasterGeneral instructed the Chief Quartermaster of the Department of the West to settle with the road for all service performed prior to May 3, 1862. The terms of settlement embodied
concessions by both the Government and the Illinois Central.
To JUDGE-ADVOCATE-GENERAL JOSEPH HOLT 1
May 23, 1863
EXECUTIVE MANSION,
WASHINGTON, May '3, 1863.
Judge Advocate General
MY DEAR SIR
Please send me, (if you have it) the record of the trial & conviction as a Spy, of William B. Compton, now in custody at
Fort McHenry.
Yours truly
A. LINCOLN
Original owned by Oliver R. Barrett, Chicago, Illinois.




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ENDORSEMENT 1
June 4, 1863
On this date Samuel A. Foote wrote Lincoln soliciting an
appointment as United States District Judge for South Carolina, 'with the understanding and pledge on my part, to resign,
whenever the government can find a suitable person, a citizen
of that state, to take the position.'
Attorney General, please preserve. Judge Foot is cousin to the
Admiral, & is vouched as an excellent man.
A. LINCOLN
June 4, 1863.
No appointment was made to the United States District
Court for South Carolina until after the war.
TELEGRAM TO GENERAL DANIEL TYLER 2
June 15, 1863
Early in June, Lee commenced his invasion of Pennsylvania.
On the 13th, Ewell invested Winchester in the Shenandoah
Valley, held by a division under Milroy Milroy disobeyed an
order to withdraw to Harper's Ferry, then held by Tyler, and
as a result lost a large part of his command. By the night of the
15th, the head of the Confederate army was crossing the Potomac at Williamsport. Hooker, meanwhile, was moving northward on Lee's right flank.
WAR DEPARTMENT
WASHINGTON CITY
June 15. 845 P M. 1863.
Gen. Tyler,
Harper's Ferry.
It would be useful, if we could tell Hooker, about what number of the enemy is about Winchester and all North of it - also
what troops they are. I will be obliged, if you will ascertain as
nearly as you can, and inform me.
A. LINCOLN
'Original owned by W K. Bixby, St. Louis, Missouri.
2 Original owned by Thomas F. Madigan, New York City.




OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN                      329
To DR. ROBERT K. STONE 1
June 25, 1863
EXECUTIVE MANSION,
WASHINGTON, June 25, 1863.
Dr. Stone
MY DEAR SIR
Herewith is the note of Mrs. Stone to Mrs. L. You percieve
[sic] I have put an endorsement upon it. By presenting the
note and endorsement to the Sec. of War, he will oblige Mrs.
S. as she requests. Ile already understands the case.
Yours truly
A. LINCOLN.
To SECRETARY EDWIN M. STANTON 2
July 2, 1863
EXECUTIVE MANSION,
WASHINGTON, July 2. 1863.
Hon. Sec. of War
MY DEAR SIR
I wish you would allow the Republican (my paper as you
jokingly call it) to be paid for advertising. The non-payment is
made a source of trouble to me.
Yours truly
A. LINCOLN
To SECRETARY GIDEON WELLES 3
July 21, 1863
EXECUTIVE MANSION,
WASHINGTON, July 21, 1863.
Hon. Secretary of the Navy
MY DEAR SIR:
If you conveniently can send copies of all your general instructions to Naval Commanders, for me to read and return, I
shall be obliged.
Yours as ever
A. LINCOLN
1 Photostat in Library of Congress.
2 Original in New York Historical Society, New York City.
I Original owned by the Rosenbach Company, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania.




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ENDORSEMENT 1
August, 1863
Late in July, Major-General William S. Rosecrans, commanding the Army of the Cumberland, sent Major-General
L. H. Rousseau to Washington with letters to Halleck, Stanton,
and Lincoln urging the importance of increasing his cavalry
forces, and asking authority to recruit this increase in the
Eastern States from disbanded volunteers. Lincoln wrote the
following endorsement on the back of Rosecrans's letter, which
was dated Winchester, Tennessee, July 27, 1863.
I think the general object of the within is a very important
one, while I can not speak as to particulars. I hope the Secretary of War & General-in-Chief will give it an attentive consideration.
As the rebellion grows weaker, it will run more & more into
guerrillaism, thus increasing the need for such a force as proposed.
A. LINCOLN
Because of the difficulty of recruiting for one command in
several States, the War Department was unable to comply
with Rosecrans's request.
To SECRETARY EDWIN M. STANTON 1
August 8, 1863
EXECUTIVE MAkNSION,
WASHINGTON, August 8, 1863.
HON SEC. OF WAR
Please look over the accompanying note addressed to Gen.
Meade, and send it to him, unless you perceive some objection.
Yours truly
A. LINCOLN
No letter to Gen. Meade of this approximate date is to be
found in Lincoln's published writings.
1 Original in New York Historical Society, New York City.




OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN


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ENDORSEMENT 1
August 10, 1863
At this date, I am under obligation to give the first appointment to the Naval School in my power, to John T Grimsley, of
Illinois, and no other commital must supersede this obligation.
After saying this much, I add that I would be glad for the boy
within named, to have another chance if at all consistent with
the service.
A. LINCOLN.
Aug. 10, 1863.
John T. Grimsley was the son of Mrs. Elizabeth Grimsley,
of Springfield, a cousin of Mrs. Lincoln.
To GENERAL ROBERT ANDERSON 2
August 15, 1863
After Fort Sumter, General Robert Anderson was given command of the Union forces in Kentucky, his native State. Ill
health, however, compelled him to retire from active service in
the autumn of 1861.
EXECUTIVE MANSION,
WASHINGTON, August 15, 1863.
MY DEAR GENERAL ANDERSON
I have been through the War Department this morning looking up your case. Section 20 of 'An act providing for the better
Organization of the Military Establishment' Approved August
3. 1861 seems to leave no discretion to President, Secretary of
War, General-in-Chief, or any one else. The General-in-Chief,
however says that, if agreeable to you, he will give you command of Fort-Adams (I think) at New Port. R. I. by which your
pay will be the same as if this law did not exist. I advise you to
try it, at all events. Gen. Halleck says it will require substantially no labor, or thought, whatever. Please telegraph whether
you conclude to try it.
1 Original in Chicago Historical Society, Chicago, Illinois.
2 Original owned by Harrison B. Freeman, Hartford, Connecticut. This is one of
many notable letters first brought to light by Emanuel Hertz.




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And now my dear General allow me to assure you that we
here are all your sincere friends.
Very truly
A. LINCOLN
Anderson did not feel able to accept the command. His
health becoming worse, on October 27, 1863, he was placed on
the retired list.
To SECRETARY SALMON P. CHASE 1
August 18, 1863
Sec. of Treasury, please see this Lady who says she is wife of
a preacher who is in the war as a Captain in the 126th N. Y.
She wants employment.
A. LINCOLN
Aug. 18, 1863
To SECRETARY EDWIN M. STANTON 2
September 15, 1863
EXECUTIVE MANSION,
WASHINGTON, Sep. 15, 1863
Hon. Sec. of War
DEAR SIR'
The bearer of this, Mrs. Craddock, tells me she has a nephew
— Edwin Selvage- who was in the rebel service, made a
prisoner, and is now at Fort-Delaware; that he has two brothers
in the Union Army, is yet under twenty one years of age, and
wishes to take the oath of allegiance and be discharged. Upon
reasonable proof of all this, let him take the oath and be discharged.
Yours truly
A. LINCOLN
1 Original in Historical Society of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania.
2 Original owned by George R. Dyer, New York City.




OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN


333


To SECRETARY JOHN P. USHER 1
October 8, 1863
EXECUTIVE MANSION
WASHINGTON, Oct. 8, 1863
Lon. Sec. of Interior
SIR:
Please send me an appointment for Daniel W. Wilder of
Kansas, as Surveyor General, in place of Mark W. Delahay,
resigned.
A. LINCOLN
To MRS. ALICE C. SMITH 2
October 12, 1863
EXECUTIVE MANSION,
WASHINGTON, Oct. 12th, 1863.
Mrs. Alice C. Smith
Boston Mass.
DEAR MADAM
I shall have to acknowledge very briefly your letter informing
me of the prosperity of your little boy whom you so kindly
named after me. You may rest assured that my little namesake
has my best wishes that he may grow to be a good man and a
good citizen.
Yours Very Truly
A. LINCOLN
To STEPHEN TRIGG LOGAN 3
November 9, 1863
Ward Hill Lamon, Marshal of the District of Columbia, was
a son-in-law of Stephen T. Logan, Lincoln's former law partner.
EXECUTIVE MANSION,
WASHINGTON, Nov. 9, 1863.
DEAR JUDGE
Col. Lamon had made his calculation, as he tells me, to go to
Illinois and bring Mrs. L. home this month, when he was called
on to act as Marshal on the occasion of dedicating the Cemetery
1 Photostat in Library of Congress.
2 Original in Brown University Library, Providence, Rhode Island. L. S. only.
I Original owned by Logan Hay, Springfield, Illinois.




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at Gettysburg Pa on the 19th. He came to me, and I told him I
thought that in view of his relation to the government and to
me, he could not well decline. Now, why would it not be pleasant for you to come on with Mrs. L. at that time' It will be an
interesting ceremony, and I shall be very glad to see you. I
know not whether you would care to remain to the meeting of
Congress, but that event, as you know, will be very near at
hand.
Your friend as ever
A. LINCOLN
To SECRETARY EDWIN M. STANTON 1
November 11, 1863
EXECUTIVE MANSION,
WASHINGTON, NOV. 11, 1863.
Hon. Secretary of War.
MY DEAR SIR:
What is there about Major, or Capt. Beckwith? Signs appear
that an unusual commotion is to occur somehow in this connection.
Yours truly
A. LINCOLN
PROCLAMATION 2
November 17, 1863
By the act chartering the Union Pacific, the road was to
commence at the one hundredth degree of west longitude -
that is, on a north and south line through the center of what is
now the State of Nebraska. The act also made it the duty of the
President to designate the point of origin of the 'branch' which
was to bridge the gap between the one hundredth degree and
the Missouri River.
EXECUTIVE AIANSION,
WASHINGTON, November 17, 1863.
In pursuance of the fourteenth section of the Act of Congress,
entitled 'An Act to aid in the construction of a Pacific Railroad
1 Original in New York Historical Society, New York City.
2 Printed in Starr, Lincoln and the Railroads, 203.




OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN


3435


and Telegraph line from the Missouri River to the Pacific
Ocean, and to secure to the Government the use of the same for
postal, military and other purposes,' approved July 1, 1862;
I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States, do
hereby fix so much of the western boundary of the State of Iowa
as lies between the north and south boundaries of the United
States Township, within which the City of Omaha is situated, as
the point from which the line of railroad and telegraph in that
section shall be constructed.
ABRAHAM LINCOLN
ENDORSEMENT 1
December 4, 1863
The following order was written on the back of an undated
petition signed by fifteen Union citizens of Lexington, Kentucky The petition recited that Estill was a prisoner at Camp
Douglas, that he was only eighteen years of age, and that he
desired to return to the home of his parents in Fay ette County.
It was further stated that his mother was a loyal Union worker
who had done good service for the cause.
Hon. B. J Clay and Hon. G. C. Smith present this petition and
join in it. Therefore let Clifton F Estill, named within, be
discharged, on the conditions stated.
A. LINCOLN.
Dec. 4. 1863.
Brutus Junius Clay and Green Clay Smith were members of
the House of Representatives from Kentucky.
ENDORSEMENT 2
December 10, 1863
This endorsement was written on the back of a note from
Stanton stating that General C. C. Augur, commanding the
Department of Washington, had reported that applications for
1 Original in Brown University Library, Providence, Rhode Island.
2 Original in New York Historical Society, New York City.




336


NEW LETTERS AND PAPERS


the amnesty were already pouring in on him, and that he had
applied for instructions.
We will consider this a few days, and prepare instructions. In
the mean time, no harm will be done.
A. LINCOLN
Dec. 10. 1863.
On December 8, Lincoln had issued a proclamation prescribing a method by which States in rebellion could reestablish
State governments. The proclamation also extended amnesty
to all except certain designated classes of individual participants
on condition that they subscribe to an oath of allegiance - the
oath which Lincoln later referred to as 'the oath of December
8th.'
ENDORSEMENT I
December 12, 1863
Shortly after the battle of Chickamauga, the twenty-first
Corps, to which Major-General John M1. Palmer's division was
attached, was broken up, and its commander, Major-General
Thomas L. Crittenden, summoned to appear before a court of
inquiry Believing this to be an unmerited censure, General
Palmer, on October 8, 1863, submitted his resignation. Halleck
recommended its acceptance, and Stanton endorsed it 'Accepted,' but later erased the word.
Lincoln's endorsement was written on the back of a letter
from Stanton asking whether Palmer's resignation had been
accepted by his - Lincoln's - direction.
Gen. Palmer's resignation was not accepted by me. You
remember I promised to write him on the subject, which however I have neglected to do. I do not want him to resign, unless
there be some reason not yet known to me.
A. LINCOLN
Dec. 129. 1863.
1 Original owned by John McAuley Palmer, Washington, D.C.




OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN


337


The resignation was not accepted. Palmer remained in the
army, and commanded the fourteenth Army Corps in the
Atlanta campaign.
To JAMES H. HOES
December 17, 1863
The first Sanitary Commission Fair was held in Chicago in
the autumn of 1863 for the purpose of raising funds for the
Commission's relief work. James H. Hoes donated a gold watch
which was to be awarded to the individual who should make the
largest contribution. Lincoln donated the original draft of the
Emancipation Proclamation, which sold for three thousand
dollars. Since this was the largest single contribution, he received the watch.
EXECUTrVE MANSION,
WASHINGTON, December 17, 1863.
MY DEAR SIR
I have received from the Sanitary Commission of Chicago,
the watch which you placed at their disposal, and I take the
liberty of conveying to you my high appreciation of your
humanity and generosity, of which I have unexpectedly become
the beneficiary.
I am very truly yours
A. LINCOLN
JAMES H. HOES, ESQ.
To SECRETARY EDWIN M. STANTON 2
December 26, 1863
EXECUTIVE MANSION,
WASHINGTON, Dec. 26, 1863.
Hon. Sec. of War
MY DEAR SIR'
Shall we go down the river to-morrow? And if so, at what
hour shall we leave the wharf? and which wharf?
Mrs. L. & Tad, perhaps would go. I am not at all urgent
1 Original in Henry E. Huntington Library. L. S. only.
2 Original in New York Historical Society.




338


NEW LETTERS AND PAPERS


about it, & would not have you incur the least inconvenience for
it. I merely mean now that if we go, the details better be fixed.
Yours as ever
A. LINcoLN.
ENDORSEMENT I
December 29, 1863
Senator Browning, personally knows, and vouches for the
writer of this letter. Let William T. Dazey, named within, take
the oath prescribed in the proclamation of Dec. 8th and be
bailed to his brother the writer of this letter.
A. LINCOLN
Dec. 29. 1863.
To SECRETARY EDWIN M. STANTON 2
January 9, 1864
EXECUTIVE MANSION,
WASHINGTON, Jan. 9, 1864.
Hon. Sec. of War
MY DEAR SIR:
Please send me, to be returned, the testimonials, in favor of
Col. Wickliffe Cooper, of Ky. to be a Brigadier General.
Yours truly.
A. LINcoLN
Replies from Army Headquarters and the War Department
show that no such testimonials were on file at either place.
Wickliffe Cooper served as colonel of the Fourth Kentucky
Cavalry from the spring of 1863 until the end of the war.
ENDORSEMENT 2
January 11, 1864
On January 10, Brigadier-General Jeremiah T. Boyle telegraphed from Louisville asking that his resignation be accepted
Original owned by George R. Dyer, New York City.
' Original in New York Historical Society, New York City.




OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN


339


immediately. 'My superior officers have shown distrust of me,'
he stated.
What does this mean? Sec. of War, please call up subject when
we meet
A. LINCOLN
Jan. 11. 1864
Gen. Boyle's resignation was accepted on January 26.
To SECRETARY EDWIN M. STANTON 1
January 13, 1864
Green Clay Smith, Kentucky Unionist, had resigned his
commission as brigadier-general on December 1, 1863, following
his election to Congress.
EXECUTIVE MANSION
Private                             WASHINGTON, Jan 13, 1864.
Hon. Sec of War
SIR
Gen. Green Clay Smith, in order to take his seat in Congress,
had to give up his Military Commission, but he thinks he may
wish to ask to have it back, and go to the field again after a few
months, and in view of which he would like to have his Asst.
Adgt Genl William Cassius Goodloe kept on foot, and asks that,
to this end, he may be ordered to report to the Commanding
officer at Louisville, Ky. If this can be lawfully done let it be
done.
Yours truly
A. LINcoLN.
Smith never reentered the service. In 1864 he was reelected
to Congress, where he served until 1866, when President Johnson appointed him Governor of Montana Territory.
1 Original owned by William Goodloe, Lexington, Kentucky.




340


NEW LETTERS AND PAPERS


To ADJUTANT GENERAL LORENZO THOMAS 1
January 15, 1864
EXECUTIVE MANSION,
WASHINGTON, Jan. 15, 1864.
ADJUTANT GENERAL THOMAS,
It is represented that Mrs. Eugenia P. Bass, owner of plantations in Missippl [sic] about seventy miles above Vicksburg,
having taken the oath of allegiance, leased and gave possession
of said plantations to parties of unquestionable loyalty; and
that you, acting perhaps in some mistake of facts, have leased
the plantations to other parties. Please ascertain how this is,
and if loyal lessees of hers, had rights there prior to any action
of yours, do not let them be disturbed. Of course I know nothing certainly about this matter.
Yours truly
A. LINCOLN.
ENDORSEMENT 2
January 25, 1864
Senator Powell says that of the many applications he has, he
thinks the within named may safely be allowed to take the oath
and be discharged. He says those designated as officers have
resigned, as they write to him and he believes.
Let them all take the oath of Dec. 8. and be discharged.
A. LINCOLN
Jan. 25. 1864.
Lazarus Whitehead Powell was United States Senator from
Kentucky, a State from which more than forty thousand men
entered the Confederate armies.
ENDORSEMENT 3
January 27, 1864
This endorsement was written on the back of a recommendation signed by many individuals and dated Washington, Janu1 Original owned by Alfred C. Meyer, Highland Park, Illinois.
2 Original owned by George R. Dyer, New York City.
s Original owned by W K. Bixby, St. Louis, Missouri.




OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN


341


ary 5, 1864, asking that Solomon P McCurdy, of Missouri, be
appointed to a territorial judgeship in Utah or Idaho.
This is a good recommendation for a territorial judgeship,
embracing both sides in Missouri & many other respectable
gentlemen.
A. LINCOLN
Jan. 27, 1864
McCurdy was appointed an Associate Justice of Utah
Territory.
ENDORSEMENT 1
February 7, 1864
Lincoln made the following memorandum on the back of a
letter from C. T. Benton, Rock Island, Illinois, February 2,
1864, to P. Baxter, commanding the Federal prison at that
place. Benton asked for the release of his son, a Confederate
prisoner at Rock Island, 'He was caught there [Kentucky]
and thinking it would be better to enter as a volunteer than as
a conscript he did so.'
This is the Canada lady's case about which Mr Baxter is so
anxious as I told Sec. of War
A. LINCOLN
Feb. 7, 1864.
ENDORSEMENT 2
February 8, 1864
In a letter, written February 7, John D. Defrees, Superintendent of Public Printing, urged Lincoln to recommend to
Congress the passage of a resolution proposing a constitutional
amendment which should forever prohibit slavery in the States
and Territories. Lincoln answered by writing the following
upon the back of the letter.
Our own friends have this under consideration now, and will do
as much without a Message, as with it.
A.L.
Feb. 8. 1864
' Original owned by Gabriel Wells, New York City.
2 Photostat in Library of Congress.




342


NEW LETTERS AND PAPERS


Senator John B. Henderson had introduced such a resolution
on January 11. On February 8 - the date of Lincoln's endorsement - Senator Sumner introduced a second resolution, differing from Henderson's in phraseology Two days later, Senator
Trumbull reported from the Judiciary Committee the present
Thirteenth Amendment. Passing the Senate easily, it failed to
secure the necessary two-thirds vote in the House until January
31, 1865, after the decisive Republican success in the fall election, and after Lincoln had sent a message recommending its
passage.
To LYMAN TRUMBULL 1
February 10, 1864
EXECUTIVE MANSION,
WASHINGTON, Feb. 10, 1864.
Hon. Lyman Trumbull
MY DEAR SIR
This morning I sent the nomination of       Pieper to the
Senate for Assessor in the 12th District of Illinois. If you see no
objection, I wish you would write to Mr. Flagg, asking him to
give Shiel the place Pieper now has.
Yours truly
A. LINCOLN
At the bottom of this letter Trumbull wrote, for the benefit
of W C. Flagg, Collector of Internal Revenue at Alton, Illinois,
'If young Mr. Schiel is competent, & qualified in all respects, I
hope you will consult the President's wishes. What are Schiel's
politics?'
To SECRETARY SALMON P. CHASE 2
February 11, 1864
Hon. Sec. of Treasury, please see & hear my townsman & friend
MAIr Van Duyn.
A. LINCOLN
Feb. 11. 1864
1 Original owned by Norman G. Flagg, Moro, Illinois.
2 Original owned by Mrs. Shelby C. Dorwin, Springfield, Illinois.




OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN


343


To MASTER WILLIE SMITH 1
February 23, 1864
Willie Smith was a lad some twelve years of age who had conceived an unusually strong admiration for Lincoln. Among his
father's friends was Leroy C. Driggs, who told Lincoln of the
boy's feeling for him. The outcome was the following letter.
EXECUTIVE MANSION,
WASHINGTON, February 23, 1864
MASTER WILLIE SMITH:
Your friend, Leroy C. Driggs, tells me you are a very earnest
friend of mine, for which please allow me to thank you. You
and those of your age are to take charge of this country when
we older ones shall have gone; and I am glad to learn that you
already take so lively an interest in what just now so deeply concerns us.
Yours truly,
A. LINCOLN
ENDORSEMENT 2
March 4, 1864
The following endorsement was written on the back of a letter
from Harriet V. Fitch, Vice-Regent for Indiana of the Mount
Vernon Association. The letter, dated Washington, February
26, 1864, recalls that a few days before, Lincoln had granted the
ladies of the Association an interview at which they asked for
permission to run the steamer Thomas Colyer between Washington and Mount Vernon. The writer, unable to be present at
the interview, adds her request to theirs. Only through the
operation of the steamer can the Association derive enough
money to keep Mount Vernon open another year.
I send this over as a reminder in relation to allowing the
'Thomas Colyer' to run between here and Mount-Vernon.
A. LINCOLN
March 4, 1864
1 Original owned by Mrs. J. W Straus, North Manchester, Indiana.
2 Original in New York Historical Society, New York City.




344


NEW LETTERS AND PAPERS


Below Lincoln's endorsement is the following 'The Secretary
of War does not deem it expedient to allow a Steamboat to run
to Mt Vernon at present. Edwin M. Stanton.'
PROCLAMATION 1
March 7, 1864
On March 1, 1864, the Senate passed a resolution inquiring
whether the President had fixed the point of commencement of
the Pacific Railroad, in accordance with the provisions of the
Act of 1862. Upon investigation, Lincoln discovered that his
order of November 17, 1863, was not on record in any of the
executive departments. Moreover, the company desired a more
definite location. Therefore he issued the following order.
In pursuance of the provisions of section 14, of the act of
Congress entitled 'An Act to aid in the construction of a Railroad and Telegraph Line from the Missouri River to the Pacific
Ocean, and to secure to the Government the use of the same for
Postal, Military, and other purposes' approved July 1st, 1862,
authorizing and directing the President of the United States, to
fix the point on the Western boundary of the State of Iowa,
from which the Union Pacific Railroad Company is by said
section authorized and required to construct a single line of
Railroad and telegraph, upon the most direct and practicable
route, subject to the approval of the President of the United
States, so as to form a connection with the lines of said Company at some point on the one hundredth meridian of longitude
in said section namedI, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States, do, upon
the application of the said Company, designate and establish
such first above named point, on the Western boundary of the
State of Iowa, East of, and opposite to the East line of Section
10, in Township 15, North of Range 13, East of the Sixth principal meridian, in the Territory of Nebraska.
Done at the City of Washington, this seventh day of March, in
the year of our Lord, one thousand eight hundred and sixty-four
ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
1 Printed in Starr, Lincoln and the Railroads, 204-05.




OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN


345


To SECRETARY EDWIN M. STANTON 1
March 12, 1864
EXECUTIVE MANSTON,
WASHINGTON, March 12, 1864.
Hon. Sec. of tWar
MY DEAR SIR:
Gov. Smith of Rhode Island brings you this. Please give him
a full hearing. After a pretty full talk with him, it seems to me
that the one thing most likely to surmount the difficulty there,
would be to not consolidate the 1st & 3rd Cavalry, but preserve
them both, the Governor to exert himself to the utmost to fill
both. The consolidation throws out one set of officers, and
which ever set it may be, it offends either the Governor or a
U. S. Senator. We can not afford to offend either, while we can
avoid it. Please try  There is also a difficulty about Capt.
Silvey, upon which I hope you will fully hear the Governor
Yours truly
A. LINCOLN
To SECRETARY EDWIN M. STANTON 1
March 15, 1864
Private                              EXECUTIVE MANSION,
WASHINGTON. March 15, 1864.
Hon. Sec. of War
MY DEAR SIR,
I shall be personally obliged if you will allow Silas H. Highley
to take the oath of Dec. 8. and be discharged.
Yours truly
A. LINCOLN
P.S.
He is at Alton, Illinois.
A.L.
This note bears the following endorsement in Stanton's handwriting 'Referred to Major General Hitchcock, Commissary of
Prisoners to execute the oath.'
1 Original in New York Historical Society, New York City




346


NEW LETTERS AND PAPERS


To H. T. BLOW
March 16, 1864
EXECUTIVE MANSION,
WASHINGTON, March 16, 1864.
Hon. H. T. Blow
MY DEAR SIR
Herewith is the autograph letter, requested for Mr. Dreer.
Yours truly
A. LINCOLN.
To JAMES ROOD DOOLITTLE 2
March 24, 1864
Hon. J. R. Doolittle, please call and see me this morning.
A. LINCOLN
March 24, 1864
ENDORSEMENT a
March 29, 1864
If the persons whose names follow, now prisoners of war shall
take the oath of December 8, 1863, and be discharged, we, the
undersigned members of Congress pledge our honor that they
will keep faith:
John F. Rice, at Rock Island, Ill.
James J. Moore, at Camp Morton, I
Robert P. Green, at Johnson Island
James B. McCreay, at Columbus, O.
J Miller Turner, at Rock Island, Ill.
Andrew Moore, at Camp Morton, In.
(Signed) Lu Anderson M. C.
W. H. Randall M. C.
B. J. Clay M. C.
Let the above named prisoners be discharged upon the condition stated.
A. LINCOLN
March 29, 1864.
1 Original in Henry E. Huntington Library.
2 Photostat in Illinois State Historical Society, Springfield, Illinois.
' Original owned by E. F. Bonaventure, New York City.




OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN


347


All of the foregoing document, except the first four lines and
the signatures of the three members of Congress, is in Lincoln's
handwriting.
To SECRETARY EDWIN M. STANTON 1
April 1, 1864
EXECUTIVE MANSION,
WASHINGTON, April 1, 1884.
Hon. Sec. of War
MY DEAR SIR
Senator Harlan tells me that the nomination of Col. Chambers as a Brig. Gen. for Iowa was rejected by the Senate to-day;
and he asks that Col. E. Hatch of the 92nd. Iowa Cavalry be
nominated in the place. I remember Col. Hatch to be very
excellently recommended; and I am content if you know nothing to the contrary. If all right send me the nomination.
Yours truly
A. LINCOLN
Edward Hatch was promoted from colonel of the Second
Iowa Cavalry to the rank of brigadier-general on April 27, 1864.
ENDORSEMENT 2
April 4, 1864
This endorsement was written on the back of a letter from
Samuel F. Miller, a Justice of the U. S. Supreme Court, Washington, April 4, 1864, recommending Silas Woodson, of MAlissouri, for the office of Chief Justice of Montana in case the bill
creating Montana a Territory passed.
Hon. W. H. Randall, knows Judge Woodson & concurrs in
this recommendation.
A. LINCOLN
April 4, 1864
File
1 Original in New York Historical Society, New York City' Original owned by W K. Bixby, St. Louis, Missouri.




348


NEW LETTERS AND PAPERS


Montana was made a territory in May, 1864, but Woodson
did not obtain the Chief Justiceship.
ENDORSEMENT 1
April 5, 1864
The following endorsement was written on the back of a
telegram to Lincoln from Andrew Johnson, then Military
Governor of Tennessee. Johnson's wire, dated Nashville,
April 5, 1864, read in part- 'The papers state that Genl. Buell is
to be sent to Knoxville to take command. We trust in god that
Gen. Buell will not be sent to Tennessee. We have been cursed
with him here once and do not desire its repitition.'
I leave to the Sec. of War whether this shall be brought to the
notice of Gen. Grant
A. LINCOLN
April 5. 1864
Don Carlos Buell had been relieved of his command soon after
the battle of Perryville in October, 1862. After several months
before a military commission of investigation, he went to
Indianapolis, where he was awaiting orders when the foregoing
telegram was sent. The report of the commission was never
made public, but Buell was mustered out of the volunteer service May 23, 1864, and resigned his commission in the regular
army June 1, 1864.
To JOHN CATRON 2
April 6, 1864
EXECUTIVE MANSION,
WASHINGTON, April 6, 1864.
Mr Justice Catron
MY DEAR SIR
Mrs. Masson comes to me with a note of introduction from
you. She asks that James H. McEwen, now a prisoner [of]
1 Original in New York Historical Society, New York City.
2 Original owned by George R. Dyer, New York City.




OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN


349


war at Rock Island, Illinois [be pardoned]. If you will write
below on this sheet that if he shall take the oath of December 8.
and be discharged, you pledge your honor he will keep faith, I
will order his discharge.
Yours truly
A. LINCOLN
Catron was an Associate Justice of the United States Supreme
Court. He wrote nothing below Lincoln's letter.
To SECRETARY EDWIN M. STANTON 1
April 21, 1864
EXECUTIVE MANSION,
WASHINGTON, April 21, 1864
Hon. Sec. of War
MY DEAR SIR
The Governors of Ohio, Indiana, Illinois and Iowa have just
been with me; and I have made an engagement with them to
meet you, Gen. Halleck and myself at 7 P MA. to-day, at this
room. Please notify Gen. Halleck & you and he attend.
Yours truly
A. LINCOLN
UNADDRESSED NOTE2
April 21, 1864
Please ascertain whether the message sent by me yesterday
to Fort Warren, Boston Harbor was delivered.
A. LINCOLN
April 21, 1864
To SECRETARY EDWIN M. STANTON 8
April 22, 1864
Hon. Sec. of War, please see & hear Hon. Mr. Granger, of the
last House of Representatives.
A. LINCOLN
April 22, 1864
1 Original in New York Historical Society, New York City
2 Photostat in Illinois State Historical Library, Springfield, Illinois.
' Original in Library of Congress.




350


NEW LETTERS AND PAPERS


To CALIFORNIA DELEGATION 1
May 2, 1864
EXECUTIVE MANSION
WASHINGTON, May 2, 1864.
California Delegation
in Congress.
Will you gentlemen please take this case off my hands? I
really have no time to acquaint myself with it.
Yours truly
A. LINcoLN
To SECRETARY EDWIN M. STANTON 2
May 17, 1864
EXECUTIVE MANSION,
WASHINGTON, May 17, 1864.
Hon. Sec. of War
MY DEAR SIR:
I rather think I have said before, and at all events I say now,
I would like for Rev Dr Robert L. Stanton, of the Theological
Seminary at Danville, Ky, to be a Visitor to West-Point, if
there be no great obstacle in the way.
Yours truly
A. LINcoLN
To SECRETARY EDWIN M. STANTON 3
May 26, 1864
EXECUTVE MANSION,
WASHINGTON, May 26, 1864.
Hon. Sec. of War
DEAR SIR:
Let Stephen C. Campbell, now held as a prisoner of War at
Johnson's Island, be discharged on taking the oath. This is a
special case, and not a precedent, the man having voluntarily
quitted the rebel service, and also being subject to fits.
Yours truly
A. LINoLN
1 Original owned by W. W. Morrow, San Francisco, California
2 Original in New York Historical Society, New York City' Original owned by George B. Dyer, New York City.




OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN                      351
To MRS. FIELD
May 31, 1864
EXECUTIVE MANSION,
WASHINGTON, May 31, 1864.
MRS. FIELD
Mr. Sedgwick informs me that you desire an autograph of
mine, to finish a collection for the Sanitary Fair. It gives me
great pleasure to comply with your request.
Yours truly
A. LINcoLN
To SECRETARY EDWIN M. STANTON 2
June 4, 1864
EXECUTIVE MANSION,
WASHINGTON, June 4, 1864.
Hon. Sec. of War
DEAR SIR,
When we shall next meet please try to remember to call up
for conference the Hurtt case.
Yours truly
A. LINCOLN
ENDORSEMENT s
June 10, 1864
McCrea was banished from Beaufort by the Military authorities, & I am now called on to send him back, without the consent of those authorities, which I can not consent to do. They
& not I must judge whether his presence is injurious. If the
Gen. in command there - Gen. Saxton I believe - consents,
then I am quite willing for Mr. McCrea to return - not without.
A. LINCOLN
June 10, 1864.
1 Original in Historical Society of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania.
2 Original in New York Historical Society, New York City.
8 Original owned by the Rosenbach Company, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania.




352          NEW LETTERS AND PAPERS
To SECRETARY GIDEON WELLES 1
June 13, 1864
Hon. Sec. of Navy, please see and hear Mrs. Dessinger
A. LINCOLN
June 13, 1864.
To SECRETARY EDWIN M. STANTON
June 14, 1864
EXECUTIVE MANSION
WASHINGTON, June 14, 1864.
Hon. Sec. of War
DEAR SIR.
If you concur, please sign and send the inclosed draft of
despatch.
Yours truly
A. LINCOLN
To ROBERT TODD LINCOLN 2
June 14, 1864
EXECUTIVE MANSION,
WASHINGTON, June 14, 1864.
MY DEAR SON
Of course I will try to give the sittings for the 'Crayon.'
Your Father
A. LINCOLN
To MORTON SMITH WILKINSON 3
June 20, 1864
Private                                 EXECUTIVE MANSION,
WASHINGTON, June 20, 1864.
Hon. M S. Wilkinson
MY DEAR SIR:
I can not longer delay the Montana appointments; and it is
with great regret, on your account, that I have thought fit to
1 Original in Historical Society of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania.
2 Original in Harvard University Library, Cambridge, Massachusetts.
8 Original owned by Alfred C. Meyer, Highland Park, Illinois.




OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN


353


send the name of Judge Edgerton for Governor. I could not
do otherwise without much greater difficulty to myself, and I
beg you to be assured that it is a great pain to me to know
that it is disagreeable to you. Do not, for a moment suppose
that this note is intended to constrain you to support the
nomination.
Yours truly
A. LINCOLN
Wilkinson was United States Senator from Minnesota. The
Senate ratified the appointments which Lincoln made, and
Sydney Edgerton thus became Governor of Montana.
PROCLAMATION 1
July 19, 1864
On July 2, 1864, Lincoln signed an act which amended the
Act of 1862 incorporating the Union Pacific Railroad Company.
By the amendatory act the President was authorized to appoint three directors in addition to the fifteen elected by the
stockholders.
EXECUTIVE MANSION,
July 19th, 1864.
By virtue of the authority conferred upon the President of
the United States, by the thirteenth section of the Act of Congress approved July 2nd, 1864, amending the act to aid in the
construction of a Railroad and Telegraph line from the Missouri
River to the Pacific Ocean, etc.
Jesse L. Williams of Indiana
George Ashmun of Massachusetts
and    Charles Sherman of Ohio
are hereby appointed directors on the part of the Government
of the United States, for the Union Pacific Railroad and Telegraph Company, to serve until the next ensuing regular election
of directors for said Company.,                                ABRAHAM LINcOLN.
1 Printed in Starr, Lincoln and the Railroad&, 211.




354


NEW LETTERS AND PAPERS


PROCLAMATION 1
July 27, 1864
The Union Pacific amendatory act also empowered the
President to appoint three commissioners to examine the first
twenty miles of railroad and telegraph line completed. The
following appointment is the only one on record.
ExECUTIVE MANSION,
July 27th, 1864.
By virtue of the authority vested in the President of the
United States, by the sixth section of an act entitled An Act
to amend an act entitled 'An act to aid in the construction of a
Railroad and Telegraph Line from the Missouri River to the
Pacific Ocean, and to secure to the Government the use of the
same for postal, military, and other purposes' approved July
2nd, 1864.
Richard W Thompson, of Indiana, is hereby appointed a
Commissioner, to examine the road or roads authorized by said
Acts to be constructed by the 'Union Pacific Railroad Company,' and the 'Union Pacific Railroad Company Eastern
Division,' and make report to him in relation thereto as contemplated and specified by said Acts.
ABRAHAM LINCOLN
ENDORSEMENT 2
August 8, 1864
From the letter on which the following lines were endorsed it
appears that Major Williams, of the first New York Cavalry,
had been peremptorily dismissed from the service for drunkenness. Maintaining his innocence, he asked for court martial.
Will the Sec. of War please give Major Williams, some sort of
hearing before I am required to approve or disapprove his
dismissal. This is one of a batch of cases, and perhaps it would
be well to give a hearing to the whole batch.
A. LINCOLN
Aug. 8. 1864.
1 Printed in Starr, Lincoln and the Railroads, 211.
Original in New York Historical Society, New York City




OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN


355


ENDORSEMENT 1
August 18, 1864
Will the Secretary of War please see these gentlemen who are
agents for recruiting colored soldiers & who seek to have removed some little difficulties in their way.
A. LINCOLN
August 18. 1864
TO SECRETARY EDWIN M. STANTON 2
August 22, 1864
Hon. Sec of War please see & hear the bearer Lt. Col. McElroy
whose letter from Gen. Grant I sent over to-day.
A. LINCOLN
Aug. 22.1864
To SECRETARY EDWIN M. STANTON 3
August 30, 1864
EXECUTIVE MANSION,
WASHINGTON, August 30, 1864.
lon. Sec. of War.
MY DEAR SIR:
Please let Forney's man off this morning
Yours truly
A. LINCOLN
PASS4
September 1, 1864
Allow this boy to pass to City-Point & return.
A. LINCOLN
Sep. 1, 1864
1 Original owned by George R. Dyer, New York City.
2 Original in Library of Congress.
' Original in New York Historical Society, New York City.
4 Original owned by George R. Dyer, New York City



356


NEW LETTERS AND PAPERS


To SECRETARY GIDEON WELLES 1
September 3, 1864
EXECUTIVE MANSION
WASHINGTON, D.C. Sep. 3. 1864
Hon. Secretary of the Navy
MY DEAR SIR:
It is absolutely necessary that the Sec. of War shall be furnished with the number of Navy enlistments, at each locality,
under the present law, by three o'clock, P. M. today. Please
furnish them.
Yours truly
A. LINcoLN
To SIMEON DRAPER l
September 8, 1864
A few days before this letter was written, Lincoln had appointed Simeon Draper, New York political leader, collector of
the Port of New York.
EXECUTIVE MANSION,
WASHINGTON, Sept. 8, 1864.
Hon. Simeon Draper
MY DEAR SIR.
Allow me to introduce Gov. W. A. Newell of New-Jersey.
You know him by reputation. He and I were in congress together sixteen years ago. He is a true friend of the Union, and
every way a reliable gentleman. Please hear him whenever he
calls.
Yours truly
A. LINCOLN
DRAFT OF LETTER FOR WARD HILL LAMON 3
-   1864
Shortly after the battle of Antietam, Lincoln had visited
McClellan's army. During that visit an incident occurred
' Original owned by the Rosenbach Company, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania.
2 Original owned by Alfred C. Meyer, Highland Park, Illinois.
I Printed in facsimile in Lamon, Recollections of Abraham Lincoln, opposite page 148.




OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN


357


which unscrupulous partisans later distorted and circulated for
their own ends. The following item from the 'New York World'
of September 9, 1864, shows the use to which it was put during
the campaign.
'The second verse of our campaign song published on this
page,' said the 'World,' 'was probably suggested by an incident which occurred on the battle-field of Antietam a few days
after the fight. While the President was driving over the field
in an ambulance, accompanied by Marshal Lamon, General
McClellan, and another officer, heavy details of men were engaged in the task of burying the dead. The ambulance had just
reached the neighborhood of the old stone bridge, where the
dead were piled highest, when Mr. Lincoln, suddenly slapping
Marshal Lamon on the knee, exclaimed: "Come, Lamon, give us
that song about Picayune Butler; McClellan has never heard
it." "Not now, if you please," said General McClellan, with a
shudder; "I would prefer to hear it some other place and time."'
This was the verse to which the writer of the article referred.
'Abe may crack his jolly jokes
O'er bloody fields of stricken battle
While yet the ebbing life-tide smokes
From men that die like butchered cattle;
He, ere yet the guns grow cold,
To pimps and pets may crack his stories.'
Lamon records that during the fall of 1864, he received
hundreds of letters inquiring whether this incident was true.
He drafted a public refutation of the charge, but Lincoln overruled it because of its belligerent tone, and wrote out the following draft as a substitute. Lamon used it in private letters, but
it was never given to the press.
The President has known me intimately for nearly twenty
years, and has often heard me sing little ditties. The battle of
Antietam was fought on the 17th day of September 1862. On
the first day of October, just two weeks after the battle, the
President, with some others including myself; started from
Washington to visit the Army, reaching Harpers' Ferry at noon
of that day. In a short while Gen. McClellan came from his




358


NEW LETTERS AND PAPERS


Head Quarters near the battle ground, joined the President, and
with him, reviewed, the troops at Bolivar Heights that afternoon; and, at night, returned to his Head Quarters, leaving the
President at Harpers' Ferry. On the morning of the second
the President, with Gen. Sumner, reviewed the troops respectively at Loudon Heights and Maryland Heights, and at
about noon, started to Gen. McClellan's Head Quarters, reaching there only in time to see very little before night. On the
morning of the third all started on a review of the three corps,
and the Cavalry, in the vicinity of the Antietam battle ground.
After getting through with Gen Burnsides Corps, at the suggestion of Gen. McClellan he and the President left their horses to
be led, and went into an ambulance or ambulances to go to Gen.
Fitz John Porter's Corps, which was two or three miles distant.
I am not sure whether the President and Gen. Mc. were in the
same ambulance, or in different ones, but myself and some
others were in the same with the President. On the way, and on
no part of the battle-ground, and on what suggestion I do not
remember, the President asked me to sing the little sad song
that follows, which he had often heard me sing, and had always
seemed to like very much. I sang them. After it was over, some
one of the party, (I do not think it was the President) asked me
to sing something else, and I sang two or three little comic
things of which Piceyune Butler was one. Porter's Corps was
reached and reviewed, then the battle ground was passed over,
and the most noted parts examined, then, in succession the
Cavalry, and Franklin's Corps were reviewed, and the President
and party returned to Gen. McClellan's Head Quarters at the
end of a very hard, hot, and dusty day's work. Next day, the
4th the President and Gen. Mc. visited such of the wounded as
still remained in the vicinity, including the now lamented Gen.
Richardson, then proceed to and examined the South-Mountain
battle-ground, at which point they parted, Gen. McClellan
returning to his Camp, and the President returning to Washington, seeing, on the way, Gen. Hartsoff, who lay wounded at
Frederick Town. This is the whole story of the singing and its
surroundings. Neither Gen. McClellan or any one else made
any objection to the singing; the place was not on the battle




OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN


359


field the time was sixteen days after the battle, no dead body
was seen during the whole time the president was absent from
Washington, nor even a grave that had not been rained on
since it was made.
To GENERAL ETHAN ALLEN HITCHCOCK 1
September 21, 1864
EXECUTIVE MANSION
WASHINGTON, Sep. 21, 1864
GEN. HITCHCOCK
Please see the bearer Mr. Broadwell, on a question about a
mutual supplying of clothes to prisoners.
Yours truly
A. LINCOLN
To JUDGE-ADVOCATE-GENERAL JOSEPH HOLT 2
WASHINGTON Sep. 24, 1864
JUDGE ADVOCATE GENERAL,
It is said that Simon Ready has recently been tried by one of
our Military Courts in this city. I can tell no more of the case;
but his poor wife is bothering me & I will thank you, if practicable, to procure the record & report on the case.
Yours truly,
A. LINCOLN
To SECRETARY EDWIN M. STANTON 3
September 26, 1864
EXECUTIVE MANSION,
on. Sec. of War            WASHINGTON, Sep. 26. 1864.
Bon. Sec. of War
MY DEAR SIR
Have you, as yet definitely concluded whether the order prohibiting the exportation of arms shall be recinded [sic]?
Please answer by bearer.
Yours truly
A. LINCOLN
1 Original owned by Alfred C. Meyer, Highland Park, Illinois.
Original owned by Gabriel Wells, New York City.
' Original in New York Historical Society, New York City.




360          NEW LETTERS AND PAPERS
PASS1
September 26, 1864
Allow this lady, Mrs. Defoe, to pass and have transportation
from Washington to New York.
A. LINCOLN
Sep. 26, 1864
TO SECRETARY EDWIN M. STANTON
September 30, 1864
EXxECuTIVE MANSION
WASHINGTON, Sep. 30. 1864
Hon. Sec. of War
DEAR SIR
The accompanying is the draft of an order drawn up at the
Treasury Department for me to sign. Please look over it, and
say whether you perceive any objection.
Yours truly
A. LINCOLN
At the bottom of the sheet, in pencil, is the following notation: 'Executive Order Concerning Lessees and owners of
Plantations worked by Freedmen.'
ENDORSEMENT 3
October 5, 1864
This endorsement was written on the back of a letter from
Ann Sweatman, dated Washington, October 5, 1864. She
asked for the release of her husband, Lieutenant Robert Sweatman, Company E, Fifth United States Cavalry, taken prisoner
at Beaver Dam Depot, Virginia, in the spring of 1864.
Col. Hoffman please see & hear this lady & oblige her if it can
be consistently done.
A. LINcoLN
Oct. 5, 1864
1 Photostat in Illinois State Historical Library, Springfield, Illinois.
' Original in New York Historical Society, New York City.
' Original owned by Gabriel Wells, New York City.




OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN


361


PROCLAMATION 7
October 7, 1864
The three government directors of the Union Pacific, whom
Lincoln had appointed in July, were to serve only until the
regular election of directors on the first Wednesday of October,
1864. After that the President was empowered to appoint five
instead of three.
EXECUTIVE MANSION.
October 7th, 1864.
By virtue of the authority conferred upon the President of
the United States, by the thirteenth section of the Act of Congress approved July 2, 1864, amending the act to aid in the
construction of a Railroad and Telegraph line from the Missouri River to the Pacific Ocean etc.
Jesse L. Williams of Indiana
George Ashmun of Massachusetts
Charles T. Sherman of Ohio
Springer Harbaugh of Pennsylvania
and   Timothy J. Carter of Illinois
are hereby appointed directors on the part of the Government of
the United States, for the Union Pacific Railroad and Telegraph
Company, to serve until the next ensuing regular election of the
directors for said Company, and until their successors are
qualified.
ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
MEMORANDUM 2
October 13, 1864
On October 11, 1864, State elections were held in Pennsylvania, Ohio and Indiana. All three States went Republican,
although the result in Pennsylvania was uncomfortably close.
Two days later, during his daily visit to the War Department
telegraph office, Lincoln frankly discussed the approaching
Presidential election in the light of the returns from Pennsylvania, Ohio, and Indiana. In the course of the discussion he
1 Printed in Starr, Lincoln and the Railroads, 212.
I Original in Henry E. Huntington Library.




362


NEW LETTERS AND PAPERS


reached for a cipher telegraph blank and wrote the following
estimate of the electoral vote. The date, 'October 13th,' the
headings, 'Supposed Copperhead Vote,' and 'Union Vote for
President,' and 'Nevada  3' are in the handwriting of Major
120
Thomas T. Eckert, chief of the War Department Telegraph
Staff.


Supposed Copperhead Vote.
New York
Penn
New Jersey
Delaware
Maryland
Missouri
Kentucky
Illinois


33
26
7
3
7
11
11
16
114


OFFICE U. S. MJLITARY TELEGRAPH,
WAR DEPARTMENT
WASHINGTON, D. C. October 13th, 1864.
Union Vote for President.
New England States        39
Michigan                   8
Wisconsin                  8
Minnesota                  4
Iowa                       8
Oregon                    3
California                 5
Kansas                     3
Indiana                   13
Ohio                      21
W. Virginia                5
117
Nevada                     3
120


The election proved that Lincoln's estimate was far too conservative. McClellan carried only New Jersey, Delaware, and
Kentucky, giving him but 21 electoral votes out of 233.
To        1
October 20, 1864
James Hughes, of Indiana, a former member of the Court of
Claims, was purchasing cotton in the South under special permit of the Treasury Department.
I am willing that any case, that of Judge Hughes as well as anI Original owned by Emanuel Hertz, New York City.




OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN


363


other, if coming within the precedent of what I call the Johnson
case, may go on as the Johnson case did. I really desire that
Judge Hughes and I shall be obliged.
A. LINCOLN
Oct. 20, 1864
PASS 1
October 25, 1864
Allow Francis T. King of Baltimore, to pass with the English
Friends, through our lines to North Carolina.
A. LiNcoLN
Oct. 25. 1864.
NOTE'
November 2, 1864
If a report is made in the case of Wm. Stretch, please send the
papers to me.
A. LINCOLN
Nov. 2. 1864.
ENDORSEMENT 2
November 4, 1864
The following endorsement was written on the back of a
letter from Thomas C. Durant, vice-president of the Union
Pacific Railroad Company, dated New York, November 3,
1864. Durant asked that Lincoln approve the first one hundred
miles of the Union Pacific.
EXECUTIVE MANSION,
November 4th, 1864.
The permanent location of the Union Pacific Railroad, for
one hundred miles west from Omaha, Nebraska, as shown by
the map thereof certified by the President and Secretary of
said Company, Oct. 19, 1864, is hereby approved.
ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
1 Original in Historical Society of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania.
2 Printed in Starr, Lincoln and the Railroads, 213.




364


NEW LETTERS AND PAPERS


To GENERAL MARSENA RUDOLPH PATRICK 1
November 12, 1864
EXECUTIVE MANSION,
WASHINGTON, Nov. 12. 1864.
GEN. PATRICK
Please oblige me by seeing and hearing the bearer, Lt. Col.
Kretschman, who is well vouched to me as a most worthy
gentleman, and who wishes to see you on business.
Yours truly
A. LINCOLN
To SECRETARY WILLIAM PITT FESSENDEN 2 a
November 21, 1864
Hon. Secretary of the Treasury please see & hear Hon. Mr.
Allen who will present this. Mr. Allen's representations may be
safely relied on; and if the removal he seeks shall be made, I
personally know that a better man can not be found for the
vacancy than Joseph G. Bowman. In fact I should dislike to
appoint any other, he being an applicant.
A. LINCOLN
Nov. 21. 1864
James C. Allen, a Democrat, was Congressman-at-large from
Illinois. Joseph G. Bowman Lincoln had first met as a representative from Wabash County in the Illinois Legislature of
1839.
To COLONEL WARD HILL LAMON 4
November 29, 1864.
EXECUTrVE MANSION
Nov 29th
Will Col Lamon please see, what at present prices, the feed for
two horses & two ponies, would cost, per month.
A. LINCOLN
1 Original in Henry E. Huntington Library.
2 Original owned by the Rosenbach Company, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania.
8 On July 1, 1864, William Pitt Fessenden succeeded Salmon P Chase as Secretary
of the Treasury,
4 Original in Henry E. Huntington Library L. S. only.




OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN                       365
ENDORSEMENT 1
November 30, 1864
This paper is presented to me by Friends John W. Tatum, of
Del. and Joseph Tatum of New Jersey, who are satisfied that
the statement is correct. Let the men within named, be discharged on affirming to according to the oath of Dec. 8. 1863,
and that they will remain North.
A. LINCOLN
Nov. 80. 1864
ENDORSEMENT 2
November 30, 1864
I think this is a meritorious application, and I shall be glad if
the Head of any Bureau or Department can and will give the
lady suitable employment
A. LINCOLN
Nov. 30. 1864
NOTE 3
December 1, 1864
Will Mr. Dana, Asst. Sec. of War, please see & hear, Hon.
S. F. Headley, of New-Jersey.
A. LINCOLN
Dec. 1. 1864
TO GENERAL ETHAN ALLEN HITCHCOCK 4
December 2, 1864
EXECUTrVE MANSION
WASHINGTON, Dec. 2. 1864
GEN. HITCHCOCK:
If you can oblige Mrs. Welles, by effecting a special exchange
of Lieut. or Capt. Richard Dinsman, now in the Poor-House
prison at Charleston, I will be greatly obliged.
Yours truly
-   A. LINCOLN
1 Original owned by George R. Dyer, New York City
' Original in Henry E. Huntington Library.
' Original in Library of Congress.
4 Original owned by Alfred C. Meyer, Highland Park, Illinois.




366


NEW LETTERS AND PAPERS


To SECRETARY EDWIN M. STANTON1
December 7, 1864
EXECUTIVE MANSION,
WASHINGTON, Dec. 7, 1864.
Hon. Sec. of War
SIR:
Senator Hicks again calls on me in relation to the Commission sitting in Maryland; constituted of Rogers, Timmons &
Straughn. Please have it looked after, so as to know whether
anything, and if anything, what, is wrong.
Yours truly
A. LINcoLN
The Commission mentioned in the foregoing letter had as its
duty the compensation of slave owners whose slaves had enlisted in the Union army. When first appointed in the autumn
of 1863 it had consisted of Hugh L. Bond, Thomas Timmons
and L. E. Straughn. Thomas Holliday Hicks was United States
Senator from Maryland.
To E. C. MIDDLETON 2
December 30, 1864
E. C. Middleton published a chromo lithograph of Lincoln
at Cincinnati in the autumn of 1864.
EXECUTIVE MANSION,
WASHINGTON, Dec. 30, 1864.
Mr E. C. Middleton
DEAR SIRYour picture presented by Mr. Lutz is, in the main, very
good. From a line across immediately above the eyebrows,
downward it appears to me perfect. Above such line I think
it is not so good, - that is, while it gives perhaps a better
forehead, it is not quite true to the original. If you were
present I could tell you wherein, but I can not well do so on
1 Original in New York Historical Society, New York City.
l Original in New York Public Library.




?</i.;,  /, /, i, /<.,,  /<,  /,,,,., 1
' -      /''      y '"/ " //...,,,...."..,
'"I,/9 4,\(.,,,,,,,,,,,,,..  /.,,  /,...,,,,../....
tti  w *^,  <^  /,  a.-t  /  ri.,  /  <. ~ ' /,  A,,.-   r. I,f6 at    /' '  /;,,,,,  /,,,,,,,..
_ r.    -
f                  —,       /,A..  7 -, -  +;-C-                   r; *CC -      -,,.,   i,,/.,....                ~,,.
A PORTION OF LINCOLN'S ANNUAL MIESSAGE TO CONGRESS,
DECEMBER 6, 1864
The sentence crossed out was not printed








OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN


367


paper. The next best thing I suppose would be to carefully
study a photograph.
Yours truly
A. LINCOLN
PROCLAMATION 1
December 31, 1864
This order was issued in response to a communication from
the New York office of the Union Pacific Railroad Company
concerning a proper disposition of the company's subscription
books.
By the authority conferred upon the President of the United
States by the 2d section of the Act of Congress, approved July
2d, 1864, entitled 'An Act to amend an Act to aid in the construction of a Railroad and Telegraph Line from the Missouri
River to the Pacific Ocean,' Etc., Etc.
I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States, do
hereby designate the Merchants' National Bank, Boston; the
Chicago and Rock Island Railroad Company's Office, Chicago;
the First National Bank at Philadelphia; the First National
Bank at Baltimore, the First National Bank at Cincinnati, and
the First National Bank at St. Louis, in addition to the General Office of the Union Pacific Railroad Company, in the City
of New York, as the places at which the said Union Pacific
Railroad Company shall cause books to be kept open to receive
subscriptions to the capital stock of said company.
ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
To MRS. MILTON C. EGBERT 2
January 9, 1865
EXECUTIVE MANSION
WASHINGTON, Jan. 9. 1865
MRS. MIrTON C. EGBERT.
Col. Forney assures me that you will not be displeased if I
tender, as I most heartily do, my sincere thanks for your muni1 Printed in Starr, Lincoln and the Railroads, 216
' Photostat in New York Public Library, New York City.




368


NEW LETTERS AND PAPERS


ficient [sic] Christmas donation of five thousand dollars to the
sick and wounded soldiers in the Philadelphia hospitals.
Your Obt. Servt.
A. LINCOLN
To JOHN WORK GARRETT l
January 10, 1865
John Work Garrett was president of the Baltimore and Ohio
Railroad Company.
ExEcUTIE MANsrON
WASHINGTON, Jan. 10. 1865
Mr. J W. Garrett
MY DEAR SIR,
It is said we shall soon all be in the dark here, unless you can
bring coal to make gas. I suppose you would do this, without
my interference, if you could; and I only write now to say, it is
very important to us, and not to say that you must stop supplying the army to make room to carry coal. Do all you can for us
in both matters.
Yours truly
A. LINcoLN
To SECRETARY EDWIN M. STANTON '
January 25, 1865
EXECUTIVE MANSION
WASHINGTON Jan. 25. 1865
Hon. Secretary of War.
MY DEAR SIR.
About Jews. I wish you would give Dr. Zacharie a pass to go
to Savannah, remain a week and return, bringing with him, if
he wishes, his father and sisters or any of them. This will spare
me trouble and oblige me. I promised him long ago that he
should be allowed this whenever Savannah should fall into our
hands.
Blumenberg, at Baltimore. I think he should have a hearing.
He has suffered for us & served us well - had the rope around
I Original in Garrett Papers on deposit in Library of Congress.
2 Original in New York Historical Society, New York City.




OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN


369


his neck for being our friend-  raised troops -fought, and
been wounded. He should not be dismissed in a way that disgraces and ruins him without a hearing.
Yours truly
A. LINCOLN
Leopold Blumenberg was a Maryland loyalist. As major in
command of the Fifth Maryland Infantry he was wounded at
Antietam. The following spring he was appointed provostmarshal of the 3d Maryland District. He was dismissed from
the service on January 17, 1865.
DISCHARGE ORDER'
January 27, 1865
EXECUTIVE MANSION,
WASHINGTON, 27 January, 1865.
Let Cornelius C. Van Arsdale Prisoner of War be discharged on
taking the oath of Dec. 8. 1863.
A. LINCOLN
NOTE 2
January 29, 1865
On the evening of Sunday, January 29, 1865, the United
States Christian Commission held its third anniversary meeting
in Washington. William H. Seward presided. On the back of
the programme Lincoln pencilled the following note, remarkable for the omission of the initial from the signature.
Near the close let us have 'Your Mission' repeated by Mir.
Philips. Dont say I called for it
LINCOLN
ENDORSEMENT 3
February 8, 1865
As this letter is written by my old friend, who is one hundred
and four years old, I sincerely desire that his friend, this young
I Original in Brown University Library, Providence, Rhode Island.
2 Original owned by Oliver R. Barrett, Chicago, Illinois.
' Original in Henry E. Huntington Library.




370


NEW LETTERS AND PAPERS


lady may obtain the employment he asks for her. Will the Sec.
of the Treasury please see & hear her?
A. LINCOLN
Feb. 8, 1865
ENDORSEMENT 1
February 11, 1865
This endorsement was written on a letter from 0. L. Davis,
dated Danville, Illinois, January 30, 1865. Davis, a Danville
lawyer whom Lincoln had known well in his days of circuit
traveling, asked that the Friends of Elwood Township be permitted to contribute their portion of the volunteer subsidy
quota for hospital work rather than for the raising of troops.
Will the Sec. of War please see & hear the bearer & do as well
for those he represents as we have heretofore done for 'Friends'?
A. LINcoLN
Feb. 11. 1865
PASS 2
February 25, 1865
One of Virginia's boldest 'fire-eaters,' Roger A. Pryor, had
entered the Confederate army, and had risen to the rank of
brigadier-general. He was taken prisoner in 1864.
Allow the bearer, Roger A. Pryor, to pass to Gen. Grant, and
report to him for exchange.
A. LINcoLN
Feb. 25. 1865
ENDORSEMENT '
February 28, 1865
Lincoln wrote the following endorsement on the back of a
letter dated St. Louis, January 27, 1865, from Prince L.
Hudgins to A. A. King. In the letter Hudgins stated that for
1 Original in New York Historical Society, New York City.
2 Original owned by W H. Tisdale, Rochester, New York.
8 Original owned by W. K. Bixby, St. Louis, Missouri.




OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN


371


eighteen months he had been under indictment on a conspiracy
charge, but that he could not get the case brought to trial. King
endorsed the letter with a request that Hudgins be pardoned.
Attorney General, please see Mr King & make out the pardon
he asks.
A. LINCOLN
Feb. 28, 1865.
ENDORSEMENT 1
March 8, 1865
This order was written on the back of a letter from Samuel
McMillan, of Salem, Ohio, to James A. Garfield. MAelillan
asked that his brother, a Confederate prisoner held at Fort
Delaware, be released. Garfield forwarded the letter to Lincoln
with a request that the release be made.
Let this man take the oath of Dec. 8. 1863 & be discharged.
A. LINCOLN
March 8, 1865.
NOMINATION 2
Mfarch 11, 1865
I withdraw the nomination of [Hugh M.] 3 Herrick, as Assessor of Internal Revenue for the 9th collection District of New
York, in place of Homer Franklin. and substitute therefore a
nomination of said Herrick for said office, to take effect March
20th 1865.
To SECRETARY STANTON '
March 11, 1865
I shall be glad if the Secretary of War will allow this gentleman
- Wm. Van Dalsan - a pass to go to Wilmington N C.
A. LINCOLN
March 11. 1865
1 Original in Brown University Library, Providence, Rhode Island.
2 Original in Library of Congress.  ' Not in Lincoln's handwriting.
'Original in Henry E. Huntington Library.




372


NEW LETTERS ANI PAPERS


To GENERAL ULYSSES S. GRANT
March 13, 1865
So earnestly had Grant opposed the entire system of Southern
trade that Lincoln had recently given him authority to suspend
all operations under the Treasury permits. But he was immediately faced with an embarrassing problem, for James
Hughes,2 James W Singleton, his old friend 0. H. Browning,
and others, had purchased a large quantity of cotton, and were
seeking permission to move it northward.
EXECUTIVE MANSION
March 13, 1865.
LIEUT GEN'L GRANT.
I think it will tend to remove some injurious misunderstanding for you to have another interview with Judge Hughes. I
do not wish to modify anything I have heretofore said, as to
you having entire control whether anything in the way of trade
shall pass either way through your lines. I do say, however,
that having known Judge Hughes intimately during the whole
of the rebellion, I do not believe he would knowingly betray
any interest of the country and attempt to deceive you in the
slightest degree. Please see him again.
Yours truly,
A. LINCOLN.
The collapse of the Confederacy, and the consequent removal
of all trade restrictions, solved the problem of Hughes's cotton.
TELEGRAM TO SECRETARY WILLIAM H. SEWARD 3
April 1, 1865
This telegram was written just as the battle of Five Forks
was coming to a close. Lincoln was probably not yet aware
that the victory was so complete as to cause Lee to evacuate Petersburg twenty-four hours later, and to commence the
hopeless retreat which ended at Appomattox Court House in
surrender
1 Original owned by Emanuel Hertz, New York City.  ' See page 362.
8 Original owned by the Rosenbach Company, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania.




OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN


373


HEAD QUARTERS ARMIES OF THE UNITED STATES,
CITY-POINT, April 1, 5 30, 1865
ION. W   II. SEWARD
Fort-Monroe, Va.
Despatch just received, showing that Sheridan, aided by
Warren, had at 2. P. MA. pushed the enemy back so as to retake the five forks, and bring his own Head Quarters up to J
Boissan's. The five forks were barricaded by the enemy, and
carried by Diven's Division of Cavalry. This part of the enemy
seem to now be trying to work along the White Oak Road, to
join the main force in front of Grant, while Sheridan & Warren
are pressing them as closely as possible.
A. LINCOLN
To SECRETARY EDWIN MI. STANTON 1
April 10, 1S65
HON. SEC. OF WAR.
Tad wants some flags. Can he be accomodated.
A. LINCOLN
April 10, 1865
To SECRETARY HUGII MIcCuLLOCH 2
April 13, 1865
EXECUTIVE MANS ION,
WASHINGTON, April 13, 1865
Hon. Sec. of the Treasury,
DEAR SIR,
The office of Collector of Internal Revenue for the 5th Collection District of California is vacant by the resignation of
Charles Maltby. I would like to oblige Gen. Schenck by the appointment of his nephew, William C. S. Smith, long a resident
of the district, to fill the vacancy I am satisfied that he is
competent, and of good character, and that his appointment
will be satisfactory in the district & State. Unless you know
some valid objection, send me an appointment for him.
Yours truly
A. LINCOLN
1 Original owned by Oliver R. Barrett, Chicago, Illinois.
2 Original owned by Ross McCulloch, Fort Wayne, Indiana.




374


NEW LETTERS AND PAPERS


To ATTORNEY-GENERAL JAMES SPEED 1
April 13, 1865
EXECWUTIE MANSION
WASHINGTON, April 13. 1865
Attorney General
DEAR SIR,
Send me a Commission for William Kellogg, to be Judge in
Nebraska in place of WV. P. Kellogg resigned.
Yours truly
A. LINCOLN
UNDATED
TOASTS TO ROBERT BURNS 2
I can not frame a toast to Burns. I can say nothing worthy
of his generous heart, and transcendent genius
A. LINCOLN
I can not frame a toast to Burns. I can say nothing worthy of
his generous heart and transcending genius. Thinking of what
he has said, I can not say anything which seems worth saying
A. LINcoLN
NOTES ON SLAVERY 3
If A. can prove, however conclusively, that he may, of right,
enslave B - why may not B. snatch the same argument, and
prove equally, that he may enslave A?
You say A is white, and B is black. It is color, then; the
lighter, having the right to enslave the darker? Take care. By
this rule, you are to be slave to the first man you meet, with a
fairer skin than your own.
You do not mean color exactly? You mean the whites are
1 Photostat in Library of Congress.
2 Photostat in Library of Congress. Written on the same sheet of paper, and probably
tentative drafts.
I Original owned by Oliver R. Barrett, Chicago, Illinois.




OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN


375


intellectually the superiors of the blacks; and, therefore have the
right to enslave them? Take care again. By this rule, you are
to be slave to the first man you meet, with an intellect superior
to your own.
But, say you, it is a question of interest; and, if you can make
it your interest you have the right to enslave another. Very
well. And if he can make it his interest, he has the right to
enslave you.
To JAMES WILSON GRIMES AND JAMES HARLAN 1
Messrs. Grimes & Harlan. Would your friend, Sanders be
Surveyor General of Nevada?
Yours truly
A. LINCOLN
P. S. Answer at once.
NOTE 2
No pass is necessary now to authorize any one to go to &
return from Petersburg & Richmond. People go & return just
as they did before the war.
A. LINCOLN
1 Original in Library of Congress.
I Original owned by 0. H. Oldroyd, Washington, D.C.








INDEX


Abolition, charges of, by Democrats,
10S-10; belief in, disavowed, 193
Adams, Adam, 111, 119; letter to, 138
Adams, John, 223, 251
Addison, John, 60; letter to, 77
Aiken, promotion requested, 320
Alexander, Jediah F., reports Greenville
speech, 192; letters to: on Douglas,
175-76; on speaking engagements, 181
Alexander, Milton K., letter to, 130
Alexandria, occupation of, 274
Allen, Colonel, recommended for promotion, 289
Allen, James Cameron, note introducing,
364
Alton, railroad terminus, 121
Alton and Sangamon Railroad, see Springfield and Alton Railroad
Amalgamation, result of slavery, 191
Amnesty, proclamation extending, 336
Amos, Joshua F., receipt to, 161
Anderson, Lucien, sponsors prisoners, 346
Anderson, Robert, promoted, 277; letter to,
331
Annapolis, paroled prisoners at, 306
Antietam, battlefield visited by Lincoln,
356-59
'Apple of gold' fragment, 240-41
Arbitration awards: by Lincoln, 16-17;
Lincoln and Logan, 80
Archbishop, John, letter endorsed, 319
Arizona, protection of sought, 318-19
Arkansas, occupation of urged, 319
Arlington, occupation of, 274
Ashmun, George, appointed director Union
Pacific, 353, 361
Association, The Abraham Lincoln, ix
Atlantic and Mississippi Railroad, legal
opinion on, 121-28
Attorney General, see Bates, Edward;
Speed, James
Augur, C. C., inquiry regarding amnesty
proclamation, 335
Babcock, James F., entertains Lincoln, 241
Baker, Edward Dickinson, signs WVhig
circular, 15; loses nomination for Congress, 16; withdraws from Congressional
contest, 21; warns Lincoln of Hardin, 24,
supports Rhoads application, 39; elected
to Congress, sixth district, 52; recommendation from, 52-53; agreement with
Lincoln on patronage, 53
'Bakewell vs. Allin,' 168
Bale, Abraham, letter to, 64-65
Bandurent and Primm, promissory note
of, 9
Banks, Nathaniel P., draft of letter to,
312-13
Barnett, Clardy, in Black Hawk War, 141
Barney, Hiram, letter to, 263
Barrett, Oliver R., x
Barton, William Eleazer, x


Bass, Mrs. Eugenia P., letter concerning,
340
Bates, Edward, letters to, on appointments,
265, 282, 308
Baxter, P., 341
'Bear Hunt, The,' 28-31
Beardstown, speech at, 184-87
'Beaver vs. Gilbert and Taylor,' 255
Beckwith, Captain, letter concerning, 334
Beckwith, Hiram W., examined for law
license, 129
Bell, D. V., letter to, 246
Bell, Samuel, appointed Navy Agent, 267
Belmont, August, letter from, to Lincoln,
304
Beloit, speech at, 220-23
Be'oit.ournal, comments on Lincoln's
speech, 223
Bennett, legal opinion concerning, 177
Bennett, James Cordon, supports administration, 272; letters to: on refusal of
pass, 283, on Secretary of War, 29:-93
Bennett, James Cordon, Jr., enters revenue service, 272-73
Pentcn, (. T., asks release of son, 341
Benton, Thomas Hart, 1SS
Berdan, letter of, endorsed, 305-06
Berdan, James, letters to. on Shields election, 49-50; on Fremont campaign, 161
Bice, Mrs., 151
Binmore, TTenry, reports debates, 194
Black, William  M., applicant for land
office, 50
Elack Hawk War Lincoln in, 141-42
Blake, James, memorandum concerning,
320
Blake, John W., promotion requestdc, 320
Blake, William H., promotion requested,
320
rlanchard, John, 41
Bloorington, Lincoln attends court, 117,
202; remarks at, 258
Bloomington, speech at, 133-37; slavery
extension opposed, 134; Jeffersun and
slavery, 134; Missouri Compromise effected, 135; Compromise of.S.0O, 136;
Nebraska bill passed, 136; repeal urged,
137
Bloomington Pantagraph, reports speech,
134
Blow, H. T., letter to, 346
Blumberg, Leopold, letter concerning, 369
Boggs, X' F., letter to, 141
Bond, Hugh L., 366
Booth, Mvary L., letter to, 299
Boswell, asks authority to raise troops, 307
Bowman, Joseph G., recommended by
Lincoln, 364
Boyd, W iiliam, promissory note of, 9
Boyle, Jeremiah T., asks authority to
raise troops, 297; resigns, 33 -39
Bradford, James M., estate of, legal opinion concerning, 140-41




378


INDEX


Bradley, James T., authority to raise regiment, 299"
Bradshaw, 111, 138
Brayman, Mason, attorney for Illinois
( 'entral, 1i7
Breese, Sidney, senatorial aspirations, 50
Briggs, Huldah (Mrs. Stout), aided by
Lincoln, G2
sBrigr.g. WN D., letter to, 111-12
Britton, Isaac S., real estate agent, 19
Broadwell, note introducing,:,;!9
Brooks, Preston, assault on Sumner, 249
Brough, John, president, Atlantic and
Mississippi Railroad, 121-23
Brown, James N., signs railroad letter, 36;
letter to,:303-04
Brown, John, course of condemned, 229,
235-36; mentioned, 29':. 240
Brown, William, letter to, 31-:2
Brown, William, and Yates, Richard, letter
to, 51
Brown University, vii; Library of, x
Brownell, Francis E., commissioned, 277
Browning, ( rville H., presides at meeting,
1( 4, recommends Sympson, 280; recommends Burke, 290; vouches for prisoner,
33S, cotton trading by, 372; mentioned,
137
Browning, Mrs. Orville H., letter to, 5-6
Buchanan, James, chances of in 156;, 163;
quarrel with Douglas, 177; mentioned,
Buell, Don Carlos, Johnson's opinion of,, 4,S
Bullock, Maria L., letters to: on land sales,
142-44; on debts, '.03
Bunn, Jacob, signs railroad letter, 36: performs errand for Lincoln, 84; buys newspaper for Lincoln, 20(3, mentioned, 171
Bunn, John W., testifies in bank case, 172
Burke, Edward, recommended by Lincoln,
290
Burkhardt, John, sells newspaper, 204, 205
Burnet House, Lincoln at, 247-48; bill
paid, 249-50
Burnett, Ishem, testifies in bank case, 172
Burnett, James, testifies in bank case, 172
Bursie, Robert, toasts to, 374
Burnside, Ambrose, succeeded by Hooker,
Burr, Aaron, 25
Busey, Samuel C., describes Lincoln in
Congress, 43
Bush, 'lompkins, 85
Butler, BenlJamin F., endorses Merwin
application, 280; reinstatement at New
Orleans planned, 312-13; pass for, 316
Butler, William, 6; recommended by Lincoln, 315; and Illinois Central claim, 327
Butterfield, Justin, candidate for General
Land Office, 55; appointed, 56
Cairo, lawsuit concerning, 255
Caldwell, Albert G., party to law suit, 78
Calhoun, John, signs railroad letter, 36;
surveyor Sangamon County, 61; presides at Kossuth meeting, 81; meadow
parable, 133
Calhoun, John Caldwell, favors Taylor for
President, 39; mentioned, 18
California delegation, note to, 350


Cameron, Simon, 288 n., 297; letters to: on
transfer of Pope, 269-70; on Sttrges
Rifles, 275; on r'egular army promotions,
276-77; authorizing acceptance of rs.riment, 278; on arms for West Virginia,
279; on paymastership, 281
Campbell, 257
Campbell, Stephen C., discharge ordered,
350
Campbell, Thomas H., 314
(Campbell, Thompson, 194, 195
Caneday, testifies in bank case, 172
Canisius, Theodore, contract with, for
publication of newspaper, 204; appointed
U.S. Consul, 205
Capital, and  labor, relation  between,
217-18
Capps, Jabez, 207
Carlinville, speech at, 188-92; slavery
agitation  increasing, 1 S; extension
likely, 1.9; negro equality disavowed,
190! amalgamation slavery product, 191;
freedom threatened by Douglas, 192
Carr, ('harles, cousin of Mrs. Lincoln, 203
Carrollton, Lincoln speaks at, 134
Carter, Timothy J., appointed director
Union Pacific Railroad, 361
Cartwright, Peter, defeated for Congress
by Lincoln, 2s
Casth, Edward H., applicant for office, 315
(atron, John, letter to, 34s
Chalker, James S., founded     'WideAwakes,' 268
Chambers, Colonel, promotion of fails,
347
Chambers, David, letter to, 256
Chancellorsville, battle of, 324
Channing, William Henry, memorandum
concerning, 307
Chase, Salmon P., 364 n.; letters to: on
Fugitive Slave Act, 203-06; on treasury
notes, '266-67, on James Gordon Bennett,
Jr., 272: notes to, 332, 342
Chester, Augustin, letter to, 241
Chicago, rail connection with Springfield,
37; Lincoln visits, 258-59
Chicago Historical Society, x
C'hicago Journal, publishes Taylor eulogy,
77
Chicago Press and Tribune, 194
Chicago Times, 178, 194
Chicago and Alton Railroad, 37
Chickopee, ammunition works, 269
(hina, embargo on powder for, 305
Churchill, Samuel B., charged with disloyalty, 325
Cincinnati, Lincoln in, 208, 210, 247-48
Citations, in will case, 152-53
Clark's Exchange Bank, 143, 144
Clary, John, road commissioner, 2
Clay, Brutus Junius, presents petition,
335; sponsors discharged prisoners, 346
Clay, Henry, 188; Lincoln votes for, 190;
quoted, 223
Clayton, John M., generosity of, 96-97
Cline, Joseph, testifies in bank case, 172
Clinton, Lincoln attends court, 130, Lincoln and Douglas in, 186
Colfax, Schuyler, letter to, 244
Columbus, Lincoln speaks at, 208
Compromise of 1850, adopted, 136




INDEX


379


Compton, William B., letter concerning,
327
Congress, Library of, x
Conkling, James C., Lincoln recommends,
314
Connecticut, Lincoln in, 239
Connell, John, buys Bull(ock land, 143
Conrey, Dr., testifies in will case, 151
Constant, Jacob, testifies in will case, 150
Cook, John, buys Bullock land, 1I:4
Cooper, Wickliffe, promotion of, sought,
338
Cooper Union, Lincoln speaks at, 239
Corkran, Francis S., letter to, 271
Correll, Cyrus, testifies in will case, 149
'Correll et al. vs. McDaniel et al.,' 144-55
Covode, John, endorses application for
office, 267
Crittenden, John J., favors Taylor for
president,:29; letter of, endorsed, 315
Crittenden, Thomas L., summoned to
court of inquiry, 336
Crock, MIichael, letter to, 291
Cuba, treatment of, defended, 105-06
Cunins, Solon, 119 letter to, 111
Curtin, Andrew G., calls troops irregularly,
298; letter of, mentioned, 326, letters to:
on secession, L'25T-60; on military preparation, 2(;.5-t)6
Cutts, James Madison, Jr., commissioned,
277
Dahlgren, John A., commands at Washington Navy Yard, 2!95
Dahlgren, tUlric, commissioned, 295
Dana, Charles A., note to, 365
Davis, David, works for Lincoln's nomination, 244, mentioned, 7i, 79, 201, 308,
309
Davis, Garrett, letter of, endorsed, 315
Davis, George Perrin, inscription for, 201
Davis, James M., appointed to land office,
51
Davis, Levi, letter to, 2-3
Davis, Levi (son Levi Davis), recommendation of, 279
Davis, Oliver L., letter of endorsed, 370
Davis, Samuel C'. and Co., complaint of,
201, letter to, 199
Davis, Walter, and Springfield land office,
53-55
Dawson, John, signs letter, 5
Dayton, speech at, 20S-10
Dayton Daily Empire, comments on Lincoin's speech, 210
Dayton Journal, comments on Lincoln's
speech, 210
Dazey, William T., discharged, 338
Defoe, pass for, 360
Defrees, John D., urges amendment prohibiting slavery, 341
Delahay, Mark W., promised money, 242;
misconduct, 243; resigns as surveyor
general of Kansas, 333; letter to, 242-43
Delaware, emancipation in proposed, 285
Democratic Party, 1)2-94, 220-23. See
also Scott, Winfield, speech in favor of
Denny, 111
Derringer, 288
Dessinger, Mrs., note introducing, 352
Dickey, recommended, 321


Dickey, John, 41
Dickinson, Daniel 8., letter to, 182
Dickinson, William M., letters to: 226; on
Burnet House Bill, 2417, 249-50
Diller, J. R., applicant for Springfield
postmastership, 20
Dinsman, Richard, exchange of, sought,
365
Diplomatic agents, letter to, 261
Dixon, John H., testifies in bank case, 171
Dole, George W., and others, letter to,
67
Doolittle, James R., note to,.346
Doubleday, Abner, promoted, 277
Douglas, Stephen A., defeated by Stuart,
4, meets Lincoln in Washington, 37;
promises payment of \ ates' claim, 38,
speaks at Richmond, 85 ff.; Lincoln to
oppose, 175; and Republicans, difference
between, 176, quarrel with Buchanan,
177, challenged by Lincoln, 1Sl; resents
Lincoln's presence at meetings, 1s2,
charged with conspiracy to extend
slavery, s185, magazine essay attacked
by Lincoln, 209; interview with Greeley,
237, note to, on Sullivan meeting, 195.
Seee also speeches at Beardstown, Beloit,
Bloomington, ('arlinville, Dayton, Indianapolis, Janesville, Leavenworth
Draper, Simeon, letter to, 356
Dred  Scott decision, 184-87; 1SS-92;
232-36
Dreer, autograph for, 346
Driggs, Leroy C., visits Lincoln, 343
Dubois, Jesse K., member legislature, 13,
14, signs agreement, 16;, testifies in
bank case, 173; mentioned, 243, letter to,
264
Duke, recommended by Lincoln, 319
Dummer Henry E., partner of Stuart, 15;
mentioned, 11S, letters to: on law suit,
32, enclosing money, 112
Dummer, Henry E., and others, circular
letter to, 14
Dunlap, George A., party to law suit, 78
Dunlap, James, party to law suit, 7S
Dunlap, James E., testifies in bank case,
170, 17:3
Dunlap, William, testifies in bank case,
170, 173
DuPont, Samuel F., letter of endorsed, 303
Durant, Thomas C., letter of, endorsed,
363
Dyer, George R., ix
Eads, Wesley, promissory note of, 9
Easton, Langdon C., charged with disloyalty, 321-22
Eccles, Joseph T., letters to, on speaking
engagement, 151, 1S2
Eckert, Thomas T., 362
Eddy, John, letter to, 245-46
Edgerton, Sydney, appointed governor
Montana, 353
Editorial, written by Lincoln, 132
Edwards, A., transfer authorized, 295-96
Edwards, Benjamin S., speaks on Scott,
94; signs letter to Smith, 123; signs legal
opinion, 12S; writes legal opinion,
139-41; argument in will case, 153;
mentioned, 131, 256




380


INDEX


Edwards, Cyrus, seeks General Land Office,
55; angry with Lincoln, 58
Edwards, Ninian W., signs Whig circular,
15; defendant in law suit, 113; forwards
letters to Lincoln, 114, 117, 119; letter
to, 111; letter to, from Kinkead, 130
Egbert, Mrs. Milton C., letter to, 367
Election 1864, Lincoln's estimate of,
361-62
Ellsworth, Ephraim Elmer, death of, 274
Elwood, Kansas, speech at, 227-29
Emancipation, draft of bill for, 285
Emancipation Proclamation, draft of sold,
337
Emory, William H., promoted, 277
Enos, Pascal P., signs railroad letter, 36
Estill, Clifton F., discharge ordered, 335
Evans, F S., recommended for office,
271-72
Ewell, Richard S., invests Winchester, 328
Ewing, Thomas, Lincoln's opinion of, 60
letters to: on Edwardsville land office,
52; on Springfield land office, 53, 54; on
Stillwater land office, 57; on Indian
agency, 65
Examination, certificate of, 129
Fenno, Isaac, letter to, 260
Ferguson, B. W., applicant for office, 284
Ferguson, Benjamin, eulogy on, 12
Ferguson, Captain, 324
Ferguson, William I., on Kossuth committee, 81
Fessenden, William P., note to, 364
Ficklin, Orlando B., 31
Field, Mrs., autograph to, 351
Fillmore, Millard, administration defended,
103-08; weakness of, as candidate, 163
Fishback, William M., letter to, 200
Fisher, C. H., letter to, 252
Fitch, Harriet V., letter to, 343
Fithian, William, letters to, 63, 251-52
Fithian, William, and Woodbury, W  W
R., letter to, 120
Fitzgerald, John, legal opinion concerning,
138-39
Flagg, W C., note to, from Trumbull, 342
Flanders, Dr., 13
Foote, Andrew H., on Tennessee River, 287
Foote, Samuel A., applicant for judgeship,
328
Ford, Worthington Chauncey, x
Forney, John W., letter to, 280; mentioned,
355, 367
Forrest, Dennis, dispute arbitrated by
Lincoln, 17
Foster, John Gray, memorandum concerning, 322-23
Foster, Lafayette S., mentioned, 317
Francis, Josiah, receipt to, 9; receipt from,
10
Francis, Allen & Stone, law suit against, 19
Franklin, Homer, appointment of, 371
Franklin, John, Sr., legal opinion concerning, 202
Franklin, Nelson N., legal opinion concerning, 202
Fredericksburg, fighting at, 324
Freeport, debate at, 188
Fremont, John C., Lincoln supports, 161;
campaign in Indiana, 163; in Illinois, 163


French, William H., transfer proposed, 301
Frye, Speed S., recommended by Lincoln,
315
Fugitive slave law, repeal demanded, 206;
legal opinion on, 206-07
'Gale vs. Morgan County Bank,' 169-74
Gales, Joseph, and Seaton, William W.,
letter to, 51
Garfield, James A., asks discharge of
prisoner, 371
Garrett, John W., letter to, 368
Gasparin, Comte de, author America Before Europe, 299-300
Gelling, John, testifies in will case, 150
Germans, in Illinois, 204
Gettysburg, dedicatory exercises planned,
334
Giddings, Joshua R., 41
Cilfillan, Charles D., letter to, 165
Gilham, James, defeats Dummer, 15
Gillespie, Joseph, letter to, on General
Land Office, 58; memorandum to, on
Brough road, 121-22; mentioned, 37, 52,
208
Gillespie, Mathew, appointed to land
office, 52
Goodloe, 307
Goodloe, William C., letter concerning, 339
Goodwin, Richard D., tenders additional
regiment, 278
Granger, Bradley F., note concerning, 349
Grant, Ulysses S., on Tennessee River, 2S7;
plans to move against Vicksburg, 308;
operations above Vicksburg,.'20; at
Five Forks, 373; letter to, on cotton
permits, 372; mentioned, 348, 355
Great Britain, course of condemned, 82
Greeley, Horace, controversy with William
Kellogg, 236-38
Green, Robert P., discharge ordered, 346
Greene, Duff, conversations with Lincoln,
39
Greenville, speech at, 192-94
Greenville Advocate, 176; reports Lincoln's
speech, 192
Gridley, 184
Griffin, William, pardoned, 297
Grigsby, X iliiam H., letter to, 183
Grimes, James W., and Harlan, James,
note to, 375
Grimsley, John T., candidate for Naval
Academy, 331
Gurley, John A., asks authority to raise
troops, 318
Guthrie, James, telegram to, 325
Haggard, Linnie, verses to, 196-97
I-Taggard, Rosa, verses to, 196
Haight, Fletcher M., appointed judge, 282
Hale, Artemus, letter to, 162-63
Hale, John P., speaks at Quincy, 164
Hall, John J., acquires Lincoln homestead,
11
Halleck, Henry W., telegram to, announcing Monitor victory, 292; note to, introducing Leonard Swett, 300; urged as
Secretary of War, 304; endorsement to,
330; tenders Anderson command of Fort
Adams, 331; summoned to conference,
349; mentioned, 301, 312, 317




INDEX


381


Hamilton, Richard J., and Kercheval,
L. C., letter to, 76
Hamlin, IH-innibal, letter of endorsed, 269
Hammond, William A., note to, on Merwin, 298; letter to, on Schneider case, 305
Hancock, John, 264
Hancock, Mary Colyer, letter to, 264-65
Hanks, Charles, letter concerning, 253
Hanks, John, letter to, on Charles Hanks,
253
Hanks, William, mentioned, 253, 254
Hanna, Valentine C., appointed paymaster, 2S1
Hannegan, Edward, minister to Prussia,
96-97
Harbaugh, Springer, appointed director
Union Pacific Railroad, 361
Hardin, John J., signs letters, 5, 6: nominated for Congress, 16; letters to: on
Springfield postmastership, 20; on nomination for Congress, 21-2S
Harding, Aaron, letter of, endorsed, 315
Hardy, C. M., letter recommending, 261
Harlan, James, and Grimes, J. W., note
to, 375
Harris, Thomas L., elected to Congress, 52
Harrison, Reuben, road commissioner, 2
Hartford, notes for speech at, 239
Hartsuff, George L., visited by Lincoln,
358
Harvard University, 250
Harvey, James E., letter to, 248-49
Hatch, Edward, appointed brigadier general, 347
Hatch, Ozias M., signs agreement, 166
Hatfield, Colonel, recommended for brigadier generalship, 2S9
Haupt, Herman, telegrams to, 303
Havana, Illinois, postmastership, 59
Havener, James, 150
Havener, Samuel, testifies in will case, 149
Hawley, Fliphalet B., partner Ninian W
Edwards, 119
Hay, John, vii
Hay, John, and Nicolay, John G., editors,
vii; describe office hunters, 262
Hay, Logan, x
Hay, Nathaniel, buys Bullock land, 143;
estate of, claim against, 160; letter to,
ordering bricks, 60i-67
Hays, L. M., letter to, 110
Headley, S. F., note introducing, 365
Hemingway, Thomas, suit against Lincoln,
113, 114; mentioned, 116
Henderson, John B., recommends applicant, 315; introduces amendment prohibiting slavery, 342
Henrichsen, Ed., testifies in bank case, 173
Henry, Anson G., candidate for Springfield
postmastership,,s, signs Whig circular,
15; recommended for Indian agency, 65,
on Kossuth committee, 81
Henry, Jesse, testifies in bank case, 173
Henry, John, course of, on Mexican War,
179-80
Herndon, William H., letter to, 46; reports
on land values, 64; partnership with
Lincoln, 117; controls law office, 183; in
law suit, 256
Herrick, J. B., letters to: on Vandalia land
office, 50; on General Land Office, 55


Herrick, Hugh M., appointment of, 371
Hertz, Emanuel. x,:.i1 In.
Hewett, Mary in Washington, 45
Hickman, Mrs., 151
Hickman, William, testifies in will case, 150
Hickox, Virgil, dispute with Bale, 64, (6,5
Hicks, Thomas H., 284; calls on Lincoln,
366
Higby, land agent, 63
Higgins, James M., law suit of, 114-15
Highley, Silas H., discharge orderel, 345
Hillsboro, Lincoln speaks there, 1S2
Hitchcock, Ethan Allen, notes to, 3.7), 365
Hitt, Robert R., reports debates, 194
Hoes, James H., letter to, 337
Hoffman, Colonel, note to, 360
Holt, Joseph, letters to: on vacancy, 317;
on spy, 327; on prisoner of war, 359
Home Department, Secretary    of, see
Ewing, Thomas
Hooker, Joseph, telegram to, 323, defeated
at Chancellorsville,;23, 324, on Lee's
flank, 32.s
'House  divided,' statement defended,
211-12
Hudgins, Prince L., pardoned, 370-71
Hughes, James, endorsement concerning,
362, letter concerning, 372
Hull, Alden, letter to, on politics, 15-16
Hungary, independence of, resolutions
favoring,,1-S3
Hunter, David, emancipation order nullified, 293
Huntington Library, The Henry E., x
Hurlbut, Stephen A., letter to, on leave of
absence, 311-12
Hyde, convict, 183
Iles, Elijah, buys Bullock land, 143, 144
Illinois, Lincoln speaks in, 1544, 2s 1'$48.
47; military organization overwhelmed,
269
Illinois Central Railroad Co., Lincoln retained by, 157, 165; legal opinion concerning, 157; Lincoln sues, 164, 167;
tour over lines of, 208; claim against
U.S. Government, 326
Illinois Journal (see also Illinois State
Journal), notices Lincoln's departure for
Washington, 37; letter to editors of, 66,
announces Yates' candidacy, 131; Lincoln's relations with, 132
Illinois Staats-Anzeiger, purchased by
Lincoln, 204
Illinois State Historical Library, x
Illinois State Journal (see also Illinois
Journal), describes speech, 197
Illinois State Register, publishes railroad
letter, 33, ridicules Lincoln, 56
Illinoistown, railroad terminus, 121
Improvement, internal system of, 32
Indiana, Lincoln speaks in, 144t, 2 -Indianapolis, speech at, 210-19; boyhood
in Indiana, 211, 'house-divided' statement defended, 211-12, attitude of
founders on slavery, 213-14; popular
sovereignty attacked, 215-16; capital
and labor, 217; Douglas debasing public
sentiment, 218S-19
Indianapolis Daily Atlas, comments on
Lincoln's speech, 210




382


INDEX


Ingalls, Rufus, telegram of, endorsed, 324
Interior, Secretary of, see Usher, John P
Ireland, people of, sympathy for, 83
Irwin, recommended, 275
Irwin, Robert, 171
Isherwood, Benjamin F., appointed Engineer-in-Chief of Navy, 263
Jackson, James S., letter to, authorizing
cavalry regiment, 2.82
Jacksonville, Lincoln speaks at, 134;
visits, 137
James, 246
James, Tandy, road commissioner, 2
Janesville, speech at, 223-26
Janesville Gazette, describes Lincoln as
speaker, 223
Jefferson, Thomas, and slavery, 134, 135;
mentioned, 22:,, 251, 254
Jewett, D. T., letter to, 208
Johnson, Andrew, telegram of, complaining of General Buell, 348
Johnson, J. 0., recommended, 169
Johnson, R., commissioned, 282
Johnson, Robert W., memorandum concerning, 316
Johnson, William, recommendation of, 262
Johnston, Andrew, Lincoln sends verse to,
2S
Johnston, John D., Lincoln binds self to
convey land to, 11
Jonas, Abraham, letter to, 164
Jones, in Mexican War, 38
Jones, John A., letter to, 248
Jones, John T., testifies in bank case, 172
Jonesboro, debate at, 194
Joy, James F., attorney for Illinois Central
Railroad, 167
Judah, Henry M., promoted, 288
Justices of peace, act limiting jurisdiction, 1
Kansas, slavery struggle in, 228-29;
visited by Lincoln, 227-36
Kansas-Nebraska   Act,  14th   Section
quoted, 132; opposed by Germans, 134.
See also speeches at Beardstown, Carlinville and Indianapolis
Keily, Patrick, buys Bullock land, 143
Keitt, Lawrence M., 189
Kellogg, Benjamin, Jr., letter to, 43
Kellogg, William, letter to, 236-38; appointment of, 374
Kellogg, William, Jr., reappointed to Military Academy, 294
Kellogg, William Pitt, 374
Kelly, 244
Kemper, 111, 119
Kentucky, Lincoln visits, 37
Kercheval, Lewis C., and Hamilton,
Richard J., letter to, 76
Kercheval, Lewis C., and others, letter to,
67
Kern, A. & G W  & Co., 4
Ketchum, Morris, letter of, endorsed, 299
King, A. A., requests pardon, 370-71
King, Francis T., pass for, 363
King, Turner R., and Springfield land
office, 53-55
Kinkead, George B., letters to, on personal law suit: 113-19; 128-29, 130
Kinzie, John H., and others, letter to, 67


Kirkham, Ralph W., 315
Knapp, Joseph G., appointment of, 282
Knight, Mrs. Robert T., memorandum
concerning, 299
Know-Nothingism, defeats Yates, 138
Koehnle, Frederick C. W., letter to, 207
Kossuth, Louis, visits United States, 81-82
Kretschman, Lieutenant Colonel, note
introducing, 364
Labor, and capital, relation between, 217 -18
Lamb, James L., 80
Lamon, Ward Hill, partnership with
Lincoln, 121; appointed Marshal for
District of Columbia, 265; draft of
letter for, 356, with Lincoln at Antietam
battlefield, 357; note to, 364; mentioned,
333
Land Office, General, applicants for Commissionership, 55. See also Lincoln,
Abraham, Edwards, Cyrus; Gillespie,
Joseph; Taylor, Zachary
Lamed, Benjamin F., note to, 302
Larrabee, endorsement concerning, 284
Latham, George, letter to, 250
Latham, Milton S., 291
Latham, R., 64
Lathrop, Charles C., recommended, 291
Law, study of, Lincoln's advice on, 1S3-84
Law suits, notes for: will case, 144-55;
Illinois Central fee suit, 167; bank case,
169-74
Lawrence, 113
Lawrence, George W., examined for law
license, 129
Lawrence, Isaac, testimonial to, 199
Leavenworth, speech at, 230-36; slavery,
early policy toward, 230; KansasNebraska Act, 231-32; popular sovereignty destroyed, 232-33; Republican
party defended, 234-35
Leavenworth, Lincoln speaks second time,
236
Leavenworth Register, comments on Lincoln, 230
Ledlie, Joseph, memorandum to, 61
Lee, Robert E., invades Pennsylvania, 328;
surrenders, 372
Legislature, Illinois, bills introduced by
Lincoln, 1
Lexington, case against Lincoln filed there,
113; visited, 116
Lincoln, Abraham, Revolutionary patriot,
264
Lincoln, Abraham, at New Salem, 1; partnership with Stuart, 4; signs Whig circular, 15; loses nomination for Congress,
16; partnership with Logan, 17, maneuvers for nomination for Congress, 1846,
21; mentioned for Governor, 25; elected
to Congress, 28; letter on Springfield and
Alton Railroad, 33; takes seat in Congress, 37; for Taylor for president, 40; at
Mrs. Spriggs', 41; in House post office,
44; attends Philadelphia convention, 44 -45; campaigns for Taylor, 47; arrives in
Washington, 48; not candidate for reelection, 52; seeks General Land Office,
55; visits Washington, 56; declines to
run for Congress, 66; eulogy on Taylor,




INDEX


883


68; addresses Kossuth meeting, 81; addresses Scott Club, 85; contests suit
against self, 114; works for Yates, 131;
meadow parable, 133; speeches in 1854,
134; in Black Hawk War, 141-42; sells
Bullock land, 142-14; loan to N Hay,
160; joins Republican party, 161; defends position on Mexican War, 179-80
Challenges Douglas to debates, 181;
commences campaign, 184; concludes
campaign, 197; buys German newspaper, 204-05; speaks in Wisconsin,
220-26; in Kansas, 227-36, in New York,
239; in New England, 239; nominated
for presidency, 243; notified of nomination, 244; description of, 245; elected
president, 256; calls for volunteers, 268;
increases regular army, 276; proposes
compensated emancipation, 285; issues
amnesty   proclamation,  336; visits
Antietam battlefield, 356; estimate of
1864 electoral vote, 361-62
Lincoln, Mrs. Abraham, see Lincoln, Mary
Todd
Lincoln, Deborah, 162
Lincoln, Edward Baker, 41, 42
Lincoln, Mary Todd, letters to, 41-43, 44;
description of, 259; recommends Mrs.
Sprigg, 275; mentioned, 258, 337
Lincoln, Robert Todd, vii, 42, 250; note to,
352
Lincoln, Sarah Bush, 10
Lincoln, Thomas, contract with, 10
Lincoln, Thomas (Tad), 337, 373
Lincoln and Herndon, attorneys for S. C.
Davis & Co., 199; fee bill of, 203; receipt
from, 255-56
Lincoln and Logan, attorneys in bank case,
169
Lincoln, remarks at, 258
Lockwood, Samuel D., 32
Locofocos, plans of, 14
Logan, Stephen T., signs Whig circular, 15;
partnership with Lincoln, 17; defeated
for  ongress, 52; in law  suit, 79;
arbitrates dispute, 80; signs letter to
Smith, 115; argument in will case,
153-54; testifies in fee case, 167; receipt
to, 256; letter to, 333; mentioned, 117,
119, 208, 256
Logan and Lincoln, letter signed, 19
Londeman, J. C. & Co., letter to, 84
Loughborough, James M., letter to, 156
Loughborough, P S., deed by, 156
Lovejoy, Owen, 164; letter to, 174-75
Lucas, Josiah M., letter to, 59-60
Luce, 264
Lutz, 366
McClellan, George B., 275; note to, 284;
letter to, 286-87; Peninsular campaign,
292; urged as commander-in-chief, 304;
visited by Lincoln, 356-59; vote for,
1864, 362
McClernand, John A., senatorial aspirations, 50; defeats Palmer, 227
McCormack, 80
McCrea, endorsement concerning, 351
McCreay, James B., discharge ordered,
346
McCulloch, Hugh, letter to, 373


McCurdy, Solomon P., appointed judge,
341
McDaniel, Jonathan, testifies in will case,
150
McDaniel, Robert, 151
McDaniel, William, will of, 146-49
'McDaniel et al. ads Correll et al.,' 144-55
McI)ierman, Michael, 3
McElroy, James N., note introducing, 355
McEwen, James H., discharge asked, 348
Mcllvaine, Abraham R., 41
McLean County, suit against Illinois Central, 167
McMillan, A. B., testifies in bank case,
170, 173
McMillan, Samuel, letter of, endorsed, 371
McNamar, John, letter to, 3
McReynolds, A. T., commands cavalry
regiment, 276
Mackenzie, R. Shelton, autograph for, 309
Macon County, Lincoln in, 253-54
Madigan, Thomas F., ix
Madison, James, 1S9, 223
Maltby, Charles, 373
Mangum, Willie P., letter to, 55-56
Mansfield, J K. F., 274
Marshall, Samuel S., on Kossuth committee, 81
Martin, William, letter to, 79-80
Maryland, Lincoln speaks in, 47
Massachusetts, Lincoln speaks in, 47
Masson, Mrs., visits Lincoln, 348
Maxfield, James, testifies in will case, 150
Maxwell, Jeremiah, testifies in will case,
151
Medill, Joseph, letter to, 178
Meigs, Montgomery C., letter to, 314
Merrimac, battle with Monitor, 290, 292
Merwin, James B., appointment of, 2(0,
298
Mexican War, Taylor's part in, 69-72,
Scott in, 85 ff.; Lincoln's course toward,
17.S- 0
Meyer, Alfred C., ix
Middleton, E. C., letter to, 366
Miller, Samuel F., letter of, endorsed, 347
Miller, William, 253, 254
Milroy, Robert H., defeated at Winchester,
328
Milwaukee, Lincoln speaks at, 220
Minnesota, Lincoln invited there, 165
Missouri Compromise, repeal of, 131, 132,
135
Missouri Democrat, agreement regarding,
166
Mitchell, Edward, heirs of, defendants in
law suit, 18
Mitchell, Robert, candidate for Naval
Academy, 283
Mobley, Mordecai, land of, 63, 64
Moffett, Thomas, 9
Monitor, battle with Merrimac, 290
Moore, Andrew, discharge ordered, 346
Moore, James J., discharge ordered, 346
Morgan, Charles, testifies in will case, 151
Morgan, Jacob, testifies in will case, 151
Morgan County, Lincoln's practice in, 21
'Morgan County Bank ads Gale,' 169-74
Morgan Journal, opposes Lincoln, 22, 27
Mormons, company of authorized, 291-92
Morris, Buckner S., and others, letter to, 67




884


INDEX


Morrison, application for leave, 299
Morrison, D. A., claim against Illinois
Central, 165
Morrison, J. L. D., seeks General Land
Office, 55; assails Lucas, 60
Morrison, J. W., testifies in bank case, 172
'Mortality,' extract from, quoted, 76
Mount Vernon, steamer to, 343
Naples, railroad to, 32
National Intelligencer, quoted, 106-08
National Republican, claim of, 324, 325,
329
Navy, Secretary of, see Welles, Gideon
Neale, Thomas M., surveyor, Sangamon
County, 61
Neale, Mrs. Thomas M., aided by Lincoln,
62
Negro equality, disavowed, 190
Newspapers, consult under titles
New Hampshire, Lincoln in, 239
New Haven, Lincoln in, 241
New York Herald, supports administration,
272, 283-84, 293
New York Historical Society, The, x
New York Mercury, prints erroneous dispatch, 320
New York Public Library, The, x
New York Tribune, 236; describes Sumner's
speech, 249
New York World, attacks Lincoln, 357
Newberry, Walter L., and others, letter to,
67
Newell, Mason W., recommended, 302
Newell, William A., letter to, 289; letter
for, 356
Newton, at Philadelphia convention, 45
Nicolay, John G., vii; agent Missouri
Democrat, 166; on White House callers,
266; mentioned, 274
Nicolay, John G., and Hay, John, editors,
vii; describe office hunters, 262
Nininger, Alexander R., candidate for
Naval Academy, 286
Nixon, John Thompson, 275
Norfolk, captured, 292
'Northrup vs. Reynolds et al.,' 113
Notification committee, response to, 261 -62
Oldham, Edward, party to suit against
Lincoln, 113
Oldham and Hemingway, dismiss suit
against Lincoln, 129
Oldham, Todd & Co., see Oldham, Edward;
Hemingway, Thomas; Oldham      and
Hemingway
Olney, John, letter to, 238
Omaha, made Union Pacific terminus, 335
Onstott, Henry, 59
Onstott, Isaac, letters to, 59, 77
Opdycke, S. B., signs railroad letter, 36
Opinions, legal, on Atlantic and Mississippi
Railroad, 122-28; on Springfield charter,
138; Lincoln and Edwards, 139-41; on
preemptions, 157; on planks, 177; on will
case, 202
Orme, William M., recommended, 300
Ottawa, debate at, lbS
Paine, E. A., 279


Palmer, John M., supported for Congress
by Lincoln, 227; tendeis resignation, 3;,6
Parker, Albert, letter to, 184
Parker, Annie Marie, cousin of Mrs. Lincoln, 226
Parker, John, uncle of Mrs. Lincoln, 41,
227
Patrick, Marsena R., note to, 364
Patterson, repays loan, 196
Pearson, Mrs. Eliza, pension claim, 51
Peck, Ebeneezer, on Kossuth committee,
81
Pekin, Whig convention at, 26
Pennsylvania, Historical Society of, x
Pennsylvania, invaded by Lee, 328
Peoria, Lincoln speaks there, 254
Peters, 138, 283
Phelps, E. P., letter of, endorsed, 284
Phelps, John S., urges occupation of
Arkansas, 319
Philadelphia, Taylor demonstration at, 39,
40
Phipps, George W., recommended, 317
Pickens, Francis W., notification to, concerning Fort Sumter, 266
Pickrell, Jesse A., letter to, 227
Pickrell, William, signs railroad letter, 36,
227
Pieper, appointment of, 342
Pierce, Franklin, nomination of, 8S-F9;
political career, 97-98, 103; in Mexican
War, 100-01; charged with conspiracy
to extend slavery, 185
Pittsfield, Lincoln speaks there, 196
Polk, James K., letters to, 38, 39
Pollock, James, 41
Pomeroy, Samuel Clarke, 321
Pope, John, transferred to Illinois, 270; defeated, 303
Popular sovereignty, 133-37; 188-92; 208 -10; 215-19; 232-33
Potomac, patrol of ordered, 271
Powell, Lazarus W., recommends discharge
of prisoners, 340
Preemption rights, legal opinion concerning, 157
Preston, S. W., promotion recommended,
303
Prickett, David, receipt to, 4
Proverbs, quotation from, 240-41
Pryor, Roger A., pass for, 370
Public lands, resolutions concerning, 5
Putnam, James 0., letters to, 251, 254
Quincy, Lincoln speaks there, 137; Republican meeting, 164
Railroads, Illinois, 32-33, 121
Ramsay, William, promissory note, 9
Randall, Alphonso, testifies in will case,
149
Randall, William H., sponsors discharged
prisoner, 346; recommends Silas Woodson, 347
Rankin, Henry B., inscription in book of,
174
Ready, Simon, 359
Reed, Henry R., testifies in bank case, 171
Reed, Horatio B., commissioned, 277
Regnier, Francis, release of judgment to, 21
Republican party, Lincoln joins, 161; and




INDEX


385


Douglas, difference between, 176; 220 -23; 234-35
Resolutions, on public lands, 4-5; on
teachers' examinations, 7-8
Rhoads, Franklin L., applicant for lieutenancy, 38, 39
Rhode Island, Lincoln in, 239
Rice, John F., discharge ordered, 346
Richardson, Israel B., asks transfer, 301;
Lincoln visits, 358
Richardson, William A., in Washington, 45
Ridgely, Charles, testifies in bank case, 171
Ridgely, Nicholas H., letters to, 159-60,
203
Ripley, James W., note to, 294
Rogers, letter concerning, 366
Rollins, James S., recommends Edward
H. Casth, 315
Rosecrans, William S., 316; asks authority
to raise troops, 330
Rosenbach Company, The, x
Rosenberg, memorandum concerning, 322
Ross, Leonard F., and Stipp, George W.,
113
Ross, William, signs agreement, 166
Rousseau, Lovell H., Lincoln recommends,
296; visits Washington, 330
Rowland, Smith & Co., letter to, 18-19
Rucker, D. H., 324
Russia, course of condemned, 82
Ryder, Simeon, letter to, 17-18
St. Louis, trade with Springfield, 34-35
St. Louis Intelligencer, prints legal opinion,
123
Sandburg, Carl, x
Sanders, note concerning, 375
Sandford, C. W., issues proclamation, 274
Sandford, D. R., and S., letter to, 142
Sanitary Commission Fair, at Chicago, 337
Sargent, Nathan, letter to, 256-57
Schenck, Robert C., 373
Schiel, appointment, 342
Schlater, C. U., letter to, 49
Schneider, Isaac, discharge asked, 305
Schurz, Carl, raises cavalry regiment, 276
Sconce, J. A. D., 120
Sconce, Mrs. J. A. D., legal question
involving, 120
Scott, Winfield, speech in favor of, 85-110;
Douglas's Richmond speech, 86; Chicago
speech, 88; Scott's nomination, sectional
character denied, 88-90; duplicity denied, 90-93; Douglas satirized, 91-92;
Scott, views on naturalization upheld,
93-94; proscriptive tendencies denied;
Clayton's generosity, 96-97; Pierce ridiculed, 97-103; Fillmore administration
defended, 103-08; Douglas, abolition
charge, 108-10; suggests patrol of Potomac, 271; letter to, 273-74; endorses
Merwin application, 280
Seaton, William W., and Gales, Joseph,
letter to, 51
Secession, attitude toward, 259-60
Sedgwick, 351
Sedgwick, John, evacuates Fredericksburg,
324
Selvage, Edwin, seeks discharge, 332
Seward, William H., Democrats attack,
10(-09, 205; letters to: concerning Weed.


268-69; calling cabinet meeting, 278;
telegram to, battle of Five Forks, 372 -73; presides at Christian Commission
meeting, 369
Shaffer, 244
Shepherd, Oliver L., promoted, 277
Sheridan, James B., reports debates, 194
Sheridan, Philip H., at Five Forks, 373
Sherman, Charles, appointed director
Union Pacific Railroad, 353, 361
Shields, James, elected Senator, 50; in
Mexican War, 101
Singleton, James W., cotton trading, 372
Slavery, 133-37; 184-94; 208-36; amendment prohibiting, 341; notes on, 374
Slemmer, Adam J., 277
Smith, Mrs. Alice C., letter to, 333
Smith, C. M., 200
Smith, Mrs. C. M., 227
Smith, Caleb B., appointed Federal judge,
308
Smith, David A., letters to: on law suit, 78;
on Higgins case, 114-15
Smith, Green Clay, presents petition, 335;
resigns commission, 339
Smith, J., signs Whig circular, 15
Smith, James Y., visits Lincoln, 345
Smith, Joseph, estate of, legal opinion concerning, 140-41
Smith, Joseph S., note of, 256
Smith, Robert (?), letter to, 37
Smith, Robert, legal opinion to, 123
Smith, William C. S., appointment, 373
Smith, Willie, letter to, 343
South Carolina, secedes, 260
Spear, David, dispute with Isaac Spear, 80
Speed, James, telegram of, 325
Speed, Joshua F., letters to: on deed, 156;
on trip to Chicago, 257; letter from, 296;
telegram from, 325
Speed, Mrs. Joshua F., 258
Spencer County (Indiana), Lincoln visits,
28
Sperry, Nehemiah D., letter to, 255
Spottswood, G. W., appointed postmaster,
9; death, 20
Spriggs, Mrs., boarding-house, 41; recommended, 275
Springfield, made state capital, 13; postmastership, 20; railroad to, 32; railroad
intrigues, 122; Lincoln speaks at, 134;
obtains city charter, 138; speech at, 197;
celebrates Lincoln's nomination, 243
Springfield and Alton Railroad, open letter
on, 32-36; completed, 37
Springfield-Lewistown road, act relating
to, 1, 2
Stanley, Edward, recommends General
Foster, 323
Stanton, Edwin M., appointed Secretary
of War, 288 n.; overrules Lincoln, 307,
344; mentioned, 312; note of, endorsed,
335
Letters to: on appointments, 288, 315,
338; on army promotion, 389; Kellogg
case, 294; appointing Ulric Dahlgren,
295; on Pennsylvania troops, 298; occupation of Texas, 300; transfer of
General Richardson, 301; Belmont letter,
304; powder for China, 305; paroled
prisoners, 306, 310; FitzHenry Warren,




386


INDEX


317; paymastership, 317; raising troops
in Arizona, 31s, Mercury dispatch, 320;
Major Easton, 321; National Repuiblican,
324-25,:329; Illinois (Central claim, 32'6;
on letter to Meade, 330; prisoner of war,
332, 345, 350; on Captain Beckwith, 331;
river trip, 337; Goodloe transfer, 3:9;
Rhode Island officers, 345; appointing
brigadier general, 347; conference with
governors, 349; pass to West Point, 350;
treasury order, 360; compensation commission, 366; on Jews, 368
Notes to: recommending J. C. Conkling, 314; recommending William Butler,
315; others, 330, 349, 351, 352, 355, 359,
370, 371, 373
Stanton, Robert L., letter concerning, 350
State, Secretary of, see Seward, William H.
Steele, James, and Summers, Charles,
letter to, 164-65
Stephens, Alexander H., writes Lincoln,
241
Stevens, Thaddeus, letter to, 47-48
Stillwater (Minn.), land office, 57
Stipp, George W., and Ross, Leonard F.,
letter to, 113
Stoddard, Captain, 324
Stone, Robert K., letter to, 329
Stout, Mrs., aided by Lincoln, 62-63
Stratton, John L. N., 275
Straughn, L. E., letter concerning, 366
Stretch, William, note concerning, 363
Stringer, Daniel, defendant in law suit, 18
Strohm, John, 41
Stuart, Charles B., raises engineer regiment, 2 1
Stuart, John T., partnership with Lincoln,
4, 17, 117; elected to Congress, 4, 7;
letters to, 7, 8, signs railroad letter, 36;
signs letter to Smith, 123, signs legal
opinion, 12s; testifies in fee case, 167;
mentioned, 256
Stuart and Edwards, attorneys in bank
case, 169
Sturges, Solomon, letter to, 242; raises infantry company, 275
Sturtevant, Julian M., letter to, 163
Sullivan (Ill.), misunderstanding at, 195
Sullivan, H. V., recommended, 270
Summers, Charles, and Steele, James,
letter to, 164-65
Sumner, Charles, letter to, 249; introduces
amendment prohibiting slavery, 342
Sumter, Fort, to be provisioned, 266;
bombarded, 268
Swann, Arthur, x
Sweatman, Ann, letter of, endorsed, 360
Sweatman, Robert, release of, sought, 360
Sweet, Martin P., letter to, 194; defeated
for Congress, 195
Swett, Leonard, signs certificate, 129;
Lincoln writes, 174; works for Lincoln's
nomination, 244; letter to, 243-44;
recommended, 300
Sympson, Alexander, 281
Sympson, Samuel, 280-81
Talbot, Theodore, promoted, 277
Tandy-Thomas Co., The, vii
Tarbell, Ida M., viii
Tatum, John W., paper of, endorsed, 365


Tatum, Joseph, paper of, endorsed, 365
Taylor, Caleb N., urges appointment, 267
Taylor, Zachary, presideritial candidacy,
beginning of, 39-40; memorandum to,
on General Land Office, 56-5i7; administration, Lincoln on, 60; eulogy on,
68-76
Taylor ( ommittee, letter to, 39-40
Tazewell Mirror, proposes Lincoln for
Congress, 66
Temperance, agitation for, 12
Texas, occupation proposed, 300
Thomas, Frederick A., letter to, 13
Thomas, Lorenzo, letter to. 340
Thomas Colyer (steamer), 343
Thompson, Richard W., appointed commissioner Union Pacific Railroad, 354
Thornton, Anthony, 31
Thornton, William F., 118
Tilson, John, letter to, 62
Timmons, Thomas, letter concerning, 366
Todd, Levi 0., contact with Lincoln, 116
Todd, Robert S., father of MIrs. Lincoln,
113; gives Lincoln claims, 118; estate
of, 119
Tompkins, Patrick W., 41
Tosk, note concerning, 302
Totten, Joseph G., overruled by Lincoln,
294
Tracy, Gilbert A., vii
Treasury, Secretary of, see Chase, Salmon
P.; Fessenden, William P, McCulloch,
Hugh
Treat, Samuel, writes David Davis, 308;
letter to, 308-09
Treat, Samuel H., decides against Lincoln,
208
Trent, Williamson, 2
Trumbull, Lyman, addresses Kossuth
meeting, 81; speaks at Quincy, 164; to
speak in Minnesota, 166; mentioned,
182; reelection important, 252; speaks
at Bloomington, 259; speech of, inspired
by Lincoln, 260; notifies Lincoln of election, 261; letter to, 342; introduces
Thirteenth Amendment, 342
Tunstall, Warrick, 42
Turley, defendant in law suit, 110
Turner, 138
Turner, J. Miller, discharge ordered, 346
Tyler, Daniel, commissioned brigadier
general, 289; telegram to, 32S
Ullman, Daniel, authorized to raise troops,
318
Union Pacific Railroad Co., proclamations
concerning, 310, 334, 344 directors appointed, 353, 361; commissioner for appointed, 354; location approved, 363;
subscription books of, order concerning,
367
Urbana (Ill.), Lincoln attends court, 164
Usher, John P., letters to, 321, 333
Vandeveer, Horatio M., letter to, 19
Van Arsdale, Cornelius C., discharge
ordered, 369
Van Dolson, William, pass for, 371
Van Duyn, Gilbert A., note introducing,
342
Verree, John P., 288




INDEX


387


Vicksburg, campaign planned, 308; operations above, 320
Vincent, Thomas M., letter of, endorsed,
326
Viney, William S., buys Bullock land, 143
War, Secretary of, see Cameron, Simon;
Stanton, Edwin M.
Ward, Henry G., agent Chinese government, 305
Warren, FitzHenry, letter concerning, 317
Warren, Gouverneur K., at Five Forks,
373
Warren, W B., legal opinion concerning,
177
Washburne, Elihu B., notifies Lincoln of
election, 261; letter to, 293; mentioned,
312
Washington, George, 223
Washington, Lincoln arrives there, 37
Washington Society, of Springfield, 12
Watrous, Charles S., testifies in bank case,
170
Wead, Hezekiah M., letter to, 83
Webb, E. B., 5, 6
Webster, B. C., signs railroad letter, 36
Webster, Daniel, 188
Weed, Thurlow, letter concerning, 2GS-69
Welles, Gideon, refuses pass, 283; reports
discussion railroad gauge, 310; letters
to: on naval appointments, 262-63, 267,
283; army appointment, 26S; patrol of
Potomac, 271; Naval Agent at Philadelphia, 288; Monitor, 290; general
instructions, 329; note to, 352; on navy
enlistments, 356
Wells, Gabriel, x
West Virginia, forms state government,
279
Wetherill, J. W., endorsement, concerning,
326
Wheat, James S. (?), letter concerning, 279
Whigs, Springfield Junto, 14; Illinois,
nominate Taylor, 40; National Convention, at Philadelphia, 44
White, Hugh L., Lincoln votes for, 190
White, Wharton, recommended, 297
Whiteside, Samuel, 142
Whitney, Henry C., recommended, 166,
184
Wickoff, Henry, 283
Wilcox, Nathaniel G., applicant for pursership, 53; for land office, 57; appointed to
land office, 58
Wilder, Daniel W., appointed Surveyor
General of Kansas, 333
Wilkinson, Morton S., letter to, 352


Wilkinson, Samuel, letter to, 177-78
Williams, Amos, letter to, 4x-49
Williams, Archibald, on Kossuth cormmittee, 81; Lincoln campaigns for, 137;
mentioned, 321
Williams, Jesse L., appointed director
Union Pacific Railroad, 353, 361
Williams, John, signs railroad letter, 36;
signs agreement, 166
Williams, Robert E., letter to, 16,S
Williams, Major, charged with drunkenness, 354
Williamsburg, evacuated, 292
Willich, August, promoted, 293
Wilmot, David, endorses application, 267
Winchester (Ill.), Lincoln speaks there,
134, 196
Winchester (Va.), lost by Milroy, 328
Wise, H. A., sends telegram for Lincoln,
287
Wood, note introducing, 267
Wood, F A., letter to, 245
Wood, John, signs agreement, 166
Woodbury, W W R., and Fithian, William, letter to, 120
Woodson, Silas, recommended for judgeship, 347
Wool, John E., 306
Worden, John L., Lincoln interviews, 290
Worth, William J., quarrel with Taylor,
72-73
Wright, Horatio G., 316
Wright, W W., 171
Wycoff, Samuel, dispute with Forrest
arbitrated, 17
Yardley, Mahlon, 267
Yates, Richard, announces candidacy, 132,
defeated for Congress, 138 speaks at
Quincy, 164, calls for volunteers, 269;
requests transfer of Pope, 270
Letters to: on presidential politics, 38;
on candidacy for Congress, 131, on
legislature, 168-69; on campaign, 137-38
Yates, Richard, and Brown, William, letter
to, 51
Yeaman, George H., calls on Lincoln, 316
Yorktown, evacuated, 292
Young, Brigham, authorized to form company, 292
Young, Lawrence, deed to, 156
Young, William H., letter to, 47
'Your Mission,' singing of, requested by
Lincoln, 369


Zacharie, Doctor, letter concerning, 368








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