A CQUISITION OF CUBA.
S P E E CH
OF
HONo ZACHARIAH CIHIAN DLR
OF MICHIGAN,
IN THE SENATE OF THeES  UNITED  SrATES, FEBRUARY 17, 1859:'The Senate having resumed the consideration of the bill't is a proposition worthy of its author; it is a
making appropriation to facilitate the acquisition of Cuba proposition worthy of the writer of the Ostend
by negotiation-                                manifesto; a proposition worthy of the brigand;
Mr. CHANDLER said:                          -worthy of James Buchanan; but it is unwortky
Mr. PRESIDtENT: This is a most extraordinary  of thePresident ofthe United States; it is a propoproposition to be presented to the Congress of the  sition disgraceful,to be made to the Congress of
United States, at this time. With a Treasury  the United States.
bankrupt, and the Government borrowi.g money    Again I ask, what do you propose to do with
to pay its daily expenses, and no efficient remedy  the money?  Is it intended that this grand corproposed for that state of things; with your great ruption fund shall be'used in the purchase of
national works in the Northwest going to decay, foreign ministers and ministers of State and high
iand no money to repair them; without harbors  Spanish officials? Is this what the fiiends of the
of refuge for your commerce, and no money to  measure would have us believe it to be? Such,
erect them; with a national debt of $70,000,000  possibly.,a small portion of it may be intended
which is increasing in a time of profound peace at for; but, in my estimation, that portion will be
the rate of $30,000,000 per annum, the Senate of found to be infinitesimally small. There are
the United States is startled by a proposition to  other, and, in the estimation of some, more irnborrow $30,009,000. Arid for what, sir? To pay  portent, objects to be attained by the use of this
just claims against this Government, which have  money.
been lone deferred? No, sir; you have no money    The Democratic party is damaged, badly damfor any such purpose as that. Is it to repair your aged at the North. Its principles are gone, and
national works on the northwestern lakes, to re- even its occupation of public plunder is gone, for
pair your harbors, to rebuild your light-houses? there is nothing left to steal; your Treasury is
No, sir; you have no money for that. Is it to build  bankrupt, and there is no hope of replenishing it
a railroad to the Pacific,connecting the eastern and  before the presidential contest of 1860. In this
western slopes of this continent by bands of iron, emergency something must be done for the Demand opening up the vast interior of the continent ocratic party, and here is the proposition to do it.
to settlement? No, sir; you say that is unconsti- A new issue is to be raised to call off the attentutional. What, then, do you propose to do with  tion of the country from past extravagant expendthis $30,000,000?  Is it to purchase the Island of itures and present bankruptcy. Cuba is to be
Cuba? No, sir; for you are already advised in  the cry in the next presidential election, and
advance that Spain will not sell the island. More, $30,000,000 is to be the inducement to cry loud
sir; you are advised in advance that she will take  and long. This is a mere clap-trap proposition to
a proposition for its purchase as a national insult, go into the canvass of 1860; and the friends of this
to be rejected with scorn and contempt. The ac- measure have no more idea of purchasing Cuba
tion of her Cortes and of her Government, on  under it than I have of buying it on private acthe reception of' the President's message, proves count. They are to go before the country upon
this beyond all controversy.                  this cry of Cuba, and upon it they hope to float
What, then, I ask again, do you propose to do  into power again in 1860. Vain, fallacious hope.'with this. $30,000,000?  1 ask any friend of the  Forty Cubas and $300,000,000 as a bribery and
measure whathe proposes to do with the money? corruption fund, would not save the Democratic
The question is absurd. There is no man, wo- party from that annihilation which the Almighty
man, 9r child, who does not know for what pur-  has decreed.
pose'this $30,000,000 is intended. It is a great   But, sir, let us examine this proposition in itm
corruption fund for bribery, and for bribery only. practical effects upon our constituency. I propopst:




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to take a practical view of it. I propose, before  and to compel her to pay a perpetual annual tax of
we go into a speculation of this -kind, to ascertain  $406,777 92.
whether it will pay. The computation which I    Sir, before I vote for any such scheme as that,
am about to present, was made before Oregon  I want authority from home;and I advise the Senwas admitted, which has one member of the House  ator from Ohio to listen to his constituents before
of Representatives, and this fact would vary my  he votes for any such scheme. My word for it,
figures a few dollars; but a few dollars only. Of if he has not heard from them, he will in 1861.
this $30,000,000 bribery fund, each congressional    Mr. PUGH. I will take care of my constitudistrict will pay $127,118 64. The State of Mich-  ents; let the Senator take care of his own.
igan, under the present representation, according    Mr. CHANDLER. The State of Ohio Will
to the census of 1850, having four members, will  have to pay, of this purchase money, $17,896,534,
pay $508,474 56. But the population of Michigan  the perpetual annual tax of which, on that State,
has more than doubled since 1850, and she is now   will be $1,073,791. Of the $30,000,000 appropriaentitled, according to her population, to eight  ted by this bill, Ohio will pay $2,669,478, the
Representatives; and will,in 1860, be entitled to  annual interest on which, at six per cent.,will be
eight, at a ratio of one hundred and twenty-five  $160,168. The Senator says he will take care of
thousand people to a Representative; so that her  that. I trust he will; and I can assure him that
presentproportion would be, according to a proper  if he does not, the people of Ohio will.
apportionment, $1,016,949 12, the interest upon    Now, let us admit for the sake of the argument,
which, at six per cent. per annum, would be  that this proposition is brought forward in good
$61,016 94. I name six per cent., because if you  faith and will be successfully terminated, what
go into any such wild scheme as this, borrowing  does the State of Michigan gain, what does the
money to buy islands, you will find your national  State of Ohio gain, what do any of the northcredit below par, according to the present rate of  western States gain by the purchase of the Island
interest; and I believe six per cent. is the lowest  of Cuba? I know something of Cuba, something
rate at which you can borrow money if you con-  of its soil, something of its climate, something of
elude to go into this fillibustering proposition for  its people, their manners and customs, somethe campaign of 1860. I say, then, you propose  thing of their religion, something of their crimes.
to mortgage my State of Michigan for $1,016,949,  I spent a winter in the interior of the Island of
and to compel her people to pay an annual tax of  Cuba a few years since, and can therefore speak
$61,016. Before 1 vote this mortgage, and this  from personal knowledge.  I differ in my views
perpetual annual tax upon the people of Michi-  from the honorable Senator from Louisiana, [Mr.
gan, I desire to consult my constituents; and after  BENJAMIN.] My personal observation does not
I have consulted them, even if they should make  accord with his theories. Much of the soil of the
up their minds that this was a wise scheme, I  island is rich and exceedingly productive; but it
should tell them that upon that point I differ from  is in no way comparable to the prairies and botthem.                                          ton-lands of the Great West. You can go into
But, sir, this is not all. You propose to author-  almost any of your Territories and select an equal
ize the President to purchase the Island of Cuba  number of acres and you will have a more valufor anyprice he may see fit. It is true the Senator  able State than you can possibly make out of
from Ohio, [Mr. PUGH,] has offered an amend-  Cuba. You have hundreds of millions of acres
ment placing a limit on the price, but it has not  of land to which you can extinguish the Indian
been adopted, and if it were I do not suppose it title for a song, and obtain better lands and create
would have any effect on the negotiation. What better States than you will ever' make out of
would President Buchanan care for $50,000,000,  Cuba.
more or less, to accomplish his darling scheme?   The Island of Cuba contains nineteen million
Give him this $30,000,000 to start with and he  three hundred and fifty thousand acres, and you
will pay two hundred, or two hundred and fifty, l propose to pay for it $200,000,000; or in other
or any other number of millions that it may suit words, you propose to pay for the Island of Cuba
his whim to pay.:I! care not for your limit —he  more than ten dollars an acre for every acre of
will not regard it.'I will, however, take as the  land on it, and then you do not acquire an acre.
basis of my calculation the lowest price named as  You are selling infinitely better lands, and have
the sum which Spain will consent to accept for millions upon millions of them, for $1 25; and
Cuba; to wit: $200,000,000. Two hundred mil- I yet you propose to tax the people of the United
lion seems to be considered, on all hands, as the  States to pay ten dollars an acre for land that you
minimum price. What the maximum may be, do not get when you pay the money.
I know not. I take as the basis of my calcula-    I notice by the report of the honorable Senator
tion the minimum of $200,000,000. If that be the  from Louisiana, [Mr. SLIDELL,] that Cuba conamount, each congressional district in the United  tains, at this time, a population of one million
States would pay $847,454, and the State of Mich-  nine thousand and sixty inhabitants, including
igan, as at present represented under the census  negroes, old men, and small children. You proof 1850, would pay $3,389,816; but, as I have al-  pose to pay nearly two hundred dollars a head for
ready stated, her population has more than doubled  every man, woman, child, and negro on the island,
since the last census, and is rapidly increasing, so  and then you do not own one of themt. You prothat her present proportion would be $6,779,632. pose to pay $200,000,000-for what? For the right
Upon this sum the annual perpetual interest would  to govern one million of the refuse of the earth.
be $406,777 92. I call it perpetual, for no sane man  You propose to pay $200,000,000 to bring in a
believes that, if this debt be created, it will ever population that you would reject with scorn if
be paid in the world. It is but the commencement they were now to apply for admission intb the
of an irredeemlnab1le debt. I say, then, you propose  Union, free of all expense.,to nrortgage the State of Michigan for $6,779,632,    Do you think that proposition will pay? Do




3
you think it will commend itself to the people of where a crime had been committed and the niurthe Northwest?  Do you think it will commend  derer met his fate.
itself to the people of this Union? What do you    On the accession of Tacon to office, he inget after you pay your;200,000,000?  You ac-  creased the army to twenty thousand men, and
quire the right to build fortifications; to send an  did establish, as the honorable Senator from Louarmy to Cuba;to govern it;to create a navy to pro-  isiana [Mr. BENJAMIN] said, an absolute military
tect it; to expend through all time, from twenty-  despotism, which exists there to this day. But it
five to a hundred millions per annum, to take care  was not as the Senator said to prevent insurrecof it. That is all you get. Do you think it will tion; it was to prevent crime. and that only; and
pay?  But, as I said before, I know something  if that military despotism  had not been estabof the people of this island, and something of their  lished, and had not been ruled with an iron hand,
manners and customs.                           Cuba would be to-day what it was before the adThe white population consists chiefly of creoles, ministration of Tacon. As I said before, the peoor native-born Cubans. Of the slave population  ple are ignorant and vicious. They will not labor,
I should think a large majority are native-born  and they will resort to any shifts of crime to obAfricans. The honorable Senator from Louis-  tain subsistence. Bribery is universal, from the
iana [Mr. BENJAMIN] spoke the other day of the  Governor General, who receives two ounces of
great mortality among the slaves of Cuba.'If he  gold per head for every slave landed on the island.
meant to apply his remarks on that point to the  Let a slave trader land a single negro without
creole slaves, he made a vast mistake; for I never  paying his two ounces of gold, that negro will be
in my life saw a more healthy set of persons than  wrested from him within three days. Two ounces
the creole slaves of Cuba. They are not half so  of gold per head is the regular established bribe
hard worked, they are better fed, they live longer  for every slave landed on the Island of Cuba, and
than the slaves of Louisiana; and they are not it is done as publicly as almost any other transas cruelly treated. This remark was made to me  action there. I went into the barracoons at Haover and over again, " Give me anything but a  vana, and saw eleven hundred slaves within three
Yankee master."  They do not want an Amer-  days from the time of their landing there from
ican master. He is energetic, he drives, he works  the coast of Africa. They were landed within
his negroes; but the creoles are so utterly indo-  ten miles of the Moro Castle, and marched dilent themselves, that they allow their negroes to  rectly up to Havana, and placed in the barracoons
do pretty much what they please. If the Senator  for sale publicly, under the very eye of the Capmeant his remark to apply to the Africans, it tain General. Everybody was talking about it,
was, perhaps correct. At the time I was upon  and the ship that brought them over, lay as quithe island, the mortality of the native Africans  etly in the harbor of Havana as any merchant
was estimated thus: one fifth of all shipped from  ship. If you had seen, as I did, those eleven
the coast of Africa died upon the passage; one  hundred miserable wretches, you would not be
fifth more committed suicide within the first year  surprised at the mortality among them. The
after they were landed on the island; one fifth  laws of Spain are to-day as severe against the
more died the first year in the process of accli-  slave trade as those of the United States; nevermation, because they were unaccustomed to toil, theless, slaves are continually imported there,
unaccustomed to that mode of living. Conse-  and it is done because the Captain General is
quently, three fifths of the entire exportation from   bribed. It is a well known fact, that every Capthe coast of Africa were lost in one year from the  tain General of Cuba acquires an immense fordate of theirexportation. In regard to the remain-  tune in two or three years, and it is from the
ing two fifths, however, after becoming acclima-  slave trade and that alone. From the judge on
ted, they live as long as creole negroes. It will the bench, from the priest in the pulpit, to the
be seen that three fifths being destroyed the first lowest tide-waiter, bribery is the rule, and there
year, in order to get an average of any length of are no exceptions. You cannot remove the dead
time, you must rate a long life to the rest, unless  body of your friend firom the Island of Cuba withyou shorten the duration, perhaps to the time the  out bribing the priest, bribing the captain of the
Senator mentioned; but the lives of the creole  Partero, bribing the judge, and bribing the cusnegroes are as long as those of any other people  tom-house officer, through whose hand it passes.
in the world.                                  I know that, because I have had to pay the bribes.
Now, as to the white population: they are ig-   Is not this a beautiful population to bring into
norant, vicious, and priest-ridden. Prior to the  the Union as a State-a beautiful population to
administration of General Tacon, there was not take rank with the old States of this Union? But,
a crime on the calendar which had not its fixed  sir, that is not all. The Catholic religion rules
value in the Island of Cuba. I had at one time  supreme in the Island of Cuba; no other religion
the tariff of crime there, butat the present moment is tolerated. Even the rites of a Christian burial
I only recollect a single item. The price of assas-  are denied to a Protestant upon that island. The
sination was two ounces of gold, or thirty-four  people are superstitious and vicious; and they are
dollars a head! You could have any man assas-  bigots as well. They are devout Catholics; The
sinated for thirty-four dollars before the adminis-  Catholic Church is true to Spain; the Catholic
tration of Tacon; and I was informed by many  Church is true to despotism; and the people
old Cubans you could scarcely walk out in the  there, to a man, are true to the Church. If the
streets of Havana in the morning without finding  honorable Senator from Louisiana has seen hunone or more dead bodies, the result of the last dreds, or if he has seen one hundred, Cubans
night's assassinations and robberies. My own ex-  who were panting for liberty, as he asserts, he
perience is, that the gibbet was a common sioht-  has seen every one that that island produced.
the gibbet, with the human skull rattling in the  There are a few creole Cubans, who have been
wind, at the corner of four roads, or at some place  educated in the United States, that are intelligent,




that care nothing about their church, who are  in your boots in the morning, you will be more
anxious to get their hands into the Treasury.  fortunate than I was. Lizards run about in every
They are anxious for plunder; they are anxious  direction; worms annoy you atevery turn. This
for positions where they can receive bribes. True  is a beautiful place to emigrate to! And yet you
patriotisnm does not-exist on the Island of Cuba.  propose to pay $200,000,000 for the island. In
They love the very chains that bind them. They  my opinion, it is not a paying investment.
love their church; they love this very military    But, sir, as I said before, this bill is not to buy
despotism  of which complaint is made. The  the Island of Cuba, for you are advised in admen of whom the Senator friom Louisiana speaks,  vance that you cannot get it. This is a mere elecare men the majority of whom  have been ban-  tioneering scheme for 1860. It is to be one of the
ished fiom the island. Where was the declara-  planks in the Democratic platform in 1860; and I
tion of independence which he brought before us  propose very briefly to review a certain other
written? Who wrote it? Where was it adopted?  plank which you have in that platform, as it has
In my opinion, it was adopted in some tavern in  only two left-this one is not yet in. You have
INew Orleans. The people of Cuba never adopted  destroyed all your old platforms; they are utterly
a declaration of independence.'What was the  annihilated. Even the Cincinnatiplatform of tenfate of the gallant Crittenden when he went to  der years has ceased to be; and I am  not surCuba to help to rescue them  from  oppression? prised that that platform  has been destroyed.
What became of that young man and the fifty  There never was a sound plank in it. It said that
associates who were with him, when they went everything was left " perfectly free, subject to the
there with arms in their hands prepared to shed  Constitution of the United States;" but the knowtheir blood for the redemption of the Island of ing ones in that convention were perfectly aware
Cuba? Where, then, were the patriots who were  at that time that the Constitution of the United
thirsting for freedom? If there was one on tile  States was virtually subverted by a decision which
island, he kept himself pretty well out of sight;  the Supreme Court dared not then make, and
and that gallant young man, ten m.inutes before  whose final enunciation depended upon the result
he suffered death, wrote a letter to a friend in the  of that election.  If President Buchanan  had not
United States, saying: " I did not come here to  been elected, the Dred Scott decision would not
plunder; I came here in good faith to aid these  have been made.  I propose now to spend a very
people in acquiring their freedom; I supposed  little time in examining this last new platform of
they were thirsting for liberty; but I have been  the Democratic party. The Supreme Court of the
deceived. My time has come."  In a postscript  United States was merciful in its work of destruche added: " I will die like a man."             tion. The Cincinnati platform was built precisely
Where were the liberty-thirsting Cubans then,  as boys build cob-houses-to see who could first
when as gallant a soul as ever lived on the face of knock them down; and the missile which the Suthis- earth went to his last account because he  preme Court threw at the Cincinnati platform,.
sympathized with 1" gallant, suffering"' Cubans?  which destroyed it, and which will virtually overSir, the gallantry is not there. There is no such  turn the Constitution of the United States when it
thing as a love of liberty there.  Do you want becomesthelaw;thatverymissilewasitselfaDemthese people in your Union?  Are you prepared  ocratic platform, which the Democratic leaders
to pay $200,000,000 to bring such a set of crim-  made great haste to mount; and at the North they
inats into this Union? Do you propose to keep  found it large enough.'There was but one plank
an army of twenty thousand men in a climate  to it, but it would hold all the Democratic party
where they will be decimated every year, to gov-  there. They had become infinitesimally small and
ern that island? That is what Spain has to do, few in number before that last new platform, and
and that is what you will' have to do if you mean  are growing beautifully less day by day.
to keep the people from  cutting each other's    I insist that the Dred Scott decision-for it is
throats.  You will have to keep up a navy there  needless for me to say that it is to that I alludeto protect your possession, if you get it.: You  is the only Democratic platform that now exists;
must spend fiom fifteen to twenty million dollars  and if any man throughout this bioad land, who
a year to govern the island; and in addition to  holds a Government office of any value whatever,
that, you propose to place a perpetual annual tax  doubts it, let him  try the experiment.  Let him
of $12,000,000 upon the people of the United  say that he does not consider the Dred Scott deStates for the purchase. I ask Senators whether  cision the Democratic platform, does not consider
they consider that a game that will pay?        it binding on him, and, my word for it, he will be
Suppose you get the island: what will you do  shorter by a head within three days after the anwith- it.? Your people cannot live there. The im-  nunciation. Sir, it is the Democratic platform; it
pression has gone abroad that in the interior of  is the party test. Any man who does not swear
the Island of Cuba the climate is cool and healthy; allegiance to the Dred Scott decision is no Dembut. such is not the fact. Tropical diseases al-  ocrat.  I hold in my hand an exposition of that
ways rage there at certain seasons of the year,  decision, from a Democratic newspaper published
and the foreign population is usually decimated  in the city of Washington, which I believe is unievery year. You cannot even sleep on a mat-  versally admitted to be good Democratic authortress, during the winter, on that island. The  ity. It is more than that; the newspaper to which
heat is so intense that you are obliged to forego  I allude distills the pure essence, the very essenthe.luxury of a mattress, andsleep in a hammock  tial oil of Democracy.  I allude to the Union
or upon canvas. Besides, there are certain other  newspaper of this city, some of whose articles are
luxuries that' I wish to call to the attention of  understood to be written by the President of the
northern men who may propose to go there. You  United States and to be supervised by his Cabi-.are compelled to sleep under mosquito bars all  net, and to send forth the perfectly pure Demothe year round; and if you do not find scorpions  cratic: doctrine.  I.believe that when this pure




5
Democratic doctrine is seen, it will be offensive  ing this Union.  I do not speak for thle Republinot only to the people of the North, but of the  can party; I speak for myself. I say I do propose
South likewise.  But, sir, to the article.  In the  the reorganization of the Supreme Court.  The
Union of November 17,1857, appeared a long ar-  present organization of that court is monstrous.
ticle, prepared with great care, evidently intended   Judgve McLean has as many causes to try in his
as a lasting exposition of the position of the Dem-  circuit as have all the five slavehold i n  jud ges put
ocratic party.  It says:                               together. When he was appointed justice of thai
" Slaves were recognized as property in the British col-  circuit, it was a howling wilderness; now there are
onies of North America, by the Goveriment of Great Brit-  a thousand millions of commerce within it. Then
sin, by the colonial laws, and by the Constitution of the  he could hold a court in every State in his circuit;
United States. Under these sanctions, vested rightsl have
accrued to tile amount otsorrle $1,60,0,000.   Jtis, theie-  now he cannot reach some of those States once in
fore, the duity of Congress and the State Legislatures to  five years. I propose to reorganize that court, so
protect that property.                                 as to make it conform  to the business o:f the counThe Co stit tion declares that' the citizensof each Statetry.  I propose that its judges shall be located
shall be entitled to all the privileges and inmaunities of cit-                  judges shall be located
izens in the several States.' Every citizen of one State  so that they can at least visit every State in the
com-eing into tanother State, has, therefore,ariglhttosthe pro-  district once or twice a year; and in order to do
tection of his person, and thlat property which is recognized the court must be reoee fourths
as such by the Constitution of the United States; any law   of the entire business of the courts of tie United
of a State to the contrary, notwithstanding. So chr from
any State having a right to deprive him of this property, it  States is at the North, where you have four judges
is its bounden duty to protect him in its possession.  of the Supreme Court.  One fourth of it is at the
" If these views are correct, (and we believe it would be  South  where you have five.  I propose to reordifficult to invalidate themi) it itllows that all State lhaws       ourt; and, if the Senator fo   Georwhether organic or otherwise, which.prohibit a citizen of
one State liom settling in another, and bringing his sltave  gia were in his seat, I would ask him  how he proproperty wvitt hliin, and niost especially declaritg it forfeitedl,  poses to dissolve the Ution after it is done?  I ask
are direct violations of the original intentioni of a govern-  any Senator, who is  usterin   i e Senteor
ment wlhich, as before stated, is the protectioni of person  elewhere   about dissolvir   tis Uion ow he is
and property, and of the Constitution of the United States,  elsewhere about dissolving this Union, how he i8
which recognizes property in slaves, arid declares thlat' the  going to do it?
citizens of cactl State shall be entitled to all the privileges  We propose to do more; we mean to elect a
and imintnities of citizens in the several States,' atitong tile esident who entertains the same views; and if
most essential of which is the protection of persons and
property.                                              that be a just cause for dissolving this Union,
"; What is recognized as property by the Constitution of  again I ask, how are you going to do it?  I want
the United States, by a provision which applies equally to  any man on this floor to tell me how lie is going
all the States, has an inalienable right to be protected in
all thteStatest t iatieiab     right to be protected S "  to dissolve this Union, because we, the people of
the United States, see fit to exercise our constituThere you see the doctrine announced, that the   tional privilege.  We mean  to annul the Dred
States are under obligation to protect slave prop-  Scott decision-no, sir, I take that back; it is no
erty, although it may be brought within their  decision.  We do not thinl  it is a decision at all.
limits with the intention of keeping it there. The  The only point decided in that case was, that nefree States are compelled to protect slave property   groes cannot come into court.  That we accept;
within their limits, although it may be brought  that we cannot annul; that is decided; but the
there for the purpose of remaining, under the doc-  stump speeches of Chief Justice Taney, and the
trine here laid down; and if the Dred Scott de-  other judges, were mere fanfaronade, meaning
cision be law, or if it be hereafter regarded as a   nothing.  It was not a decision of the court; and
law, this reasoning is correct.  If the Constitu-  if we elect our President in 1860, as we are going
tion of the United States carries slave property  to do, that decision will never be made. I do not
one inch beyond the jurisdiction of the State law   say that that decision would not now be made. I
creating or regulating it, it carries it everywhere;  think if a case were before the court now, it would
for no person can " be deprived of life, liberty, or  malke the Dred Scott decision legal; but the Suproperty, without due process of law;" but we  preme Court has always sided with the Admindeny, in toto, that the Constitution of the United   istration in power.  What did General Jackson
States does recognize or regulate or acknowledge  do when the Supreme Court declared tile United
property in slaves.                                    States Bank constitutional?  Did he bow  in deIn this connection, let me allude to a remark of  ference to the opinions of the Supreme Court?
the Senator from Georgia, [Mr. IVERSON.] Some  No, sir; he scorned the opinion of the Supreme
days ago he told us what he would deem a suffi-  Court, and said that he would construe the Concient cause for a dissolution of this Union. That  stitution for himself; that he was sworn to do it.
I. may not misrepresent him, I will read exactly  I, sir, shall do the same thing.  I have sworn to
what he said.  He declared:                            support the Constitution of the United States, and
" Sir, it is not so difficult a matter to dissolve this Union  I have sworn to support it as the fathers made it,
as nIany believe. Let the Republican party of the North  and not as the Supreme Court has altered it, and
obtain possession of the Government, aiind pass a Wilmot
proviso; or abolish slavery in the District of Columbia; or  I never will swear allegiance to that.  But I am
repeal tile figitive slave law; or reform the Supretme Court,  not quite through with the Union article. It says
and annul the Dred Scott decision; or do any other act in-  further:
fringillg upon the rights, imnpuairing the equality, or wounding the honor of the slave States; or let them elect a Presi-    "The protection of property being next to- hat of prdent ipon the avowed declaration and princitile that freedotm   son, the most important object of al l giootd gvelrniiient, and
and slavery carnnot exist together in the Union, and that one  property in slaves being recognized by tie (Citstitution of
or thie other must give ~ way, and be sacrificedl to the Jother   tie United States, as well as originially by all thle old thlirarid the Ullion would be dissolved in six months."'teen States, we hiave never doubted that thie etnancipatiot
of slaves in those States where it previously existed, by an
Now, sir, I propose to do two or three things,  arbitrary act of the Legislature, was a gro.s violation of the
which the honorable Senator from  Georgia de-  rights of' property."
elares are good and sufficient reasons for dissolv-      There you have it declared: that abolition of




6
slavery in seven of the old thirteen States was un-  this Government firom that time to the present,
constitutional, and, according to the Dred Scott  and we have already reached the point that he
decision, it was.  I ask any man of common  prophesied we might reach in a few  yearssense-I will not ask a lawyer; I am  no lawyer  $100,000,000ofexpenditure. Itwasdemonstrated
myself-but I ask any man of common sense, if  to my entire satisfaction, and, I believe, to the
he believes that the old thirteen States, seven of  satisfaction of the Senate, by the honorable Senwhich intended to abolish slavery within a very  ator from Kentucky, [Mr. CRITTENDEN,]theother
few  years, would have adopted a Constitution  day, that $100,000,000 would not pay the exwhich prohibited them  from  doing the very act  penses of Government for this year.  I propose
which they contemplated doing instanter? I ask  a change; I propose that we try some other hand
any man if he believes for a single moment that the  at economizing the expenses of this Government.
RepresentativesofthosesevenStatesthatintended   But let me go on with the letter.  Its writer says
immediately to abolish slavery within their bor-  further:
ders, would ever have assented to a Constitution    1" The appropriation of mohey to accomplish great nawhich prohibited them  from doing the very act  tional objects, sanctioned by the Constitution, ou(lit to be
which they ~proposed to do? No, sir, the prop- Ion a scale commensurate with our power and resources as
osition is absurd; and the judges of the Supreme Za nation; but its expenditure ought to be eorllccte(tl under
)osition i                  absurd; a'd th.  judges o. t h e.Supreme the guidance of enlilghtened economy and strict responsiCourt themselves did not believe it when they ut-  bility. I am convinced that our expenses mighlt be considtered it. No man of common sense can believe it.  erably reduced, below the present standard, not only withIt is inot so.                                   | oiut detriment, but pwith positive advantage bothi to the
But, sir, monstrous as is this proposition, mon-i Government and the people."
strous as is the article which I have read, if the    If the ex penditures could then be reduced below
Dred Scott decision be law it is all true; and it is  a50,000,000 with advantage to the Government
a mere question of time when every State of thlis  andthepeople,whatcanbedone now?Jsthereany
Urion  will ecome a slave  State.   f  the honor-i  reason why our expenditu aes should be grStater
able Senator fll om Louisiana, or any other oano   now tan they were in 1852? There is no reason
able Senator from Louisiana, or any other man   except that money may be used for purposes of
should see fit to take a thousand negroes into the  except that money may le use   for purposes of
State of Michigan after that decision shall have  corruption; and I propose to examine into some
become the law, I defy any power short of a rev- of these corruptions now and here. This letter
o!ution in this Government to prevent him, ortake  Says further:
them from him.  But, sir, it is rtot law; it is not 1  "An excessive and lavish expenditure of public money,
conmon sense; yet this Dred Scott decision is the tlthotulh in itself highly pernicious, is as nothing when cotmcommon sense; yet this r red 1Scott decision is the  pared witih the disastrous influence it may exert upon the
only platform of the Democratic party at the pres-  character of our free institutions. A strontg tenidency toent time-the only issue before the country.  I  wards extravagance is the great political evil of the present
beg pardon; there is another issue, not yet per-  day; and this ought to be firmlny resisted."
fected, arid that is this $30,000,000 bribery and    Sir, I propose to resist it with all the firmness
corruption fund.  That is to be another plank in  God has given me.  Now, let us look a little into
the Democratic platform.  These two planks, the  the expenditures of this Government.  I hold in
Dred Scott decision and Cuba, are to be the plat-  my hand an official document of the Setnate,
form  that is to float the party into power if it  printed at the last session, giving the receipts and
ever arrives there; the Dred Scott decision and  expenditures of the Government fiom  its formthe $30,000,000 loan, with, perhaps, the honor-  ation to 1857; and I desire to present some facts
able Senator frotm Virginia [Mr. HUNTER] astride  which are shown by this document; and to be as
of them; and with that platform and that candi-  brief as possible, I will take it by decades, and I
date, the Democratic party will march to certain  will commence with the military service of the
defeat.                                            country.  In 1790, the whole expenses of the'But, sir, as this measure at the present time is  Army amounted, in round numbers, to $917,000;
a financial question, I propose very briefly to al-  in 1800, $3,272,000;  in  1810, $3,107,920; in
lude to the financial condition of the country.  I  1820, $4,923,027; in 1830, $5,082,843; in 1840,
look upon thisas the practical method of judging  $6,504,830; in 1850, $6,838,919; and in 1857,
of its merits.  I hold in my hand a letter written  $18,614,594.  This last sum does not include all
by a very distinguished man, at present connected  the expenditures of the Army for 1857; for Senawith this Government, dated March 1, 1852, and  tors will recollect that one of the first bills we
addressed to a committee of gentlemen of Balti-  passed at the last session was a bill making an
more. It is signed " James Buchanan." It says:  appropriation of $5,700,000 for deficiencies in the," We must inscribe upon our banners, a sound regard  expenses of the Army.  Thus it will be seen that
for the reserved rights of the States, a strict construction of  the Army expenses alone, from 1850 to 1857, althe Constitution, a denial to Congress of all powers inot most quadrupled, arid this in a time of profound
clearly granted by that instrument, and a rigid economy in
public expenditures.                            0peace.  Does any Senator on this floor believe
"These expenditures have now reached the enormous  there was any necessity for such an enormous
sum of $50,000,000 per annum, and unless arrested in their  increase in the expenditures for the Army? Does
advance by the strong arm of the Democracy of the coun-  any man believe that a prudent administiation of
U'y, may, in the course of'a few years, reach $100,000,000."
the Government would not cut down the Army
Well, sir, " the strong arm of the Democracy"  expenditures atleast one half?  Sir, the extravahas'been managing our affairs ever since.  The  gance is enormous and outrageous; and it requires
President of the United States was then mistaken  something more than the strong hand of the Dema few millionsas to the expenditures; for the entire  ocratic party to rectify the evil.  We will take it
expenditures of 1852, including payment of the  in the strong hand of Republicanism, and then
public debt, was only $44,481,447; but let him   we will remedy it.
have the advantage of his own figures.  The           But, sir, let us look at the Navy.  In 1800,
strong arm of the Democracy has had charge of  the expenditures for the Navy were $3,042,352;




{n 1810, $1,870,274; in  1820, $2,709,243; in  eight men to collect $130.  These are samples.
1830, $3,496,643; in 1840, $7,562,752; in 1850, At Portsmouth, New  Hampshire, the revenue
$9,571,646; in 1857, $14,117,434.  Have we any  collected was $5,530 54; the expense of collection
more ships, or any more guns, or any more effi-  was $10,984 49, and twenty-one men were emcient force, to-day, than we had in 1850?  1 am   ployed to make the collection. At Burlington,
informed that we have not. On the contrary, it Vermont, the revenue was $8,581 70; the expense
is said, I know not with how much truth, that  of collecting was $16,285 47, and thirty-three men
our Navy is hardly as efficient as it was at that  were employed to collect it. At Marblehead,
time. At any rate, we have had no war, no ex-  Massachusetts, the revenue was $250 85; the extraordinary demand for excessive naval expendi-  pense of collecting it $2,228 97, and nine men
tures, and yet they have been reaching up until  were employed to collect it. At Plymouth, in
they are $14,000,000.                           Massachusetts, the revenue collected was $395 12;
There is one other account here, to which I wish  the expense of collection was $3,216 04, and six
to call the attention of the Senate. It is headed  men were employed to make the collection. At
"I miscellaneous expenditures."  I do not know   Barnstable, Massachusetts, the revenue collected,
exactly what constitute the miscellaneous expend-  was $1,462 75: the expense of collection $11,953 20,
itures of this Government, but I notice a most  and nineteen men were employed to make the colextraordinary increase in them of late.  I take it lection. At Nantucket, Massachusetts, the revfo granted that what cannot be charged anywhere  enue collected was $95 81; the expense of collecting
to anything, goes down as miscellaneous.  The  it was $2,320 73, and three men were employed
miscellaneous expenditures of this Government  in the collection. At New London, in Connecin 1800 amounted to $312,823; in 1810, $650,514;  ticut, the revenue collected was $3,223 89; the
in 1820, $1,386,448; in 1830, $1,436,201; in 1840,  cost of collecting it was $29,789 48, and seven
$3,243,649; in 1849, $3,595,853; and in 1857,  men were employed in its collection. At Oswego,
$20,442,860. I should like to know how these  in New York, the revenue collected was $6,149 09;
miscellaneous expenditures have swollen so enor-  the cost of collecting it $18,214 58, and twentymously. There is another remarklable fact con-  three men were employed in its collection. At
nected with the greatincrease of the miscellaneous  Niagara, New York, the revenue collected was
expenditures of' the Government. I notice that $8,284 85; the cost of collecting it $12,296 92, and
when any very great outrage is about to be per-  nineteen men were employed in its collection. At
petrated., the miscellaneous expenditures increase  Buffalo, New York, the revenue collected was
enormously. In 1.849 they were $3,595,853; and   10,140 53; the cost of collecting it was $16,896 51,
they swelled in 1]850, when the fugitive slave bill and twenty men were employed in its collection.
was passed, to $7,122,970. Again, when the Mis-  At Cape Vincent, New York, the revenue colsouri compromise was repealed, I notice they  lected was $2,098 12; the cost of collecting it
reached the enormous amount of $19,899,000;  $7,138 87, and thirteen men were employed in its
and a goodly portion of' this great increase may  collection.  I might continue the citations; but
be legitimately charged to the negroes. That in-  these will suffice.
stitution has been a very expensive one to this    True, we shall have lopped off these things by
Government. It has cost, in my estimation, all  that bill, if it shall become a law; but I hold that
it is worth. Whten any great outrage was to be  these extravagant expenditures of the Governperpetrated, the expenditures of all branches of ment ought never to have been commenced; and
this Government have swollen enormously.  So  I hold this Administration responsible for \the
when the Lecompton constitution came here to  enormous abuses that have crept into the collecbe passed last winter. We have not got the ac-  tion of the revenue. The head of the Department
count yet, but you will find an enormous expend-  had no right, under the law, to appoint inspectiture in several of the Departments of this Gov-  ors; but he could appoint clerks and porters and
ernment, which, the less said about., the better the  boatmen, and a thousand other officers, and pay
parties interested will be satisfied.           them  the highest salary at his discretion; and
As I said the other day, we have had a bill  under the abuse of that power these enormous exunder consideration in the Committee on Coin-  penditures have sprung up. You may go into any
merce to reduce the expenditures for the collec-  of the Departments of this Government, and you
tion of the revenue over $600,000 a year, and we  will find the same kind of abuse existing. Go into
have not commenced the work of reform even at  any bureau in this city, and you will find abuses.
that. We have lopped off by that bill a thousand  It requires an honest Administration of this Govuseless employes of the Government, scattered  eriment; it requires a man who dares to take
over the United States; but we have not probed  the responsibility of doing right; andi then you
the wound to the bottom. As I have said, that  may reduce your expenditures, as Mr. Buchanan
bill, if it becomes a law, will save $600,000 a year.  suggested in the letter I have quoted, in my opinI propose, for a moment, to call attention to some  ion, below  $50,000,000; but we have tried the
of the outrageous expenditures connected with  Democratic party; we have weighed them in the
that Department. In the Passamaquoddy district,  balance, and found them wantinig. We do not
at Eastport, Maine, the whole amount of revenue  propose to try them again. We propose to thrust
collected for the year ending June 30, 1857, was  out the corrupt, the lavish men, who now control
$14,285 33, and the expense of collecting it was  the Government, and put in honest men, who will
$22,357 71; and nineteen men were employed to  retrench in good earnest; not men who will write
collect $14,000 of revenue.  In Frenchman's bay  letters recommending retrenchment, but men who
district, at Ellsworth, they collected $9.54 96, and  will take hold and do the work of retrenchment.
the expenses were $5,032 09; and it took ten men    I have placed the expenditures of' the Governto collect the $954. At Wiscassett, in Maine, you  ment this year at $95,000,000.  I know not how
collected $130 93; and it cost {$7,359 09, and took  much will be appropriated, but I know that if the




Government pays its debts this year, and does  on. If this revenue was collected by directtaxanot leave a deficiency for the next Congress to  tion-and I wish it were tried for once —my word
provide for, the expenses will be $100,000,000; but for it, the expenditures of this Government would
I take the basis of expenditure to be $95,000,000. be reduced more than one half before the expiraTaking it at $95,000,000, without counting the  tion of twelve months from this day. It is because
sum of $30,000,000 for Cuba, in this bill, or the  the people do not see how, and where, and when
$200,000,000 for the purchase of Cuba, but sim- they are taxed, that the expenses of the Federal
ply taking the regular expenses, the cost of run- Government have increased so enormously. It
ning the institution, and the quota of each con- would create a rebellion in ninety days from
gressional district would be $405,982; and the  this time, if you were to send your tax-collectState of Michigan, upon the present basis of rep- ors around to the different congressional districts,
resentation, would have to pay $1,623,928, butin  to wrench from the pockets of the tax-payers
truth the proportion of the State of Michigan is $405,000. They would not stand it for a day; but
over three millions of this enormous expenditure  because you can cover up these extravagances,
for the support of this Government. The State  because you can borrow money and leave future
of Maine pays $2,435,892, upon the present basis; generations to pay it, these things are permitted;
the State of New Hampshire $1,217,846; the  the expenditures go on, and God only knows
State of Vermont, $1,217,846; the State of Mas- where they will end. As 1 said before, we have
sach usetts, $4,465,802; the State of Rhode Island, tried the Democratic party; we have weighed it in
$811,964; the State of Ohio, $8,525,622; the State  the balance; we have found it wanting; and we
of Indiana, $4,465,802; the State of Illinois, propose, in 1860, to take possession of this Gov$3,653,838; the State of Iowa, $811,964; and so  ernment, and not have Cuba, either.
Printed at the Congressional GlobeOffice,




KANSAS —THE LECOMPTON CONSTITUTION.
SPEECH
OF
HON. Z. CHANDLER, OF MICHIGAN,
Delivered in the Senate of the United States, March 12, 1858.
Mr. CHANDLER. Mr. President, it was not  power of reclaiming their fugitives from service
my intention originally to participate in the debate  or labor if they should escape. Those States that
on the Lecompton constitution. I had intended   proposed soon to abolish the institution yielded
to leave the subject to older and abler and more  that power; and upon that compromise the ordiexperionced colleagues; but the occasion seems   nance of 1787 was adopted. Many of the memto me to be so great, and the consequences which   bers of the Constitutional Convention were likemay result from our decision so dangerous, that I   wise members of the Continental Congress, and
cannot permit this bill to pass without, at least,  the ordinance of 1787 was one of the comproentering my protest against it. I shall oppose   mises which led to the adoption of the Constituthis bill for the following reasons: First, because  tion itself; and, without that ordinance, it is exthe whole matter was conceived and executed in  tremely doubtful whether that instrument would
fraud.; second, because this constitution does not  ever have been adopted by the States.
emanate from the people of Kansas Territory, or    This was a finality upon the slavery question.
express their will; third, because it is one of a  It settled that question forever. No further agiseries of aggressions on the part of' the slave  tation ever could take place upon the subject of
power, which, if permitted to be consummated,  slavery, it was supposed, under that compromise.
must end in the subversion of the Constitution   The settlement was this: slavery was a creature
and the Union; and, fourth, because it strikes a  of municipal law; it was left to the States in which
death blow at[State sovereignty and popular rights.  it then existed to continue it or abolish it, whenI shall proceed as briefly as possible to give the  ever they might see fit; and in all the Territories
reasons upon which I base these objections  of the Unitedl States it was forever prohibited.
It is well keown, sir, that, at the close of the   This was the finality of a finality. There never
revolutionary war, and at the formation of this  could be any further agitation of the question of
Federal Government, all the States of the Union  slavery in the Union, under it.
were slave States, but all looked upon slavery as    UnIler this settlement, the country remained in
an unmitigated evil; and all looked forward hope-  peace for more than thirty years. No agitation
fully to the day when it should no longer exist.  of the subject took place,. and none could take.No man, then, was, bold enough to advocate the   place, for it was not in a position to be agitated..extension of slavery or even its long continuance,  I say the country remained in peace for more than
but all looked forward to. an early period when it  thirty years, and until the State of Missouri apshould cease to exist.  These views being pre-  plied for admission into the Union as a slave
valent throughout the land, one of the early acts  State. During the intermediate time, the Louisi*
of the Continental Congress was the adoption of  ana territory had been purchased, and Louisiana
the ordinance of 1787, forever prohibiting slavery   had been admitted as a slave State, without ob+and involuntary servitude in all the then Territo-  jection on the part of the North. It was quietly
~ries of these United States. This was itself a  assented to; scarcely a protestwas entered'against
southern measure to a considerable extent, al-  it; but when Missouri applied for admission as a
though, at that time, there was no diversity of  slave State, the North objected to the admission
opinion in regard to it. Some of the northern   of any more slave States, and declared that it was
States, as was well known, intended to abolish   not-only distinctly understood, but agreed to, that
slavery at a very early day, while some of the   no more slave States should ever be admitted into
southern States desired that it miglht be deferred  this Union. The North claimed that that was the
to a much later period. Those States which ex-  basis of the original compromise-the ordinance
pected to be cursed, as they then termed it, with  of 1787. Agitation ran high. The South then,
the institution for a longer period, desired the   as now, threatened a dissolution of the Union,




2
unless all her imperious demands were assented'limited to the creation of proper governments for
to.  The North then, as now,, denied her right'new countries, acquired o/ settled, and to the neor her power to dissolve the Union for any such'cessary provision for their eventual admission into
reason, or for any reason.'the Union, leaving, in the mean time, to the people
During this excitement the hearts of brave men'inhabiting them to regulate their internal concerns
quailed in view of the danger to the Constitution'in their own way.  They are just as capable of
and the Union, and finally a proposition of cornm-'doing so as the people of the States."
promise was brought into Congress,floni the        Here, sir, permit ine to say, you find the basis
South, as a southern measure.  The compromise  of the Democratic Cincinnati platform, which has
was upon this basis: you of the North consent to  been commented on time and again; here you find
the admission of Missouri as a slave State, with  the basis of the Kansas-Nebraska bill;* and, in fact,
the tacit understanding that when Arkansas ap-  you find the,asis of this very Lecompton constiplies she shall likewise be admitted as a slave State;  tution in the Nicholson letter.  This was the first
and we will guaralty to you forever that the or-  time this doctrine was inaulgurated at the North:
dinance of 1'87 shall be spread over all the ter-  scarcely a man at the South ever uttered the sentiritory lying north of thirty sixth degrees and   ntent.  But I will read further:
thirty minutes.  So utterly objectionable was this    "Briefly, then, I a-n opposed to the exercise of
compromise to the North, that not a single man'any jurisdiction by Congress over this matter;.
who voted for it was ever heal d of again, politi-'and I ant in flavor of leaving to the people of any
cally, at the North.  Each northern man'who'territo,7 which may be hereafter acquired the
voted for that compromise voted for his own death-'right to regulate it for themselves, under the
warrant, politically-not as has been asserted at'general principles of the Constitution."
the North, because they voted to prohibit slavery   "Subject only to the Constitution," I believe, in
north of thirty-six degrees thirty mlinutes, but  the new version; but this is the origiunal text.
because they voted to admit the State:of Missouri   "Leave to the people who will be- aff'cted by
as a slave State into this Union.  For that they'this question, to adjust it upon their own responwere blamed, and not for assenting to the restric-'sibility, and in their own manner, and we shall
tive line.'render another tribute to the principles of our
But, sir, the compromise was adopted, and peace' Govetrnment, and furnish another guarantee for
again reigned throughout the land.' The question'its permanence and prosperity."
was settled, and settled forever. Here was another  Tliere, sir, is the original of this great fraud upon
finality, so far as agitation upon that subject was  the North, yclept "' popular sovereignty," and' per-'concerned.  The South was to have the State of  fect freedom for the people of a Territory to regnMissouri and the State of Arkansas: by tacit con-  late their domestic institutions in their own way.''sent, whenever she should apply for admission into  It is true, that when the doctrine of squatter soverthe Union; the North, as an equivalent,'was guar-  eiglty was first introduced, sone of the gentlemen'antied all of that territory lying north of thirty-six  on the Other side of the Chamber entered a faint
degrees thirty mniutes, forever.  The South re-  protest, but it was so faint that it never reached
ceived her equivalent in the States of Missouri diud  the ears of northern men; and when on the stump,
Arkansas; the North waited patiently for the day   before. the people of lly State, I asserted that the
when she should receive hers.  The compromise   doctrine which is now introduced here as the docwas acquiesced in, and again the country had peace,  trine of the Co'nstitution, wvas the doctrine of the
so far as agitation oil the slavery question was con-  Democratic party, t was told that that was not the
cerned, and continued at peace, with some slight  doctrine of the Democratic party; that it was
ripples here aand theie, until Texas applied for ad-  merely the' opinion of some few southern firemission into the Union. Theni again there-was an: eaters; that the great national Democratic party
agitation; then again the Union was threatened,  was firmly planted on- the principles of squatter
and threatened from the South then again ankother  sovereignty, the' right of'the people of the Terricompromise was entered into; to wit, a renewal of  tories to regulate their domestic institutions in
tie Misso'uri line.  The country remained in peace  their own way, including the institution of slavery.
until, in process of time, a new light broke upon   Sir, up to the wi'iting of the Nicholson letter,
the vision of the people of these United Stat(:s; to  the right of Conlgress to make all needful rules
wit, the light of popular sovereign'ty.' It so. hap-  and regulations for the Territories of the United
pened that many of the slave States, during the   States was never called in question.  No Execufall of lS47, in solemn  political conventions re-  tive of the United States ever douated it; no Consolved that they would support no' man for the   gress of the United States ever doubted- their full
Presidency who was not opposed to the principles  power to legislate for the Territories as the6y saw
of the Wilmot'Proviso, so called. In December,  fit; and up to that date the Supreme Court never
1847, my illustrious predecessor, for rea'sons best  doubted the power of Congress to legislate on
known to himself-although he had time and again  slavery in the Territories.  That was the inauguexpressed his regret that the Hon. John Davis, of  ration of a new principle; to wit, the principle of
Massachusetts, should have talked against time to  squatter sovereignty-not popular sovereignty, as
the end of'a session, thus depriving him. of the  is here explained,. but squatter sovereignty-the
power of recording his vote for the Wilmot Pro-  right of the people to introduce or prohibit slavise-wrote the "Nicholson letter,"in which he  very in the Territories, while they were in atersaid':'ritorial condition.
"But certain it is that the principle of inter-    The South held up the glittering fantasy of a'ference should not be carried beyond the neces-  presidential nomination before the eager eyes of'sary implication which produces it. It should be  the northern aspirants for that'honor, and at the




3
same time exhibited the Nicholson letter, as the  not require a lawyer, in my estimation, to show
highest bid yet made, and asked, "Who bids  that the instrument is,lot what they are attempthigher?"  Mr. Fillmore followed with the fugitive  ing to make it, and what the framers of it abslave law and the -compromise measures of 1850.  horred, a pro slavery instrument.  I claim  that
Mr. Webster followed again, with his 7th of March  slaves are not recognized as property in that inspeech; and last, though not least, came the re-  strument anywhere.  They lay great stress upon
peal of the Missouri compromise line.            that clause of the Constitution which protects the
I do not propose to discuss the repeal of the   slave trade for twenty years. I consider that fully,
Missouri compromise. If I should enter upon  fairly, and forever answered by the honorable
that discussion, I should only weary the Senate,  Senator from  Maine, [Mr. FESSENDEN.]  If propfor I should not know where to leave off. I look   erty in slaves, he said, is based upon that clause
upon it as the greatest fraud ever perpetrated be-  of the Constitution allowing the slave trade for
fore the eyes of this nation. The price had been  twenty years, of course, at the end of those twenty
paid, and the terms of the bargain were repudi-  years, that property ceases to receive the protecated after one side had received the equivalent.  tion of that clause of the Constitution; it extends
It was a violation of a solemn compact. But I  protection to it only for twenty years. But I shall
do not propose to go into the discussion of it at  say no more upon that point.  There is, however,
this time.                                       one other clause upon which the court dwells yet
But, sir, how did you pay those men who were   more fully, and that is the fugitive-slave clause, so
bidding and overbidding, and outbidding each   called.
-other for presidential nominations?'First, to the  "No person held to service or labor in one State,
writer of the Nicholson letter you gave the empty'under the laws thereof, escaping into another,
honor of a nomination for the Presidency, and'shall, in consequence of any law or regulation
then defeated him by southern votes; to the see-'therein, be discharged from such service or labor,
onld, you refused even the poor compliment of a'but shall be delivered up, on clairm  of the party
nomination in a national convention, when it was'to whom such service or labor may be due."
well known to everybody that under no circum-    Not giving a lawyer's opinion, but the opinion of.stances could he have been elected if he had re-  a man of common sense, if you please, I should
ceived the nomination.  The third you consigned  say that if that clause proved anything at all, it
to the grave. He received but four southern votes  proved the direct reverse of what the Supreme
in the convention to which I have just referred,  Court endeavored to make it prove.  Is it necesand it broke his heart.  The fourth you are now   sary to introduce into the Constitution a clause
pursuing with all the powers of this Government;  protecting property already protected by the very
with the keen scent of the blood-hound; you are  instrument into which that clause is introduced?
after his scalp; and yet, sir, lhisAdministration   If slaves were property under the Constitution,
owes to him, more than to any other man, its pres-  were they not property everywhere?  If they were
ent possession of power. There are three men in  protected as property, were they not so protected
this nation to whom the present Administration   everywhere?  The proposition is an absurdity;
owe their present position more than to any other  and, if there were no other clause in the Constituthree thousand men in the United States.  Those  tion upon that point, I should say that that proved
men it is needless for me to name, although I will  conclusively that they were not recognized as
do so. One of them is the Senator from Illinois,  property under the general clauses of the Consti[Mr. DOUGLAS,] another Mr. Walker, late Gov-  tution. Whatwould have been thought of a clause
ernor of Kansas, and the third is John W. Forney,  like this: "that horses, sheep, cattle, mules, &c.,
of Pennsylvania. But for these men, James Buch-  escaping from one State into another, shall be given
anan, President of the United States, would be  up on proof of ownership to the person to whom
rusticating at Wheatland, instead of occupying  such property belongs?" and yet such a clause
the White House. Poor pay indeed have th -y  would be just as appropriate as that on the subject
got for their subserviency to southern interests,  of fugitive slaves, if they were recognized as proand their rejection of the principles upon which   perty under the Constitution. There was no such
they had previously acted.                       right claimed as property in man at that day; and,
Mr. President, while all these aggressions of  as was remarked by the honorable Senator from
the slave power were made their cry was, " stand   New Hampshire [Mr. HALE] the other day, even
by the Constitution and the Union." I have heard  the word "servitude," which was in the first draft
it from every stump inll Michigan: it was the ral-  of that clause of the Constitution, was stricken out
lying cry while they were undermining  the Con-  on the motion of a distinguished Virginia gentlestitution and sapping the foundation of this Union.  man, and the word "service" -introduced, betause
Although I am  not a lawyer, I wish to refer to  servitude might be construed to mean slaves, and
two or tt ree clauses of the Constitution of the Uni-  service could not.  the whole of the debates upon
ted States; for I claim that it is so plain in language  the adoption of the Constitution, show that its
and its intent so transparent, "that the wayfar-  framers never meant that it should recognize slaves
ing man, though a fool, need not err therein."  as property.  If they had intended it, is it not a
I do not believe that it rtquires any hair-splitting  little singular that nowhere thi oughout the entire
of lawyers to comprehend that immortal instru-  instrument can the wortd "slave" be found, or anyment, the Constitution of the United States.  It  thing that can be tortured, or ever has been toris true that the Supreme Court has endeavored to  tured, heretofore, into a recognition of slaves as
mystify two or three of its plainest provisions in  property, under the Con-titution?
its, late opinion, or late speeches, delivered on a    But again, sir, so far from recognizing slaves as
question that was not before it; but, sir, it does  property, tlhey' spread the common ]haw over that




Constitution; they adopted the common law as  nor shall private property be taken for public use
part and parcel of the Constitution; and it is well  without just compensation."
known, and settled ill numerous cases, that the     That is the clause which they mean to render
common law does not, and never has claimed to,  effective; under which they are endeavoring to
recognize property in slaves.  Here is a decision   strengthen slavery by their illegal decision, as I
of the Supreme Court of Georgia, in 1851:        regard it.
"I now consider the decision of the English      That is not the last aggression.  After having'courts, upon the subject of slavery, and I think   established the property clause, and carried sla-'it will be seen that slavery has never been recog-  very all over these United States, there is some-'nized to exist there under the common law. On   thing left to be done. The intention is then-it has'the contrary, it is well settled that the moment a   ceased to be problematical-to open the Afiican'slave, whether' African, Indian, Jew, or Gentile,  slave trade. Why not give us the whole dose at'sets his foot upon British soil he is a freeman, and   once-property clause, African slave trade, and all?'entitled to the protection of the laws as such."-   Why, sir, you southern men are more cruel than
Neal vs. F'Prmer, 9 Georgia Reports, p. 568.     the heathen gods. They were satisfied with the
Lord Ma.sfield, in his opinion in the Sommersett  sacrifice of hecatombs of human victims; but you
case, declared:                                  take one hecatomb after another. You sacrificed
"So high an act of dominion must b~ recognized   one in adopting the Missouri compromise line;'by the law of the country where it is used. The   another in repealing it; and now you sacrifice'power of a master over his slave has been exs-  another in passing the Lecompton constitution;'tremely different in different countries.  The   anon you will sacrifice another in spreading this' state of slavery is of such a nature that it is in-  property clause; and afterwards you will sacrifice'capable of being introduced on any reasons,  another hecatomb in opening the African slave'moral or political, but only by positive law, which   trade.  Why not take all your victims at once,' preserves its force long after the reasons, occa-  swallow them en masse, and let future generations'sion, and time itself frorn whence it was created,  live?  You do not appreciate your northern tools;'are erased from memory." —fowell's State Trials,  you are afraid to crowd them  too far; you are
vol. 20(, p. 82.                                 afraid to give them the whole dose at once; but I
Innumerable cases might be cited to prove that  tell you, sir, that you cannot give them a dose that
the common law does not, and never did, recog-  they will not swallow.  You need not give it to
nize property in slaves; and yet the framers of the   them  in homeopathic portions.  Give them the
Constitution spread that law all over the Constitu-  slave trade, the property clause, and the whole
tion, instead of saying that slaves were property.    series at once; for so long as your Federal patronWhat was the object of the Supreme Court, in  age holds out, so long you can rely on your northtraveling out of the record to show that the Con-  ern allies. You see they will swallow Lecompton
stitution did, or would, if the case were brought  -it does not require an effort-with all its frauds.
before them, recognize property in slaves?  I look   They would take the property clause, and resolve
upon this as one of the most dangerous aggres-  to-morrow that every State in the Union is a slave
sions which has ever been attempted upon the   State, and it would not require an effort for them
Constitution of the United States. Their object  to get down that doctrine.  Then you might inwas covered up; it was not announced; you may  troduce the African slave trade, and they would
hear it in private conversation, but it has never  take that with the same facility that they take all
been announced publicly.  The object was insidi-.  the rest.  Do not fear to crowd them, sir. They
ously, first, to recognize slaves under the Consti-  are few, and growing beautifully less, rapidly, but
tution; secondly, to make out, by construction of  they are reliable just as long as you have the Govthe property clause, that the Constitution itself  ernment with its patronage.
carried slaves everywhere.  They declared in that    I come now, sir, to the first organization of the
decision that the Constitution carried slaves into a  Territory of Kansas under the bill of 1854. The
Territory.  Well, sir, if the Constitution carries  first election under that act was for a Delegate to
slaves anywhere outside of the limits of the muni-  Congress. At that election there was no very great
cipal law creating slavery, it carries themt every-  violence attempted, but there;aas fraud. Some
where. If slaves are property under the Consti-  nineteen hundred Missourians, I think, actually
tution, Michigan is as much a slave State to-day as  passed over into the Territory, voted in General
South Carolina, if any man or set of men see fit  Whitfield, and then went home. That terminto take slaves there. They are protected under  ated that campaign; but between the  lection of
this property clause, if they are property under  General Whitfield and the election of the memthe Constitution; but we deny that they are.  bers of the Legislative Council, there was a large
We deny the authority of the Supreme Court to  influx of population from  the North.  It was
insert any new provision into the Constitution   deemed important then to strike a final blow for
making the.l: property. Here is the clause which  the institution of slavery in, Kansas; then the
it is said carries slavery now into any Territory, if  forces were organized and drilled; they were orit is carried there; and the same clause will carry   ganized in companies and regiments, with musit into any State, by the same rule. They dare not  kets and cannon, with bowie knives and revolvers,
attempt, at this time, to break down State sover-  with baggage wagons, tents, and whiskey. Under
eignty; they dare not assert their whole meaning;  banners inscribed "for Kansas and slavery," they
but they take it piece-meal. The clause in which   marched over and took possession of the land.
they pretend to aind this power is that which de-  They went to every voting precinct in the whole
dares that no citizen shall "be deprived of life,  Territory of Kansas except one, and they drove
liberty, or property, without due process of law;  from the polls the honest settlers of' that Terri



tory, and from their seats the judges of election   Kansas? I wish to say, if he does, that he is
appointed by the Governor of the Territory.  By   mistaken.
a comparison of the census returns with the poll-    Mr. CHANDLER.  I presume they had not
books of the Territory, and by the oral testimony  time to put in all the resolves the Legislature of
of more than three hundred witnesses under oath,  Missouri had enacted, and the amendments to their
itisproven that four thousand nine hundred votes   enactments. I do not mean to say that there
were cast in that Territory for members of the   might not have been some additions to those
Legislature, by persons who were not residents of  laws; but, in the main, these eight hundred and
Kansas.                                          twenty-two'pages were taken from the Missouri
Very much has been said about a great influx   code, except four or five pages of infamous laws
of voters under the auspices of the Emigrant Aid  to which I shall have occasion to allude in a few
Society. I have taken a little pains to ascertain   moments.
just how many of the men sent out by the Emi-       Mr. POLK.  Will the Senator allow me to ask
grant Aid Society voted at that election. Four  him to specify any one law there that is copied
thousand nine hundred border ruffians from Mis-  exactly from the Missouri code?
souri voted, and they left the Territory the next    Mr. CHANDLER.  I have not the Missouri
day; but of all the men who were ever sent to that  code before me, but if I had time I could point out
Territory under the auspices of the Emigrant Aid   a great number.  I have examined them, and in
Society, only thirty-seven voted on the 30th of  the main they are identically the same.  If it were
March, 1855. Thirty-seven of the honest citizens  not so, I want to know  why they adopted this
sent out under the auspices of that society, who  little addendum? If it were not so, what does this
were there residents, cultivating the soil, cast their  clause mean?
votes on that day, and no more. This is proved-    Mr. POLK.  I will state that that takes for
proved beyond cavil or controversy: and it de-  granted that all those who voted there were from
monstrates that a great cry has been made over a  Missouri.
small matter.                                      Mr. CHANDLER.  More than six sevenths
The members of the Legislature elected in this  of them were, as I can prove at the otler endl of
way applied to the Governor for certificates. Gov-  the Capitol. I can prove to your satisfaction, or
ernor Reeder knew the frauds that had been per-  to that of any man on this floor, that more than
petrated.  He knew that not a man of them was  six-sevenths of the votes cast at that election were
entitled to a certificate; but many of the voting   from Missouri.  I will prove it by over three hunprecincts were distant; and where there was no   dred witnesses. I will prove it by three men who
contestant he issued his certificates to these fraud-  spent weeks in comparing the census list with the
ulently elected men, most of them being Missou-  poll list. I have the evidence on hand to prove
rians.  Where there was a contestant he ordered   what I assert.
new elections; and in every such instance free-    Mr. POLK.  I shall be glad to have you prove
State men were elected, in place of the pro-slavery  it.
men previously said to have been elected. But,     Mr. CHANDLER.  I can prove it at any time.
on the assembling of the Legislature, the first act  I could send to the other House now, and get three
was to wipe ollt these after elections — these honest  men, and put them under oath, and they will swear
elections-to throw out of the Legislature every  to the. truth of every word I say.  It would take
man honestly elected; to organize, and proceed to  some time to go over the testimony.
enact a code of laws.  In a very brief period they  Mr. POLK.  I should like to know their names.
enacted laws that fill eight hundred and twenty-   Mr. CHANDLER.  WILLIAM A. HOWaRD and
two pages.  They took the whole code of Mis-  JOHN SHERMAN; the other I forget.  I go by the
souri, and after they got through they were afraid  record.  I shall have occasion to allude to certain
there might be some mistake somewhere, and they   of those laws that were not taken from the code
added the following addendum:                    of Missouri, but which were considered an im"Whenever the word'State' occurs in any act  provement upon the Missouri code; but I pass' of the present Legislative Assembly, or any law   them by for the present.'of this Territory, in such construction as to indi-  Under this code of laws the territorial govern-' cate the locality of the operation of such act or  ment was organized; and the Army of the United' laws, the same shall in every instance be taken   States was sent there to enforce them. Men were'and understood to mean'Territory,' and shall  hunted down by sheriffs and by posses from other'apply to the Territory of Kansas."              States, by border-ruffians everywhere, under the
Their whole code would have been arrant non-  color of law. Sir, the State of' Michigan has over
sense, if they had not put in that singular adden-  one thousand of her people in Kansas to-day.
dum; for the word "State" was copied into al.  Three of her citizens, and many other good men,
most every enactment.  They carried most of the   have been murdered in cold-blood.  Two of them,
statutes of Missouri over there; but they wvere   Barber and Brown, I know were as good men as
not satisfied with enacting the Missouri code;  can be found on the face of the earth. The othersome of the Missouri laws were not sufficiently   Gay-was Mr. Pierce's land agent for the'Terristringent for the Territory of Kansas, and they  tory.  He was a Nebraska pro-slavery Democrat.
enacted a little postscript to the extent of four or  He was met one day, with his son, on the road,
five pages of laws, which met their views.       and asked whether he was for free-State or proMr. POLK. I wish to ask the Senator if he   slavery.. He had become a little free-Statish in
really means to assert, without qualification, as I  his views, and not dreaming of danger, he said,
understand him to say just now, that the entire   "I am a free-State man," and hs was shot down;
Missouri code was adopted by the Legislature of  and his ron, in attempting to defend his father? req




e-eived a bullet in his hip, and is now a cripple, in'gistry, and no vote was given or could be given,
Michigan.  I speak with some feeling, sir. I have'however anxious the people might be to particia right to speak with feeling.  My own constitu-'pate in the election of delegates to the convenents, my own people, have been brutally murdered,'tion.  Nor could.it be said these counties acquiand I should be recreant to my trust if I did not'esced, for whenever they endeavored by a subspeak with feeling on this subject.  I know the' sequent census or registry of their own to supply
men from  ITiChigan who are in Kansas to be as'this defect, occasioned by the previous neglect of
good men as can be found within these United'the territorial officers, the delegates thus chosen
States, and when any man says that the emigrants'were rejected by the convention.
from  Michigan to the Territorv of Kansas are       "I repeat, that in nineteen counties out of
picked up fronm the purlieus of cities, I tell him he'thirty-four there was no census.  In  fifteen
knows nothing about the subject, and that it. is' counties out of thirty-four there was no registry,.
not true. They are as good men as the State of'and not a solitary vote was given, or could be
Michigan produces; they are honest and brave;' given, for delegates to the convention, in any one
they know their rights, and knowing, dare defend' of these counties.' Surely, then, it cannot be said
them.'that such a convention, chosen by scarcely more
I come next to the election of members of the' than one-tenth of the present voters of Kansas,
constitutional convention.  The laws to which I'represented the people of that Territory, and
have referred were still in force.  In the mean'couldrightfully impose a coustitufion upon them
time the Governor had been changed three times,'without their consent., These nineteen counties,
and Govelnor Walker was then in office. We are' i which there was no census, constituted a manot left to assertion with regard to the frauds in'jority of the counties of the Territory; and these
the election of the constitutional convention.'ifteen counties, i which thele was no registry,
~rebfer you to Executive Document No. 8, for the'gave a much larger vote, at the October election,
present session,, page 128. There I find a letter   even  ith the six months' ualification, than the
from  the Hon. Robert J. Walker, Governor of' whole vote given to the delegates who signed the
lKansas, to the lion. Lewis Cass, Secretary of'Lecompton constitution, on the 7th November
State, supplied to us by the Department of State,'last."
in. which Governor Walker says:
"On reference   to the territorial law  under     Here the  act is shown that for the  onstitu-'which the convention was assembled, thirty four  tional convention the people of Kansas did not'regularly organized counties were named as elec-  and could not vote.  It is not true, as has been'tioi districts fir delegates to the convention. In   asserted, that even in other counties, where a re-'each and all of these counties it was required by   gistry  was taken, it was fairly taken.  I was in-'law that a census should be taken anld the voters  formed by the Mayor of Leavenworth, one of the'registered; and when this was completed, the   oldest citizens there, said to be a man of wealth,'delegates to the convention should be apportioned   certainly a man of respectability, that his own'  accordingly.  In nineteen of these counties there   name was not placed on the registry list, nor were
w'as rio census, and thelrefore there could be no   one half the names of the free-State settlers in that'such apportionment there of delegates based upon   city. In every county where a registry was taken,'such cenllsus.  And in fifreen of these counties  it was taken fraudulently; free State men were left'there was no registry of voters.                 off, and pro-slavery men, who were never known
"These fifteen counties, including many of the   or heard of in the Tei-ritory, were placed on the'oldest organized counties of the Territory, were  list.'entirely disfranchised, and did not give, and (by  When more than half the counties in that Ter-'no fault of their own) could not give a solitary  ritory were disfranchised; whel no fair registry'vote for delegates to the convention.  This result  was taken; when the very parties who had de-'was superinduced by the tact that the Territorial  frauded the people twice in previous elections,'Legislature appointed all the sheriffs and probate   were to count the votes and make up the poll'judges in all these counties, to whom was assigned  lists, it is not surprising that the free-State men'the duty, by law, of making. this census and   of Kansas cdid not and would not vote at the elec-'registry.  These officers were political partisans,  tion for delegates. They could lot vote, as is'dissenting from the views and opinions of the   asserted by Governor Walker. PThis, it must be'people of these counties, as proved by the elec-  rellembered, is the evidence of thie favorite Gov-'tion in October last.  These officers, from want  ernor, of James Buchanan's own selection.  This'of funds, as they allege, neglected or refused to  is no free-State Abolitionist.  Thi-' is a man who'take any census or make any registry in these   went there honestly intending to make Kansas'counties, and, therefore, they were. entirely dis-  a slave State if he could; but like all other hotest'franchised; and could not, and did not, give a  men who have been sent to Kansas, he was very'single vote at the election for delegates to the   soon converted from the opinion that the ruffian-'constitutional convention.  And here I wish to  ism was on the side of the free-State people, and'call attention to the distinction, which will ap-  law, order, and peace on the other side. Sir, I be-'pear in my inaugural address, in reference to  lieve that if you or any other member of this body'those counties where the voters were fairly regis-  -I care not who it be-were sent to Kansas as'tered and did not vote.  In such counties where   Governor, and should remain there three months,'a full and free opportmnity was given to register  you or he would stand where Governor Walker'and vote, and they d:d not choose to exercise  stands to day.  There is not a member of this.'that privilege, the question is very different from   Senate that I would not trust there; and I aver'those counties where there was no census or re-  that such would be the result. But I shall allude




7
to that matter hereafter. I now proceed to the'question of the adoption or rejection of the State
submission of the constitution.'constitution to be prepared by the constitutional
Illegally elected as it was-elected by only two'convention which sbhuld assemble at Lecompton
thousanid votes, when, as is asserted by Governor' in September next, that the more violent course
Walker, there were more voters in the counties'wouldt have prevailed, and the Territory have
where no registry was taken than cast at this elec-' been immediately involved in a general and santion-the convention met.  I assert it to be the'guinary civil war, postponing, for the present at
truth that but for the pledges given by Governor' least, if not indefinitely, any pacific settlement of
Walker and Secretary Stanton, that convention'these momentous questions."
would never have assembled in the Territory of    He says further, in the same letter:
Kansas.  You had not United States bayonets         "I urged that they were pursuing a course in
enough there to have kept it in session but for the'opposition to tlhe laws, which never could lead to
pledges given by Governor Walker and Secretary'any successful result, and urged them to unite in
Stanton, that the constitution should be fairly sub-'voting for or against the adoption of such a conmitted to a full vote of the people.  But, sir, I'stitution as might be submitted for their concome to the submission.  President Buchanan,'sideration by the constitutional convention which
through his Secretary of State, General Lewis'would assemble in September next, on the call of
Cass, gave the following instructions to Mr. Wal-'the  Territorial Legislature.  I endeavored to
ker when he went to Kansas Was Governor:           convince them that the so-called Republican party
"It is'the imperative and indispensable duty'of Kansas, and their associates in the United' of the Government of the United States to secure'States, had endeavored, and still desired, as set'to every resident inhabitant the free and indepen-'forth in their platform, to deprive the people of'dent expression of his opinion by his vote. This' Kansas of thle right to adopt their own social in-' sacred right of each individual must be preserved;'stitutions, and had referred this question to Con-'and,'that being accomplished, nothing can be'gress, where the people of the Territory would'fairer than to leave the people of a Territory free'have no vote whatever; and continued my efforts'from all foreign interference to decide their own'on this ground, in connection with other topics,'destiny for themselves,.ubject only to the Con-'to separate the free-State Democrats from  any'stitution of the United States."'' alliance with the Republicans."
Again:                                            Here we get the meat in the cocoanut at last:''to separate free-Scate Democrats fr-om any allihen such a cotitution  shall be submitted   ance with Republicans."  They were going to de-'to the people of the Territory, they must be pro-  stroy the Republican party then!  These pledges' tected in the exercise of their right of voting   were given in the broadest and most emphatical'for or against that instrument; and the fair ex-  manner-giveneverwhere-fromthestump-from'pression of the popular will must not be inter-  the rostrum-in private conversation, and every-'rupted by fraud or violence."                   whore throughout that Territory.  Gov. Walker,
These are the instructions under which Gov-  under the instructions which I have read you from
ernor Walker acted.  Mark the words: "When   James Buchanan, through his Secretary of State,
such a constitution shall be submitted"-not when   Lewis Cass, that it should be submitted, gave then
a slavery clau-e, but when the " constitution shall  the most positive assurances that, in any event,
be submitted" to the people of the Territory-   this constitution should be submitted to a fair vote
"they must be protected in the exercise of their  of the people.  Then, speaking of the Democratic
right of voting for or against that instrument."  convention in Kansas, he says:
But again, on page 111 of the same document    "A resolution was offered by a pro-slavery deleto whicU  I have alluded, ytou will ~find, in Gen-'gate, instructing the nominee of the party for
eral Cass's letter to Mr. Stanton, the same lan-   Congress to support there the adoption of the
guage reiterated as late as November 30, 1857:'State constitution, which might be framed by the
tion shall be submitted'constitutional convention which should assemble: When such a constitution shall be submitted;in.September next, whether the same  had been'to the people of the Territory, they must be   Sin.Septemher next, whether- the same had been' protecte  intheexerty o i'submitted for ratification by the vote of the'protected in the exercise of their right of votingI'for or ait tt i t ad t'people or not. Very able addresses were made
I for or against that insttrunent, and the fair ex-.
Is  *   { 1,   *,, X   ~       ex'on this resolution, and especially by Judge El-'pression'of the popular will must not be inter-' lrupted by fraud or violence."                 ('more, of Alabama, who earnestly advocated the'submission of the constitution to the vote of the
Here is iteration after iteration that the consti-' people, as the only course that was safe or proper.
tution should be submitted to the people, and that'This is the more important, as Judge Elmore is a
no fraud or violence should interefere with its fair'man of very decided ability, and of great influence
submission.   Then we come to the assurances' with the pro-slavery party.  He was presidernt of
given by Governor Walker, which satisfied the'this Democratic convention, and is a delegate to
free-State people that it would be submitted, and'the constitutional convention which assemlbles in
submitted to a fair vote. He says, in his letter of'September next.  This resolution, which was reJuly 15:'garded as substantially against the submission of
"It was, however, universally admitted thlt,'the constitution to the vote of the people, was'but for the position assumed in my inaugural ad-'laid on the table as a test vote, by a vote of forty-' dress, and emphatically repeated at Topeka, the'two to one."'people of Karnsas, so far as my power extended,    Forty-two to one of this Democratic convention'should be permitted, by a full vote of the actual  were in favor of submitting the constitution, when' residents of Kansas, to decide upon the great  it should be framed, to a vote of the people. So




8
you see, sir, that, from' the beginning to the end,  complied with; and therefore, for that reason, as
the free-State men were led to believe, and did  he informs us, he went behind the record. Up to
believe, that, in any event, this constitution must  this time Governor Walker had done everything
and would be submitted to the people, or that it  that had been demanded of him; but for this one
would be rejected by'Congress. It was admitted   honest act, for redeeming this one pledge, Mr.
on all hands that the convention did not represent  Walker's head was brought to the block. This
the people of Kansas. No man pretended that it  alone was his unpardonable sin. He had taken
represented the people of Kansas; and its mer-  the responsibility of throwing out these fraudulent
bers did not pretend it themselves.  They only  returns, when they had not even the color of law
represented a very small fraction of the people of  to thrust them in; but for that act, and for that act
Kansas. Neither does the constitution now upon   alone, he was decapitated.' After he left the Terour table represent the wishes of one in ten of the  ritory, Secretary Stanton saw fit to call the Legispeople of Kansas.  The people are opposed to it,  lature together, as he assures us, to prevent civil
and they have resolved, by an emphatic vote of  war or bloodshed, and he, too, lost his place. But
more than ten thousand against it, that they will  before I come to that, I will touch upon the subhave nothing to do with it. I trust the attempt  mission of this constitution to the people. Mr.
may never be made to force them  to touch the  Buchanln, in his special message transmitting the
unclean thing.                                   Lecompton constitution, says:
The next step in this programme was the elec-    "The question of slavery was submitted to an
tion of the Legislature last fall. Again the free-'election of the people of Kansas, on the 21st DeState men were urged and implored by Governor'cember last, in obedience to tVle mandate of the
Walker to go to the polls and vote under the code' constitution.  Here again a fair opportunity was
of laws. The more objectionable test oaths were'presented to the adherents of the Topeka conrepealed, or decided to be null and void; they were'stitution, if they were the majority, to decide this
not operative. Through the influence of Governor'exciting question'in their own way,' and thus reWalker, and by the advice, I believe, of the Ad-'store peace to the distracted Territory; but they
ministration here, or of the President and Secre-' again refused to exercise their right of popular
tary of State, perhaps, it was decided that those'sovereignty, and again suffered the election to
test oaths should not be enforced, and that the'pass by default."
people, the bona fido residents of Kansas, who       *      *                              *
had been there three months, should be entitled
to vote. Under these pledges, and believing that    "They now ask admission into the Union under
Governor Walker was sincere and in earnest, and'this constitution, which is republican in its form.
that they would have a fair chance to express'It is for Congress to decide whether they will adtheir views through the ballot-box, they did go to'mit or reject the State which has thus been crethe polls and vote; they elected their Legislature'ated. For my own part, I am decidedly in favor
overwhelmingly; but the moment this was dis-'of its admission, and thus terminating the Kansas
covered, new'returns began to come in, and at last'question. This will carry out the great principle
up came a return from Oxford precinct, of John-'of non-intervention recognized and sanctioned by
son county, with sixteen hundred fraudulent votes'the organic act, which declares, in express lanattached to that return list; and those sixteen'guage, in favor of'non-intervention by Congress
hundred fraudulent votes, if allowed, secured a'with slavery in the States or Territories,' leaving
pro-slavery majority in the Legislature. I am in-''the people thereof perfectly free to form and
formed that the Cincinnati Directory was.copied'regulate their domestic institutions in their own
alphabetically, until they had taken sixteen hun-' way, subject only to the Constitution of the United
dred names, and returned them  as having voted'State3.'"
at that election-Governor Chase voting the pro-    Thus, you see, the President informs us that a
slavery ticket!                                 fair submission of the slavery clause has been made
When Mr. Walker and Mr. Stanton learned these  to the people of Kansas. Now, sir, in the instrucfacts, they said, "we will go down to.Johnson  tions of the President, and in the pledges given
county and see whether this can be so."  They   by. Governor Walker and Secretary Stanton, has
went down to Johnson county, and brought up  there been one word said about submitting the
a report that there were some six houses in  slavery question to the people of Kansas?  No,
that voting precinct; that there was a small vil-  sir; not a word.  It was ths constitution, and the
lage across the street in Missouri; and they were  whole constitution, of Kansas, that was to be subinformed by the people there that not one-tenth   mitted to a fair vote of the people. But, suppose
of the number returned as hlaving voted there  I admit, for the sake of argument, that the great
were in the town during the two days the poll  important clause was that on the subject of slavery?
brooks were open. They ascertained that there  I acknowledge no such thing, for it was not the
was not one-tenth of the number on the poll  only one-still it was a very important matter.
books in the voting precinct; and ascertained that  But admitting, for the sake of the argument, that
even the Missourians had not come over in those  was the all-important thing to be submitted, was
numbers *and voted. Not because of the fraud,  it fairly done?  Was even that clause fairly subbut because these returns were not put in legal  mitted to a vote of the people?  Section nine of
form, the Governor rejected them. He did not  the Lecompton schedule provides:
claim that he had a right to look into fraudulent    "Any person offering to vote at the aforesaid
returns; but because they were returned to him'election upon said constitution, shall, if chalillegally, he threw them out. Even the provisions' lenged, take an oath to support the Constitution
of the law under which they were acting were not'of the United States, and to support this consti



'tution, under the penalties of perjury under the   C dulent voting, but there is no provision which will'territorial laws."'reach the case of fraudulent returns. -The case
The voter was required to take an oath to sup-'of the late Oxford precinct in Johnson county
port a constitution which he in his heart meant to' was an enormity so great that it has nowhere
subvert the vQry moment he could obtain power    been defended or justified.  Yet the evil conseto do so. Would any honest man vote under such' quences of it are seen in the fact that even the
a test oath as that?  No, sir; no honest man could'late convention has been so far imposed upon
vote; for there was not a free-State man in that'that in its apportionment for the State Legisla-,
Territory but what utterly abhorred, and would'ture, under the constitution, it has assigned to
never support, that constitution, if it was in his'Johnson county four representatives, which must
power to resist it; arid yet Mr. Buchanan informs' necessarily be based on the notoriously false reus that this was a fair submission of the slavery'turns from  that county. In order to meet the
clause to the people of Kansas! Let us see whether'apprehensions naturally growing out of these
it was a fair submission of even the slavery clause.' circumstances, I recommend the adoption of a
In case they voted out the slavery clause itself-' provision making it felony, with suitable punish"then the article providing for slavery shall be' ment, for any judge or clerk of election knowstricken from this constitution by the president of'ingly to place on the poll books the names of
this convention, and slavery shall no longer exist'persons not actually present. and voting, or othin the State of Katsas, except that the right of' erwise corruptly to make false returns, either of
property in slaves shall in no manner be interfered'the election held by order of the convention, or
with."'of any other election to be held in this TerSo, if they voted out the slavery clause, still the'ritory."
right of property in slaves could not be affected;  Here, sir, is what was recommended by Secreand there is another provision that any constitu-  tary Stanton to the Legislature, to prevent frauds.
tional convention which may meet to amend this   The constitution was submitted to the people, to a
constitution shall not interfere with slavery.   fair vote of the people, under the authority of
There was no submission of the slavery clause;  law, by the present Legislature of Kansas; and it
and President Buchanan, if he had read this con-  was rejected by the people, by a majority of more
stitution, must have known it. The right of pro-  than ten thousand votes; while it is proven that
perty in slaves, it was said, shall never be inter-  at the former submission, on the 21st of December,
fered with in this Territory, if they vote out the   of the six thousand pro-slavery votes cast, not exslavery clause.  It was a fraud from beginning to   ceeding two thousand were actual voters in the
end. I have shown you how these laws were en-  Territory of Kansas.  They were fraudulently
acted; and now, for fear some of those laws might  made up. We have returns again from  Oxford
be repealed, they settle that point in this consti-  precinct as outrageous as the first.  We have altution itself, by declaring:                     most the whole vote of Johnson county a fraudu" All laws now  of force in the Territory of  lent vote; and upon that vote are based four'KEansas which are not repugnant to this consti-   members of the Assembly and one or two of the'tution, shall continue to be of force until altered,   other branch.'amended, o,: repealed, by a legislature assembled  I deny, then, that this constitution has been'under the provisions of this constitution."     submitted to the people of Kansas in any proper
It must be remembered that the present egis-  form  but once, and then it was rejected by an
lature of the Territory of Kansas is a free-State   overwhelming vote of more than ten thousand.
Legislature.  The first act, of course, of that  Then the returning of fraudulent votes could be
in   I  tirt act, o  courseof t'latpunished. It was made felony. No man dared
free-State Legislature would be to repeal the in-  punished.  It was made felony. No man dared
famous code; but to perpetuate their power they    rison for so doing; bu a fraudulent return, for he would go to
put into the constitution a bar to any action of the   prison for so doin ut at the fraudulent election
uLegislature on that code, and yet any man voting   of December 21st, when fraudulent returns might
foregislature on that con swore to support that code,  be received, accepted, and counted, it was done.
for that constitution swore to support that code, Complaint was made here the other day, that
swore that the present free-State Legislature                 was made here-the other day,-that
sworeu  o that thepresent  frelaw-ste   Legislature  some of the officers of Kansas had fled for fear of
should not alter those laws. There was no subtheir lives. I should think they would'flee for
mission of the constitution to the people. It was         their lives. They have come to the only
fear of their lives. They have come to the only
a fraud from the begirning to the end.           c    f  f   tht        ff   th   an rotection
Besides, there was no punishment at that time   city o refuge  a can aor   em   y 
for illegal returns.  Mr. Stanton says on this sub-  They have committed crimes in Kansas against
the law, and if they go there they will be punect: I have already expressed the grave doubts I  ished according to law, and if they ever get their
"I have already expressed the grave doubts I   deserts it will g'          y      g'entertain as to the power of the Legislature in  deserts it will be at the end of a halter. I should'any manner to interfere with the proceedings of  and the clmate theread the Territory of Kansas,' the convention.  But there can be no question    arnd the climate there as unhealthy for their partic-'the convention. But there can be no question'as to your authority to provide, by a suitable      complaits.'law, for a fair expression of the will of the peo-    Mr. President, we have upon our table a very' ple upon the vital question of approving the   singular document  I do not know what business:' Rconstitution.">  Vita quetionof'apprvingthe it has here, but it is here. I should not consider
myself entitled to quote from it, or talk about it,
This is in his message to the free-State Legisla-  if it had not been laid upon our table ill an official
tare.  Again he says:                            manner.  In accordance with resolutions of the' The laws now prevailing in this Territory pro-  Senlate of the 16th and 18th of December last, re-' vide for the proper punishment of illegal and frau-  quiring the President to furnish certain informa



10
tion concerning the government of Kansas, he has  should ever doubt that slavery exists in all the
transmitted to us a letter from some gentlemen'in   Territories under the Constitution of the United
New Haven and his reply to them. I do not know   States! It is only ten short years since he wrote
what business that has here, but being laid on our  the letter; it iR less than ten years since he uttertable I suppose it is a fair subject for comment.  ed the sentiments I have just quoted.
In this Senate Document No. 8,:at page 74, Presi-    But I have other distinguished authorities on
dent BuchanalL says:                           this very point; among them, the honorable Sec"Slavery existed at that period and still exists  retary of State.  You see we have had distin-'in Kansas, under the Constitution of the United   guished teachers. We have learned our lessons'States. This point has at last been finally decided  from  high authority, and our doubts are honest.'by the highest tribunal known to our laws. How   General Cass, in his speech at Romeo, in Michi-'it could ever have been seriously doubted is a  gan, in 1854, said:'mystery."                                        "But you cannot put your finger on the power
How that assertion ever could have been made'thereby ceded to carry slaves into our new Teris to me a mystery. We have very distinguished'ritories. Does the Constitution give authority
authority for entertaining idoubts. In a letter of' to interefere? No. The word slave is not to be
Mr. James Buchanan, dated Washington, August'found in that instrument."
25, 1847, directed to a Harvest Home of the De-    True.
mocracy of Berks county, Pennsylvania, I find     "There is no power of interference recognized
this language:'by our statute-books except in the case of fugi" After Louisiana was acquired from France by' tives. Go to the Constitution, and if authorized,'Mr. Jefferson, and when the State of Missouri,' interfere, but otherwise touch not the festering'which constituted a part of it, was about to be'evil."'admitted into the Union, the Missouri question   And further, he says:' arose, and, in its progress, threatened the dissolu-    "Again, it has been said that the passage of'tion of the Union. This was settled by the men'this bill opens Kansas and Nebraska to the slave'of the last generation, as other important and' power. There never was a worse misrepresenta-' dangerous questions have been settled, in a spirit'tion."' of mutual concession. Under the Missouri c  ornmof mutual concession. Under the Missouri co-    This is General Cass, the present Secretary of''promise, slavery was'forever prohibited' north of  State who utters that sentiment-" there never' the parallel of 36 degrees 30 minutes: and south   wassent'of this parallel the question was left to be    ewas a worse misrepresentation" than that the re-'of this parallel the question was left to be de-'cided by the people. Congress, in the admission   peal of he Missouri comproise opened these'of Texas, following in the foot steps of  theirTerritoriesto slavery'predecessors, adopted the same rule; and, in my   "Slavery is created by municipal law, and Judge' opinion, the harmony of the States, and even the    McLean says that without law slavery cannot ex-'security of the Union itself, require that the line'ist. The negroes of-Kentucky and P bnnsylvania'of the Missouri compromise should be extended'would alike be free unless slavery  had been le-'to any new territory which we may acquire from'galized.  How can the master hold slaves with-' Mexico."'out positive law?"
The James Buchanan who wrote this letter is    This is General Cass in 1854. Now, sir, had
now astonished that any man should ever doubt  Mr. Buchanan any reason to utter the sentiment
that slavery existed in Kaiisas undler the Consti-  I have read from his letter to the gentlemen from
tution of the United States!  Again, in the same  New Haven?  I hold that he had not. It was
letter, he s~ays:                               under his teachings  and those of his present Sec"Such has been my individual opinion, openly  retary of State that I learned the doubt. But' and freely expressed, ever since' the commence-  again he goes on-I have not done with this letter'ment of the present unfortunate agitation; and
of all places in the world, I prefer to put them  "If a confederation of sovereign States acquire' on record before the'incorruptible Democracy of'a new territory at the expense of their common'old Berks. I' therefore beg leave to offer you' blood and. treasure, surely one set of the partners'the following sentiment':'can have no right to exclude the others from its
"The Missouri  C~ompromise —Its adoption in' enjoyment, by prohibiting them from taking into' 1820 saved the Union from threatened convul-' it whatsoever is recogniz dt to be property by the' sion. Its extension in 1848 to any new territory' common Constitution. But when the people, the'which we may acquire, will secure the like happy' bonafide residents of such Territory, proceed to
~~~~li'results."kehpp'framne a State constitution, then it is their right'to decide the important question for themselves
And that compromise covered the very Terri-'whether they will continue, modify, or abolish
tory that he is astonished anybody should ever'slavery. To them, and to them alone, does this
doubt was covered with slavery! But again, from' question belong, free from  all foreign interthe same distinguished authority, we find this:' ference."
"Having urged the adoption of the Missouri    What I have read before of Mr. Buchanan's'compromise, the inference is irresistible that  formerviewsanswers that in full, and therefore'Congress, in my opinion, possesses the power to  I shall not comment upon it; but here is what I am'legislate upon the subject of slavery, in the Ter-  coming at:
6ritories."                                       "I have entire confidence in Governor Walker
This is the man who is astonished that any one' that the troops will not be employed except to




11'resist actual aggression or in the execution of  sciences in that, and there is no attribute in the'the laws, and this not until the power of the civil  Divine Being that authorizes any man to say that'magistrate shall prove Iunavailing., Following the   he humbly trusts he will have the apprlibation of'wise example of Mr. Madison towards the Hart-  his God in such an effort.'ford convention"-                                  But again:
Now I am not disposed to take this evidence in    "SEC. 12. If any free person, by speaking or
regard to the Hartford convention unquestioning-' by writing, assert or maintain that persons have
ly; for it is a well-established principle of law that      not the right to hold slaves in this Territory,
a man who turns States' evidence must have some'or shall introduce into  this Territory, print,
confirlmatory testimony, or you cannot convict.'publish, write, circulate, or cause  to be inI am not disposed to take this imputation unless' troduced into this Territory, written, printed,
there is some corrobative testimony, and I do not' published, or circulated in this Territory, any
find any; therefore, I do not give any weight to' book, paper, magazine, pamphlet, or circular,
this slur on the Hartford convention or the Tope-' containing any denial of the right of persons to
ka convention-'hold slaves in this Territory, such person shall
"Illegal and dangerons combinations, such as'be deemed guilty of felony, and punished by im-'that of the Topeka convention, will not, be dis-'prisonment at hard labor for a term of not less' turbed, unles they shall attempt to performn some' than two years."'act which will bring them  into actual collision   This law he is going to enforce in the same way'with the Constitution and the laws.  In that  and have the same approbation! I might go on' event they shall be resisted and put down by the   ad libitum, but i shall detain the Senate but a'whole power of the Government.  In perform-  msment on this point.  I will read one more law:'ing this duty, I shall have the approbation of       SEc 4. If any person shall entice decoy, or,(,my own conscience, and, as I humbly trust, of
L my Gown on"science, an.d, as I humbly trust, of'carry away out of this T-rritory, any slave be-'longing to another, with the intent to deprive
Mr.; President, what laws are these that he is'the owner thereof of the services of such slave,
going to use the whole power of the Government'or with the intent to effect or procure the freeto enforce?  There was a code of laws enacted' dom of such slave, he shall be adjudged guilty of
in Kansas which the present Secretary of State,' grand larcency, and, on conviction thereof, shall
General Cass, declared to be a disgrace to the' sffer death, or be imprisoned at hard labor for
age-a code of laws which the same high author.' not less than!ten years."
ity declared to be unconstitutional, and therefore  For the enforcement of that law all the powers
void.  It certainly cann ot be those laws which he   of the Government are to be brougt into requisiwas going to bring the whole power of the Gov-  tion, and Mr. Buchanan, in performing this duty,
verment to enforce. Let us see. Let us see what  will have the approbation of his own conscience,
those laws are that he proposes too bring the whole  and, he humbly trusts, of his God.  I have done
power of the Government to enforce, and then   with that New Haven letter. It- s ould have been
humbly trusts he will have the approbation of his.  better if it had never been laid upon our tables, in
conscience and his God! In the code of Kansas   my estimation.
at page 605, will be found the following enact      Mr. Buchanan asserted in his message-I read
ment."                                            from page 20 of the first volume of the Message
" SEc. 11. If any pei son print, write, introduce   and Documents for this year-'into, publish, or circulate, or cau-e to be brought  "The friends and supporters of the Nebraska'into, printed, written, published, or circulated, or' and Kansas act, when struggling on a recent ocshall knowingly aid or assist in bringing into,'casion to sustain its wise provisions before the'printing, publishing, or circulating, within the'great tribunal of the American people, never'Territory, any book, paper, pamphlet, magazine,'differed about its true meaning on this subject.'handbill, or circular, containing any statements,'Everywhere throughout the Union they publicly'arguments, opinions, sentiment, doctrine, advice,'pledged their faith and their honor that they' or inuendo, calculated to produce a disorderly,'would cheerfully submit the question of slavery' dangerous, or rebellious disaffection among the' to the decision of the bona fide people of Kansas,'slaves in this Territory, or to induce such slaves' without any restriction or qualification whatever.'to escape fi'rom the service of their masters, or' All were cordially united Upon the great doctrine'to resist their authority, he shall be guilty of' of popular sovereignty, which is the vital princi-' felony, and be punished by imprisonment and'ple of our fiee institutions.'hard labor for a term not less than five years."   "Had it been insinuated from any quarter that
And yet the Constitution, to which I called your'it would be a sufficient compliance with the reattention a short time since, declares the freedom' quisitions of the organic law for the members of a
of speech and of the press shall not be interfered'convention, thereafter to be elected, to withhold
with.  This enactment is unconstitutional and' the question of slavery from  the people, and to
void; and yet Mr. Buchanan says, i - the enforce-' substitute their own will for that of a legally asment of this law  " all the power of the Govern-    certained majority of all their constituents, this
ment shall be brought into requisition, and in per-' would have been instantly rejected. Everywhere
fobrming this duty I shall have the approbation of'they remained true to the resolution adopted on
my own conscience, and, I humbly trust, of my'a celebrated occasion, recognizing'the right of
God,"  Sir, I do not know of what material his'the people of all the Territories, including Kanconscience may be made, but there are few men'sas and Nebraska, acting through the legally and
who would have the approbation of their own coln-'fairly expressed will of a majority of actual resi



12'dents, and whenever the number of their inhab-  principle to save the Union.  They will, however,
itants justifies it, to form a constitution, with or  make no sacrifice of principle-never, never. No'without slavery, and be admitted into the Union   more compromises will ever be submitted to to'upon terms of perfect equality with the other  save this Union. If it is worth saving it will be'States."                                        saved; but if you sap and undermine its foundaI think that the friends of Mr. Buchanan pledged  tions, if you place it in such a situation that it
more than that.  I aver that throughout the whole  must topple, what can you expect but the legitiNorth, the subject of slavery, in that constitution,  mate results of your own action?  The only way
was never alluded to as the question to be sub nit-  that.we shall ever save the Union and render it as
ted to the people. I aver that pledges were given   permanent as the everlasting hills, will be by rethat the whole constitution should be submitted   storing it to the original foundation upon which
to the people, and to a fair vote of the people of  the fathers placed it. Those are the "mud-sills"
Kansas.  I have shown that there was no submis-  that cannot be undermined; and there, sir, this
sion even of the slavery clause itself; but that was  great national Republican party pr~ poses to place
not enough. They pledged more. They pledged  it. Sir, we are the national party of the GovernMr. Buchhnan as being favorable to making Kan-  ment, and in opposition to us is a purely sectional
sas a free State; and, in my own State, the em-  party, that knows no issue but one, and that is the
battled hosts of the Democracy marched to defeat  slavery issue.
under flaunting banners of "Buchanan and free      But I am occupying more time than I intended,
Kansas."  In Pennsylvania, I am told, it was the   and I must hasten to a conclusion. One question
same.  Mr. Buchanan was everywhere throughout  I wish to propound.  I wish to know from some
the North represented as being in favor of making   friend of the Lecompton constitution how he proKansas a free State, and it was asserted over and   poses to force a State into this Union against the
over again, that the surest way to make it a free   wishes of its government and its people? I wish
State was by the election of James Buchanan.  to know from what clause in the Constitution of
James Buchanan occupies the priesidential chair  the United States you derive the right to force a
to-day, in consequence of the belief of the people  State into this Union?  I assert that should you
of the North in there fraudulent representations.  adopt this constitution for Kansas, you make a
But for these false assertions he never would have   dead letter.  The government of Kansas, which
been elected.  He never would have carried a  your own present Executive has admitted to be
single northern' tate but for the belief in these  legal is opposed to this constitution.  The people
fraudulent assertions.  Now let them  carry out  of Kansas are overwhelmingly opposed to it. Now,
their pledges made before the election.  Let the   sir, will some man tell me how, with a government
constitution be submitted to a fair vote of the   and a people almost unanimously opposed to a
people, or else let the whole subject be sent back   constitution, you are going to force it into this
again to the people to manage their domestic in-  Union?  The Government of the United States
stitutions in their own way.                     has not bayonets enough, nor money enough to
Sir, throughout tie North, for many years past,  pay for sufficient bayonets, to force a constitution
we have had a set of men in great trouble and   on the necks of any people. It cannot be done.
tribulation about this Union. From every stump   There is'o constitutional right to attempt to do it.
in my own State the cry has gone forth, titne and   I respect the President of the -United States so
again, of " danger to the Union."  Throughout all  long as he obeys and stands by the Constitution of
the northern States the same cry has gone forth;  the United States; but let him step one inch beand whenever an aggiession has been made by the   yond that Constitution; let one drop of blood flow
South upon the North, these Uliion-savers have  in Kansas, or anywhere else, and Jamles Buchanan,
come before the people, and, in piteous tones,  President of these United States, will be liable to
averred that they assented to it to save the Union.  impeachment, and to be hanged for murder also.
That set of people, who have been in labor, and   James Buchanan, so long as he stays within the
suffering, and trial, for so long a time on account  Constitution and within the law%, is to be respected
of the Union have passed off the stage.  In their  by everybody; but let him step beyond the Conplaces are men who love this glorius Union, and   stitution and beyond the protection of the laws,
love it as it was made bv the fathers; men who   and he is no longer James Buchanan, President of
will not whine "danger to the Union;", but brave  the United States, but James Buchanan, the crimimen, who will fight for this Union to the death.  nal. There is no power in this Government to
The race of Union-whiners, the old women of the  force a constitution on the weeks of an unwilling
North, who have been in the habit of crying out  people. It cannot be done. If you adopt the Le"the Union is in danger," have passed off the   compton constitution to-morrow, you cannot enstage. They are dead; their places will never be  force it; it will be a dead letter. Blood may flowsupplied; but in their stead we have a race of men   blood will flow, if you attempt to enforce it-but
who are devoted to this Union, and devoted to  it cannot be enforced.
it as Jefferson and the fathers made it and be-    The honorable Senator fmom  Mississippi [Mr.
queathed it to us.                               DAvIs] the other day stated that it was the purAny aggression upon the Constitution has been   pose of the opponents of the Army bill, in civil
submitted to by the race that have gone off the   war, to shed blood on the soil of these United
stage. They were ready to compromise any prin-  States.  I am  sorry that Senator is not in his
ciple; anything to save the Union. Sir, the men   seat; I am sorry that he is unwell, for I intended
of the present day will compromise nothing. They  to comment on this remark. In answer to some
are Union-loving men; they love all portions of  observations which I had the honor to submit on
the Union; and they will sacrifice anything but  the Army bill, he said:




13
"I do not think the United States Senate can'have with you;' for the man who lives by daily'fail, under such an argument as has been offered'labor, and scarcely lives at that, and who has to'by the gentleman who has just taken his seat, to' put out his labor in the market, and take the best' see that the opposition springs from the purpose,'he can get for it; in short, your whole hireling'in civil war, of shedding blood on the soil of the'class of manual laborers and'operatives,' as you'United States."'call thlem, are essentially slaves.  The difference
The opposition to the Army bill sprung from no'between us is, that our slaves are hired for life
such purpose.  The opposition to that and to the'and well compensated; there is no starvation, no
Lecompton usurpation springs from no such pur-'begging, no want of employment among our
pose.  It is our purpose to avoid the shedding of'people, and not too much employment either.
blood upon the soil of the United States by civil'Yours are hired- by the day, not cred for, and
war.  While I will not charge on the supporters'scantily compensated, which may be proved in
of the Lecompton constitution the purpose, in civil'the most painful manner, at any hour, in any
war, of shedding blood upon the soil of the United'street in any of your large towns."
States, I do charge that thpy, and they alone, will  After reading and reperusing that speech, I probe resposible for avery drop of blood that may be   ceeded to consider the state of society where such
shed in consequence of the adoption of that con-   a happy population was found; and I began to exstitution.  I trust in God civil war will never come;  amine into the condition of the people of South
but if it should come, upon their heads, and theirs   Carolina.  I am not in the habit of saying, and I
alone, will rest the responsibility of every drop that   will not now say, one word to disparage any State,
may flow.  I tiust in God, sir, that this question   or the people of' any State, in this Union; but I
will never be pushed to that extremity, for I should  think that attack requires a reply; and I shall read
have less respect, for the people of Kansas than I   fioml some- distingushed southern authorities in
now have, ift I supposed they would tamely submit  eluc.dation of this statement.  I find in an address
to have a constitution thrust down their throats   of a late Chief Magistrate of South Cai olina, Gowithout authority of law, and against law, without  vernor Hammond, before the South Carolina Institheir making resistance.  I would disown themn as  tute, the following exposition:
the descendants of the men who fought our revo-      "According to the best calculations which, in
lutionary battles, if I did not think they would re-'the absence of statistic facts, can be made, it is
sist any such illegal attempt to force a constitution'believed that, of the three hundred thousand
upon them.  I believe they will resist it if the at-'white inhabitants of South Carolina, there are not
tempt be made, but I do not believe that the at-'less than fifty thousand whose industry, such as
tempt will be made.  I trust it will not.'it is, is not, in the present condition of things,
Mr. President, I have occupied more time than'and does not promise, hereafter, to b, adequate
I intended, and yet I am Inot quite through.  I'to procure them, honestly, such a support as
shall be as brief as I possibly can, but I desire to'every white person in this country is, and feels
allude to some remarks of the honorable Senator'himself entitled to.
rfom South Carolina, [lIr. HAMMOND.]  That Sena-      "Some cannot be said to work at all.  They
tor said:' obtain a precarious subsistence by occasional jobs,
"In all social systelms there must be a class to'by hunting, by fishing, sometimes by plundering
do the menial duties, to perform the drudgery of'fields or folds, and too often, by what is, in its'life.  That is, a class requiring but a low order of'effects, far worse-trading with slaves, and se-'intellect, ald but little skill.  Its requisites are'ducing them to plunder for their benefit."'vigor, docility, fidelity.  Such a class you must   Fifty thousand out of three hundred thousand,'have, or you would not hve that other class   I am told by this authority, are in that condition'which leads progress, civilization, and refinement.  in the State of South Carolina.  I find other high
It constitutes the very mud sill of society and of  authority upon this same question.  Mr. De Bow,'political government; ard you might as well at-  in his Review, says:'tempt to build a house in the air, as to build either  " It is too obvious to require extended illustra-'the one or the other, except- on this mud-sill.'tion, that the slow  advance of our population' Fortunately for the South, she found a race adapt-' mainly arises from the impoverished condition of' ed to that pu'pose to her hand.  A race inferior'our landa. As lands become exhausted the re-'to her own, but eminently qualified in temper, in'turns are not only small and unremunerating,'vigor, in docility, in capacity to stand the climate,'but crops become uncertain, from  casualities and' to answer all her purposes.  We use them for our'vicissitudes of season, subsistence niore precari-'purpose, and call them  slaves.  We found them    ~ ous, and obtained at greater cost.  The striking'slaves by the'common consent of mankind,''fact that those districts possessing naturally the'which, according to Cicero,'lex naturce est.' The'best soils are almost stationary in population,'highest proof of what is Nature's law.  We are' while districts of inferior soils naturally are fill-'old-fashioned at the South yet; it is a word dis-'ing up, show not only the exhausted state of the'carded now by'ears polite;' I will not character-'soil in the former, but prove that the character'ize that class at the North with that term; but'of slave labor, and the system  of cultivation'you have it; it is there; it is everywhere; it is'adopted, are unfriendly to density of population.'eternal.                                            "The exhaustion of our lands, above alluded to,
" The Senator fiom  New York said yesterday'is further evinced by the fact that, in the last'that the whole world had abolished slavery. Ay,'thirty years, they have remained generally sta-'the name, but not the thing; all the Powers of'tionary in price; and, in many instances, have'the earth cannot abolish that.  God only can do' actually declined.  Another fact, very significant' it when he repeals the fiat,' the poor ye always' of this truth, is the regularly increased amount




14'of lands cultivated in different crops per hand,'the wealthier class,'but the poor whites, out in' particularly in cottonl, while the amount pro-' the country, are the meanest people I ever saw:'duced is proportionably less."'halt of them  would be considered objects of
And again, the business committee of the South'charity in New York."
Carolina Agricultural Society reported, August 9,   The picture is not so flattering when you come
1855:                                             to examine it closely.  It is one of those- beautiful
" Our old fields are enlarging, our  homesteads   paintings where "distance lends enchantment to'have been decreasing fearfully in number.,' *'   the view."  I should not have alluded to this sub-'' We are not only losing some of our most en-  ject but for the attack of the honorable Senator'ergetic and useful citizens to supply the bone   upon lly constituents, the laborers of the North.'and sinew of other States, but we are losing our  Sir, under his version, under his exposition of'slave population, which is the true wealth of the   slavery, nine tenths of the people of the North'State; our stocks of hogs, horses, mules, and   ale, or have been at some period of their lives,'cattle, are diminishing in size and decreasing in  slaves; for nine tenths of the people of the North'number; and oun purses are strained for the last  have, at some time, been hire!ling laborers.  We'cent to supply their places from the nortwestern   do not feel degraded by being hireling laborers.'States."                                         We believe it to be respectable.  You may' travel
That is not so flittering an account as I hope to  on any road in the State of iichigan you see fit
give of Michi gan by-andi-by.  In the message of  to select, arid you  will find flourishing farmns on
Govelnlor  Seabrook, of South Carolina, to the   almost every one hundred and sixty acres-nice
Legislature, I find:                              farm  houses, comfortable dwellilgs, firle barns, a
Education has been provided by the Legisla   very high state of improvement and cultivation;
"Educaion has een provided by the Legsla-and you do not find the fifty thousand   class that'ture but for one class of the citizens of the State,  vou find in Sftuth tCarolina. Sir, we deny that the'which is the wealthy class. For the middle and   abouing alei of the Noith are, or Cte  bet con-'laboring  men of the North are, or can be, con-'poorer classes of society it has dolne nothing,  strued into slave,.  The  are ien. TP-;ese very'since no organized system has beer} adopted for  laboring men   e the f        s of society there.' that purpose.  You have appropriated $75 000  laborlng men are the foundations of society there.'that purpose.   You have appropriated  $75,000    Go through the agricultural portion of Aleligan,
annually to the free schools; but,        your'  Go through the agricultural portion of Michigan,
presenn    to mode  of applying it, that under your  and you will find the fairmer with four or five of
present mode of  applying it a, that liberality is  te sos of his  ei
ispratthe sons of his neighboring farmers employed as' really the profusion of the prodigal, rather than
hirelings by the day, by the mon!'h, or by the year.'the judicious generosity  which confers real bene-    n,'fit.  The few who re educated at public expense   A youn'e roan goes out ito service-to labor, if you'in. these excellent and truly useful.n.iuins   please to call it so-for compensation  until he ac-'- the Arsenaellt anid Citade     l  institvutons,    quires money enough to buy a farm, and then he
the   rel  Citadeacadies [ility   gets married and settles upon his trtil-n, and anon'schools] form almost the only exception to the   he becomes himself the employer of labor.  He
truth~ of tlhis r~emlark.  Teln yeairs  rgo, twenty   never feels himself degraded by his labor.  Some'thousand adults, besides children, were unable to  of those men who are at work by the mouth,'read or write, in South Carolina.  Has our free  during the summer, on farms, are in the Le-'school systrem dispelled any of this- ignorance   gis aturo makiub laws for us in the winter'Are there not any reasonable fears to be enter-    We have an eminent example of the class of'taincd that the number has increased since that        h
which the Senator from  South Carolina terms'period 9"                                      slaves.  The late Speaker of the House of RepAgain, writes a distinguished traveller of the  resentatives of the United States, Mr. Banks, now
"'sand-hillers" of Sounth Carolina:  the Governor of Massachusetts, only fifteen years
"' Not very essentially  different is the condition  ago was woiking by the day, for his support, in a'of a class of people living in the pine-barrens  machine-shop.  Fitteen years afterwards you find'nearest the coast, as described to me by a rice-  him  occupying certainly the third place within
4planter.  They seldom  have any meat, he said,  the gift of the people of this nation; ten years'except they steal hogs which belong to the plan-  hence, and you may see him in the executive chair.'ters or their negroes, and their chief diet is rice  Ele never deemed himself degraded by the labor'and milk.  They are small, gaunt, and cadaver-  that he performed in that machine-shop; nor do
6ous, and their skin is just the color of the sand-  our men admit that there is degradation in such'hills they live on. They are quite incapable of  employment.'applying themselves steadily to any labor, and     But, sir, I have already occupied too much time.'their habits are very much like those of the old  I have hurriedly passed over topics which I could'Indians.                                         have desired more time to discuss.  They teem
" A northern gentleman, who had been spend-  with interest and instruction.  Nevertheless, with'ing a year in South Carolina, said to me, after  thanks to the Senate for the courteous attention'speaking respectfully of the character'of some of. with which it has heard me, I yield the floor.