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OUTLINES OF AN INDUSTRIAL SCIENCE.








OU TL INES OF AiV
IIVD US TRIA L S CIENVCE.
BY  DAVID   SYME.
PHILADELPHIA:
HENRY CAREY BAIRD & CO.,
INDUSTRIAL PUBLISHERS, BOOKSELLERS, AND IMPORTERS.
1876.




(The rights of translation and of reproduction are reserved.)




PREFACE.
THE following pages were written in hours snatched from
a laborious profession, often at wide intervals apart, and
generally after a long and exhausting day's work. They
were afterwards put together, and partly rewritten, on
shipboard, on my way here from the Antipodes. These
conditions are not very favourable to that concentration
and continuity of thought which a subject of the kind
here treated of requires, and this must be my excuse for
any defects that may be found in them, which, I have no
doubt, are numerous enough.
There is only one thing I take credit for, and that is,
that I have endeavoured to put my ideas in as concise a
form as possible. There is not a paragraph, sentence,
or word, not absolutely necessary to explain my mean



vi                    PREFACE.
ing that I have retained, so that, if I do not succeed in
convincing my readers, I shall, at all events, have the
satisfaction of knowing that I have not wearied their
patience.
I have to thank my friend Prof. T. E. Cliffe Leslie
for his kindness in reading over the proof sheets, and for
some valuable suggestions which he has made to me,
although this must not be understood as implying that
our views are perfectly in accord on all points.
D..
LONDON,
November 1st, 1876.




CONTENTS.
PART I.-MATTER AND METHOD.
CHAPTER I.
THE  SUBJECT-MATTER.
PAGE
Classification of Subject..............   1
Mode of Procedure..............                    2
The Subject-matter............         2
The Term Political Economwy...,.....                    3
Various Definitions of the Science.......               5
On the Term -Wealtth...............                            5
Is Wealth the Subject-matter?.........       7
Is Political Economy a Mental or a Physical Science?...       7
Mr. Mill's View............                 8
Professor Cairnes's View............                  9
Political Economy is a Mental Science......          10
What is meant by Industrial Science......          12
CHAPTER II.
THE  METHOD  OF  INVESTIGATION.
Adam Smith's View...............       13
Mr. Senior's View................      13
Professor Cairnes's View............  14
Mr. Mill's View...............      15
Mr. Mill's View examined.........   17
The Hypothesis of the Maximum of Wealth...          22




Vi1                        CONTENTS.
P AG
The Hypothesis of a Single Motive............  23
Mr. Mill admits the Inadequacy of his Hypothesis......      24
Admits the Necessity for Verification............  26
His "Proper-Allowance " Theory inapplicable......          27
Conclusion from the Whole............  27
The Method by Induction............                28
A Method more applicable to Moral than to Physical Science...  29
CHAPTER III.
ALLEGED  SUFFICIENCY  OF  SELF-INTEREST.
The Dogma stated...........         31
Not in Accordance with the Laws of Man's Nature...      33
Nor with Facts..................  34
CHAPTER IV.
ON DEMAND AND SUPPLY.
Difference between this and Competition.........  35
Meaning of the Term Demand.........                    36
Corollaries from the Law......   -.....            38
It ignores Moral Distinctions........  38
Contest between Wants and Desires.......  39
Contest between Desires.........      40
Illustrated by the Case of a Wages Dispute......    41
Effect of on the Rate of Wages...........      42
Injurious Effects of Low Wages........  44
The Argument from Enlightened Self-Interest....           45
The Ratio of Wages to the Price of Provisions...    47
Distinction between Necessaries and Luxuries......        49
The Case of Mr. Milne.........   50
Different Effects of, on Capital and Labour......      52
CHAPTER V.
ON  COMPETITION.
What the Sufficiency of Self-Interest Dogma implies......  55
The Object of Competition;.........                  56
Custom, Competition, and Co-operation........   57




CONTENTS.                           ix
PAGE
The Tendency of Competition.........  58
Conditions Necessary to Annihilate Competition......      59
The First Condition-Capital: —............  60
The Case where two Capitals are Unequal......       61
The Case where two Capitals are Equal......  61
Wholesale and Retail Houses......                    63
Small Manufacturers and Wholesale Firms.....  64
Sale by Auction...........              65
Land Sales in the Australian Colonies......  66
National Competition.......                       67
England and her Dependencies.......70
The Indian Cotton Duties......             70
The Second Condition-Absence of Moral Principle:-...  75
Modern Trade Practices............        79
Openly tolerated and defended.....  83
The Manchester Chamber of Commerce.....      84
The Bombay Chamber of Commerce...                      84
flow such Evils right themselves......              85
One Cause of High Customs Tariffs.........         86
The Case of Victoria...........               87
The Quality of British Exports.........               88
Industrial Progress does not keep Pace with Social...      91
Political Economy and Morals.........         92
Economists subordinate Social to Individual Interests  93
The Moral Element Essential.........  94
PART II. —PRINCIPLE S.
CHAPTER VI.
INDUSTRIAL FORCES.
Adam Smith's Premisses in the Wealth of Nations......   97
In his Moral Sentiments............                   97
Difference between him and Modern Deductionists......  99
The Method of Social Science...........           100
The Method of Ethics..........100
The Isolation of Motives......... 101




X                          CONTENTS.
PAGE
Difference between a Force and a Law....... 102
Different Kinds of Forces.........                 103
Classification of Industrial Forces............   105
The Relative Importance of Industrial Forces...       10/
The Egoistic:The First Division, or Wants........      107
The Second Division, or Desires......        109
The Hemeistic or Social Forces.........                     111
The Allostic or Moral Forces......             113
CHAPTER VII.
ON VALUE.
Value in Use and in Exchange............ 115
Various Definitions of Value..........       115
Exchangeability not an Essential Element in Value...... 116
Utility and Difficulty of Attainment in Relation to Value...  118
The Essential Character of Value............  120
Difficulty of Attainment Subordinate to Utility...        120
Definition of Value..................  121
CHAPTER VIII.
ON PRICE.
Difference between Value and Price............ 123
How Price is determined............                124'
Demand and Supply in relation to Price.........           125
Mr. Mill's Definition of the Terms Demaznd -and Sa ulnd y...  125
The Terms Unsuitable...............    127
Correlative Demand...........        128
Quantitativeness not an Essential Element in Price...... 129
The Case of a Deficiency.....                129
The Case of a Surplus...........  130
The Effect of a Deficiency or Surplus......              131
Fluctuations in the Money Market.........  132
Quantity-in relation to Price......        133




CONTENTS.                           xi
CHAPTER IX.
ON PRICE (CONTINUED).
PAGE
Instruments of Production............ 136
LABOUR:The Wages-fund Theory........                    137
Is based on two Erroneous Assumptions......  138
That the Capital of a Country is a Fixed Quantity...  138
That Wages are paid out of Capital.........         139
The Relation of Profits to Wages.....           140
The Case of the Coal and Iron Trades.........        141
Variations in the Rate of Wages in Different Countries  145
Special Causes of Variation..........                146
Variations in the same Country...     149
Regulated by Profits............... 149
CAPITAL:The Relation of Profits to Interest..........    151
The Price of Money in New and in Old Countries. 152
LAND:The Relation of Profits to Rent......                153
PART III.-RELATIONS.
CHAPTER X.
RELATION TO SOCIOLOGY.
Points of Agreement between Industrial and Social'Science... 157
The Deductionists' Hypothesis............     158
The Family as the Unit...............  159
The Standpoint of the Sociologist.........     160
Structure of the Social and Industrial Organism..... 162
Subordination of Industrial to Social Science......     163
The Sphere of Social and Industrial Forces........ 165




Xii                        CONTENTS.
CHAPTER XI.
RELATION  TO ETHICS.
rAGE 
Insufficiency of the Hemeistic Forces........  166
The Lancashire Cotton Spinners............         166
Manufacturers and Middlemen......... 168
Views of Plato and Aristotle.............           171
Ihdustry based on the Ethical Sentiment.......             172
As in the Case of Property......           172
In Contract...............  174
Why the Ethical Sentiment is Essential.........       174
Relation of Industrial to Social and Ethical Science...... 175
CHAPTER XII.
RELATION TO ART.
Difference between Science and Art............ 176
The Art of Legislation............              176
Industrial Art ignored............         177
Mental Phenomena incapable of Prevision......     178
Notwithstanding this a Moral Science exists.........   179
The Deductiozists insist on Prevision........     180
Laissez fcaire............ 181 
State Interference Necessary...........                  182
Legislative Art follows Nature's Method.......   183
Ends and Means of Art............                  184
Social Ends................. 184
Social Means...............     185
One Cause of Industrial Supremacy.........  186
Buying in the Cheapest Market.........             187
Society the Best Judge of its own Interests......... 188
Index..............          189




PART I.
MATTER AND METHOD.








OUTLINE S
OF AN
INDUSTRIAL SCIENCE.
CHAPTER I.
THE SUBJECT-MATTER.
ANY large or comprehensive subject usually requires,
in order that it may be conveniently or exClassificahaustively treated in all its details, to be tionof
subject.
broken up into separate parts or divisions, and
these again into other parts or subdivisions. Accordingly, in dealing with the Science of Man, which is
certainly one of the largest and most comprehensive of
subjects, it has been the practice heretofore to consider
it under two main divisions-; under the one is included
all that refers to the physical, and under the other, all
that refers to the mental side of man's nature. And,
carrying out the mode of treatment here inrdicated,
we have, on the physical side, the organic sciencesPhysiology, Anatomy, and Organic Chemistry; and, on
B




2              INDUSTRIAL SCIENCE.
the mental side, we have Psychology, Ethics, Politics,
and what is termed Political Economy.
Another question of primary importance in dealing
Mode of with such a subject as that before us, is the
procedure. mode of procedure, or the process of investigation to be pursued. The first step is to arrange
those facts or phenomena which are of a homogeneous
character into distinct groups or classes. Our subject
being Man, we have, on the physical side, for instance,
the phenomena of human existence, the structure of
the human body, and the various chemical processes
affecting the living organism, which are treated under
Physiology, Anatomy, and Organic Chemistry respectively. On the mental side, on the other hand, we have
the phenomena of cogitation, of human judgments, or
of what are included under the terms conscience and
moral sense, of social organization, and of industrial activity, which are treated of under Psychology,
Ethics, Politics, and Political Economy respectively. It
is with the phenomena of the latter class alone that
I propose to deal in the present instance.
When we look around us, we find mankind actively
and incessantly engaged in operations of various
The
subject.  kinds, and all of them entailing labour of a more
matter.
or less painful character. They plough, they
sow, they reap.  They clear forests, reclaim  swamps,
and change the face of nature. They make roads, construct bridges  and  railways.  They build houses,
workshops, and palaces. They cover the land with




THE SUBJECT-MATTER.               3
cities, and the sea with ships. They work up the raw
material of the field, the forest, and the mine into
finished manufactures, and carry these to the most
distant places of the earth. And along with all this,
there is a continual process of exchange of products
carried on between man and man, and between one
country and another. Every one is producing something that some one requires, and everything produced is exchanged for something else; commodities
for services, services for commodities, and commodities
for commodities. The whole human race appears to
be perpetually occupied in making and  unmaking,
in buying and selling, in producing and consuming. And this process is going on from day to
day, from year to year, from one generation to another,
without intermission. Why this restlessness, this incessant activity, this enormous expenditure of human
energy? These are the phenomena which constitute
the subject-matter of that branch of the science of man
which I venture to call INDusTRIAL SCIENCE. We have
a Science of Mental Action, a Science of Moral Action,
and a Science of Social Action; why should there not
be also a Science of Industrial Action? On the other
hand, it is difficult to see why there should be a science
of Wealth. Why of Wealth any more than of any other
object of human desire, as, for instance, of Health, of
Power, of Honour, or of Fame?
Here it is necessary to say something about the title
of this work. I have adopted the term Industrial Science




4              INDUSTRIAL SCIENCE.
instead of Political Economy, because the former properly
indicates the subject under investigation, which
The term
Politiccali the latter does not. Words are misleading
Econonby.
when they do not convey the meaning intended.
The word Economy means the regulation of the house,
or the judicious management of a man's property, and
is so used both by Aristotle and Xenophon. In its
modern English acceptation, it means frugality' or parsimony. Its technical or scientific use is, therefore,
neither in accordance with the Greek nor English
meaning of the word. Nor does the adjunct Political
help us in the least out of the difficulty. In the first
place, the qualifying word has already been appropriated
by a cognate science (Politics) in strict accordance
with its meaning. In the second place, when it is used
as an adjunct to the word Economy, it conveys a false
meaning, and one never intended by those who use it;
for Political Economy would then mean the regulation of
the house applied to the state. The term would express
that management which the state exercises, or ought to
exercise, for the benefit of all its citizens. I need hardly
say that economists, and least of all those of the
modern English school, do not inculcate the doctrine
that the state should direct the industry of the country,
which is the obvious meaning of the words. As, therefore, the term now used is misleading, even when
applied to the subjects usually- discussed under that
head, and as it is even less appropriate to the scope
of the following inquiry, I have preferred the term




THE SUBJECT-MATTER.                   5
Industrial' Science, as being more suitable every way
considered.
Political Economy has been variously defined as "the
science which states the laws regulating the
Definitions
production and distribution of wealth;" 1 "the of the
Science.
science of the laws which regulate the production, accumulation, distribution, and consumption of
those articles or products that are necessary, useful, or
agreeable to man;" 2 the science which investigates
"the nature of wealth, and the laws of its production
and distribution." 3The subject-matter of Political
Economy, according to these authorities, is Wealth;
and Political Economy may be said to be, and is, in fact,
usually called, the Science of Wealth. Thus, Adam
Smith discussed the principles of Economic Science
under the title of The Wealth of Nations; and Prof.
Hearn, more recently, treated the same subject under
the title of Plutology.
It will be observed that in these definitions economic
writers use the term  Wealth in a purely tech- The term
nical sense. They understand by it all objects Wea.lth
whatsoever which possess value.4 With Malthus, Wealth
includes "all material objects which are voluntarily
appropriated by individuals." 6  McCulloch, as we have
seen, does not employ the term Wealth, but uses the
1 Senior, Introductory Lectures on Political Economy, p. 36.
2 McCulloch, Princ4iles of Political Economy, p. 1.
3 Mill, Principles of Political Economy, p. 1.
4 Senior, Political Economny, p. 6. Fourth edition.
5 Principles of Political Economy, p. 33. Second edition.




6                 INDUSTRIAL SCIENCE.
periphrasis, "articles or products that are necessary,
useful, or agreeable to man," to express the same idea;
and Mill includes under it "all useful or agreeable
things which possess exchangeable value; or, in other
words, all useful or agreeable things, except those which
can be obtained, in the quantity desired, without labour
or sacrifice." 1
Note here the difficulty which besets the student at
the very outset of the inquiry, owing to the want of
proper terms to express the subject-matter under investigation.  First, we have the term  Political Economy,
which is either meaningless or misleading.   Next we
have to fall back on the term  Wealth to indicate the
subject-matter; but this, like the term Political Economy,
is used in a purely technical sense, which is neither in
accordance with its etymological nor its popular meaning.
Surely no science was ever so unfortunately placed for
want of a proper  vocabulary.   The  terms  Political
Economy and Wealth, in the sense used by economic
writers, violate nearly the whole of the  seven fundamental aphorisms laid down by Whewell for the use of
technical terms. 2
I Principles of Political Economy. Preliminary Remarks, p. 11.
2 Take for instance the last four:
" 4. When common words are appropriated as technical terms, their
meaning and relations in common use should be retained as far as can
conveniently be done.
"5. When common words are appropriated as technical terms, their
meaning may be modified, and must be rigorously fixed.
"6. When common words are appropriated as technical terms, this
must be done so that they are not ambiguous in their application.




THE SUBJECT-MATTER.                  7
In immediate connection with this difficulty there rises
the question, Is Wealth, in the economic sense of Is Wealth
the term, really the subject-matter of Political  ubject
Economy? If so,'and if Wealth consists, as we matter?
have seen it defined, of all objects necessary, useful, or
agreeable to man, then Political Economy must be a very
comprehensive science indeed, for there is scarcely an
object that can be mentioned the possession of which is
not more or less necessary, useful, or agreeable to some
one, somewhere, at one time or other; and if, as J. S.
Mill and his followers tell us, it is the object of Political
Economy to investigate the nature of the laws which
regulate the production and distribution (and, according
to some, even the accumulation and consumption) of all
things which constitute Wealth, there would absolutely
be no limit to the iniquiry, which would embrace an
investigation into the nature of, and the laws which
govern, everything under the sun. It is evident that
economic writers have never sufficiently considered the
import of this definition, or they could not have put it
forth to the world in the manner they have done.
There is another consideration involved in this question. If Wealth consists of material objects IsPolitical
(which no economic writer has yet called in Economya
mental or
question, although Mill would not limit his. aphysical
science P
definition to these), then Political Economy
" 7. It is better to form new words as technical terms than to employ
old ones in which the three last aphorisms cannot be complied with."
Dissert. on the Progress of Ethical Philosophy. Works, vol. i. p. 5.




8               INDUSTRIAL SCIENCE.
would be a physical and not a mental science. On the
other hand, if Political Economy be a mental science,
it has just as much concern with the objects which
constitute wealth as Psychology, for instance, or Ethics
has with the external world. It is a matter'of the
very greatest importance to have clear ideas on this
point, as for want of them most writers on this subject
have helplessly involved themselves in a maze of
error.
The confusion of ideas we find existing, even amongst
the most eminent authorities, as to the true character
of Economic Science, is most remarkable.  The only
writers who have attempted to define the position of
Mill's   Political Economy are J. S. Mill and Prof.
view.    Cairnes, and neither of them  has, it appears
to me, succeeded in dealing with the subject in a satisfactory manner.  "The laws of the production of the
objects which constitute wealth," says Mill, "are the
subject-matter both of Political Economy and of almost
all the physical sciences.   Such, however, of these
laws as are purely laws of matter, belong to physical science, and to that exclusively. Such of these
as are the laws of human mind, and no others,
belong to Political Economy, which finally sums up
the result of both combined."' It would be difficult
to put together statements more irreconcilable with
each other than those contained in the three sentences I have just quoted.  "The laws of the objects
1 Some Ulnsettled Qulestions of Political Economy, p. 132.




THE SUBJECT-MATTER.                 9
which constitute wealth," we are told in- the first sentence, " are the subject-matter of Political Economy " in
common with all the physical sciences; in the second we
are informed that only " such of these laws as are the
laws of human mind" belong to this science; and in
the' third, notwithstanding we have just been informed
that Political Economy has to deal with only a portion
of these laws, it is stated, that it "finally sums up the
result of both combined." One thing only is certain,
that all three statements cannot be correct; for if
Political Economy has to deal with the laws of matter,
it cannot be a mental science; if, on the other hand,
it has to deal with the laws of mind, it cannot be a
physical science; and lastly, if it has to deal with
both, it cannot be'exclusively either the one or the
other.
Prof. Cairnes's explanation  is, if possible, still
more unintelligible.  Political Economy is, Cairnes's
according to this writer, "the science which, view.
accepting as ultimate facts the principles of human
nature and the physical laws of the external world,
investigates the laws of the production and, distribution of wealth, which results from  their combined
operation."' This definition is comprehensive enough
if it has not the merit of clearness, and his remarks
farther on do not help to simplify matters in the least.
" The laws of the phenomena of wealth which belong to
Political Economy to explain," he says, "depend equally
1 Character and Logical Method of Political Economy, p. 10.




10             INDUSTRIAL SCIENCE.
on physical and mental laws," and " the subject-matter
of Political Economy, namely, wealth, is neither purely
physical nor purely mental, but possesses a complex
character equally derived from both departments of
nature, and the laws of which are neither mental nor
physical laws, though they are dependent, and, as I maintain, dependent equally, on the laws of matter and on
those of mind." And again:-" Political Economy belongs neither to the department of physical nor that of
mental inquiry, but occupies an intermediate position."'
I confess I am unable to understand what these laws
are which are neither physical nor mental; and I am
equally at a loss to conceive the nature of the science
which is here said to occupy an intermediate position
between matter and mind.
At this stage of the inquiry, I content myself. with
Political stating that I regard Political Economy as a
Economya purely mental science. When we consider that
science. industrial phenomena are the product of human
actions, and that human actions again are the product
of mental impulses, no other conclusion appears to me to
be possible. It is true that in treating of industrial
phenomena we come into contact with material objects,
but the fact does not necessarily make Political Economy
a physical science. Even in the science of pure mind,
we are constantly brought face to face with matter, as,
for instance, when we trace ideas and sensations to certain external objects which produce them; but mental
1 Character arnd Logical Method of Political Econonzy, p. 24.




THE SUBJECT-MATTER.              11
science does not concern itself with the external objects,
being occupied exclusively with the sensations and ideas
of which they are merely the inciting cause. So it is with
the material objects which constitute Wealth. It is not
with these that Political Economy has to deal, but with
the impressions which they produce, the mental associations connected with them, and the Desires which their
presence or absence incite. Thus the presence of food
produces a sensation of pleasure, and the absence of food
a sensation of pain. The association connected in the
mind with these sensations, and an object supposed to
be capable of producing them, incite a desire to obtain
possession of that object. These are all mental phenomena; and I maintain that it is with these, and with
these exclusively, that Economic Science has to deal.
Whether wheat, for instance, is a more nourishing article
of human food than oats or barley, is no concern of
the farmer who grows it, of the miller who grinds it, or
of the baker who bakes it; the fact that wheat is an
object of human desire is alone sufficient to ensure the
expenditure of human labour in its production; and
the various processes involved in its production, its conversion into flour and again into bread, form no part of
the subject-matter of Economic Science, but belong properly to practical agriculture and domestic economy.
The sole importance which this or any other object of
Wealth has to the student of Economic Science, lies in
the fact that it is, has been, or may become, an object of
human desire.




12             INDUSTRIAL SCIENCE.
The subject-matter of the science we have to investigate, therefore, is not Wealth, but Industrial
Industrial
Science   Activity.  Industrial Science may be defined
defined.
as the science which investigates the laws
which regulate human industry.   Thus understood,
Industrial Science is entitled to take its place among
the mental sciences-a position to which Political
Economy has hitherto been unable to lay any just
claim.




CHAPTER II.
METHOD OF INVESTIGATION.
IT is somewhat remarkable that so little attention has
been given to the method of investigation in'Economic
Science. The modern English school, following Adam
Smith and Mill, have, without exception,.adopted the
deductive method. Adam  Smith, indeed, noAdam
where distinctly states what his method is, but Smith's.from numerous remarks scattered throughout
the Wealth of Nations, and from the whole tenor of that
work, it seems tolerably certain that his treatment of the
subject was mainly deductive.  "The tendency of any
man to follow his own interest," "the natural effort of
every man to better his own condition," were fundamental propositions with him, and from these he deduced
all the principles laid down in his work.l
Senior distinctly adopts the deductive method, and
maintains that it is the only one applicable to Senior's
the science.2  "The general facts on which view.
See Wealth of Nations, book ii. ch. iii. See also book iv. ch. v.
2 Political Econonmy, p. 1.




14              INDUSTRIAL SCIENCE.
the science of Political Economy rests," he says, "are
comprised in a few general propositions," of which the
first and fundamental one is stated to be "that every
man desires to obtain additional wealth with as little
sacrifice as possible."  By the desire for wealth, he explains, that he does not mean that everybody, or indeed
anybody, wishes for an indefinite quantity of anything,
or that wealth is, or ought to- be, the principal object of
human desire, but simply that no person ever feels his
whole wahts to be absolutely supplied, and that every one
has some unsatisfied desires which he believes additional
wealth would gratify. In his opinion, the proposition
that "every man desires to obtain additional wealth," is
self-evident; and he apologizes for explaining it at some
length on the ground of its supreme importance, it being
a proposition that is " assumed in every process of
economic reasoning," is the "corner-stone of the doctrine
of wages and profits, and, generally speaking, of exchange." In short, he maintains that the proposition is
in Political Economy, " what gravitation is in physics, or
the dictum de omni et nullo in logic: the ultimate fact
beyond which reasoning cannot go, and of which almost
every other proposition is merely an illustration." 1
I hardly know whether to include Prof. Cairnes
Cairnes's among the deductionists or not, his views on
view.    the subject being  so inconsistent.  In  his
essay on The Logical Method of Political Economy, he
evidently regards Political Economy as a purely deduc-' Political Economy, p. 28.




METHOD OF INVESTIGATION.               15
tive science, although, strangely enough, he classifies
it with Astronomy, Mechanics, Optics, Chemistry, and
Electricity,l which are obviously inductive sciences; and
in the same essay he describes it as "both a positive
and a hypothetical science."  In a more recent work,2
however, he throughout discusses the subject from the
standpoint of the deductionist.
It is to J. S. Mill that we are indebted for the first clear
and distinct exposition of the deductive method Mill's
as applicable to Economic Science. "Political view.
Economy," he tells us, " does not treat of the whole of
man's nature as modified by the social state nor of the
conduct of man in society. It is concerned with him
solely as a being who desires to possess wealth, and who
is capable of judging of the comparative efficacy of means
of obtaining that end. It predicts only such of the phenomena of the social state as take place in consequence
of the pursuit of wealth. It makes entire abstraction of
every other human passion or motive, except those which
may be regarded as perpetually antagonizing principles
to the desire of wealth, namely, aversion to labour, and
the desire of the present enjoyment of costly luxuries.
~.. Political Economy considers mankind as occupied
solely in acquiring and consuming wealth; and aims at
showing what is the course of action into which mankind, living in a state of society, would be impelled, if
that motive, except in the degree in which it is checked
1Page 40.
2 Essays on Political Econonvy, Essay viii.




16              INDUSTRIAL SCIENCE.
by the two perpetual counter motives above adverted to,
were absolute ruler of all their actions." 1 The view
here given, he goes on to explain, is not that mankind
are in reality solely influenced by the motives referred to
above, but, that Political Economy is only concerned with
these. It assumes that the desire to obtain wealth is
"the main or acknowledged end" of industrial action,
and it proceeds to treat of this as "the sole end."  "There
are," he says, "certain departments of human affairs,
in which the acquisition of wealth is the main or acknowledged end.  It is only  of these that Political
Economy takes notice. The manner in which it necessarily
proceeds is that of treating the main and acknowledged
end as if it were the sole end, which, of all hypotheses
equally simple, is the nearest to the truth." 2 Mill here
assumes, first, that " the main and acknowledged end"
is the desire of wealth; secondly, that the main and
acknowledged end is "the sole end."  The process by
which he converts a "main and acknowledged end," into
"the sole end" is not discovered, so we cannot explain
how the strange conversion has been brought about. It
is not pretended that the second proposition is identical
with the first, or that it is an axiomatic truth, or that
it is based on what he calls "the real order of human
affairs."  He seems, in fact, to have assumed it on account of its simplicity, since the only reason assigned for
its adoption is the statement that, "like all hypotheses
1 Some Unsettled Queestions, pp. 137, 138.
2 Ibid. pp. 139, 140.




METHOD OF INVESTIGATION.           17
equally simple," it appeared to him to " be nearest the
truth." In other words, the deductive method required
an hypothesis, and this one appeared to him the most,
suitable for his purpose.
This method has certainly the merit of great simplicity.  Once admit the hypothesis, and the
Mill's
principles deducible from it become a mere'view
examined.
matter of dialectics.  An hypothesis to be of
any value, however, must be capable of explaining all
the phenomena for which it is used. Does the hypothesis in question serve such a purpose?
Strictly speaking, it cannot be said that the desire
of wealth, in the sense of including purpose or end,
is "the sole end" or motive of industrial action. A
motive seldom or ever exists under conditions that
admit of being regarded by itself. Generally speaking,
every motive has more than one aspect or relation.
There are intermediate, and there are ulterior ends.
The acquisition of wealth cannot be regarded as an
ulterior, but only as an intermediate end. Wealth is
not pursued for its own sake, but on account of
the pleasures it may bring, or the pains it may avert.
The prospect of even an enormous amount of wealth
will never impel to exertion if it is believed its possession would not conduce to happiness.  Wealth is
pursued as a means, not as an end; and the term
"means " implies other modes of arriving at the
same end, as the term "end" implies the subordination of means.
c




18               INDUSTRIAL SCIENCE.
With regard to the hypothesis laid down by Mill,
namely, that mankind invariably and exclusively act with
a view to the possession of the maximum of wealth, with
the minimum  expenditure of labour or self-denial, I am
surprised that it has been seriously entertained. Is it not
within the experience of every one, that acts, of a strictly
industrial character, are performed every hour of the
day by persons into whose mind the idea of wealth has
scarcely, if ever, entered? We do many things because
other people do them; because we have become accustomed to do them; because by doing them we think we
will gratify or benefit some one; and because we believe
it right and proper they should be done. Even in cases
where a decision  has been  arrived  at after mature
deliberation, the acquisition of wealth enters often as a
merely subordinate consideration. A youth commences
an industrial career by choosing a trade, business, or
profession. Is his sole motive the acquisition of the
maximum  of wealth?   If so, how is it that so many
deliberately adopt a career that is comparatively nonlucrative? Or if it be said that it is his parents who
choose for him, how is it that they do not invariably
select the most lucrative?l  When we see it stated,
1 " What," asks Prof. Cliffe Leslie, "do we learn respecting the real
division of employments in Auvergne-the motives which determine
it, the distribution of landed property and other wealth, the scale of
wages and prices-from the assumption that every individual pursues
his pecuniary interest to the uttermost?  Is it simply the desire of
pecuniary gain which makes one Avergnat a porter at Lyons, another a
priest at Clermont, and the sisters of both perhaps nuns, while an elder




METHOD  OF INVESTIGATION.                    19
with all the formality and scientific precision of an ascertained law, that the desire of wealth alone regulates
profits, prices, and wages,1 we naturally look for some
evidence in  support of the  statement.   But none  is
forthcoming. The statement is entirely unsupported by
facts.  It is a matter beyond dispute that profits, prices,
and wages vary in different countries, and even in the
same country and in localities immediately adjacent to
each other, facts quite irreconcilable with the hypothesis
that the sole motive of every man is to acquire the
maximum of wealth. Take wages, for instance. The rate
of wages in the same trade differs materially in England,
France, Belgium, Germany, Switzerland, the  United
States of America, and in Australia. In no two of these
brother of each has the whole family property? In one only of the
three regions described is pecuniary interest the dominant principle;
and even in that region there are inequalities of wages and profits, with
other economic phenomena, utterly with variance at doctrines which, by a
curious combination of blunders, have been called by some writers,'economic laws.' The faith of the school of English economists removes mountains. In France, where labour moves from place to place
and from agriculture to other employments much more freely than in
England, mountains certainly do not prevent the migration of labour.
Yet even in France, the migration by no means takes place on such a
scale, or with such facility, as nearly to equalize wages; and in places
from which it is greatest, the department of the Creuse and the province
of Auvergne, the main cause is not pecuniary interest. The younger
brother in Auvergne goes from his home to a distant city in obedience to
traditional family sentiments; and the peasant goes from Creuse to
Paris as a mason, not because he has calculated the difference of earnings
in the two places, and in different employments (for he could make more
in many cases by remaining at home), but because his father went to
Paris before him, and his comrades do around him." - Fortnightly
Review, Dec. 1874.
1 Senior, Political Econonmy, p. 28.




20              INDUSTRIAL SCIENCE.
countries is the rate of wages the same. But the rate
differs even in the same country. In some districts of
France wages in the same trade are nearly double what
they are in others. Every one knows that there are
hardly two counties in England where the same rate of
wages prevails.  Agricultural labourers in the North get
about 50 per cent. higher wages than the same class
earn in the South and West.l  There is a London rate,
a Liverpool rate, a Manchester rate, and a Glasgow rate,
in every trade. If the desire of wealth alone regulated
wages, the workman would invariably migrate from those
places where wages were low to those where they were
high, and the rate would thus become uniform.
Perhaps the only place where an approach has been
made to a realisation of this state of things is at
England's antipodes. In the Australian colonies the
labouring classes think nothing of undertaking a journey
of hundreds, and even thousands, of miles in search of
employment, for they pass freely  from  Victoria to
Queensland, and even to New Zealand, and back, when
wages are higher in the one place than the other; and
when any new gold field is discovered in any part of
Australia or New Zealand, they flock to it from all
quarters by the thousand. But, then, all these colonies
are under the same flag; the population are all of the
same race; they all speak the same language; the
1 Report of the Commission on the Employment of Children anrd Young
Persons in Agriculture, 1868. Work and Wages, by Thos. Brassey, p. 81.
Workmen and Wages, by S. Ward, p. 156.




METHOD OF INVESTIGATION.                   21
labouring classes have been inured to the nomadic life
of the gold-digger, and few of them have any domestic ties
of any kind; the people are so hospitable that a man can
travel from  colony to colony at very little expense, and,
lastly, the climate is so genial that one may sleep in the
open  air  for nine  months in  the year with  perfect
impunity. Elsewhere, however, the'migration is of a
very languid character, and a moment's consideration
will show that it could not well be otherwise.  A man
has feelings, habits, and opinions which do not always
harmonize with mere wealth-getting propensities. Early
associations with his place of birth count for something
with him; relatives, friends, and acquaintances bind him
by strong ties to certain localities; and habits, which he
cannot shake off at a moment's notice, make a frequent
change of residence both unpleasant and inconvenient.
He is, in  fact, not the abstraction  the deductionists
represent him to be.'
I Curiously enough the elder Mill adopted a similar method in Politics
to that which his son subsequently took in Political Economy. The
former took as his postulate the proposition that all men desire
Power, the latter that all men desire Wealth, and both worked out their
conclusions in the same manner by deduction. (See' Essay on Government, by James  iill, in collected Essays, p. 9.) No one knew better
than the author of the Analysis of the Human Mind, that man has other
desires than that of power, but he chose to ignore them on that
occasion, and thereby exposed himself to Macaulay's merciless onslaught in the Edinburgh Reviewz, which is now better known than
The Essay on Government which called it forth. It is a remarkable
instance of human inconsistency, -that a process of reasoning which
should at once be all but unanimously rejected, not only as unsuitable,
but as absurd, when applied to one department of human nature, should,
when applied to another, not only be looked upon as perfectly proper,




22             INDUSTRIAL SCIENCE.
Let us see what would be the effect on industry if
The     this hypothesis were correct. Suppose an emmaximum ployer and employe to be both influenced by
of wealth
theory. the sole motive of obtaining the maximum of
wealth with the minimum expenditure of labour or selfdenial. The object of the employer is to get as much
work done for as little money as possible; the object of
the employe is to get the highest wages for the smallest
possible amount of work. They agree, we shall suppose,
as to terms; so much wages for so many hours' work.
The workman knows nothing of what is implied by the
word Duty any more than his employer; the social affections are not represented on the one side or the other;
they have nothing in common between them but only this,
that each is desirous of securing an advantage over the
other. With the workman everything that he does is
done grudgingly. His own and not his employer's
interests are alone thought of. He takes no pride in
his work; he never does anything but what he is compelled to do; and if he occasionally makes an extra
effort he regards that only as so much loss. What
would be the value of such services to an employer?
The employer, of course, pursues a precisely similar
course towards his workman. Each endeavours to cheat
the other all he can, and sees no harm in it, for the only
standard to guide them is their individual interests, and,
according to this standard, what is good for the one is
but as the only possible method applicable, and should maintain its
ground unchallenged for a quarter of a century.




METHOD OF INVESTIGATION.           23
bad for the other, and vice versa. It is impossible to
conceive of the existence of industrial activity under
such conditions.
Equally impossible is it to conceive of the existence
of society under such circumstances. A man The
of one idea is bad enough, but a man with one sinotgivle
motive would become a pest to all around him, theory.
and a community of such individuals would become a
pest to itself. There could be no responsibility in such
a case, for the individual would be entirely uncontrollable in his actions. Even if the members of such
a community were animated by the purest and most
unselfish of motives, the desire to do good, the result
would scarcely be an improvement on the present order
of things. A society where every one was neglecting his
own affairs and looking after the affairs of some one else,
where no one had any personal wants or desires of his
own to gratify, would be in a state of perpetual distraction. The members of such a society would be helpless as
children in matters affecting themselves, and officiously
intermeddling where they were not wanted.  What,
then, would be the case if all the members of a community were influenced by a single motive of an opposite
kind?  Suppose an individual actuated solely by the
desire of wealth. That motive would take entire possession of him. He would be absolutely irresponsible
for his actions. Every thought and act would be
directed towards the acquisition of wealth, as the sole
end and purpose of life. He would have no scruple




24              INDUSTRIAL SCIENCE.
as to the means of attaining this end. He would feel
himself under no obligations to speak the truth, keep
his promises, or carry out his engagements. If his
end could be better or easier attained by cheating,
robbery, and even murder, there is no reason why,
according to this hypothesis, cheating, robbery, and
murder should not be resorted to. The desire of wealth
would become avarice in its most hideous form, and the
individual under the control of this passion would become
a danger to society. These are the phenomena that
would manifest themselves if the hypothesis in question
were the correct one; and the fact that such phenomena
do not exist proves its worthlessness.
While insisting that his hypothesis is the only correct
one, Mill, nevertheless, shows his want of conEven Mill
admits his fidence in its truth by providing for the detechypothesis
to be in- tion of errors, which he sees to be inseparable
adeqnate. from its adoption. Political Economy, he tells
us, inquires, "what are the actions which would be produced by this desire if, within the departments in question, it were unimpeded by any other. In this way, a
nearer approach is obtained than would otherwise be
practicable, to.the real order of human affairs in these
departments.  This approximation is then to be corWrected by making proper allowance for the effects of any
impulses of a different description, which can be shown
to interfere with the result in any particular case..
So far as it is known, or may be presumed, that the
conduct of man in the pursuit of wealth is under the




METHOD OF INVESTIGATION.             25
collateral influence of any other of the properties of our
nature than the desire of obtaining the greatest quantity
of wealth with the least labour and self-denial, the conclusions of Political Economy will so far fail of being
applicable to the explanation or prediction of real events,
until they are modified by a correct allowance for the
degree of influence exercised by the other causes."l It
must be admitted that the prospect of arriving at the
truth by this process is not reassuring. For, in the
first place, the fundamental hypothesis is admitted to be
insufficient of itself, as only an "approximation" of the
truth can be obtained by its application. In the second
place, this approximation has to be corrected where other
impulses " can be shown to interfere with the result in
any particular case," while proof of such interference
could only be shown by observation, or, in other words,
by induction. Lastly, we presume, the " approximation"
referred to has, when other motives intervene, to be
corrected by adopting other kinds of hypotheses to suit
particular cases, to be followed up independently in the
same manner as the first.  The result will only be an
indefinite number of similar approximations.  What is
to be done with these when we get them? The conclusions arrived at by the first hypothesis, we are told,
are to be modified by making a " correct allowance " for
the degree of influence exercised by the other causes.
But how, again, are we to ascertain "the degree of
influence exercised" except by induction? and how are
1 Some Unsettled Questions, p. 140.




26              INDUSTRIAL SCIENCE.
we to arrive at the " antecedent causes" except by the
same process?
Not only does Mill admit that the results obtained by
He admhits his peculiar process require to be corrected,
also the  he further admits the value of the inductive
necessity
of veri-   method in verifying the results arrived at by
fication.
deduction.  "We cannot," he  says, "too
carefully endeavour to verify our theory, by comparing, in the particular cases to which we have
access, the results which it (the deductive method)
would have led us to predict, with the most trustworthy
accounts we can obtain from  thoseT which have been
actually realized. The discrepancy between our anticipations and the actual fact is often the only circumstance
which would have drawn our attention to some important disturbing cause which we had overlooked. Nay, it
oftens discloses to us errors in thought still more serious
than the omission of what can with any propriety be
termed a disturbing cause. It often reveals to us that
the basis of our whole argument is insufficient; that
the data from which we had reasoned comprise only a
part, and not always the most important part, of the
circumstances by which the result is really determined." 1  What does this mean if not the abandonment
of the deductive method? If, but for this verifying process, our deductions might be all wrong, what value can
we possibly attach to the deductive method so far as its
application to industrial phenomena is concerned?
Some Unsetttled Questions, p. 154.




METHOD OF INVESTIGATION.            27
But, in truth, the making-allowance theory is not
applicable in all cases. Motives are of various The
kinds, and impel to various, and even opposite, properallowance
courses of action, according to their character. theory inapplicable.
One motive impels to one kind of action, another motive to action of an entirely different kind. I
owe a man a sum of money, and if I am influenced solely
by a desire to obtain the maximum of wealth by the
minimum of expenditure, I will refuse to pay it; if, on
the other hand, I am actuated mainly by a sense of duty,
I will pay what I owe whatever may be the consequences
to myself. There can be no compromise between motives
such as these, any more than there can be between a
negative and an affirmative proposition, and there can,
therefore, be no "proper allowances " made in such
cases. It is not a question as to the extent of the modifying influence of one motive upon another, but of two
motives which neutralize each other.
If, then, the hypothesis in question fails to explain all the phenomena of industrial life; if
the results obtained by this process are only sion from
the whole.
approximately true, and can only be true by
making allowances for disturbing causes; and if, at
the same time, it is found to be impossible to make
these allowances, or to adjust motives which neutralize
each other; and if, after all, the verifying or inductive
process is still necessary to correct important, and
even fundamental errors, arrived at by the deductive
process, surely enough has been said to show that this
method is inapplicable to the subject before us.




28              INDUSTRIAL SCIENCE.
In all investigations of which Man is the subject,
The true' the only proper method of treatment is by
method
is the   induction.  Psychology, Ethics, Politics, and
Inductive. Industrial Science, are all Sciences of Observatioh. By the latter term we understand experience in
its widest sense, including a recognition of the internal
facts of consciousness as well as the external facts of
human activity. Mill, indeed, contends that experience
is altogether inefficacious in the moral sciences.  "In
chemistry and natural philosophy," he says, "we can
not only observe what happens under all the combination of circumstances which nature brings together, but
we can also try an indefinite number of combinations.
This we can seldom do in ethical, and scarcely ever in
political, science. We, therefore, study nature under
great disadvantages in these sciences; being confined
by the limited number of experiments which take place
(if we may so speak) of their own accord, without any
preparation or management of ours; in circumstances,
moreover, of great perplexity, and never perfectly known
to us, and with the far greater part of the processes concealed from  observation." 1  It is no doubt true that
the student of Industrial Science cannot treat human
beings as the chemist can treat inert matter, nor is it
necessary he should. Experiments enough are already
made to his hand, and all that is requisite is that he
should collect and apply them.  Thus, the changes
brought about in seasons of scarcity and plenty, in
1 Some Unsettled Questions, pp. 146, 147.




METHOD OF INVESTIGATION.               29
periods of adversity and prosperity, of stagnation and
activity in trade or commerce, affect production and.
consumption, prices, wages, and currency in a variety of
ways, and are indirect experiments of the very greatest
value. But we can also "try an indefinite number of
combinations."  All changes we make in customs and
excise duties, and in the mode of taxation, for example,
are, in their very nature, experiments; and the whole
course of legislation in banking, currency, usury, forestalling, wages, and combinations; our factory acts,
health acts, licensing acts, insolvent acts, insurance,
landlord and tenant, and master and servants acts; our
corn laws, game laws, poor laws, patent, navigation,
and sumptuary laws, are nothing but a long series of
experiments, and we can extend these in any direction
we think proper.
Nor can we agree with Mill in the opinion that in
the investigation of the moral sciences, as com- Is more
applicable
pared with the physical, the student stands at o loral
than to
any disadvantage whatever. Indeed, we believe physical
quite the contrary to be the case.   In  the science.
physical sciences, as has been  well said, we can
only interrogate nature by a slow  and tedious process, for nature is mute; but in the moral sciences the
object, man, is also the subject, and he is a conscious
articulate being.  He can  explain  his own feelings
and describe the motives of his own acts.l  In the
1 Lewis, On the Methods of Observations and Reasoning in Politics,
vol. i p. 165. See also Bain, Mental and Moral Science, p. 223.




30             INDUSTRIAL SCIENCE.
moral sciences, therefore, we get directly at the cause;
in the physical only indirectly. The individual knows
what motives impel him to action; he —can also ascertain the motives which influence other people around
him, for he can interrogate them, and they can answer;
and he has, in addition, the actions themselves, which
he can interpret in the same way as he can the phenomena of nature. There is, therefore, no special
reason why the inductive method should not be applicable to the moral sciences, at least in the first instance.
Once the facts have been correctly ascertained, deductive
reasoning may be founded on them, but not before.
Deduction properly begins where induction ends.




CHAPTER III.
ALLEGED SUFFICIENCY. OF SELF-INTEREST.
THE principle that underlies the whole system of the
English school of Political Economy is self- Thedogma
interest. This is regarded not only as an es- stated.
sential force, but as an all-sufficient one. It needs no
supplementing, and it brooks no interference. So far
from requiring to be adjusted or regulated by any other
force, it is the grand regulator of all other forces. What
wonder, then, that writers of this school never tire of
expatiating on the great and manifold blessings which
flow from this principle, that the very contemplation
of these fill their minds with awe and  admiration,
till language almost fails to express the benign feelings with which it inspires them? Its existence, according to the writers referred to, betokens a wise and
beneficent arrangement of Providence.' It is a sublime
contrivance which indicates the benevolent purposes of
the Deity.2 Only let it have full scope, and wealth and
1 Whateley, Lectures on Political Econonzy, p. 103.
2 Bowen, Principles of Politiccl Economy, p. 120.




32              INDUSTRIAL SCIENCE.
prosperity, such as the world has never seen, will follow
in its course.  Like the rain from heaven, it sheds its
blessing on the just and on the unjust. A man has
only to pay exclusive regard to his own interests, and to
be totally oblivious of the interests of every one around
him, and he will infallibly ensure the good of all.  The
purely selfish man is a benefactor to his species in spite
of himself.  "A  gain to each is a gain to all," as' Bastiat tersely puts it. "The grand, the noble theorem,
expounded by political economists, is this," says Mr.
Newman, " that the laws of the market which individual
interests generate, are precisely those which tend best to
the universal benefit." 1 McCulloch even goes so far as
to blame Adam Smith for not speaking in more glowing
terms of his favourite principle; for not saying, in fact,
that in promoting such branches of industry as are
most advantageous to themselves, individuals "necessarily promote such as are, at the same time, most
advantageous to the public." 2 But the blame was quite
undeserved, for Adam  Smith said very much in effect
what McCulloch blamed him for not saying. " The effort
of every man to better his condition" is, according to
Adam Smith, "so powerful a principle that it alone, and
without any assistance, is capable of carrying society
to wealth and prosperity." 3 This is putting the matter
quite strong enough, surely; but if self-interest be so
i Lectures on Politicca Economy, p. 63.
2 Princi'les of Political Economy. Introduction.
IWealth of Nations, book iv. oh. v.




ALLEGED SUFFICIENCY OF SELF-INTEREST.   33
omnipotent, and withal, so beneficent a principle, it must
obviously have been a mistake to endow mankind with
other dispositions that might interfere with it. The
sentiments of justice, courage, fortitude, benevolence,
and such like, which we affect to value so much, would,
in such a case, not only be unnecessary, but, so far as
they interfere with the beneficent operation of selfinterest, positively pernicious.
This dogma, on examination, scarcely accords with
modern scientific ideas of man's nature. Those Not in accordance
who adopt it have lost sight of the fact, that with the
man is endowed with a  constitution which lawsof
naman's
subjects him  to the operation of other laws nature.
besides those which, we are gravely told, are neither
mental nor physical, but are for the occasion termed
economic.  The human organism  being composed  of
certain physical elements, is subject to the operation
of physical laws, as, for instance, the law of gravitation, and the law  of chemical affinity; it is also
subject to organic laws, as those of nutrition, of reproduction, of growth, and decay; it is also subject
to mental laws, as those of cogitation and volition.
Mental laws do not supersede organic laws, nor do
organic supersede physical laws, but each class operates
in its own sphere, simultaneously and independently. To
say, therefore, that self-interest — the desire of wealth,
or the desire of every man to better his condition, or by
whatever name it is called-is alone sufficient to lead
individuals and nations to wealth and prosperity, is...~~~~~~~~




34              INDUSTRIAL SCIENCE.
equivalent to saying not only that a single motive is to
supersede all other impulses, desires, or sentiments
whatever, but all physical and organic forces as well,
so far at least as the economic well-being of mankind is
concerned.
But, further, those who contend for the sufficiency
Nor with  of self-interest in industrial action seem  to
facts.   forget that some people desire to prosper,
and appear indeed for a while to prosper, at other
people's expense; that, in fact, there are thieves and
cheats in the world; that a large, and even respectable,
so far as respectability now goes, section of the community make their living, and even fortunes and titles,
by making and selling fabrics that are guaranteed not
to wear, by making and selling goods that are short
of their proper weight or measure, and by making
and selling adulterated food, drink, and even drugs
that kill when they ought to cure.
As the so-called laws of Political Economy, as expounded by this school, are simply an exposition of the
mode in which self-interest operates, I propose, in the
two following chapters, to discuss at some length the
tendency of this'force.




(35)
CHAPTER IV.
DEMAND AND SUPPLY.
DEMAND and Supply is different from Competition, though
they are generally spoken of as one and the same Difference
thing. Strictly speaking, Demand and Supply between
this and
indicates the relation between a buyer and a competition.
seller, or between a seller and a buyer, whereas
Competition indicates the relation between two or more
buyers and a seller, or two or more sellers and a buyer.
Demand and Supply has reference to the exchange of two
articles between two or more persons; Competition has
also reference to exchange, but is complicated by demand
on the part of two or more persons for the same article.
Demand and Supply is a simple process of exchange;
Competition is a double process, as there is first the
struggle among competitors for the article and afterwards the exchange of it.  Thus, when one person
desires to buy an article and another desires to sell, exchange is said to be regulated by Demand and Supply;
but when two or more persons desire to buy the same




36              INDUSTRIAL SCIENCE.
article, and only one person desires to sell, the two or
more buyers have first to settle their differences amongst
themselves, and subsequently with the seller, and thus
exchange becomes complicated by the element of Competition.
Here it may be necessary to explain the meaning of
the terms Demand and Supply. By Demand
Meaning
of theterm Mill understands the "desire combined with a
Denzand.
power to purchase," or, as Adam Smith called
it, "effectual demand," and by Supply, "the quantity of
any commodity offered for sale."  But why should we
speak of "'effectual demand" any more than of "effectual
supply "? In every case of sale and purchase there is
an act of exchange, and in every act of exchange both
parties to it stand in the same relation to each other,
and both are supposed to be mutually benefited by the
transaction. A beggar, says Adam Smith, may desire a
diamond, but his desire would not be effectual if he had
not the means of purchasing it; and this reasoning is
endorsed by both Mill and Thornton. Practically, however, a desire must always be considered as combined
with a power. The desire of the beggar for the diamond
would be " effectual demand" if no one desired to possess it but himself. The desire, to be " effectual," must
be capable of satisfying the desire of the holder, and
nothing more, and a beggar may be as capable of doing
this as any one else.  "Effectual demand " is a demand.on the one side that is related to a demand on the other;
E Principles, vol. i. book iii. ch. ii. 3.




DEMAND AND SUPPLY.                37
that is to say, it is Correlative Demand. If another man
offered more for the diamond than the beggar was able
to give, the exchange, if effected, would then have been
determined by Competition.
It is difficult to understand what is really meant by
"effectual demand," or what purpose is served by the
adoption of the term. Does it mean demand effected,
that is, commodities actually purchased?  Or does it
only mean demand capable of being effected? If the latter,
how can it be ascertained when a demand is capable
of being effected except by the test of the market, in
other words, by actual sale?  Anything short of this
would not be effectual, but only tentative. If the former,
then " effectual demand " would cease to be demand at
all as soon as a sale.was effected. To add to the confusion, the correlative of "effectual demand" has been
defined, as we have seen, "the quantity of a commodity
offered for sale," which implies that the sale has not
yet been effected. Clearly, the adjunct "effectual," if
used at all, is as applicable to the seller as to the buyer;
and if we are to suppose the desire to buy must be
"combined with a power," so also must the desire to
sell, that is to say, that the seller may have to come
down to the price fixed by the buyer, as well as the
buyer come up to the price fixed by the seller. If the
seller demands too much he will have to lower his price
to the demand of the buyer, precisely in the same way
as the buyer, if he offers too little, will have to raise his
price to the demand of the seller.




38              INDUSTRIAL SCIENCE.
With regard to the mode in which Demand and
Corollaries Supply, or, as I prefer it, Correlative Demand
from this operates, I have to observe, first, that the ability
law.
to purchase an article does not increase with
the demand for it. On the contrary, the very strength
or intensity of a desire may be a bar to its satisfaction
by increasing the difficulty of purchasing. A starving
man may have an overwhelming desire to purchase food,
but he will not obtain it by desiring; he must have the
means of satisfying the man who has it. Secondly, the
ability to purchase is often in inverse ratio to the desire.
The man who has a commodity he is not particularly
desirois of selling, possesses a power over another man
who has aln intense desire to purchase it of him; intense
desire is, indeed, often incompatible with the power to
purchase, or otherwise, if the power existed, the desire
would at once be gratified.
If these propositions be true, the real nature of DeItignores mand and Supply will be apparent enough.
moral dis- Demand and Supply is not essentially just, for
tinctions.
it recognizes no moral distinctions.  It is not
universally and invariably beneficent, for it ignores the
difference between wants and desires-a difference which
is of the highest importance from an ethical point of
view. A want differs from a desire inasmuch as the latter
implies the alternative of abstinence, which the former
does not. A want is a necessity; a desire is a superfluity, the gratification of which may be dispensed with.
The demand for the conveniences and luxuries of life




DEMAND AND SUPPLY.                     39
may, or may not, be complied with; the demand for
subsistence is imperative, and permits of no alternative. Wants and desires, therefore, can never exchange
on equal terms.
Is the contest between wants and desires?  Then
the desires will be the gainer and the wants Contest
*he *loser. lbetween
the loser. As a want is stronger than a desire, wants and
a man will sacrifice more for the satisfaction of desires.
the former than he will for the latter. The greater the
want the greater the sacrifice; the less the desire the
less the sacrifice.  A  starving  man wants food, and
another man has plenty of it, but no want, only a desire
to make the best bargain he can. But the want must
exchange with the desire, and the starving man may
have to  sacrifice all he has in  order to  satisfy the
demand of the man who possesses what he requires.
A famine occurred in Orissa in 1866, and the British
authorities made the stupendous blunder of acting on
the law of Demand and Supply in the case of the starving
millions.  They measured  the wants of the faminestricken inhabitants with the desires of the traders and
merchants. It was contrary to the principles of Political
Economy, forsooth, to interfere with the course of trade.1
It is beyond dispute that the Board of Revenue in Calcutta had
intimation of the approaching scarcity in Orissa. The famine occurred
early in 1866, and in October, 1865, Mr. Barlow, at Pooree, ventured to
suggest to the Board that the Government should import large quantities
of rice to avert the horrors of famine, but the Board declined to interfere,
distinctly alleging as their reason that such a course "would be contrary
to the principles of political economy." Later on, when the inhabitants




40                INDUSTRIAL SCIENCE.
This is not the only instance -on record, but it is the
most prominent in recent times, where a government has
based its policy on the law of Demand and Supply; but
I venture to hope that it will be the last time it will be
attempted by a British government.  In 1874, when a
famine was threatened in Lower Bengal, the British
authorities adopted a different policy from that carried
out in Orissa in such a relentless manner a few years
previously.
Is it a question of exchange? The holder of the comContest   modity will endeavour to gauge the strength of
between  the desire of the intending purchaser, and if he
desires.
thinks the latter is very desirous of purchasing,
he will demand a high price; if he believes the commodity
is a prime necessity to him, that he must have it, and
cannot purchase it elsewhere, he will extract the very
highest price out of him  that he can.  The intending
purchaser, on the other hand, is perfectly well aware of
the mental process going on in the mind of the holder,
and acts accordingly. He tries to make it appear that he
is not particularly anxious to purchase; that, in fact, it
is quite a matter of indifference to him whether he does
so or not, knowing well that if he allowed the other to
were dying at the rate of 4000 a week, and the Board had again been
urged to do something, they made the following memorandum:-" On
general'grounds they (the Board) had a very strong objection to interfere
with the course of trade." Again, in May following, when the famine
was at its height, in answer to another remonstrance from the local
authorities, the, Board replied that " it (the famine) may be safely left to
produce its own effect; " and produce its own effect it did, for a million
and a quarter of human beings died of starvation.




DEMAND AND SUPPLY.                41
understand that he had no alternative but to purchase,
he would have to pay an exorbitantly high price.
Is it a question of wages? The weaker side suffers
again. An employer wishes to increase his Illutrated
profits, and he looks around him to see where by the
case of a
he can effect a reduction in his expenditure. He wages
dispute.
decides on reducing the wages of his men,
because he believes he can take them at a disadvantage.
Accordingly he waits his opportunity. This arrives
when there are indications of a dullness of trade, and at
once he discharges a number of men as a preliminary,
giving the rest notice that their wages will be reduced.
The men submit because they think they cannot help
themselves, the action taken by their employer having
impressed them with the belief that they are not indispensable to him. The workmen, on the other hand,
adopt the same kind of tactics when they demand an
increase. They do not make this demand when business
is dull, as it might be a convenience rather than otherwise to their employer if they left his establishment at
such a time. Their opportunity for striking with effect
arrives when business is brisk and profits high, for at
such a time their employer will rather concede their
demand than run the risk of losing his profits. And the
workmen, when their trades union have determined on an
increase, are also very circumspect in their selection of a
first victim. They do not attempt to try conclusions, at
all events in the first instance, with an employer who has
ample means of resisting them, or if they do,. it is at a




42             INDUSTRIAL SCIENCE.
time when he has time contracts on hand; but they
carefully select a man of straw, and with whom the
stoppage of business, even for a day, would be ruin.
An employer under such circumstances cannot help
himself, and succumbs at once.
All attempts to settle the wages difficulty by Supply
and Demand have hitherto ignominiously failed. If
capital. take advantage of labour at one time, labour
takes advantage of capital at another.  To-day it is
labour that is down, to-morrow it is capital; and so the
conflict is perpetually renewed. The difficulty will never
be got rid of till we come back to first principles. In all
disputes of this nature the claims of capital and of
labour should both be taken into consideration and
equitably adjusted. The question with the employer
should not be how little can he compel his workmen to
take, or with the workman how much can he get out of
his employer; but the question with each should be
what would be fair and equitable to both the one and the
other. The true solution of the wages difficulty is to
be found in the Courts of Arbitration, where the principles I contend for are fully acted upon.
It is a well-established fact that when the demand for
Effectof employment is in excess of the demand for
ontherate labour, wages fall.  The excess may be due
of wages.
to various causes, which we need not here
enumerate. But let us suppose it is due to an increase
in the number of labourers from  reproduction.  The
increase in this case, then, would be due to an organic




DEMAND AND SUPPLY.               43
law. But why should this affect the rate of wages?
What necessary connection is there between the number
of labourers and the rate at which their services are
remunerated?  The means of payments, the so-called
wages-fund, is, in the case supposed, not encroached
upon in any way. The employers of labour are not in the
least affected; their profits are not reduced, and they bear
no share of the expense of maintaining the additional
number of labourers. It is the contest again between
wants and desires. The labourers demand employment,
the employers demand labour; but as the labourers' wants
must be satisfied, they are compelled to sacrifice more
than their employers, who have the alternative of abstinence which the labourers have not. The labourers feel
the pinch of hunger and they give more work than before
for the same remuneration, or take less remuneration
for the same work. The justice or beneficence of this
arrangement is not very apparent, for the employers, on
the one hand, secure a gain which they did not earn,
and the labourers, on the other, suffer a loss which
they do not deserve, and at a time when they can least
afford it. Nor is the expenditure in wages increased in
consequence of the increase in the number of labourers.
The amount expended will certainly be smaller instead of
greater, unless employers extend their operations and so
give employment to more hands, which they may, or may
not, be able to do. Economic writers, however, assume
that a greater amount would invariably be expended
under such circumstances; and as they say this would




44             INDUSTRIAL SCIENCE.
necessarily be'distributed among a larger number of'
persons, it is taken as another exemplification of the
wise and beneficent purposes that are served by Demand
and Supply.
Let us now suppose that the number of labourers
still continues to increase. The supposition is not an
improbable one, for apart altogether from the operation
Injurious of organic law, an increase would take place
effects of fr6m  economic causes alone.  In the first
low wages.
place, it is a well-ascertained fact that in
periods of great industrial depression, the labouring
classes suffer more severely than the classes who are
removed above want, and that the class immediately
above the very poorest, who obtain *their living by
ordinary manual labour, are almost invariably dragged
down to the lowest level, and thereby help to swell the
ranks of competitors for the ordinary kinds of employment. In the second place, the very fact that a man is
unable, by his own individual exertions, to comfortably
provide subsistence for himself and family, compels him
to have recourse to the members of his own household
in order to eke out a living, who thus become competitors
with him for employment. It may be observed that in
almost all the accounts of the earnings of the agricultural labourers in the South and West of England that
have been published in the press from time to time, the
wages of the wife and children are always included in
those of the husband and father. If, then, the number
of labourers continued in this way to increase, and the




DEMAND AND SUPPLY.                   45
demand for employment increased in proportion, as
economists insist would be the case, employers would, as
before, take advantages of the necessities of the labourers
and reduce their wages till they might be insufficient for
bare subsistence. In such a case the labourers would
be less able to perform the duties required of them, and
numbers of them would starve or become a charge on
the community. Thus the effect would be in the highest
degree injurious, whether regarded from a moral,
social, or economical point of view.  It would be injurious morally, because labour would be deprived of its
just reward; it would be injurious socially, because the
labourers would become a burden on society; and it
would be injurious economically, because labour would
become less efficient.
I may be told that enlightened self-interest would
always prevent the occurrence of such a dis-Argument
astrous result as I have here indicated.  But from enlightened
I am  not so sure of this.  Enlightened self- selfinterest.
interest is still self-interest, qualify it as you
will.  " A human being, by cherishing interested associations, does not," says Mr. Bain, " as a matter of course
attain to either justice or beneficence.  Even the most
far-sighted prudence, as regards self, would not develope
the whole virtue of beneficence."l   Enlightened self1 Note to Mill's Analysis, vol. ii. p. 304. See also AMental and Moral,
Science, p. 240; Mill, FrXagmnents on Mackintosh, pp. 51, 52, and Hume's
Essays, vol. ii. p. 223, where the reality of moral distinctions is insisted on.




46             INDUSTRIAL SCIENCE.
interest did not prevent the physical deterioration of the
Spitalfields weavers, who are said to be rapidly dying
out, and their children, or such of them as have survived
the struggles of poverty in early life, are, according to
the testimony of medical men in the eastern districts of
London, exhibiting the usual signs of impaired constitutions, such as narrow chests, imperfect muscular development, and very faulty teeth. Enlightened selfinterest did not prevent the over-working of women and
children in factories, to the injury of their health, and
the physical and moral well-being of the rising generation, for the early factory acts were passed in the face
of the strongest opposition from  the employers. Enlightened self-interest did not prevent the wages of
agricultural labour in the south of England being
reduced to such an extent as actually to deprive the
labourers and their families of a sufficiency of nourishment to maintain them in health and vigour, as was
proved in an inquiry instituted by the Government in
1863, and conducted by Mr. Simon, one of its own officers;
and it did not save the poor needlewomen of London
from pauperism, or worse, for the price paid for needlework in the metropolis is, and has for years been so
small, that competent authorities have declared that,
work as hard as they may, the needlewomen are unable
to earn what will obtain them the bare necessaries of
life at their occupation, and they are thus forced to
supplement their earnings by outdoor relief from the
poor rates, or to adopt other and even less creditable




DEMAND AND SUPPLY.                          47
means of  obtaining  a livelihood.'   As  long  as  the
present supply of labour is kept up, employers, who
regulate their conduct by the dictates of self-interest,
will not sacrifice  present  gains for future  prospects,
and will seldom  trouble themselves about the welfare
of others.
Let us now see how Demand and Supply operates in
seasons of scarcity.  If self-interest were  as
The rate
beneficent in its operation as alleged, this is of wages
in relation
the  very period  when  employment would be to the
plentiful and wages high.   But the very re- prieofns
verse is almost invariably the case; for when
I The subject of giving outdoor relief to this class of work-people was
formally brought before the President of the Poor Law Board (Mr.
Goschen) in December, 1869, who made a minute to this effect:- " It
is illegal to administer relief so long as a person is in employment and
wages are earned, though such wages may be insufficient. The Poor
Law authorities ought to hold aloof and refuse to supplement the receipts
of the family, actually offering in preference to take upon themselves
the entire cost of their maintenance."  To this minute the Holborn
guardians replied as follows:-" The guardians do not wish to disguise
the truth. They are convinced that it is by means of the relief afforded
to the outdoor infirm and more or less disabled poor that the competition
in the lower forms of labour is increased to such an extent as to reduce
the wages paid for it. The price of various forms of needlework could
not be maintained at the present starvation standard, but that so much
is done by persons in the receipt of parochial relief. A pauper of middle
age, unfit perhaps for any very active occupation, requires to sit at work
for a remuneration which rarely exceeds one halfpenny per hour. A
botching shoemaker ekes out his parish relief by wages which, with hard
work, range from 4d. to 8d. per day; a needle-hand the same; a slop
tailoress and renovator only a little more; and even the widow who goes
out charing, though forced to take a lower and lower rate of wage
according to the numbers in the district, is only enabled to do so under
parish help."




48               INDUSTRIAL SCIENCE.
provisions are scarce the price is high, and labour is ill
rewarded. The cause of this is obvious enough. The
high price of provisions increases the cost of living to
all classes, employers as well as workmen.  The employers, therefore, when they find their expenses increased, naturally enough endeavour to curtail them,
and first the services of one man and then of another
are seen to be unnecessary, and are accordingly dispensed' with. The same thing occurs in domestic
service.  In households where three servants were formerly kept two only are now retained, and where there
were two, an attempt is now made to do with only
one. The result is that large numbers of work-people
of both sexes are thrown out of employment.  But
this is not all.  The fact that numbers are thrown
out of employment affects also the' rate of wages of
those who are employed, for rather than go idle some
will consent to take less wages, and what some will
take others cannot refuse, and so the rate is reduced to
those whose services are retained.  The fact is indeed
beyond dispute, that wages never rise in seasons of
scarcity, but almost invariably fall.' The inevitable
result is a wide-spread destitution among the mass of
the community.
See Tooke's History of Prices, vol. i. pp. 14, 226, 227, and note at
p. 329; also vol. iii. pp. 51-53. On the other hand, a rise of wages
almost always accompanies, or immediately follows, a fall in prices.
In 1833-34-35, for example, the price of wheat was lower than it had
been for 70 years previously, while employment was abundant and
wages high.




DEMAND AND SUPPLY.                  49
This law of Demand and Supply operates to the disadvantage of the weaker side in a still more Distincextraordinary way.  The scarcity of food is tion
between
due to the operation of physical laws; the suf- necessaries and.
ferings of the poor are due to the operation luxuries.
of organic laws; but another law, a purely mental
or economic one, now comes into operation and positively augments these sufferings.  Economists point to
the fact, as further illustrative of beneficent design,
that when any commodity becomes scarce, the effect
of the scarcity is mitigated by the high price now
charged  for it causing  reduced consumption.  This
is no doubt correct in the case of ordinary commodities,
but when the commodity is a necessary of life, as bread,
for instance, the law is the reverse of beneficent, for,
in.this case, the increase in price in usually out of all
proportion to the deficiency in the supply.  The disproportion is explained on the principle that, this commodity being a necessary of life, the desire to purchase it
becomes the more intense as the scarcity is felt; or, in
other words, that the price is in proportion to the desire
to purchase, and not in proportion to the deficiency of
the supply.  Dr. Chalmers has pointed out that when
articles of luxury are scarce, the increase in price is
never so high as in the case of the necessaries of life.'
Wheat, for example, has been known to quadruple in
price when the deficiency was only one half.2  Now the
1 Christian and Economic Polity, vol. ii. p. 252.
2 See Tooke's History of Prices, vol. i. p. 12.
E




50             INDUSTRIAL SCIENCE.
poorer classes are necessarily the greatest sufferers
when the price of bread is high, as its purchase
forms the chief part of their expenditure, and they
actually increase the price upon themselves by the very
intensity of their desires. Here, then, we have an
economic law, which, so far from ameliorating the
severity of natural laws, positively aggravates their
severity.
Fortunately, we are not left to conjecture on this
Case of  matter, for we are furnished with a well-auMr. Milne. thenticated case which illustrates the principle
I am endeavouring to establish. In 1814 a Mr. Milne,
a landowner, gave the following evidence before a Select
Committee of the House of Lords, on the Corn Laws:-' I wished," he said, "to enclose a farm at the end of the
year 1812, or in the beginning of 1813. I sent for my
bailiff and told him that I had enclosed, about twentyfive years ago, a good deal of land; that the inclosure
at that time cost 3s. 5d. per ell of 37 inches; that a neighbour of mine, two or three years ago, had made similar
enclosures which cost him 5s. 5d, per ell; that I thought
he had paid too much, and that I ought to do it cheaper.
The answer I got from my bailiff was, that provisions
were very high, that labourers were doing double work,
and that of course there was less demand for labour,
and that he could do these inclosures last year at a
cheaper rate than I had ever donre them, and he actually
executed these inclosures at 2s. 6d. per ell. He again
came to me and told me that I had proposed to him to




DEMAND AND SUPPLY.              51
do some ditching upon another farm, which I did not
intend to do till about a twelvemonth, from  the circumstance of not being fully in possession of the whole
farm. He requested that I would allow him to do it
that season, as he could do it so much cheaper, and
that a great many labourers were idle from having little
work, in consequence of those employed doing double
work. I desired him to go on with that- labour likewise,
and he actually contracted for my large ditches at 6d.
an ell, which I do not think I could now do under from is.
to Is. 6d., in consequence of the fall in provisions." Here
we have, as in the case supposed, the joint operation of
physical, organic, and economic laws. Now note the
operation of the latter on the two former.  Food is
scarce and dear, but employment instead of being more
plentiful is less so. Owing to the high price of food,
employers curtail their expenses, and labour being
less in demand and the demand for employment
increased, wages fall. But, unlike the employers, the
labourers cannot adopt the alternative of abstinence;
they cannot do without food, and to obtain this they
must find employment. Food being dear, and employment scarce and more in demand than formerly, the
condition of the labourers is aggravated by their very
necessities. They not only compete among themselves
for what little employment is offered, and consequently
help by their own act to reduce wages still lower,
but they now do double the amount of work for less
remuneration than they-obtained when provisions were




52             INDUSTRIAL SCIENCE.
cheap, and thereby actually deprive other labourers of
a share of what remains.
One more illustration of economic beneficence, and
Different I have done. It is a well-ascertained fact
effects of
on capital that when any commodity in general demand
andlabour. rises in price (money alone excepted, in regard
to which the opposite effect takes place), the price of
other commodities falls in proportion, owing to the fact
that the income of consumers does not increase with
the increase in prices. The consequence is, that when
the price of a commodity of this description, say bread,
is high, consumers economize in  other directions,
in order to make good the deficiency in their income
caused by the additional expenditure on this particular~
article..There is, therefore, less demand for those
other commodities, as well as for labour, which is a
commodity in general.demand, and the price of them
consequently falls.  The wealthy man, however, is
scarcely affected by the high price of bread, as this
forms only a small proportion of his expenditure, and
the increase in price is, to a great extent, compensated
by the fall in the price of the other commodities, labour
included, which he purchases. But with the poor man
the case is different. Bread being with him the chief
article of expenditure, when the price is high it bears
heavily on his income, while his labour, at the same
time, shares in the general depreciation. Thus the
poor suffer in two ways; first, in the increased price
of the necessaries of life, and, secondly, in the decrease
in the value of their labour.




DEMAND AND SUPPLY.                53
These anomalies are all the more striking when
we consider the relation of capital to labour. Capital
is an instrument that costs nothing to keep; it is
not subject to tear and wear; it never loses bulk,
and if lent out at interest it doubles itself in the
course of so many years. It is far otherwise with
the instrument of labour.  The labourer has to be
maintained at considerable cost, whether earning wages
or not; he has to make provision for sickness and old
age, and the worn-out instrument has to be replaced.
Whichever way we look at it, indeed, we shall find that
capital has the advantage.  The man whose necessities
are great will have to pay more for what he requires
than the man whose wants are less urgent. The trader
of limited means, if he buys on credit, will be charged
more for his goods than the man who has a good
balance at his bankers. The poor man, who buys his
necessaries in small quantities, will have to pay a higher
price for them than the rich man who purchases on a
larger scale.  The less consideration a man requires
the more he gets, and the more he needs the less
is shown to him.  In the economic world honesty
counts as nothing, and help comes in the inverse order
of a man's needs.
With such glaring inequalities staring them in the
face, it is not to be wondered at that economic writers
repudiate the idea that the principles of their science are
in accordance with our notions of a just administration
of the scheme of things. Prof. Cairnes, in his latest




54                 INDUSTRIAL SCIENCE.
and most ambitious work, frankly confesses that he is
unable to see, in the results flowing from the action
of economic laws, any realization of the principles of
abstract justice.1
I " I am unable to find in the maxims of abstract justice any key to
the practical problems of the distribution of wealth; and I am bound
to add that just as little can I discover in the actual results flowing
from the action of economical laws a realization of the principles of
abstract justice." —Some Leading Questions of Political Economy, p. 320.
Prof. Walker makes a similar admission:-" It cannot be contro-.verted," he says, "that the tendency of purely economic forces is to
widen the differences existing in the constitution of industrial society,
and to subject any and every person and class of persons who may,
from any cause, be at disadvantage in respect to selling his or their
service or product, to constantly increasing burdens." — The Wages
Question, p. 166.




( 55 )
CHAPTER V.
ON COMPETITION.
THE sufficiency of self-interest once granted, freedom of
contract, or unrestricted Competition, follows
as a matter of course, as it would be absurd Sufficiency
to assert that this principle was all-sufficient, interest
implies
and at the same time set limits to its ope- nunrestricted
ration.  Unrestricted competition is therefore competition.
regarded by the English school of economists
as the foundation-stone of their whole system.  Indeed,
Mill goes so far as to say that it is only on this basis
that Political Economy is entitled to be called a science.'
This is a principle, therefore, that admits of no compromise with the disciples of this school; and it is but
fair to say that, in theory at least, they have accepted
it without the slightest reservation. With them Competition is the grand regulator of industrial action.  It
is "beneficent, just, *and equalizing."2   It is in the
market of the  world "what gravitation  is in  the
1 P~rinciples, vol. ii. book iv. ch. iv. 2.
2 Plutology, p. 339.




56              INDUSTRIAL SCIENCE.
mechanism of the heavens, an all-combining, all-balancing, and beneficent law." 1 It is " the most progressive,
the most equalizing, and the most communistic of all
the provisions to which Providence has confided the
direction of human progress." 2 This language, however,
is scarcely justified by facts, for there are many circumstances in which competition  is the  reverse of
beneficent, just, or equalizing; and so far from its being
the all-balancing, all-combining law they represent it to
be, the principle itself is a provision which requires
adjustment. Every one knows that excessive competition produces enormous waste, and that it leads to
the perpetration of fraud, the extent of which is
generally in proportion to the intensity or keenness of
the competition.
We shall get rid of the high-flowlng sentiment that
surrounds this subject as soon as we have ascerThe object
of compe- tained what the object of competition really is.
tition.
The vulgar idea is that the object of competition,
or, at all events, one of its results, is to reduce prices.
But this is neither its object nor a necessary effect of its
operation, as a moment's consideration will show. Competitors do not desire to lower or to raise prices, but to
obtain possession of something some one else has, and
which some one else desires. Sellers compete in order
to secure a market; buyers compete in order to secure
possession of some commodity. There is nothing'just' Newman's Lectures on Political Economy, p. 119.
2 Bastiat's Harmlronie Economniqge, p. 407.




ON COMPETITION.                 57
or beneficent in one man outbidding another for the
possession of an article, or in underselling another in
order to secure a purchaser or a market. In either
case the successful competitor attains his end at the
expense of his rival; and in neither case is it intended
that others than himself should derive any benefit
whatever from the transaction.
Competition may be better than custom (which,
according to Mill, takes precedence of compe- Custom,
tition in the order of development), when the competition, and
circumstances are changed under which the co-operlatter grew up. Co-operation, again, may be
better than competition when the latter is carried to
excess. But even co-operation, could we conceive it
capable of universal application, can never be relied
upon, for it rests mainly on self-interest, and a man
can never be made to act more disinterestedly by being
made more selfish. Custom, local or vested interest, or
by whatever name it may be called, may be good in the
earlier stage of industrial development, as, for instance, in
the case of patents and rights which are always granted
for a limited time; competition may be good in a more
advanced stage; and co-operation may, in a still higher
stage, be better than either; but they are all mere
expedients, provisions, or methods of carrying out the
principles of fair dealing, and which, like the ceremonial
law when it has lost its symbolic meaning, or positive law
when interpreted according to the letter and not according
to the spirit, are liable to abuse, and only act beneficially




58               INDUSTRIAL SCIENCE.
when they express the true ethical sentiment. If sellers
never demanded more than a fair profit on their goods,
they would have fewer competitors to contend with,
there would be less dishonest rivalry, and the public
would be better served.' There can be little doubt
that the enormous profits often  demanded  provokes
excessive competition, and excessive competition leads
to the dishonest practices which disgrace modern commerce.  The fact that sellers are ready to take less
for their goods than they demand proves that they asked
too much in the  first instance, and the existence of
excessive competition in any branch of trade is presumptive evidence that the profits in that trade have at
one time been exorbitant.  When the moral tone of the
community is raised, when it is considered dishonourable
to have two prices for the same article, and when a
seller takes it as a personal insult to be asked to take
less for a commodity than he demands, competition will
wear a very different aspect from what it does at present.
It is quite a mistake to suppose that competition
invariably tends to reduce prices.  It is only
Tendency
of compe- when sellers compete that prices are lowered,
tition.    for when buyers compete they are invariably
raised.  The object of the producer in engaging in any
1 Prof. Cairnes asserts that there is a far greater amount of competition in the wholesale than in the retail trade, owing to the fact that
retail dealers have fixed prices while the wholesale dealers have not,
the former resting, as he says, "upon a moral rather than an economical
basis," and he adds that the result is to "the advantage of all concerned."-Soome Leading Questions, p. 128-130.




ON COMPETITION.                 59
branch of industry being profit, he will naturally take all
the means at his command to increase that profit to the
utmost. But a man will be able to make a larger profit
if he has the whole market to himself than if he shared
it with another, and, as a rulq, the greater the amount of
competition in a given market, the smaller will be the
amount of profit to be divided among the competitors.
It will thus become the object of every competitor to reduce
the number of his rivals.: The tendency of competition will
therefore be in the direction of monopoly. A monopoly
is said to exist when one man, or several acting together,
hold entire possession of any commodity, or control any
market.  Competition exists when possession is disputed. If competitors, however, act exclusively with
a view to their own interests, as we are told they must,
it will be their main object to reduce competition to a
minimum, or, in other words, to create a monopoly.
Thus the principle from which the deductionist started,
namely, the sufficiency of self-interest, instead of tending
to competition, leads back ultimately to restriction in
its worst possible form.
The profits of producers are largest when consumption.is in excess of production, and the prospect of
Conditions
sharing in these induces competition.  When necessary
to annihiproduction overtakes consumption, profits are late cornreduced, and no more competitors enter the petition.
field. When production is in excess of consumption, and
competition goes on as before, profits may cease altogether, and then begins the struggle for existence among




60              INDUSTRIAL SCIENCE.
competitors. Each competitor will now endeavour to
obtain the customers of the others, by fair means or
foul, and the inevitable result will be that strength and
cunning, as in the animal world, will prevail, while the
weak and honest trader will go to the wall. In order to
render competition successful, in other words, to establish
a monopoly, one of two things, or both, are requisite on
the part of a competitor.  The first is the command of
a large capital; the second is the absence of all moral
principle.
As in a physical contest a strong man will, other
things being equal, overcome a weak one, so
The first
condition, in any industrial contest the man of large
capital   capital will inevitably overcome the man of
small means. The large capitalist has the game in his
own hands. He can arrange his mode of attack, and
fix the day of victory. All he has to do, if a seller,
is to  undersell his rival, and the lower he fixes
his prices the sooner he accomplishes his purpose. If
he sells at a loss, so much the better, for then the
resources of his rival will be all the sooner exhausted.
It is a simple question of figures. If A has a capital of
~10,000, and B who enters the field against him has
a capital of ~50,000, B's capital will outlast A's in the
proportion of five to one; that is to say, B's chances of
success will be five times better than A's. In'such
contests there are, of course, other conditions which go
far to counterbalance the advantages of large capital,
but in the present instance we are supposing these to




ON COMPETITION.                  61
be absent, and that both start on equal terms in every
respect except as regards capital.
We are all familiar with the process which takes place
when rival lines of coaches run on the same
The case
road. The first result is a reduction of the fares, where
capitals
commenced by one of the competitors, and fol- are
lowed sooner or later by the other; then other uequal.
reductions follow till the traffic is carried on at a loss.
When this point is reached, the matter becomes simply a
contest between two capitals, in which the largest is sure
to win. In carrying on the traffic at a loss, neither of
the rival capitalists, however, has the slightest idea of
benefiting the public, and, in the long run, the public
will certainly not derive the slightest benefit from the
contest, but rather the reverse, for the successful competitor, that is, the one who has established a monopoly,
will take good care to recoup himself when the contest
is over for all the losses he may have sustained while
carrying it on. Thus the public, while they imagined
they were getting an advantage from the low fares, were
only assisting in creating a monopoly against themselves, all the cost of establishing which will ultimately
come out of their own pockets.
This is the ordinary result of competition when one
of the competitors has the commandeof a larger The case
where
capital than is possessed by the others. When, capitals
however, the capitals of competitors are more are equal.
equal, and especially when they have each sunk a large
portion of it in starting the business, competitors do not




62             INDUSTRIAL SCIENdE.
usually resort to the exhaustive process of crushing out
one another, since they may attain their end by more
direct means. Knowing that, in order to compete successfully, one or other of them must lose all his capital,
they soon discover another method of achieving
their object. The question being simply one of profit,
the only matter for consideration with them is, Which is
the most profitable, combination or competition? Is it
better to divide the spoil or quarrel over it? If the
latter alternative be accepted the contest will be a long
one and the result uncertain, the successful competitor
having moreover the prospect before him that he may
have the same battle to fight over again with some new
rival at some future time. If the former, competitors
have only to fix prices to suit themselves and all will
go smoothly, their capital safe, and their future profits
secure. The London gas companies furnish an illustration of the working of this kind of combination.
Each new company on starting claimed the support of
the public, on the ground that competition was beneficial
to them, and each commenced by making a reduction in
the price of gas. But the reduction in every instance
was only a temporary one, for no sooner had a company
got beyond the preliminary stage, and established a
firm footing, than it combined with the existing institutions to raise the price; and this combination
has now, by an arrangement amongst its members,
apportioned to each company a particular district
within which it has to confine its operations, and is left




ON COMPETITION.                63
free to charge whatever price it likes to consumers.
Thus, instead of there being only one monopoly for all
London, there is a separate monopoly in every district
where a company exists; so that consumers are actually
worse off now than they were before, as they have to
maintain some seven or eight establishments instead of
one, each of which has its separate staff of officers,
buildings, mains, and capital on which interest has to
be paid, all of which must ultimately come out of the
pockets of consumers.
Business firms with immense capital adopt another
method of neutralizing competition. They give
Wholesale
large credit. They induce their customers to and retail
houses.
trade beyond their capital, and having once
got them  in their power, they compel them to take
their goods at their own prices. This is the kind of
relationship that exists between the wholesale mercantile
firms in London and the shopkeepers in the provinces,
between the millers and the bakers, and between the
brewers and the publicans. These wholesale dealers
have what they call their clients, people who are under
monetary obligation to them. One or two of the great
London brewers, for example, have nearly the whole of
the metropolitan publicans in their power, each brewer
having his own retail houses, which he furnishes and
stocks with liquor. Competition on the part of the
publican is, under such circumstances, out of the question. The publicans are simply employes of the brewers.
They cannot purchase their liquors where they are best




64             INDUSTRIAL SCIENCE.
or cheapest, but must take them from the brewer who is
their landlord and creditor, who accordingly charges
very much what he likes for what he supplies them.
The small manufacturers, who are endeavouring to
Small   carry on business with insufficient capital, are
manufac- subjected to the same kind of fleecing process as
turers and
wholesale the retail dealers. In times of depression they
houses.  have to depend on the wholesale houses with
which they deal for assistance to meet their financial
engagements.  "One who has thus committed himself,"
says Mr. Herbert Spencer, "has either to sell his
accumulated stock at a sacrifice-30 or 40 per cent.
below its value-or else mortgage it; and when the
wholesale house becomes the mortgagee, the manufacturer has little chance of escape. He is obliged to work
at the wholesale dealer's terms; and ruin almost immediately follows. As was said to us," he adds, "by one
of the larger silk hosiers, who had watched the destruction of many of his smaller brethren,'they may be
spared for a time, as a cat spares a mouse, but they
are sure to be eaten up in the end.' "1 Observation of the
course pursued in these and similar cases seems to have
had some effect on Mill, who by no means goes so far as
his followers in praise of competition. Indeed, he is
careful to specially caution his readers about attaching
too much importance to this principle. After pointing
out that the division of produce is the result of two
determining agencies, competition and custom, he says:
Essays, Scientific, Political, and Speculative, vol. ii. pp. 114, 115.




ON COMIPETITION.                    65
"Political economists generally, and English political
economists above others, have been accustomed to lay
almost exclusive stress upon the first of these agencies,
(namely, competition); to exaggerate the effects of competition, and to take little account of the other and
conflicting principle..... But it would a great misconception of the actual course of affairs, to suppose that
competition exercises in fact this unlimited sway."1
And in his evidence before a select committee of the
House of Commons, he makes the admission, that consumers would probably be benefited if nine-tenths of the
whole of the retail dealers of the country were altogether
dispensed with.2
Nothing in the shape of competition could be fairer,
one would imagine, than open sale by auction. Sale by
But eveh here capital carries everything before auctio.
it.  The bond-fide purchaser, the man who wants an
article for use, and who is willing to give a fair price for
it, can seldom obtain it without first paying black-mail
to the speculative capitalist who intrudes himself between
the intending buyer and the seller. So badly has the
auction system worked in the Australian colonies that,
one by one, they have abandoned it in the disposal of
their public lands.  There could be no possibility of
1Prinrciples, vol. i. book ii. oh. iv. 1.
2 June 6th, 1850. His words are: —" If the business of distribution,
which now employs, taking the different classes of dealers and their
families, perhaps more than a million of inhabitants of this country,
could be done by a hundred thousand people, I think the nine hundred
and ninety nine thousand might be dispensed with."
F




66             INDUSTRIAL SCIENCE.
fraud or favour in open competition, it was argued, and
it was the best mode of securing the highest price for the
public estate. And it did certainly seem plausible enough
to infer that the man who would give the highest price for
a thing would turn it to the best account. The result
proved very different, however. The speculative capitalist did not turn the land to the best account, or to any
account at all, for he simply held it till he found a
purchaser at a price in advance of what he had paid for
it; and the intending seller, or the man who would have
turned it to the best account, could only obtain what he
wanted by paying the capitalist to retire from the
contest, or by repurchasing it from him after the sale
at an advanced price. All that the capitalist had to
do in order to bring about this result, was to occasionally, and by way of example, run up a lot to such
a figure as to show  the poor man that a successful
contest with a rich man was absolutely hopeless.
As a result of this experience, nearly all the Australian
New     colonies have, as I have said, abandoned the
Soalte   system  of sale by auction, and now dispose
land sales. of the public estate by free selection at a fixed
price, and by what is called deferred payments, that is,
payments to be extended over a lengthened period. In
New South Wales, however, both systems are in full
operation, and large quantities of land are still disposed
of by auction in that colony, but with results that cannot
be considered satisfactory from  a public point of view.
Sale by auction, in fact, has degenerated into an organized




ON COMPETITION.                67
system of fraud. Owing to the high price of wool of late
years, the squatters or sheep-farmers in that colony, who
graze their immense flocks on public lands at a merely
nominal charge, have become wealthy, and many of
them have, by this system of sale, been able to purchase
the fee simple of large portions of their holdings at the
upset price of 20s. an acre. And they managed it in this
way. They formed themselves into a society called " The
Riverine Defence Association," which has large funds at
its disposal, for the sole purpose of recouping the occupier
of any holding, who is a member of the Association, any
sum he might have to pay for the land over and above
the upset price, the understanding being that, in case of
competition, the price should be run up to any amount.
rather than allow any intruder to obtain the smallest
portion of it. The result of this combination has been
what was anticipated, for, after two or three attempts at
competition on the part of the public, the organization
can now rely on getting every acre of land at the upset
price.
That the tendency of competition is towards monopoly
is as true of nations as it is of individuals or
National
corporations. Some countries impose prohibi- competition.
tive customs duties on imports, for the avowed
purpose of excluding outside competition and securing
for their own manufacturers the whole of the home trade.
Some even go so far as to offer bounties on exports, for the
purpose of securing the foreign as well as the home trade,
as France, for instance, has done in the matter of beet




68             INDUSTRIAL SCIENCE.
sugar. Even England, notwithstanding her free-trade
proclivities, indirectly does all that she can to prevent
any real competition with her on the part of other
countries, and to this end her immense resources are
used with crushing effect. At present she practically
enjoys a monopoly of many lucrative branches of manufacture. With her natural advantages in coal and iron,
with her acquired advantages of being the first in the field,
and of having a numerous body of well-trained artisans,
and, above all, of the immense capital at her disposal,
she would be able to maintain her manufacturing supremacy as long as the rate of wages is not materially increased. Her only danger lies in this direction. "Dear
labour," says Mr. Brassey, "is the greatest obstacle to the
extension of British trade." 1 Hence the extreme solicitude
displayed by the trading classes of England at the present
day on the question of wages; hence also the growing
antagonism which has sprung up of late years between
them  and the wages-earning class.  The, manner in
which.English capital is used to maintain England's
manufacturing supremacy is well understood abroad. In
any quarter of the globe where a competitor shows himself
who is likely to interfere with her monopoly, immediately
the capital of her manufacturers is massed in that particular quarter, and goods -are exported in large quantities,
and sold at such prices, that outside competition is
effectually crushed out.  English manufacturers have
been known to export goods to a distant market, and sell
1 Work anrd Wages, p. 142.




ON COMPETITION.                 69
them under cost price for years, with a view to getting
the market into their own hands again. The nodus
operandi is incidentally explained with much naivete in a
report published some years ago by order of the House of
Commons.  "-The labouring classes generally," writes
Mr. Tremenheere, "in the manufacturing districts of this
country, and especially in the iron and coal districts, are,
very little aware of the extent to which they are often
indebted for their being employed at all to the immense
losses which their. employers voluntarily incur in bad
times, in order to destroy foreign competition, and to
gain and keep possession of foreign markets. Authentic
instances are well known of employers having in such
times carried on their works at a loss, amounting in the
aggregate to three or four hundred thousand pounds in the
course of three or four years. If the efforts of those who
encourage the combinations to restrict the amount of
labour, and to produce.strikes, were to be successful for
any length of time, the great accumulations of capital
could not then'be made, which enable a few of the most
wealthy capitalists to overwhelm all foreign competition
in times of great depression, and thus to clear the way
for the whole trade to step in when prices revive, and to
carry on a great business before foreign capital can again
accumulate to such an extent as to be able to establish a
competition in prices with any chance of -success. The
large capitals of- this country are the great instruments
of warfare (if the expression may be allowed) against the
competing capital of foreign countries, and are the most




70              INDUSTRIAL SCIENCE.
essential instruments now remaining, by which our
manufacturing supremacy can be maintained." 1  That,
I have no doubt, is a very fair, as it is certainly a
very candid, statement, of the manner in which English
capital is used to crush out foreign competition.
England's commercial policy is, and always has been,
the extension of this manufacturing monopoly. It was
once proposed in the House of Commons that every
England  American horse should be sent to England to
apndhenr  get shod. The spirit that actuated the proposer
dependencies.    of this scheme still animates the mother-country
in all her dealings with her dependencies. Nothing
will satisfy her but a monopoly of the most valuable
portion of their trade.  Mr. Froude has told us how
England governed Ireland in her own interests; how
she destroyed the Irish woollen manufactures, the export
of farm produce and salted provisions, and for a time
repressed and curtailed the Irish linen trade. We know
how she lost her American colonies, and it is very
certain she would have lost several more of her dependencies had she not permitted them the management
of their own affairs.
It may be thought that all this is now changed, and
Th Idian that England has long since given up coercing
cotton    her dependencies for her own commercial adduties.
vantage.  This is quite a mistake. We have
only to look at what took place in India the other day
1 Report of the Commrtission appoimted to emxanine into the State of the.Population of the Mining Districts, 1854, quoted by Carey, Social Science,
vol. i. ch. xvii. 4.




ON COMPETITION.                71
with regard to the cotton duties, to be made aware of the
magnitude of such an error. For many years past the
Indian tariff imposed a duty of from 3 to 5 per cent. on
all cotton goods imported into that country, but raw
cotton was admitted duty free. It is to Mr. James Wilson,
the great anti-corn-law writer, that India is indebted for
this duty, who, curiously enough, after doing his best to
induce England to abandon customs duties at home,
was the first to recommend their adoption abroad.
And the -tariff which he introduced worked exceedingly well. The duty on manufactured cottons, in particular, answered every requirement of a tax. It was
universal and equitable in its incidence, as all classes,
rich and poor alike, used the commodity taxed; and as it
was an ad valorem duty, it fell on each person according
to his wealth. As a tax it was inappreciable; it was not
obnoxious in its mode of collection; and, above all, it
brought in a large revenue. But in the course of time,
when the natives had become dissatisfied with the quality
of the calicoes which Lancashire supplied them, this
duty, which was imposed for revenue purposes only,
acted incidentally as a protection to the local mills
which have recently been established there and whose
products now come into competition with the British
exports. Not a word was uttered against this duty so
long as Lancashire continued to enjoy a monopoly of
the Indian market; but no sooner was this threatened
than Lancashire all at once became concerned about
the poor ryot. He was paying too much for his calico,




72             INDUSTRIAL SCIENCE.
forsooth. If that 5 per cent. import'duty were taken
off, the Lancashire mill-owners solemnly assured the
Secretary for India that the poor ryot should get the
full benefit of it. This iniquitous impost was crushing
the very life out of him.  One deputation expressed
themselves as greatly concerned about the land revenue
of India, lest it should be diminished in consequence of
so many of the natives devoting themselves to agriculture. There was nothing for it, Lancashire said,
but the abandonment of the cotton duty. And the
Secretary for India quite acquiesced. It was a most
impolitic duty, he said, and he promised that it should
be taken off as soon as possible; but unfortunately it was
not possible to do so just at present, as it brought in
something like a million sterling a year to the treasury.
Anything, however, that the government could do short
of this, should be done to encourage England's most
important industry.
The Secretary for India was as good as his word.
True, he did not take off the tax on manufactured cottons,
but he did the next best thing for Manchester-he imposed a tax on the Indian mill-owners. When the new
Indian tariff of 1875 appeared, it was found that the
duties on manufactured cottons were only slightly reduced, but that a new and. altogether unlooked-for tax of
5 per cent. was imposed on raw cotton imported into
India. Every one asked what could be the meaning'of
this new tax, seeing the public, so far as they had been
taken into the confidence of the government, had been




ON COMPETITION.               73
asked to consider only what duties it would be advisable
to remove. The explanation was not far to seek. It
appears that the local mill-owners' could not compete
with England, even in the Indian market, unless they
used along with the short-stapled native, a long-stapled
imported, cotton. A tax of 5 per cent. on the longstapled imported cotton would, therefore, effectually
handicap the local manufacturers, and to that extent
would act as a protection to the Lancashire mill-owners.
The most extraordinary part of the matter was the
secrecy and bad faith of the Indian government
throughout the whole affair. A pretence was made of
consulting the mercantile classes in India with regard
to the alterations proposed, and the opinions of the
Chambers of Commerce, both at Calcutta and Bombay,
were asked and given; but from first to last, the idea
of imposing a tax on raw  cotton, or any new tax
whatever, was never mooted by the government, and
never dreamed of by any section of the community
in India. The question of the abolition of the duty on
manufactured cottons was fully discussed, and public
opinion was pretty equally divided  on the subject.
The people of India were therefore quite as much
surprised at this new impost as were the local manufacturers; but when its true meaning was understood,
surprise was turned into indignation, and the journals
that had heretofore been its staunchest supporters became the bitterest in their condemnation of the course
adopted by the government. It was felt on all hands




74                 INDUSTRIAL SCIENCE.
that the conduct of the government in this matter was
perfectly indefensible, and that nothing but the most
abject subserviency to Manchester could  have dictated
such a policy.  It was openly stated that this duty was
imposed solely  vith a view  to injure the Indian manufacturers, and preserve for Manchester a continuance of
the monopoly; it was characterised as a wicked device
of an alien, despotic, or ignorant government, and the
Bombay Chamber of Commerce, and other public bodies
in India, publicly protested against it as an unjust and
impolitic restriction on the manufactures of India, and
contrary to that sound principle of the commercial policy
of England, and of other enlightened nations, which
requires the- state to give every encouragement to the
free  importation  of the  raw  materials necessary  for
the development and extension of native manufactures.'
The Calcutta EngZishmacs of August 5th, 1875, said:-"If the
details given in the telegram which we publish this morning are correct,
the new Tariff Bill is about as infamous a measure as ever a subservient Legislature sought to impose upon a voiceless people. An import
duty on raw material is, under any circumstances, one of the worst
modes of raising the revenue that can be devised. But the duty which
the government is about to impose on a. particular quality of raw
cotton, imported into this country, is nicely calculated to produce the
greatest amount of injury that could possibly be inflicted by such an
impost. The present Viceroy is too acute an economist not to know
what the effect of such a measure must be; and it is impossible to resist
the conviction that it is for the sake of the injury it will inflict on India,
that the measure is proposed. The Manchester men have been sharp
enough to foresee that they would lose more than they gained by a
reduction of the duty on coarse goods, unless measures were at the same
time taken to prevent the Indian mills from shifting their competition to
the finer classes. The Government of India, too, no doubt foresaw that




ON COMPETITION.                        75
The absence of all moral principle on the part of a
competitor is the second condition of success. The
If the  chief, or, as the  deductionists main- secondn
condition
tain, the sole end of competition is the ob- of success.
if they went on abolishing the import duty on one class of cotton goods
after another, this item of revenue must gradually be extinguished.
They have therefore hit upon a device as effectual as it is wicked-we
can apply no milder term to it;-a device which will at once increase
their revenue and protect the Manchester manufacturer. They have put
a prohibitive duty on the raw material necessary to enable the Indian
mills to spin the finer counts of yarn and weave the finer makes of cloths,
and thus secure to Manchester a continuance of her present monopoly of
these classes of goods. None but an alien government, or a despotic
and ignorant government bent on filling its coffers for the nonce at any
cost, would have adopted such a course as this. No free people would
have thus drawn the knife across their own throats. In the shadow of
this enormity, the proposition to recoup the revenue for the reduction
of duties which fall on the community at large, by raising those which
fall chiefly on a section of them already heavily taxed, appears so small
as scarcely to justify complaint. As to the merits of the Bill, they
are so completely eclipsed by its iniquity, that they cease to invite
comment."
The Bombay Gazette, which, up to this time, had been a warm supporter
of the government proposals, said, on the 10th of August:-" The only
subject of regret connected with the new Tariff is, that the reasons which
Lord Northbrook undoubtedly could give for putting a duty of 5 per cent.
on long-stapled cotton are not generally known. That duty is a new
feature in the Customs Tariff for which no one outside the Viceroy's
Council was prepared, and is a very objectionable imposition, but we
should probably be charging Lord Northbrook falsely if we imputed to
his Lordship, as the Englishman does, a secret object of desiring to
inflict an injury on India in this way. What the motives were which
induced Lord Northbrook to make this extraordinary imposition we
cannot, of course, say, but he must have perceived that it would be
impossible for any importation of the long-stapled cotton to be made
under a 5 per cent. duty by manufacturers in India, and that, therefore,
they would be so heavily weighted that competition with Manchester
would be useless; in other words, he would be assisting Manchester by




76                 INDUSTRIAL SCIENCE.
tainment of the maximum  of wealth with the minimum
of expenditure, it is not likely that a competitor will
protective duties, a policy she could never dare to adopt herself. Look
at the matter whichever way we may, we can only account for this false
move that.Lord Northbrook has made by supposing him to have'been
under the influence of a specially evil genius in thus marring the otherwise excellent changes he has made in the Customs Tariff; and we are
glad to know that the Bombay Chamber of Commerce has already taken
steps to protest publicly against the imposition of the new protective
duty."
The memorial of the Bombay Chamber of Commerce to the Viceroy,
Lord Northbrook, is an able document, and puts the case on behalf of
India with great force. It sets forth"That such a duty is contrary to sound principle and good policy,
being imposed in restraint of the manufactures of India, and injurious to
the general interests of the country.
"That it is wholly without precedent in the commercial history of
any enlightened country, and has avowedly been adopted'in order to
place the Indian manufacturer upon the same footing as the importer of
piece-goods and yarns.'
"A duty imposed, in the interests of the English manufactures, for
the purposes only of prohibiting the people of India from extending and
improving their own manufactures, is a measure which, in the existing
state of the native industry, is, your Memorialists respectfully submit,
unjust and oppressive, and can only result in permanent injury to the
country.
"That it brings little or no additional revenue to the State, nor, with
the slow progress of Indian manufacture, is there any likelihood of its
doing so for many years.
"That the Government of India has again and again promulgated
that the duties on imported piece-goods and yarns are levied for revenue
purposes only, and not for the protection of any industry. The policy
which the English Government, under similar circumstances, adopted,
was to replace the sacrifice of the revenue, when Customs duties were
abolished in the interest. of the consumer by the imposition of direct
taxes.
"That there is nothing in the recent commercial system of England,
which, either by precedent or analogy, can be held to warrant the
imposition of such. a duty. Excise duties on manufactures are an




ON  COMPETITION.                        77
be excessively scrupulous as to the means he employs to
attain  it.  As a rule, indeed, the trading classes have
exploded doctrine equally with protection. While the free-trade policy
of England, on the other hand, by removing all restrictions, gave every
encouragement to manufactures, it conferred also great benefits on the
country, by giving the people cheaper clothing. But the effect of this
duty is to restrain the manufactures, and at the same time, to injure the
general interests of the people of India. For, assuming that India could
compete successfully with Lancashire in the making of the finer qualities
of cloth and yarn, the duty will, by restricting the enterprise and
energies of its manufactures, deprive the Indian consumer of the benefit
of such competition. Now, the object of all free-trade legislation is the
interest of the consumer, and for this object the English Legislature has
sanctioned the repeal of protective duties. The repeal of import duties,
more especially on articles of such universal use as clothing, confers also
like benefits on the consumer; but this requires a healthy competition,
which, except among the English manufacturers themselves, does not
exist in India in the case of the cotton manufactures now imported, for
in these neither- India nor any other country has yet been able to compete. But such a measure as a duty levied on the raw material entering
into a manufacture, not with the object of raising revenue, but avowedly
to favour a foreign industry, already in the enjoyment of a monopoly, is
~an anomaly which in England no statesman has ever ventured to bring
forward, and which may be productive in this country of the most
mischievous consequences.
"That a duty on raw material imported for the purposes of manufacture is opposed to that sound principle of the commercial policy of
England and other enlightened nations, which requires the State to give
every encouragement to the development and extension of native manufactures.
"That great as are the social and economic benefits which have
resulted from the liberal policy of the more enlightened nations of the
West, the advantage which India would reap from an extension of its
manufactures can hardly be over-estimated. Its entire population is, it
is needless to remind your Excellency, dependent on agriculture for its
subsistence, and the Government of Bombay has expressed its opinion
that no cause has retarded the material progress of most districts of this
Presidency so much as the want of a demand for agricultural produce
and of an outlet for labour, which the establishment of manufactures is
calculated to supply."




78             INDUSTRIAL SCIENCE.
been apt learners in the school of the deductionists, more
especially in England, where the doctrines of this sect
have almost taken the form of a national faith. English
manufactured goods at one time had a high reputation
all over the world. The fact that they were English
was quite guarantee enough that they were well made
and of proper materials. And the reputation in which
they were held was, on the whole, well deserved. English
manufactures were, at the period I refer to, really what
they were represented to be; they were made for use, and
not for sale merely, as English goods are at the present
day. The English workman was taught to do his work
honestly and well, and to take a pride in it; the English
manufacturer staked his reputation on the quality of the
goods which bore his name. This practical honesty,
more than anything else, was the cause of England's
pre-eminence in manufacturing industry. At the time
when her commercial reputation stood highest, the
English people showed no toleration of adulteration or
fraud in any shape. Fraudulent production of every
kind was put down by the strong arm of the law, and the
law in this case was but the expression of public opinion.
Trade in those days was not considered so much a
matter of individual profit as of national honour and
prosperity. In the early Acts for the suppression of
fraudulent practices in manufacturing of goods (and the
adulterations were mild then, compared with what they
are now), adulterators were stigmatized as " covetous,"
as men who "practised falsehood," who had more




ON COMPETITION.                         79
regard for their own private gains than  "the advancement of truth,"  and  their  practices  generally  were
characterised as "the shame of the land."'  The fraudulent manufacturer of those days could not hold up his
head in decent society, become an office-bearer in his
church, take the chair at social and religious gatherings,
or send a member of his firm  to represent his borough
in parliament.  He was regarded as a social outlaw and
was punished as such.
All this is now changed. The rugged honesty of
the English workman and manufacturer is a
Modern
thing  of the  past.   The  old  laws  against trade
adulteration have been abolished, and  almost practices.
the only interference with adulteration on the part of
the government of the present day has for its object
1 Take, for instance, the following preamble to 5 and 6 Edward VI.
c. 6., entitled " An Act for the making of Woollen Cloth." " Where heretofore divers and many goodly Statutes have been made for the true
making of cloth within this realm, which nevertheless, forasmuch as
clothiers, some for lack of knowledge and experience, and some of
extreme covetousness, do daily more and more study rather to make
many than to make good cloths, having more respect to their private
convenience and gain than the advancement of truth and the continuance
of the commodity in estimation of the worthness thereof, have and do
daily instead of truth, practice falsehood, and instead of substantial
making of cloth, do practice slight and slender making... to the great
slander of the King our Sovereign lord and the shame of the land, and
to the utter destruction of so great and notable a commodity as the like
is not in any foreign nation; our Sovereign lord and King, therefore
minding to advance all truth and abandon falsehood, and also to provide
for the continuance of the said commodity of cloth making to his honour
and the common profit of the realm, hath, by the advice," etc. See also
3 Hen. VIII. c. 6; 23 Hen. VIII. c. 17; 1 Eliz. c. 12.




80                 INDUSTRIAL SCIENCE.
the protection of the revenue.  The manufacturers of
tobacco  and  the  importers  of tea, for example, are
subject to heavy penalties if they have on their premises  any  ingredients which  might be used for the
purposes of adulteration; but this is because these goods
pay duty at the  custom   house, and  any~ ingredient
which  might be mixed  with  or substituted for them
would, pro tanto, be a loss to the revenue. Beer, also,
is protected from adulteration, because all the materials
of which it is composed, with the exception of hops,
are liable to excise duty.1 There has, it is true, been
some legislation recently with regard to adulteration,
but the vicious doctrines of the English economical
school have taken such a firm  hold on the public mind
that the law has hitherto been practically inoperative.2 Indeed, fraudulent practices have become the
rule and honest trading the exception in England at
the  present day.  It may  be  safely affirmed that no
1 Until very recently there was also a duty on hops, but this was
repealed some time ago, as it was believed it had the effect of encouraging the brewers to use cheaper and less wholesome substitutes.
The effect, however, was the very opposite of what was expected. When
the duty was repealed, it was no longer necessary for the protection of
the revenue to see that hops were used in the manufacture of beer, and
the brewers being thus left to themselves, adopted other and cheaper
ingredients as' substitutes, and the consumption of hops seriously declined
in consequence. To such an extent was this the case, that a deputation
representing the hop-growers of England, recently waited upon the
Chancellor of the Exchequer, and urged him to reimpose the duty
which had been taken off in their interest and at their solicitation.
-The following paragraph indicates pretty correctly the state of opinion
among the English trading classes on this question:-" At a meeting of




ON COMPETITION.                        81
country in the world has such a bad reputation in this
respect.  It is pre-eminently the land  of adulteration.
Mr. Herbert Spencer is well known to be opposed to
legislative interference with trade in any shape, and
his testimony  as to the  extent to  which  such  practices are now carried in England may be taken as
thoroughly impartial. "On all sides," he says, "we
have found the result of long personal experience to
be the conviction that trade is essentially corrupt.  In
tones of disgust or discouragement, reprehension  or
derision, according  to  their several natures, men  in
business have  one after another expressed  or implied
this belief. Omitting the highest mercantile classes, a
few of the less common trades, and those exceptional
cases where an entire command of the market has been
grocers, provision-dealers, and publicans, which assembled the other day
at Wolverhampton, in response to a letter from the secretary of the'National Chamber of Trade,' to put pressure on Mr. Villiers, one of the
members for that town, who had the audacity a short time ago, in
the House of Commons, to express the opinion that adulteration was' still rampant,' it is noteworthy that the chairman at the meeting
strongly objected to the appointment of analysts under the bill being
vested in the county magistrates, although, while insisting on its being
left with the local authorities, he also advocated the establishment of a
court of appeal from the decisions of the local Solons. His notions of
what constitutes free-trade, presumably also those of other persons
present, appear likewise to be very peculiar.'Mr. Villiers,' he- said,' was an old free-trader, and he could not imagine what that gentleman
was thinking about, unless he was going against the opinions of a large
number of his constituents. As a free-trader, he was bound to give
freedom to every tradesman, and the course he proposed would be very
hard to all tradesmen who were affected by the Food and Drugs Adulter.
ation Bill.' "-Iron, July -15th, 1875.
G




82             INDUSTRIAL SCIENCE.
obtained, the uniform testimony of competent judges
is, that success is incompatible with strict integrity.
To live in the commercial world it appears necessary
to adopt its ethical code; neither exceeding nor falling
short of it; neither being less honest nor more honest.
Those who sink below its standard are expelled, while
those who rise above it are pulled down to it or ruined.
As, in self-defence, the civilized man becomes savage
among savages, so it seems that, in self-defence, the
scrupulous trader is obliged to become as little scrupulous as his competitors. It has been said that the
law of the animal creation is,'Eat to be eaten;' and
of our trading community it may similarly be said its
law is,'Cheat and be cheated.' A system of keen competition, carried on, as it is, without moral restraint, is
very much a system of commercial cannibalism." And
further on he adds: "On all sides we have met with
the same conviction, that for those engaged in the
ordinary trades there are but two courses-either to
adopt the practices of their competitors or to give up
business. Men in different occupations and in different
places; men naturally conscientious, who manifestly
chafe under the degradations they submitted to, have
one and all expressed to us the sad belief that it is
impossible to carry on trade with strict rectitude.
Their concurrent opinion, independently given by each,
is that the scrupulously honest man must go to the
wall." 1
1 Essays, vol. ii. p. 134.




ON COMPETITION.                    83:
Such is Mr. Herbert Spencer's testimony to the extent
of the corruption that exists in commercial circles at
the present day. And we have no reason to believe that
his views are exaggerated. Fraud in one or other of its
thousand shapes meets us at every turn in every hour of
the day. Everything we buy is different from what it is
represented to be, and everything we eat, drink, or wear
is adulterated more or less, so that we seem  actually
to be living in an atmosphere of fraud.
The worst of it is, that while everybody knows of
such practices, nobody seems to be ashamed of are
them. They are not only tolerated, but in some openly
tolerated'
quarters they are actually defended.  For years and defended.
past the Lancashire  mill-owners have been
making a kind of calico for the Indian and China markets
the material of which consists of about two-thirds cotton
and one-third flour sizing and china clay.l In the East
this! kind of cloth goes under the name of mildewed
cotton, owing to the fact that goods so manufactured
generally arrived at their destination in a mildewed
condition.  On this account the merchants to whom
these goods are consigned have long and loudly protested
against this system of adulteration.  But they also objected on another account. It appears that the natives of, At a meeting of the representatives of the various Operatives'
Associations of Lancashire, Cheshire, and Derbyshire, held at Blackburn,
on the 25th July last, it was stated, and I have yet seen no contradiction of the statement on the part of the manufacturers, that calicoes
were now adulterated to the extent of from 80 to 90 per cent.-See
Manchester Examiner and Tinmes, July 26th, 1876.




84               INDUSTRIAL SCIENCE.
those countries object to buy paste and china clay at the
price of good cloth, and that the exports of Lancashire
calicoes are likely to be seriously diminished if this system
is not put an end to.  The Chambers of Commerce at
Man-     Shanghai and other places have accordingly rechester   monstrated strongly with the Manchester ChanChamber
of Com-  ber of Commerce on  the matter (an appeal
merce.
to the government being out of the question in
these days), and the subject came formally before the
latter body last year,  when, after a full discussion, the
Chamber came to the conclusion that any interference
with the present practices was not desirable.
Still more recently the Bombay Chamber of ComThe      merce refused to sanction the putting down of
Bombay  adulteration. The dissatisfaction of the natives
Chamber
of Comrn.  of India with the adulterated calicoes of Lancamerce.
shire has helped, along with other causes, to
re-establish the manufacture of cotton in India, and a
considerable number of mills have recently been erected
in the neighbourhood of Bombay and on the banks of the
Hooghly, near Calcutta.2  As several of the Bombay
mill-owners had begun to imitate the ways of Manchester in over-sizing their calico, and to prevent, if
possible, the ruin that would be certain to result from the
general adoption of the system, Mr. Ashburner, the
1875.
2 The Times of Indcia says: " The local mill industry owes its success
mainly to the disatisfaction of the purchasers of Manchester goods with
the dishonest system of mixing with the cotton some 30 per cent. of
China clay."




ON COMPETITION.                      85
Revenue Commissioner for the Northern Division of the
Bombay Presidency, urged, in a letter to the  government, that an Act for the prevention of frauds in the
preparation of cloth in the Bombay mills should'be
passed, as it was probable thiat if once the mill-owners
became accustomed to derive large profits from adulteration it would be extremely difficult to stop the
practice afterwards.  The question was referred to the
Bombay Chamber of Commerce, a body which is chiefly
composed of English merchants and the agents of
English firms, and in a lengthy document they endeavoured to show that any interference of the legislature
with  "the  course  of trade"  was  unnecessary  and
pernicious. 
I may be told that these evils will right themselves
in time; that the frauds will be discovered, and How such
that people will then refuse to have any dealings   em-ht
with those who perpetrate them. But human selves.
ingenuity is not easily exhausted. No sooner is one
kind of fraud discovered and put down than another
1 Mr. Ashburner replied to the objections of the Bombay Chamber of
Commerce, in a letter to the Government, in which he says:- "I was
fully prepared for the opposition of the Chamber of Commerce. The
Chamber is composed of gentlemen whose interest in this country is
limited to a few years' residence; their business is to buy and sell; and
any interference with their operations, however necessary for the welfare
of the country, is, of course, highly prejudicial to their interests. A bale
of adulterated cloth is as much an article of trade as one that is honestly
prepared.  There is a large demand for such cloth; their business is to
supply the demand; and they naturally object to the interference of
Government, and quote Mill and the'Economists' to prove that any
interference of the Legislature with trade is unnecessary and pernicious."




86                 INDUSTRIAL SCIENCE.
immediately crops up in its place, so that the prospect of
things righting themselves in this way is distant enough,
and meanwhile the public suffer.  But how do such evils
right themselves? Qnly by the ruin of the trade of the
country  which  tolerates  them.  The  mill-owners  of
Lancashire are doing their best to ruin their own trade,
as the flourishing condition of the numerous cotton mills
in India at the present moment testify. 1
The speechmakers of the Cobden Club declaim  loudly
One cause enough against high customs tariffs, but they
cfhimh   ought to know  that the dishonesty of English
tariffs   manufacturers has  a  good  deal to  do with
some of these tariffs at all events.  It is well known that' Not only has her India and China trade already been seriously
injured, as is proved by the decrease in the exports, but even her
home trade is threatened.  The Warehousemen& acnd Drapers' Journal
for October, 1875, announced that it had. just received the startling
intelligence that Manchester is importing calicoes and long-cloths of
American manufacture, and adds:-" For some time past it has been
known that American ladies travelling in Europe uniformly refuse to
purchase cotton goods made on this side of the Atlantic, and send to
their own country for supplies. Messrs. Wanklyn, O'Hanlon and Co., of
Manchester, thought it important to inquire the reason; they found the
American fabrics much better in quality and appearance than the European manufacture, and the first shipment that has ever been made in the
ordinary course of business to this country has just reached them. Is
protectionist America really to distance free-trade England in an industry
so peculiarly her own, and in which she has hitherto considered herself
beyond rivalry P If the warning needs to be intensified, we can add
another fact scarcely less significant-that one of the largest houses
in the city has been for some time past importing calicoes from
Belgium."  Since the above was written American calicoes have been
extensively introduced into England and Australia, where they command
a ready sale, being found to be both better and cheaper than the
English-made article.




ON COMPETITION.                 87
the United States had at one time a large and profitable trade with the West Indian colonies and the South
American States.' She supplied these countries with
numerous manufactures of her own, and especially
with a kind of cotton fabric suited to the climate. A
cheap imitation of this cloth was made in Lancashire,
and exported in such quantities to these countries, that
the sound American article was completely driven out of
the market. In the East, the United States had also a
large export trade, but she was cut out by the same
dishonest practices. Need we wonder that, finding their
foreign trade gone, the Americans began to think it time
to secure their home trade by the imposition of high
customs duties?
In adopting this course the United States did what
a British colony  has more  recently  been Caseof
compelled to do under precisely similar cir- Victoria.
cumstances. A cloth factory was established in Victoria
some years ago, and doing a fair business, the company that owned it paying a dividend of about 10 per
cent. on the amount of capital invested. A superior
kind of tweed was made at this mill, which had a high
reputation in the colony owing to its good wearing
qualities. But an enterprising Yorkshire manufacturer
procured a sample of the cloth, and made a shoddy
imitation of it, shipped large quantities of this spurious
manufacture to Melbourne, and passed it off for a time
1 See The Report of the Select Committee of the House of Commons on
Imports, 1840, questions 1672-1674, and 2000-2005.




838            INDUSTRIAL SCIENCE.
as the genuine article, selling it, of course, at a much
lower price, so that the locally made article, which was
really the cheaper of the two, taking the quality into
consideration, became a drug in the market. Up to this
time there was no import duty on cloth, but in order to
save a promising industry from ruin, and to put a stop
to the importation of the fraudulent article, the local
Legislature in 1871 imposed a duty of 10 per cent. on all
cloth imported into the colony.  The consequence of
this step. has been that, instead of there being only one
cloth mill in Victoria, there are now a dozen of them,
and new ones are going up all over the country.
British manufacturers have become so accustomed
Quality of to make goods merely for sale, that they seem
British   almost to have forgotten that they are wanted
exports.
for use. This is more especially the case when
the goods are intended for export. Any rubbish which
is quite unsaleable at home is considered quite good
enough to send abroad. So long as it is off their hands
and the money obtained for it, what is it to them if the
article when it arrives at its destination proves to be
utterly worthless for the purpose for which it was
ordered?  Not the least annoying part of the matter is
that, when goods come from a distance, the purchaser has
often to pay, in the shape of freight, commission, insurance, and other charges, what sometimes amounts to
as much as the original price of the goods at the port of
departure, so that the importer not only has a useless
article thrown on his hands, but is at the same time




ON COMPETITION.               89
saddled with heavy charges for its conveyance. Is it
extraordinary that under such circumstances consumers
sometimes prefer a locally made article to an imported
one, which, even if nominally cheap in the first instance,
is almost sure to be dearer in the end; and that they are
sometimes willing to submit to high customs duties in the
hope of some day being able to establish honest manufactures of their own'? Three cases of the kind alluded
to were recently discovered in three different Australian
colonies within a few days of each other. Machinery
had been ordered from England by the government of
Victoria for pumping out a large graving-dock which, on
its arrival, was found to be contrary to specification, and
quite unfit for the purpose for which it was ordered, and
the necessary alterations, which had to be made in the
colony at great cost and inconvenience, amounted to as
much as the original cost of the whole. About the same
time the government of New Zealand received from
England a shipment of iron rails, being a portion of an
order for 160 miles of railway, which, on examination,
proved to have been made of cinder with only a coating
of iron outside. Within the same week a first portion of
another consignment of iron rails, for some hundreds of
miles of railway, arrived in Sydney for the government
of New South Wales, which, on being tested, turned
out to be of a quality similar to that sent to New
Zealand. These materials, be it observed, were in each
case made by "highly respectable" firms, and though
every precaution had been taken by the respective




90             INDUSTRIAL SCIENCE.
governments to have them  properly examined before
shipment, the result was as I have stated. If governments are served in this fashion, how are private individuals likely to fare? Some day or, other England
will wake up and find herself without a character and
without an export trade.
No doubt evils of this sort will right themselves in
the end, but at what cost? If the loss fell exclusively on the dishonest trader it would not matter
much, but unfortunately he is about the last one that
feels it. It is the country which tolerates his existence that usually suffers all the loss. And the evils, if
allowed to work their own remedy, will only do so at
the expense of the country's honour and the country's
trade. When there are no longer any customers to',heat, cheating will no doubt be abandoned as an
unprofitable business, just as the thieves' occupation
will be gone when there is nothing to steal. But why
the fate of the thief should be so different from that
of the dishonest trader, who flourishes on his gains in
all the odour of respectability, is one of the mysteries
which the economists have left unexplained. They both
take what does not belong to them; they both bring
discredit on the country; but, if anything, the dishonest
trader is worse than the thief, for, in addition to all
this, he helps to ruin the country which supports him.
In the early history of the human race the maxim
of the economists was in full force. It was then each




ON COMPETITION.                91
man for himself. There was no interchange of ideas
between man and man, no reciprocity of senti- Industrial
ments, no mutual dependence. All the ele- does not
ments which  composed  society were in a ethpce
state of repulsion.  To be a man was to be sociala competitor for the limited means of subsistence, and
therefore an enemy. Socially, we have since changed
all that. There are now recognized rights, and acknowledged obligations with respect to them, and modern
society is the result. Can it be said that we have made
as much progress industrially? Is not the struggle
for industrial existence as keen, as unscrupulous, and
as deadly as ever it was? Do not competitors regard
each other as enemies, who are to be got rid of at all
hazards, and as soon as possible?  Why, may I ask,
should the static condition of the industrial world be
one of warfare? Why should the man of large capital
be allowed to crush his weaker rival, or the honest
trader be ruined by the rogue? Why, in fact, should
not industry be conducted on the principles of justice,
instead of, as at present, by brute force and cunning?
I may be told that competition is a law of nature,
and that the struggle for existence is as fierce and unrelenting in the animal as it is in the economic world.
This is undoubtedly true; but there is this material
difference between the two cases. Economists insist (I
speak of the English school, of course), that competition
is the proper thing under all circumstances and allow no
exception to this rule. But nature is more just. Nature




92             INDUSTRIAL SCIENCE.
provides that those only shall compete who are fitted for
the struggle. Parental instincts protect the young from
the competition to which the parents readily expose
themselves; while among animals of the same species
opposite sexes do not compete with each other. The
struggle for existence is only for the strong, the full
grown, and fully trained of the same sex. But it is not
so in the economic world. There it is the stronger
against the weaker sex, the full-grown man against the
infant; and when a man is down it is considered the
proper thing to kick him and jump upon him.
But I  shall probably  be  told  that Political
Political Economy has nothing to do with Morals. I
cnomy am aware that Political Economy is usually
Morals.  considered as belonging to an entirely.different
department of scientific investigation, and that when an
action comes to be regarded in its moral aspect, it is
supposed to pass out of the region of Economic Science
into that of Ethics. But this position is altogether
untenable. Wherever there are two individuals (and
there always must be whenever an act of exchange
takes place) there must necessarily be two separate
and antagonistic interests to be adjusted. What is
fraud but an exclusive regard by an individual to his
own interest, or, what is the same thing, a disregard
of the interests of others?  An act does not cease to
be an industrial or economic act because it is an unjust
or immoral one. It does not thereby pass out of the
region of Political Economy into Ethics, but it belongs




ON COMPETITION.                93
equally to both departments at one and the same time.
It is still the same act whether regarded in its economic
or its moral aspect. We might as well say that when
an immoral act is committed which renders the agent
amenable to the criminal law, that the act thereby
passes out of the moral sphere into that of the social
or political. But the act still remains an immoral,
while at the same time it is a criminal act, although it
may now be called a misdemeanour or a felony, and be
taken cognisance of by the civil authorities.
Among the ancient writers the tendency had been to.
subordinate the individual to society, individual Economists sube
interests to social interests. - Human nature ordinate
was judged of by the mass, and the individual social to
was ignored. The deductionists have adopted interests.
the converse method, and subordinate society to the
individual. But, as we have already pointed out, they
have failed to take into account some important
elements of man's nature.  Having committed this
error it was natural that they should commit another
and ignore individual relationships altogether.  And
this is what they have actually done. They have proceeded on the assumption that there is but one individual in the whole world, and that any act of his
affects only himself, and has no relation to any body
else.  Under such circumstances there could, of course,
be no relationship to adjust, and the moral element
would thus be effectually got rid of.
The moral element cannot be disposed of so easily,




94              INDUSTRIAL SCIENCE.
however, for it is inherent in every human action, and
must necessarily be recognized in every relation of life.
The moral It is the force that gives cohesion to the
element  social organism.  Without it there could be
essential.
no division of labour, no exchange of products, no social intercourse.  Society could have no
existence if there were no rights and no corresponding duties.  Even domestic life would be unbearable
if the principles of justice were disregarded between
husband and wife, and between parents and children.
The moral element is even necessary in our pleasures.
Our very pastimes require to be conducted "on the principles of fair play. What, for example, would become
of our national sport if jockeys were got at, if false
weights or unjust scales were used, if horses were doctored, and their owners paid to lose the race? Such
practices are not altogether unknown on the turf at
present, but what would be the result if, instead of being
the exception, they became the rule, and were condoned
and defended by the highest authorities in such matters?
How much more necessary, then, is the moral element
in our industrial relations when every contract between
buyer and seller, between producer and consumer,
between debtor-and creditor, and between master and
servant, is based on the truthfulness and fidelity of each
of the contracting parties?




PART II.
PRINCIPLES.








( 97  )
CHAPTER VI.
INDUSTRIAL  FORCES.
IN his Wealth of Nations, Adam  Smith assumes as the
cause of industrial phenomena "the desire of Adam
Smith's
every man to better his condition." This desire Sremisses
he describes as "constant, uniform, and uni- in his
Wealth of
versal," which "comes to us from the womb, and Nations.
never leaves us till we go into the grave," and this, and
this alone, he maintains, is sufficient to carry society to
wealth and prosperity.  Throughout his work he keeps
this motive constantly in view, and from it, as cause,
he traces all the phenomena of industrial life. He nowhere states that man, in the pursuit of wealth, is
not influenced by other motives, but this is implied
throughout.
In his Moral Sentiments, on the other hand, where
he had phenomena of a totally different kind And
in his
to  explain, Adam  Smith has recourse  to iMoral Sen
totally different premisses. Man is no longer tirnents.
selfish but sympathetic; and sympathy he describes
as something  essentially  different from  selfishness,
"Sympathy," he remarks, "cannot in any sense be
H




-98              INDUSTRIAL SCIENCE.
regarded as a selfish principle." 1 "The desire to better
one's condition " henceforth takes a subordinate place in
his system. There is another principle which should
determine every act, and this is the principle of justice.
"There is one virtue," he says, " which the general rules
determine, with the greatest exactness, every external
action which it requires. This virtue is justice. The
rules of justice are accurate in the highest degree, and
admit of no exceptions or modifications but such as may
be ascertained as accurately as the rules themselves,
and which generally, indeed, flow from the very same
principles with them.  If I owe a man ten pounds,
justice requires that I should pay him precisely ten
pounds, either at the time agreed on, or when he
demands it. What I ought to perform, how much I
ought to perform, when and where I ought to perform it,
the whole nature and  circumstances  of the  action
prescribed, are all of them precisely fixed and determined." 2  He even goes so far as to trace the desire
of wealth to the sympathetic affections, as, he says, " it
is chiefly for this regard to the sentiments of mankind
that we pursue riches and avoid poverty," and, again,
"to become the natural object of the joyous congratulations and sympathetic attentions of mankind, are the
circumstances which give to prosperity all its dazzling
Moral Sentiments, vol. i. p. 206. Bohn's Edition. Compare vol. i. p. 9,
where he combats the views of those " who are fond of deducing all our
sentiments from certain refinements of self-love."' Moral Sentiments, vol. ii. pp. 249, 250.




INDUSTRIAL FORCES.                 99
splendour." 1 There is no possibility of reconciling these
two sets of premisses.  Man cannot at the same time
be wholly- selfish and wholly sympathetic.  If wholly
selfish, then he cannot be sympathetic, and if wholly
sympathetic, he cannot be selfish. It is true he may be
both selfish and sympathetic, and this is in effect what
Adam  Smith proves by a roundabout process.  But
both statements are wrong as he puts them, and the deductions which he draws from them cannot be otherwise
than misleading.
Adam Smith's method of a century ago is the method
of the deductionists of to-day. They not only Difference
treat the subject deductively as he did, but they between
his prehave adopted substantially the same premisses, misses and
those of
the phrase, " desire for wealth," being substi- the deductuted for "the desire to better one's condition."?'ioniss.
Viewed from the modern standpoint, man is still purely
selfish.  No account has been taken of that other
class of motives which Adam Smith in his Moral Sentiments included under the term Sympathy. No attempt
has been made to reconcile the contradictions which are
apparent in the premisses of his two great works. If
any advantage, in a scientific point of view, could be
gained by this process, it would be a different matter;
but no one pretends that there is.
In Sociology we do not proceed by separating the
social from  the anti-social or self-regarding forces.
Moral Sentiments, vol. i. p. 66.




100             INDUSTRIAL SCIENCE.
We do not attempt to establish the science on the basis
The     of the social forces alone.  On the contrary,
Sociald n  we recognize both as essential to the mainSoience.  tenance of social order and  progress.  In
Social Science we view the two kinds of forces from the
standpoint of society, and we subordinate the interests
of the individual to those of the community if the wellbeing of the latter requires it. Where the two interests
clash, the lesser must give way to the greater, the individual to society. When, on the other hand, there is
no clashing, the two may work side by side; as, for
instance, a man may follow any pursuit he likes so long
as he does no injury to his neighbour.
It is the same with Ethics. The moralist does not
The:ignore either the self-regarding or the social
method in tendencies of man's nature when he treats of the
Ethics.
Ethical Sentiment; on the contrary, he fully
recognizes both.  The moralist, however, takes a wider
range of view than either the economist or sociologist.
His standpoint is not that of the individual, or of
society, but of humanity at large. He treats of human
actions in the abstract, irrespective of individuals or
nationalities. But so far from ignoring the existence of
self-interest and the social affections, he enjoins the
exercise, of both. To provide for one's self and one's
family he regards as a sacred duty. Prudence and
temperance are virtues of a high order. The selfregarding tendencies of our nature are, indeed, indispensable, as they form the basis of the, social affections




INDUSTRIAL FORCES.               101
and the ethical sentiment. We can only desire for others
what we would wish for ourselves. What an individual
desires others should do to him is the standard by which
his conduct towards others can alone be regulated. The
precepts, "Do unto others as ye would others should
do unto you," "Love your neighbour as yourself,"
embody the purest principles of morality, and they are
based on the self-regarding principles of man's nature.
In order to ascertain how a man would act under
a variety of motives operating concurrently T
upon him, it is necessary, we are told, to isolation
of motives.
proceed by ascertaining how he would act
under each particular motive taken separately.1 But
this would not be sufficient. Analysis must be followed
by synthesis. After ascertaining the operation of each
motive taken separately, it would be necessary, next, to
ascertain what the effect would be if operating together.
A cannon ball is projected by the force of gunpowder.
From what we know of the laws of motion, we might
conclude that the ball would proceed onward through
space at an uniform rate of speed, and in a straight line.
But this conclusion would be erroneous, for two other
forces here come into play; the one, gravity, deflects the
ball to the earth's surface; the other, the resistance of
the atmosphere, impedes its progress; and the result of
this combination of forces is that the ball, after describing a curve, is speedily brought to the earth's surface.
1 Unsettled Questions, p. 139.




102            INDUSTRIAL SCIENCE.
In the same manner mental forces impede or counteract
one another. The desire of wealth, for instance, like the
force of the gunpowder, may be the impelling motive,
and from what we know of the laws of mind we might
arrive at a tolerably correct conclusion as to its operation; but this motive might be counteracted by others,
such as sympathy, or the sense of duty, so that an
entirely different result would take place from what
might have been expected.
It is to be noted, however, that the process here
Difference recommended-that, namely, of testing the
between a
force and various forces acting concurrently-is precisely
a law.   that which the deductionists do not adopt.
They have hitherto made no attempt to ascertain the
action of those other motives that are concerned in the
production of the- phenomena under investigation.
Indeed, they have only partially examined the operation
of the one motive they have adopted as the basis of
their system. The first step in this direction would be
to discover what those other motives really were, and
afterwards their mode of operation. But this field of
inquiry the deductionists have left entirely unexplored.
They have discovered the existence of one motive, the
desire of wealth, and they have not -attempted to look
for any others. As, however, they admit the existence
of other motives, they should ascertain what they are,
and next their mode of operation, separately and concurrently. It is absurd to discuss the laws of a science
before we have ascertained its forces. The law of gravi



INDUSTRIAL FORCES.               103
tation is that it varies directly as the mass, and
inversely as the square of the distance; but the existence of gravitation as a force was known before the law
was discovered. A law is the mode in which a force
operates, and not the force itself, and we can have no
knowledge of industrial law till we have first ascertained
the forces which produce industrial phenomena.
A man obtains an income of, let us say, ~2000 a
year from business, which is all he can possibly Different
earn, and he spends the whole of it on himself. kinds of
forces.
Another man obtains ~3000 a year, which is all
he can possibly earn, but he spends half of it in charity.
A third, who conducts his business on the strictest principles of honesty, obtains only ~1000 a year, when, were
he less scrupulous, he might as easily earn twice the
amount. In each of these cases the impelling motive is
undoubtedly the desire of wealth. In the first, we may
assume, for argument's sake, this desire to be the sole
motive; in the second, however, as one half of the
amount earned was spent in charity, we must assume
that social sympathy had something to do with the
result; in other words, that the desire of wealth
was strengthened by the social affections; but in
the third, another force comes into operation which
does not strengthen but impedes the impelling motive.
This is the ethical sentiment. Or take another illustration. A workman is engaged by the week or month at
a fixed rate of wages. If his sole motive were the desire
to obtain the maximum of wealth by the minimum




104            INDUSTRIAL SCIENCE.
expenditure of labour, he will do exactly the amount
of work, and no more, which will secure him continued
employment. Another man, engaged in the same way,
and at the same fixed rate of wages, is also impelled
by the same motive, but, in addition, has a desire to
please his employer, which he thinks he can best do
by performing a satisfactory amount of work. The
additional motive makes him more energetic, and he
works all the better for it. A third man, similarly
engaged, is not of a social disposition and has no wish
to please anybody in particular, but has a desire to do
his duty, and this additional motive induces him to work
harder or better than he would otherwise do if his sole
motive were a desire to obtain his wages. Here we have
two forces, or motives, which the deductionist takes no
account of, but which, nevertheless, have undoubted
influence on industrial activity.
Motives or impulses are called forces because they
move or impel to action. This they do by operating on
volition. A motive, however, is only one of a whole
series of forces terminating in activity. There is, first,
sensation, then emotion, next motive, and, last of all,
volition.  The muscular sensations are the primary
sensibilities; the emotions are secondary, derived, or
compound feelings; the sensations or emotions, whet
viewed in connection with an object as their cause,
become motives; and volition is the connecting link
between these and the resultant action.




INDUSTRIAL FORCES.                105
Every- motive concerned in industrial action may be
termed an industrial force. By industrial force
ClassificaI understand that kind of force which produces tion of
forces.
industrial action; and by industrial action I
mean that kind of action which has reference to the
production or exchange of wealth, using the latter
term  in its technical sense. According to the classification usually adopted by ethical writers, motives are of
two kinds, Self-regarding and Non-self-regarding, or Egoistic and Altruistic.  But we do not ascend from the
Egoistic to the Altruistic at a single bound. There is an
intermediate stage between the two which must be passed
before we can reach the higher. As in inductive science
we proceed from a single fact to a series.of similar
facts before we can arrive at the conception of law; as
in language we rise from the concrete through the
collective to' the abstract; so in Ethics we can reach
the Altruistic only through the collective or social stage.
Motives may be classified according to the standpoint
of the subject of them. As an object, person, or action,
for instance, may be viewed from the I, we, or other
standpoint, so motives may be viewed and designated
according as they refer to one's self only, to others along
with one's self, and to others apart from one's self. If
regarded from the.I point of view, or in a strictly
personal aspect, motives may be called Egoistic (from
eys); from the we point of view, or in a semi-p-ersonal
or social aspect,.they may be called Hemeistic (from
aE6iS); and if from other than a self-regarding point of




106             INDUSTRIAL SCIENCE.
view, they may be termed (still preserving the Greek
pronominal system  of nomenclature) Allostic (from
4XXoc). We apprehend objects, persons, or actions from
the first point of view, -as it were spontaneously; from
the second, with more or less difficulty, according to
the extent of our intimacy with those with whom we
associate ourselves; and from the third, only by a great
mental effort, and after we have been long accustomed
to view things from  a purely social standpoint.  The
forces with which we have to deal may therefore be
classified as follows:I. The Egoistic, which have reference to things, and
have for their object the gratification of those sensations
and emotions which centre in self. They include:1. Wants; as food, drink, exercise, rest.
2. Desires; as the  comforts, conveniences, and
luxuries of life.
II.  The Hemeistic, which have reference to persons,
and have for their object the gratification of the social
emotions.  They include:1. The Affections proper and friendship.
2. The Desires; as admiration, approbation, and
esteem of our fellow-men.
3. Motives of the impassioned order; as love, hate,
fear, resentment.
III. The Allostic, which have reference to actions,
and have for their object justice. They include:Fidelity, truth, gratitude, generosity, and beneficence.




INDUSTRIAL FORCES.                107
The Egoistic group I have placed first because it is
the strongest, the most important, and because The
relative
it forms the basis of the two following groups. importThe Hemeistic I have placed second, because anc of
industrial
it is inferior in strength and importance to forces.
the former, and is superior in both respects to the
Allostic. In the order of development, the Egoistic
might be designated, to use a geological term, the
primary, the Hemeistic the secondary, and the Allostic
the tertiary order of industrial forces. The two latter
are distinct and independent, but are derivative in their
origin, as are motives from emotions, and emotions from
sensations.
The Egoistic forces I have subdivided into (1) Wants
and (2) Desires. Among the former I have Thefirst
placed Appetite first, because it is most im- division,
or wants.
perative in its demands, and its influence
most- conspicuous. To the demands of appetite may
be ascribed nearly the whole of the industrial activity
we see everywhere around us; and to this, as the
remote or proximate cause, may be traced the continual wars among savage tribes, the early migrations
of the human race, and the movements of population
generally all over the world, past and present. All
must eat in order to live, but many live only in order
that they may eat. It may indeed be said that the
great mass of mankind live for nothing else. Perhaps
three-fourths of the human race are content if they
can only get enough to satisfy the cravings of appetite,




108             INDUSTRIAL SCIENCE.
and provide themselves with decent covering for their
bodies.  This is more particularly the case in the East,
where the great bulk of the population of the globe
exists.  "The Hindoo workman," says Mr. Brassey,
"knows no other want than his daily portion of rice,
and the torrid climate renders water-tight habitations
and ample clothing unnecessary.  The labourer, therefore, desists from work as soon as he has provided for
the necessaries of the day. Higher wages would add
nothing to his comfort, it only serves to diminish his
ordinary industry."  Mr. Wallace, the naturalist, speaking of the sago tree as food for the inhabitants of the
Malay Archipelago, reckons that one tree will produce
food sufficient for one man for a whole year, while two
men will prepare it in five days, and two women will
take five more days to bake the whole produce into cakes
ready for use.  "The effect of this cheapness," says
Mr. Wallace, "is very prejudicial to the inhabitants of
the sago countries, who are never so well off as in those
where rice is cultivated.  Many of the people have
neither vegetables nor fruit, but live almost on sago
and a little fish.... As far as the comforts of life are
concerned they are as much inferior to the wild dyak
of Borneo, as to many of the barbarous tribes of the
Archipelago." 2  Readers will recall what Humboldt
1Work and Wages, p. 88.
2 Malay Archipelago, vol. i. pp. 121, 122; also pp. 356, 357, where
he says that the people of Muka, and Sago Island, live in' that abject
state of poverty almost always found where the sago tree is abundant."




INDUSTRIAL FORCES.               109
says about the effect which the prolific yield of the
banana had upon the Indians of Mexico. As long as
food was plentiful it was found impossible to make the
natives industrious. To have enough to eat was all
that they cared for, and when their appetite was satisfied, nothing could move them to the slightest exertion.
The cultivation of the potato in Ireland had at one
time a similarly injurious effect on the industrial habits
of the natives of that country.  Speaking of the labouring classes of society in Europe generally, Malthus
says, "if the labourer can obtain the full support of
himself and family by two or three days' labour; and,
if to furnish himself with conveniences and comforts,
he must work three or four days more, he will generally
think the sacrifice too great compared with the objects
to be obtained"- -a statement which was strikingly
illustrated by the colliers in England and Wales during
the coal famine in 1874, when the high wages current
at that period enabled them to support themselves by
working three days in the week and idling the other
three.
In the second subdivision I have placed Desires, or
acquired wants.  These are not so important
The second
as those in the first subdivision.  Not being division,or
desires.
natural, in the sense of being necessary, they
are not universal, and vary in strength according to circumstances. Only after they are provided with the
1 On Popultion, vol. iii. p. 23.




110            INDUSTRIAL SCIENCE.
necessaries do mankind begin to think  of the conveniences, comforts, and luxuries of life. Desires are
stimulated by new objects. The South Sea Islander can
usually obtain, by one hour's labour, food enough to sup,
port him for twenty-four, but he will work continuously
for long periods in order to obtain some article of European manufacture which has taken his fancy. A Fijian
has been known to labour for three, and even for six
months, in the plantations of European settlers in order
to procure a knife, tomahawk, or some other article of
trifling value; and no sooner had he obtained this than
he would be attracted by some other object and serve a
like term in order to procure it. But in this respect the
civilized man is little better than the savage, for no sooner
has he gratified one desire than he creates another. He
is never satisfied with what he has but is always seeking
more. Contentment is not one of the virtues of civilization. With all the accumulated experience of the race,
with the inherited wealth of centuries, with the discoveries of science, the improvements of labour-saving
machines and in the means of locomotion, we do not
find that the modern civilized man toils any less, or is
more contented than his forefathers. The cheaper an
article becomes, the less we esteem it. The more plentiful any material, the more we waste it. A machine is
invented that makes twenty stitches for one that could
formerly be made by hand, and we now put in twenty
stitches for one that we put in formerly. The more we
have, the more we spend. Value is not synonymous




INDUSTRIAL FORCES. ~               111
with utility but with scarceness. As old desires are
satisfied, new ones take their places, and in all probability there will never come a time when this will be
changed, and that community which has surpassed all
others in the creation of artificial wants shall not be
deemed the most, but the least civilized. According to
Say, that society is most civilized which produces most
and consumes most, or, in other words, which has the
greatest number of artificial wants.
We come now to the second, or Hemeistic group of
forces. Man is not made to live alone. His The
mental, no less than his physical organization, Hemeistic
forces.
compels him to associate with his fellows.
Every one is related to some one else. A man has, or
has had, a father and mother; he may have a brother or
sister, or some other relatives; and these relationships
he cannot divest himself of, or the associations connected
with them. But his associations extend beyond the
domestic circle and embrace friends, acquaintances, and
ultimately society at large; and these associations call
forth certain emotions and desires which we designate
the social affections. The deductionist, however, accepts
only those motives included under the first group in
our list, and rejects those included under the second and
third. Personal motives only are retained, and social
and moral are rejected. Why is this? Is man, in his
industrial relations, not influenced by motives of a social
character? Is parental, filial, or conjugal affection no
incentive to action?  Does a man never act for friend



112            INDUSTRIAL SCIENCE.
ship's sake? Does a workman never put forth an effort
in order to obtain the approbation of his employer, or
the esteem of his fellows? Does an employer never do
anything with a view to secure the respect and esteem of
his workmen?  On the contrary, do we not find that
men in every condition of life are continually acting with
a view to obtain the good opinion of others, and do they
not constantly abstain from acts which, though beneficial
to themselves are hurtful to others, for fear of incurring
the hatred or contempt of their fellow-creatures? We
all know, indeed, that motives of this kind largely influence industrial activity. Why, then, ignore them? The
emotions, or motives of the impassioned order, as love,
anger, fear, also belong to this group. The deductionist,
however, takes no account of them whatever, although
they are forces of the very greatest importance in industrial activity.  They act on volition, which they
strengthen or weaken according to circumstances. If I
love a person, I will avoid doing him an injury, and
will probably exert myself on his behalf. If I am
angry with a person, I will not go out of my way
to do him a service; I might even avoid doing something I had previously determined on, because it might
be to his advantage; and if he is a rival in business, my
feeling towards him will give strength to my resolution to
secure success at his expense. Why are all such motives
ignored? We grant that they are awkward elements for
the deductionist to deal with, but that surely is no




INDUSTRIAL FORCES.              113
reason why we should ignore them. If they cannot be
made to fit in with our system, so much the worse for
our system.
The last group on the list is the Allostic, which
also, though in a lesser degree, is largely con- The
cerned with industrial activity. Every man frosrio
has a certain rule of propriety, or 7o 3Eov,
according to which he shapes his conduct. This rule or
standard we call duty or honour. In acting up to this
standard, a man will often do what is contrary to his
personal gain, as, for instance, when he pays a just debt
that has never been claimed, and is never likely to be;
when-he corrects an error in his favour in an account
which has been presented to him for payment, and
which would not otherwise be detected; when he pays
for an article more than is asked, because he believes it
to be worth it; when he sells a sound article when
he could make a larger profit by selling a spurious
one; when he pays his creditors in full, after obtaining
a legal discharge from his debts. In acting up to this
standard he may even do what is contrary to his social
instincts, as when he would rather witness the sufferings
of those who are bound to him by the ties of affection
than be guilty of a dishonourable act, or when he prefers
a conscientious discharge of duty to fame, power, or social
advancement. In these and all similar cases a man
does what he considers to be proper, honourable, or just,
and apart altogether from motives appealing to his per-.I




114              INDUSTRIAL SCIENCE.
sonal or social interests.  It is not necessary we should
in this place go into the question of the origin of this
standard.  Whether it be intuitive or acquired makes no
difference.  It is enough for our purpose that it exists,
and that it is of the character here described.




CHAPTER VII.
ON VALUE.
THE modern school of economists do not approve of
the distinction which Adam Smith makes be- Valuein
tween value in use, and value in exchange. use and in
exchange.
They have only one kind of value, namely,
value in exchange. Value, in the language of economists, means, according to Mill, exchange value; and
he tells us that when he does not use the adjunct
"exchange," it must always be understood.l This definition of the word has been generally concurred in by
subsequent writers.
By  value, or exchange value, Mill understands
"general purchasing power," or, "the com- Various
mand which its possession gives over purchase- definitions
of value.
able commodities in general." 2 Senior defines
it to be "that quality in a thing which fits it to be
given or received in exchange; "3 and Prof. Cairnes:   Principles, vol. i. book iii. ch. i. 3.
2 Ibid. vol. i. book iii. ch. i. 2.
3 Political Econom'y, p. 14.




116            INDUSTRIAL SCIENCE.
describes it as "the ratio in which commodities in open
market are exchanged against each other." 1  These
definitions all agree in expressing the idea of exchangeability.  In this view of the meaning of value I am
unable to concur.
Value is no doubt an essential element in exchange,
Exchange- but exchange is not an essential element in
ability
not an   value. There is, I conceive, a manifest difessentina ference between value in use, and value in
element in
value.   exchange, which modern writers have overlooked. Value in use is holders' value; value in exchange is sellers' value. A man may hold a thing, not
in order to sell or exchange it, but in order to use it.
Many things possess value that are not, exchangeable at
all. Indeed, if we limit value by things exchangeable,
we shall exclude a large and very important class of
commodities. A man may possess an article which may
be altogether unsaleable, and yet he may place a very
high value upon it because he understands its uses
and can turn it to a profitable account. A labour-saving
machine, for instance, may have no exchange value, as
the public may have no faith in its capabilities, or so
little confidence in the skill of the inventor that they
may not trouble themselves even to inquire about it. The
value of the invention may ultimately come to be recognized, but in the first instance, practical men hold
aloof and will have nothing to do with it. Again, an
1 Some Leadcing Questions, p. 1.




ON VALUE.                  117
emigrant may take a plough of modern manufacture to
some distant part of the world, say to the East, where the
natives have been accustomed to scratch the soil with an
implement which dates its origin from the time of the
Pharaohs. In such a place the modern plough would
find no purchaser; nor would the emigrant gain anything by sending it back from whence it came, as the
cost of conveyance might be more than the article would
fetch. The plough, therefore, would have no exchange
value, because no one would buy it where it was, and if
he sent it back to where there were purchasers he would
gain nothing by it. But suppose the importer used it
himself in cultivating the soil, could it then be said to
possess no value to him?  On the contrary, would not
the very cause that had rendered it valueless in exchange,
namely, the distance from a purchaser, make it all the
more valuable to him under the circumstances?  Or
take another case. An enterprising emigrant takes up
a section of land in one of the islands of the South
Pacific for the purpose of growing cotton for the English
market.  Suppose that the soil and climate were everything that could be desired, that labour was cheap, that
there was an unlimited demand for the produce which he
could raise, that, in fact, the enterprise had in it all the
elements of success; suppose all this, but suppose also
that he was the only planter in that portion of the globe
who had ever embarked in such an enterprise, and what
would be the exchange value of his estate? It is quite
evident that if he wanted to sell it he would find no




118              INDUSTRIAL SCIENCE.
purchaser.  Possibly, after he had demonstrated that
his enterprise was a successful one, when, in fact, it had
ceased to be an enterprise at all, he would find purchasers enough. But can it be said that, till then, his
property  had  no  industrial value?  The  inventor's
labour-saving machine, the emigrant's plough, and the
planter's estate, had all of them value in this sense,
independent altogether of their exchangeability. Their
industrial value was antecedent to their value in exchange, and the latter was the effect, not the cause, of
the former.  Value in use is the basis of industrial
activity; without it there would be no production, and
without production there could be no exchange. To
limit value by exchange, then, is to deprive Economic
Science of the very foundation on which the whole
superstructure rests.
According to Mill, there are two elements essential to
Utility,and value, namely, utility, and difficulty of attaindffittai.y  ment, or scarcity.1  But these two elements
ment.    do not of themselves constitute value.  An
article may be useful, and at the same time valueless.
Water, for instance, is an element necessary to human
existence, and is therefore in the highest degree useful.
But it does not on that account possess value.  An
article may also be exceedingly scarce and yet be perfectly valueless, as, for instance, certain kinds of metals
1Senior and Prof. Cairnes maintain there are three, namely, utility,
difficulty of attainment, and transferableness. But surely transferable.
ness is included in the term -exchange value.




ON VALUE.                   119
and minerals well-known to chemists, which I need not
here enumerate. And even difficulty of attainment combined with utility will not confer value on an article.
Water, though useful, and ever so scarce, as in the
case of a traveller in an arid desert, does not have
any value conferred on it on that account, if the
traveller does not want it.  But if he wanted it,
if he was thirsty, and if he believed that it would
satisfy his thirst, water would then be immediately
invested with a value in his estimation which neither
its acknowledged utility.nor its inaccessibility or scarcity
previously conferred. A threshing machine is an article
which possesses utility, though of a different kind; but in
the eyes of a native of Tierra del Fuego, even if he had
its uses explained to him, and was assured that it was
the only article of its kind in his country, it would have
-no value if he did not want to use it. Pure air is
necessary to health, and is therefore useful; but though
I may know that it is so, and may be perfectly assured
that the air I constantly breathe is not pure, and that
pure air is perfectly unattainable in the unwholesome
atmosphere in which I live, still I may attach no value
to it. But if I knew its use and at the same time
wanted it, I would probably give up my business or
profession and go abroad in order to obtain it; in other
words, I might value it so much as to sacrifice my
prospects for life in order to possess it.
Human desire, then, I maintain, is the essence of
value. We value an object because we believe its pos



120             INDUSTRIAL SCIENCE.
session will satisfy a desire, and we desire to possess
Essential or retain possession of an object only when we
character
of value. believe possession will be useful or agreeable
to us, that is to say, confer pleasure or remove pain.
The deprivation of the means of enjoyment creates pain,
the possession of these means creates pleasure. Thus,
whatever creates pleasure or removes pain becomes an
object of desire and therefore of value.  First, in the
order of time, comes the pain of deprivation, or the
pleasure of possession; next, the mind, connecting the
feeling of pain or pleasure with an object capable, or
supposed to be capable, of removing the one or conferring.the other, desires to obtain or retain possession
of that object.  Thus the deprivation of food creates
pain; the mind, connecting the pain with an object,
food, believed to be capable of relieving the pain,
desires its possession. The deprivation of wealth creates
all the pains incident to poverty, as physical privation,
toil, impotence, and indignity; and we desire the
removal of these by the possession of the means which
wealth places at our command. It is hardly correct,
however, to speak of utility or difficulty of attainment
as elements at all, for they are simply factors in the calculation by which the mind forms its estimate of the
desirableness of an object.
As compared with utility, difficulty of attainment is
Difficulty a subordinate or accidental factor in value,
of attainment sub- as the latter only helps to direct the mind
ordinate
to utility. to the former. When deprived of a thing




ON VALUE.                  121
which is useful to us we are then forcibly impressed
with its utility, which, but for the deprivation, might
otherwise have been overlooked. Utility, on the other
hand, is an  essential factor, as the  value of a
thing depends on its utility. Nevertheless, utility is
not value. We value a thing because it is desirable;
and the more desirable a thing is the more valuable it
is, and the less desirable the less valuable. But it is
desirable because we believe it to be useful, that is to
say, capable of satisfying a desire. Utility may exist
apart from  desire, but desire cannot exist apart from
utility.
We cannot, therefore, speak of inherent' or intrinsic
value. Value does not exist in the object Definition
desired, but in the mind. It is not an objective of value.
but a subjective quality.  It is not a quality "in a
thing," as Senior defines it, but a purely mental attribute. If value were a quality existing in a thing, all
objects would have everywhere and at all times the same
value. But the same object may be both valuable and
valueless to different individuals, and even to the same
individuals at different times and at different places.
An object may be valuable to one man and not to
another; it may even be valuable and worthless to
the same man at different times and under different
circumstances. To a hungry man food is valuable; to
the same man dying of thirst it has no value whatever.
Again, if by value we mean exchange value, we should
be able to exchange equally everywhere: so many yards




122            INDUSTRIAL SCIENCE.
or pounds of one commodity would exchange for so
many yards or pounds of another.  Value, or rather
price, would then not be determined by demand and
supply, as all articles would have their true value
stamped upon them, and would exchange themselves,
as it were, automatically. Value is that quality or
attribute with which the mind invests an object capable,
or supposed to be capable, of satisfying a. desire. It
is, in fact, desirableness.
So far we have treated of value in use, which I
conceive to be true value. Value in exchange, or
exchange value, on the other hand, is not value at all,
but Price. The exchange value of a thing is what that
thing will fetch in the market, that is, its price, which
is something altogether from  its value. Value is an
absolute, not a relative term; price, on the other hand,
is a relative and not an absolute term. The value of a
thing is what that thing is worth to me; the price of a
thing, on the other hand, is what some one else will
give me for it. Exchange value we shall therefore
consider in the following chapter when we treat of price.




( 123 )
CHAPTER VIII.
ON PRICE.
WTHEN we come to exchange, or to actual transactions
in the market, it is no longer with value but Difference
with price that we have to deal. The essential between
value and
difference between value and price consists in price.
this, that while the former is a single estimate, the
latter is a double estimate, the estimate of a buyer or
buyers on the one side, and of a seller or sellers on the
other.  The price of a thing is what it will fetch in the
market;l and while there is only one price at a given time
and place, there are always several values. A price can
only be arrived at when two or more values coincide, or
1 Here we have another illustration of the scientific misappropriation
of terms in common use. cValue, according to Mill (and his followers have
one and all endorsed his definition), means " exchange value," that is to
say Price (Principles, book iii. ch. v. 1), whereas Price he defines as
" value in money," or monetary consideration (book iii. ch. i. 2). Now
Value (from uaclere, to be sound, to be worth or worthy) properly means
worth, estimate, or utility; and Price (from prendclre, to take or seize) has
the same meaning that he gives to Value, namely, exchange value, " that
which is taken in purchase or payment." (Richardson.)




124            INDUSTRIAL SCIENCE.
when the estimate put upon an article by a seller agrees
with the estimate put upon it by a buyer. Not only do
individuals differ in their values, but they have different
methods of arriving at them. One man may estimate an
article according to the use he can make of it, that is, its
true value; another man may estimate an article according to its scarcity, that is, monopoly value; a third
may estimate it according to its cost of production,
which is variously called its necessary, natural, or
nominal value. The market, however, is the true test
of all these values.
The market price is arrived at by a comparison of
ow. individual values. I value a commodity which
How price
is deter-  I desire to sell, and I also value the commodity
mined.
which I desire to get in exchange for it. The
person who desires to buy my commodity or sell another
commodity to me likewise puts his value on both. If
my value is the same as his, the equation of our values
will be the price. But if our values do not agree, if he
demands more than I am willing to give, or I demand
more than he is willing to give me in exchange for what
I have, and if neither of us will give way, there will be
no exchange, and therefore no price.
Price may also be said to be determined by Correlative Demand. Each party to an exchange demands so
much of one commodity for so much of another. If the
demands are equal, the equation of the two demands will
be the price or rate at which the exchange will be effected;
if unequal, no price can be quoted, unless the demands of




ON PRICE.                      125
the one rise or fall to the demands of the other, when a
price will be fixed at that point.
Economists usually speak of demand as something
quite different from supply. Demand they re- Demand
gard as a qualificative, supply as a quantitative and
supply in
element; the former as having reference to relation to
price.
desire, the latter to quantity supplied.  To
speak of the ratio between demand and supply, in the
sense in which these terms are understood, is absurd,
for, as Mill asks, What ratio can there be between two
things not of the same denomination, as a quantity and
desire?  "A ratio between a demand and a supply," he
says, "is only intelligible if by demand we mean the
quantity demanded, and if the ratio intended is between
the quantity demanded and the quantity supplied."'
This is undoubtedly true; there cannot be a desire on
the one side and a supply or quantity on the other, and
it is perfectly evident there cannot be quantity on both
sides apart from desire.
To get rid of this difficulty, Mill accordingly reduces
both elements to the same denomination, and Mill's
explains Demand to mean "the quantity de- definition
of the
manded," and Supply, "the quantity offered for terms
Demancd
sale."2  As the expression "offered for sale" and
implies demand on the side of the seller, both Sly.
1 Principles, vol. i. book iii. ch. ii. 4.
2 To the same effect Prof. Jenkins defines supply as "quantity holders
are willing to sell," and demand as " quantity buyers are willing to purchase." See Essay on Demand acnd SuTply in Recess Stzudies, pp. 151-2.




126             INDUSTRIAL SCIENCE.
elements may now be said to be denominationally the
same, but, instead of there being one element on each
side, there are now two: a desire and a quantity, and a
quantity and a desire. But this does not help to elucidate matters much. Is the ratio to be between the
desire on the one side and the quantity on the other; or
does quantity go against quantity, and desire against
desire? Mill saw that he was involving himself in a
difficulty here, for he goes on to say, "But the quantity
demanded is not a fixed quantity, even at the same time
and place; it varies according to the value: if the thing
is cheap, there is usually a demand for more of it than
when it is dear. The demand, therefore, partly depends
on the value. But it was before laid down that the.
value depends on the demand. From this contradiction
how  shall we extricate ourselves? How solve the
paradox of two things each depending upon the
other? "1 There is no solution possible. If the quantity
" varies according to the value," clearly the value cannot
be determined by the quantity. It is a contradiction in
terms. But there is really no necessity for rendering
the subject more complex by introducing the element
of quantity at all, for the mental process indicated
by the term Demand is quite sufficient to explain all
the phenomena.  It is demand on both sides.  The
buyer demands, and the seller demands likewise; and
the demand is the same in both cases, for the object cdh1 Principles, vol. i. book iii. ch. ii. 3.




ON PRICE.                    127
templated is an exchange of commodities.  If quantity
be imported into the question at all, it must only be as a
subordinate or accidental element, for in no sense can
it rank with desire, or even with utility.  At the most,
it is only a cause of a cause; it may influence utility in
the same manner as utility influences demand.  If a
man has a larger quantity of any commodity than he
requires, this fact may predispose him to get rid of a
portion of it; or make him desirous to sell. In other
words, quantity may influence demand in proportion as
it affects the utility of the commodity.
The fact of the matter is, the terms Demand and
Supply do not properly express the nature of Denmand
and
the process which takes place when commodities snpPy
are exchanged in the open market.  The word not
suitable
Demand, as we have said, signifies desire, but terms.
the term Supply signifies a stock, provision, or quantity
provided.  The word Supply is therefore not the correlative of Demand; the latter indicates a mental process,
while the former has no such meaning. If Supply is
the correct word, then its correlative is not Demand,
but some word indicating absence of supply.' On the
other hand, if Demand is the correct word, its correlate
is not Supply, but some other term, expressive of
the mental process which takes place when anything is
" offered for sale." What is that mental process? It
1 The correlative of Sopply, in Parliamentary phraseology, is.Expendi.
ture-income as distinguished from outcome, if I may be permitted the
expression.




128            INDUSTRIAL SCIENCE.
is the same, exactly, that takes place on the other side.
The seller desires or demands, just the same as the
buyer. The buyer desires to buy, and the seller desires
to sell, and it is demand on both sides. There is no
difference in the mental process between the one and the
other, and the object aimed at by both is exactly the
same, namely, exchange of commodities. If a seller
desired to sell, and no one desired to buy, or if the buyer
desired to buy, and no one desired to sell, no exchange
would take place. In other words, both are demanders,
as each desires something which the other has; and,
in the same sense, both are suppliers, as each comes
provided with something to offer in exchange for that
which he desires to obtain.
There is really no necessity for importing into the
Correla-  question the element of quantity at all. The
five
demand.  whole of the confusion has arisen from the use
of the word Supply.  If instead of the words Demand
and SuXpply we used the term  Correlative Demand, all
would be clear.  And this, as I have said, is the only
correct way of expressing the mental process involved in
exchange. Supply, in the sense of offered for sale, or
placed on the market, is really a demand for something
in exchange for that offered, precisely in the same way,
and to the same extent, as Demand is an offer to
supply something in exchange for that demanded. The
seller has one kind of commodity and the buyer has
another, and they mutually demand an exchange.
Suppose, however, that Mill's definition were the




ON PRICE.                   129
correct one, and that supply, in the sense of quantity
offered for sale, regulated prices; it would Quantitativeness
then follow  that the price of a commodity otiaes
would vary in exact proportion to the increase essential
element in
or decrease of the quantity of that commodity price.
placed on the market.  If the supply fell one-third,
the price would rise in the same proportion, that
is, exactly one-third; on the other hand, if the supply
increased  one-third, the  price would fall one-third,
and so on, the price falling and rising in exact proportion to the quantity supplied.  I need scarcely say
that, as a matter of fact, prices do not rise and fall in
this fashion. Take the oft-quoted case of corn, for
instance. As pointed out by Tooke, the price of this
commodity has risen in England from 100 to The case
200 per cent. and upwards, when the utmost of a
deficiency.
computed deficiency in the crops has not been
more than  between  one-sixth  and  one-third  below
average, and when that deficiency had been relieved
by foreign supplies.1 After a full review of the whole
phenomena of price, as affected by quantity supplied,
the only approach to a "law" which the author of the
History of Prices was able to arrive at was the very
general one that "if there should be a deficiency of
the crops amounting to one-third, without any surplus
from  a former year, and without any chance of relief
from importation, the price might rise five, six, and
even seven fold."
l History of Prices, vol. i. p. 13.




130             INDUSTRIAL SCIENCE.
Reverse the case, and assume that there is a surplus
The case instead of a deficiency. Let us suppose that
of a&    the ordinary consumption of a country is, say,
surplus.
one million of bushels. the average price
5s. per bushel, and that the crop of wheat in a given
year yielded just double that quantity, namely, two
millions of bushels.  The farmers could then afford to
sell the two millions of bushels at about one-half the
price they could the one million, making due allowance,
of course, for extra expenses in harvesting,:storing, and
bringing to market the larger quantity. If the farmers
were all well off they would, if they could not find a
market abroad, hold over their surplus till the following
year; that is to say, there would be no urgent desire
to sell, and prices would not only not fall one-half, but
they would not fall at all, or very little.  On the
other hand, if the farmers were not well off, if they
were in debt, if their necessities were pressing, they
would desire to sell as quickly as possible.   There
would then be more sellers than buyers in the market;
the demand to sell would be greater than the demand
to buy, and prices would fall. But the cause of the fall
would not be the excess of the supply for that would
have been held over till another year, but the necessities
of the farmers, or the greater demand to sell as compared
with the lesser demand to buy.
Any excess or deficiency in the quantity of any
commodity at any given time or place only affects
prices by predisposing holders to sell or to buy.  The




ON PRICE.                   131
absence of sufficient storage accommodation may, for
example, induce a farmer to take a much lower Effects of
price for- his crop than he otherwise would.  d exfess
In England, during the thirteenth and four- ciency of
In, n~~l  9commoditeenth centuries, and even much later, the ties.
farmers were without capital, the trade of the corndealer was then unknown, and the only storage accommodation for grain in any considerable quantity
was in the Abbey Granges.1  The consequence of this
state of things was -that the farmer had to dispose.
of his crop at low prices immediately after harvest.
The price of corn in those days was almost -always
extremely low at harvest time, and invariably rose as
the year advanced, and frequently to an enormous
height just before next harvest.  It is related by
Stow, that in 1317 -wheat, which before harvest was
selling at ~4 per quarter, fell immediately the crop
was got in to 6s. 8d. per quarter, or to one-twelfth its
previous price. - Here it might be said that the absence
of accommodation was the cause of the reduction, and
the statement would be quite as correct as to say that
it was the excess of supply; but the absence of accommodation only affected the price by increasing the
demand for a market, and this increased demand was
the true cause of the fall in price.
Precisely the same effect takes place in the money
market when there is a pressing necessity for money;' Eden, State of the Poor, vol. i. p. 18.




132             INDUSTRIAL SCIENCE.
that is to say, the price rises, but here again not in proFluctua-  portion to the deficiency of supply, or indeed
tions in
the money on account of the supply at all, but in propormarket.  tion, and in exact proportion, to the demand.
Mr. Bagehot thus explains the cause of a rise in the
price of money.  "Up to a certain point," he says,
"money is a necessity. If a merchant has acceptances
to meet to-morrow, money he must and will find to-day,
at some price or other. And it is the urgent need of the
whole body of merchants which runs up the value of
money so wildly and to such a height in a great panic."
Here, there was no deficiency, or anticipated deficiency,
in the supply; there was no sudden withdrawal of gold
from the country. The money was in the banks, or in
the hands of the bill-discounters, in quantity, it must be
presumed, sufficient for ordinary business requirements.
But there was a sudden increase in the demand for it to
meet the urgent requirements of the merchants. True, it
may be said, but the sudden increase in the demand was
due to a previous scarcity, a large amount of money
having been already invested, or wasted in wild speculation, and was therefore not immediately available.
But if a larger quantity of money than usual had been
previously invested, this, again, could only have been
caused by an antecedent demand for it, so that whichever way we look at the matter we still come back to
demand as the cause.
I Lombard Street, p. 119.




ON PRICE.                   133
Has quantity, or difficulty of attainment, then, no
effect upon price? The answer is that it may or Quantity
it may not. In the first place, it is not the actual in relation
to price.
quantity in existence, or the actual quantity in
the market, that we have to deal with, but what we
think is the quantity; and, in the second place, it is not
only what we think the quantity is, but this combined
with what we think it ought to be. The stock of any
commodity may be much less than we believe it to be,
and if so there will be no corresponding increase in
price; or it may be much larger than we believe it to be,
and if so there will be no corresponding reduction. It is
opinion that influences prices, and that opinion may be
founded on a correct knowledge of the state of the
market, or it may not; but in either case the result
is the same.  If a seller thinks there is a deficiency
of any commodity, he may increase his price for that
commodity; if he thinks there is a surplus, he may
reduce his price. If a purchaser believes there is a surplus of any commodity, he will demand a reduction in
price, for he knows that some holder will submit to a
sacrifice rather than have his stock left on his hands;
if he believes there is a deficiency, he will be eager to
buy, and to buy at an advanced price, as he thinks he
will still be able to resell at a profit.
But in saying this much on behalf of quantitativeness
I am giving it far more prominence than it is really
entitled to, for it does not follow that a commodity will
be high or low in price because it is scarce or plentiful.




134            INDUSTRIAL SCIENCE.
There may be a great increase in the quantity and no
corresponding decrease in the price; and there may be
a great decrease in the quantity and no corresponding
increase in the price. A decrease in price is even compatible with a decrease in quantity, and an increase in
price with an increase in quantity. Practically, buying
and selling is seldom regulated by quantity at all. A
buyer finds sellers eager to sell, and he does not, as
a rule, inquire into the cause of this eagerness. It is
enough for him that it exists, that he can purchase
readily what he wants; and he naturally concludes that
when there are many eager to sell he will get what he
wants at a reduced price, and he acts accordingly. A
seller finds buyers eager to buy, and he does not inquire
into the cause of this eagerness, but accepts the fact,
and consequently increases his price. It is demand,
therefore, and not quantity, that determines price.. And
if we go behind demand and inquire what influences
demand, we shall find that quantitativeness is only one
cause out of many, as demand may be influenced by a
variety of causes. Demand, for instance, may be influenced by the financial position of the seller. The
phrases "held well" and " held weakly," so familiar on
the stock exchange, illustrate what I mean. Stock is
said tobe "held well" when it is in good hands, or in
the possession of those who can hold it till they can get
their own price, and in such a case, no matter how large
an amount of stock so held or offered for sale, the price
will be maintained. "Held weakly," on the other hand,




ON PRICE.                  135
is stock that is in bad hands, or in the possession of those
who will be forced to sell sooner or later, and in such a
case the price is likely to decline. Demand may also
be influenced by fashion; and again the demand for
one commodity may be influenced by the demand for
another commodity, as for example, when there is a
great demand for the necessaries of life there is very
little demand for labour.' But, indeed, it is quite unnecessary to follow up this part of the inquiry, for the
causes which influence demand are almost infinite in
number and variety. It would be just as reasonable to
inquire into the causes which influence desire, which are
as numerous as there are objects and ends which are
desirable.
1 See p. 48.




136            INDUSTRIAL SCIENCE.
CHAPTER IX.
ON PRICE (CONTINUED).
So far I have treated only of the prices of commodities
Instru-   which are exchanged the one for the other, but
merits of
produts of now I come to consider a class of commodities,
tion.    or instruments of production, which are not
themselves exchanged, but only the right to use them.
These are Labour, Capital, and Land.  When a man
gives his services in exchange for wages, for instance,
he does not part outright with anything, he only sells, or
exchanges, the use of what he still possesses, namely, his
physical and mental faculties. These are still his own,
and those who have the temporary use of them are held
responsible for their safe keeping. It is the same with
Capital and Land, which are not exchanged, but only
hired, and the hirer has to return them again to their
owner unimpaired in quantity or quality.
The wages of labour, Mill tells us, depend mainly on
Labour.  "demand and supply," or on "the proportion
between population and capital."' Here, again, the
1 Prirciples, vol. i. book ii. ch. x. 1.




ON PRICE.                  137
element of quantity crops up in a new and unexpected
shape, for now we have not only a quantity on one, but on
both sides; that is to say, if we are to understand by the
term Population mere numbers, and by the term Capital
simply quantity or amount of money available. Indeed,
Mill leaves us in no doubt as to his meaning, for he
goes on to explain that " by population is here meant the
number only of the labouring class, or, rather, of those
who work for hire; and by capital, only circulating
capital, and not even the whole of that, but the part
which is expended in the direct purchase of labour."
How, may I venture to ask, can "demand and supply"
regulate wages, if wages are determined by the "proportion between population and capital" in the sense
explained as above?  How, again, can there be any
"demand" between a number and a quantity; and
how can there be any ratio between a quantity and a
demand, or, for that matter, between a quantity and a
number?
But not only is quantity introduced as an element
on both sides, but special pains have been taken The
to limit the meaning of the term Capital. By  agde
capital is meant only that portion of the circulat- theory.
ing capital "expended in the direct purchase of labour,"
or, in other words, the wages, fund. This theory of a
wages fund has experienced many vicissitudes in recent
times, but it manages still to maintain its footing in
certain quarters. The theory originated with Mill, or, at
all events, he was the first who elaborated it, and for




138              INDUSTRIAL SCIENCE.
about a quarter of a century it was an unquestioned
article of faith among his followers.l  The theory was
first called in question by Mr. Longe; it was subsequently condemned by Mr. Thornton, and ultimately repudiated by its author, who professed himself convinced
by Mr. Thornton's arguments against it.  Now, however,
Prof. Cairnes steps on the scene, and, after reviewing
the whole controversy, expresses his surprise that Mill
should have been so easily convinced, and announces
that, in his opinion, the theory is perfectly unassailable.
But with all due deference to such a high authority as
Prof. Cairnes, I venture to say that if the principles of
Political Economy were no more unassailable than this
wages-fund theory, they would stand but a poor chance
Of surviving.
The advocates of the wages-fund theory assume, first,
Based on  that the capital of a country is a fixed quantity,
erroneous and that -the capital employed in industry is a
assump -fu
tions.    fixed proportion of this quantity; and, secondly,
that wages'are paid out of that portion of capital which
is set apart for industry.  Both of these propositions, in
my opinion, are erroneous.
With regard to the first, namely, that the capital
That the  of a country is a fixed quantity, and that
capital of
a country  the amount employed in industry is a fixed
is a fixed
quantity.  proportion of this quantity, I have only to
1 Adam Smith, indeed, speaks of "a fund destined for the payment of
wages," but he enters into no explanation. See Wealth of Nations, book i.
oh. viii. and elsewhere.




ON PRICE.                    139
say that there is no fact in Economic Science so well
established as this, that capital follows profits.  If the
profits of a country are large, capital will flow into
it; if small, capital will withdraw from it, and seek
investment elsewhere where profits are larger.  Capital
is always forthcoming wherever there are prospects of
large profits. In order to procure capital for such
investments, personal expenses are cut down, money
lying idle is collected, property is realized, and credit
strained to the utmost. The capital of a country, therefore, is not a fixed quantity, for if its credit is good,
and sufficient inducements are offered in the shape of
interest, it can readily borrow whatever it wants. For
the same reason the capital employed in industry is
not a fixed quantity, and varies, not in proportion to the
gross amount in the country, but in proportion to the
profitableness of the industry'of that country.
With regard to the second proposition, namely, that
wages are paid out of capital, this is true to That
a limited extent only.  No doubt a certain  paieure
amount of capital is required for the payment of capital.
of wages, just as a certain amount of capital is necessary
for the purchase of raw material, though we never heard
of a special fund for the purchase of the latter. There is
this essential difference between the two cases, however,
that while raw material is paid for (in cash or in bills)
before being used, wages are not paid till they have been
earned.  The employer has the benefit of the labourer's
services before, and sometimes long before, he is called




140            INDUSTRIAL SCIENCE.
upon to pay for them. The day labourer is not paid his
wages till the conclusion of his day's work. The workman who is hired by the week gives his employer the
benefit of his services from one to six days before the
latter is called upon to pay for them. The merchant or
retail trader who pays for his labour by the month; the
farmer who pays half-yearly or yearly; and the shipowner who pays at the end of the voyage, which may be
for twelve or eighteen months, have had, day by day,
week by week, and month by month, the full benefit of
their employes' services, with profits added, before being
called on to pay a fraction of wages. The employe, in
fact, stands to his employer in the relation of a capitalist
who advances him the use of his services, and which
services are ultimately paid for, not out of a wages fund,
but out of the produce of the services themselves.
In order to understand the relation between capital
Relation and labour, we have only to ask what is the
of profits object of an employer when he hires labour.
to wages.
The employer does not hire labour because he
has a fund set apart for the payment of wages which he
otherwise would not know what to do with, but because
he sees his way to making a profit out of it-profit
being the difference between two prices, the price,
namely, at which a thing is bought, on the one
hand, and the price at which it is sold, on the other.
As long as there is a margin of profit between the wages
paid for labour and the produce of that labour, so long
will labour be employed, and no longer. Of course, I am




ON PRICE.                      141
speaking of productive labour only, for the demand for
non-productive labour is not influenced by profits, but by
income or capital, a distinction which the advocates of
the wages-fund theory have apparently not observed.
Hence, instead of saying with Ricardo and Fawcett'
that a rise in profits can never be brought about except
by a fall in the rate of wages, or a fall in profits except
by a corresponding rise in the rate of wages, I should
rather say that, wherever labour is free and the wagesearning  -classes  intelligent, a  rise  in  the  rate  of
wages will generally be the result of a rise in profits,
and a fall in the rate of wages the result of a fall in
profits.
I am  only surprised that any  one who  is conversant with  the industrial history  of the Caseof
day can entertain a different opinion.  That the iron
and coal
high wages are the result of high profits, and trades.
vice versa,, every one at all acquainted with modern wages
disputes will acknowledge at once. The history of the
coal and iron trades disputes in England for the last
dozen years shows that whenever the price of either of
these commodities was low, the rate of the wages of those
employed in their production was low also, and whenever
the price was high the rate of wages was high in proportion.  Take, for instance, the price of iron and the
1 Prof. Fawcett, indeed, goes so far as to assert that "it is physically
impossible that a permanent rise of wages should take place without
a corresponding diminution of profits."-Manual of Political Economy,
p. 264. To talk of physical impossibility in connection with the laws
of wages is surely science run mad.




142               INDUSTRIAL SCIENCE.
wages of iron workers and colliers during the last few
years. From midsummer, 1871, Scotch pig-iron advanced steadily from 57s. 6d. per ton, till February, 1873,
when it reached 145s. per ton. Of course, the profits of
the  ironmasters when  the  latter figure ruled  were
enormous.  The high profits induced the ironmasters to
make extraordinary efforts to keep their furnaces going
to the utmost extent of their capacity. But to do this
required an increased supply of labour, to meet which
there was an increase  in  the  demand, and a corresponding increase in the rate of wages.  Thus we find
that the wages of puddlers, ironworkers, and colliers
(coal being largely used in the manufacture of iron, the
price of the latter commodity influences the wages of
colliers as well) advanced steadily with the price of iron,
rising, in February, 1873, from  50 to 60 per cent. above
what they were in midsummer, 1871.  But towards the
end of 1874 the price of iron receded.  In December of
that year it fell to 76s. 6d. per ton, and wages were
immediately  affected by the reduction, colliers' wages
falling 25 to 30 per cent., puddlers' and ironworkers'
271 per cent., below what they were in February, 1873.1
"As wages have such an important connection with the price of
iron, it is worth noting the changes which have taken place during the
last three years. Starting with midsummer, 1871, it may be assumed
that the advance in colliers' wages generally was not less than 50 to 60
per cent. (In Scotland the advance was greater, but late reductions have
been in like proportion.) The reductions throughout the various districts, though neither uniform as regards time nor amount, may be
estimated at about 20 to 25 per cent., so that wages now are probably
about 25 per cent. to 33 per cent. higher than the lowest rate paid prior




ON PRICE.                         143
A few extracts, culled at random from the trade
correspondence in the metropolitan journals, will show
to 1871. The puddlers and ironworkers have submitted to two reductions
of 10 per cent., which (less 21 per cent. advance in July quarter) is equal
to 172 per cent. reduction during the year, and as a further reduction of
10 per cent. is announced, this will be a reduction in all of 27} per cent.
A reduction of Is. per ton in puddling will bring the rate down to 9s. 9d.
per ton, whilst by the'Derby' agreement the minimum was fixed at
9s. 6d. per ton. The arrangement is terminable on 1st July, 1875, if
desired. Having made a comparison of wages during the past three
years, it may be instructive to place alongside of this the fluctuations in
iron. Scotch G.M.B. warrants, which were 57s. 6d. in midsummer, 1871,
advanced to 145s. in February, 1873, from which they have receded to
76s. 6d. on 31st December, 1874. Welsh bar iron, which was ~7 f.o.b.
Liverpool at midsummer, 1871, advanced to ~13, from which it has
receded to ~8 15s. at close of 1874."-Comnercial History of 1874, in the
Economist.
Another illustration to the same effect comes from the other side
of the Atlantic:-" We have not yet done paying the penalty for false
prosperity which followed the war and will continue through the papermoney period. All kinds of business are very much prostrated. The
capitalists are accepting lower rates of interest, and the holders of stock
investments are generally becoming satisfied with 6 per cent. interest
and even 5 per cent., if the payment of that smaller rate is fully assured.
Hundreds and thousands are out of employment, and all, rich and poor,
are gradually coming down to humbler pretensions. As a marked
evidence of this fact we notice that President Gowen, of the Reading
Railroad and the Reading Coal and Iron Company, on the 28th inst.
issued a circular to all clerks, agents, and employes of the companies
named, notifying them that on the 1st of September, 1876, a general
reduction in wages in all departments will be made as follows:-Upon
all persons receiving less than 2000 dols. per annum, a reduction of
10 per cent. Upon those receiving from 2000 dols. to 5000 dols. per
annum, a reduction of 15 per cent. Upon those receiving from 5000 to
10,000 dols. per annum, a reduction of 20 per cent. Upon all receiving
over 10,000 dols. per annum, a reduction of 30 per cent. This reduction
of salaries applies to the salaries of President Gowen and the VicePresidents, as well as to the most humble trackman or switch.tender,
and is based on the principle that the higher the salary the greater the
percentage of reduction."-Phtilade7phtia Ledger, August 31st, 1876.




144             INDUSTRIAL SCIENCE.
that the close relation that exists between prices and
wages is well understood by practical men. Thus a
Darlington correspondent writes:-" The declining rates
of iron within 1874 are indicated not merely by the
relative prices now and at the beginning of January,
1873, but also by the reduction of the wages of malleable
ironworkers within that period by 35 per cent., the last
reduction of 10 per cent. being declared on Friday."l
A Sheffield correspondent says:-" The prices of iron
have latterly fallen to such an extent that it is feared the
revised list for labour will not meet the requirements of the
case. Blast-furnace men will, in a day or two, receive
5 per cent. less wages and ironworkers 6 per cent. Even
with these concessions in their favour, masters will be
unable to manufacture common material excepting with
a very low margin of profit. Many of the ironmasters
here are proprietors of coal-pits, and, in order to push
the iron trade, they are willing at last to reduce rates for
fuel. But the case is urgent, and they have given notice
to the miners of an immediate revision of the wages list.
The men are expected to make a concession of 10 per
cent., but they are very unwilling to do so."2  And,
again-" There is great uneasiness as to the future of
the coal trade. The masters of South Yorkshire and
North Derbyshire, as already stated in Iron, determined
to reduce the colliers' wages by 10 per cent.  The men
have declined to mnake the concession, on the ground that
1 The Timses, January 4th, 1875.
2 Iron, August 4th, 1875.




ON PRICE.                    145'trade is more active than it was,' and suggest the continuance of the present tariff of remuneration. The employers
are now considering the matter, and the aspect of affairs
is very serious, as they are combined, rich, and, with the
market in a dull condition, in a position to enforce their
notice." 1 A Barrow-in-Furness correspondent writes:"The fact that at one or two of the large manufacturing
establishments in this district makers have given notice
of a further reduction in the earnings of their workmen
displays the position into which manufacturers have been
driven by the gradual reduction which has been made in the
value of iron. Prices have been reduced to the lowest
point, and it seems imminent that if any further reduction is effected a crisis will ensue, unless makers are
content to work without profit." 2
So well known, in fact, is the effect of profits on
wages, that the price of coal and iron has, of late years,
come to be acknowledged as the standard by which the
wages of those employed in the production and manufacture of those commodities should be regulated, and a
tariff of wages based on the price of iron has now been
in existence in the iron trade for some years.
Prof. Cairnes seems to think the wages-fund theory
is also  necessary in  order to  explain  the Variations
in the
variations in the rate of wages in different rateof
countries, for he asks, How otherwise can we diffgers
account for the fact that there is one rate for countries.
Iron, September 4th, 1875.
2 Ibid. August 21st, 1875.
L




146             INDUSTRIAL SCIENCE.
the United States, another rate for Great Britain,
and another for the continent of Europe?l But the
difficulty rather is to discover what connection the
wages-fund theory can have with the matter at issue.
On the principle here stated the question resolves itself
solely into one of profit. In every question of wages
there are two parties concerned, the party demanding
employment, and the party demanding labour. If the
profits'of any business are large, and these profits can be
maintained and increased by the employment of more
labour, labour will be in demand and wages will consequently rise; if, on the other hand, profits are small,
there will be little demand for labour, and wages will
fall. Adam  Smith perceived the point clearly enough
when he said: " It is not the actual greatness of natural
wealth, but its continual increase, which occasions a
rise in the wages of labour. It is not, accordingly, in
the richest countries, but in the most thriving, or in
those which are growing rich the fastest, that the wages
of labour are the highest." 2
If the labourers of any country are entirely depenSpecial dent on wages for their subsistence, wages will
causes of generally be low, but if they have other means
variation.
of subsistence, if they can employ their own
labour with advantage to themselves, wages will generally
be high. Wages are higher in the United States than in
Some Leading Questions, part ii. ch. i.
2 Wealth of Nations, book i. ch. viii.




ON PRICE.                      147
Great Britain, and higher in Great. Britain than on the
continent of Europe; and it is to be noted that in those
countries where they are high, profits are high also,
while at the same time the condition of the labourer
is far more independent than in those countries where
wages are low.  In the United States the labourers who
are dissatisfied with the rate of wages offered them have
the alternative of going West and taking up land;1 and
in the State of California and in Australia, where wages
are much higher than in the Eastern and Middle States,
they have, in addition to the facilities afforded them by
liberal land laws, the opportunity of going to the gold
fields.  The  prevalence  of the  allotment system  in
England during the middle ages will explain how it was
that the  agricultural  labouring  population  in  this
country were better provided, as Hallam informs us they
were, with the means of subsistence than they are now. 2
From the Anglo-Saxon period to the reign of Henry VII.
nearly the entire population  of England derived their
subsistence immediately from the soil, and every
labourer had a small croft or parcel of land attached to
his dwelling, with the right of turning out a cow or a few
1 "' Sir,' said to me a Minnesota farmer,' the curse of this country is
that we have too much land;' a phrase which. I have heard again and
again — mong the iron-masters of Pittsburg, among the tobacco-planters
of Richmond, among the cotton-spinners of Worcester. Indeed, this wail
against the land is common among men who, having mines, plantations,
mills, and farms, would like to have large supplies.of labour at lower
rates of wages than the market yields." —New AmTerica, p. 221, 8th edition.
2 History of the Afiddle Ages, iii. 372, edition 1855; also, Eden's State
of the Poor, vol. i. p. 32.




148                INDUSTRIAL SCIENCE.
pigs or sheep into the woods, commons, or wastes of the
manor. All this was changed, however, by the consolidation of small farms in the sixteenth century, and
subsequently by the enclosure  of commons and waste
lands, which  completed  the  process  by  which  the
labourer was thrown for his sole dependence on money
wages.l In Great Britain and on the continent of
Europe, on the other hand, there are, at the present
day, no such facilities; there are no gold mines, land is
excessively dear, and the labourer is consequently compelled to accept the wages his employer is pleased to
give.2
1 " The extent to which the subdivision of the soil was at one time
carried in England may be understood from the following illustration:
The occupation of the land on a farm called Holt, in the parish of Clapham, Sussex, consisting of 160 acres, has been traced since the thirteenth
century up to the present time. During the thirteenth and fourteenth
centuries this farm, which is now occupied by one tenant, was a hamlet,
and there is a document in existence which contains twenty-one distinct
conveyances of land in fee, described as parcels of this land. In 1400
the number of proprietors began to decrease; by the year 1520 it had
been reduced to six; in the reign of James I. the six were reduced to
two; and soon after the Restoration the whole became the property
of one owner, who let it as a farm to one tenant."-Quarterly Review,
No. 81, p. 250.
2 cc People who have at home some kind of property to apply their
labour to, will not sell their labour for wages that do not afford them a
better diet than potatoes and maize, although, in saving for themselves,
they may live very much on potatoes and maize. We are often surprised,
in travelling on the continent, to hear of a rate of day's wages very high,
considering the abundance and cheapness of food. It is the want of neces.
sity or inclination to take work that makes a day's labour scarce, and consequently the price of provisions is dear, in many parts of the continent,
where property in land is widely diffused among the people."-Laing's
Notes of a Traveller, p. 456.




ON PRICE.                   149
The same principle which influences the rate of
wages in various countries determines also the Variations
variations in the same country and in the same sain the
trade or profession.  Why do we pay high country.
wages to a good workman and low wages to a bad one?
Why do we give a large fee to one member of a profession and a small one to another member of the same
profession? Obviously because it is profitable to do so.
It is more profitable to give a labourer seven shillings a
day who can remove thirty cubic yards of earth, than five
shillings per day to another who can only remove half
that quantity. It is more profitable to give a bricklayer
ten shillings a day who can lay two thousand bricks, than
eight shillings a day to one who can only lay one
thousand. It is more profitable, taking into account the
risk at stake, for a suitor, in a case involving important
issues, to employ a barrister of proved ability at one
hundred guineas, than to give ten guineas to a junior
member of the same profession to conduct the case.
There mayibe any number of briefless barristers ready
to undertake the case at the lesser fee, but no suitor in
his senses would entrust it to them. It is the amount of
profit that is to be made, or, what is the same thing,
the amount of loss that is to be avoided, that influences
the demand for such services.
But, apart from  the wages-fund theory, the inoperativeness of demand and supply, in  a Wages
quantitative sense, upon market price, may be  r"teebygillustrated  by the case of a reserve.  If a profits.




150            INDUSTRIAL SCIENCE.
quantity of employment is offered upon which a certain rate is placed, and a quantity of labour is required,
whether more or less than the quantity offered is
immaterial, at a certain rate, and if the two rates agree,
the result will be a contract, and the terms of this
contract will be the price of wages. But if the reserve
placed upon their labour by the workmen is higher
than the employers are able to give, as employers
will not carry on business at a loss, no contract will
be entered into, although the worknmen desire employment and the employers desire labour. The quantities
were present on both sides, but no price was fixed,
because neither side would agree to the terms offered.
What would follow would be a dead-lock, a strike or
a lock-out, as the case might be; but, as there were
no means of compelling either employers or workmen to
accept the terms offered, the dispute could only terminate when the demand on the one side exceeded in intensity (not in quantity) the demand on the other.
As in mechanics the strength of a work lies in its
weakest part, so in this case the weakest part on either
side would be that which would give way, and the
part that would give way would be that on which the
pressure was greatest compared with the power of
resistance. In other words, if the necessities of a
single workman or a single employer compelled him to
accept the terms offered, the whole dispute would be at
an end. So well is this understood by both employers
and workmen, that the former always trust to the




ON PRICE.                      151
chance of one  or more  workmen  being  driven  by
necessity to accept their terms; and the workmen,
when they attempt a strike, always try it on with a
weak employer before making it general in the trade.
Capital is also an instrument which is not transferred or exchanged but only used. The man Capital.
who borrows capital pays for the right to use it in the
shape of interest, and in the shape of rent if the capital
had been previously invested in some kind of property.
The price of money, or the rate of interest, does
not depend on its quantity, as even Mill Relation
acknowledges,l  although  somewhat inconsis- ofprofitsto
interest.
tently, as I consider; for why should not the
price of money be regulated in the same manner as
the price of any other commodity? Money is subject
to the same fluctuations as ordinary commodities, and
its price ought to be regulated in the same way, namely,
by demand; and demand, again, is influenced, as in
the case of ordinary commodities, by profits.  If profits
are small, the demand will be small, and the rate of
interest will be low; if profits are large, the demand
will be large, and the rate of interest will be high.
1 He says it is a great error "to imagine that the rate of interest
bears any necessary relation to the quantity or value of money in
circulation. An increase in currency has in itself no effect, and is
incapable of having any effect, on the rate of interest." Principles, vol. i.
book iii. ch. xviii. 4. I am aware Mill makes a distinction between money
when issued au currency and money when issued as loans, but the
question does not affect my argument.




152            INDUSTRIAL SCIENCE.
Money in the United States is more plentiful than
it is in England (as proved by the higher
The price
of money prices of commodities and wages in the
in new
and in old former than in the latter country), and it
countries.
is more plentiful in Australia than it is in
the United States; but the price of money is lower
in England than it is either in the United States or
in Australia. The cause of the difference is in the
demand; and it is because money can be turned to
better account in new than in old countries, that is to
say, because it is more useful in the former than in the
latter, that there is a greater demand for it, that it
commands a higher rate of interest.' The low rate
of interest prevailing in Holland at the latter end of the
seventeenth century was not due to the abundance of
capital, although it undoubtedly was abundant. enough,
but to the absence of profitable means of investment,
as every branch of industry had at that period been
developed to the utmost.  In France and England,
on the other hand, the rate of interest was much
higher at that time than it was in Holland, for while
money could be ordinarily had in Amsterdam, on good
mercantile security, at 31 per cent., the merchants of
London had to pay 6 and 7 per cent. for it, and even
more.2 But the high rate ruling in France and England
was not due to scarcity of money, but to the fact that
1 See  Hume's Essays, p. 177.
2 Davis, History of Holland, iii. p. 243. Childs, Discovery of Trade,
p. 35.




ON PRICE.                    153
these countries were then just entering upon a new
industrial career, and that they consequently afforded
ample means for the profitable investment of capital.l
Land is another instrument of production the right
to the use of which only is exchanged. Econo- Land.
mists generally treat interest as different from  rent,
interest being regarded as profit on principal, rent as
profit on monopoly.2  There is, however, no essential
difference  between them. Interest is remuneration for
the use of principal; rent is remuneration for the use
of principal invested in some kind of property, plus an
allowance sufficient to -keep the property in repair and
ultimately replace it when worn out. Thus understood,
the samhe principle will apply to personal as well as
to real property-to steam-engines, ships, machinery,
agricultural implements, tools of trade, or household
furniture, all of which are let out on hire.
Land being a monopoly, or limited in quantity, is
on that account supposed to be different from Relation
personal property, and rent is considered almost of profits
to rent.
exclusively in connection with land. But land
is only limited in quantity in the same way as capital or
labour is limited, and they are all purchasable and let
out for hire in the same way.  The wages of labour, the
interest on capital, and the rent of land, are all in1 McCulloch's Essays on Economical Policy, p. 139. McCullaugh's Industrial History of Free Nations, vol. ii. p. 363.
M2 ill, PrinciTples, vol. i. book ii. ch. xvi. 1.




154            INDUSTRIAL SCIENCE.
~fluenced by profits. Why does poor land pay a small
rent, or none at all, and rich land a large rent?  Obviously because the rich land yields a large profit, and
the poor land little or none. It is profit that induces
a tenant to give a high rent for good land and a low
rent for bad; and it is profit that determines a landowner not to let his good land for the same rent as his
bad, as he knows he can make more out of the former
than out of the latter by cultivating it himself. The
land which yields no profit pays no rent, and the land
which yields the largest profit pays the highest rent. The
capitalist who invests his money in land, and the tenant
who rents it, both act with a view to profit. The landowner looks to his rents, the tenant to the income he can
make out of the produce of the land during his tenancy;
and the amount of capital invested in a property will not
determine the rent any more than the rent will determine
the price that may be paid for the property. So far from
being one of the abstrusest of subjects, as Mill represented it to be, rent is really one of the simplest, when
we have once understood the mode in which profit influences demand.




PART III.
RELATIONS.








( 157 )
CHAPTER X.
RELATION TO SOCIOLOGY.
INDUSTRIAL SCIENCE treats of man in his industrial,
Sociology in his social, relations.  The phe- Points of
nomena  of society  constitute  the  subject- between
matter of the one science, the phenomena Industrial
and Social
of industry the subject-matter of the other. Science.
Both are mental sciences, inasmuch as both are concerned with mental forces as the causes of the phenomena
which they undertake to investigate. No motives can
be said to be exclusively industrial or exclusively social,
but as the Egoistic group are the principal causes of industrial phenomena and the HeImeistic of social phenomena, Industrial Science may be said to be primarily
concerned with the former, and Sociology with the latter.
There are many other. points of agreement between
the two sciences.  Both treat of man as a member of
society. Even the deductionist is bound to acknowledge
the social relationship.1  It would be difficult indeed to
1 "Political Economy does not treat of the production and distribution
of wealth in all states of mankind, but only in what is termed the social
state." —TUnsettled Questions, p. 133.




158            INDUSTRIAL SCIENCE.
discover how he could do otherwise, for the existence of
property, exchange, and the division of employments, all
imply some kind of social sanction or authority. In
admitting so much, however, the deductionist is certainly going outside his premisses, for, if a man is incapable of being influenced by other motives than the
desire of wealth, he must be destitute of those social
qualities which alone can fit him to be a member of
society.
The hypothesis of the deductionist is also open
Thededac- to another objection. His ideal man would
tionist's
thyrpo-s  not only be unfit for society, but society, as
thesis.   at present constituted, could not exist if his
ideal were realized. Society, it is true, is an aggregation
of individuals, or units, but for that very reason there
could be no society unless there were tendencies in each
separate unit towards aggregation.  Society, in the
essential elements of its character, can never be different
from the character of the units of which it is composed.  To suppose so would be, as Comte pointed
out, as great an error in sociological as it would be in
biological reasoning were the biologist to reduce the
body chemically into ultimate molecules which have
no existence during life.  The social affections, the
division of functions, the sentiment of authority, and
the idea of adjustment, must all find their counterpart
in the social unit. No such sentiments, however, are
permitted to exist in the ideal of the deductionist. It
is in the family that such sentiments have their origin.




RELATION TO SOCIOLOGY.            159
The family is the school in which the individual is
trained to become a member of society. It is The family
in the family that man comes out of himself, is the true
unit of
as it were, and lives in another. It is in the society.
family that the first specialization of common functions
takes place. It is in the family that the sentiment of
authority and the idea of justice have their origin. The
social affections are an expansion of the domestic affections; the division of functions in society is an extension
of the principle of co-operation which takes place in the
family; the parental authority is the basis of authority in
the state; and the idea of justice, as embodied in positive
law, first finds expression in the adjustment of domestic
relations. In primitive times, according to Sir Henry
Maine, society did not consist of a collection of individuals, which is the modern conception, but of an aggregation of families. Under the ancient Roman law the
parent had absolute control over the persons and property of his children; and the latter were responsible to
the paterfamilias, and the paterfamilias was answerable
to the state for the defects of his sons. Children were
prohibited from holding property apart from their
parents, and all their earnings were brought together to
the common family stock. And this absolute control by
the parent over the persons and property of his family
brought with it corresponding responsibilities and duties.
The father had to provide for the comfort and well-being
of his children; the common fund at his disposal was
for their use and benefit, and he had to provide them




160             INDUSTRIAL SCIENCE.
with the necessaries and conveniences of life in a
manner befitting their station in society, to find them
the means of employment, and train them to their
duties to the state.l The individual can only be regarded
as a social unit when all his social faculties are fully
developed, as they only can be in the domestic circle.
In investigating the phenomena of industry the
The stand- standpoint of the economist must be the same
the soio  as that of the sociologist; that is to say, not
logist.   the unit, but the aggregate of units, for society
only resembles the unit in essential characteristics, not
in every particular. One unit differs from another unit,
and society consists of various groups of units more or
less distinct. According to the extent of its relations or
the complexity of its phenomena, society will, therefore,
differ from any individual unit or group of units.  Thus,
what may be to the advantage of a single unit may
not be to the advantage of the aggregate of units
composing society. The deductionist, however, insists
that what is good for one is equally good for all. He
views society from the standpoint of the individual, as
he understands him, and not from that of society at
large. He never attempts to investigate the complex
phenomena of society. The social organism as a whole
is a matter that forms no part of his inquiry. He begins
and ends with the individual.  He apparently forgets
Anicient Law, p. 125, 3rd edition; see also Niebuhr's History of
Rome, vol. i. p. 246, English translation.




RELATION TO SOCIOLOGY.           161
that his ideal unit has relationship with other units,
that these relationships may require adjustment, and
that adjustment is only possible when relationships are
viewed in the aggregate. When we speak of social or
national interests, we mean the interests of the aggregate
of units composing the nation, not of the representative
unit. When we speak of national wealth we do not
mean the wealth of any single unit, or even a group of
units, but the aggregate of units of which the nation is
made up. One unit does not constitute a nation, and
one individual, or even a group of individuals, of enormous wealth does not constitute a wealthy community.
Great wealth may coexist with great poverty in a community. The few may be very rich and the great mass
very poor at the same time. The Khedive may be said to
be the richest potentate in the world, for he owns all the
land of Egypt, all the roads, railways, and factories, and
has at his command the whole labour of the country; but
no one who knows the wretched condition of the great
mass of the people in that country would venture to say
that Egypt is a wealthy nation. When we come to treat
of wealth from the standpoint of society, we are brought
face to face with the question of adjustment or distribution, a question which is quite foreign to the premisses
of the deductionist, but is inseparable from the consideration both of the family and of society. It is with
the production, or rather the accumulation, of wealth
that the deductionist really concerns himself, and not its
distribution. The desire of wealth as the sole motive
M




162            INDUSTRIAL SCIENCE.
would exclude distribution altogether. But the distribution and consumption of wealth belong as much to the
phenomena of industry as production or accumulation,
and form  an integral part of Industrial Science.  By
narrowing his premisses to acquisition, or the desire of
wealth, Mill excludes important elements from the scope
of his inquiry. I am aware that in his principal work
on Political Economy he includes distribution as well as
production, though not consumption; but in this he is
scarcely consistent with himself.
The closest relationship is also exhibited in the strucStructure ture or organization of social and industrial life.
of social
and indus- As there is a division of functions in society,
trial life. so there is a division of employments in industry.
In the earlier stages of society, and following the type of
the family where the paterfamilias had supreme power,
the functions of state were performed by one man. He
was king, captain, judge, and the regulator of industry.
In the more developed stages these various functions
were distributed among the more capable members of the
community, except industry, which at an early stage
became separated from state control.1 This separation
took place in accordance with a natural tendency in
society and in order that industry might ascend to the
higher stage of the division of employments.  To render
division of employments possible, an established form
of social order was first necessary. Plato says, indeed,
Spencer, Study of Sociology, p. 61.




RELATION TO SOCIOLOGY.                163
that society was established for this very- purpose, for
he ascribes the origin of society to the inability of the
individual man to supply his own wants." 1 Aristotle
implies the same thing when he says that a man
who was all-sufficient for his own wants would not
associate with other men, and would therefore never
become a member of society.2   Senior takes the same
view.3   Comte goes even further, and speaks of the
human  race  as being  bound  together by the  distribution of their occupations, and of the stability
of society as depending on this distribution.  "Man,"
he observes, " can hardly exist in a solitary state: the
family can exist in isolation because it can divide its
employments, and provide for its wants in a rough kind
of way; a spontaneous approximation of families is
incessantly exposed to temporary ruptures, occasioned by
the most trifling incidents. But when the regular division of employments has spread through any society,
the social state begins to acquire a consistency and
stability which. place it out of danger from particular
divergencies."4
On the other hand, the subordination of Industrial
to Social Science is indicated by the fact Subordi
that without the sanction of society there nation of
Industrial
could be no property or wealth, and therefore to Social
Science.
no incentive to industrial activity.  No doubt
i Rep. ii. ch. 12.         2 Politics, i. 2.
3 Political Economy, p. 75.
4 Positive Philosophy, vol. ii. p. 142, Martineau's translation,




164            INDUSTRIAL SCIENCE.
Industrial Science treats of the commercial relations of
individuals belonging to different social organizations;
but such individuals must always be regarded as members
of the community in which the transaction takes place,
where they can sue or be sued, as the case may be. Society
not only gives its sanction to appropriation, and thereby
renders industry possible, but it shows a constant solicitude for the object appropriated. The division of employments necessitates exchange, but there could be no
exchange, or, at all events, exchange would be of a very
restricted kind, if the state did not enforce contracts, or
if it permitted agreements to be broken with impunity.
This shows the inseparable connection that exists between Industrial and Social Science.
The application of these principles to Industrial
Science will be obvious. The social sympathies are developed through the domestic affections. The sympathies.of the individual expand into the family, and from thence
into society.  Like the force of gravitation, which
acts inversely as the square of the distance, the
social sympathies are strong or weak in proportion to
the nearness or remoteness of the objects. We have
greater affection for a near relative than for a stranger;
we love our own family more than the particular set
with which we associate, our set more than our order,
and our order more than society at large.
The Hemeistic or social force is as necessary to
industrial life as the Egoistic or personal is to social
life. The man who cares only for himself would be as




RELATION TO SOCIOLOGY.             165
unfit for industrial pursuits as the man who cares
only for others would be for society.  Both
The sphere
forces being necessary, and both being antago- of social
and indusnistic, there comes the question of adjustment. trial
forces.
We have already seen how injuriously self- orce
interest operates when left to itself.  The effects of the
Egoistic force will, however, be counteracted by the
Hemeistic.   Sympathy will modify selfishness.  The
social affections will operate as a check upon the egoism
of our nature.  They will restrain us from doing an
injury to others.  They will prevent us from  seeking
our own interest at the expense of our neighbours. They
will incite us to acts of benevolence. It is to our sympathetic affections that we owe our charitable institutions,
our hospitals, free schools, and our poor laws. The
social affections also take the objective form of public
opinion, which becomes a sort of unwritten law, imposing its obligations on all classes of society. Praise
or dispraise is a powerful incentive to, or restraint
upon, action. No one cares to do what public opinion
pronounces to be mean, unneighbourly, improper, or
contemptible: every one likes to enjoy the good opinion
of those with whom he is daily brought into contact,
and the respect and esteem of his fellow men.




166             INDUSTRIAL SCIENCE.
CHAPTER  XI.
RELATION TO ETHICS.
WE have seen that the self-regarding motives require the,suni.   aid of the social affections. We shall now enciencv of deavour to show that the social affections
the ilemeistieforces. require the aid of the Ethical Sentiment. With
individuals of an unsocial disposition, or those who
have little respect for public opinion, the social affections will fail.  They will also fail in the case of
those who, though they have a certain respect for
public opinion, nevertheless think they may avoid its
censure for their wrong-doings by escaping detection.
The calicoes made in Lancashire for the China and
The Lan-  Indian market are known to be of a most inctthone  ferior quality.  The poorer classes in those
spinners. countries for whom such goods are intended
prefer a stiff material, because they believe it indicates
strength and durability; and to meet this demand the
Lancashire manufacturers, as we have said, supply an
article largely adulterated with flour and china clay.
The material looks well to the eye of the uninitiated,




RELATION TO EIMTHICS.            167
but the first shower of rain washes out the paste and
clay, and the fraudulent nature of the goods is at
once exposed. The fear of losing the trade, or what is
called enlightened self-interest, has not as yet induced
the Lancashire manufacturers to betake themselves to
a more honest way of making a living. The subject of
adulteration has more than once been discussed before
the Manchester Chamber of Commerce, but no resolution condemnatory of the practice has been carried.
So long as the present trade is profitable, why should
they trouble themselves about the future? The manufacturers probably make more money in one year by
selling adulterated goods than they would in ten by
selling more honest productions.  They may believe
that they will lose the trade ultimately, in the same way
that the French lost the cloth trade in the Levant in
1837 by similar practices,' but that will not influence
their conduct in the slightest degree so long as they
can secure handsome fortunes in the meantime. Selfinterest, therefore, is in favour of the existing system,
and the social influences that might operate as a check
upon it are all absent in the present instance.  The
manufacturers never come in contact with their real customers, the people who buy these goods to wear, and the
verdict of public opinion in the East, however loudly
expressed, would have little or no effect upon the manu~facturers living in England. The only public opinion
1 Say, Political Econonoy, vol. i. ch. xvii.




168            INDUSTRIAL SCIENCE.
that would be likely to influence them would be that
which finds expression in their own immediate neighbourhood and in their own trade, and that is all in
their favour.  In such a case as this, therefore, the
social affections fail to have any beneficial operation.
In the home trade the social affections fail for a
Manufac- somewhat similar reason.  Here, as a rule,
turers and
middle-  a manufacturer sells his goods to wholesale
mnen.    houses or middlemen. The middlemen are his
real customers, and between these and the consumers come
the retailers, or what is called the trade. The middlemen command the market, for they have the retailers
in their hands to a great extent. This naturally gives
them immense influence with the manufacturers, who
generally make to order such goods as they require,
in other words, such as they can easily sell at a
handsome profit.  It is to the middlemen that most
of the modern trade frauds are due. They induce
the manufacturers to make a certain standard article
of an inferior quality, or put it up in packages short
of the usual weight or measurement, "warranted,"
at the same time, to contain more than they actually
do; and as they get the manufacturers to make a corresponding allowance in price, the difference is all clear
gain to them, or they share the spoil with the trade.
A striking illustration of the working of this system is
given by Mr. Robert Dale Owen. "When my father,"
he says, "left me manager of the New Lanark cottonmills, in the winter of 1824-25, a certain Mr. Bartholo



RELATION TO ETHICS.              169
mew, who had long been a customer of ours to the extent
of twenty-five or thirty thousand dollars a year, came to
me one day,. asking if I could make him a lot of yarn
suitable for ordinary shirting at such a price, naming it.'We have but one price,' I said,'and you know well that
we sell such yarn 20 per cent. above the rate you
propose.'I know that,' he replied;'but you could
make it, so as to be sold at'my price.''Yes, by using
waste and mixing in short-stapled cotton.''And it
would look almost as well?''Perhaps.''Then I'll
risk it.'' My father's instructions,' I replied,'are
not to lower the quality of our goods. I'm sorry; but
I can't fill your order.' He went off in a huff, but
returned two days later.'See here,' he said,'don't
be Quixotic. I can have the yarn I asked you about
spun elsewhere. What's the use of driving a good
customer from you?  I shall get the stuff I want, and
use it, all the same.''It would injure the character
of our mill.''Not if you leave off your trade mark.
What do I care about the picture? Mark it as you
will.' I hesitated, and finally-not much to my credit
-agreed to make the yarn for him. I had it marked
with a large B.'It will stand either for Bartholomew
or for bad,' I said to him when he came to look at it.'I'm ashamed to turn such an article out of our mill.'
But three weeks later he came again.'Just the thing!'
he said; and he gave me a second order, thrice as large
as the first. The B yarn became a popular article in
the market, the shirting that was made from it looking




170            INDUSTRIAL SCIENCE.
smooth, and being sold at some 10 per cent. less than
that made from our usual quality. Yet, to my certain
knowledge-for I tried it-it did not last half as long
as the other. That transaction sits somewhat heavily
on my conscience still. Yet it helped to teach me a great
lesson. It is my firm belief that, at the present time,
purchasers of cotton, woollen, linen, and silk goods, of
furniture, hardware, leather goods, and all other manufactured staples, lose, on the average, because of inferior
quality, more than half of all the money they pay out."
In such a case as this the manufacturer never comes
in contact with the consumers. He never incurs their
censure, for the trade mark of his firm is removed. His
transactions are with men of the Bartholomew  type
who take good care to keep their trade secrets to
themselves. He simply supplies an article which is "in
demand," as the phrase goes, and he flatters himself that
there is no deception on his part. If asked about it,
he would say that the transaction was perfectly straightforward. He simply supplied an existing demand; this
and nothing more. The demand, however, was a fraudulent onet was supplied with a fraudulent intent, and the
consumers were robbed to the extent of the difference
in the price between the fraudulent article and the
genuine one.
Of course there can be no objection in principle to
the law of Correlative Demand so long as the demanders
deal equitably the one with the other, and when the
contest is not between wants and desires, but between




RELATION TO ETHICS.               171
desires and desires, and between wants and wants. Nor
can there be any objection to the principle of Competition per se, which is simply an assertion of a right
to use to one's own advantage the opportunities which
circumstances place within one's reach. But it is manifestly objectionable when we exercise that right to the
disadvantage of others.
The ancient Greek writers considered Ethics, Social
Science or Politics, and what they  called Views of
Economics, as inseparable.  In their estimation Plato and
Aristotle.
these were not distinct sciences, but only
branches of the one  master science.  This master
science, according to Plato, was Ethics, and accordingly
he commences his Republic with a discussion on the
subject of Justice, which he regarded as the root of all
the virtues and the basis of all good government. With
Aristotle, on the other hand, Politics was the master
science, because it appropriated all the other sciences to
itself.l Ethics he considered as the common basis of
both Economics and Politics, and Economics he regarded
as anterior in point of time to Politics as the olos,
or family, existed prior to the 7ro'Xc, or state.2  But
however much these writers differed in this respect, they
both agreed in regarding the whole group of moral
sciences as interdependent and radically one.
Modern writers on Ethics and Sociology also acknow1 Ethics, book i. ch. ii. 3, 4. Aristotle regarded Politics chiefly as
an art.
2 Economics, book i. ch. i.




172             INDUSTRIAL SCIENCE.
ledge to the fullest extent the interdependence of the
moral sciences.  They do not pretend to such exactitude
in their prevision of phenomena as the economist, or
attempt to draw definite lines of demarcation between
ethical, social, and  economic  forces.  The moralist
does not say, this is an ethical force, that a social,
and that an industrial force, and exclude the latter
Industry  altogether from his consideration.  The sociobased on
theethical logist does not proceed by separating the
sentiment. social from the ethical and industrial forces,
and confine himself strictly to the former. It is only
the economist who believes in the doctrine of isolation.
He boldly takes his stand on Egoism, pure and simple,
and insists on rigorously excluding the IHemeistic and
Allostic forces. A little consideration will show, however, that the very foundations of Industrial Science rest
on the Ethical Sentiment.
It will not be disputed that industry is based on
Origin of property. Without property, public or private,
property. there could be no such thing as wealth, and
therefore no incentive to production. The desire to
appropriate is the primal force of human industry.
But this desire, if unrestrained, would only lead to perpetual strife. Each individual would seek to appropriate
the appropriations of others as the readiest way of
satisfying his desire. No one could be sure of retaining
what he had, however acquired, and society, if it existed
at all, woufld be in a continual state of warfare. In order
that this desire may find satisfaction, and at the same




RELATION TO ETHICS.              173
time that the existence of society be rendered possible,
property was sanctioned. And its existence is solely due
to the Ethical Sentiment. Property is a Right. It is
the moral judgment that sanctions its appropriation.
The source of this sanction is in man himself, not in
the object appropriated. The conflicting claims of individual competitors are adjusted on the ground of equity
or justice. The right to hold involves the right to
acquire, and as soon as the mind grasped the idea that
it was right that the man should retain what he had
acquired, the existence of property was possible and not
before.
Or we might put the matter in another way. To
enjoy without labour is the natural inclination of every
man.  But the world is so constituted that man
cannot enjoy without labour, either on the part of
himself or of some one else on his behalf. To procure
even the necessaries of life requires the expenditure of
human effort, more or less. But no one would care to
exert himself unless he were assured that he would enjoy
the profits of his exertion. What a man produces or
creates he has a right or moral claim to appropriate to
his own use.
Appropriation, in the first instance, was no doubt
effected by the tribe. In the earliest stages of society
the members of a tribe took possession of a certain
area of land which they occupied as their hunting
ground, and which they held in common against all
comers.  But even in the rudest state of society the




174             INDUSTRIAL SCIENCE.
individual was not wholly absorbed in the tribe. Different individuals have different degrees of capacity,
and if an individual, while doing his full share of labour
in providing for the common wants did something beyond this, justice demanded that he, and not another,
should enjoy the fruits of his labour. Hence the origin
of private property.  Appropriation, public or private,
sanctioned by justice, thus became the basis of the
whole industrial system.
The Ethical Sentiment is also the basis of contract.
Origin of A contract, to be valid, must be made with a
contract. full knowledge of what it involves; must be
voluntary; and there must be an adequate consideration.  What does all this mean if it is not another
way of saying that a contract to be valid must, in its
nature, be equitable and just?
The moral element is, indeed, absolutely essential to
The    industry.  It is the foundation on which the
entimcent whole industrial system rests. There would be
necessary. no production unless the producer had the
assurance that he would enjoy the fruits of his labour.
The division of employment would not be possible unless
the labourer believed that he would obtain a fair price
for his products or an adequate remuneration for his
services. Commerce could not be carried on unless the
contracting parties had faith in each other's honesty, for
honesty on the part of the agents is implied in every
act of exchange.  Honesty, in fact, is an  essential
attribute of every industrial action. When a man buys




RELATION TO ETHICS.               175
anything he mentally asks, Has the seller come honestly
by it? is the article what it is represented to be? is the
price asked for it a fair one? And it is only when affirmative answers are given to these questions which the
intending purchaser puts to himself that any transaction
takes place.  The moral element is no doubt an embarrassing one for the deductionist to deal with, but if it
is essential, its elimination is worse than useless —it is
mischievous.
Industrial Science is intimately related to Ethics on
the one hand, and to Social Science on the Relation
of Indusother. But it is subordinate to Social Science trial to
as the latter is again subordinate to Ethics. Social and
Social Science is the key-stone of the arch of Science.
which  Ethics is the foundation.   It is the  Social
Sanction that gives expression and force to the Ethical
Sentiment, and it is to the Ethical Sentiment that we
owe the ideas of property and contract. There could
be no contract without exchange, no exchange without
property, or something to exchange, and there could
be no property unless society sanctioned appropriation.
Thus Ethics, Sociology, and Industrial Science are not
separate and independent, but inseparable and interdependent sciences, each being' necessary to the other,
each forming a part of one whole Science of Man.




176              INDUSTRIAL SCIENCE.
CHIAPTER XII.
RELATION  TO ART.
THE difference between science and art may be explained
Science  in  a few  words.  Science investigates, art
and art. applies. Science deals with what is, art with
what should be.  Science treats of phenomena, and the
causes or forces which produce them; art employs these
forces to produce phenomena of the same or of a different kind, according to the aim of the artist.
As there is an art and a science of ethics, and an art
The art of and a science of society, so there is an art and
legislation.    a science of industry.  The art of industry is
Industrial Legislation. Positive law stands in the same
relation to natural law that art does to science. Like true
art, wise legislation is based on scientific law. The
legislator makes use of' the facts of Industrial Science,
but he does not confine himself to these; he also uses
the materials furnished him by the moralist and sociologist, in the same way as the navigator does with the
facts of astronomy and geometry, as the agriculturist
with those of chemistry, physiology, and botany, or




RELATION TO ART.               177
as the doctor with those of anatomy, physiology, and
pathology.
The Art of Political Economy is entirely ignored by
the modern school of economists, but not be- Indus,
cause they modestly believe that the facts of  ignolret
their science are not sufficiently established  in modern
Political
to be made available for the purposes of art, Economy.
but because they think its principles, or laws, as they are
pleased to call them, are naturally adapted to every condition of economic existence. What in other departments
of knowledge would be termed rules of art, are with them
designated scientific laws. They have laws for everything,
but whether they are laws in the strictly scientific sense
may be a matter of dispute. We hear of the Laws of
Production, the Laws of Demand and Supply, the Laws
of Value, the Laws of Price, even the Laws of Free Trade,
and how many more beside it would be difficult to say,
for the bare enumeration of them would fill a good-sized
volume. But the great majority of these so-called laws
are mere truisms. Even the fundamental maxim of this
school, that mankind desire to obtain the greatest
amount of wealth with the least expenditure of labour or
self-sacrifice, is a'mere truism, on a par with such
maxims as these, that a man will choose the greater of
two goods, that of two evils he will choose the lesser, or
that of two roads to the same place he will take the
shortest. All these and similar platitudes imply nothing
more than average intelligence on the part of the agents.
We have seen that Industrial Science has to deal
N




178            INDUSTRIAL SCIENCE.
with mental forces. The laws of the science will thereMental  fore be formulated statements of the modes
nomena  in which these forces operate. Mental forces
oincapable are of two kinds, psychological and moral.
vision-   The laws of psychological forces are few and
simple.  They are those of Contiguity, of Similarity,
and of Compound Association. But of the moral laws,
the laws of human action, what do we really know
about them? We know, indeed, that mankind act from
motives, and we can enumerate many of such motives,
and we know generally the kind of actions which certain
motives influence.  We know also that some motives
are more powerful than others, judging by their effects;
that the Hemeistic, for instance, are stronger than the
Allostic, and that the Egoistic are stronger than either;
but motives vary in strength, or, what amounts to the
same thing, the receptiveness of the agent varies with;
times and circumstances, so that the same motive which
will determine action at one time, or under one set of
conditions, will not at another time, or under another
set of conditions. If we take a given motive and isolate
it from all others, we may certainly be able to ascertain approximately how the agent will act under its influence. We say "approximately" only, for as we can
never know the strength of a motive but by its results, so
we can never previse its precise operation. But in actual
life a motive is never isolated in this way. There are
always several motives operating concurrently on the
mind, some of which determine action and others not,




RELATION TO ART.               179
and we can never tell beforehand which will prevail.
We can never measure the strength of a motive quantitatively, and we can therefore never previse its effect on
the volition. No doubt when several motives have the
same general tendency we may be able to tell pretty
accurately the result, just as we can in the case of
an isolated motive; but when they are in conflict we can
never predicate which will get the mastery, and even if
we could, we cannot tell the exact amount of deflection
which may result from the subjected motives. A man is
both hungry and fatigued at the same time. The one
state predisposes him to exertion, the other to rest, and
the result will prove whether the desire to eat or the
desire to rest was the stronger motive and which the
weaker, and possibly also the influence of the latter on
the former; but it would have been impossible to previse
the result. Even if we are to take a purely hedonistic
view of human nature we would still be no nearer prevision, as pains and pleasures are presented to the
human mind in such a variety of aspects that it can
never be said, absolutely, that mankind always act
so as to avert the one or secure the greatest amount of
the other.
It does not follow, however, that because there can
be no prevision there can be no science. We But it
does not
cannot previse geological phenomena, and yet it follow
will not be disputed that there is a Science of there is ro
Moral
Geology. The various processes of upheaval, Science.
denudation, and subsidence, take place according to




180            INDUSTRIAL SCIENCE.
certain general laws which are more or less understood,
but we cannot foretell their effects, as they vary according to the nature and strength of the subterranean
forces which cannot be measured quantitatively. Even
in Biology and Psychology, as Mr. Herbert Spencer has
observed, the previsions are, most of them, only qualificative, and even when they are quantitative, their quantitativeness can only be ascertained approximately.   In
Psychology, Ethics, Sociology, and Industrial Science,
the phenomena are only qualificative, and are therefore
altogether incapable of exact prevision.
Nothing but exact prevision will, however, satisfy the
Thededauc. deductionists. With them, Political Economy is
tionists
insist on  an exact science or it is nothing; and in order
prevision. to make it exact they isolate it from the other
moral sciences. They adopt an arbitrary conception of
man, assume him  to be impelled by a single motive,
and then they proceed to  explain how  he  must
necessarily act under its influence. And no sooner have
they adopted'this assumption than they proceed to
dogmatize upon it as if it were no assumption at all.
They make believe, in fact, that they have not assumed
anything, and present their deductions as if they were
absolute, incontrovertible truths, and all this they do
with such an air of infallibility as would be ridiculous
were it not mischievous.
But this only leads them further astray. So satisfied
1 Sociology, p. 45.




RELATION TO ART.                181
are they with the manner in which they have elaborated
their system, that they have come to believe Laissez
in its absolute perfectibility. So admirably faire.
adapted, in their opinion, are the laws of their science
to meet every industrial requirement, that they imagine
nothin-g more is necessary than that they should be left
to their free operation.  Borrowing a shibboleth from
certain French traders, they preach henceforth the
gospel of laissezfaire.  To make any attempt to promote
industry, either directly or indirectly, was naturally
enough regarded by the commercial mind in Colbert's
day as an interference with vested interests; but by the
economist of the modern English school such an attempt
is looked upon as nothing less than a gross violation of
tie first principles of economic law, an unwarrantable
outrage on the established order of nature. "Free exchange," we are told by one of that school, "between
man and man- or, what is the same thing, free trade
-is action in accordance with the teachings of nature.
Protection, on the other hand, is an attempt to make
things better than nature made them."   To all such
objections I would only reply that it is the function of
art to improve upon nature, or, to use the words of
Polixenes to Perdita"This is an art
Which does mend nature,-change it rather: but
The art itself is nature."
1 Mr. David Wells in The Atalcntic Monrthly for August, 1875.




182             INDUSTRIAL SCIENCE.
The gardener mends nature when he gives variety of
tone and colour to the landscape.  The agriculturist
mends nature when he drains his land, when he adds
any ingredients to the soil to increase its fertility, and
when he improves the quality of his seed or his breed of
live stock.  In the same manner a legislature mends
nature when it passes a measure for the removal of
nuisances which are injurious to health, promotes
education, or provides for the administration of justice.
Every act of administration on the part of the state
is'an interference with nature: every positive law is
an interference with natural law.  Is there anything
peculiarly  sacred about industry that it should  be
looked upon as sacrilege to lay hands on it? The
question does not require a moment's serious consideration.  The dogma of laissezfaire, if applied to social life,
would be the negation of all law.
The state ever has interfered, and we venture to say,
State    ever will interfere with industry, for the simple
intern   reason that it cannot help doing so. For what
necessary. purpose, if not in the interests of industry,
does the state protect property, enforce contracts, and
punish fraud?  If we examine the statute books of
any civilized people, we shall find the greater portion of
them occupied with laws which, either directly or indirectly, affect trade.  Indeed, the number of laws of this
description in any country is a certain criterion of its
industrial development.  In the earlier stages of society,
when industry was of the rudest kind, the number of




RELATION TO ART.                 183
laws relating to trade were few and simple.  According
to Sir Henry Maine, the only form of dishonesty treated
of in the most ancient Roman law was theft;1 but as
trade extended the opportunities for fraud were increased, and the laws for its repression were increased in
proportion. The history of the acts passed by our own
legislature shows very clearly that legislation followed
crime, and crime followed industry. Laws relating to
the tenure and transfer of land occupied an early place
in the statute book, for land is generally the first thing
appropriated. With the development of trade there
followed the laws relating to guilds and apprenticeships;
as competition increased between people in the same
occupation, bringing in its train new kinds of fraud,
we have laws for the suppression of adulteration and
against the use of light weights and short measures;
as commerce extended, we have laws for regulating
shipping, banks, insurance companies, and institutions
of a like character; and with the introduction of
the factory system we have laws innumerable for the
regulation of the hours of labour, and generally for the
protection of women and young persons in factories.
But while art mends, it also follows nature. It not
only works in accordance with nature's law, but Legisla.
it follows nature's method. Nature does not tiveart
follows
lay down a law and expect it to be observed as nature's
method.
a matter of course. She attaches a penalty to
1 Anciernt Law, p. 307.




184             INDUSTRIAL SCIENCE.
the breach of it, and so presents a motive for its observance. If I put my finger over a flame, I suffer pain;
if I go without food, I feel hungry; if I eat or drink too
much, I have an uneasy. sensation of repletion. The
penalty attached to the breach of a law acts as a deterrent. The legislator follow nature's method in this
respect. He attaches a penalty to every breach of the
law in order to ensure its observance, and this acts as a
deterrent on the human mind. A good or a bad action
is performed because there is a motive for its performance. To prevent the performance of a bad action,
a stronger counteracting motive must be supplied. A
man may have a strong motive to steal, but if the
penalty for stealing be imprisonment with hard labour
for a term of years, this will usually form a stronger
motive than the desire to appropriate, and will therefore counteract it.
Art has to do with ends and means. Not only must
the legislator have a proper object in view in
Ends and
means of framing a law, but he must take the proper
art.
means to attain that object. The means at
his command are motives which must be capable of
influencing the human mind. If adequate motives are
presented, the law will be successful in its operation; if
inadequate, it will fail.  All that science demands of
art is the presentation of adequate motives.
Is it desirable, from an individual point of view, that
a certain act should be performed?  Then the
ends.   individual should perform it. Is it desirable,




RELATION TO ART.              185
from a social point of view, that a certain act should be
performed? Then the state should perform it. It would
be absurd to expect society to do for the individual what
is chiefly for the individual's advantage; and it would be
equally absurd to expect the individual to do for society
what is chiefly for the interest of society. If society
has no ends in view, then social organization will be
reduced to a nullity; if it has ends, then it must take
the proper means to accomplish those ends.
What is good for all, and not merely for an individual
or a class, should be undertaken by the state; Social
what benefits only the few should be left to means.
private enterprise. Is it good for the whole community
that there should be ships and commerce?  Then the
state should make harbours and build lighthouses. Is
it good for the whole community that there should be
intercommunication between the various parts of the
country? Then the state should make roads or build
railways, or sanction and promote their being made.
Is it good for the whole community that the population
should be fully employed and adequately remunerated-?
Then it maybe necessary for the state to promote, by
such means as it has in its power, the growth of manufactures.. This is rank heresy, I know, but the fact that
it is so will not invalidate my argument in the slightest
degree. The interests of the individual are sometimes
antagonistic to, more often identical with, those' of
society, but they can never be coextensive with them.
The individual is not expected to sacrifice himself for




186              INDUSTRIAL SCIENCE.
the benefit of society, but it is expected of society, as it
is of the individual, that it will look after its own interests. The principle laid down by Mill, that state interference is justifiable when important public services are
to be performed which there is no individual specially
interested in performing, nor any adequate remuneration which would naturally or spontaneously attend their
performance, holds good in all cases.'
Mill makes the pregnant remark that "the superiority of one country over another in a
One cause
of indus- branch of production often arises only from
trial su-  having begun it sooner." 2  To give a country
premacy.
this start may, under certain circumstances,
be a public benefit, and therefore a public duty.  To do
so no doubt may entail a little temporary self-sacrifice
on the part of the public, but this should not be considered a very serious objection. Success in anything
is always attended with more or less sacrifice at the
start. We must plant a tree before we can enjoy its
fruit; we must build our houses before we can live in
them.  This kind of sacrifice is entailed on individuals
equally with society.  To establish a business, some
expenditure of time; labour, and money is required; to
learn a trade, one must serve a long apprenticeship; to
acquire a profession, a youth must not only give years of
service gratuitously, but often a bonus as well.  The
same principle is acted on by corporations as well as
Princidples, vol. ii. book v. ch. xi. 15.
2 Ibid. vol. ii. book v. ch. x. 1.




RELATION TO ART.                187
by individuals. The inhabitants of a district believe that
the establishment of a certain branch of manufacture
would be beneficial to them, and they offer certain
advantages to capitalists to embark in the enterprisejust as was done by the citizens of Amsterdam  with
the view of inducing the employers and artisans of Aix
to settle in their city-and no one doubts the propriety
of the proceeding. The ratepayers of a town want a
good harbour, and they impose a temporary rate on
themselves for the purpose of raising the necessary
funds-in the same way as the ratepayers of Greenock
did in order to secure the West India sugar trade-and
they are everywhere applauded for their energy and
enterprise. Why should that which is proper for the
individual or corporation to do, be improper for the
state?
By the modern school of economists it is considered
a wise policy to import commodities from Buying
those places where they can be purchased inhthe
cheapest. But why should it not be considered market.
an equally wise policy to have commodities produced in
those places where the cost of production would be
least? Why should we not ascertain the countries
where the raw  material can be obtained most abundantly, and carry thither our capital and labour;l or,
having the raw material in abundance, why not import
the labour to manufacture it?  It was in this manner
1 This view is put by Mill as an argument in favour of state-assisted
emigration.-Principles, vol. ii. book v. ch. xi. 14.




188.    INDUSTRIAL SCIENCE.
that England  established her woollen manufactures.
Instead of exporting her raw  wool, and reimporting
it again when manufactured, she kept her wool and
imported skilled workmen from Holland to make it into.
cloth.
The Economists insist that the individual is the
Society  best judge of, his own interests.  The dictum
the best  is one that I am not disposed to dispute.  On
judge of
its owI   the contrary, I accept it without the slightest
interests.
hesitation. All that I insist upon is that the
principle should:have a more general application, and
that society should, in respect to ability of judging as
to its own interests, be put upon the same footing as
the individual.




INDEX OF SUBJECTS.
A.
ADULTERATION, old English laws against, 79; modern public opinion
on, 80 (n.); openly tolerated and defended, 83, 84; of calico, 166;
Manchester Chamber of Commerce on, 167.
Adjustment, the idea of, 161.
Appropriation, first effected by the tribe, 173.
Arbitration. See Courts of.
Aristotle, his views on social organization, 162; on the relationship of
the moral sciences, 171.
Art, as distinguished from science, 176; of legislation, 176; of Political
Economy, 177; the functions of, 181; its relation to nature, 181;
follows nature's method, 183; ends and means of, 184; what nature
demands of, 184.
Ashburner, Mr., on adulteration, 84.
Auction, sale by, 65.
Australia, sale of land in, 65, 66.
Auvergne, division of employments in, 18, 19 (in.).
B.
BAGEHOT, Mr., on fluctuations in the money-market, 132.
Bain, Mr., on the reality of moral distinctions, 45.
Bombay Chamber of Commerce and the new Indian tariff, 76; on
adulteration, 84, 85.
Bombay Gazette, The, on the new Indian tariff, 75 (n.).
Brassey, Mr., on Hindoo workmen, 108.




190                  INDEX  OF SUBJECTS.
C.
CAIRNES, Prof., his views on the subject-matter of Political Economy, 9;
on method, 14; on the relation of Political Economy to abstract
justice, 54; on competition, 58 (n.); on value, 115; on the wagesfund theory, 138, 145.
Calcutta Englishmaen, The, on the new Indian tariff, 74.
Calico, the adulteration of, 166.
Capital, how affected by demand and supply, 52, and competition, 60;
an instrument of production, 136; the -right to use only exchanged,
151.
Chalmers, Dr., on the distinction between necessaries and luxuries, 49.
Competition, wherein it differs from demand and supply, 35; follows
from'the dogma of the sufficiency of self-interest, 55; the object of,
56; is merely provisionary, 57; the tendency of, 58; conditions
necessary to annihilate, 59; between rival companies, 61; amongst
the London Gas Companies, 62; national, 67; in the economic and
organic world, 91; not objectionable per se, 170.
Comte, A., his views on social organization, 162.
Contract, the origin of, 174.
Correlative demand, what is meant by, 37; not objectionable in principle, 170.
Courts of Arbitration, the true solution of the wages question, 42.
D.
DEDUCTION. See Method.
Demand, meaning of the term, 36, 125, 127; Mill's explanation of, 125;
Prof. Jenkins's definition, 125 (n.). See also Correlative Demand.
Demand and Supply, as distinguished from competition, 35; its mode of
operation, 38; ignores moral distinctions, 38; its effects in seasons
of scarcity, 40, 41, 47, 49; and on capital and labour, 52; in relation
to quantity, 137, and to profits, 148.
Desires, different from wants, 38; illustrated by the case of the Orissa
famine, 40, by wages disputes, 41; are of secondary importance as
industrial forces, 109.
Difficulty of attainment, not an essential condition of value, 118; subordinate to utility, 120; relation to price, 126, 133, and to demand,
137.
E.
EcoNOMY, meaning of the word, 4; how used by Aristotle and Xenophon,
4; its modern acceptation, 4.
Effectual Demand, what it is, 36, 37.




INDEX  OF SUBJECTS.                       191
England, the commercial policy of, 67, 68, 69, 70; subdivision of land
in, 148.
Essay on Goversnent, Macaulay's attack on, 21.
Ethics, in relation to Political Economy, 92, 93, 94, 166, 174, and Social
Science, 175; the basis of exchange, 175.
Exchange-Value, what it is, 122, 123. See Value.
Exports, character of British, 88.
F.
FooD, price of, in relation to wages, 51, 52.
Force, a, different from a law, 102.
Forces, different kinds of industrial, 103; classification of, 105; relative
importance of, 107; the Egoistic, 107; the Hemeistic, 111; the
Allostic, 113; the sphere of the various, 165; what we know of
mental, 178.
Froude, Mr., on the Irish trade, 70.
G.
GOSCHEN, Mr., on out-door relief, 47.
H.
HALLAM, Mr., on the condition of agricultural labourers in the Middle
Ages, 149..
Hops, the effects of the removal of duties on, 80 (n.).
Humboldt, on the banana, 108.
Hypothesis, what is essential to an, 17; Mill's, 15, admitted to be inadequate, 24; the deductionists', 158.
I.
INDUCTION. See Method.
Industrial Science, a branch of the science of man, 1; meaning of the
term, 3, 4; the phenomena of, 2, 3, 11; definition of, 12; experiments in, 28, 29; its relation to Social Science, 157, 175, and
subordination to the latter, 163; the idea of adjustment inseparable
from, 161.
Industrial forces. See Forces.
Interest, how affected by profits, 151.
Iron, the price of, 142.
Iron and coal. trades, 141.




192                  INDEX  OF SUBJECTS.
J.
JENKINS, Prof., his definition of demand and supply, 125 (i.).
Justice, the principle of Political Economy not in accordance with our
ideas of, 53, 54.
L.
LABOUR, the price of, affected by demand and supply, 52; and by competition, 60; an instrument of production, 136; natural disinclination of man to, 173.
Laissez faire, 181, 182.
Land, an instrument of production, 136; effect of the wide distribution
of, 149; subdivision of, in England, 148.
Legislation, the art of, 176; follows crime, 183.
Leslie, Prof. Cliffe, on the division of employments, 18 (n.).
London Gas Companies, 62.
M.
MAINE, Sir Henry, on early society, 159.
Malthus, Mr., on the habits of the working classes, 109.
Manchester Chamber of Commerce on adulteration, 84, 167.
Manufacturers and middlemen, 168.
Manufactures, State promotion of, 185; what Amsterdam and Greenock
did for, 1877; how England established her woollen, 188.
Manufacturing supr6macy, how England maintains her, 69, 70.
Method, Adam Smith's, 13; Mill's, 15; the deductive unsuitable, 27;.
why the inductive is to be preferred, 28; especially applicable to
the moral sciences, 29; in Social Science, 100; and in Ethics, 100;
nature's, 183.
Middlemen and manufacturers, 168.
Mili's, James, method in Politics, 21 (n.).
Mill, J. S., on the subject-matter of Political Economy, 8; inconsistency
of his views on method, 15, and examination of, 17; his singlemotive theory, 23; on competition, 65 (n.); on value, 115; on
demand and supply, 125; on wages, 136; on the wages-fund
theory, 137; on State interference with trade, 186; on Stateassisted emigration, 187.
Milne, Mr., the case of, 50.
Money, in old and in new countries, 152; the causes of variations in
the price of, 152.
Motives, various, 27; isolation of, 100, 172, 178; how they act, 102;
why called forces, 104; classification of, 106; conflict of, 179.
Moral Sciences, interdependence of the, 171.
Moral Serntinzents, Adam Smith's method in, 95.




INDEX  OF SUBJECTS.                       193
N.
NATURE, its relation to art, 181; art follows the method of, 183; what it
demands of art, 184.
Needlewomen, the case of the London, 46, 47 (n.).
New South Wales, sale by auction in, 66.
O.
OPINION, influence of on price, 133.
Organization, social, 162; Plato and Aristotle' s views on, 162.
Orissa, the famine in, 39 (n.).
Owen, R. Dale, the case cited by, 168.
PHENOMENA, of Industrial Science, 2, 3, 11; mental incapable of prevision, 178.
Plato, on social organization, 162; on the relationship of the moral
sciences, 171.
Political Economy, meaning of the term, 4; its use misleading, 4, 6;
various definitions of, 5; is not a physical science, 7, but a mental,
10; the laws of, 34; the principles of, not in accordance with
abstract justice, 53, 54; the art of, 177; the so-called laws of, 177.
Politics, James Mill's method of, 21 (a.).
Prevision, inapplicable to moral science, 178; insisted on by the deductionists, 180.
Price, is exchange value, 122; is relative, not absolute, 122; difference
between it and value, 123; how determined, 124; demand and
supply in relation to, 125, 134; influence of opinion on, 133; of
money, 152.
Prices, variations in, 19.
Profits, different rates of, 19; relation to wages, 141, 149; how they
affect interest, 151; influence of on rent, 153.
Property, its origin, 172; is a right, 173.
Q.
QUANTITATIVENESS. See Difficulty of Attainment.
R.
RENT, what it is, 153; influenced by profits, 153.




194                  INDEX  OF SUBJECTS.
S.
SCARCITY, how demand and supply operates in seasons of, 40, 41, 47, 49.
See Difficulty of Attainment.
Science, distinguished from art; 176; of man, 1, 2.
Self-interest, alleged sufficiency of, 31; the dogma of not in accordance
with man's nature, 33, nor with facts, 34; enlightened, 45; contrasted with sympathy, 95.
Senior, Mr., his method, 13; his definition of value, 121; on social
organization, 162.
Smith, Adam, his method in The Wealth of Nations, 13, 95, in MI'oral
Sentiments, 95.
Society, what it is, 158; the unit of, 159; early, 159; the best judge of
its own interests, 188.
Sociologists, the stand-point of, 160.
Sociology, its relation to industrial science, 157, 175.
Spencer, Mr. Herbert, on the morals of trade, 64, 81, 82; on prevision
in moral science, 180.
Spitalfields weavers, the case of, 46.
State -interference, the necessity of, 182; Mill's views on, 186.
Subject-matter of Political Economy, 7; Mill's view of, 8; Cairnes's view
of, 9.
Supply, definition of the term, 125, 127.
Sympathy, contrasted with self.interest, 95.
T.
TARIFF, the new Indian, 70, 71.
Tremenheere, on English competition, 69.
U.
UTILITY, relation of to difficulty of attainment, 120, and to value, 121.
V.
VALUE, in use and in exchange, 115; various definitions of, 115; dif.'ficulty of attainment in relation to, 118; essential character of,
119; definition of, 121; absolute not relative, 122; distinguished
from price, 123.




INDEX  OF SUBJECTS.                      195
W.
WAGES, different rates of, 19, the causes of these, 20, 21, 146-151;
disputes about, 41, and failure of all attempts to settle, 42; how
affected by demand and supply, 43; low rates of, injurious, 44; and
the price of provisions, 48, 51; not paid out of capital, 139;
relation of profits to, 141, 149.
Wages-fuind theory, Mill and Cairnes on, 137, 138; based on erroneous
assumptions, 138.
Walker, Prof., on the tendency of economic forces, 54 (n.).
Wallace, Mr. A. R., on the sago tree, 108.
WVants, distinguished from desires, 38; effect of a conflict between, 39;
an enumeration of, 107.
WTarehousemen and Drapers' Journal, on the importation of American
calico, 86 (X.).
Wealth, meaning of the term, 5; its use misleading, 6; not the subjectmatter of Political Economy, 7; its relation to Industrial Science,
11; a means to an end, 17; the theory of the maximum  of,
examined, 18, 22.
TVealth of Nations, The, Adam Smith's method in, 13, 95.
Wilson, Mr. James, and the Indian cotton duties, 71.
Wheat, the price of, 49.
Whewell, Dr., aphorisms for the use of technical terms, 6 (n.).
CAXTON PRINTING WORKS, BECCLES.








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BARR.-A Practical Treatise on the Combustion of Coal:
Including descriptions of various mechanical devices for the Economic Generation of Heat by the Combustion of Fuel, whether solid,
liquid or gaseous. 8vo.                                $2.50
BARR.-A Practical Treatise on High Pressure Steam Boilers:
Including Results of Recent Experimental Tests of Boiler Materials,
together with a Description of Approved Safety Apparatus, Steam
Pumps, Injectors and Economizers in actual use. By WM. M. BARR.
204 Illustrations. 8vo.                                $3.00
BAUERMAN.-A Treatise on the Metallurgy of Iron:
Containing Outlines of the History of Iron Manufacture, Methods of
Assay, and Analysis of Iron Ores, Processes of Manufacture of Iron
and Steel, etc., etc. By H. BAUERMAN, F. G. S., Associate of the
-Royal School of Mines.  Fifth Edition, Revised and Enlarged.
Illustrated with numerous Wood Engravings from Drawings by J. B.
JORDAN. I2mo.                                           $2.00
BAYLES.-House Drainage and Water Service:
In Cities, Villages and Rural Neighborhoods. With Incidental Con.
sideration of Certain Causes Affecting the Healthfulness of Dwell.
ings. By JAMES C. BAYLES, Editor of " The Iron Age " and " The
Metal Worker."  With numerous illustrations. 8vo. cloth,   $3.00
BEANS.-A Treatise on Railway Curves and Location of
Railroads:
By E. W. BEANS, C. E. Illustrated.  I2mo. Tucks.   $I.5
BECKETT.-A Rudimentary Treatise on Clocks, and Watches
and Bells:
By Sir EDMUND BECKErT, Bart., LL. D., Q. C. F. R. A. S. With
numerous illustrations.  Seventh Edition, Revised and Enlarged.
I2mo.                                                  $2.25




4    HENRY CAREY BAIRD & CO.'S CATALOGUE.
BELL.-Carpentry Made Easy:
Or, The Science and Art of Framing on a New and Improved
System. With Specific Instructions for Building Balloon Frames, Barn
Frames, Mill Frames, Warehouses, Church Spires, etc. Comprising
also a System of Bridge Building, with Bills, Estimates of Cost, and
valuable Tables. Illustrated by forty-four plates, comprising nearly
200 figures. By WILLIAM E. BELL, Architect and Practical Builder.
8vo.                                                     $5.oo
BEMROSE.-Fret-Cutting and Perforated Carving:
With fifty-three practical illustrations.  By W. BEMROSE, JR. I vol.
quarto                                                   $3.00
BEMROSE.-Manual of Buhl-work and Marquetry:
With Practical Instructions for- Learners, and ninety colored designs.
By W. BEMROSE, JR. I vol. quarto....   $3.00
BEMROSE.-Manual of Wood Carving:
With Practical Illustrations for Learners of the Art, and Original and
Selected Designs. By WILLIAM BEMROSE, JR. With an Intro.
duction by LLEWELLYN JEWITT, F. S. A., etc. With I28 illustrations, 4to.                                               $3.00
BILLINGS.- Tobacco:
Its History, Variety, Culture, Manufacture, Commerce, and Various
Modes of Use. By E. R. BILLINGS. Illustrated by nearly 200
engravings. 8vo.                                         $3.00
BIRD.-The American Practical Dyers' Companion:
Comprising a Description of the Principal Dye-Stuffs and Chemicals
used in Dyeing, their Natures and Uses; Mordants, and How Made;
with the best American, English, French and German processes for
Bleaching and Dyeing Silk, Wool, Cotton, Linen, Flannel, Felt,
Dress Goods, Mixed and Hosiery Yarns, Feathers, Grass, Felt, Fur,
Wool, and Straw Hats, Jute Yarn, Vegetable Ivory, Mats, Skins,
Furs, Leather, etc., etc. By Wood, Aniline, and other Processes,
together with Remarks on Finishing Agents, and Instructions in the
Finishing of Fabrics, Substitutes for Indigo, Water-Proofing of
Materials, Tests and Purification of Water, Manufacture of Aniline
and other New Dye Wares, Harmonizing Colors, etc., etc.; embracing in all over Soo Receipts for Colors and Shades, accompanied by
170 Dyed Samprles of Raw  Materials and Fabrics.  By F. J. BIRD,
Practical Dyer, Author of "The Dyers' Hand-Book."  8vo. $0o.oo
BLENKARN.-Practical Specifications of Works executed i'l
Architecture, Civil and Mechanical Engineering, and izl
Road Making and Sewering:
To which are added a series of practically useful Agreements and
Reports. By JOHN BLENKARN. Illustrated by fifteen large folding
plates. 8vo.                                             $9.00
BLINN.-A  Practical Workshop Companion for Tin, SheetIron, and Copper-plate Workers:
Containing Rules for describing various kinds of Patterns used by
Tin, Sheet-Iron and Copper-plate Workers; Practical. Geometry;




HENRY CAREY BAIRD & CO.'S CATALOGUE.                   5
Mensuration of Surfaces and Solids; Tables of the Weights of
Metals, Lead-pipe, etc.; Tables of Areas and Circumferencet
of Circles; Japan, Varnishes, Lackers, Cements, Compositions, etc.,
etc. By LEROY J. BLINN, Master Mechanic. With over One
Hundred Illustrations. I2mo.                           $2.50
BOOTH.-Marble Worker's Manual:
Containing Practical Information respecting Marbles in general, their
Cutting, Working and Polishing; Veneering of Marble; Mosaics;
Composition and Use of Artificial Marble, Stuccos, Cements, Receipts,
Secrets, etc., etc. Translated from the French by M. L. BOOTH.
With an Appendix concerning American Marbles. I2mo., cloth $I.50
BOOTH and MORFIT.-The Encyclopaedia of Chemistry,
Practical and Theoretical:
Embracing its application to the Arts, Metallurgy, Mineralogy,
Geology, Medicine and Pharmacy.  By JAMES C. BOOTH, Melter
and Refiner in the United States Mint, Professor of Applied Chemistry in the Franklin Institute, etc., assisted by CAMPBELL MORFIT,
author of "Chemical Manipulations," etc. Seventh Edition. Complete in one volume, royal 8vo., 978 pages, with numerous wood-cuts
and other illustrations..                               5.oo
BRAMWELL.-The Wool Carder's Vade-Mecum:
A Complete Manual of the Art of Carding Textile Fabrics. By W.
C. BRAMWELL. Third Edition, revised and enlarged. Illustrated.
pp. 400. I2mo.                                         $2.50
BRANNT.-The Techno-Chemical Receipt Book:
Containing several thousand Receipts comprising the latest and most
useful discoveries in Chemical Technology and Industry. Edited
from the German of DRS. E. WINCKLER, HEINTZE and MIERZINSKI,
with additions by W. T. BRANNT. (In preparation.)
BROWN.-Five Hundred and Seven Mechanical Movements:
Embracing all those which are most important in Dynamics, Hydraulics, Hydrostatics, Pneumatics, Steam-Engines, Mill and other
Gearing, Presses, Horology and Miscellaneous Machinery; and -including many movements never before published, and several of
which have only recently come into use. By HENRY T. BROWN.
I2nmo.                                                 $I.oo
BUCKMASTER.-The Elements of Mechanical Physics:
By J. C. BUCKMASTER.  Illustrated with numerous engravings.
I2mo.                                                  $I.50
BULLOCK.-The American Cottage Builder:
A Series of Designs, Plans and Specifications, from $2oo to $20,000,
for Homes for the People; together with Warming, Ventilation,
Drainage, Painting and Landscape Gardening. By JOHN BULLOCK,
Architect and Editor of "The Rudiments of Architecture and
Building," etc., etc. Illustrated by 75 engravings. 8vo.  $3.50
BULLOCK. —The Rudiments of Architecture and Building:
For the use of Architects, Builders, Draughtsmen, Machinists, Engineers and Mechanics. Edited by JOHN BULLOCK, author of "The
American Cottage Builder." Illustrated by 250 Engravings. 8vo. $3.50




6      HENRY CAREY BAIRD & CO.'S CATALOGUE.
BURGH. —Practical Rules for the Proportions of Modern
Engines and Boilers for Land and Marine Purposes.
By N.:P. BURGH, Engineer.  I2mo...I.5c
BURNS.-The American Woolen Manufacturer:
A Practical Treatise on the Manufacture of Woolens, in two parts.
Part First gives full and explicit instructions upon Drafting, CrossDrawing, Combining Weaves, and the correct arrangement of Weights,
Colors and Sizes of Yarns to produce any desired fabric. Illustrated
with diagrams of various weavings, and twelve samples of cloth for
explanation and practice. Part Second is fully supplied with extended Tables, Rules, Examples, Explanations, etc.; gives full and
practical information, in detailed order, from the stock department to
the market, of the proper selection and use of the various grades and
staples of Wool, with the admixture of waste, cotton and shoddy; and
the proper application and economical use of the various oils, drugs,
dye stuffs, soaps, belting, etc. Also, the most approved method for
Calculating and Estimating the Cost of Goods, for all Wool, Wool
Waste and Cotton and Cotton Warps. With Examples and Calculations on the Circular motions of Wheels, Pinions, Drums, Pulleys
and Gears, how to speed them, etc. The two parts combined form a
whole work on the American way of manufacturing more complete
than any yet issued. By GEORGE C. BURNS. 8vo..         $6.50
BYLES.-Sophisms of Free  Trade  and  Popular Political
Economy Examined.
By a BARRISTER (SIR JOHN BARNARD BYLES, Judge of Common
Pleas).  From the Ninth English Edition, as published by the
Manchester Reciprocity Association.  I2mo.              $I.25
BYRN.-The Complete Practical Brewer:
Or Plain, Accurate and Thorough Instructions in the Art of Brewing
Beer, Ale, Porter, including the Process of Making Bavarian Beer,
all the Small Beers, such as Root-beer, Ginger-pop, Sarsaparilla-beer,
Mead, Spruce Beer, etc. Adapted to the use of Public Brewers and
Private Families. By M. LA FAYETTE BYRN, M. D. With illustrations.  I2mo.
BYRN.-The Complete Practical Distiller:
Comprising the most perfect and exact Theoretical and Practical Description of the Art of Distillation and Rectification; including all of
the most recent improvements in distilling apparatus; instructions for
preparing spirits from the numerous vegetables, fruits, etc; directions
for the distillation and preparation of all kinds of brandies and other
spirits, spirituous and other compounds, etc. By M. LA FAYETTE
BYRN, M. D.  Eighth Edition. To which are added Practical
Directions for Distilling, from the French of Th. Fling, Brewer and
Distiller.  I mo..                                $I.50
BYRNE.-Hand-Book for the Artisan, Mechanic, and Engineer:
Comprising the Grinding and Sharpening of Cutting Tools, Abrasive
Processes, Lapidary Work, Gem and Glass Engraving, Varnishing
and Lackering, Apparatus, Materials and Processes for Grinding and




HENRY CAREY BAIRD & CO.'S CATALOGUE.                   7
Polishing, etc. By OLIVER BYRNE. Illustrated by I85 wood engravings. 8vo.                                          $5.0o
BYRNE.-Pocket-Book for Railroad and Civil Engineers:
Containing New, Exact and Concise Methods for Laying out Railroad
Curves, Switches, Frog Angles and Crossings; the Staking out of
work; Levelling; the Calculation of Cuttings; Embankments; Earthwork, etc. By OLIVER BYRNE. I8mo., full bound, pocket-bookl
form.... 75
BYRNE.-The Practical Metal-Worker's Assistant:
Comprising Metallurgic Chemistry; the Arts of Working all Metals
and Alloys; Forging of Iron and Steel; Hardening and Tempering;
Melting and Mixing; Casting and Founding; Works in Sheet Metal;
the Processes Dependent on the Ductility of the Metals; Soldering;
and the most Improved Processes and Tools employed by MetalWorkers. With the Application of the Art of Electro-Metallurgy to
Manufacturing Processes; collected from Original Sources, and from
the works of Holtzapffel, Bergeron, Leupold, Plumier, Napier,
Scoffern, Clay, Fairbairn and others. By OLIVER BYRNE. A new,
revised and improved edition, to which is added an Appendix, containing The Manufacture of Russian Sheet-Iron. By JOHN PERCY,
M. D., F. R. S. The Manufacture of Malleable Iron Castings, and
Improvements in Bessemer Steel. By A. A. FESQUET, Chemist and
Engineer. With over Six Hundred Engravings, Illustrating every
Branch of the Subject. 8vo.                             $7o00
BYRNE.-The Practical Model Calculator:
For the Engineer, Mechanic, Manufacturer of Engine Work, Naval
Architect, Miner and Millwright.  By OLIVER BYRNE. 8vo., nearly
600 pages                                               $4.50
CABINET MAKER'S ALBUM OF FURNITURE:
Comprising a Collection of Designs for various Styles of Furniture.
Illustrated by Forty-eight Large and Beautifully Engraved Plates.
Oblong, 8vo.                                           $3.50
CALLINGHAM.-Sign Writing and Glass Embossing:
A  Complete Practical Illustrated Manual of the Art. By JAMES
CALLINGHAM. I2 O.                                      $1..    I.50
CAMPIN.-A Practical Treatise on Mechanical Engineering:
Comprising Metallurgy, Moulding, Casting, Forging, Tools, Work.
shop Machinery, Mechanical Manipulation, Manufacture of SteamEngines, etc. With an Appendix on the Analysis of Iron and Iron
Ores. By FRANCIS CAMPIN, C. E. To which are added, Observations
on the Construction of Steam Boilers, and Remarks upon Furnaces
used for Smoke Prevention; with a Chapter on Explosions. By R.
ARMSTRONG, C. E., and JOHN BOURNE. Rules for Calculating the
Change Wheels for Screws on a Turning Lathe, and for a Wheelcutting Machine. By J. LA NICCA. Management of Steel, Including Forging, Hardening, Tempering, Annealing, Shrinking and
Expansion; and the Case-hardening of Iron. By G. EDE. 8vo.
Illustrated with twenty-nine plates and Ioo wood engravings  $5.oo




$      HENRY CAREY BAIRD & CO.'S CATALOGUE.
CAREY.-A Memoir of Henry C. Carey.
By DR. WM. ELDER. With a portrait. 8vo., cloth..   75
CAREY.-The Works of Henry C. Carey:
Harmony of Interests: Agricultural, Manufacturing and Commercial. 8vo.                                           $1.50
Manual of Social Science. Condensed from Carey's "Principles
of Social Science."  By KATE MCKEAN. I vol. I2mo.      $2.25
Miscellaneous Works. With a Portrait. 2 vols. 8vo.     $6.oo
Past, Present and Future. 8vo...   $2.50
Principles of Social Science. 3 volumes, 8vo...  $io.oo
The Slave-Trade, Domestic and Foreign; Why it Exists, and
How it may be Extinguished (I853). 8vo....   $2.00
The Unity of Law: As Exhibited in the Relations of Physical,
Social, Mental and Moral Science (I872). 8vo.          $3.50
CLARK.-Tramways, their Construction and Working:
Embracing a Comprehensive History of the System. With an exhaustive analysis of the various modes of traction, including horse..
power, steam, heated water and compressed air; a description of the
varieties of Rolling stock, and ample details of cost and working expenses. By D. KINNEAR CLARK. Illustrated by over 200 wood
engravings, and thirteen folding plates. 2 vols. 8vo.. $12.50
COLBURN.-The Locomotive Engine:
Including a Description of its Structure, Rules for Estimating its
Capabilities, and Practical Observations on its Construction and Management. By ZERAH COLBURN. Illustrated.  I2mo..   $I.OO
COLLENS.-The Eden of Labor; or, the Christian Utopia.
By T. WHARTON COLLENS, author of " Humanics," " The History
of Charity," etc. I2mo. Paper cover, $i.oo; Cloth      $I.25
COOLEY.-A Complete Practical Treatise on Perfumery:
Being a Hand-book of Perfumes, Cosmetics and other Toilet Articles.
With a Comprehensive Collectionr of Formulae. By ARNOLD J.
COOLEY. I2mo.                                          $I.50
COOPER.-A  Treatise on the use of Belting for the Transmission of Power.
With numerous illustrations of approved and actual methods of arranging Main Driving and Quarter Twist Belts, and of Belt Fastenings. Examples and Rules in great number for exhibiting and calculating the size and driving power of Belts. Plain, Particular and
Practical Directions for the Treatment, Care and Management of
Belts.. Descriptions of many varieties of Beltings, together with
chapters on the Transmission of Power by Ropes; by Iron and
Wood Frictional Gearing; on the Strength of Belting Leather; and
on the Experimental Investigations of Morin, Briggs, and others. By
JOHN H. COOPER, M. E. 8vo.                              $3.50
CRAIK.-The Practical American Millwright and Miller.
By DAVID CRAIK, Millwright. Illustrated by numerous wood engravings and two-folding plates. 8vo.                  $5.00




HENRY CAREY BAIRD & CO.'S CATALOGUE.                   g
CRISTIANI.-A Technical Treatise on Soap and Candles:
With a Glance at the Industry of Fats and Oils. By R. S. CRISTIANI, Chemist. Author of "Perfumery and Kindred Arts."  Illustrated by 176 engravings. 581 pages, 8vo.. $7.50
CRISTIANI.-Perfumery and Kindred Arts:
A Comprehensive Treatise on Perfumery, containing a History of
Perfumes from the remotest ages to the present'time. A complete
detailed description of the various Materials and Apparatus used in
the Perfumer's Art, with thorough Practical Instruction and careful
Formulae, and advice for the fabrication of all known preparations of
the day, including Essences, Tinctures, Extracts, Spirits, Waters,
Vinegars, Pomades, Powders, Paints, Oils, Emulsions, Cosmetics,
Infusions, Pastilles, Tooth Powders and Washes, Cachous, Hair Dyes,
Sachets, Essential Oils, Flavoring Extracts, etc.; and full details for
making and manipulating Fancy Toilet Soaps, Shaving Creams, etc.,
by new and improved methods. With an Appendix giving hints and
advice for making and fermenting Domestic Wines, Cordials, Liquors,
Candies, Jellies, Syrups, Colors, etc., and for Perfuming and Flavoring Segars, Snuff and Tobacco, and Miscellaneous Receipts for
various useful Analogous Articles. By R. S. CRISTIANI, Consulting Chemist and Perfumer, Philadelphia. 8vo...   $5.00
CROOKES.-A Practical Hand-Book of Dyeing and Calico
Printing.
By WM. CROOKES, F. R. S., etc. With eleven page plates, fortyseven specimens of Dyed and Printed Fabrics, and thirty-eight wood
cuts. 730 pages, 8vo.                                 $I5.oo
CROOKES.-Select Methods in Chemical Analysis (chiefly
inorganic).
By WM. CROOKES, F. R. S. Illustrated with twenty-two wood cuts.
I2mo., 468 pages..                                    $5.00
CUPPER.-The Universal Stair-Builder:
Being a new Treatise on the Construction of Stair-Cases and HandRails; showing Plans of the various forms of Stairs, method of
Placing the Risers in the Cylinders, general method of describing
the Face Moulds for a Hand-Rail, and an expeditious method of
Squaring the Rail. Useful also to Stonemasons constructing Stone
Stairs and Hand-Rails; with a new method of Sawing the Twist
Part of any Hand-Rail square from the face of the plank, and to a
parallel width. Also, a new method of forming the Easings-of the
Rail by a gauge; preceded by some necessary Problems in Practical
Geometry, with the Sections of Prismatic Solids. Illustrated by 29
plates. By R. A. CUPPER, Architect, author of "The Practical
Stair-Builder's Guide."  Third Edition. Large 4t0..   $2.50
DAVIDSON.-A  Practical Manual of House Painting, Graining, Marbling, and Sign-Writing:
Containing full information on the processes of House Painting in




IO    -HENRY CAREY BAIRD & CO.'S CATALOGUE.
Oil and Distemper, the Formation of Letters and Practice of SignWriting, the Principles of Decorative Art, a Course of Elementary
Drawing for House Painters, Writers, etc., and a Collection of Useful
Receipts. With nine colored illustrations of Woods and Marbles,
and numerous wood engravings. By ELLIS A. DAVIDSON. I2mo.
$3.00
DAVIES.-A Treatise on Metalliferous Minerals and Mining:
By D. C. DAVIES, F. G. S., Mining Engineer, Examiner of Mines,
Quarries and Collieries. Illustrated by 148 engravings of Geological
Formations, Mining Operations and Machinery, drawn from the
practice of all parts of the world. 2d Edition, I2mo., 450 pages $5.00
DAVIES.-A Treatise on Slate and Slate Quarrying:
Scientific, Practical and Commercial. By D. C. DAVIES, F. G. S.,
Mining Engineer, etc. With numerous illustrations and folding
plates. I2mo.........    $2.50
DAWIDOWSKY-BRANNT. —A  Practical Treatise on the
Fabrication of Glue, Gelatine, Cements, Pastes, Mucilages,
etc.:
Comprising a Popular Description of these Industries, based upon
Practical Experience. By F. DAWIDOWSKY, Technical Chemist.
From the German, with additions, by WILLIAM T. BRANNT. Illustrated. 1.21110. ( ItZ pr-eprZatlionz.)
DE GRAFF.-The Geometrical Stair-Builders' Guide:
Being a Plain Practical System of Hand-Railing, embracing all its
necessary Details, and Geometrically Illustrated by twenty-two Steel
Engravings; together with the use of the most approved principles
of Practical Geometry.  By SIMON DE GRAFF, Architect.  4to.
$2.50
DE KONINCK-DIETZ.-A  Practical Manual of Chemical
Analysis and Assaying:
As applied to the Manufacture of Iron from its Ores, and to Cast Iron,'Wrought Iron, and Steel, as found in Commerce. By L. L. DE
KONINCK, Dr. Sc., and E. DIETZ, Engineer. Edited with Notes, by
ROBERT MALLET, F. R. S., F. S. G., M. I. C. E., etc. American
Edition, Edited with Notes and an Appendix on Iron Ores, by A. A.
FESQUET, Chemist and Engineer.  I2mo....    2.50
DUNCAN.-Practical Surveyor's Guide:
Containing the necessary information to make any person of common capacity, a finished land surveyor without the aid of a teacher.
By ANDREW DUNCAN. Illustrated.  I2m....   $I.25
DUPLAIS.-A Treatise on the Manufacture and Distillation
of Alcoholic Liquors:
Comprising Accurate and Complete Details in Regard to Alcohol
from Wine, Molasses, Beets, Grain, Rice, Potatoes, Sorghum, Asphodel, Fruits, etc.; with the Distillation and Rectification of Brandy,
Whiskey, Rum, Gin, Swiss Absinthe, etc., the Preparation of Aromatic Waters, Volatile Oils or Essences, Sugars, Syrups, Aromatic
Tinctures, Liqueurs, Cordial Wines, Effervescing Wines, etc., the




HENRY CAREY BAIRD & CO'.S CATALOGUE.    1i
Ageing of Brandy and the improvement of Spirits, with Copious
Directions and Tables for Testing and Reducing Spirituous Liquors,
etc., etc. Translated and Edited from the French of MM. DUPLAIS,
Ain6e et Jeune. By M. MCKENNIE, M. D. To which are added the
United States Internal Revenue- Regulations for the Assessment and
Collection of Taxes on Distilled Spirits.  Illustrated by fourteen
folding plates and several wood engravings. 743 pp. 8vo.   $IO oo
DUSSAUCE.-A General Treatise on the Manufacture of
Every Description of Soap:
Comprising the Chemistry of the Art, with Remarks on Alkalies,
Saponifiable Fatty Bodies, the apparatus necessary in a Soap Factory,
Practical Instructions in the manufacture of the various kinds of
Soap, the assay of Soaps, etc., etc. By Prof. H. DUSSAUCE, Chemist.
Illustrated. 8vo.....                     25 oo
DUSSAUCE.-A  General Treatise on the Manufacture of
Vinegar:
Theoretical and Practical. Comprising the various Methods, by the
Slow and the Quick Processes, with Alcohol, Wine, Grain, Malt,
Cider, Molasses, and Beets; as well as the Fabrication of Wood
Vinegar, etc., etc. By Prof. H. DUSSAUCE. 8vo..   $5 00
DUSSAUCE.-A New and Complete Treatise on the Artsr of
Tanning, Currying, and Leather Dressing:
Comprising all the Discoveries and Improvements made in France,
Great Britain, andi the United States.  Edited from Notes and
Documents of Messrs. Sallerou, Grouvelle, Duval, Dessables, Labarraque, Payen, Ren6, De Fontehelle, Malapeyre, etc., etc. By Prof.
H. DUSSAUCE, Chemist.  Illustrated by 212 wood engravings.
8vo..$25 00
DUSSAUCE.-Practical Treatise on the Fabrication of Matches,
Gun Cotton, and Fulminating Powder.
By Professor H. DUSSAUCE.  I2m.....   $3 00
DYER AND COLOR-MAKER'S COMPANION:
Containing upwards of two hundred Receipts for making Colors, on
the most approved principles, for all the various styles and fabrics now
in existence; with the Scouring Process, and plain Directions for
Preparing, Washing-off, and Finishing the Goods.  I2mo.   $I 25
EASTON.-A  Practical Treatise on Street or Horse-Power
Railways:
By ALEXANDER EASTON, C. E. Illustrated by 23 plates. 8vo. $3 oo
EDWARDS.-A Catechism of the Marine Steam-Engine,
For the use of Engineers, Firemen, and Mechanics. A Practical
Work for Practical Men. By EMORY EDWARDS, Mechanical Engineer. Illustrated by sixty-three Engravings, including examples of
the most modern Engines. Third edition, thoroughly revised, with
much additional matter. I2mo. 4I4 pages...   $2 0oo
EDWARDS.-Modern American Locomotive Engines,
Their Design, Construction and Management. By EMORY EDWARDS.
Illustrated I2mo.,.                               $.....    2 00




12    HENRY CAREY BAIRD & CO.'S CATALOGUE.
EDWARDS.-Modern American Marine Engines, Boilers, and
Screw Propellers,
Their Design and Construction. Showing the Present Practice of
the most Eminent Engineers and Marine Engine Builders in the
United States. Illustrated by 30 large and elaborate plates. 4to. $5.00
EDWARDS.-The Practical Steam Engineer's Guide
In the Design, Construction, and Management of American Stationary,
Portable, and Steam Fire-Engines, Steam Pumps, Boilers, Injectors,
Governors, Indicators, Pistons and Rings, Safety Valves and Steam
Gauges. For the use of Engineers, Firemen, and Steam Users. By
EMORY EDWARDS.  Illustrated by I I9 engravings. 420 pages.
12mo.                                                 $2 50
ELDER.-Conversations on the Principal Subjects of Political
Economy.
By Dr. WILLIAM ELDER. 8vo.                            $2 50
ELDER.-Questions of the Day,
Economic and Social. By Dr. WILLIAM ELDER. 8vo..   $3 oo
ELDER.-Memoir of Henry C. Carey.
By Dr. WILLIAM ELDER. 8vo. cloth.                        75
ERNI.-Mineralogy Simplified.
Easy Methods of Determining and Classifying Minerals, including
Ores, by means of the Blowpipe, and by Humid Chemical Analysis,
based on Professor von Kobell's Tables for the Determination of
Minerals, with an Introduction to Modern Chemistry.  By HENRY
ERNI, A.M., M.D., Professor of Chemistry. Second Edition, rewritten,
enlarged and improved. I2mo. (In presJ.)
FITCH.-Bessemer Steel,
Ores and Methods, New Facts and Statistics Relating to the Types
of Machinery in Use, the Methods in Vogue, Cost and Class of Labor
employed, and the Character and Availability of the Ores utilized in
the Manufacture of Bessemer Steel in Europe and in the United States;
together with opinions and excerpts from various accepted authorities.
Compiled and arranged by THOMAS W. FITCH. 8vo..   $3 00
FLEMING.-Narrow Gauge Railways in America.
A Sketch of their Rise, Progress, and Success. Valuable Statistics
as to Grades, Curves, Weight of Rail, Locomotives, Cars, etc. By
HOWARD FLEMING. Illustrated, 8vo.                     $I 50
FORSYTH.-Book of Designs for Headstones, Mural, and
other Monuments:
Containing 78 Designs. By JAMES FORSYTH. With an Introduction
by CHARLES BOUTELL, M. A. 4 to., cloth..        $5 oo
F'RANKEL-HUTTER. —A Practical Treatise on the Manufacture of Starch, Glucose, Starch-Sugar, and Dextrine:
Based on the German of LADISLAUS VON WAGNER, Professor in the
Royal Technical High School, Buda-Pest, Hungary, and other
authorities. By JULIUS FRANKEL, Graduate of the Polytechnic
School of Hanover. Edited by ROBERT HUTTER, Chemist, Practical
Manufacturer of Starch-Sugar, Proprietor of the Philadelphia Starch



HENRY CAREY BAIRD & CO.'S CATALOGUE.                  13
Sugar Works. Illustrated by 58 engravings, covering every branch
of the subject, including examples of the most recent and best American machinery. 8vo., 344 PP.                           $3.50
FRAZIER.-Modern Processes in the Metallurgy of Iron and
Steel:
By B. W. FRAZIER, Professor of Mining and Metallurgy in Lehigh
University, Bethlehem, Pa. Elaborately Illustrated. (In preparation.)
GEE.-The Practical Gold Worker:
Or, the Goldsmith's and Jeweller's Instructor in the Art of Alloying,
Melting, Reducing, Coloring, Collecting, and Refining; the Processes
of Manipulation, Recovery of Waste, Chemical and Physical Properties of Gold, with a New System of' Mixing its Alloys, Solders,
Enamels, and other Useful Rules and Recipes. By GEORGE E.
GEE. I2mo....      $I-75
GEE.-The Silversmith's Handbook:
Containing full instructions for the Alloying and Working of Silver,
including the different modes of Refining and Melting the Metal; its
Solders; the Preparation of Imitation Alloys; Methods of Manipulation; Prevention of Waste; Instructions for Improving and Finishing
the Surface of the Work; together with other Useful Information and
Memoranda. By GEORGE E. GEE, Jeweller. Illustrated. 12mo.
$1.75
GOTHIC ALBUM FOR CABINET-MAKERS:
Designs for Gothic Furniture. Twenty-three plates. Oblong $2.00
GREGORY.-Mathematics for Practical Men:
Adapted to the Pursuits of Surveyors, Architects, Mechanics, and
Civil Engineers. By OLINTHUS GREGORY. 8vo., plates.   $3.00
GRIER.-Rural Hydraulics:
A Practical Treatise on Rural Household Water Supply. Giving a
full description of Springs and Wells, of Pumps and Hydraulic Ram,
with Instructions in Cistern Building, Laying of Pipes, etc. By W.
W. GRIER. Illustrated 8vo.....      75
GRIMSHAW.-Modern Milling:
Being the substance of two addresses delivered by request, at the
Franklin Institute, Philadelphia, January I9th and January 27th,
i88I. By ROBERT GRIMSHAW, Ph. D. Edited from the Phonographic Reports. With 28 Illustrations. 8vo...    I.OO
GRIMSHAW.-Saws:
The History, Development, Action, Classification, and Comparison
of Saws of all kinds.  With Copious Appendices. Giving the details
of Manufacture, Filing, Setting, Gumming, etc. Care and Use of
Saws; Tables of Gauges; Capacities of Saw-Mills; List of SawPatents, and other valuable information. By ROBERT GRIMSHAW.
Second and greatly enlarged edition, with Suppietmzent, and 354 Illustrations. Quarto.$4.00
GRIMSHAW.-A Supplement to Grimshaw on Saws:
Containing additional practical matter, more especially relating to the




14    HENRY CAREY BAIRD & CO.'S CATALOGUE.
Forms of Saw-Teeth, for special material and- conditions, and to the
Behavior of Saws under particular conditions. I20 Illustrations. By
ROBERT GRIMSHAW. Quarto.                        2.00
GRISWOLD.-Railroad Engineer's Pocket Companion for the
Field:
Comprising Rules for Calculating Deflection Distances and Angles,
Tangential Distances and Angles, and all Necessary Tables for Engineers; also the Art of Levelling from Preliminary Survey to the
Construction of Railroads, intended Expressly for the Young Engineer, together with Numerous Valuable Rules and Examples. By
W. GRISWOLD. - I2mo., tucks                            $1-75
GRUNER.-Studies of Blast Furnace Phenomena:
By M. L. GRUNER, President of the General Council of Mines of
France, and lately Professor of Metallurgy at the Ecole des Mines.
Translated, with the author's sanction, with an Appendix, by L. D.
B. GORDON, F. R. S. E., F. G. S. 8vo.                  $2.50
GUETTIER.-Metallic Alloys:
Being a Practical Guide to their Chemical and Physical Properties,
their Preparation, Composition, and Uses. Translated from the
French of A. GUETTIER, Engineer and Director of Founderies,
author of " La Fouderie en France," etc., etc. By A. A. FESQUET,
Chemist and Engineer. I2mo..3.o0
HASERICK.-The Secrets of the Art of Dyeing Wool, Cotton,
and Linen,
Including Bleaching and Coloring Wool and Cotton Hosiery and
Random Yarns. A Treatise based on Economy and Practice. By
E. C. HASERICK. Illustrated by 323 Dyed Patterns of the Yarns
or Fabrics. 8vo.                                      $25.oQ
HATS AND FELTING:
A Practical Treatise on their Manufacture. By a Practical Hatter.
Illustrated by Drawings of Machinery, etc. 8vo...    25
HEINZERLING.-Elements of the Fabrication of Leather,
with Special Regard to the Latest Improvements in this Branch of
Industry. A Manual for Tanners, Technologists, Etc. By Dr. Christian Heinzerling. Translated from the German by William T.
Brannt, Graduate of the Royal Agricultural College of Eldena,
Prussia. With additions by an American Editor. Illustrated by
numerous Engravings. 8vo. (In preparation.)
HENRY.-The Early and Later HistorS3of Petroleum:
With Authentic Facts in regard to its Development in Western Pennsylvania. With Sketches of the Pioneer and Prominent Operators,
together with the Refining Capacity of the United States. By J. T.
HENRY. Illustrated 8vo...                              $4.50
HOFFER.-A  Practical Treatise on Caoutchouc and Gutta
Percha,
Comprising the Properties of the Raw Materials, and the manner of
Mixing and Working them; with the Fabrication of Vulcanized and
Hard Rubbers, Caoutchouc and Gutta Percha Compositions, Water



HENRY CAREY BAIRD & CO.'S CATALOGUE.    15
proof Substances, Elastic Tissues, the Utilization of Waste, etc., etc.
From  the German of RAIMUND HOFkIER. By W. T. ERANNT.
Illustrated I2mo.                                       $2.50
HOFMANN.-A  Practical Treatise on the Manufacture of
Paper in all its Branches:
By CARL HOFMANN, Iate Superintendent of Paper-Mills in Germany
and the United States; recently Manager of the "Public Ledgerl"
Paper-Mills, near Elkton, Maryland. Illustrated by Iio wood engravings, and five large Folding'Plates.  4to., cloth; about 4bo
pages.                                                $20.00
HUGHES. —American Miller and Millwright's Assistant:
By WILLIAM CARTER HUGHES. 12mo.                        $I.50
HULME.-Worked Examination Questions in Plane Geometrical Drawing:
For the Use of Candidates for the Royal Military Academy, Wool.
wich; the Royal Military College, Sandhurst; the Indian Civil Engineering College, Cooper's'Hill; Indian Public Works and Telegraph Departments; Royal Marine Light Infantry; the Oxford and
Cambridge Local Examinations, etc. By F. EDWARD HULME, F. L,.
S., F. S. A., Art-Master Marlborough College. Illustrated by 300
examples. Small quarto...75
HURST.-A Hand-Book for Architectural Surveyors and others
Engaged in Building:
Containing Formulae useful in Designing Builders' Work, Table of
Weights, of the Materials used in Building, Memoranda connected
with Builders' Work, Mensuration, the Practice of Builders' Measurement, Contracts of Labor, Valuation of Property, Summary of the
Practice in Dilapidation, etc., etc. By J. F. HURST, C. E. Second
edition, pocket-book form, full bound....   $2.00
JERVIS.-Railroad Property:
A Treatise on the Construction and Management of Railways;
designed to afford useful knowledge, in the popular style, to the
holders of this class of property; as well as Railway Managers, Officers, and Agents. By JOHN. B. JERVIS, late Civil Engineer of the
Hudson River Railroad, Croton Aqueduct, etc. 12mo., cloth  $2.00
KEENE.-A Hand-Book of Practical Gauging:
For the Use of Beginners, to which is added a Chapter on Distillation, describing the process in operation at the Custom-House for
ascertaining the Strength of Wines. By JAMES B. KEENE, of H. M.
Customs. 8vo.                                          $1I.25
KELLEY.-Speeches, Addresses, and Letters on Industrial and
Financial Questions:
By HON. WILLIAM D. KELLEY, M. C. 544 pages, 8vo..   $3.00
KELLOGG.-A New Monetary System:
The only means of Securing the respective Rights of Labor and
Property, and of Protecting the Public from Financial Revulsions.
By EDWARD KELLOGG. Revised from his work on "Labor and
other Capital." With numerous additions from, his manuscript.




x6     HENRY CAREY BAIRD & CO.'S CATALOGUE.
Edited by MARY KELLOGG PUTNAM. Fifth edition. To which is
added a Biographical Sketch of the Author. One volume, I2mo.
Paper cover... oo
Bound in cloth                                          I.50
KEMLO.-Watch-Repairer's Hand-Book:
Being a Complete Guide to the Young Beginner, in Taking Apart,
Pltting Together, and Thoroughly Cleaning the English Lever and
other Foreign Watches, and all American Watches. By F. KEMLO,
Practical Watchmaker. With Illustrations.  I2mo...25
KENTISH.-A Treatise on a Box of Instruments,
And the Slide Rule; with the Theory of Trigonometry and Logarithms, including Practical Geometry, Surveying, Measuring of Timber, Cask and Malt Gauging, Heights, and Distances. By THOMAS
KENTISH. In one volume.  I2mo.....25
KERL.-The Assayer's Manual:
An Abridged Treatise on the Docimastic Examination of Ores, and
Furnace and other Artificial Products. By BRUNO KERL, Professor
in the Royal School of Mines; Member of the Royal Technical
Commission for the Industries, and of the Imperial Patent-Office,
Berlin. Translated from the German by WILLIAM T. BRANNT,
Graduate of the Royal Agricultural College of Eldena, Prussia.
Edited by WILLIAM H. WAHL, Ph. D., Secretary of the Franklin
Institute, Phiiadelphia. Illustrated by sixty-five engravings. 8vo.
$3.00
KINGZETT.-The History, Products, and Processes of the
Alkali Trade:
Including the most Recent Improvements. By CHARLES THOMAS
KINGZETT, Consulting Chemist. With 23 illustrations. 8vo.  $2.50
KINSLEY.-Self-Instructor on Lumber Surveying:
For the Use of Lumber Manufacturers, Surveyors, and Teachers.
By CHARLES KINSLEY, Practical Surveyor and Teacher of Surveying.
I 2mo........                           $2.00
KIRK.-The Founding of Metals:
A Practical Treatise on the Melting of Iron, with a Description of the
Founding of Alloys; also, of all the Metals and Mineral Substances
used in the Art of Founding. Collected from original sources. By
EDWARD KIRK, Practical Foundryman and Chemist. Illustrated.
Third edition. 8vo.                                     $2.50
KITTREDGE.-The  Compendium  of Architectural SheetMetal Work:
Profusely Illustrated. Embracing Rules and Directions for Estimates,
Items of Cost, Nomenclature, Tables of Brackets, Modillions, Dentals, Trusses, Stop-Blocks, Frieze Pieces, etc. Architect's Specification, Tables of Tin-Roofing, Galvanized Iron, etc., etc. To which is
added the Exemplar of Architectural Sheet-Metal Work, containing
details of the Centennial Buildings, and other important Sheet-Metal
Work, Designs and Prices of Architectural Ornaments, as manufac.
tured for the Trade by the Kittredge Cornice and Ornament Comrn



HENRY CAREY BAIRD & CO.'S CATALOGUE.                  17:
pany, and a Catalogue of Cornices, Window-Caps, Mouldings,etc., as
manufactured by the Kittredge Cornice and Ornament Company.
The whole supplemented by a full Index and Table of Contents. By
A. O. KITTREDGE. 8vo., 565 pages...     $5.00
LANDRIN.-A Treatise on Steel:
Comprising its Theory, Metallurgy, Properties, Practical Working,
and Use. By M. H. C. LANDRIN, JR., Civil Engineer. Translated
from the French, with Notes, by A. A. FESQUET, Chemist and Engineer. With anr Appendix on the Bessemer and the Martin Processes for Manufacturing Steel, from the. Report of Abram S. Hewitt,
United States Commissioner to the Jniversal Exposition, Paris, i867.
I22mo............    3.00
LARDEN. —A School Course on Heat:
By W. LARDEN, M. A. 32I pp. I2mo....         $2.00
LARDNER.-The Steam-Engine:
For the Use of Beginners. By DR. LARDNER. Illustrated. I2mo.
75
LARKIN.-The Practical Brass and Iron Founder's Guide:
A Concise Treatise on Brass Founding, Moulding, the Metals and
their Alloys, etc.; to which are added Recent Improvements in the
Manufacture of Iron, Steel by the Bessemer Process, etc., etc. By
JAMES LARKIN, late Conductor of the Brass Foundry Department in
Reany, Neafie & Co.'s Penn. Works, Philadelphia. Fifth edition,
revised, with extensive additions.  I2mo.              $2.25
LEROUX.-A Practical Treatise on the Manufacture of
VWorsteds and Carded Yarns:
Comprising Practical Mechanics, with Rules and Calculations applied
to Spinning; Sorting, Cleaning, and Scouring Wools; the English
and French Methods of Combing, Drawing, and Spinning Worsteds,
and Manufacturing Carded Yarns. Translated from the French of
CHARLES LEROUX, Mechanical Engineer and Superintendent of a
Spinning-Mill, by HORATIO PAINE, M. D., and A. A. FESQUET,
Chemist and Engineer. Illustrated by twelve large Plates. To which
is added an Appendix, containing Extracts from the Reports of the
International Jury, and of the Artisans selected by the Committee
appointed by the Council of the Society of Arts, London, on Woolen
and Worsted Machinery and Fabrics, as exhibited in the Paris Universal Exposition, i867. 8vo...                  $5.00
LEFFEL.-The Construction of Mill-Dams:
Comprising also the Building of Race and Reservoir Embankments
and Head-Gates, the Measurement of Streams, Gauging of Water
Supply, etc. By JAMES LEFFEL & CO. Illustrated by 58 engravings.
8vo......                                             $2.50
LESLIE.-Complete Cookery:
Directions for Cookery in its Various Branches. By Miss LESLIE.
Sixtieth thousand. Thoroughly revised, with the addition of New
Receipts. In 12mo., cloth.....            5
2




I8 HENRY CAREY BAIRD & CO.'S CATALOGUE.
LIEBER.-Assayer's Guide:
Or, Practical Directions to Assayers, Miners, and Smelters, for the
Tests and Assays, by Heat and by Wet Processes, for the Ores of all
the principal Metals, of Gold and Silver Coins and Alloys, and of
Coal, etc. By OSCAR M. LIEBER. I2mo....   $I.25
LOVE.-The Art of Dyeing, Cleaning, Scouring, and Finishing, on the Most Approved English and French Methods:
Being Practical Instructions in Dyeing Silks, Woolens, and Cottons,'Feathers, Chips, Straw, etc. Scouring and Cleaning Bed and Window Curtains, Carpets, Rugs, etc. French and English Cleaning,
any Color or Fabric of Silk, Satin, or Damask. By THOMAS LOVE,
a Working Dyer and Scourer. Second American Edition, to which
are added General Instructions for the use of Aniline Colors. 8vo.
343 pages.                                             $5.00
LUKIN.-Amongst Machines;
Embracing Descriptions of the various Mechanical Appliances used
in the Manufacture of Wood, Metal, and other Substances. 12mo.
$1.75
LUKIN.-The Boy Engineers:
What They Did, and How They Did It. With 30 plates. I8mo.
$1.75
LUKIN.-The Young Mechanic:
Practical Carpentry. Containing Directions for the Use of all kinds:of Tools, and for Construction of Steam-Engines and Mechanical
Models, including the Art of Turning in Wood and Metal. By JOHN
LUKIN, Author of "The Lathe and Its Uses," etc. Illustrated.
I2rr.o.                                                $1.75
MAIN and BROWN.-Questions on Subjects Connected with
the Marine Steam-Engine:
And Examination Papers; with Hints for their Solution. By
THOMAS J. MAIN, Professor of Mathematics, Royal Naval College,
and THOMAS BROWN, Chief Engineer, R. N. I2mo., cloth.  $I.50
MAIN and BROWN.-The Indicator and Dynamometer:
With their Practical Applications to the Steam-Engine. By THOMAS
J. MAIN, M. A. F. R., Ass't S. Professor Royal Naval College,
Portsmouth, and THOMAS BROWN, Assoc. Inst. C. E., Chief Engineer
R. N., attached to the R. N. College. Illustrated. 8vo.  $I.50
MAIN and BROWN. The Marine Steam-Engine.
By THOMAS J. MAIN, F. R. Ass't S. Mathematical Professor at the
Royal Naval College, Portsmouth, and THOMAS BROWN, Assoc.
Inst. C. E., Chief Engineer R. N. Attached to the Royal Naval
College. With numerous illustrations. 8vo..   $5.oo
MARTIN.-Screw-Cutting Tables, for the Use of Mechanical
Engineers:
Showing the Proper Arrangement of Wheels for Cutting the Threads
of Screws of any Required Pitch; with a Table for Making the Universal Gas-Pipe Thread and Taps. By W. A. MARTIN, Engineer.
$8vo.50........  50




HENRY CAREY BAIRD & CO.'S CATALOGUE.    19
MICHELL.-Mine Drainage:
Being a Complete and Practical Treatise on Direct-Acting Underground Steam Pumping Machinery. With a Description of a large
number of the best known Engines, their General Utility and the
Special Sphere of their Action, the Mode of their Application, and
their Merits compared with other Pumping Machinery. By STEPHEN
MICHELL. Illustrated by 137 engravings. 8vo., 277 pages.  $6.ov
MOLESWORTH.-Pocket-Book  of Useful Formulae  and
Memoranda for Civil and Mechanical Engineers.
By GUILFORD L. MOLESWORTH, Member of the Institution of Civil
Engineers, Chief Resident Engineer of the Ceylon 4Railway. Fullbound in Pocket-book form..           O
MOORE.-The Universal Assistant and the Complete Mechanic:
Containing over one million Industrial Facts, Calculations, Receipts,
Processes, Trades Secrets, Rules, Business Forms, Legal Items, Etc.,
in every occupation, from the Household to the Manufactory. By
R. MOORE. Illustrated'by 500 Engravings.  12mo..   $2.50
MORRIS.-Easy Rules for the Measurement of Earthworks:
By means of the Prismoidal Formula. Illustrated,x ith Numerous
Wood-Cuts, Problems, and Examples, and concluded by an Extensive Table for finding the Solidity in cubic yards from Mean Areas.
The whole being adapted for convenient use by Engineers, Surveyors,
Contractors, and others needing Correct Measurements of Earthwork.
By ELWOOD MORRIS, C. E. 8vo.                           $1.50
MORTON. —The System of Calculating Diameter, Circumference, Area, and Squaring the Circle:
Together with Interest and Miscellaneous Tables, and other information. By JAMES MORTON.  Second Edition, enlarged, with the
Metric System.  I2mo.                                  $I.oo
NAPIER.-Manual of Electro-Metallurgy:
Including the Application of the Art to Manufacturing Processes.
By JAMES NAPIER. Fourth American, from the Fourth London
edition, revised and enlarged.  Illustrated by engravings. 8vo. $I.50
NAPIER.-A System of Chemistry Applied to Dyeing.
By JAMES NAPIER, F. C. S. A New and Thoroughly Revised Edition. Completely brought up to the present state of the Science,
including the Chemistry of Coal Tar Colors, by A. A. FESQUET,
Chemist and Engineer. With an Appendix on Dyeing and Calico
Printing, as shown at the Universal Exposition, Paris, I867. Illustrated. 8vo. 422 pages....  5.00
NEVILLE.-Hydraulic Tables, Coefficients, and Formulae, for
finding the Discharge of Water from Orifices, Notches,
Weirs, Pipes, and Rivers:
Third Edition, with Additions, consisting of New Formulae for -the
Discharge from Tidal and Flood Sluices and Siphons; general information on Rainfall, Catchment-Basins, Drainage, Sewerage, Water
Supply for Towns and Mill Power. By TOHN NEVILLE, C. E. M. R.




20    HENRY CAREY BAIRD & CO.'S CATALOGUE.
I. A.; Fellow of the Royal Geological Society of Ireland. Thick
12mo.                                                  $3.50
NEWBERY.-Gleanings  from- Ornamental Art of every
style:
Drawn from Examples in the British, South Kensington, Indian,
Crystal Palace, and other Museums, the Exhibitions of 1851 and
I862, and the best English and Foreign works. - In a series of Ioo
exquisitely drawn Plates, containing many hundred examples. By
ROBERT NEWBERY. 4to.                                  $I2.50
NICHOLLS. -The Theoretical and Practical Boiler-Maker and
Engineer's Reference Book:
Containing a variety of Useful Information for Employers of Labor,
Foremen and Working Boiler-Makers, Iron, Copper, and Tinsmiths,
Draughtsmen, Engineers, the General Steam-using Public, and for the
Use of Science Schools and Classes. By SAMUEL NICHOLLS. Illustrated by sixteen plates, 12mo.                         $2.50
NICHOLSON.-A Manual of the Art of Bookbinding:
Containing full instructions in the different Branches of Forwarding,
Gilding, and Finishing. Also, the Art of Marbling Book-edges and
Paper. By JAMES B. NICHOLSON. Illustrated. I2mo., cloth $2.25
NICOLLS.-The Railway Builder:
A Hand-Book for Estimating the Probable Cost of American Railway Construction and Equipment. By WILLIAM J. NICOLLS, Civil
Engineer. Illustrated, full bound, pocket-book form.   $2.00
NORMANDY.-The Commercial Handbook of Chemical Analysis:
Or Practical Instructions for the Determination of the Intrinsic or
Commercial Value of Substances used in Manufactures, in Trades,
and in the Arts. By A. NORMANDY. New Edition, Enlarged, and
to a great extent rewritten. By HENRY M. NOAD, Ph.D., F.R.S.,
thick I2mo.                                             $5.00
NORRIS.-A Handbook for Locomotive Engineers and Machinists:
Comprising the Proportions and Calculations for Constructing Locomotives; Manner of Setting Valves; Tables of Squares, Cubes, Areas,
etc., etc. By SEPTIMUS NORRIS, M. E. New edition. Illustrated,
I2mo. -.......... $I.50
NORTH.-The Practical Assayer:
Containing Easy Methods for the Assay of the Principal Metals and
Alloys. Principally designed for explorers and those interested in
Mines. By OLIVER NORTH. Illustrated.  I2mo..  $2.50
NYSTROM.-A New Treatise on Elements of Mechanics:
Establishing Strict Precision in the Meaning of Dynamical Terms:
accompanied with an Appendix on Duodenal Arithmetic and Metrology. By JOHN W. NYSTROM, C. E. Illustrated. 8vo.   $2.00
NYSTROM.-On Technological Education and the Construction of Ships and Screw Propellers:
For Naval and Marine Engineers. By JOHN W. NYSTROM, late




HENRY CAREY BAIRD & CO.'S CATALOGUE.    2I
Acting Chief Engineer, U. S. N. Second edition, revised, with additional matter. Illustrated by seven engravings.  I2mo..   $I.50
O'N ELL.-A Dictionary of Dyeing and Calico Printing:
Containing a brief account of all the Substances and, Processes in
use in-the Art of Dyeing and Printing Textile Fabrics; with Practical
Receipts and Scientific Information. By CHARLES O'NEILL, Analytical Chemist. To which is added an Essay on Coal Tar Colors and
their application to Dyeing and Calico Printing. By A. A. FESQUET,
Chemist and Engineer. With an appendix on Dyeing and Calico
Printing, as shown at the Universal Exposition, Paris, I867. 8vo.,
49I pages...$5.00'ORTON.-Underground Treasures:
How and Where to Find Them. A Key for the Ready Determination
of all the Useful Minerals within the United States. By JAMES
ORTON, A.M., Late Professor of Natural History in Vassar College,
N. Y.; Cor. Mem. of the Academy of Natural Sciences, Philadelphia,
and of the Lyceum of Natural History, New York; author of the
"Andes and the Amazon," etc. A New Edition, with Additions.
Illustrated.........50
OSBORN.-The Metallurgy of Iron and Steel:
Theoretical and Practical in all its Branches; with special reference
to American Materials and Processes. By H. S. OSBORN, LL. D.,
Professor of Mining and Metallurgy in Lafayette College, Easton,
Pennsylvania.  Illustrated by numerous large folding plates and
wood-engravings. 8vo.                                 $25.00
OVERMAN.-The Manufacture of Steel:
Containing the Practice and Principles of Working and Making Steel.
A Handbook for Blacksmiths and Workers in Steel and Iron, Wagon
Makers,. Die Sinkers, Cutlers, and Manufacturers of Files and Hardware, of Steel and Iron, and for Men of Science and Art. By
FREDERICK OVERMAN, Mining Engineer, Author of the "Manufacture of Iron," etc. A new, enlarged, and revised Edition. By
A. A. FESQUET, Chemist and Engineer.  I2mo..    I.50
OVERMAN.-The Moulder's and Founder's Pocket Guide:
A Treatise on Moulding and Founding in Green-sand, Dry-sand, Loam,
and Cement; the Moulding of Machine Frames, Mill-gear, Hollowware, Ornaments, Trinkets, Bells, and Statues; Description of Moulds
for Iron, Bronze, Brass, and other Metals; Plaster of Paris, Sulphur,
Wax, etc.; the Construction of Melting Furnaces, the Melting and
Founding of Metals; the Composition of Alloys and their Nature,
etc., etc. By FREDERICK OVERMAN, M. E. A new Edition, to
which is added a Supplement on Statuary and Ornamental Moulding,
Ordnance, Malleable Iron Castings, etc. By A. A. FESQUET, Chemv
ist and Engineer. Illustrated by 44 engravings.  I2mo..   $2.00
PAINTER, GILDER, AND VARNISHER'S COMPANION:
Containing Rules and Regulations in everything relating to the Arts
of Painting, Gilding, Varnishing, Glass-Staining, Graining, Marbling,
Sign-Writing, Gilding on Glass, and Coach Painting and Varnishing;




22    HENRY CAREY BAIRD & CO.'S CATALOGUE.
Tests for the' Detection of Adulterations in Oils, Colors, etc.; and a
Statement of the Diseases to which Painters are peculiarly liable, with
the Simplest and Best Remedies. Sixteenth Edition. Revised, with
an Appendix. Containing Colors and Coloring-Theoretical and
Practical. Comprising descriptions of a great variety of Additional
Pigments, their Qualities and Uses, to which are added, Dryers, and
Modes and Operations of Painting, etc. Together with Chevreul's
Principles of Harmony and Contrast of Colors. I2mo. Cloth $I.50
PALLETT.-The Miller's, Millwright's, and Engineer's Guide.
By HENRY PALLETT. Illustrated. I2mo.                   $3.00
PEA RSE.-A Concise History of the Iron Manufacture of the
American Colonies up to the Revolution, and of Pennsylvania until the present time.
By JOHN B. PEARSE. Illustrated I2mo..         2.oo
PERCY.-The Manufacture of Russian Sheet-Iron.
By JOHN PERCY, M. D., F. R. S., Lecturer on Metallurgy at the
Royal School of Mines, and to The Advance Class of Artillery
Officers at the Royal Artillery Institution, Woolwich; Author of
"Metallurgy." With Illustrations. 8vo., paper..   50 cts.
PERKINS.-Gas and Ventilation:
Practical Treatise on Gas and Ventilation. With Special Relation
to Illuminating, Heating, and Cooking by Gas. Including Scientific
Helps to Engineer-students and others. With Illustrated Diagrams.
By E. E. PERKINS. I210., cloth.                        $I.25
-PERKINS AND  STOWE.-A New Guide to the Sheet-iron
and Boiler Plate Roller:
Containing a Series of Tables showing the Weight of Slabs and Piles
to Produce Boiler Plates, and of the Weight of Piles and the Sizes of
Bars to produce Sheet-iron; the Thickness of the Bar Gauge
in decimals; the Weight per foot, and the Thickness on the Bar or
Wire Gauge of the fractional parts of an inch; the Weight per
sheet, and the Thickness on the Wire Gauge of Sheet-iron of various
dimensions to weigh II2 lbs. per bundle; and the conversion of
Short Weight into Long Weight, and Long Weight into Short.
Estimated and collected by G. H. PERKINS and J. G. STOWE. $2.50
POWELL-CHANCE-HARRIS.-The Principles of Glass
Making.
By HARRY J. POWELL, B. A. Together with Treatises on Crown and
Sheet Glass; by HENRY CHANCE, M. A. And Plate Glass, by H.
G. HARRIS, Asso. M. Inst. C. E. Illustrated I81o..      $1.50
PROTEAUX.-Practical Guide for the Manufacture of Paper
and Boards.
By A. PROTEAUX. From the French, by HORATIO PAINE, A. B.,
M. D. To which is added the Manufacture of Paper from Wood,
by HENRY T. BROWN. Illustrated by six plates. 8vo..  $I2.50
PROCTOR.-A Pocket-Book of Useful Tables and Formulae
for Marine Engineers.
By FRANK PROCTOR.  Second Edition, Revised and En!arged.
Full bound pocket-book form.                          $I.50




HENRY CAREY BAIRD & CO.'S CATALOGUE.                  23
REGNAULT.-Elements of Chemistry.
By M. V. REGNAULT. Translated from the French by T. FORREST
BETTON, M. D., and edited, with Notes, by JAMES C. BOOTH, Melter
and Refiner U. S. Mint, and WILLIAM L. FABER. Metallurgist and
Mining Engineer. Illustrated by nearly 700 wood engravings. Comprising nearly 1,500 pages. In two volumes, 8vo., cloth.   $7.50
ROPER.-A Catechism of High-Pressure, or Non-Condensing
Steam-Engines:
Including the Modelling, Constructing, and Management of SteamEngines and Steam Boilers. With valuable illustrations. By STE-,PHEN ROPER, Engineer. Sixteenth edition, revised and enlarged.
I8mo., tucks, gilt edge.......    2.00
ROPER.-Engineer's Handy-Book:
Containing a full Explanation of the Steam-Engine Indicator, and its
Use and Advantages to Engineers and Steam Users. With Formulae
for Estimating the Power of all Classes of Steam-Engines; also,
Facts, Figures, Questions, and Tables for Engineers who wish to
qualify themselves for the United States Navy, the Revenue Service,
the Mercantile Marine, or to take charge of the Better Class of Stationary Steam-Engines.  Sixth edition.  I6mo., 690 pages, tucks,
gilt edge..    3.50
ROPER.-Hand-Book of Land and Marine Engines:
Including the Modelling, Construction, Running, and Management
of Land and Marine Engines and Boilers. With illustrations. By
STEPHEN ROPER, Engineer. Sixth edition. i2mo.,tucks, gilt edge.
$3.50
ROPER.-Hand-Book of the Locomotive:
Including the Construction of Engines and Boilers, and the Construction, Management, and Running of Locomotives. By STEPHEN
ROPER. Eleventh edition. I8mo., tucks, gilt edge.   $2.50
ROPER.-Hand-Book of Modern Steam Fire-Engines.
With illustrations. By STEPHEN ROPER, Engineer. Fourth edition,
I2mo., tucks, gilt edge.....        $3.5o
ROPER.-Questions and Answers for Engineers.
This little book contains all the Questions that Engineers will be
asked when undergoing an Examination for the purpose of procuring
Licenses, and they are so plain that any Engineer or Fireman of ordinary intelligence may commit them to memory in a short time. By
STEPHEN ROPER, Engineer. Third edition...   $3.00
ROPER.-Use and Abuse of the Steam Boiler.
By STEPHEN ROPER, Engineer. Eighth edition, with illustrations.
I8mo., tucks, gilt edge.....             2.00
ROSE.-The Complete Practical Machinist:
Embracing Lathe-Work, Vise-Work, Drills and Drilling, Taps and
Dies, Hardening and Tempering, the Making and Use of Tools, Tool
Grinding, Marking Out Work, etc. By JOSHUA ROSE, Author of " The
Pattern-maker's Assistant" and " The Slide Valve."  Illustrated by
196 engravings. Eighth edition, revised and enlarged by the addition
of much new matter. I2mo., 441 pages..        $2.50




24 1HENRY CAPREY BAIRD & CO.'S CATALOGUE.
ROSE.-Mechanical Drawing Self-Taught:
Comprising Instructions in the Selection and Preparation of Drawing
Instruments, Elementary Instruction in Practical Mechanical Drawing, together with Examples in Simple Geometry and Elementary
Mechanism, including Screw Threads, Gear Wheels, Mechanical Motions, Engines and Boilers. By JOSHUA ROSE, M. E., Author of
" The Complete Practical Machinist," " The Pattern-maker's Assistant," "The Slide-valve." Illustrated by 330 engravings. 8vo., 313
pages.                                                $4.00
ROSE.-The Slide-Valve Practically Explained:
Embracing simple and complete Practical Demonstrations of the
operation of each element in a Slide-valve Movement, and illustrating
the effects of Variations in their Proportions by examples carefully
selected from the most recent and successful practice. By JOSHUA
ROSE, M. E., Author of " The Complete Practical Machinist," "The
Pattern-maker's Assistant," etc. Illustrated by 35 engravings $I.oo
ROSELEUR.-Galvanoplastic Manipulations:
A Practical Guide for the Gold and Silver Electroplater, and the
Galvanoplastic Operator. By ALFRED ROSELEUR, Chemist, Professor
of the Galvanoplastic Art, Gold and Silver Electroplater. Edited
from the fourth French edition, with the addition of much -new and
original American matter, bringing it up to the best practice of the
present day. By WIsLLIAM  H. WAHL, Ph. D., Secretary of the
Franklin Institute. Illustrated by about 200 engravings. (In press.)
SHAW.-Civil Architecture:
Being a Complete Theoretical and Practical System of Building, con- taining the Fundamental Principles of the Art. By EDWARD SHAW,
Architect. To which is added a Treatise on Gothic Architecture, etc.
By THOMAS W. SILLOWAY and GEORGE M. HARDING, Architects.
The whole illustrated bry 102 quarto plates finely engraved on copper.
Eleventh edition. 4to0.$ o.oo00
SHUNK.-A Practical Treatise on Railway Curves and Location, for Young Engineers.
By WILLIAM F. SHUNK, Civil Engineer. I2mo. Full bound pocketbook form.                                           $2.00
SLATER.-The Manual of Colors and Dye Wares.
By J. W. SLATER. I2mo..3.75
SLOAN.-American Houses:
A variety of Original Designs for Rural Buildings. Illustrated by
twenty-six colored Engravings, with Descriptive References.  By
SAMUEL SLOAN, Architect, author of the "Model Architect," etc.
etc. 8vo.        I.50
SLOAN.-Homestead Architecture:
Containing Forty Designs for Villas, Cottages, and Farm-houses, with
Essays on Style, Construction, Landscape Gardening, Furniture, etc.,
etc. Illustrated by upwards of 200 engravings. By SAMUEL SLOAN,
Architect. 8vo.                                         $3.56




HENRY CAREY BAIRD & CO.'S CATALOGUE.    25
SMEATON.-Builder's Pocket-Companion:
Containing the Elements of Building, Surveying, and Architecture;
with Practical Rules and Instructions connected with the subject. By
A. C. SMEATON, Civil Engineer, etc. I2mo....   $.50
SMITH.-A Manual of Political Economy.
By E. PESHINE SMITH. A new Edition, to which is added a full
Index. I2mo...$......  -I.25
SMITH.-Parks and Pleasure-Grounds:
Or Practical Notes on Country Residences, Villas, Public Parks, and
Gardens. By CHARLES H. J. SMITH, Landscape Gardener and
Garden Architect, etc., etc. 12mo..-.                 $2.00
SMITH.-The Dyer's Instructor:
Comprising Practical Instructions in the Art of Dyeing Silk, Cotton,
Wool, and -Worsted, and Woolen Goods; containing nearly 8oo
Receipts. To which is added a Treatise on the Art of Padding; and
the Printing of Silk Warps, Skeins, and Handkerchiefs, and the
various Mordants and Colors for the different styles of such work.
By DAVID SMITH, Pattern Dyer.  2mo..... $3.00
SMYTH.-A Rudimentary Treatise on Coal and Coal-Mining.
By WARRINGTON W. SMYTH, M. A., F. R. G., President R. G. S.
of Cornwall. Fifth edition, revised and corrected. With numerous illustrations. I2mo.                               $1.75
SNIVELY.-A Treatise on the Manufacture of Perfumes and
Kindred Toilet Articles.
By JOHN H. SNIVELY, Phr. D., Professor of Analytical Chemistry in
the Tennessee College of Pharmacy. 8vo.                $3.00
SNIVELY. —Tables for Systematic Qualitative Chemical Analysis.
By JOHN H. SNIVELY, Phr. D. 8vo..$r.oo
SNIVELY.-The Elements of Systematic Qualitative Chemical
Analysis:
A Hand-book for Beginners. By JOHN H. SNIVELY, Phr. D. I6mo.
$2.00
STEWART. —The American System:
Speeches on the Tariff Question, and on Internal Improvements,
principally delivered in the House of Representatives of the United
States. By ANDREW  STEWART, late M. C. from  Pennsylvania.
With a Portrait, and a Biographical Sketch. 8vo...   $3.00
STOKES.-The Cabinet-Maker and Upholsterer's Companion:
Comprising the Art of Drawing, as applicable to Cabinet Work;
Veneering, Inlaying, and Buhl-Work; the Art of Dyeing and Staining W6od, Ivory, Bone, Tortoise-Shell, etc. Directions for Lackering, Japanning, and Varnishing; to make French Polish, Glues,
Cements, and Compositions; with numerous Receipts, useful to workmen generally. By J. STOKES. Illustrated. A New Edition, with
an Appendix upon French Polishing, Staining, Imitating, Varnishing,
etc., etc. I2nmo....                             $I.25




26'HENRY CAREY BAIRD & CO.'S CATALOGUE.
STRENGTH AND OTHER PROPERTIES OF METALS:
Reports of Experiments on the Strength and other Properties of
Metals for Cannon. With a Description of the Machines for Testing
Metals, and of the Classification of Cannon in service. By Officers
of the Ordnance Department, U. S. Army. By authority of the Secretary of War. Illustrated by 25 large steel plates. Quarto.  $Io.oo
SULLIVAN.-Protection to Native Industry.,By Sir EDWARD SULLIVAN, Baronet, author of "Ten Chapters on
Social Reforms."  8vo.                                  $I.50
SYME.-Outlines of an Industrial Science.
By DAVID SYME. I2mo.                                    $2.00
TABLES SHOWING THE WEIGHT OF ROUND,
SQUARE, AND FLAT BAR IRON, STEEL, ETC.,
By Measurement. Cloth.                                   63
TAYLOR.-Statistics of Coal:
Including Mineral Bituminous Substances employed in Arts and
Manufactures; with their Geographical, Geological, and Commercial
Distribution and Amount of Production and Consumption on the
American Continent. With Incidental Statistics of the Iron Manufacture. By R. C. TAYLOR. Second edition, revised by S. S. HALDEMAN. Illustrated by five Maps and many wood engravings. 8vo.,
cloth........ 00Io.oo
TEMPLETON.-The Practical Examinator on Steam and the
Steam-Engine:
With Instructive References relative thereto, arranged for the Use of
Engineers, Students, and others. By WILLIAM  TEMPLETON, Engineer.. I2mo.                                          $1.25
THAUSING.-The Theory and Practice of the Preparation of
Malt and the Fabrication of Beer:!With especial reference to the Vienna Process of Brewing. Elaborated from personal experience by JULIUS E. THAUSING, Professor
at the School for Brewers, and at the Agricultural Institute, M6dling,
near Vienna. Translated from the German by WILLIAM T. BRANNT,
GradUate of the Royal Agricultural College of Eldena, Prussia.
Thoroughly and elaborately edited, with much American matter, and
according to the latest and most Scientific Practice, by A. SCHWARZ,
Graduate of the Polytechnic School in Prague, Director of the First
Scientific Station for Brewing in the United States, Publisher of
"The American Brewer," and Dr. A. H. BAUER, M. A. C. S., All..
alytical Chemist, and Superintendent of the above Station, Editor of
"The American Brewer."  Illustrated by I40 engravings. 8vo.
815 pages...                         $IO.OO
THOMAS.-The Modern Practice of Photography.
By R. W. THOMAS, F. C. S. 8vo.                             75
THOMPSON.-Political Economy. With Especial Reference
to the Industrial History of Nations.
By ROBERT E. THOMPSON, M. A., Professor of Social Science in the
University of Pennsylvania. I2mo....             50




HENRY CAREY BAIRD & CO.'S CATALOGUE.                  27
TURNER'S (THE) COMPANION:
Containing Instructions in Concentric, Elliptic, and Eccentric Turni ng; also various Plates of Chucks, Tools, and Instruments; and
Directions for using the Eccentric Cutter, Drill, Vertical Cutter, and
Circular Rest; with Patterns and Instructions for working them.
I2mo...........   $1.25
TURNING: Specimens of Fancy Turning Executed on the
Hand or Foot-Lathe:
With Geometric, Oval, and Eccentric Chucks, and Elliptical Cutting
Frame. By an Amateur. Illustrated by 30 exquisite Photographs.
4to.                                                    $3.00
URBIN-BRULL. —A  Practical Guide for Puddling Iron and
Steel.
By ED. URBIN, Engineer of Arts and Manufactures. A Prize Essay,
read before the Association of Engineers, Graduate of the School of
Mines, of Liege, Belgium, at the Meeting of I865-6. To which is
added A COMPARISON OF THE RESISTING PROPERTIES OF IRON AND
STEEL. By A. BRULL. Translated from the French by A. A. FESQUET, Chemist and Engineer. 8vo.....    I.oo
VAILE.- Galvanized-Iron Cornice-Worker's Manual:
Containing Instructions in Laying out the Different Mitres, and
Making Patterns for all kinds of Plain and Circular Work. Also,
Tables of Weights, Areas and Circumferences of Circles, and other
Matter calculated to Benefit the Trade. By CHARLES A. VAILE.
Illustrated by twenty-one plates. 4to....   $5.00
VILLE. —On Artificial Manures:
Their Chemical Selection and Scientific Application to Agriculture.
A series of Lectures given at the Experimental Farm at Vincennes,
during I867 and 1874-75. By M. GEORGES VILLE. Translated and
Edited by WILLIAM CROOKES, F. R. S. Illustrated by thirty-one
engravings. 8vo., 450 pages... $6.oo
VILLE.-The School of Chemical Manures:
Or, Elementary Principles in the Use of Fertilizing Agents. From
the French of M. GEO. VILLE, by A. A. FESQUET, Chemist and Engineer. With Illustrations.  I2mo.....    1.25
VOGDES.-The Architect's and Builder's Pocket-Companion
and Price-Book:
Consisting of a Short but Comprehensive Epitome of Decimals, Duodecimals, Geometry, and Mensuration; with Tables of U. S. Measures, Sizes, Weights, Strengths, etc., of Iron, Wood, Stone, and
various other Materials, Quantities of Materials in Given Sizes, and
Dimensions of Wood, Brick, and Stone; and a full and complete
Bill of Prices for Carpenter's Work; also, Rules for Computing and
Valuing Brick and Brick Work, Stone Work, Paiuting, Plastering,
etc. By FRANK W. VOGDES, Architect. Illustrated. Full bound
in pocket-book form... $2.00
Bound in cloth.... 50




28    HENRY CAREY BAIRD & CO.'S CATALOGUE.
WARE.-The Sugar Beet.
Including a History of the Beet Sugar Industry in Europe, Varieties
of the Sugar Beet, Examination, Soils, Tillage, Seeds and Sowing,
Yield and Cost of Cultivation, Harvesting, Transportation, Conservation, Feeding Qualities of the Beet and of the Pulp, etc. By LEWIS
S. WARE, C. E., M. E. Illustrated by ninety engravings. 8vo.
$4.00
WARN.-The Sheet-Metal Worker's Instructor:
For Zinc, Sheet-Iron, Copper, and Tin-Plate Workers, etc. Containing a selection of Geometrical Problems; also, Practical and Simple
Rules for Describing the various Patterns required in the different
branches of the above Trades. By REUBEN H. WARN, Practical
Tin-Plate Worker. To which is added an Appendix, containing
Instructions for Boiler-Making, Mensuration of Surfaces and Solids,
Rules for Calculating the Weights of different Figures of Iron and
Steel, Tables of the Weights of Iron, Steel, etc. Illustrated by thirtytwo Plates and thirty-seven Wood Engravings. 8vo..   $3.oo
WARNER.-New Theorems, Tables, and Diagrams, for the
Computation of Earth-work:
Designed for the use of Engineers in Preliminary and Final Estimates,
of Students in Engineering, and of Contractors and other non-professional Computers. In two parts, with an Appendix. Part I. A Practical Treatise; Part II. A Theoretical Treatise, and the Appendix.
Containing Notes to the Rules and Examples of Part I.; Explanations of the Construction of Scales, Tables, and Diagrams, and a
Treatise upon Equivalent Square Bases and Equivalent Level Heights.
The whole illustrated by numerous original engravings, comprising
explanatory cuts for Definitions and Problems, Stereonietric Scales
and Diagrams, and a series of Lithographic Drawings from Models:
Showing all the Combinations of Solid Forms which occur in Railroad
Excavations and Embankments. By JOHN WARNER, A. M., Mining
and Mechanical Engineer. Illustrated by 14 Plates. A new, revised
and improved edition. 8vo.                            $4.oo
WATSON.-A Manual of the Hand-Lathe:
Comprising Concise Directions for Working Metals of all kinds,
Ivory, Bone and Precious Woods; Dyeing, Coloring, and French
Polishing; Inlaying by Veneers, and various methods practised to
produce Elaborate work with Dispatch, and at Small Expense. By
EGBERT P. WATSON, Author of " The Modern Practice of American
Machinists and Engineers."  Illustrated by 78 engravings.    $I.50
WVATSON.-The Modern Practice of American Machinists and
Engineers:
Including the Construction, Application, and Use of Drills, Lathe
Tools, Cutters for Borinig Cylinders, and Hollow-work generally, with
the most Economical Speed for the same; the Results verified by
Actual Practice at the Lathe, the Vise, and on the Floor. Together




HENRY CAREY BAIRD & CO.'S CATALOGUE.                  29.
with Workshop Management, Economy of Manufacture, the SteamEngine, Boilers, Gears, Belting, etc., etc. By EGBERT P. WATSON.
Illustrated by eighty-six engravings. I2mo.             $2.5.
WATSON.-The Theory and Practice of the Art of Weaving
by Hand and Power:
With Calculations and Tables for the Use of those connected with the
Trade.  By JOHN WATSON, Manufacturer and Practical MachineMaker. Illustrated by large Drawings of the best Power Looms.
8vo.......                         $7.50
WEATHERLY.-Treatise on the Art of Boiling Sugar, Crystallizing, Lozenge-making, Comfits, Gum Goods,
And other processes for Confectionery, etc., in which are explained,
in an easy and familiar manner, the various Methods of Manufacturing every Description of Raw and Refined Sugar Goods, as sold by
Confectioners and others.  2mo..  I.50
WEDDING.-Elements of the Metallurgy of Iron.
By Dr. HERMANN WEDDING, Royal Privy Counsellor of Mines, Berlin, Prussia. Translated from the second revised and rewritten German edition. By WILLIAM T. BRANNT, Graduate of the Royal Agricultural College at Eldena, Prussia.  Edited by WILLIAM  H.
WAHL, Ph. D., Secretary of the Franklin Institute, Philadelphia.
Illustrated by about 250 engravings. Svo., about 500 pages (Zni p-eparaetion.)
WEINHOLD.-Introduction to Experimental Physics, Theoretical and Practical.
Including directions for Constructing Physical Apparatus and for
Making Experiments. By ADOLF F. WEINHOLD, Professor in the
Royal Technical School at Chemnitz. Translated and edited, with
the author's sanction, by BENJAMIN LOEWY, F. R. A. S., with a
preface, by G. C. FOSTER, F. R. S. Illustrated by three colored plates
and 404 wood-cuts. Svo., 848 pages..        $6.oo
WILL.-Tables of Qualitative Chemical Analysis.
With an Introductory Chapter on the Course of Analysis. By Professor IIEINRICI- WILL, of Giessen, Germany. Third American,
from the eleventh German edition. Edited by CHARLES F. HIMES,
Ph. D., Professor of Natural Science, Dickinson College, Carlisle, Pa.
8vo..                                             $I.50
WILLIAMS. —On Heat and Steam:
Embracing New Views of Vaporization, Condensation, and Explosion. By CHARLES WYE WILLIAMS, A. I. C. E. Illustrated 8vo.
$3 50
WILSON.-A Treatise on Steam Boilers:
Their Strength, Construction, and Economical Working. By ROBERT
WILSON. Illustrated I2mo....... 2.50
WlLSON.-Cotton Carder's Companion:
In which is given a description of the manner of Picking, Baling,
Marketing, Opening, and Carding Cotton; to which is added a list of
valuable Tables, Rules, and Receipts, by FOSTER WILSON. I2mo.
$1.50




30     HENRY CAREY BAIRD & CO.'S CATALOGUE.
WILSON.-First Principles of Political Economy:
With Reference to Statesmanship and the Progress of Civilization.
By Professor W. D. WILSON, of the Cornell University. A new and
revised edition.. 2mo..   $.50
WOHLER.-A  Hand-book of Mineral Analysis..
By F. WOHLER, Professor of Chemistry in the University of Gottingen. Edited by HENRY B. NASON, Professor of Chemistry in the
Renssalaer Polytechnic Institute, Troy, New  York.  Illustrated
I 2mo0.                                                $3.00
WORSSAM.-On Mechanical Saws:
From the Transactions of the Society of Engineers, I869. By S. W.
WORSSAM, JR. Illustrated by eighteen large plates. 8vo.  $2.50
FAIRBAIRN.-The Principles of Mechanism and Machinery
of Transmission ~
Comprising the Principles of Mechanism, Wheels, and Pulleys,
Strength and Proportion of Shafts, Coupling of Shafts, and Engaging and Disengaging Gear. By SIR WILLIAM FAIRBAIRN, Bart.
C. E. Beautifully Illustrated by over I50 wood-cuts.  In one
volume, I2mo....            $2.50
RIFFAULT, VERGNAUD, and TOUSSAINT.-A Practical
Treatise on the Manufacture of Colors for Painting:
Comprising the Origin, Definition, and Classification of Colors; the
Treatment of the Raw Materials; the best Formulze and the Newest
Processes for the Preparation of every description of Pigment, and
the Necessary Apparatus and Directions for its Use; Dryers; the
Testing, Application, and Qualities of Paints, etc., etc. By MM.
RIFFAULT, VERGNAUD, and TOUSSAINT. Revised and Edited by M.
F. MALEPEYRE. Translated from the French, by A. A. FESQUET,
Chemist and Engineer. Illustrated by Eighty engravings. In one
vol., 8vo., 659 pages..$750
THOMSON.-Freight Charges Calculator:
By ANDREW THOMSON, Freight Agent. 24mo...   $1.25
This useful little volume comprises Tables for the Calculation of
Freight at all prices per Ioo lbs. froom one cent to one dollar.
WIGHTWICK.-Hints to Young Architects:
Comprising Advice to those who, while yet at school, are destined
to the Profession; to such as, having passed their pupilage, are about
to travel; and to those who, having completed their education, are
about to practise. Together with a Model Specification involving a
great variety of instructive and suggestive matter. By GEORGE
WIGHTWICK, Architect. A new edition, revised and considerably
enlarged; comprising Treatises on the Principles of Construction
and Design. By G. HUSKISSON GUILLAUME, Architect. Numerous
Illustrations. One vol. I2mo.                          $2.00