a
Relations of the Disitrict of Columbia to the General Government.
Is Washington C'ty the Capital of the United States, or the Capital
of the District of Columbia?
The Duty of the Nation toward its (apital.
SPEECH
OF
HON. NORTON P." CHIPMAN,
OF THE
DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA,
THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES,
FEBRUARY 28, 1874.
WASHINGTON:
GOVERNMENT PRINTING -FFICE.
1874.
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SPEECIIH
OF
HON. NORTON P. CIIIPMAN.
The Honse being in Committee of the Whole on the state of the iUnion, on the
relations of the District of Columbia to the General Government, and the duty of
the nation toward its capital.
Mr. CHIPMAN. Mr. Chairman, the difficulty which I have found
in tracing the relations of the District of Columbia to the General
Government, and the embarrassment I have experienced in ascertaining important facts upon that subject, have induced me to relieve
others of the labor which I have been forced to undertake by presenting a succinct history of these relations; and growing out of
this subject I have found equal difficulty in determining precisely
what has been done by the nation for its capital in the way of improvements of streets, avenues, parks, reservations, and the like, and
what has also been done by the local authorities.
It occurred to me that the great public interest now being felt
upon this subject would warrant a careful examination into it, and
that I might be able to render the House some service in collating
the essential facts; and I shall feel amply repaid if I shall be the
means of enlarging the vision of any member toward the national
capital, or of enlightening a public sentiment which I believe is ready
to demand of Congress that the Government shall no longer neglect
the pledges of the early fathers to build here a metropolis which
shall illustrate the origin, growth, and progress of our civilization.
PRELIhn-ARY HISTORY.
One of the first important questions which challenged the attention
of the Continental Congress at the close of the,Revolution was the
selection of a permanent seat of Government.  Congress was practically on wheels, and had held its sessions at Philadelplhia, Baltimore, York, Princeton, Annapolis, Trenton, and New York City.  The
fathers saw that the permanency of the capital would have much to
do with the permanency of the Government itself, and it became,
therefore, one of the first questions seriously considered.
When in June, 1783, Congress, sitting at Philadelphia, felt itself
insulted by a band of mutineers whom the State authorities could
not quell, the subject of possessing territory for a permanent seat of
Government, exclusively within Government control, became a practical question, and continued to be discussed until the adoption of the
Constitution.
In October, 1784, after full debate, Congress, sitting at Trenton,
passed an ordinance creating a commission, with full power to lay out
a district on the Delaware River for the Federal city.
The ordinance and the debate form an important link in the history
of the location of the capital, and illustrate the enlarged views thus
early entertained, and which were subsequently carried out in the
final location of the capital on the Potomac River. 
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The location upon the Delaware seenied not satisfactory, and it was
probably owing to that cause that the commnissioners never entered
upon their duties; but the subject continued to attract public attention, and came before the Continental Congress in various forms.
The debates which took place and the public sentiment which
found expression in pamphlets and newspapers show that few questions have excited greater interest or seem to have been regarded as
fraught with greater importance to the country.
Some of the ablest men of the time took part in the discussion, and
treated the subject as one eminently worthy to arouse the patriotism
of the people.
Without suggesting the various considerations of climate, locality,
&c., which led to the establishment at the present spot, I need only, for
my present purpose, refer to one on whic(h there was general agreement, namely, that the present and future good of the Republic demanded that the location should be remote from any of the great
cities then springing up.  It was thought impolitic to attach it even
to the suburb of a commercial city, or that it should itself become
one, and it was therefore resolved to found a new city with reference
enly to the convenience, safety, and glory of the nation.
It was directly with reference to this fact that a provision was
placed in the Constitution withdrawing from the States all legislative control over the distr ict in which the capital night be located,
and placing it in the exclusive power of Congress.  This exclusive
control was regarded as essential to bestow dignity and independence
*n the Government.
Upon this question Mr. Madison wrote in the Federalist:
Without it, not only the public authority might be insulted and its proceedings
be interrupted with impunity, but a dependence of the niemlbers of the Generial
Government onthe State comprehending the seat of government, for protection in
the exercise of their duty, might bring on the national councils an imputation of
awe, or influence equally dishonorable to the Government, and dissatisfactory to
the other members of the Confederacy. This consideration has the more weight,
as the gradual acecunnulation of public improvements at the stationary residence of
Government would be too great a public pledge to be left in the hands of a single
State, and would create so many obstacles to a removal of the Government as still
farther to abridge its necessary independence.
But without noticing further in this conneection the preliminary
history, I assert that the history of the location of; the capital, the declarations of its founders, the provisious of the deed of conveyance made by the
prprietors of the soil, the contemporaneous acts, the plan of the city, and
the legislation of Congress, show a distinct and unmistakable purpose on
the part of the United States to build here a Federal city at Federal expense.
I cannot hope, in the limit which I am forced to place on myself on
this occasion to present more than askeletonof the evidence establishing this proposition.
LOCATION OF THE CAPITAL.
I have alluded to the debates upon the subject as showing the importance attached to it.
Mr. Scott said:
The future tranquillity and well-being of tlhe United States depend as much on
this as any question that ever had or could coime before Congress.
Fisher Ames remarked:
That every principle of pride and honor, and even of patriotisnm, was involved
in it.
No Senator or Member treated the subject except as one of the profoundest importance; and this feeling mulst be considered when we
come to iiotiee  wha,t was ltiiat ely do(       e in relation  to it.
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It must be remembered that our capital city was located in the
midst of a virgin forest; it was literally the creation of the Government.  No consideration was allowed to stand in the way of making
it precisely what the Government desired it should be, and this purpose was reached after that calm deliberation which characterized
all the important acts of the early fathers.
There was involved in the very idea of building up a great political
and non-comimercial city, with the chief view of accommodating the
necessitie;- of the Government, the implied ple(ldge that Government
would take upon itself the burden of public improvements in that
city.
A city deprived of commnerce and manufactures is deprived of the
means of self-support.  The founders could not have been ignorant
of the fact that to make the capital what they designed it to be was
impossible except under the fostering care of Government.
A city without revenues could not provide those expensive means
essential alike to health and comfort.
To build a great city, as was the evident purpose of the founders
this should be, without aid of the Government, and without local
revenues, was an impossibility. No nation before had ever attempted
it, and it is absolutely certain that ours never intended to do so.
Turning to the Old World, we find that all the great cities have
been either the creation of the state, or have been fostered and aided
by the state, notwithstanding, most of them have large commerce,
manufactures, and revenues.
I will venture to say that since Washington City became our capital, the govermnent of France has expendedl not less than $200,000,000
upon the city of Paris.  Under the first Napoleon over $2'0,000,000
were expended on public works.  Louis Philippe continued these liberal expenditures, while Louis Napoleon surpassed all his predecessors
in his zeal for embellishing their capital city.  F or the ten years folJowin,, 85o9the expenditures forpublic works were limited to 18,000,000
francs annually, of which the State paid 5,000,000.  During  all this
period Paris has had a revenue greatly exceeding the expenditures
both of government and the city, and her citizens have not felt tho
burden of this great outlay; while the (itizens of our capital, with a
revenue but little more than sufficient to pay its ordinary municipal
expenses, may be said to have done almost everything that has been
accomplished so far towvard the realization of its founders
The act for establlishing a permanent seat of governnment was approved July 16, 1790.  It authorizel the Presideiit to appoint three
commissioners, who should under his direction have power To purthasoeoracceptsuech qLantityofland * * * as thePresidentshall dleem
properfor the tse of the United States, and according to such plans as the l'resident
shall approve, and also to provide suitable buildings for the accommodation of Congress, for the President, and for the public offices of the Governmentof the United
States, the same to be in readiness by the first Monday of December, 1800.
The language, as well as its spirit, shows clearly that the city was
founded for the use of the United States. Its plan was to be formed
by the United States commissioners, and approved by the President.
No interests were consulted except those of the United States, as we
shall soon see. The plan of the city finally adopted was in keeping
with the enlarged views of its founders, and in direct and absolute
violation of every law which should govern in laying( out a commercial
or business city.
DrnED OF COeNXNAxCE.
The commissioners entered upon their duties with great zeal, while
the watchful eye of President Washington wias always upon them.
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The present limits of the city were fixed upon, and on the 29th of
June, 1791, the deed of conveyance by the original proprietors of the
soil was executed.
The deed was made upon certain special trusts, some of which I
will notice as important in showing the purpose of the founders.
The first one was:
That all the said lands are hereby bargained and sold, or such part thereofasmay be
tho,ught necessary or proper, to be laid ouLt, together with other lands within the said~
limits for a Federal city, with such streets, squares, and parcels and lots as the
President of the Uiited Statesfor the time being shall'approve.
Thus the proprietors parted with all the soil for the purpose of
building here a Federal city, leaving it exclusively with the President to select from the whole whatever he might deem necessary or
desirable for that purpose. No reservation was made in the deed for
the benefit of the proprietors, other'than that after the President had
indicated all the streets, squares, parcels, and lots that he should
deem proper for the use of the United States, there should be A fair and equal division of the remaining lots, and the United States should pay
for its reservations,and lots at the rate of twenty-five pounds sterling per acre.
The deed does not provide for the dedication of any public squares,
streets, or avenues to the public use, but the absolute fee-simple
vested in the United States, so that the Government could at any
time close a street or occupy a public square for such purposes as it
deemed proper.
The question as to the scope of the deed in this regard cameup
early in a dispute between the commissioners and the proprietors.
The latter thought that the United States had the right only to use
the streets as public highways, and not to alienate them, or divert
them to other uses. 
Attorney-Generals Lee, Breckinridge, Wirt, and Cushing advised
that the United States had the fee-simple title to the streets, and
avenues, and reservations, and it was so held in the case of Van Ness
et ux. rs. The City of Washington.  (4 Peters, 232.)
Of this grant the Supreme Court says:
The grants were made for the foundation of a Federal city, and the public faith
was necessarily pledged when the grants were accepted to found such a city.
Again:
Congress must forever have an interest to protect and aid the city.
The citywas designed to last in perpetuity-Capitoli immobile saxum.
No imperial government  ever possessed greater powers over the
soil than was conveyed in this deed.
This absolute control is further seen in the following clause of the
deed, which I will notice:
But the said conveyance to the said grantor  The Government was to reconvey to the grantor what it did not
requirehis heirs or assigns, as well as the conveya,nce and purchase, shall be on and subject
to sutch termis and conditions as shall be thozught reasonable by the President for the
time being, for regulating the materials and man,tner of the buildings, and inproveTrents on the lots generally in the said city, or any particular streets, or parts thereof,
for common convenience, safety, and order.
Here we have the very construction of the houses and the iwprovements generally subject to the exclusive will of the President.
Can there be any doubt that the purpose of the Government in
making this deed was to leave the purchasers of private lots and the
proprietors no judgmenit on, or participation in, the direction of the
plan of the city, or its control after being rlanned? 
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There was a handful of people here at the time, a few families
composing the proprietors of the soil, that were desirous of retaining
their present buildings and grounds, and the little graveyard which
they had set apart for the home of their dead, but these were not so
sacred as to stand in the way of establishing just such a city and
upon just such a plan as the President and his commissioners, acting
under authority of Congress, should devise; and it was therefore
provided, that "in case the arrangement of the streets, lots, and the
like will conveniently admit of it," the grantors shall retain their
buildings and graveyard by paying at the rate of "twelve pounds
ten shillings per acre for the land so retained."
The private owners of lots did not complain then, nor do they now,
that the Government possessed itself thus absolutely of every interest
of the city; for if the original idea had been consistently carried out,
Washington would be to-day the finest metropolis in the world. But
what the citizens from the first have had reason to complain of, and
what they now complain of, is, that while the Government has in
many ways acknowledged its obligations to build hefi a great Federal city at Federal expense, it has practically thrown almost the whole
burden upon private property, as I shall hereafter show.
PLAN OF THE CITY.
The first record evidence of arrangements made for layingl out the
citv of \V ashingtoni that I have found, is a letter of General Washington, dated 1larch 11, 1791.  In a subsequent letter, of April 30, the
same year, he speaks of it as the " Federal city," but in a letter of the
commissioners, dated September 9, 1791, they informed the architect,
MIajor L'Enfaut, that they had agreed to call the Federal district
the "Territory of Columbia," and the Federal city the "city of Washinoton."
L'Enfait was a French officer who sought service here during the
Revolution.  Havii,ng attracted the attention of General Washington
he served near his person; but it was probably through the influence
of Mr. Jefferson that he was selected as the architect to plan the future
Federal city. Mr. Jefferson, who took great interest in the plan,
mentions in a letter to Washington that he had furnished L'Enfant
with large  nid accuirate maps of all the principal cities of the continent.
To this Freil-h officer are we indebted for the general idea ultimatelyv adopl)ted in the plan, although the one adopted finally and reported to Co~gress, engraved, and circulated through Europe, was
prepared by.li1jor Ellicott.
This plan, as agreed upon, was submitted to Congress i the following message, December 13, 1791:
I place before youL a plan of the city that has beenI laid out within the distriect of
ten miles square, which was fixed upon as the peiriaLenlt seat of the Government.
G. WVAkSIlIN-GTON.
Ux'iTED STATES, Decemiber 13, 1791.
If members will take the trouble to examine this plan, now on file
i< the office of Public BuLildings and Grolunds, all doubt will disappear
as to the fact that the Government intended this city to be developed
and improved at Government expense.
The evidences of the intention of the Government to make this a
great city at Government expense are everywhere apparent. Standing
at the site of the Capitol building as the center, we have this immense area divided by wide streets crossing each other at right angles,
while radiating to every point of the compass, and in remote parts
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of the city crossing diagonally the rectangular streets, are broad,
magnificent avenues, with many reserved sites for public buildings,
and seventeen large reservations for parks, or for Government use,
dotting the plan in all parts of the city.
Of these, varying in width from ninety to one hundred and sixty
feet, there are one hundred and ninety-five miles of streets and sixtyfive miles of avenues; the area thus appropriated to thoroughfares
being more than all the area of the reservations and building lots together.
No one looking at the plan would conclude that convenience and
economy for transacting business, which are the first considerations
in laying out commercial cities, for a moment entered into the minds
of the founders of this great city.
I That gentlemen may see by comparison of street areas in other cities
how far Washington excels them all in its " magnificent distances," I
give in this connection the following table:
latio of areas of  cer-tain cities.
Per cent.
Paris.............................. —----------------------------------------------------—.. 25.08
Vienna......................................................................    35.08
Philadelphi................................................................ 29.05
Berlin....................................................................... 26.04
Boston...................................... —----------------------------------------------------—...... 26.02
Mlew York.................................................................. 35.03
Washington................................................................. 54.05
From this table it will be seen that Paris, thought by many to be
the most beautiful city of Europe, notwithstanding its grand boulevards, and its Champs Elyses, has less than one-half the street area
of Washington City. The greater part of the business streets of Paris
-are, for the convenience of business, made narrow, while their avenues
and boulevards are broad and beautiful; but here there is not a street
less than double the width of Broadway, New York.
That Government ever could have designed to tax private property
in this city for the entire improvement of these streets and avenues
is to the last degree absurd.
Mr. Wirt, Attorney-General, in speaking of this plan of the city,
said:
I consider sales made under the!oblie exhibition of this plan as amountin,
to a contract between the pulblic andthe individual purchasers, from which it would
be unwarrantable to depart.
If the honor of the nation was pledged in this plan, when Congress
authorized it to be engraved and sent to the leading cities of Europe, 
how much more was the honor of the nation pledged that the proceeds of lots should be used to improve the city, as well as that the
burden and responsibility of this improvement should fall upon Government.
Every purchaser of Government lots-and Government ownedchalf
of all-and every original owner had the right to assume that Government was pledged not only to the plan, but, back of this, to carry
out its promises that this should be a Federal city, under Federal protection, and sustained and improved at Federal expense.
The grandeur of this plan, and the magnificent intention of its
makers, may further be seen by noticing some of the features embraed in it.
I shall here give the explanations, observations, and references to
'be found upon the original plan prepared by Major L'Eiifant, which
is now hanging in the office of General Babcock; the only one in
existence, much marred, and scarcely distinguishable in many of ita 
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features.  I do this as fu-rnishing one of the hig,hest evidences of the
purposes of the original founders, and as giving information which is
probably unknown to a large number of members.
Observations explanatory of the plan.
First. The positions for the different grand edifices, and for the several grand
squares, or areas of different shb apes. as theyare laid down, were first determined on
the most advantageous ground, commanding the most extensive prospect, and the
better susceptible of such improvements as the various intents of the several objects may require.
Secondly. Lines or avenues of direct; communication have been devised to connect the separate and most distant objects with the principal, and to preserve
through the whole a reciprocity of sight at the same time.  Attention has been paid
to the passing of those leading avenues over the most favorable ground for prospect and convenience.
Third(llv. North and south lines. intersected by others running( due east and west,
make the distribution of the city into streets, squares, &c., and those lines have
been so combined as to meet at certain given points with those divergent avenues,
so as to form on the spaces first determined thie different sqhiares or areas, which
al e all proportioned in magnitude to the number of avenues leading to them.
Breadth of streets.
Every  Tanel transverse avenue, and every principal divergent one, such as the
co,,mLinication from the Presidenit's House to the Coangress House, &c., are one hun.
tired and sixty feet in breadth, and thus divided:
Feet.
Ten feet of pavement on each sie.............................................20
Thirty feet of gravel walk.z planted with trees on eah side....................  60
E,'liy feet in the middle for carriage-way.................................... 80
160
The other streets are of the followingl dimensions, to wit:
Feet.
Those leading to public bluildings or markets.................................. 139
A)thers....... -......... ------—........................................ 110
OtLers....-.... —--—.................-................ —------—........-. —-. 90
L'Enlant then informs  us how these lines were  drawn.  I quote
.,-ain:.
In order to evecute the above plan, Mr. Elliott drew a true meridional line by
celestial olbservation, which passes through the area intended for the Congress
1oulse. This line is crossed by another line due east and west, which passes
:lhronufh tue same area.  These lines were accurately measured and made the basis
,i which the whole plan was executed.  He ran all the lines by a transit instra:eient, and determiinedl the acute angles by actualmeasurement, ajId lcffnothing to
Che uncertainty of the compass. 
I quote again, as showing the grandeur of the idea:
B-eferentces.
A. The ecquest riau figure of George Washington; a monument voted in 1l83 by
:-he late Continelntal Coig,ress.
This is the site now occupied by the iunfinished Washington Monume,nt.
B. A histerc olLnn, alsu intended for a mile or' itinerary column, from whose
-ttion (a Tile froii tihe Federal House) all distances of places through the conti:,sent are to be calculated.
This spot is now what is known as Lincoln Square, near the termniirns of East Capitol street.
C. A naval itioecary column, proposed( to be erected to celebrate the first rise of
the Xavy,-and to stand a readly monument to consecrate its progress and achieve-:areonts.
This spot is near the steamboat lauding, at the foot of Seyenth
street.
I). This church is intendled for national purposes, sunch as public prayer, thanks
ivings funeralorations, &c., and assioned to the special use of no particularsect, or
lenomination, but equally open to all. It will belikewise a proper shelter for such
mionurments as were voted by the late Continental Congress for those heroes who
ell in the cause of liberty, and'for such others as may hereafter be decreed by the
oice of a grateful nation.
I::..,:: 
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This was to have been our "Westminster Abl)ey," and its site is
now occupied by the Patent Office, while the heroes and sages whose
memory was to have been perpetuated in this monumental church
lie in unknown graves, unwilling to be mentionelli in conn ection with
their country's history, so long as the monumnent of their leader remains an unfinished, forgotten, and broken column.
IE. Five grand fountains intended with a constant spout of water.
N. B. There are within the limits of the city above twenty-five good springs of
excellent water, abundantly supplied in the driest season of the year.
These fountains were to have been located: one on Pennsylvania
avenue between Twentieth and Twenty-second streets west; another
on New Yorkl avenue between Twelfth and Thirteenth streets; another,on Pennsy-lvania avenue aid Ninth street; one on New Jersey
avenue and G street soutlhw-est; anotheir on 2,a1nyhtland avenue anm
Eighth street northeast.
F. Grand cascade formed by the water fromi the soitiuce of the Ti)ber.
This was at the base of the Capitol.
G. Public walk, I)eiing a square of twelve hindred f:et, tluouglh whichl cairriaes
may ascend to the upper squtare of the Federal Hiouse.
This is what is now kno-wn as the Mall.
HI. Grand avenue, four hundired feet in breadth and alioiit a mile in length, h)odered with gardens, ending in a slope froin the houses on each side.  This avenue.
leads to the Monumnent,, and connects the Congress  aralen with
I. The President's Park, anl the
K. Well-improved field, beinm  a part of the walk from the President's HTouse  of
about eighteen hundred feet in breadth and of three-f)urths of a mile in length.
Every lot deep-colored red, with green plats, designates some of the situationr
which command the most agreeable prospects, and which are the best calculated
for spacious houses and gardens, such as may accommodate foreign ministers, &c
All this ground is familiar to ogentlemen of the House. Most of it
is occupied for business pur)oses instead of the sp,icious  dwellinrgs
which L'Enfant invited.
L. Around the square, (Capitol Sqiarie,) anl all alonI.
M. The avenue from the two bri(doies to the F'edleral lHouse, the pavemnent oil
each side will pass under an archelI way, un(ler  hose cov\er shiops wil be aot
conveniently and aoreeably situated. This street is one hundred and sixty feet
in breadth and a mile long.
He refers here to Pennsylvania  avenue east aEd East Capitol street,
and here we have the only sioo'gestioi tihat the ildea of business being
transacted in Washingtort evcr ecierei  inrt) the mind of the  architect, and he places thne shops, as thCey are fotird( in some  Eurxpean
towns, under arcades.
I must remind gentlemen tlhat lthese are not wihl, visionary notions
of the French architect which were finally discar'ded  and reduced
to plain, practical business notions such as woulrd govern in layi-i'
off a commercial town; but they are ideas which were  ultimately
crystallized in the shape of legislation,  and formed a part of the
plighted faith of the nation with regard to its metropolis.
But in this very interesting piece of history, connected with thls
subject, I must abstract from this oririnal, and to most persons inaccessible, plan some further observations which are recorded upon it,
and which florm a part of this important history.  The arlchitect fulrther says:
The squares colored yellow, being fifteen in number, are proposed to be d(ivi(de.L
among the several States in tlle Unrioi for each of theni to inpirove, or subscribe t
sum additional to the value of the land for that purpose, and the improvements
around the squares to be comrpleted in a limited time.
The center of each square will admit of statues, coliumns, obelisks, or any other
ornamient.s such as the different States imay choose to erect, to perpetuate not only 
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the memory of sucli indlihiduals whose counsels or military achievements were conspicuous in giving liberty and independence to this country, but also those whos;
usefulness hath rendered them worthy of general imnitation to invite the youth of
succeeding generations to tread in the paths of those sages or heroes whom their
country has thought proper to celebrate.
The situation of these squares is such that they are the most advantageously anl
reciprocally seen from each other, and as equally distributed over the whole city
district, and connected by spacious avenues around the grand Federal improveminents, and as contiguous tothem, and at the same time as equally distant from each
other as circumstances would admit. The settlements around these squares must
soon become connected.
The figures colored red are intended for the use of all religious denominations,
on which they are to erect places of worship, and are proposed to be allowed them
in the manner as those colored yellow to the different States in the Union, but no
burying grounds will be admitted within the limits of the city, an appropriation
being intended for that purpose without.
N.B.-There is a number of squares, or areas, unappropriated, and in situations
proper for colleges, academies, and of which every society whose object is national
may be accommodated.
WVhat a humiliating spectacle, Air. Chairman, it must have been to
those heroes and sages who had passed away from  this scene, leaving
these graid iiteitions to lie carried out by posterity, to look down
upon this Coovermnient and lbehold it selling at public auction for gailn
the very snLLares and plats of goroundii that had been thus sacredly dedicated!
But I shall malfhke!),it one further extract from this interesting and
rare old plan, which is as follows:
This mole of taking possession of and improving the whole  district at first
must leave to posterity a grand idea of the patriotic interest which promoted it.
What hioher evidence could be placed before the committee in sipport of the proposition which I anm now endeavoring to establish?
Patriotic pride could not resist the temptation to reminid us that
the work which our fathers entered upon was to be handed down as
an evidence of the great interest in the future of their country which
filled their hearts.  Here is the highest declaration of the purpose to
take possession of and improve at once as a unit this grand Federal
capital, and to leave to posterity in this plan and in this work " a
grand idea of the patriotic interest which promoted it."
But I  Lmust not lonoger dwell upon this old plan, the very atmosphere and surroundinogs of which are redolent with the touch of Washington, and every line and tracing upon which is sacred.
The emotions that must have filled the hearts of the fathers as they
saw laid out here a city which in the vision of the future was to illustrate at once tihe power, grandeur, and glory of the nation, may w\ell
be recalled by us at this mioment.
When, in Noveniber, 1800, Congress assembled here  for the first
time, President Adams said:
I congratulate the people of the -United States on the assembling of Congress'at
the permanent seat of their government, and I congratulate you, gentlemen, upon
the prospect of a residence not to be changed.    *       *      *      *
May this Territory be the residence of virtule and happiness; in this city may
that piety, fraughtwith wisdom and magnanimity, that constancy and self-govern ment which adorned the great character whose name it bears, be forever held in
veneration. Hiere and throughout our country may simple manners, pure morals,
and true religion flourish forever.
It is for you, gentlemen, to consider whether the local powers of the District of
Columbia, vested by the Constitution in the Congress of the United States, shall be
immediately exercised.  If" in your opinion, this important trust ought nowto be
executed, you cannot fail, while performing it, to take into view the probable situationt
of the Territory, for the happiness of which you are about to provide.  You will con sider it as the capital of a great nation, advancing with inexhaustible rapidityin arts,
commerce, in wealth, and in population, and possessing within itself those energies
and resources which, if not thrown away or lamentably misdirected, will secure to
it a lonu course of prosperity and self-government. 
12
That Mir. Adams, and all whol  were workilng with  himn to place the
Government on lasting foundations, regarded this capital city as the
"only child of the Union," whose ultimate greatness  and grandeur
were to depend solely upon the Government, there can be no doubt.
Later, in laying the corner-stone of the Capitol extension, the spirit
of the great and good men of the past seized upon Daniel Webster,
who upon that interesting occasion said:
Fellow-citizens. what contemplations are awakened in our minds as we assemble
here to re-enact a scene likethat performed byWashington. Methinks I see hisvenerable form now before me, as presented in the glorious stataue by Hioudon, now in
the capitol of Virginia.  He is dignified and grave, but concern and anxiety seem
to soften the lineaments of his countenance.
The Government over which he presides is yet in the crisis of experiment. Not
free from troubles at home, he sees the world in commotion and in arms all around
him.  He sees that imposing foreign powers are half disposed to try the strength
of the recently established American Government.  We perceive that mighty
thoughts, mingled with fears as well as hopes, are struggling with him. He heads a
short procession over these then naked fields, he crosses yonder stream on a fallen
tree, he ascends to the top of this eminence, whose orioinal oaks of the forest stand
as thick around him as if the spot had been dedicated to Druiielical worship.  And
here he performs thq appointed duty of the day.
But let me advance in the argument.
CONXTEMPORANEOUS ACS ANnD VIaWS.
I am endeavoring Mr. Chairman, to show to the committee that but
one purpose animated the founders of the capital, which was to make
it amaglnificentmetropolis at the Federal expense. Iii the overwhelming array of facts and circumstances clearly establishing this proposition, I shall next present some contemporaneous acts and expressions of those most prominent in carrying out the wishes of Congress.
In March, 1791, Washington, in a letter to Mr. Jefferson, written
from Mount Vernon, felicitated himself upon having reconciled the
contending interests of land-owners, andl of "uniting them in such an
agreement as permits the public ptrlposts to be carried into effect on an
extensive and proper scale."
In his reply, Mr. Jefferson declares the acquisitions to be "really
noble," and adds, " I think velry liberal reserves should be made for
the public."
Again, writing to the comuissouers of the city of Washiington, he
says:
When von are in the sitn'ltion to l)ein opening the avenues, it is presumed those
which will be more immediately useful will be first cleared.
lNhile executing the.wishes of Congress with regard to the capital,
the President found it necessary to make a, loean from the State of
-Iaryland.  His correspondence shows how deeply interested he was,
and what anxious solicitude he felt for the growth aid prosperity of
the city; and his entire intercourse with the commissioners exhibits
a fraternal feeling toward this child of the Union utterly inconsistent
with any idea that it was to be built by private citizens. Washington did not, however, live to witness the fulfillment of his wishes. He
died on the 14th of December, 1799, nearly a year before the Government occupied the capital he had contributed so much to found.
I have already called attention to President Adamis's opening speech
to Congress on its assembling in Washington, in which he w)oke of
this city as the capital of a great nation, for the happiiness of which
Congress was to provide.
The Senate replied:
We meet you, sir. and the other branch of the national Legislature, inll the city
which is honored by the name of our late hliero ali,l sage, the illustrious Washington 
13
with sensations anti emotions which exceed our power of desc4iption.  *  *  *  *
Great indeed would have been our gratifi(cation if his sum of earthly happiness had
been completed by seein,4 the Governmeneit thus peaceably convened at this place.
'  *  *  *  The question whether the legal powers overthe District of Columbia, vested by the Constitution in the Congress of the United States, shall be immediately exercised, is of great importance, and in deliberating upon it we shall
naturally be led to weigh the attending circiumstances and every probable consequence of the measures which may be proposed.
The House replied:
A consideration of those powers which have been vested in Congress over the
District of Columbia will not escape our attention, nor shall we forget that in exercising these powers a regard must be had to those events which will necessarily
attendthe capital of America.
But without extending these contemporaneous  expressions, allow
me to read an extract from an article in the Philadelphia Herald of
the 4th of JanuLary, 1795.  This article is a general review of the plan
of the city, and commences as follows:
To found a city in the center of the United States, for the purpose of making it
a depository of the acts of the Union and the sanctuary of the laws which must one
day rule all North America is a grand and comprehensive idea, which has already
become with propriety the o ject of public respect. In reflecting on the importance
ef the Union, and on the advantages which it secures to all the inhabitants of the
United States collectively or to individuals, where is there an American who does
not see, in the establishment of a Federal town, a natural means for confirming forever that valuable connection to which the nation is indebted for liberation from
the British yoke   The Federal city, situated in the center of the United States, is
a temple erected to liberty, and toward this edifice will the wishes and expectations
*f all true friends, of every coimtry, be necessarily directed.  The city of Washington, considered under such important points of vieat, could not be calculated on
s enall scale. Its extent, the disposition of its avenues and public squares, should
Ull correspond with the magnitude of the object for which it was intended; and we steed
*sly cast ouer eyes upon the situation and plan of the city to recognize in them, the con,prehensive geniusiof the Piarelent, to whorin the direction of the bttitwss has been comceitted by Congres&
Here, I think, Mr. Chairman, is the absolute, proof of my proposition,
that contemporaneously with the location of the seat of government
it was the well-understood purpose of its founders to establish a city
which was to be national, and in whose growth and prosperity the
whole country was to take an interest.
This city was to be a grand civic mnonument-the one spot in which
were to be gathered the treasures of succeeding ages, and whatever
might tend to strengthen the Union, and combiie in one patriotic
bond the whole people of the nation.
LECISLATUON OF CONGItESS.
Prior to June 1, 1802, the government of the city was in a board of
commissioners, created by the act of the 16th of July, 1790, but on
IMay 1, 1802, an act passed abolishing the office of commissioners and
providing that the affairs of the city should be thereafter under
the direction of a superintendent, to be appointed by the President.
The improvements of the city were made directly by the United
States, and to aid in this a city fund was started from the proceeds
of the sale of lots by the United States, which it was thought at the
time would, by judicious management, go far toward the development of the magnificent intentions of the founders.  And the act to
which I have just alluded directed a sale of lots to re-enforce this
city fund.
President Jefferson, January 11, 1902, in a, message to Congress, says:
If indulgence forthe funds can be admitted, these lots will probably fS)rm a reserve
of great and permanent value.
He furtlier says:
That if the sale is forced for the payment of Gove>-ernet loans he fears the whole
prop)erty wil be s   acridied, anil the reidLuary in.terest of the city entirely lost. 
14
I understand this residuary interest to be none other than a right
to the proceeds of the sale of lots for the purpose of improving the
city.
The act of March 3, 1803, fixes the salary of the superintendent
and of the surveyor of the city, and makes appropriation for the expenses of their offices, to be paid out of the cityfunds; but these funds,
as we have seen, arose from the proceeds of lots belonging to the
United States. This same act appropriates from the Tre asury of the
United States $50,000, among other things, "for keeping in repair the
highway between the Capitol and other public buildings.''
Up to this time the government of the city, in all its details, was
directly by legislation of. Congress. It was found, however, that the
growing wants of this young city would require certain local municipal legislation, which it would be inconvenient always to be obliged
to apply to Congress for, and the inhabitants were given a charter
of incorporation.  The mayor was appointed by the President, and
the council elected by the free white male tax-payers. The usual
powers were conferred, except, however, that no authority was extended over the streets and avenues, other than that the corporation
was permitted "to keep them in repair, agreeably to the plan of the
said city." This charter expired two years after its creation, and was
renewed from time to time until March 5,1820, when a charter of more
extended powers was granted.  Meanwhile the interests of the United
States passed into the control of an officer known as the Commissioner of Public Buildings and Grounds-now the engineer in charge
of public buildings and grounds.
Gradually, as the city increased in population and the Government
became absorbed in the consideration of great nationial questions,
and largely owing also to attempts to revive the question of removal
of the capital, Congress seemed to have drifted away from its early
policy, and left the question of local improvements entirely to the
citizens. I do not find that between 1807 and 1823 the Government
had expended a single dollar upon the improvements of the streets.
The fund arising from the sale of lots, instead of being used for the
improvement of the city, was almost entirely devoted to the erection
of public buildings.
The revenues of Government in that day were small., and Congress
probably found itself compelled to divert the improvement fund,
throwing the burden upon private property, or leaving the realization of the early intentions as to the capital to be worked out by
posterity.
That by these acts of incorporation permission was given the citizens to carry out the great work which the Government was itself
obliged by every consideration of honor to do, is no answer to the
argument. If the Government, when poor, could not do this work or
encourage the citizens to do it, now, that'the Government has grown
powerful and rich and amply able to remove the burden to its own
shoulders, I insist that the obligation is even stronger to do so. But
I was noticing the legislation as tending to establish my proposition;
and although the Government has stood by and seen the private property of this District taxed almost to confiscation in the effort to makeo
the city what its founders designed it should be, and has scarcely lent
a helping hand, still its legislation nowhere denies its obligations, but
on the contrary, whenever any has been passed, it has been in recognition of the theory I am endeavoring to establish.
In the charter of 1820 the Commissioner of Public Buildings is
hdi'ected 
15
To reinbutise to the sail corploration a just proportion of any expense which mayr
hereafter be incuiTed il layinig open, paving, or otherwise improving any of the
streets or avenues in front of, &c. any of thepublic squares or reservations, * * *
out of any monevs aTising from the sale of lots in the city of Washington belongimg to the UInited States.
A similar provision was in the act of May, 1826, and the act of 1848,
and there was in this last act a still stronger recognition of the duty
of the Government. The twelfth section provides that the Commissioner of Public Buildings shall From time to time cause to be opened and improved such avenues and streets,
or parts or portions thereof. as the President of the United States shall deem necessary for the public convenience, and he shall defray the expenses thereof out of
an  money arising, or which shall have arisen, from the sale of lots in the city of
WVashington belonging, or which may have belonged' to the United States.
The act also directs the Commissioner to keep in repair certain
pavements, gutters, footways, &C., around the public squares, reserv itions, and other I)roperty of the Government.  Hiere we have a full
recognition of the obligar tions of Government, but unfortunately the
fisnd mentioned had disappeared, mainly on the public buildings, and
b)v the improvident disposition of the lots had diminished by millions
of dollars, so that practically this liberal provision of Congress did
little toward its object.
In this review let me return a moment to the action of the Twentythird Congress.
The city had made such effoi)ts to improve its condition and do the
work which the Government had   sssr-ned ini the beginning that it
had incurred an indebtedness of neairly,$2,000,000.  Its resources had
become so exhausted andi its burdlen so great that it was compelled
to appeal to Congress for aid.  Its Hollandl creditors were threatening
to foreclose on the prope)rty, al-ld, as was said in the debates in the
Senate on the subject by (oe of the Senators, "the capital of the
nation was about to be sold out to the Dutch.'  Up to this time the
total expenditures of the Go()veriment for the improvement of the
streets was 820.9,o25.67,i- all of which, with the exception of about
S10.000, was for the inu)rovemenet of Pennsylvania avenue and the
streets  immediately around a nd ad ajoiiingi the Capitol and President's
Square.  Thlrouighout the whole city the Government had expended,
with this exception for its improvement, up to December, 1l(34, only
about $10,000,while it had receivedl from the sale oflots about $750,000.
The neglect of Go ve-urnent to carry out its plishted faith, and the
extraordinary  efforts of the city to discharoe the obligations of Government, attracted the aittenition of Congress at that time, and the
slubject was thorou,l-ily examini(1d ati reported upon to the Senate
February v2, 183o.
The report of tihe comirttee  5r. Siltliaird, chairmnan, g(oes quite
fully into the reltioniis existiri  bietween tihe caiital and the Government.
As Congress sanctioncl  the report of the cominuittee in the highest
possible form, )by cominrs  to the irelief of the city, the positions assumed
bv Mr. Sounthard mlay be regarded as giving the legislative expression of the Coioress of that day, alnd we may well consider what
some of these views were.  Mr. Southard says that in improving
the streets the city aii;horitics "have been misled into expenditures which did inot properly belong to them, althouglh," he adds,
'-"the views by which they were governed were of a liberal and public-spirited character."  He refers to the unusual magnitude and
extent of the citv; the great width of the  -avenues anid streets; the
creation of the cilt-, iii that short space of time, and the pressure for 
public imnproveiments heigii sudden; that the po-)pulatiou is l),lt tweiity,housand, more than half of which are people of color  aid teml)orary resideuts, contributinug nothinug to the city revenue; that, il
addition to the large expenditures made from  the city treasury fior
improvement of streets, the citizens havre been co1lcelled to create
their market-houses, infirm aries. water privileges. lanmps, fire-engiies
and houses, and pay their police, and the like expenses, Iand adds:
The committee ale of the opinion that the Government was bound by evevry
principle of equal right and justice to pay a proportioni of the expenses iiicutrretd
upon this subject equal to the amount of property which it held, and which was
to be increased in value and benefited by it, andl this would have been greatly
more than one-half.  If the streets are its property and to lbe regalrded as altogether under its control, it is mot easy to perceive why it shouldl call upon or pernuit
others to keep that property in order; and if the streets  are to be regarded as for
the joint convenience of the Goveinment and the inhabitants, the exp(nses of
nmintaining them should be joint, and in prolportion to their respective interests.;
and that the early action of the Government was in conformity to this principle.
The committee notice also that the  immense property of Government, which has been equally lI-enefited by improvement, has been at
all times free from taxation, while the property of individuals adjoiining it has been subject thereto; that in several States of the Union,
where the Government holds landed estate, it has paid taxes upon it,
and those taxes have been expended for the ordinary municipal purposes of the place where the same is situated. The hardship to private property-holders in exemption of Government property from
taxation is strikingly illsitrated when we remember that the Government has been the owner of lots held for sale ever since the capital was located here, and yet these lots not reserved for lpublic use,
but held by the Government for speculation, hav e paid no taxes.  The
committee conclude their report as follows: 
In the investigation of the subject committed to thenm, and of the relief to be
proposed, the committee have been unable to separiate the interests of the District
from the interests of the United States.  They regard it as the child of the Union
as the creation of the Union for its own purposes.  That the design of the Constit.ution and its founders was to create a residence for the Government, where they
should have absolute and unlimited control, which slliould be regulated and governed by them without the interference of partial interests in the States; which
should be built up and sustained by their authority anid resources, not dependent
upon the will or resources of any State or local interest.
If this had not been the desi,n, a temporary or permanent seat of government
would have been selected in soime populous city, or sonse territory, subj(et to State
jurisdiction; and, if this was the desiga, it is not easy to comprehendl either the
principle which would prevent the Goveirnment from a, liberal alppropriation of the
national resources to accomiplish the object, or the policy which could confine the
city to the means possessed by the inhabitants for its improvement.
This report is important in many particulars, but snore than all in
this one, to wit, that it forms the connecting link betwseen the present
period and the revolutionary period, and emrbodies at once the record
evidence as well as the tradition and  commoii understah-ding  and
belief of the fouinders of the Republic and those who immediately succeeded them.   I b)elieve that upon this evidence any court would convict the United States of a palpable and gross violation of its original
purpose in founding this capital city; and the subsequent congressional history as touching this subject confirms the fact, that while in
theory this principle has always been acknowledged, in pr actice it has
been almost entirely ignored.   But an examination of this legislative
history will show that  at different periods absorbing subjects have
drawn the public mind away from the capital as a national object,
but it has been one of the results of the recent war that public attention has returned again to this city.  An examination of the statutes
will shuw tlhat inore than four tiries as miuchl money has been apprl)o
I(; 
17
priated by the Forty-first and Forty-second Colgresses for improvemeits in the city as during the previous seventy years.  But I cannot
longer dwell upon this branch of my subject.
I think if any question is susceptible of demonstration not mathematical, yet absolutely certain, the one which I started out to prove
may now be placed in that category.  I have shown the history of
the location of the capital, the purpose of its founders, and the obligations of the United States in relation to it. I have 1now to notice
what has actually been done by Government, what has been done by
the municipal authorities, and what it is the duty of the national
Government still to do.
sozIE ERROzrs CORRECTrD.
A common error prevails over the whole country that the United
States at this time pays all the expense of the government of the
District of Columbia and the improvements at the capital. Within
a week I have been asked by persons high in official position if the
United States did not pay for our recent improvements.
Now, Mr. Chairman, I propose to lay bare the short-comings of Government, and place its nleglect side by side with the efforts made by
private citizens.  We are set down as a miserable community of paupers and beggars, hanging on the skirts of Congress for sustenance;
whereas the truth is the Uniited States for the past seventy years
have kept this people down in a condition of vassalage, squeezing the
last possible penny out of them to carry on the very work which the
founders of the capital had pledged their faith should be done by the
United States.
The United States have stood by and have seen their capital become
a by-word and scoffing throughout the civilized world.  They have
seen the shafts of scorn and contempt and satire pointed toward it
without making a single creditable effort to avert them.
Not only this, but they have themselves largely contributed to the
condition of things which, until within a few years, made us a just
object of contempt.
WNe shall find in this examination of what has been done and left
undone a striking evidence of the utter want of unity of purpose and
design on the part of the Government in its exercise of control over
this District.
For thirty years it did little more than hew out some paths to the
public buildings, and stake off the streets and avenues for the people
of the District to improve; the exact amount expended by Government in this period being $20,000-less than $700 a year.
Who can defend this miserable parsimony, and who can justify the
conduct of Government in this trifling with a great public duty imposed upon it by the founders of the capital, especially when it is
remembered that during the same period it had realized $700,000 from
the improvident sale of lots-funds which had been pledged for the
benefit of improvements I
Look at your superb Capitol building. There has never been a moment since it was erected when its surroundings would compare favorably with a New England barn-yard. Twelve million dollars in this
marble pile, of grand promise without and disappointment within,
but surrounded worse than a western court-house. It only lack a
horse-block and hitching-rack to make it perfectly primitive and rural.
Look at the original plan of the city, which drew forth eulogiumsfrom
all quarters of the globe, and which occupied many of the best hours
of many early patriots, and see how it has been hacked and defaced.
2 c 
18
With n1o ComlmOl feelicg of pride ill the capital perva,tliig, tlhe, conlitry, and thus through the peole)l reachling Coligress, and withl no one
to protest agaillst encroachments uponI the idea which found expl)ression in the origiiial plan, the surprise is rather that we ha,ye a city
left at all of sufficient proportions and form to elicit the aimiration
of ally one.
It has been charged also that we are lire not only suipported by
Government, but that we are an unproducti-,,. thriftless community,
drawing from and giving back nothing to Government. MThen we
ask aid, the question is treated from a local stand-point and not a national one, and appropriations are always heralded as so much money
given to the people of the District; whereas every dollar expended
here by Goverinent is more closely brought honme to every citizen of
the country than an appropriation in any form that can be named.
This is the only spot common to the whole people onil the face of our
vast empire, w here the humblest citizen cani come and claim hlie is in
the midst of his owin,a and where he feels he has a personal pecuniary
interest in everything( he beholds.
But, sir, I will not allow the impression to'go uncontradlicted( thant.
we feed upon and do not nourish Government.  The truth will show
that these District barnacles and leeches are the most remarkable of
their genus.
The report of the Commissioner of the Internal-RevenuLe Bureau for
1873 shows (page 153) that the District of Columbia, since 1863, ha-s
paid, exclusive of tax onil income, into the United States Treasuryv,
$4,695,119.94-more than all the other Territories combined; niore
than Arkansas, Florida, Kansas, Minnesota, Nebraska, Nevada, or
Oregon; as-d more than the e.xpenditures of the United States for inqprovceeiet of the cal)itatl sintce itsfoundation.  Iii ten years this tax-burdened
District has more than reimbursed the Government for every dollar
laid out here for the common benefit of its own and private property.
Need I stop to apply these facts to remove the false impression I
amn comblatingg?
It would seem to the natural vision that these leeches and barnacles would be profitable to Government if the species could be propagated and sent into some of the States.
Mr. Chairman, this city belongs to the United States.  It cannot be
wiped out without giving a vital blow to the Government.  It callnnot be trampled under foot without visiting a wrong upon every nanl,
woman, and child in the nation.  It cannot be longer ignored without humiliation and shame. A combination of events has brought
the duty of Congress prominently before the country, and members
must reach some conclusion, and it must be one they can defend before
the world.
I have read the press closely since we have been placed in the crucible, and I say that even the papers most unfair and prejudiced against
the personnel of our local government an4 its management, take a
high patriotic stand when speaking of the duty of Congress. I have
yet to find a paper which advocates the narrow view that the United
States shall do nothing toward improving and beautifying the nation's
capital, especially as the Government owns half the real estate and
possesses absolute proprietary control over every street, avenue, alley,
square, park, and reservation in it. Even Mr. Dana's Sun, wnose columns pour red-hot lava upon the heads of our officers daily, has never
suggested that Congress should stand by and see our people taxed out
of their homes to improve Government property, but, on the contrary,
has urged just what I urge, that it is the duty of Congress to contribute its just proportion of the municipal expenses. 
19
I appeal to every ineniber of this House whose constituents have
visited this city within the last vear whether they have not gone
home believing  it to be the duty of Government to aid in making
Washington the pride of the nation; and I appeal to him also to tell
me whether he has not blushed withl shame when obliged to tell them
howl ittle the United States have done to place the capital where it
now is.
Why, sir, France expended $15,000,000 to open the Boulevard Sebastopol, in Paris, and yet we must plead as for a charity when we ask
this rich people to make a just, fixed, and certain appropriation annually to carry onl improvements in which the whole country are intoresteal.
I olfess. Er. Chairman, I weary of this contest year after year to
obtain simple justice for the District of Columbia.  I weary of the
indifference of Congress to the plighlted faith of the nation. I weary
of the abject dependence of this community and the position of
obsequiousness which their agent must submit to lest he offend some
congressional propriety or step on some congressional toe.  I weary
of combating the assumption that the District of Columbia has no
rights which Congressmen are bound to respect; and I would turn
hopelessly away from these Halls if I did not see around me republicans and democrats who will never willingly see Congress fasten
upon this people a perpetual bondage as the result of their unexampled efforts to redeem the natioii's capital from disgrace.
No, Mr. Chairman, it is a broader question we are discussing than
mere aid to a community; it is whether the plans and purposes of
the earlyfathers shall be carried out and the country's faith be kept;
it is whether you shall have here the finest public buildings in the
world, and shall hold half of the soil in reservations, and all the streets
and avenues in fee, and yet do nothing to light your city, to pave its
streets, to protect your houses and Departments from fire and from
robbers, to secure proper sanitary protection —in short, whether you
will adopt a wise, patriotic, consistent, and well-definied policy toward tile capital, and will act with some reference to the common
pride ill it which all intelligent Americans feel.
STATEMENT OF THE ACCOUNT.
Now, Mr. Chairman, let me endeavor to present'to the House the
exa.cet expenditures of the general and local government in the Distlict of Columbia for improvements, such as we think should be shared
by both governments in somejust proportion.
I have obtained from the Treasury Department a statement of the
expenditures of'the General Government since 1800i and it is of such
value in this discussion that I shall spread it at length befbre the
Hose-and the country. It gives the amount, as shown by vouchers
in the Treasury Department, expended by Government upon streets
and avenues in the way of improvements.  I shall omit the deseription of the purpose for which the appropriation is made- remarking
generally that the items- cover pavements, sewers, sidewalks, bridges
in the city on canal, and Tiber Creek, grading, &c. 
20
Stte-n f exl~ce~dit?!)es on~ accoun)t of io.orm' tsof C-'enCes a~~d streects
in the city of Jfashibigton,from 1800 to 1871, icht.ive.
1800 —---------------------------------------------------- $10, 000 O0
12323            -. —------------------------------------------------------------- 5, 000 00
1824................................................................. 5, 000 C0
1832................................................................. 60,000 00
1833..................................................................  76,680 (0
1834................................................................. 9, 233 70
1838................................................................. 2, 280 00
1842.................................................................   12, 000 00
1843 ---------------------------------------------------------------- 3, 933 26
1846................................................................. 10, 000 00
1848 ---------------------------------------------------------------- 16, 000 00
1849 ----------------------------------------------------------------- 3,754 11
1850 ----------------------------------------------------------------- 26, 286 50
1851 ----------------------------------------------------------------- 44, 845 64
1852................................................................. 36, 277 33
1853 ----------------------------------------------------------------- 15, 329 37
1854. ---------------------------------------------------------------- 36,933 77
1855 ------------------------------------------------------------------ 17, 666 69
1856 ----------------------------------------------------------------- 7, 229 58
1857 ----------------------------------------------------------------- 17,500 00
1815, —-------------------------------------------—.I.................15,,000 00
1859 ----------------------------------------------------------------- 6,550 00
1860 ------------------------------------------------------------------ 3,000 00
1861 ----------------------------------------------------------------- 13,518 87
1863 -----------------------------------------------------------------  3,300 00
1863 ----------------------------------------------------------------- 11,846 13
1864 -                         -      -     -.............................. 13, 223 66
1865................................................................. 8, 926 58
1866 ---------------------------------------------------------------- 56, 841 88
1867 ---------------------------------------------------------------- 72, 973 69
1868 ------------------------------------------------------------------ 20,100 00
1869 ---------------------------------------------------------------- 321, 575 00
1870 ----------------------------------------------------------------- 2, 051 76
1871................................................................. 10, 000 00
Total............................................................ 1, 002, 785 52
In 1832-'33 Congress had an improvement spasm, and expended in
laying a cobble-stone pavement &i Pennsylvania avenue $136,680;
and, having thus secured a communication between the President's
House and the Capitol, relapsed into its usual indifferdnce, and for
the next thirty years did comparatively nothing.
In 1869 the wooden-pavement period began here, by a compulsory
law of Congress, requiring owners of property abutting on Pennsylvania avenue to pave it with that costly material. To this forerunner
of the new era for Washington Congress contributed $321,575. The
appropriation-for 1870, immediately following this, was $2,051.76, and
strikingly illustrates the utter lack of a policy toward the District,
or any comprehension of its needs.
Then came the new District government and the Forty-second
Congress, and with them a regeneration of the capital.
Since George Washing-ton consecrated the seat of government, and
John Adams baptized it in the name of the patriot fathers, no Congress has shown anything like the intelligent, practical, and patriotic
devotion to the nation's capital exhibited by the Forty-second Congress. It placed to the credit of the improvement fund $3,597,801.18
-more than three times the amount voted by the forty-one preceding Congresses, while the citizens submitted their propgrty and
purses cheerfully to the awful demand of the board'of public works,
and gave in two years $11,175,978.76, which, added to previous expenditures of the District-$9,199,431.94-makes the appalling sumi
of $20,375,410.70! 
Now, compare the two governments, local and ina ional. The former has expelnded an average since 1800 of more than six times the
amount expellnded by the latter.
There never has been a time when the interest of Government here
was not equal to that of the private property-holders, even if we look
at the question in its narrowest form. The account, therefore, at this
point would stand thus:
Expended by District of Colutmbia................................. $20, 375, 410 70
Expended by Government..........................................  4, 600, 586 70
15, 774, 824 00
To reimburse District *i! Colombia excess of expenditures one-half
of difference..................................................... 7, 887, 412 00
To make the ace aunt square, Congress should appropriate this sum.
This is the exla,. statement of the account between the national
and local governments at this tinme in the matter of improvements
of streets and avenues, including the system of sewers.
The expenditures of the national Government I have upon the
authority of the Secretary of the Treasury; and the expenditures of
the local government upon the authority of the governor of the
District, in his return to the present committee of investigationr
printed page 461.
To further illustrate the share which Government has borne of the
ordinary necessary expenses of the city, let me notice some of the
branches of the local service separately.  I have heretofore claimed
that the United States should bear at least half of the municipal expenses of the District of Columbia. I do this upon the evidence which
is to be found throughout the whole period of our history, that the
interest of the General Government has alwvays been regarded as at
least half of that of the local government. It was so treated by
Congress in 1835. (See report of Senator Southard, February 2, 1835.)
It was so treated in 1858. (See report of Senator Brown, May 15, 1858.)
And the recent careful vailuationconfirms this apportionment.  (See
Governor Shepherd's answer, pagees 461, 462.)
When the founders laid off this capital city, they must have conteniplated that at some time, beside paved streets and sewers, it
would need a police force; a supply of water; means for lighting
the streets; a board of health officers for sanitary protection; a fire
dlepartmei-it; a system cf common schools; and, in short, the usual
requisites for securing he(alth and protection conmmon to great cities.
They saw that while these were wants of any city, they would, from
the nature of the plan of this one, be greatly a,ugmented, and much
more than ordinarily expensive.  The broad streets and avenues, and
the frequently recurring public squares and parks, necessarily contemplated a city here whose inhabitants would be widely scattered
over the area.
To protect such a community by proper police, by fire department,
sewers, gas, and the other comforts of city life, it would necessarily be more expensive to the inhabitants than in those densely
crowded cities where the same facilities would reach a much larger
number at the same cost. And we have here another reason for concluding that the original purpose was to hold the Government responsible, in part at least, for securing these necessary privileges.
I propose briefly, in this connection, to present to the committee, as
near as I am able, from data which I have procured from officers of
the Government and from Federal records, precisely what  the local
and what the national Governumenet has done in this reg(ard.
21 
22
POLICE.
On the 23d of August, 1842, all act of Congress was approved organizing the police force known as the " Auxiliary Guard."
Previous to this that service had been performed by constables,
whose compensation was derived from fees. The Auxiliary Guard was
paid exclusively by the General Government, and was increased from
time to time by acts of Congress, until Augoust, 1861, when the present
Metropolitan police was substituted; and for the better protection of
the interests of Government the United States assumed entire police
control within the District.
For three years, to June 30, 1864, this force was paid exclusively by
the United States, when by an act of Congress the number of employ6s of the board of police was increased 50 per cent., but the act
required the local authorities of the District to pay for this increase.
On the 11th of March, 1851, the corporation of Washington organ'ized a salaried police force, consisting of fifteen men, and in 1858 increased the number to twenty-five.  This was the first and only police
force organized by the local authorities, and continued until the
organization of the Metropolitan police. The chief of this departmenit, Major Richards, informs me that by an approximate estimate,
which he has been able to make from official records, he finds that
the United States have paid for police service in the District, since
August 23, 1842, to the expiration of the present fiscal year, about
$2,400,000. The cost of the police force to the local authorities since
Mlarch 11,1851, has been about $1,148,643.33.  Here we have the highest recognition of the duty of Government to aid in the payment of
municipal expenses. Here the obligation is fully acknowledged and
fully discharged; but while the wisdom and justice of it must be
admitted, it will seem strange to members that this is the only department of the local government adequately sustained, and, w ith one or
two excep)tions, the only department in the leasti assisteid.
WATER DEPARTMIENT.
Mfarch 3, 1859, Congress enacted a law for the preservNationi of the
works constructed by the United States for bringing the Potomac
water into the cities of Washington anid Georgetown,- for sipp)lyringl
the water for all Goverinment puirposes, and for the use and benefit
of the inhabitants of said cities.
The act extended to Washington and Georgetown the right to supply their inhabitants with Potomac water fromni the aqueduct mains,
and to make laws and regulations for its distribution, siubject to the
restrictions of the act of Congress, and it was specially provided that
no exlpeise should devolve upon the Unitcd States in coaseqaulce oj' this distribiitioi; and the act further provides that iwhe,eever the seplly of water
is foleid ilo mon)e than adequate to meet the wants of the Getieral GoverniEicit, the etgic-eer in cehearge of the water-wcorks shall stop) thie supply to the
said ciiies.  The same act authorized the corporations to fix the water
rates, and provided that they should never be a source of revenue, other
than sufficient to provide a supply of water.
A later act of Congress authorized the corporations to levy a tax
to pay for mains which they ulight lay for the suLLpply of the inhabitants.
But I ani informed by the water registrar of the I)istrict,'Colonel
Lubey, that the revenues derived fromi water rents have barely met
the outlay.
Here we fired that the supply of water lrought to the city at the
exp)ense il the first instance of the Genieial Governnement, was (ldoie for 
23
their sole use; anld althoghli afterward it was ascertailiel thait tle,
supply w-as ample for the use of the Government and the inhabitants,
and the corporations were allowed to avail thlemselves of it, Coingress
neverthleless reserved the exclusive control over the right to the water
,Zs against the inhabitants.
The United States have expended upon the water-works about
S3,500,000, whlile the inhabitants of the District, in laying mains, the
erection of fire-pliigs, hydrants, &c., have expended about $1,500,000.
The da.ily consumption of water in both cities is eighteen million gallonls, of which it is estimated that the Departments of Government
use and waste fully one-half.  No miore important or useful improvement has been undertaken by Government.  The result has been to
l)ring an inexhaustible supply of water to the capital at a cost of three
and a half nillions. This is certainly gratifyingwhen it is remembered
that the city of Baltinmore expended for a like purpose over four milionss;        Boston twelve illions;  Brooklvn  twelve  millionlis; Philadel-1hia six millions; and New York City over twenty millions.
GAS.
The V ashinigtou Gas-liolt Company was chartered in 1848, and since
the uIse of gras here the United StLates has paid for lighting streets and
avenues $87,3)40.40.  The corperation of Washington aind the board
of public wiorks have paid $415,0S7.29  The gas as s introduced into
G(eoroetown in Fe)riuary, 1854.  The corporation paid for gas supolied to 175 lamps, from 1857 to 186t6, $38,965.30.  During that period
the United States caused to be erected 115 llamps on Bridg1e and High
streets, and paid for gas to supply the satme, $34,650.45, but refused
after 1l:66 to li ht them longer.  The corporation thereafter paidcl the
expense to 1871, amounting to $28,991.50, after which the territorial
govern mnent i-ncreased the inumber of lamps, and paid up to July 1,
I873, $'21,698.40.  Total paid in Georgetown  by local authorities,
-"5,340.35. Total paid by the United States in Georgetown, $38,465.30.
Formerly, and until a recent period, the Uni ted States paid for lightilng their scquiares anLd the lamps around thlem, PeiinsyTlva,nia avenue,
aid othelr streets, but these are all iiow lilhtited by the District goveriinment. Wiith thle exception of 103 lainl)s at the Pres(ldeiit's House
and airoud the Capitol building, every lamp) in the District is paid
for l)y the District government.  In 1868 the Geiieral Government
refused to lilit Fioutr-and-a-la lf, Sixth, and Twelfth streets, across
the  iall, ad in 18, 0  efused to lig,ht the avenues, and in 1872 refuLsed
to liht the streets biorderiiig upon the public squares, and in 1873
ceased to light inside of the squiares.  At one time the Government
paid for 715 lamps, and now but for 103, while the District is paying
for 3,130, at an aninual cost of al)ouLt,$10,000.
I needl not speak of the uses of (-is, or of its indispensalbilityv, both
o10 the Government and to the cit-.  All list concedle this, wNhen
it is remembered that not oinly  the comfort of those  here in the
-service of the Government demanuds the use of it, but the safety of
the Government btuildings and Goveriinent initerests oeenerlly mniake
its use indlispensalile; and yet substantially th e whoc        le uidell is  nowN
thllrown upon the citizens.
HEALTH D)EPARTMENT.
No one can deny that a sanitarv in(ld health dlepartuient is of eqla.l
impn)ortance to the general as well as the local goveinieint.
The I]United States are iriorally respousihle for securiing to their servants at the capital, not onlyv every proper a,ud needed comfort, but
protection against disease so far as it is possilie.  The Utiiited States 
re also responsible for securinig the protection and heltIth q(nd conifort of foreign ministers resident at; the capital; and tlhese two interests, mentioning no other, are always large and increasing; but until
the last Congress made an appropriation, I have been unable to discover ally expenditure on the part of the General Governinent to
support our health department.
I have not been able to ascertain what the local government expen(lded( prior to our organic act. Our present very efficient board of
health is a department of the General Government.
Congress has appropriated for its uses...................................... $69, 000.
The District government has appropriated................................. 83, 000O
FIRE DEPARTM,ENT.
Many years ago Congress made a small appropriation for erecting
an eiigine-house in the western part of the city, anid later a simiilar
appropriation for the engine-houlse of the Columnibia fire company near
the Capitol.
During the rebellion the United States maintained at the capital
what was known as the Government fire brigade, composed of three
steam fire-engine companies; but it was independent and separate
from the city fire department, and was kept with reference more particularly to the protection of Government property.  They remained
here five years; but the brigade was disbanded in 1869, and the engines sent away from the city.
The present city fire department was organized in 1865, and has cost
the city of Washington, since its organization to the present time,
$605,000.  At least two more engines are verv much needed.  With
more valuable interests to protect than any city in the country, and
with a larger area in proportion to the population, we have a smaller
fire department than any city in the Union of ouir population.  In
this department the IUnited States has taken no interest whatever,
and contributes to it absolutely nothing; and yet the scattered records,
of the Governmient in all parts of the city, exposed daily to fire, are of
incalculable value.
PUBLIC SCHOOLS.
From an early day efforts have been made to attract the attention
of Congress to the importance of sustaining here at the capital a common-school system.  When the Government eitered upon its landgrant policy in aid of education, efforts were made to obtain a grant
for this District; and I believe the Senate passed a bill for that purpose, but it failed in the House.
The atmosphere of Washington in those days was not favorable to,
common schools; and besides the District then, as nows, was looked
upon as of little consequence, and by its very ablject attitude toward
the Government inspired contempt rather tllhanl interest or pride.
Public schools dragged along without any assistance from Government, and in 1861 cost the city $26,000.
With the war came a vigorous growth in population, mainly from
the North.  Finding no free schoolshere wortliytheiname, they united
their efforts with the local authorities and enlarged the school facilities, and increased the school fund, so that I find that during the three
years commencing 1870 the total expenditures for this purpose reached
the sum of $1,095,000.  With absolutely no school property worth mentioning in 1861, we now own real estate amounting to over $1,000,000.
In 1861 the number of pupils attending ipublic schools could not have
exceeded 4,500. and included no persons of color.  Since 1863 the city
of WVashingtoin has extended facilities to this class of children, so
24 
that there are four thousand colored pupils on the rolls now. Besides
paying the current expenses of their schools, permanent building sites
have been purchased, and school-buildings have been erected for them
to the value of $250,000.
While I cannot go into this subject fully, but must refer to the argument addressed to the Forty-second Congress, to be found in the
Globe of January 27, 1872, I will be pardoned for pointing out a few
of the reasons why the General Government should aid our public
schools. I think no one will question that we have done all in our
power to make the school facilities adequate to the needs of the
community; and yet the startling fact remains that there are in
the city of Washington of school age 25,935 persons, while there are
seats provided for only 11,910, leaving 14,025 persons without the
benefit of public schools.  Of this number 6,759 are reported by the
Commissioner of Education as pupils in private schools, leaving 7,266
absolutely destitute of all school privileges.
Why should the Government assist in educating these children?
I answer  First. That the superintendent of schools reports that upon an examination he finds only 26.82 per cent. of parents or guardians of
pupils are tax-payers; or, in other words, 73.18 of the parents whose
children attend school pay no taxes. I am aware that generally a considerable percentage of parents whose children attend public schools
do not pay taxes, but the percentage here is so unusually large as to
challenge attention, and I think that when the reason for it is known
a strong argument will be discovered in favor of Government aid.
Secondly. In the report of the superintendent for 1872-'73 a table
is given, from which I find that of the children attending public
schools in the city 3,037 were the children of parents in Government
employment, or 30.79 per cent. Some of these persons pay taxes, but
a comparatively small number.  Usually they have no income but
their salary, and the uncertain tenure of office deters them from investing in real estate.
Thirdly. From the same report I find that 32.46 percent. of the school
population are colored, and an examination of the United States census will show that this large proportion is due to the results of political causes, rather than to any economic or social law. Most of them
were invited here by the laws of Congress which irst gave them freelom, and next the ballot, and where they have felt peculiarly under
the protection of the Government, and they now number about onethird of the whole population.  From no fault of their own, but
rather by reason of their peculiar condition —due to the laws of the
country-they are unable to assist very materially in slupportirg the
common-school system.
These twoclasseswhich I have named have a right to demand of the
General Government some provision for school advantages.
Education here should be free as air, and the District government
will never discriminate against any one class, but it will continue to
demand of Congress some assistance in this direction. The embarrassment to the District government which we find running through
its whole system is here felt even more than elsewhere, to wit, that
so large a portion of the property of the District is exempt from taxation.
The United States have no right to expect, and ought not to expect,
to retain the services of honest, faithful public servants at low salaries, and force them to live at a place where they will have none of
the comforts or necessities of life, or the privileges which will enable
b 
26
them to rear their families properly.  Norl have the Uliited States any
right, moral or other, to hold out special inducements to any class of
our fellow-citizens, inviting them to take up their residence under the
shadow and protection of Government at its capital, and cast the
whole burden of taxation to furnish these persons with educational
advantages and privileges upon the private citizens.
But aside from these special considerations, the policy of the Government, long established, should control its action in this matter. It
has already given in aid of public schools nearly one hundred million acres of public lands.  Over thirty-four and one-half million
acres have gone to the other Territories. We have a greater school
population than some of these Territories ever can have. Besides
this magnificent land grant, other special and valuable assistance
has been extended to the States and Territories in aid of education.
At one time $37,000,000, the proceeds of public lands, were distributed to the States, and much of it for the benefit of public education.
It cannot be that the District of Columbia was excluded because it
has contributed nothing to the support of Government; for an examination will show that this Districthas paid into the Internal-Revenue Bureau since its organization, as I have shown, more than all the
other Territories combined, and more than several of the States that
might be named. I am utterly at a loss to discover any reason for
refusing aid, while there are many that must appear convincing why
the Government should aid this important work.
I have been unable to ascertain the cost of public schools prior to
186S0, but since that time to the present the total expense has been
$2,163,000  The Government has not paid one penny, and its donllationl
of a lot, formerly General Jackson's stable-lot, made some years ago,
did not exceed in value $1,000.
ACCOUNT-SECOND STATErENT.
I have thus, Mr. Chairman, gone over about all the expenses -which
enter into the local government, and I will again state the account
with the United States, as affected by the items just mentioned:
Expended by old corporations and the new government for improve ments since 1800...... —-------------------------------------- $20, 375, 410 70
Expended by same for police department........................... 1,14, 643 33
Expended by same for water department.......................... 1, 500, 000 00
Expended by same for gas department............ —----------------- -  415, 087 29
Expended by same for health department.... —---------------------—. 83, 000 00
Expended by same for fire dlepartment.... —------------------------ 605, 000 00
Expended by same for public schools, (since 1860)................... 2, 168, 000 00
Total expended by local government.. —------------------- 26, 295,141 32
Expended by General Government for improvements since 1800..- -.. $4, 600, 586 70
Expended by same for police department........................... 2, 400, 000 00
Expended by same for water department........................... 3, 500, 000 00
Expended by same for gas department ------------------------—.............................  272, 340 00
Expended by same for health department........................... —---------- 69, 000 00
Expended by same for fire department.-........... —------------
Expended by same for public schools..............................     Total expended by General Government...................... 10, 841, 926 70
ACCOUNT-THIRI) STATEMIENT.
I know, Mr. Chairman, it is claimed that our citizens enjoy the public parks and reservations in common with Governiment, and that we
should make some allowance for the amount expended heretofore exclusively by Government uponi these public groundls.  I suppose, how 
27
e-ver, that 1no) ole 0 -woltl iiisist that th;e citizeus sloulld sharle tihe expense of the grounds immediately connected with the Departlnents,
the Capitol, and Presidenit's House. But, to leave no room for cavil,
I have procured from General Babcock a statement of appropriations
made by acts of Congress for the improvements in the parks, reservations, and grounds around the public buildings since D)ecember, 1834.
Prior to that time I have ascertainied the expenditures for this purpose fr-om  the report of the Commissioner of Public Buildings and
Grounds, appended to Senator Southard's report of February 2, 1835.
General Babl)cock's report to me is a tabular statemtent of the date
of the acts of Congress, the amount of the appropriationis, and for
what purpose made.  It is of too great length to embody in nmy remarks, but I will give the resutils.  It covers expenditures on  the
Capitol grounds, at the Presideat's House and grounlds, the groun(ds
of all the differeiit DLepartmenits, and, in short, everythilg but the
public buildings themselves.  It includes the Ma,ll   id reservations
generallv, and the small trianoular squares at street intersections,
and also the salaries of ofilicers, amounitinig to nearly $1'50,000.
AVith this explanation I will restate the account front)i tliihe  bal1a
shown in second statement already given:
Grand total expended by District government for all purploses......11 
Total expendled by the General Government, as shown
in second statement, for municipal expenses, streets,
&c.................. —-----------------------------------—.. $10, 841, 9.0
Total ex)ended by Government aroind public build igs, and on squLares, parks, &c., to Decemberl29, 1834.    49,119 O0
Total expeinded on public grounids, parks Capitol and
President's House, Smithsonian, and griouns a,roundl
the Departmelnts, as per General Babcock's report,
since 1834...........................................  1,978,.18 n83
Grand total of Governiiment expenditures............................ %), 8;9, 363 7:
Dif,irence between expendlitnires of the dUiited States and tl)e Dis triet of Columboia, in favor of latter............................... 13, 425, 777 53
\-eesseary to reimburse tlhe District of Colhunbia, being one-half tlle
differience......................................................... 6, 712, 888 76
I should observe that sonme items of the expenditures g-ivel 1by tle
Treasury Department as improverments of streets are  lso inciuded
in Gener al Babcock's statement as improvements  of squ51res, parks,
&c., aitl really increase the credit side of the account of the Governmnet; but I have not separated tlhem, as it involved an   i           atioi
of vouchers for which I had  not tlie time to devote.   TIhe arioniit
will not exceed $100,000 prol)abl)l, and may fall below  it.  I  uiist also
o)bserve that I have given the District government no (credit for its
expenditu,res on  account of salaries of officers and eiilm)lo-Cs other
than those connected with the board of public works.   Still, Mr.
Chairman, it w iil b)e seen that, after sallowing the Uiiited States credit
for every cent it has exopended which in the renmotest degree has cont,ribuited to the joint benetit of the local and General (Governments,
we find the Unlited States indebted to the District of Columbia iin the
sum of $6,712, -,8.76.
If I am right in my assunmption, ai.dl I thinik that the closest calciilation will not imaterially catruge it, that the Unitedl States should
reimbuise the District its excess of one-h a] f the expeoditnres hlert for
the comnmonI good, I am brought to the statement of th-le first duty of
Congress, naimcely, to appropriate money stifficient tfo ritake this reimbursemenelt.
If we were ti'yig this case o,,~ a lill in epu-ity, theroeo wiuild be  a 
28
large itemi of interest properly chargeable to the United States on accollut of the advances made by the District government.  There would
also be another larg,e iteni ill the proceeds of sale of lots, and interest
upon the amount. These, if considered, would more than double the
balance whichi I have shown to be due.
But we seek to drive no hard bargain with the United States, and
would not e enii ask reimbursement if we had a business interest
manufactuires, trade, commerce, or revenues, to which we could look
in the inmmediate or remote future for reimbursement.
But, sir, if we have any rights which can be eliforced by an appeal
to a sense of common justice, to a sense of national honiior and fair
dealing, I must believe that this first duty which I have pointed out
will sooner or later be discharged.
Our statulte-books are filled with precedents for reimbursements to
the States upon precisely the same principle as that involved in thlis
claim.  I would not pretend to give the numbl)er of millions of dollars which hlave been appropriated by Congress to refund to States
moneys which they had paid out for the common beniiefit of the whole
people.
The second and imperative duty of Congress is to devise an intelligent apportionment of the expenditures at the seat of government.
It is not of half so much importance thatlarge appropriations should
occasionally be made, as that there should be a fixed and definite
sum appropriated annually, which slihall be disbursed with reference
to an intelligent and wise development of the extraordinarily beautiful plan' of our capital city.  An appropriationt alnually by Government, which would not exceed five cents per capita of the whole
population of the United States, together with local taxation, would
sustain a fund sufficient in twenty years-yes, evenii in teli years-to
make here a city unparalleled for its beauty.
There is ino city in the Old World of which I have any knowledge
that can compa re for a moment with ours in the mnagnificence and
grandeur of its plan.  In all London there is not a street or avenue2.
after leaving the public parks, over which there is the least pleasure
to drive.  Almost the same thing may be said of Paris, with the exception of two or three boulevards and the Champs Elysaes. Uiinter den Linden, of Berlin, is paved with Belgiarnpavement,with surface
drainage through its gutters, a rough, unkempt, untidy, and disagreeable street, and one must go beyonid the western gate for a pleasure
drive.  The Ring Strasse of Vienna is a broad macadam avenue encircling a busy hive of active industries, whose devotees are crossing
and recrossing and trav-ersing this busy thoroughfare, rendering a
pleasure drive upon it next to impossible; and here, as in Berlin, for
air and refreshing recreation, the inhabitants are driveii beyond the
confines of the city.  So of Brussels; so of Munich; so of Rome; so of
Naples, except; perhaps, a portion of Chiai; so of Florence, except its
suburban drives.
But here, when the bordering grass of our broad avenues and streets
shall have become a mat of green, and our many varieties of beautiful
forest trees shall lift their heads aloft and throw their grateful shade
over lawn and pavement, the beautiful vistas which will be opened
up, the superb works of architecture, which in our public buildings
surpass anything in the world of their kind, breaking in picturesque
variety the view, with the lovely spring and autiumn skies which overspread us for half the year, will make Washinigtoni City what its founders promised for it.
True the capital cities of the Old World have their splendid monii 
29
merits a(nd works of art, old andl time-honored and sIlendid private
nmausiolls, that are a delight to l       behol(; hut seen, and known, aind
familiar wiithl, one must go beyond all these for that rest and recreation which of all things, to the thloughtful, overtasked mind. is ildispensabl-e.
MloinimLents, statues, and works of art will come to us in time; they
are the result of nimany years; they will add a charm to the capital;
but whether we ever have these or not, nothing can prevent  this
city from being the most delightful on either continent, if Government will only extend to it thiat fostering care which its founders
promised.
Your ten thousand, and rapidly increasing number, of overworked,
brain-weary public servants will have only to step from their offices
or their homes into the open street to be in the midst of repose and
quiet, and in the grateful presence of lawn and forest.  The wisdom
of our patriot fathers. who secured our public servants from  the
close, hot, and feverish atmosphere of a crowded, dense city of strife
and panic and money-gettinig, and placed them with quiet and rural
surroundings, is being vindicated day by day, as the growing wants
of Government invite here the best blood of the nation to assist in its
management.
What even small appropriations will accomplish when regularly
made is so favorably exemplified by the present engineer in charge
of public buildings and grounds, that I point to his work as a complete demonstration of the wisdom of this course. He has made the
desert smile and the waste places blossomn, and yet his ex)enditure
has not been felt.  A similar policy pursued toward inmprovements
outside the parks and reservations, added to local effolrt, will repay the
outlay a thousand times.
Nothing can be more clear, upon even a cursory view of the local
government and its relations to the parent Government, than that the
United States have never acted upon any well-defined theory, or with
any consistency or unity; that while it has been just-indeed, almost
generous-iin certain directions, it has been parsimonious and mean
in others; that its policy has been fitful and vacillating and ilncertain, and calculated to keep the citizens of the District government
in the most deplorable and abject condition.
What is needed above all things here is a con'sistent, well-defined
policy on the part of Congress in the support of this District government. I think the local government hasthe right to ask that aproper
balaince-sheet should be struck between the United States and the
District of Columbia.
The United States should have credit for its expenditures on behalf
of improvements in the District of Columbia, and generally its aid in
maintaining the local government, excluding, of course, those appropriations which are made to all the Territories or States. The District
government should have credit for all its expenditures of like char acter. The United States should then appropriate a sufficient sum to
'meet its just proportion of the diflerence in favor of the District of
Columbia. And there should then be determined a fair and just
proportion of future expenditures to be borne by the United States
and by the District of Columbia.
I have no special theory or choice as to how this common fund the appropriations made by Governlment, and the revenues derived
by taxes upon the private property-shall be managed or disburswd.
I believe, however, that a more inexpensive form of local govern ment can be devised than the present one; but as the property of
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private (citizenis and the iiintrest of pr'ivate (:itizenis are equally in volved with those of the Goverinienit, I believe that in any forni
which may be finally adopted the people should have a just repre sentation.  I do not believe that the general principle which nuder lies our theory of goveriinn"qit oiight to lbe violated, because of any
peculiar political relationis Mwhich this I)istrict sustails to the General
Government.
I believe the people he-i- airr as competent to dletermine what is to
their interest as the people of any other community; and as our theory
of government snblits that question to a vote of the people in all
communit-ies, and has done so in this for seventy years, I cainnot give
my consent to see this principle violated.
The lairgoe interest of Government here I concede can have no other
represeltaition than that provided by Congress, and Congress must
judge as to the best means for protecting its interests.
I shall (Iiarrel over no form Congress may prescribe  Give us some
guarantee that the Government will henceforth (do its duty, aTnid will
lift some of the burdens uinder which we are groa,nuin, aiid we will
cheerfuilll  trust the wislom of Con Cress to provide a j ust government
for the Distii(t.  Our interests are common.  We who have chosen
this city for our homes will never be fouid waniting in devotion to
it as the nation's capital. I point with pride to the efforts of our citizens iii former years, and especially under the new governirient, as
proof of what we shall always stand ready to do.
The mnonuments of this devotion are seen on every hand.  Ingratituide, envs, and hate of the hour may blur the vision of some, and shut
out all generous and patriotic emotions from the hearts of others, but
the work of the last two years will vindicate itself anrid the piominent persons in this era of Washingtoii's regeneratioii will stald side
by side in history with the founders of this noble city.  No man must
hope for justice in his day. This is the age of slan(ler, and if it were
not for the courageous souls scattered here and there in public lifer
we might surrender hope and succuml) to the ghouls.
There is one brave man who has dared to lift up his voice out of the
midst of claiiior, and remind Congress of its duty. He did it under
a sense of high official responsibility. He did it, too, not uponi the
recommendation of some head of Department, pnd upon second-hand
evidence, but from actual observation of the progress of improvements here.  I will venture to say that no one i man in the District of'
Columbia, not, even the governor himself, has been the daily witness
of so much of the work in its detail as this man. Like his great prototype, Washington, who watched the unfolding of the plan of tihe
city with the same keen interest that a botanist would the unfolding
of a rare floweri or an, artist the development of a great picture'e,
President Grant has watched the rescue of. the capital from national
disgrace, and, unsolicited, his strong sense of, justice plainly reminds
you of a duty too long neglected.
Mr. Chairman, I began my remarks by reminding gentlemen of
the paternal interest- felt by President Washington in the future of
this beautiful city, and the deep solicitude shared by his patriotic
associates around him for its future prosperity. I showed how the
seal of the nation's plighted faith was stamped thus early upon it.
I may, I think, with becoming fitness-conclude my remarks by quoting
from President Grant's annual message to this Congress. He says:
'rnder the very efficient management of the governor and the board of public
works of this District the city of Washiington is rapidly assuming the appearance
of a capital of which the nation may w ell1 i)e prolnd. }rei hbeing a most iin,ight'y
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place three years ago, disagreeable to pass through in sunmmer ill consequence of
the dust arising from unpaved streets, and almost impassable in the winter from
the mud, it is now one of the most sightly cities in the country, and can boast of
being the best paved.
The work has been done systematically, the plans, grades, location of sewers,
water and gas mains, being determined upon before the work was commenced, thus
securing permanency when completed. I question whether so much has ever been
accomplished before in any American city for the same expenditures.
The Government having large reservations in the city, and the nation at large
having an interest in their capital, I recommend a liberal policy toward the District
of Columbia, and that the Government should bear its just share of the expense of
these improvement. Every citizen visiting the capital feels a pride in its growing
beauty, and that he, too, is part owner in the investments made here.
Mr. Chairman and gentlemen of the committee, I have endeavored
to do my duty )by plj(,itting out yours.   I commit the subject to your
earnest, intelligit,  iid p)atriotic consideration.
I