Democracy —The Old and the New.
SPEEC H
OF
HON. JOHN HICKMAN, -OF PENN.,
ONY THE BATTLE GROUND OF BRANDYWINE,
SEPTEMBER 11; 1860.
Mr. HICKMAN said:                        exist without almost superhuman virtue. HereFELLOW CITIZENS LADIES AND GENTLEMEN: in lies the value of popular power, and the
In my remarks, at this time, I shall have but danger of monarchies and aristocracies.
little to say about men. I prefer to speak of   It was natural that the great leading idea of
that with which I am more intimately acquaint- the Revolution should be embodied in the Deced. -My subject, to-day, is Democracy-the laration of our Independence. And accordold and the new; or, Democracy as it was, and ingly we there find the enunciation that all
as it is.                                  men are created equal, and endowed with the
The object of those who achieved our inde- inalienable right of liberty; that Governments
pendence of the Government of England was, derive their just powers from the consent of
not so much to be relieved from  grievances the governed;- and that it is the right of a
which then affected them, as to establish de- people to alter or abolish old Governments,
fences against the danger of future oppression. and to institute new. In a word, the equality
Our fathers were not selfish, but philanthropic. of man, and his right to control Government,
They did not regard themselves alone, but pos- are made most conspicuous and emphatic. If
-terity. They were patriots in that sense in our ancestors had insisted-upon less, they
which the word should be understood. Ifthey  would have failed to relieve themselves of
had not looked beyond their own day, they monarchical severity, and their struggles and
would have temporized; they would have done trials could have resulted in no lasting good.
worse-they would have compromised. But   It is but recently the discovery has been
fixing their eyes upon a distant age, they con- made that the expressive phrase, "all men," is
tended for an enduring principle. They be- capable of very diverse interpretations, and,
lieved::that man-that universal man-had like the Cincinnati platform, can be so read as
natural rights to be regarded in all human to suit all interests and opinions. At the time
laws, and that they could only be lost sight of of which I speak, slavery, not of the white man
under tyranny; that the greatest of these -was merely, but of all races, was felt to be a crime
liberty, and that death even was to be preferred against nature, and it had no advocates as a
to slavery. I do not say that this made up right. It was reserved for politicians of more
Democracy, but I do assert that there can be doubtful patriotism, if not:sagacity, to inform
-no genuine Democracy -without this sentiment. the world that it is theocratic and the highest
It is not to be believed that there can be a type of civilization. Herein lies my subject.
general Democracy without liberty; and it is In the teachings of the fathers, I find the annext to impossible that there should be liberty cient Democracy, and in that of the dissenters
without Democracy.  Democracy being the the modern.
power of the people to rule themselves, makes   It was Thomas Jefferson who declared "' all
it the most perfect guaranty the masses can men are -created equal," and clothed by nature
have for individual and collective prosperity. with the right to control Government. That
Anything short of this, places a-people at the consistent patriot, long reverenced as the father
mercy of a man or a junto.: Under republics, of the Democratic party, proclaimed these senfreedom cannot be lost-without -utter depravity. timents to the world, and at a time, too, when
Under other forms of- government, it cannot an enunciation of them was -fraught with the




greatest peril. It was not old John Brown, or what party fealty requires of them to venture
William Lloyd Garrison, or Wendell Phillips, upon such utterances. Even Stephen A. Dougharanguing Northern Abolitionists in. apeace- ilas, wishing to keep one foot within the circle
ful village, but the immortal Jefferson, a son of the Democratic organization, has found it
of the South, addressing a people-the na- necessary to use all his ingenuity to conceal
tions-when to do so caused him to stake: life his thoughts upon the subject. I do but state
and fortune and honor. He was founding a that' which we all must have observed, when I
Republic, and he promulgated the only truths say that all that is required, in this eighty-fifth
upon which free government can ever rest. year of independence, for a freeman to prove
Unless men are created equal, there cannot be that he has no Democracy in him, is his naked
eqluality of rights among the component mem-;avowal that slavery is a vice, and consequently
bersof a State, and without the.power to'con- should -not be extended. The father of De.
trol Government there cannot be safeguards for mocracy denounced the institution as criminal,
liberty.                                   but we, who revere his name, and wish to fol
But what were the particular opinions of the low in his footsteps, may not so regard it withgreat American statesman upon the question out' the' most tnmeasured denunciation from
now so widely distracting us? You will par- our own servants-from an oblique President
don me if I attempt to indicate them in brief. down to low-priced postmasters.
He made no effort to conceal them; on the    Democracy, originally, was "hostility to
contrary, he gave to them all possible- publicity. every form of tyranny over the mind of man;"
He declared slavery to be made up of the most now it is the handmaid of a more galling and
unremitting despotism and degrading submis- debasing slavery than ever before existed in a
sion, leading the child to give way to the worst Christianized nation. In this respect there is
passions. That the man who could retain his no real distinction to be drawn between the
manners and morals under such circumstances two parties professing to sustain Democracy.
was a prodigy.: That he who would permit one I take pleasure in making the admission that
half of the citizens to trample on the rights of there are many notable individual exceptions;
the other half, transforming the one into despots but still the adherents of Mr. Douglas, as a
- and the other into enemies, should be loaded body, are as willing as those of Mr. Breckinwith execration. That the liberties of the na- ridge to bear witness against the exactions of
tion could only be secure as long as the con- slavery, although they constantly cryout against
viction remained in the minds of the people its injustice to their chief. - have never doubtthat these liberties were the gift of God. That ed, and, assuredly, it is now too late to doubt,
the abolition of slavery even was to him an that all that is needed to purchase their full
earnest desire', and that he waited with patience support of the broadest demands of the instithe workings of an overruling Providence to tution, is its promise of a full support of them
deliver the bondman. These were his judg- in return. In the South, all parties defend the
ments, not for a single year merely, or for five relation of master and slave; they even go to
or ten years, but throughout a lifetime. And the extent of ascribing to it a Divine parentwhen approaching his death, alluding again to age. What Democrat in the North, trusted to
the subject, he writes:.                   speak, declaims against either its principles or
"My sentiments have been forty years be- practices? They are not ignorant; they have'fore the public; had I repeated them forty not read in vain; and they know that it is un-. times, they would have only become the more congenial to growth, and advancement, and
~ stale and threadbare."                   virtue. They know that for more than half a
Strange and startling expressions to fall from  century the spread of slavery was discouraged
one who claimed to be a Democrat. It is a and resisted, and that the power of Congress
great pity-he does not live in our day, when he to prevent its extension was admitted both by
could be taught better things. There is not a word and deed. They know that this power is
petty Federal office-holder between Maine and now denied flatly, and that we are to be forced
California-not one pitiable partisan in the to allow that it has constitutional guaranties
North, who glories in doing the bidding of his upon every foot of our soil outside of State
Southern overseer-who would not inform him  limits. And yet who of them all takes such a
of his fanaticism and treachery.           position of resistance to these new claims as to
Thomas Jefferson, before he framed the make us feel secure in his hands? There is
Declaration, when he framed the Declaration, not one. The reason for this is but too appaafter he framed the Declaration; before he rent. The soul of Democracy, from a spirit of
was President, whilst he was President, after freedom, has become changed into a spirit of
he was President, thought slavery a curse, both slavery. It denies the equality of man. Its
to the white and the black races, and repug- sympathies are for the South, and against the
nant'to every principle of liberty. What Dem- North. It has become a synonym of sectionocrat at the present time can say he so believes, alism. There is a glaring danger threatening
and hope to be treated as orthodox in his faith? our very existence; a deadly serpent coils
Your Caleb Cushings, Daniel S. Dickinsons, itself, in open day and before our eyes, around
and General Joseph Lanes, know too well the vitals of the Republic, and Democracy




3
heeds it not. Slavery infuses its poison into two classes of emigrants will battle for the suthe life-blood of the North, paralyzing our pow- premacy, for they cannot live side by side; that
ers, and yet. Northern Democrats seem  to ap- is impossible. Have we any sympathy to exprove the act. Do they not- see, do we not tend to either? or are we entirely unconcerned
all see, that the interests of freedom and sla- as to how the contest may terminate?  If we
very conflict, and that Government is wielded desire the success of the despot whose gang
for the benefit of the despotism?  Is it not re- trudges with heavy and broken step, to the
corded against the Democratic party, that they clanking-of chains and the sobs of the desolate,
sustained the most flagrant of frauds in lKan- we will support Mr. Breckinridge.  If, howsas, to crush out rightful rule?  That they ex- ever, we have been able to cut ourselves off so
haWsted artifice to force a slave State into the far from the impulses: of a true humanity as to
Union ag-ainst the wishes of the people, and to be unable to choose, or if we have become false
exclude free States in defiance of the popular enough to decline; to choose between the two
will, and in violation of their own determined orders, between right and wrong, we should
legislation? Are these the fruits of the teach- sustain Douglas; he would be- our representaings of Jefferson?  Can this be the old De- tive man.  But if we have brain and heart
mocracy?  Is it not the new?  What shall we and soul enough to appreciate the doctrines of
say, what do, finding that Presidents pledged Jefferson and the trials of the poor, if we
to -our views, to do right, fearing the South, would bless that community which moves with
turn, Arnold-like, to betray us, to work out -light and elastic tread to the song of the plowiniquity-?  What ought we to say, what do, man, the hum of the rapid wheel, and the ring
when- Cabinets are so chosen, Senatorial com- of the anvil, we will distinguish our duty, and
mittees selected, and offices everywhere filled, do it, regardless of denunciationi knowing that
as to subsidize the North for- the aggrandize- God and all good men will be with us: we will
ment of the South, to enable them to rule over vote for Mr. Lincoln. When the harvest shines
us forever?  The friends of Breckinridge and in gold, let no one be laggard. When victory
Douglas alike reply, "Nothing!i,   " Nothing I" is within our reach, let no one quail. When
Say nothingl do nothing!:Most consistent dominion is offered, let it not be surrendered
Democracy this, to elevate Liberty by thrusting to a foe. I have somewhere read, that when
Freedom beneath the heavy hob-nailed foot of Gaudet was taken by Maria Antoinette Zinto the
Slavery I  Mr. Breckinridge is the Jupiter To- room where the Dauphin of France was sleepnans for'slavery, and he would not have us get ing, he moved aside the curling hair which
excited on the subject, or his noise might cease overshadowed the countenance of the fair boy,
to affright us. Mr. Douglas is a political her- and, kissing him, said to the mother, "Educate
maphhrodite, a giant of the neuter gender, and him for liberty, madame-it is the condition of
he would not advise us to take sides with white his life."  And I say to you, to all, educate
labor, lest he should be thought a man, nor yourselves for liberty; it is the condition of
with black labor, lest he should be known as your lives. Our fathers fought for freedom,
a woman. One word! Speak! Act I Let us, and accomplished it; our fathers valued freealso, have an eye to terrify, a tongue to threat- dom, and bequeathed it; and, if true to ouren, an arm to execute. Why should we not selves, like them, we will defend it to the lastmaintain our dignity, our honor, our interests, to' the last.
our people?  Is it unlawful?  If so, then how    The Democratic party was founded by a wise
great has been the outrage practiced upon us! man upon the leading truths, the indisputable
The time has come for'us to take sides, to turn natural rights, to which'I have referred, as
our faces either to the North or the South; -upon a rock. The foolish have torn it down,
those who look upon the ground will be crushed'and rebuilt it upon the sand, and when the
to powder beneath the massy wheels of the rains shall descend, and the floods come, and
chariot' bearing the ark of our destiny.   the winds blow and beat upon it, and it shall
Fellow citizens, another gold-bearing:State;- fall, great will be the fall thereof. The only
of large agricultural capabilities, is about to hope for those loitering within its cracked and
rise on our western border. Those who - are tottering walls lies in early and swift escape.
striving to people it are moving from the  North-   It was not intended that Democracy should
and, the South toward the Territory.:On the consist in a name' merely. It was planned to
one hand you will discover your kinsmen and produce results necessary to the well-being of
neighbors, from  the farm, the manufactory, man. It had four principal objects in' view:
and the workshop, carrying with them the in- The elevation of'the lowly; the extension of
stitutions of freedom; on the'other hand, you the area of freedom; theidefenceofthe Union;.
will observe the master and'his ign6rant and and the advancement of-the glory of the counvicious bondmen, dragging after them the in- try.
stitution of slavery. The one seek peaceful   The Constitution declares that "no title of
homes, where by honest industry they may sup-'nobility shall begranted by the United States."
port families -and educate free-born children; This was necessary to maintain the nation's
the other; will breed children for the market, declaration of human equality...It places capand blast- the earth into barrenness- These ital and labor upon a perfect level as to the




honors of office and the consideration  of policy to be for the benefit of the foreigner and
Government. In- the eye of our organic law, our  own surplus population.  Now, we know
the child of toil, in coarse garments, dripping  the effort is continually being made, by all
with the sweat of the. brow, holds equal rank means, lawful and unlawful, to acquire terriwith him who clothes himself in purple and toryfor the growth of slavery alone. The most
fine l"nen, and fares sumptuously every day. talented and infiuential Democratic leaders are
Our Brodericks are as noble as the. Slidells.' engaged, directly or indirectly, in this work,
As long as Democracy had. the fullness of life: without a murmur from. any one bearing their
and beauty, its  banner bore aloft this benevo- party name. Worse than this, if possible, the
lent idea, and under them its proudest victories more powerful wing of the Democracy insist
were achieved-. Neither- convention nor meet- that under the Constitution of our Government,
ing, could assemble without an outpouring of brought forth in a hatred of' oppression and a
affection for, and expressionis of determinationh love of liberty, slavery cannot be:excluded from
to stand by, the interests- of " the -'loiling mil- any soil we may own or-may hereafter acquire;
lions."  The alien and sedition laws were con- and the other- wing, in substance, reply: "We
demned: as odious, and repealed, because they' don't exactly know how this may be  we await
violated a right of- the masses, that offree'the settlement of the question by a court
speechj. a-nd invested the officer with a sanctity'having a common feeling and common interincompatible with the American: notion that' est with you; and if you.gain a decision, we
the lowest citizen and- the highest- were en-' promise that it shall be enforced promptly
titled to equal immunities-and protection. The:' and faithfully."  President Jackson, as a coBank of the United States was destroyed, not drdinate branch of the Government, applied
somuch upon the ground of its' unconstitution- the Constitution as: he understood it, and he
alitpy, as tha8 t of its dasnger to the labor. ing  was an accredited Democrat in his day; Judge
classes.- President Jaekson's main argumente Douglas, a Senator of.the United States, would
was addressed to industry, and his triumph was interpret the Constitution as others understand
achieved through the agency of that interest to it,. without weighing:'their passions and prejuwhich he. Ahus appealed. His Democracy did dices. "Jackson and Douglas I Hyperion and
not: lead -him to believe that the rich should be- Satyr I Democracy,. from the beginning of the
made richer, and the poor poorer;. but rather- Government down to the:years 18'47-'48, adthat the: weak should not be' placed at the mitted and exercised the right to exclude
mercy of the: strong, or labor be made: a prey slavery from the Territories. Now, Democracy
to capital. The conclusion was both sensible denies that same right most emphatically, or
and humane. A large majority of every peo- at- least doubts it. EHow very imperfectly our
ple:fail to reach a condition- of wealth, and- as fathers must have understood their own work"power is always stealing from  the many to imanship. They framed the fundamental law,
the few," it is:" the many," and not " fewfew,, yet had but a slight conception of its meaning.
whose welfare oughti to, be especially guarded.'t was reserved to their puny offspring to tell
Where now is' the Democra-cy, my humble us what they intended.- Let us rest assured of
friend, that takes: its stand by your side in your this, and trust to history to prove its truth, that,
exhaustion, or your unjust deprivations,: alnd- Whilst the ancient Democracy survived, the
cal!is,.upon you to be of good, cheer, that you Constitution was so read as to favor freedom
shall beinvigorated and, recompensed? h I- and free men; but, that by the modern Dewhere is it? Point:me to it, if possib'le. Where mocracy, born of the brain of John C. Calhoun,
is it found, in organization or association? it is, and will continue to be, so distorted as
It was, but is not. The assumption of the ty- to encourage the'spread of slavery.ratn.t, that " capital should own labor';" that   The Union, always esteemed by every Dempoor: white men are servile, and ought to be: ocratic patriot as. the bulwark of our liberties,
bound in: fetters;. that they and their wives and is now threatened with immediate destruction
children should be held as the negro -is held, by those who claim to be the elect custodians
to be sold and debased and polluted and of Democratic principles. With an insulting
scourged, has so7 infused itselfintO the modern arrogance they. lay claim  to unlimited rule,
Democracy as to metamorphose all its aims,} without regard to' the wishes of the majority or
and -make it the instrument of despotism.:. It th-e guaranties of law, upon the ignoble pretext
is now: effectually managed by the owner of.the that it is indispensable to the cause of human
blakni man, so as to-enable him to possess himself: bondage. In this way, we are to be brought
unrigteously of our inheritances, the free Ter- to submit to the usurpation of' a minority, in.
ritories of the country; and to force us; through order that'those  who  would lay unholy hands
spoliation, into the same beastly condition as upon the altar may be bribed to keep the
his slbives.:  peace. If the people of the United States shall
It- is within the recollection of most, if':ot elect a President not approved- by the South, or
all' of; us, that the- Democracy was loud in.its a -portion of the South, we! are informed that he
demands- for extensions of the "a rea -of free- shall never be inaugurated, and that the Condom," that its blessings might be the more federacy will be at an end. These Democrats
widely enjoyed.  We then  understood  the do not  ionceal their protocols; they placard




5
their concerted treason, and would affright us and  vice, insensible expressions.  With it,
by their very recklessness. Do they know us? brotherhood consists in elevated condition, not
Are we indeed so craven as to pale and trem- in the attributes of mankind; and law is not
ble before such Heaven-defying outrage? How  to strengthen the weak to resist, but the strong
courses Northern blood, from Northern hearts, to invade. Unchecked, it would carry us back
through Northern veins, at such a vaunt?  If to the barbarism of the dark ages. Alas, who
we deserve to live, we will dare to die in such  should care to bear the title of Democrat, at
a conflict as they would force upon us. Upon  such a cost to him as a citizen of Republican
what field, in the battle for the right, did America I
Northern courage ever fail?  Not on sterile     "0 O judgment, thou art fled to brutish beasts,
plains, or by the margin of stagnant streams,    And men have lost their reason."
but in the pure bracing air, live the real armies   The conclusion I would draw from what I
of the nation, and " woe, woe to the riders that have said, is,-that Democracy, in the days of
trample them down."                          he
it's glory, Was the nurse of liberty and the
Our Northern people will neither avoid nor guardian of freemen, but that it has sunk down
violate any obligation resting upon them. They to be but the tool of a tyrant-and a parent of
have ever treated their Southern brethrethn, it'  slaves..
only with justice, but with extreme magnanim-   Fellow citizens, let me make an appeal, not
ity, and they will continue to do so voluntarily. so nmuch- to you, as for our common country.
But let aggressors beware the day when force There can be no nationality without law; and
or violence shall' be resorted to, to. drive the ours rests upon the double basis of ConstituNorth into concessions. When that crisis shall:tionr: a nd statute.  The structure cannot be pre:
come upon them,. they will meet it as they Served' by undermining its foundations. As
ought to meet it, and the now-perplexing ques- our scunrity is by viirtue of government, ahd
tions of slavery extension and slavery domina- our government by virtue of law, we can only
tion; on this continent will be settled forever.
prospler astIong. as we maintain the supremacy
Perhaps the most deplorable effect of the of law. To laoy suthless hands upon it would
change of principle and policy, of which I be not onl to destroy our own peace, but to
speak, is upon thle character of, the country. make ourselvesa "  by-word and a reproach."
Both history. and tradition- sufficiently indicate  Our honor demands our fidelity; if once:pas;ted
the intention of the former Democracy to gain  with, it may not be easily regained,
for our Government the good opinion of the. 
world. This they hoped to do by making: it
strong and equitable. Its security was not to    Many wait but for an excuse to blot out oar
rest upon allianceso nor, indeed, upon its arms, most sacred charter; let them not have it in
so much as upon -its strict conformity to tlhe any examples of ours. Let us do our whole
most rigid rules of right. It was planned for duty,:and, whilst doing it, publish our warnings,
a model, and the earlier Administrations never. to those who are not so exact. Let us, miildly
lost sight of this fact, and they regulated their and kindly, remind them of the bearing of: 
action accordingly. It had- its. origin in,and  Democratic chief towards a disloyal State, l&d,
was long conducted on, the broadest, philan- adopting the, language of his resolve, " The.
thropy, It was designed toi attract both the Federal Union-it must be preserved," stand
attention and the affections of mankind-. The in defence of law —the law of the Constitution,
general. condition of our race everywhere was and the law of God.
one of abject subjection;, the laudable purpose    There is an immortality of infamy, as well
was, to elevate.that condition.  Liberty.had no- as an immortality of glory; and it has haplocal habitation; her temple was to- be firmly pened that whilst the wicked were reaping the
erected here. In other countries, authority was  one, children have been ready to inherit the
centred upon what was  presumptuously called  other. The same: night that Herostratus fired
a -God-selected one,- or few;. here it was, to be- the templeof Artemis at Ephesus, Alexander
extended to the God-equalized many, or all. In  the Great was born in Pella. So, at the moshort, out nation was to be "-an asylum for the  ment when profane men shall kindle flames in
oppressbd."  What would the recent Democ- the citadel of liberty, consigning themselves
racy make it?  It has no longer anything to to everlasting  disgrace, heroes, the second:
say of " equal and exact justice," and is en- Washingtons,  will arise to receive universal
tirely careless -of the moral sentiment of a homage.
widely-extended Christianity. It has -no desire: HIave no fears: for the future, but be prepared
to merit encomiums from the' wise and: good. for it. -There are clouds in the South, but if
It has no heart to feel) and consequently would they hold the lightning, it will be dischargednot m-ake sabrifices for, the-general welfare.: To there, not here.  The virtue, intelligence, andit}, liberty and slavery are but names, not- ex-  valor, which- gave us a nation, will preserve it.
istences;  and integrity and injury, and virtue: t a distant and grateful posterity.




RBEPUBLICAN PILATFORM,
Adopted  by  the  Chicago  Convention, May  17,  1860.
Resolved, That we, the delegated representa- duty of an indignant people sternly to rebuke
tives of the Republican Electors of the United andtforever silence.
States, in Convention assembled, in discharge   Fourth. That the maintenance inviolate of
of the duty we owe to our constituents: and our the rights of the States, and especially the right
country, unite in the following declarations:    of each State to order and control its own doFirst. That the history of the nation during mestic institutions, according to its own judgthe last four years has fully established the pro- ment exclusively, is essential to that balance
ppiety and necessity of the organization and of power on which the, perfection and endnperpetuation of the Republican party, and that rance of our political fabric depends; and we
the qauses which called it into existence are denounce the lawless- invasion by armed force
permanent in their nature, and now, more than of the soil of any State or Territory, no matter
ever before, demand its peaceful and constitu- under what pretext, as among the gravest of
tional triumph.                           crimes.
Second.' That the maintenance of the princi-    ifth. That the present Democratic Adpies promulgated in the Declaration of Inde- ministration has far- exceeded our worst apprependence, and embodied in the Federal Consti- hensions in its measureless subserviency to the
ttiopn, " that all men are created equal; that exactions of a sectional interest, as especially
thy. are endowed by their Creator with certain evidenced in its desperate exertions to force the
unalienable rights; that among these are life, infamous Lecompton Constitution upon the
lierty, and the pursuit of happiness; that to protesting people of Kansas-in construing the
secure these rights, Governments are instituted personal relation between master and servant
among men, deriving their just powers from  to involve an unqualified property in personsthe consent of the governed," is essential to the in.its attempted enforcement everywhere, on
preservation of our republican institutions; and land and sea, through the intervention of Conthat the Federal Constitution, the rights of:the gress and of the Federal courts, of the extreme
States, and the Union of the States, must and pretensions of a purely local interest, and in its
shall be preserved.                       general and unvarying abuseof the power in-'Third. That to the Union of -the States this trusted to it by a confiding people.
nation owes its unprecedented increase in popu-   Sixth. That the people justly view with alarm
lation; its surprising development of material the reckless extravagance which pervades every
resources; its rapid augmentation of wealth; -department of the Federal Government; that
its happiness at home and its honor abroad; a return to rigid economy and accountability is
and- we hold in abhorrence all schemes for dis- indispensable to arrest the systematic plunder
union, come from whatever source they may; of the public Treasury by favored partisans';
and we congratulate the country that no Re- while the recent startling developments of
publican member of Congress has uttered or frauds and corruptions at the Federal metropocountenanced the threats of disunion,- so often lis show that an entire change of Administramade by Democratic members without rebuke tion is imperatively demanded.
and with applause from their political asso-   Seventh. That the new dogma that the Conciates; and we denounce those threats of dis- stitution of its own force carries slavery into
union, in case of a popular overthrow of their: any or all of the Territories of the United
ascendency, as denying the vital principles of States, is a dangerous political heresy, at varia free Government, and as an avowal of con- ance with the explicit provisions of that instrutemplated reason, which it is the imperative ment itself, with cotemporaneous exposition,




7
and with legislative and judicial precedent; is whole country; and we commend that policy of
revolutionary in its tendency, and subversive national exchainges which secures to the workof the peace and harmony of the country.     ing men liberal wages, to agriculture remunerEighth. That the normal condition of all the ating prices, to mechanics and manufacturers
territory of the United States is that of Free- an adequate reward for their skill, labor, and
do'm; that as our republican fathers, when they enterprise, and to the nation commercial proshad abolished slavery in all our national terri- perity and independence.
tory, ordained that " no person should be de-   Thirteenth. That we protest against any sale
prived of life, liberty, or property, without due or alienation to others of the public lands held
process of law," it becomes our duty, by legisla- by actual settlers, and against any view of the
tion, whenever such legislation is necessary, to free homestead policy which regards the settlers
maintain this provision of the Constitution as paupers or supplicants for public bounty; and
against all attempts to violate it; and we deny we demand the passage by Congress of the comthe authority of Congress, of a Territorial Leg- plete and satisfactory homestead measure which
islature, or of any individuals, to give legal ex- has already passed the House.
istence to slavery in any Territory of the Uni-   Fourteenth. That the Republican party is opted States.           posed to any change in our naturalization laws,
Ninth. That we brand the recent reopening or any State legislation by which the rights of
of the African slave trade, under the cover of citizenship hithert accorded to immigrants
our national flag, aided by perversions of judi- from  foreign lands shall be abridged or imcial power, as a crime against humanity, and a paired; and in favor of giving a full and effiburning shame to our country and age; and we cient protection to the rights of all classes of
catl upon Congress to take prompt and efficient citizens, whether native or naturalized, both at
measures for the total and final suppression of home and abroad.
that execrable traffic.
Tenth. That in the recent vetoes by their    Fifteenth. That appropriations by Congress
Federal Governors of the acts of  the Leisla- for river and harbor improvements of a natures of Kansas and Nebraska, prohibiting sla- tional character, required for the accommovery in those Territories, we find aractical  dation and security of an existing commerce,
illustration of the boasted Democrati c principl are authorized by the Constitution and justified
of  non-intervention and popular sovereignty  y an obligation of the Government to protect
embodied in the Kansas-Nebraska bill, and a the lives and property of its citizens.
demonstration of the deception and fraud in-   Sixteenth. That a railroad to the Pacific
volved therein.                              Ocean is imperatively demanded by the inEleventh. That Kansas should of right be terests of the whole country; that the Federal
immediately admitted as a State under the Con- Government ought to render immediate and
stitution' recently formed and adopted by her efficient aid in its construction; and that, as prepeople, and accepted by the House of Repre- liminary thereto, a daily overland mail should
sentatives.                                 be promptly established.
Tw'elfth. That while providing revenue for   Seventeenth. Finally, having thus set forth
the support of the General Government by du- our distinctive principles and views, we invite
ties upon imports, sound policy requires such the co-operation of all citizens, however differ.
an adjustment of these imposts as to encourage ing on other questions, who substantially agree
the development of the industrial interest of the with us, in their affirmance and support.




:The; Republican Executive(  Congressional Committee are:pre-. pared to furnish the following  Speeches and Documents:
Eight:Pages, 50 cents per hundred.                 PoliticaLIssues and-Presidential.Cadiddates —John Hickman.
The State of the Country-W. H. Seward.                     DeliveredinPial
Princil)[ei and Pu6 dr'es of the Reupblicn Party —J. B.; Irrepressible Conflict ",-XW. H. Sevward.d                                          the 
Free Homes for Free Men —G. A. GJfo.w.
Frheell Ho mTerritOri es bee Men-i.t izAbe. i.es- ~arln:':Slavzery: What it wAs, what it has done, what itiintePds to:Shall th6 Territories e Alfricanized-~4ames:Harlan..o —-.oC. B. Tolupk.ins.'
WiNt'have:Violated Co6mromises-Jhw   MiCkmai              isorganizatioei and  isunion-E. McPherson.
Inyasion of Harper's Ferry-B. F. Wade.
The-'Speakership-G. W, Scranton and J. H. Campbell.                Sixteen Pages, $1 per hundred.
ozation- and Comimerce-F. P Flairr.:Seizure of Arsenals at Harper's Ferry, Va., and Liberty,
Generat Politics-Orris S. Ferry.                             oLma  Tumbull.
T'he Deesmands of the South-The Republican Party-   Vindi-:Property in.the;Territories-B. F. Wade.
b'~catedal-A~ibrahnam f inco2ln. mJ True Demora cy,J  istory ViA dicaedn —C. H. Van Wyck.
~The Homestead Bill-Its Friends and tsFoesWWindom.::Teritorial Slavb Code-  I. Wilson.
The Barbarism of Slavery-Owen  Lovjoy.  BSlavery in' the Territories-John P. Hale.
The New Dogma of the South-" "Slavery a                                Blessip'         o          Sd uth" —J.
I':posting thet Books betwo-  the Naor-h H  the, Southo' —J.
Da~.~D~itwes.                                         J. Perry.
The Position of Parties-R. H. Duell.                       JPeeSrry.
MisThe  ositeaon d B~till-M. S. X~ilkinsn                The Cslohoun Revolution —Its Basis and its Progress —J.  R.
Tahe H-omestead BilI —M. S Wilkainon-:Doittlc.
P'0Iygamy in StahD. Wo y. Gour  Palest1.50 per hun         doohed.
Polgisamy in vtah-D. W. Gooch.                             he Republican Party the Result of Southern Aggression-.Dpuglas-and Popular Soverqignty-Carl Schurz.               c.  d ic..Lands for the Landless —A Tract.
The Poor Whites of the South-The Injury done them by  Federalism Unas            ne. Goodloe.
Slavery-A Tract.
the Nv~~orth hA  to do wiThe Slavery Question —C. C. Washburn.
APrective  Tariff Necessary-Rights of. Labor-James H.
Iamtbell.Sre                ma r t   of           th.   i -  Thomas Corwin's Great Speech, Abridged.
pami~bell.                                        -The Issues-The Dred Scott Decisliojn; —ThePttae-ISrae
he'Fanaticism of the Democratic Party —Owen Lovejoy.        Washburn Jun.
Mission of Republicans-Sectionalism  of  oder  D.eoc- Tariff            S.Blair.
Tariff —Samuiel S. Blair.
kracy-Robert Mecl~uight.                                The Rise and Fall of the Democratic Party —K. S. Bingham.
ASouthern Soectionalism —John Hickman.                 In Defence of the North and Northerin Laborers —H. Hamlin..Freedom vs. Slavery-John Hutchins.
uRep is  Lan Perlicy- omfnPt the   lli oSt           C Homesteads:. The epubliCans and Settlers against  Dmocn'R2pubhd ani Ind Policy-.-Homes: foi  the Mlion-.q-$tephen, C.
FCoster.                                                racy and Monopoly — A Tract.
Tariff-Justin S. Morrill                                      Twenty-four Pages,$1.5.0 per hundred.
Legislative Protection to the Industry of the People-f-Alex-  The  nfr P.
The Ruin of the Democratic Party-the Reports of the Co.
annder H. Rice.
avode and other Commtees —A Tract.
Slavery in the Territories —Jacob   Collamer.
The Territorial Slave Policy; The Republican Party; What
the North has to do with Stavery —Thomas D. Eliot.             Thirty.two  Pages,$2 per hundred.
TheiSupreme Court of the United States —Rescoe Conkling.   Thomas Corwin's Great Speech.
Designs of the Repablican Party-Christopher Robinson.    Success of the Calhoun Revolution: The C.nstitution Change
Address-'Montgomery Blair.
and Slavery, Nationalized by the.Usurpationsof the Su,
qThe Necessity of Protecting American Labor-J. P. Verree.    an    artale        the
TheRepublican Party and its Principles-James T. Hale.       peme CourtJams. Ashey
The Barbarism of Slavery-Charles Sumner.
Revenue and Expenditures-John Sherman.
ETle Claims of Agriculture —John Carey.
Negro Equality-The Right of.One Man to Hold Property in        Eight Pages, 50 cents per hundred.
Another-The I)emocratic Party a Disunion Party —The
Success of the Republican Party the onlySvation for the  The Demands of the South —The Republican Party Vindi.
Countryr —Benjamin. Stanton.                              dicated —Abrahae Lincoln.
Mutual Interest oi the Farmer and Manufacturer-Ca rey: A.   Free Homes for Free Men —. A. Grow.
Trimble.                                                Shall the Territories be Africanizod- James Harlan.
The'Tariff-Its Constitutionality, Necessity, and Advanta-'Who have Violated Compromises —Jobn  Hickrman.
uges-John T. Nixon.                                     The Homestead Bill-Its Friends and its Foes-W. Windom
position or Parties and Abuses of PowerReuben E. Fenton.  Douglas and Popular Sovereignty-Carl Schurz.
Bill and Report Repealing the Territorial Iws of New Mexi-  The Homestead Bill —M. S. Wilkinson.
co —John  A. Bingham.                                   The Barbarism of Slavery-Owen Lovejoy.
Denmocracy  al.as Slavery —-James B. McKean.              Southern Sectionalism-John Hickman.
Abraham Lincoln, His Personal Elistory and Public Record —  Equality  of Rights in the Territories-Harrison G. Blake.
E. B. Washburno.                                        The Claims of Agriculture-John Carey.
The President's Message —The Sectional Party-John A. The Republican Party a Necessity-Charles F. Adams.
Bingham.                                                Mutual Interest of the Farmer and Manufacturer —Carey A
The Repeblican Party a Necessity-Charles F. Adams.          Trimble.
The Filibustering Policy of the Sham Democracy-J. J. Perry. Political Issues and Presidential Candidates-John Hickman
Modern Democracy —Justin S. Morrill.                       Delivered in Philadelphia.
Equality of Rights in the Territories-Harrison G. Blake.
Resigning His Position as Chairman of the Committee on             Sixteen Pages, $1 per hundred.
Commerce and reasons for leaving the Democratic Party-  Seizure of the Arsenals at Harper's Ferry, Va., and Liberty
Hannibal Hamnli.                                          Mo., and in Vindication ot the Republican Party-Lymat
Public Expenditures-R. H. Duell.                           Trumbull.
The Republican Party and the Republican Candidate for the  The Slate of the Country-W. H. Seward.
Presiden cy-W. McKec Dunn.                              Lands for the Landless-A Tract.
The Republican Platform-E. G. Spaulding.                  Election of Speker-H. Winter Davis.
Frauds in Naval Contracts-John Sherman.                           Forty Pages, $2.50 per hundred.
The Rights of Labor-J. K. Moorhead.                       The Barbarism of Slavery-Charles Sumner.
The Tariff-Seward and Cameron.
The Tar~ff —Conn The Barbarism of Slavery-pCharles Sum ner.
COMMITTEE.-Preston King, N. Y., Chairman. J. W. Grimes, Iowa, L. F. S. Foster, Conn., on the part of the,sae
John Covode, Penn., Treasurer, FE G. Spaulding, N Y., J. B. Alley, Mass., David Kilgore, Ind., J. L. N. Stratton, N. J.,e
gthe part of the House of Reps.
Address the Chairman, or GEORGE HARRINGTON, Secretary,
WASBINOTON,  D. C.




POPULAR SOVEREIGNTY-THE WILL OF THE MAJORITY AGAINST
THE RULE  OF A MINORITY.
SPEECH
OF
ilON, J, HtICKMAN, OF PENNSYLVANIA,
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, JANUARY 28, 1858.
The House being in the Committee of the lWhole on the  despotism, as indefensible as that controlled by
state of the Union —                           the greatest of tyrants-combinations can seldom
resist it, individuals never. But these consideraMr. CHAIRMAN: I saihould not have sought the |tions, clearly as they have presented themselves
Mr. CaAIaM, AN: I should not have sought the  to my mind, can never induce me to espouse a
floor at this time, but for the fact that silence  political heresy.
would leave my views liable to an unpleasant mis-    But the great danger surroundin  our instituconstruction.  I was an early, earnest; and sin- tions does not so much arise from a want of pubcere advocate of Mr. Buchanan's election to the  lie virtue as general intelligence. Few outside of
Presidency of the United States, believing that public life watch narrowly the conduct of their
his elevation would largely promote the present public servants, and fewer still are sufficiently
peace and lasting welfare of my country. His  conversant with the machinery of Government
life had been a public one, and his character was  clearly to comprehend the bearing of particular
that of an educated statesman and a just man. I acts. If it were otherwise, high officers of Govesteemed him as eminently worthy of the largest ernment would be less powerful for evil, and pvbconfidence and warmest regard of the American  licightsmorepracticallydefensible. If,therefore,
people, as I could not doubt his Administration  at any time, resistance to a gross and unpardonWould alike reflect his wisdom, experience, and  able outrage upon an admitted principle, shall
nice appreciation of justice; and that under it the prove unavailing, let not the offense, on that acrights of the people, of all the people, would be  count, be baptized and sanctified; let it rather be
scrupulously regarded. I did not expectinfalli- an evidence of the truth of my declaration, and a
bility in his management of public affairs, and do  warning to those who are unwilling to part with
not now expect it; and when I shall meet with  the sovereignty of the citizen.
what I may regard as error, I trust to be pardoned    My opposition to the President's treatment of
for the frankness with which I shall always pro- Kansas affairs does not arise from hostility to
claim my opinions.                             slavery; it stands upon a foundation, the strengtlh
Until I heard the annual message read, I had  of which will be more generally admitted. I rest
expected to be able to yield to its doctrines an  my resistance upon the violations of declared prinhonest and decided support; but from.its Kansas  ciples, of solemn pledges, and the guarantees to
policy I must strongly dissent.. I am unable to  the nation. To ask me to sanction them, with
give it my support. I regretexceedingly the tend- my views, is to insult me by suspicions of my
ency of the Executive recommendation, which, integrity. Others may act differently, it is not
to my mind, is to place the President in a posi- my province to judge them.
tion of antagonism to the majority in Kansas. It
leads to an issue between power on the one hand,                     "I may stand alone
and the people on the other. In such a case, i   But would not change imy free thoughts for a thlrone."
never can hesitate in determining whose cause I    I am not blind to the fact that a very different
shall espouse, or what verdict I ought to render. motive will be assigned for my action. I ihave
I am not unmindful of the fact that the former is  too often seen it attributed to others, not to antiquite as likely to triumph with the wrong as the  cipate it in my own case. But it has become a
latter with the right; and that the ambitious may  stale cry, and, I think, must soon prove a barren
well hesitate when resolves on success are to de- one. If differing  fron  my southern friends on
cide for whom to do battle. The great influence  any point which immediately or remotely affects
of executive patronage; the full extent of execu-  the interests of slahivery' must subject me to anathtive power in this country is but feebly compre- ema, so be it; I must bear up under it; I cannot
hended. We are apt to underrate it vastly. If  deny my convictions that I may receive a chariunscrupulously exercised, it becomes a crushing' table judgment.




I do not oppose slavery where it legally exists.  practiced and imposed upon her people; her agoIt is there a matter between the master and the  nizing and fruitless cries for justice; the cruel and
slave; it concerns them alone; and I will not inter-  crushing sympathy of high Federal officers with
fere with it or them. I yield a ready allegiance  her oppressors; her appeal for free institutions
to our common Constitution, and will support all derided by ruffians, and slavery fastened upon her
the laws made under it as long as they remain in  in bold defiance of her rights; could all this have
force, to whatever subject they may relate, or  been foreseen, the northern advocate of that legiswhatever burdens they may impose upon me. lation could not have breasted for a single rmoBut when any man, or body of men, seek to plant ment the withering tornado such wrongs would
that institution or any other on my soil, or where  have raised against him. These unjust conseI have the legal right to speak, I will then exer- quences,not naturally flowing from the legislation
cise the prerogative of a freeman. And when  spoken of, have now resulted; and if they would
this is attempted by force or by fraud, when it is  not have been tolerated then, why should they
manifested in an utter disregard and profound  be now? rHave we an overplus of political power
contempt for the popular will, that, of itself, will which should induce us to carry so exhausting a
induce me to resist it to the last.             burden with patience?  Once taken up by the
This is a law to me-and there is no other sound  party they would cling to it like the Man of the
law of liberty-to exercise all my rights in their  Mountain to the back of the sailor, choking it and
fullness, and to grant the same measure of power  sinking it to the earth. It is too soon for us to
to my neighbor. The application of this rule of  forget what overpdwering strength we brought
action is not onlygood for individuals, but equally  to the polls in 1852, and the means-yes, sir, the
so for communities and States. It is a golden  means-by which it was recklessly frittered away
rule; it is a pure constitutional rule. The North  before 1856.
must regard all the rights of the South, and the    Mr. Chairman, I am upon a point I feel deepSouth must regard all the rights of the North-in  ly, and if I shall express myself with warmth
the States and in the Territories-throughout the  and decision I must be pardoned.  As long as
broad land-for neither wears a panoply against I am capable of appreciating truth, I can never
the assaults of the other. There are two classes  lend myself to the attempt now being made, with
of persons, however, who, in a marked manner, high sanctions, to undermine the foundation upon
interfere with this course of conduct. They are  which the modern territorial legislation rests, and
those who deny and those who grant all demands  to falsify pledges upon the faith of which the last
rmade, whether just or unjust. Extremists in the  presidential election was accomplished. The vital
South,judging all northern men to be of the former principle, the soul of the Nebraska-Kansas bill, is
class, designate them as enemies and Abolition-  to be blasted. The majority are not necessarily to
ists; and certain northern politicians looking upon  rule. If I can read recent events at all, I learn so
a few northern Democrats as a type of the whole, much from them. Let the people understand this;
have declared Democracy to be the ally of sla- teach them the whole truth, and then hear their
very. Both cannot be right, and believe that response. Think you the mighty millions of the
they are equally wrong. Dehying, as I do, the  North, the East, and the West will be quieted as
charge that Democracy has entered into a league  children by baubles? Will they allow legislation
with slavery, I am yet willing to admit, as I have  to be construed one way to-day, and enforced a
said, the existence of a few northern confederates  different way to-morrow?  In short, will they
with it. I do not believe them able to exercise  submit always to stake upon a game where they
much power, whatever their disposition.  If it never can win? If they are so miserably made
shall prove otherwise in their action upon the j up, so destitute of real manhood, they are truly
present question, I must leave to them the re- I only fit to be. the " white slaves" of whom we
sponsibilities of a course destructive of the effect- have occasion:lly heard, and from my soul I pity
ive force of our party organization.            them. The name of freeman fits them not, but
I think I may, with great truth, say that the  hangs upon them,
enactment of the law organizing the Territories |-                    " like a giant's robe
of Kansas and Nebraska, including the repeal of             Upon a dwarfish thief:"
the Missouri compromise, was not, originally, a    My course is my own; others are not answerpopular movement at the North. It was regarded  able for it i and I would not implicate them in my
with suspicion, and believed to be impolitic if not action if I could. But I will resist every attempt,
unjust. Mr. Buchanan lhimself,by expressing the'no matter from what quarter it may come, to inwish, in his Reading letter, that that line should  flict adespotism upon the people of Kansas, when
be extended to the Pacific ocean, gave to the com- the law guaranties them liberty, or to impinge
promise a sanctity or popularity additional to that upon the promises the Democracy took upon themderived from thirty-four years' acquiescence; and  selves to make in the last presidential campaign.
when its contemplated destruction was announced,   The recommendation in the message goes out
it was received with great astonishment and deep  as -" a forlorn hope" against what has heretofore
regret.  It was honestly believed, by very many, been supposed to be the strongly intrenched docto be a movement to advance the peculiar interests  trine of popular sovereignty.  What will the
of the South at the expense of those for whose  country do, is the question.  Will it defend this
benefit the territory north of the line had been  great principle in the hour of its severe trial?  Or
dedicated to freedom. The doctrine of popular  will it allow the right of self-government to be sucsovereignty by which it was accompanied,made  cessfully assaulted?  Has it already become an
it at first but tolerable, though, eventually, pal- obsolete, a worn-out thing?  But two years ago I
atable. Could the future history of Kansas have  expressed the opinion that those most prominently
then been read, as it has since transpired to this 1instrumental in causing the Democratic party to
moment; the repeated frauds and usurpations | be pledged to maintain the doctrine of popular




3
sovereignty, in the organization of our Territories, 1 Atlanlltic regions, a continuous stream of agrarian radicals
wouldl deeply regret it.  I never doubted that it / of any and all parties in those regions, alike determined to
would operate against the grwth  of the South.  obtain control of her governmnent, and to assert the rule of
would operate against the growth of the, South. 1 the majority in the line of emancipation, slave property iin
On the 19th of March, 1856, when insisting upon  Missouri would become too precarious in its tenure to be
an investigation into alleged election  frauds in Ir holden, and the necessity for its sale or removal would at
Ka~nsas,  I had occasion to use these words:         | once arise. It may'be confidently asserted that, under these
"ansir, theasupports  ofasion tha hil  thes Nbraska K! circumstances, in five years Missouri would cease to be a
" Sir, the supporters of that bill [the Nebraska. Kansas   slaveholding State. Already, in view of the anticipated rebill] have proclaimed to the nation that the Territories of  sult, Abolition journals have been started in Missouri, and
the United States are to constitute' a fair field,' and that candidates for Congress have unfurled the banner of ealaanthere is to be'a free fight' there, between the North and  cipation."
the South, to decide whIether slavery or freedorn shall rule
them. If the energy, the enterprise, the active modes of life,    But, Mr. Chairman, I wish to be more particthe available capital, and the numbers of the North, shall  ular and precise in my objections to that part of
not be able to compete successfully with their opposites in  the President's message to which I have   ade
the South, and secure freedom to the Territories, then I will
admit that there is a vitality and a power in slavery which  reference, and to the admission of Kansas into
we of the North have never dreamed of. In my opinion, the  the Union on the Lecompton constitution.  They
Representatives of the South in the Thirty-Third Congress  arise
have sown the fire, and they will gather fire into their own    First. From  the antagonism  of that   icy an
ntarners."''                                       First. From the antagonism of that policy and.ma sure to what has been called the great repulbThe prediction is fulfilled; for now, like Pyrene,  lican principle of the Nebraska-Kansas bill; and
the Iberianprincess, they fly in fear fiotheirown        Second. From  the attempts making to violate
child; it is a serpent, and pursues them. The day  the plighted faith of the Democratic party.
of repentance has come upon them much sooner "I he true intent and meaning"of the act organthan I anticipated.  Instead of decades, it has                   Teritory of Kansas,  is declared  to be
izing the Territory of Kansas, is declared to be
required  but brief bmoths  to inculcate the lesson  I " to leave the people thereof perfectly free to form
which should never be forgotten, that weakness  and regulate their domestic institutions in their
cannot long triumph over strength, nor minorities,   own way."  This language would see   too  nin this free  land, trample downwould seem  too unin this fr'ee land, trample down majorities.  If  equivocal to be overcome by the most abstruse
what we have esteemed the great truths of repub-  diplomatist, or the most adroit hair-splitting pollican government are not a sheer lie, then squatter  itician. No doubt, I suggest, is allowed to remain
sovereignty, adequately protected, will give the  as to   the true intent and meaning" of the enactvirgin lands of our Confederacy to the free white  ment.  It was to give full, perfect, unrestricted
man, and not the negro slave. This is now seen,  sovereignty to the people of Kansas.  It is this
and sovereignty is not to be protected; it is to be  right, thus clearly given to themt, the inhabitants
crushed out; by unwarrantable, illegal interfer-of the Territory now claim; nothing more, nothence it is to be crushed out; and the hitherto pliant  ing less
North is expected to acquiesce. If it submits, be        But I understand the President to say that they
ist so.  Iw whill, netver! no, never!                l are careless about all questions to be settled by
A southern wrriter in De Bow's WeeklyPress   their fundamental  law, except the single one of
exhibits in a striking light the imperative neces- I negro  slavery.  Who  conferred upon tis officer
sity resting upon the South to make Kansas a j the authority to speak so confidently for the peoslave State. It is declared to be the necessity aris-  pIe of Kansas?  Surely Congress never did; for
ing from self-preservation, and such as originates  they have, by an unrepealed law, vested  all porthe highest law. I read an extract from the arti- er in the people alone; and if the people have
cle referred to, of the date of January 16, 1858: 1 intrusted  him  with an agency, it is proper he
" The surrender of Kansas to the operation of the ma- I should show his warrant.  This, most unfortujority rule, under the cry of popular sovereignty in the  nately, and of course most unintentionally, tends
Territories, without constitutional warrant, and her absorp-d sustain that orga
tion by the non-slaveholding power of the country, would  to               indor se and sustain that organized, systemmake the evil of the times no longer prospective, but in-  atic attempt, long insisted upon and persevered
stant and imnniinent. By the fact of this surrender, the  in, to stifle the popular voice in the Territory, and
South would become subordinant, and the North predom-  to cast its government into the hands of those
inant, in the Union. Never again, in the Union, could the  having no shadow of right to exercise it.  ree
equilibrium of State sovereign representation between the
South and the North be either maintained in or restored to  government is not to be allowed, because the
the Senate. Never again, in the Union, could the equality  people will not consult the wishes of the Platte
ofred to ite      tuse of  th be either maintasned io or re-  district, nor accept institutions attempted to be
stored to the House of Represenitatives.  No further barrier
coulld be constructedbetween either the aggressiveterritorial   forced on them  from  abroad.  The language of
or political rapacity of the North, and the weakened and di-  the President is somewhat peculiar, and, to my
nmiished South. No other bulvark could be raised to guard  mind, singularly unsound.  He says:
either the moral or social integrity of the South against the
disrupting and destructive legal and social systems of the    "The convention were not bound by its terms [the terms
North. The South, like Hector bound to the car of Achil  of the Nebraska-Kanisas bill] to submit any other portion
les, would soon be dragged by the triumphant North around  of the instrument [the constitution] to an election, except
a ruined possession, quickly to be followed by the erasive  that which relates to the' domestic institution' of slaplowshare of the invading conqueror.                   very. This will be rendered clear by a simple reference to
"The loss of Kansas to the South would involve the loss  its language. It was'not to legislate slavery into any Terof Missouri; and tile loss of Missouri would destroy the  ritory or State, nor to exclude it therefrom, but to leave the
moral as well as political prestige of the South, and invade  people thereof perfectly free to form and regulate their
the integrity of their institutions. The moral prestige of  rdomestic institutions in their own way.' According to the
States, like that of individuals, once destroyed, no earthly  plain construction of flhe sentence, the words' domestic inpower can restore; and the integrity of State establish-  stitutions' have a direct, as they have an appropriate referments, like the chastity of woman, once subjected to inva-  ence to slavery.' Domestic institutions' are limited to the
sion, continues at the will of the despoiler. With aboli-  fatmily. The relation between master and slave, and a fteu
tionized Iowa stretching along the northern boundary of  others, are' domestic institutions,' and are entirely distinct
Missouri, and abolitionized Kansas covering her western! from institutions of a political character. Besides, there
bounltary, whilst there poured into her bosom, thirough Iowa  was no question then before Congress, nor indeed has there
and Kamnsas, firom the more inhospitable lake and northlern  since been any serious question before the people of Kael



sas or the country, except thatwhich relates to the' domes- to the very moderate dimensions of a privilege to
say whether they will hold a negro in bonds or
All the obligations which " rested on the Le-  not? No opinion can be expressed as to the orcompton convention to submit their constitution  ganization of the legislative, executive, or judicial
to an election" he assumes to be derived from the  branches of the government; none of the constiact of Congress. He contends that " domestic  tutional safeguards afforded to life and liberty are
institutions," being synonymous with slavery, it  of any importance to the citizen. He may not
is therefore not required to submit any other mat-  speak as to them; his whole voice is to be kept
ter to the popular decision.  Let us test this re-  for his yea or nay onnegro slavery. Thisis Tom
rmarkable view by carrying it to its consequences.  Thumb sovereignty, or sovereignty in a nut-shell.
If " domestic institutions" mean merely slavery,    The case is even worse than I have exhibited
then it is clear that the power given to the people  it. Nothing has been submitted for popular de" to form and regulate their domestic institutions  termination.  Slavery could not be voted down
in their own way," confers only the power " to  by voting the " constitution with no slavery,"
form and regulate"slavery "in their own way."  when the instrument expressly declares that,
But this conclusion would prove too great an ab-  under such vote, " the right of property in slaves
surdity for its advocates to profit by. The policy  now in the Territory shall in no manner be interof the Government with reference to slavery in  fered with." That right of property carries with
the Territories, was intended to be permanently  it the increase of those slaves as completely as if
settled by the Nebraska-Kansas bill, giving to the  born in South Carolina; and if that right "sshall
people thereof complete sovereignty over all their  not be interfered with," slavery must continue. I
institutions.  All power to legislate on the sub-  have never before been taught that that is a free
ject of slavery was denied to Congress and given  State in which the negro and his issue are to be
to the people of the Territory. Congress declared  holden as slaves, and where the propertyin slaves
it was-                                           ", shall not be interfered with." The right of the
" The true intent and meaning of that act not to legislate  people " to form and regulate their domestic instislavery into any Territory or State, nor to exclude it there- tutions in their own way,." now means simply "to
from, but to leave the people thereof perfectly free to form  form and regulate"slaveryv,provided they "form"
and regulate their domestic institutions in their own way."  it in a State, and do not "regulate" it out. This
As I read it, and as the country has thus far  I would designate as sovereignty invisible.
interpreted it, slavery was to be left to the determ-    This solemn mockery of a guarantied right is
ination of the people of the Territory just as all to be tolerated; not only tolerated, but encourthe rest of their domestic institutions.  Indeed the  aged and confirmed by the action of the present
whole argument for the legislation referred to, Congress, because the convention which perpeproceeded upon that ground.  They, the people, trated the enormity, represented, as I am told, the
were to have their institutions in their own way  sovereignty of the people. No such reason exists.
— ll their institutions.  Their power was not I would as soon recognize a bastard as a lawful
large or unlimited with regard to one, and small heir, as the Lecompton convention to be the offor limited with regard to another; it was equal spring of the people of Kansas.  The fact that
with respect to all.  I need scarcely contend that others may have recognized it as a legal body, imif their will is to govern, it becomes necessary to  poses no obligation upon me to force myself to the
ascertain what it is.  As I look upon it, there-  same unwise conclusion. It is one of the fruits of a
fore, the admission that the question of slavery  well-digestedfraudconcoctedinthefallof1854,and
should be submitted to a vote of the people for  persevered in until the present moment; a fraud
the purpose of ascertaining their wishes touching  by which slavery was to be forced into the State
that institution, carries with it the further admis- when formed, without respect to the sentiment
sion that all their other institutions should be sub-  of the people. The very purpose of the fraud was
jected to the same test.  The error arises firom  to override the will of the people; to substitute the
shutting out of view the fact that the territorial  action of a minority for the rule of the majority.
legislation of 1854 intended to establish a govern-  In organizing the Territory under the Nebraskamental policy witil respect to slavery; that it was  Kansas act, the first thing manifested was an antidesigned to leave-that "domestic institutioss"just  republican movement, subversive of the principles
wlhere all other " domestic institutions" were left of the- act, and those concerned in it took as much
-within the popular control. That by using the  trouble to hide the facts as Periander did to conwords " slavery" and" domestic institutions" in  ceal his grave, and committed as many crimes in
the same sentence, Congress did not intend they  doing so. The ballot-box gave no response to
should be regarded as synonymous, but as a mem-  the resolves or wishes of the residents; it pointed
ber and a family.  Slavery is a domestic institu-  only to treasonable acts striking at the very fountion, not domestic institutions; it is singular, not dation of our institutions.  Ruffianism  has held
plural; it is one, not many.  To adopt this fault uninterrupted sway there.  It made legislators,
of interpretation, would be to do not only great, who made a convention, which made a constituand perhaps irretrievable injury to the people of  tion.  The great grandchild bears most unmisKansas, but to those of every Territory hereafter  takable evidence of its parentage, and it would
to be organized.                                  indeed be strange if it did not subvert the prinIs it not too plain that populqr sovereignty, so  ciple that the people are free "' to form and regumuch extolled in the Thirty-Thfird Congress, and  late their domestic institutions in their own way."
so highly recommended in the last presidential   "' For he that once hath missed the right way,
contest, as the sound principle upon which our        The further le doth go the further he doth stray."
Territories were thenceforth to be organized and    I am unwilling to marshal proofs to support the
governed-which was declared as giving all power  position here assumed, as the whole living hisinto the hands of the people-is to be sweated down Itory of Kansas attests its strengtho




Sir, how does it happen that no man has yet the delegates who signed the constitution, and
been found with Democracy sound enough to bear  could not cast a single vote.  How, then, can it
up against the air of Kansas? Four Governors  be said that this was a convention of delegates of
have been appointed in the space of about thirty  the people; and, as such, entitled to speak for
months, from among the wisest and best of our  them, act for them, and bind them? Under such
party, and now the office is again vacant.  How   circumstances, are a people left " free to form and
comes this? It finds its solution in the fact that regulate their domestic institutions in their own
6' Democracy is morality," and unable to coun-  way?"
tenance so gross and palpable ausurpation as has    A further objection exists to the composition of
always existed there.  Those four high officers  this convention.  Its members not only did not
hlave all returned to us, speaking the same Ian-  represent a majority, but those who controlled its
guage, uttering the same words-that sovereignty  action procured theirelection bya fraud. The delis crushed out there. And what answer is made  egates fiom Douglas county, including the presito this? A southern paper gives it, in declaring  dent of the convention, suspected of a design to
they are to be marked-their ears cut and tails  fasten a constitution upon the people without subsplit; they are to be read out.  Take care, sir,  mitting it to them for theiracceptance or rejection,
that you do not read out the whole North.  In  issued the following card:
the great political contest of 1856, how our energies were taxed to the utmost! Every vote was   i" It having been stated by that Abolition nerspaper, the
of importance-of vast importance-not to the  Herald of Freedom, and by some disaffected bogus DemloNorth merely, but to the South-ay, to the South! crats, who have got up an independent ticket, fbr the purHow they trembled there!  "Sectionalism " they  pose of securing the vote of the Black Republicans, that the
thought~would p~revail.        regular nominees of the Democratic convention were opthought would prevail.  Looking  back upon  posed to submitting the constitution to the people, we,  t
that fearful struggle, may we not well pause long  candidates of the Democratic party, submit the following
enough to inquire what will probaly be the result resolutions, which were adopted by the Democratic convenaf future battles, when soldiers are so unceremo-  tion which placed us in nonination, and which we fully
and heartily indorse, as a complete refutation of the slanders
niously shot, at a time when they can be so illy  above referred to.
spared?. JOHN CALHOUN      A. W. JONES,
I have not forgotten the almost impenetrable                w. s. WELLS,      H. BUTCIER,
gloom vhich overhung my own State, and con-                   L. S. BOLaING,    JOHN M. WALLACE,
sequently the whole country, during the fierce                Wt. T. SPICELY,  L. A. PRATJ ER.
conflict to which I have alluded. It was then that   LECOMPTON, KANSAS TERRITORY, JeLse 13, 1857."
the persuasive voice of one who now fills a place   (" Resolved, That we will support no man as a delegate to
the constitutional convention, whose duties it will be to
near the person of the President was heard in our  frame the constitution of the future State of Kansas and to
midst, proclaiming the right of Kansas to be self-  mold the political institutions under which we, as a people,
g overned, and expressing his determination, as a  are tolive, unless he pledges himself fully, freely, and withson of the South, to carry out the will of her peo-  out reservation, to use every honorable means to submit the
same to every bona fide actual citizen of Kansas, at the
ple.  His present high position was bestowed  proper time for the vote being taken upon the adoption by
upon him, doubtless, in consequence of the in-  the people,in orderthat the said constitution may be adopted
fluence it was his fortune then to exercise. I fear  or rejected by the actual settlers in this Territory, as the niahis friends who, at that time, listened to him with  jority of the voters shall decide."
so much true pleasure, were not prepared for the    These men, by this act of baseness, not only
intelligence which just before our meeting flashed  accomplished their election, but placed the conalong the telegraphicwires, that the President and  vention within their own control.  Am  I to be
his Cabinet were a unit in favor of the admission  taught that our institutions can only be supported
of Kansas into the Union under the Lecompton  by public virtue, and then asked to defend such
constitution.  But their greatest regret will, per-  a proceeding as I have indicated, upon the ground
haps, be that they have forfeited the favorable re-  that it is sovereign, republican, and binoing upon
gard of one in whose behalf they have taken so  the citizen? This is felon sovereignty.
strong an interest, for the reason that they learned    The injustice of the course pursued towards the
too well the salutary lessons he inculcated.      people of Kansas is very distinct. They are by
I cannot follow this digression further, although  law empowered to form their institutions in their
not unprofitable, but must resume my argument.  own way; and yet the supporters of the LecompI deny that the Lecompton convention represented  ton convention require them to adopt particular
the sovereignty of the people, for another reason.  forms to make known that will, not because the
In the election of its members, a majority of those  bona fide settlers approve of them, but because
really entitled to vote were completely disfran-  their supporters approve of them.  If one tenth
chised.  It was thus made to be the representative  maintain the legislation originating the constituof a minority merely.  In the language of Gov-  tion, and nine tenths repudiate and condemn it,
ernor Walker, " it had vital, not technical, defects  can it be said the instrument is the offspring of
in the very substance of its organization under  sovereignty?  But suppose every votable inhabthe territorial law."  Out of thirty-four counties  itant had sanctioned the call of a convention, and
composing election districts, and in which it was  yet a large majority should condemn the work
requisite a census should be taken and voters re-  of such a body when finished: would not a plain,
gistered by officers appointed by the Legislature  common-sense interpretation of the organic act
itself, nineteen had no census taken and no rep-  require us to reject it? The proposition is too
resentation assigned them, and fifteen had no re-  plain for argument.  I will merely inquire what
gistry of voters, and could not, therefore, vote at  the sentiment of the people is; and when I learn
all. The nineteen counties were a majority of all  that, by employing such means as are likely to
tlhe counties, and were unrepresented; the fifteen  reveal it, I will aid it, whether I can sanction their
counties had more votes than were given to all  conclusions or not. Anything else would fall




short of giving a popular government; it would be  publican party has been, that the Democracy were
but a government of force or fraud.             not to be trusted on questions involving the inI deeply regret that those who support the Le- terests of slavery, and that their management of
compton constitution have not rested that support Kansas affairs afforded the sustaining proof. It
upon a principle, but upon expediency. As I read  will not do for us to say that it produced no effect
the message of the President, he sanctions it in  upon the public mind. We were constrained to
order that the country may get rid of the excite- admit the policy, although we denied the justice
ment which has so long prevailed on the subject. of the appeal. In Pennsylvania, within sight of
What excitement, pray? That which has been  Wheatland, the home of the present Chief Magiscaused by repeated acts of violence, smothering  trate, an impression had been made against us.
the popular will, and gagging the popular voice. The reply was ready and potent, that Mr. BuIts language is:                                chanan, having favored the extension of the Mis"C When once admitted into the Union, whether with or souri compromise to the Pacific, had favored the
without slavery, the excitement beyond her own limits will exclusion of slavery from the territory north of
speedily pass away, and she will then, for the first time, be  that line, including Kansas; that he was a northleft, as she ought to have been long since, to manage her
own affairs in her own way. If her constitution on the subject of slavery, or on any other subject, be displeasing to a white laborer, and likely, for that reason, to see
majority of the people, no human power can prevent them  full justice done him; that he had proved himself
from changing it within a brief period."         honest, and as the resolves of his party bound him
In my judgment a principle should never be sac- to the doctrine of popular sovereignty, and the
rificed to expediency. But I deny the expediency  sentiment in Kansas was most unmistakably for
of the course recommended, and the argument to  a free State, there could be no doubt he would see
sustain it is, to my mind, unfortunate. The Presi- the organic act fully and impartially carried out,
dent says: " if her constitution on the subject of  and slavery repressed.  Confidence was reistabslavery, or on any other subject, be displeasing  lished and a Democratic victory achieved. If the
to a majority of the people, no human power can  recent message could have been then anticipated,
prevent them  from  changing it within a brief  I do not hesitate to express my conviction that
period."  The organic act promises the people  Pennsylvania would have cast an immense mathat they may " form and regulate their domestic  jority ofher votes against him.  His old congresinstitutions in their own way;" now they are told  sional district-a part of which I have the honor
they should take a fundamental law, in the making  to represent-I am satisfied would have spoken in
of which they had no part, and of which they  a very different voice. You know but little of the
totally disapprove, because " no human power  present feeling in Pennsylvania if you suppose
can prevent them from changing it within a brief her sons can be induced to support the views of
period."  Now, at the time they seek admission  the Executive regarding.the Lecompton conveninto the Union, oppression forces institutions up- tion. There is an accusation of bad faith, and I
on them; but when admitted, that hand will be  confess I have felt myself unable to answer it, and
withdrawn and they will regain their rights. consequently unwilling to attempt it.
This is sovereignty with suspended animation.      It was not alone in Pennsylvania our party
In opposition to the proposed policy of forcing  committed itself to a faithful expression of the popupon the people what, they do not want, I place  ular wish in Kansas. North and South, throughthe Democratic doctrine of popular sovereignty,  out the States, it was pledged in the most solemn
which will give to the people what they do want. terms to the same thing. There was no conflict
The President requires us to take a new but ragged  of political opinion in the different sections of the
garment, and attempts to comfort us by saying  Union; all acknowledged the obligation of the
it can be patched and made sound.  I will never  principle of the Nebraska-Kansas bill, and all extraffic in goods which are defective, and will not pressed their unfaltering determination to defend
wear, if 1 know it, notwithstanding I may buy, the sovereign will of the people, whether its exothers if I do not like them. I will never barter  pression was for freedom or slavery. That these
truths for errors, knowing that I may support the  declarations were honestly made I do not doubt;
latter by sophistries. I believe, with Milton,  the Cincinnati platform had then but recently been
that-.                              constructed, and all seemed to fully understand
"Truth is strong! Next to the Almighty, she needs no  it. The resolution, to which I more especially
policies, no stratagems, no licensings to make her victo- refer, was demanded by the South, and fully acrious." ~                                        cepted by the North. This demand was occaAnd I will follow her wherever she may lead.  sioned, doubtless, by a fear of the former that the
If from power, then I am against power. If from  latter was more or less unfriendly to the new
the mass, then I am against the mass. If from  territorial legislation. The principle of this legismy friends, then I am against my friends. If into  lation was hence reasserted and embodied, and
solitude and the desert, I will make her my com- became the bond of Democratic fellowship. It is
panion forever.                                 too plain for misconstruction even now:
The rules of the House deny me the time to   ", Resolved, That we recognize the right of the people of
pursue this branch of my argument further, how-  all the Territories, including Kansas and Nebraska, acting
ever much I may desire to do so. I shall noyw |through the legally and fairly-expressed will of a majority
contend that, to adopt the course recommended by | of actual residents, and whenever the number of their incontend that, to adopt th course recommended b   habitants justifies it, to form aconstitution, with orwithout
the President to Congress to support the action of domestic slavery, and be admitted into. the Union upon
the Lecompton convention, would be to violate the  terms of perfect equality with the other States."
manifold and manifest pledges of the Democratic    It did not speak for Kansas merely but for " all
party touching the doctrine of popular sover- the Territories."  " The people of all the Terrieignty in the Territories.                      tories, including Kansas and Nebraska, acting
The main or principal ground taken by the Re-  through the legally and fairly-expressed will of




7
a majority of actual residents" are to form consti-  establish that there was then an anxious wish on
tutions.  And here, let me observe, that in no  the part of the President that the people of the
other way are constitutions to be formed.  The  Territory should be fully protected in the exercise
resolution follows the act of Congress in indica-  of their right to vote upon their constitution.  I
ting the mode in which constitutions are to be  repeat his words: "They must be protected in
formed, namely, by " the people acting through  the exercise of their right to vote for or against the
the legally and fairly-expressed will of a major-  instrument."  Not in their right to vote for or
ity of actual residents."  It was thus emphati-  against a part of the instrument, but the instruecally announced that a constitution could not be  met —the whole instrument.
given to Kansas in any but the one way. Again,    The Union, the organ of the Administration, of
I say, the party was trusted, and it triumphed.   the 7th of July last, seems fully to appreciate the
The inaugural address of the new  President  ground then held by the President, and, in deevinced a clear comprehension of the grounds  fending that position, gives a most satisfactory
upon which his election had been accomplished,  reason for assuming it.  I will read an extract
and a determination to observe the most perfect from that paper of the date named:
good faith.  In speaking of the Territories its lan-," When there is no serious dispute upon the constitution,
guage was:                                            either in the convention or among the people, the power of
" It is the imperative and indispensable duty of the Gov-  the delegates aloiie may put it in operation. But such is not
emnment of the United States to secure to every resident  the case in Kansas. The most violent struggle this country
inhabitant tile free and independent expression of his opin-  ever saw, upon the most important issue which the Constiion by his vote. This sacred right of each individual mlust tution is to determine, has been going on there for several
be preserved'"                                       years, between parties so evenly balanced that both claim
the majority, and so hostile to one another that numerous'his is not a passage framed for the purpose  lives have been lost in the contest. Under these circumof ambiguity; it removes all doubt, if any ex-  stances there can be no such thing as ascertaining clearly
isted before, as to the conviction of the speaker,  and without doubt, the will of the people in any way except
that "ethe  free atnd independent expression of his iby their own direct expression of it at the polls. A constithait " the free and independent expression of his  tution not subjected to that test, no matter what it contains,
opinion by his vote" must be secured "to every  will never be acknowledged by its opponents to be anvthing
resident" of Kansas, at all times.  Here was a  but a fraud."    *   *   *   *   *    "We do most
conclusion reached; and we find the President,  devoutly believe that unless thee constitution of Kansas be
submitted to a direct vote of the people, the unhappy conafterwards, consistently and persistently carrying   troversy which has heretofore raged in that Territory will
it out.  Be it remembered " the resident" of Kan-  be prolonged for an indefinite time to come."
sas was to be secured in the " free and independeit expression of his opinion by his vote." Theo an swer to all th                     that other Staes
have been admitted into the Union without subPresident of the United States had so determined;  have been admitted into the Union without 
and with this purpose fixed, he insisted upon the  mitting their constitutions to a popular vote.  It
would not be an answer if such had been the case
Hon. Robert j. Walker accepting from him the
appointment of Governor  of Kansas, to effectu-  with each and every one of the eighteen admnitted
ateit.  The reason for selecting  the individual  States.  If there were a thousand precedent cases
ate it.  The reason for selecting the individual
named, is to be found in the fact that there was a  of States so admitted, where there was noserious
perfect agreement of the two as to the course to  dispute among the citizens as to the particular
be pursued.  This is lmost evident from the let-  form of their institutions, they would fall short of
ter of Governor Walker accepting the appoint-  affording an argument for the admission of one
ment, and friom  the instructions issued to him.  where such difficulty does exist. Kansas is a case
In the letter alluded to Governor Walker says:        standing by itself; it has no parallels; it is not to
" I understand that you and your Cabinet cordiallyconcur  be illustrated by precedent.  Its feature are pecuin the opinion expressed by me, that the actual bona fide  liar-anomalous; and the circumstances surroundresidents of the Territory of Kansas, by a fair and regular  ing it such as never before surrounded the invote, unaffected by fraud or violence, must be permitted, in  choate State.  To it popular sovereignty most
ndoptinlg their State constitution, to decide for themselves
what shall be their social institutions. This is the great 
findamental principle of the act of Congress organizing that ical party, the President of the United States, the
Territory, affirmed by the Supreme Court of the United  Governor of the Territory, all declared the people
States, and is in accordance with the views.uniformly ex-  should have just such republican institutions as
pressed by me throughout my public career. I contemplate           d
a peaceful solution of this question by an appeal to the
intelligence and patriotism of the people of Kansas, who  people as the means to determine the popular will.
should all participate fully and freely in this decision, and  The people now ask that such vote may indicate
by a majority of whose votes the decision must be made, as  their wishes.  All sovereignty reside in the peothe only and constitutional mode of adjustment.       pe, and o  dmitted principle refuses its exerci
"' I will go, then, and endeavor to adjust these difficulties, pie, and no admitted principle refuses its exercise
in the full confidence, as strongly expressed by you, that I  in the mode desired.  Why shall they not, then,
will be sustained by all your own high authority, with the  speak at the polls?
cordial coiiperatiom of all your Cabi~net.'"            Here I pause for a moment.  In looking back
The instructions to this officer are equally con-  from the point now  reached, we see the Demelusive of the fact:                                  ocratic party and the President have alike pur" The institutions of Kansas should be established by the  sued a comparatively new, yet well-defined and
votes of the people of Kansas, unawed and uninterrupted  strongly-marked policy.  The Missouri comproby force and fraud.                                   mise line, after continuing for years, is found tO
"When such a constitution shall be submitted to the  be too restrictive; the common territory of the
people of the Territory, they must be protected in the exercise of their right to vote for or against the instrument, and  nation should be open to the occupancy of our
the fair expression of the popular will must not be interrupt-  citizens in common.  The Nebraska-Kansas bill
ed by fraud or violence."                             is enacted, and the people of the Territories are to
But the letter and instructions, as quoted, are   formn" as they are to "regulateS' their "domestic
proof of a much more important matter than that  institutions."  In the North  and in the South
for which I have used them, for they conclusively  the doctrine is accepted, and eagerly they push




forward their respective schemes for colonizing  repeat points raised in the earlier portion of my
Kansas, for now numbers shall control the insti- remarksto assistthis branch of my argument, and
tutions there. By river and by land the emigra- I do not think it necessary to do so. I can only
tion hastens forward, and the cabin is scarcely  use this general expression, that, in my opinion,
prepared for shelter before the struggle for power, the course now recommended to us by the Presifor control, commences, anditis grasped and held  dent in his message is unjust to, because inconby the friends of the South. It is alleged that sistentwith, himself, andwouldif carried out,rob
strangers to the soil, Missouri borderers, decide  the Nebraska-Kansas act of its vital principle, and
the contest: the reply is, you shall not inquire as  stand as an accusing record against the good faith
to that, or any other matter; the people rule. The  of the Democratic party, crippling it for years to
hasty and surperficial observer declares the South  come, if not destroying it for the future. In such
has gained an undue advantage over the North, an event, where is that strong hand which is to
and a sound of exultation is heard around us and  lay hold of the rudder and still direct the ship of
in the distance. Thus baffled in the Territories, State, freighted with the hopes of mankind, in her
will the North, aspiring to executive power, still coum-se of material greatness and increasing glory?
adhere to that sovereignty which has failed her? What, in that day, will constitute the breakwater
She must do so, or abandon her long-cherished  against which fanaticism shall dash in its wild fury
object.  The pledge is presented to her; she  as the hurricane may bear it fiom the North or the
accepts it boldly, and repeats to the world what South? How will then fare the Union, with which
the faint-hearted believe is to degrade herfree-born  we are everything, without which we are nothing?
and undaunted sons:                                Do you believe you can satisfy the country of
"We recognize the right of the people of all the Territo- the
ries, including Kansas and Nebraska, acting through the  the     planting slavery on that soil,
legally and ftirly expressed will of the majority of actual from which the Missouri compromise excluded it,
residents; and whenever the number of their inhabitants upon the newest doctrine that it should be left
justifies it, to form a constitution, with or without domestic  to the laws of climate and production alone, and
slavery, and be admitted into the Union upon terms of per- that neither of these will eclude it? that popufect equality with the other States."           that nether of these wil exclude t  that popuThere is a hand-to-hand encounter. Now, lar sovereignty, applied by the legislation of 1854
to the rule of the Territories of the United States,
out the land, " the will of the majority, legally  maybe trampled under foot upon the pretense that
y   forms of law have been duly observed in estaband fairly expressed, shall be the law of the Territories."  It is barely uttered before an attempt lishing it? tha popular elections may be carried
is made to stifle it; for in the far Northwest the  under solemn guarantees to the voter and all
South has been outcolonized, and slavery is likely  pledges be broken the moment they have perto be excluded from the soil. We were not pre-formed their work? that the principal may inpared for this; for if the act of a minority, or, at  structtheagent,andtheagent,byfaithfully oheybest, a doubtful majority, can, for the time, es-  ng  the  instructions given, shall render himself
tablish a domestic institution, an actual majority  obnoxious the just indignation of his speshould be able to form and regulate and perpet  rior? that that Territory is self-govern    hose
uate other or abll domestic institutions.   perat- highest law is made and riveted upon it by a conuate other or all domestic institutions.
The Democratic party and the President were  vention in whose composition one half the Terrihonest in their support of popular sovereignty.          unrepresented anddisfranchised,which
was ordained  by a Legislature  never acknowlThis was not-only the case before, but after the  was ordained by a Legislature never acknowlelection. Onwas  no ol the r hypothesis can you account the  edged because never elected? in short, that all is
for their early,distinct,and repeated avowals of it.
The President intended to enforce it in Kansas  kept in Kansas, when they know that nine tenths
literally and truly. There had never been but one  of her citizens,actngtoether, ae unable to peinterpretation given to it by the party of which he vent the adoption of institutions which they never
can acknowledge  without disgrace?
was, the head, and he understood it clearly.  It
was, that the fundamental law, the constitution,    Do you believe you can satisfy the country of
all this? I tell you here to-day plainly that the
which gave form and regulation to their instit-     this?  I tell you here today plainly that the
ot be imse   northern Democracy never will be able to satisfy
tions, all their institutions, should not be iposed  northern men of these things. Unlike the ancient
upon the people until sanctioned and adopted by
a vote of the eajority. If such was not the case, knight, those who support this strange policy will
a vote of the majority. If such was not the case,
how came it that the President did not at once r- be known, althouh they may change thecolor
pudiate the action of Governor Walker in giving  of their armor at every charge they make hereafter. The time has come at last, and not too
assurance that the Lecompton convention must
submit their constitution to a vote, or it would be  soon, when a new requisition will be made by
rejected by Congress?  How could he pass over        northern                earnest and   manly
this sentence, in the address of that officer to the     of northern honor and of northern rights,
people of the Territory, without notice?       whilst giving the utmost demands of justice to
" Kansas never can be brought into the Union, with or thei brethren of the South.  If unpardoable to
without slavery, except by a previous solemn decision, insist upon so much equality, then we have
fully, fi-eely, and fairly made by a majority of her people, in  reached the end of national platforms, and the
voting for or against the adoption of the State constitution."  beginning of sectional Presidents-to my mind the
It must be conceded that the President approved  last calamity to be survived; for then will begin
of GovernorWalker's course, and that it required  those acts of aggressive interference which, leadhim to do so to make his own course consistent, ing to protracted and desolating wars, must end
and the party true to their avowals.            in establishing among children of the same blood
I here leave the discussion. I am unwilling to  the cruel relation of conqueror and captive.
n-rinted at the Congressional Globe Office.




SOIUT1ERN S:ECTIONALISEM.
SPEECH
OF
HON. JOHN HICKMAN, OF PENN.
Delivered in the U..  ouse of Representatives,  ay 1,180.
Mr. HICKMAN said:                      I end of our republican experiment will be at
-Mr. CHAIRMAN: I will answer to God and i hand. But if it lacks undisguised defence, it
my country much that has been said on the has its patrons in all those who are laboring
Administration side of this House. I speak of for exclusive legislation, who would build up
sectionalism —a subject frequently named here and fortify one portion of our country upon
and throughout the country, but never exam- the ruins of another, and who would forget
ined or discussed, and, consequently, but im-  that our Government secures to us a common
perfectly comprehended. The word has long destiny.
served the demagogue for clap trap, and has   There is a sectionalism in acts, if not in ad.
furnished the alarmist with all his stock in vocacy. The North have long suffered from ittrade. More, doubtless, is to be heard of it in in their commerce, their manufactures, their
the future; and as we of the Democratic party, agriculture, their mechanic arts, their equality,
who are unwilling to baptize the folly and cor- and their inherent political rights and powers.
ruption of the present Administration into wis- We have long borne wrongs and forborne comdom and propriety, are charged with fostering plaints; we have asked, and been denied; we
and encouraging it, I may, perhaps, be toler- have begged, and been spurned; we have strugated for an hour in the statement of a few plain gled, and been overcome. Through our timidfacts, which, strangely enough, in this con- ity, our subserviency, and our strifes, have we
nection, seem to have been overlooked or for- failed in our claims, our petitions, and our
gotten.                                   trials. We have solicited when our rights were
Sectionalism arises as well from the omis- plain; we have implored when we should have
sion of acts as the commission of acts; in demanded; we have divided when we should
withholding from a portion of the people what'have been united. For this we should not
they properly demand, as well as in aggression blame the South, but the North; and not so
upon-legal and well-defined rights. Our Gov- much the people of the North as the politicians
ernment was intended by its founders to confer of the North. We have been cursed by a breed
equal benefits, and to impose equal responsi- of men who represented themselves, and not
bilities; and whenever it shall fail in either of their constituencies; and at last, as was right,
these objects, complaints will necessarily and their selfishness was unrewarded, their ambijustly arise. Then will it have lost that pe- tion uncrowned, and their treachery rebuked..
culiar feature which gives to it all its winning They have granted boons without returns;:
charm and beauty, and there will be nothing have compromised and lost all. If we have
left of it to be especially desired.      not been utterly sacrificed, it has not been beSectionalism, as I understand it, is inequal- cause our leaders have not deserted us. If we
ity and injustice, and can have no open defend- have grown and prospered, it has been because
er. It ends where monarchy and absolutism  of God's favor, and not of man's help.
begin, and therefore can never be tolerated or   Sir, if ninety Representatives in this Hall
countenanced in a land of liberty. A tenden- can control one hundred and forty-seven; if
cy toward it is the surest sign of degeneracy thirty Senators yonder can govern thirty-six;
and decay, and, when once established, the if fifteen feeble States can rule over eighteen




2
powerful ones; if minorities can overcome is the agitation of questions connecting themmajorities, and weakness strength, let us not selves with slavery; and I would impress this
further degrade ourselves by whining corn- truth upon the public mind, that it is the deplatnts against the former; but let use in as termination to extend rather than reduce that
manly a way as we may be able to do so, ac- institution which has arrayed the sections in
knowledge their superiority over us, and have apparent, if not actaal, hostility. Each suc.
it written down in the archives of the nation, ceeding day but makes it the more evident
that our children may understand it, and learn that slavery expansion is the omnipresent and
their plain duty from it. If any one supposes ruling consideration, alike in theology, in poliI entertain a feeling of animosity towards my tics, and government. If I am mistaken, why
Southern brethren, let me here ai*l now dis- d:o churches wrangle, and then sever?  What
abuse him. I commend them; I admire them  has threatened periodically the stability of the
for their boldness and success. But whilst I Union,?  How will -you account for the widedo so, I have an unspeakable contempt for that spread alarm of 1850, arndthe misnamed compusillanimity which enables them to exercise promises of that year?  Why do our chief offithe one and to accomplish the other. I would cers become intemperate partisans instead of
have them  imitated in their State pride and temperate rulers?  Whence arises the neceslack of gold-greediness; in their zeal, their en- sity for subverting party principles, changing
ergy, their frankness, and their skill. If we party policy, and destroying party platforms?
were more like them, we would suffer less, and In what direction shall we look for that powerful
they would respect us more. They would not agency which distinguishes between equals; in
then secure all the powers of Government, and the one case conferring sovereignty, and in the
all the patronage of office. Our Northern  other withholding it?  Whose cupidity is ever
Presidents would be full-grown men; com- reaching out frantically to seize the native Af.
manders-in-chief of the army and navy; exe- rican, and to clutch bordering domains; giving
cuting the laws, suppressing incipient treason, material aid and defence to the filibuster and
and maintaining the spirit of our institutions. land pirate'; provoking proclamations of war
Our cringing Buchanans would be moulded from abroad, and inciting to bootless instrucinto inflexible Jacksons, and the times of hon- tions for order at home?  And to what cause
esty and confidence, of quiet and good feeling, shall we attribute the perpetual failure of all
would be restored.                          measures conducive to agricultural and meInstead of this order and harmony, which chanical growth and development?
should characterize a common brotherhood, we   Mr. Chairman, in the last half of the eighhave become discordant, and oftentimes almost teenth century, when the republican patriots
belligerent. For the last ten years, at least, of France and America affirmed the freedom
has this been the unhappy condition of our and equality of all men by birth and nature,
country.  Sectionalism has been nursed and our colonies accepted the declaration as an
animated, until it has become the fruitful and axiom, and rested upon it as the rock of their
commanding parent of all our national afflic- hope. Around it they kindled and fed the fires
tions, not a sectionalism from the North, but of the Revolution; and shivering and in rags
from  the South; not springing from the few  upon the ice of winter, and fainting and wasted
who have been unable to learn the  comrn- upon the sands of summer, they defended it
promises of the Constitution and the value of with their lives, their fortunes, and their honor.
our fathers' compact, but from the many who, They saved it and consecrated it. On it rests
feeling their weakness, have united for strength; all our institutions.  It is the great shrine
a sectionalism not generated in the bracing air which our fathers covered with their blessings,
which cools the brow of the virtuous and intel- as the Cherubim covered with their wings the
ligent laborer, but of the fetid and feverish at- ark of the covenant of the Lord. Now it is asmosphere of rice swamps and cotton fields; saulted so frequently, it neither excites interest
not cultivated in green pastures, beside still nor occasions remark. A new gospel has been
waters, but upon plains burnt and blasted, as preached to the nation, and the man who valby hurricanes of fire; a sectionalism not of the ues either his character or repose will be carefarm and workshop, but of the lounge, the ful not to molest the modern orthodoxy by vain
hammock, and the veranda. It is not plebeian, attempts to resuscitate the past. Those traitor
but a gentlemanly thing, that awes Presidents, zealots, who were so misguided as to give their
fascinates lawgivers, and directs the ship of labors to God and posterity, died too soon to
state. Now it is gentle and persuasive, then learn the lie they had advocated, and how little
fierce and persistent, and at all times untiring they had achieved. It' is well it was so, for
and  triumphant.  It possesses no inherent they barely escaped the day when, if living,
force; our connivance alone arms it. It is they would have been followed and taunted by
the emblem upon the shield of Alcibiades: as derisive and detractive epithets; and when a
the child it would be mild and harmless, but Federal chief, sitting giddy-headed in the chair
we give it the thunderbolt, and make it fearful of Washington and Jefferson, would have open,
and destructive.                            ed upon them the vials of his indecent wrath,
The cause of our distraction and dissension and demanddd them in sacrifice, to appease




3
the vengeance of those who must always de- striven long because we loved well, and we
spise him. Largely connected with the insti- gathered victory because we were devoted.
tution, they did not permit the consideration of We have branded treason, rebuked fanaticism,
slavery to interfere with the discharge of that and kept the faith. And now, having thus
plain duty they believed they owed the cause acted, strategy makes use of our patriotism to
of mankind.  Thinking it right to rebuke overcome us. Those in the South for whose
wrong, they did so in plain and unambiguous rights and welfare we have struggled and exlanguage.  They were not theorists merely, hausted ourselves through long and arduous
but practicalists. They looked forward to an campaigns, feeling our passion for the Union
unconfined-liberty, and declared absolute, per- to be our weakness, break in  upon our needed
petual bondage inimical to the education, opin- rest, and startle our fears with its threatened
ions, social life, and every, moral quality of dissolution. This cry always comes from the
those who were surrounded by it. We are not same quarter, and is sectional. It has been
permitted to follow either their example or wonderful, magical in its office. It has setheir precepts. Silence, even, will not leave cured tribute, subsidies, and esteem. Where
us unmolested. We are now required, under our judgments would deny, our hearts have
the impending pains and penalties of party granted; and, stung by our wrongs, we have
anathemas and proscription, to declare the en- even caressed their cause. This cry that has
slavement of a weaker race to be patriarchal so often startled the nation in the past, "the
and heaven-ordained; and that those who Union is in danger," has by no means been a
fought our battles, and framed and-shaped our groundless one. It has been in danger. It
Government, were banded infuriates and silly has been placed in surroundings of danger by
philanthropists. In this land, there are as yet no the political speculator, for the mere purpose of
chains forged for the intellect, which may not be having it saved. It will be again in danger;
broken; and wd-will never allow either our faith how frequently it may be so, it is not for me
or our confidence to be skackled. It was this to predict; but this I will venture to declare,
exaction made of believing Christians, to array that danger will periodically assail it, until the
themselves against the sentiment of the world, lessons of justice shall be better learned on the
and to proclaim slavery a sacred institution, one hand, or concessions shall be refused upon
which has divided the churches, and laid the the other. Whenever that danger has existed,
foundation for that remarkable propagandism  security, transient from  its very nature, has
which professes to rely upon the Divine favor been easily purchased, and always at the same
for its ultimate ascendency and success. The price-by weakening the strength of one porconquest of the Southern church to the sane- tion of the Union, and by strengthening the
tion and interests of slavery has given it a city weakness of another portion of the Union.of refuge which it always before lacked, and The consumptive system  of slavery can no
has made it bold in the enormity of its de- longer feed upon itself and live. It is to be
mands. We are required to fall down and nourished by milk drawn from- the healthy
worship it. This is a sectional view that we breast of vigorous liberty. The sinking ennever can sanction; and we appeal to the jus- ergies of the one are to be invigorated and
tice of God and the moral sense of men to sus- sustained at the expense of the stalwart natutain us in our refusal.                    ral energies of the other. In this way, is an
The effort to justify the origin of slavery, equilibrium to be maintained in the Republic.
however it may be regarded by those taught The laws of God and nature are to be counterin a different theology, cannot be more objec- acted, and principles of vastly unequal forces,
tionable than the means used to coerce them  and always at war with each other, are to be
into its adoption. Some of these it is my pur- made coequal by human enactments. Shall
pose to refer to; and I regret that I do not God or man rule? Shall the temporal law
command the time to speak of them with that repeal the eternal law?  If the Union is to be
particularity which is demanded by their im- preserved, it will be by bulwarks, and not by
portance.                                  flight. Secession, now so flippantly promised,
The people of the Northern States entertain is a violation of more than sworn obligation;
a loyal attachment to the' Constitution and the it is worse than treason; it is the destruction
Union.  Those who would deny the declara- of the happiness of a numberless posterity; it
tion have fallen into the mistake of assuming earns the felon's death; and we trust its punthe singularities of a few to be a type of the ishment first to him  whom we shall call to
mass. We will maintain the Federal compact preside over- our destinies; and if he fails us,,
in its integrity.' There is no law, written, or- then to self-preservation and the unconqueraganic, or statute, against which we will raise ble energies of truth, as it presides in the
the hand ofrebellion; and we are fast forming hearts of educated freemen.
the determination to restrair others from doing   The years from 1844 to 1850, inclusive, wilD
so. There is no record of a time when we fell long be remembered, from the most remark —
short of a discharge of our whole duty. We able, as it wasthe most bold and adroit sectionmai
have not only fought our, own battles, but the movement known to our history,. It had for. i4ts
battles of a common brotherhood. We have object a gigantic slavery extension, butade:



4
a;pretext very different in its form. It was upon the sovereign rights of the people. The
nothing less than the forcible acquisition of South seek the acquisition and tenure of the
one-half if not the whole of Mexico; for the'Perritories; and what better agency, let me inpurpose indicated, under color of the annex- quire, can they employ, to fortify themselves?
ation of Texas. It is worse than folly to sup- Once surrounding us by a belt of States which
pose that the determination to sustain what should regard our institutions as inimical to
the South call the balance of power, -but which theirs, we might well anticipate the fate of the
wotld be more appropriately named the suprem- Man in the Iron Shroud. With the powers of
acy of power, has only just been determined the General Goverlment thus placed beyond
upon. It has long been a settled policy with Uur control, the walls would constantly conSouthern leaders, recognising in it, as they do, tract upon us, until, at lst, we should be
the condition of the life of slavery. And how  crushed by the pressure; or, if left to su-rvive,
is the correctness of their view to be resisted? it would be upon some rugged mountain top,
That man who has read the history of his race, dwarfed to the  insignificance of San Mariand has not closed his eyes against the plain  no. Here I point to the cause and source of
teaching of events transpiring daily around that sectional antagonism  which must conhim, will never be;convinced that' there can be tinue until either the North or the South shall
an enduring peace between slavery and free- gain the ascendency. Time will cast our coundom. Truces may be agreed upon, but they try's horoscope; but let us still trust that it
will be like the compacts of kings, made to be will remain her good fortune to exercise a hubroken, whenever interest, ambitiion, passion, manizing and Christianizing sway over an inor progress, shall will it. Air lines may define jured and distorted humanity. There is such
rival States, but they never can bound conflict- a thing as "manifest destiny;" and the destiing sentiment. The vigorous and the true will ny of the South is perfectly manifest to every
invade the sickly and the false. The light of one except themselves.
the press, the mechanical agencies and other   Sir, a few foot-prints in the past point out unproductions of highly-cultivated art, the green- mistakably the direction in which events have
fields and profuise harvests of scientific agricul- been hurrying us. The least noticed of these,
ture, the wide-spread wings of prosperous corn- at the time, was the daring resolve of party
merce, and the flooding wealth of ceaseless leaders to set aside the expressed and known
thrift, are not to be restricted by river banks, or will of the Democratic voters in the selection of
corner stones, or parallels of latitude. These in- a Chief Magistrate. As Mr. Van Buren was
fluences are forever and ever at work. They cast off in this way, and without damage to
are your zealots, your- fanatics, your1 traitors, those engaged in the plot, it has never since
your abolitionists, eternally preaching of the been considered unsafe for a delegated body to
noblestitriumphs of civilization, and impressing engage in usurpation, or to give to their edicts
their lessons upon the hearts of the most incon- the force of obligation. This is a great missiderate and wayward. They are the invinci- chief, but by no means the most grievous reble autagonists of ignorance, indolence, sterili- sult of the act; for upon it may be charged
ty, and poverty, and none- but the unwise or one of the greatest outrages, as I conceive, our
disingenuous should attempt to deny i'. When people have ever been called upon to endure.
you can wall them in. you can control the tray- I allude to the enactment of the compromise
els of reason and the mightiest impulses of hu- measures of 1850, and the fruits they have prominanity. Then you may " bind the influences duced. By the great body of the then domiof Pleiades, aud loose the bands of Orion." nant party of the country, Mr. Van Buren had
Then you may" bring forth Mazzaroth in his been virtually placed in nomination for the
season," and "guide Arcturus with his sons."  Presidency; but because he failed to see that
It is not the handful of men planting sedi- necessfty for the immediate annexation of Texas
tion, and warring openly against legal institu- which was felt by others, delegates from Penntions and fundamental law, which- the States sylvania, even, who had given written pledges
South fear, and against whose acts they seek to sustain him, were among the earliest to sacprotection through expansion. It is the reflec- rifice their plighted faith and the wishes of
tion from  the whole surface of the States those they presumed to represent. The conNorth-their intelligence, skill, production, en- trivance was successful, and the issue born.
terprise, and prosperity, which threaten and But, I am glad to know, the monster proceeded
disturb, To foster and encourage these is to from  no Northern womb; we did but act
augment the danger. Not to attempt to coun- as midwives at the birth. The annexation
teract them  would indicate an abandonment achieved, as was foreseen by its parents, the
of the struggle-the breaking down of the Tra- war with Mexici, and an acquisition of her soil
jan bridge. I see here the cause of all the foreordained, as was supposed, for slavery,
agitation upon the slavery question, in Con- followed  as closely-linked  reslting  consegress and out of Congress, for the last fifteen quences. But -as God sometimes ventures to
years. -Herein lies the secret of the contests overrule:the plottings of men, even the wisest
for the Territories, the violation of covenants of men, an unseen hand was at work to disapand compromises, and the appalling aggressions point purposes, bringing good out of evil. As




Arlotta's bath in the brook, by attracting the return for acts of grace or good will, but seemattention of )Duke Robert of Normandy, led to ingly as a propitiation for the enormity of
*the establishment of the British empire, so a having petitioned for a plaik right. Such is
shovel-full of earth, carelessly thrown up near the statesmanship of karratry and the statesSuter's old fort, wrested Califorornia from blight manship of bungle, over which praises have
and mildew, and converted it into Arcadian  been sung to cover up disgrace.
pastures and vine-wreathed vales. The dis-   The South have a settled policy; the North
covery then made was the real philosopher's have none. The South have the policy of secstone, which gave a golden throne to Freedom, tional interest and advantage; the North lack
and planted her victorious banners on the even that of consistent and persistent opposishores of the broad Pacific.  So far, well; but tion. When they would make oblations to their
now the folly and submission began. Those peculiar institution, they clothe themselves in
who had secretly played with stocked cards for the mantle of a pretended patriotism, and dethe prize, and lost it, still made claim and  claim on the sacredness of the Constitution;
showed their hands; and the winners, always but when we venturie to ask a sustaining hand
magnanimous-rich in presentgains-agreed to for ours, they would disfigure us by attempts
pay bounty for their daring and their enterprise. to gird us with sackcloth, and filling our ears
Yes, California, with area enough to make with the yelp and taunt of sectionalism.  And
three States larger than New York, with a I should like some one to name to me a Presipopulation more than sufficient to entitle her dent who, within the last decade at least, has
to two Representatives in this Hall, and with  not contemptuously turned his back upon those
a Constitution desired by her people, was de- to whom he promised fairness, whose votes were
nied admission into the Union because of her necessaryto his promotion, and who really con-'choice of institutions, although purely republi- stitute the right arm of the nation. Let him be
can in their form. Preferring the energy and  named, if possible, for I confess I have never
productiveness of' white labor to the sloth and  known him, even by repute. They have allsterility of black, we were required, I may yes, all-been living commentaries'upon the
say constrained, to buy her in as a sister, and  insecurity of platform professions and the spirit
at a price fixed by the usurer. As I am on the of submission, if not forgiveness, in the besubject of sectionalism, it may be expected I trayed elector. The present Executive has not
should be particular as to the consideration  so much rendered himself notorious by his
yielded.                                     mere partiality, as he has by the disgusting
In the first place, we gave the fugitive subserviencydisplayed in his rule. His cajolery
slave law, and bound three million of adult free- and deception as a candidate have only been
men, engaged in professions, trades, and agri- excelled by his cynical demeanor to his true
culture, to leave their books and tools and  friends as an officer. He has valued phrases
plows, to seek after and retake the running  of flattery above the honest support of disinterproperty of those who refused the captors the ested friendship, and prefers retirement, amid'equality guarantied by the Constitution and the the execration of his neighbors, to the eulogies
justice demanded by the spirit of the Govern- which wait upon faithful service. A self-rely-'ment.                                      ing and self-sustaining manhood would induce
In the second place, having, by the resolu- him to look above and beyond the artificial or
tions of annexation, conceded to Texas, with a painted horizon by which the trickster seeks to'title to less than one hundred and seventy'thou- limit his vision, and not allow himself to be
sand square miles of teriitory, the astounding  made a partisan and dupe. But when we find
right to multiply her power-to divide and sub- our confidence betrayed, and decency insulted,
divide herself into at least five slave States, let us not blink the cause. Those communito be represented by at least ten Senators-we, ties which, harmonized by a common concern,
in the flooding of grateful hearts, but with eyes take advantage of our want of unity and purblinded as by cataracts, made her a free gift pose, impress the placeman and spoilsman with'of additional domain, sufficient in extent to the notion that they hold the keys of honor and
constitute two States as large as Ohio, and of fortune. There is something here to study
bound the public Treasury to pay her ten mil- and to learn.
lion of dollars and interest, that she might the    The South have necessities, and act upon
sooner avail herself of the monstrous preroga- them. The North have necessities, and sink
tives conferred upon her.                    into dreamy slumber. We fail to observe the
In the third place, although the father of steady steppings of the invader, but get into a
"the compromise measures"" declared that sla- frightful bustle when his guns begin to thunder
very did not exist, by law, in any of the terri- at our city walls. The South are vociferous
tory acquired from  Mexico, the demand was for party, as tong as its machinery works unmade, and agreed to, that it might be ex- erringly to their advantage. The North are
tended over Utah andSNew Mexico, comprising  satisfied with declarations of a governmental
near half a million squaremiles of surface. In  policy, without regard to its success; and exa word, these were the humiliating concessions:ult over platforms, whilst all their embodied
nMade to the South as far back as 1850, not in principles are being' violated. I cannot sanc



tion the course pursued, either by the South or- them a severe one-is between the rigid obby the North. It is unfair; it is unjust. That servance of existing law, which will shut out
of the South is sectional and aggressive; that slavery from the Territories by a popular vote,
of the North, yielding  and self-destructive. and Congressional intervention directly to exDeprecating anarchy and war, I desire, above elude it. The next census, if fairly taken, will
all things, an honest maintenance of the corn- show such a preponderance of population on
pact between these United States, in its integ- the side of the North as to convince the most
rity. Sustaining Democracy, I protest against skeptical on this point.
its being made a catch and a cheat. Born and    But there are more appalling evidences of
liviing in one of the most powerful, prosperous, the sectionalism I charge. These are found in
intelligent, and generous of the free States, I acts of glaring lawlessness and disorder, and
will not admit a right of superiority over our in the determination to cripple and impoverish
eitizens, either by nature, education, or grace. Northern labor.
In 1856, there was nothing better understood    Sir, there are eighteen States of this Union,
than the doctrines and pledges of the National and soon there will be twenty-three, extetnding
Democracy. They were plainly written, and from  the Atlantic to the Pacific and across
received but one interpretation. Popular soy- fifty-eight degrees of longitude, teeming with
ereignty over all domestic institutions was de- millions of men, controlling and directing the
dared to be as perfect and complete in the res- literature, commerce, agriculture, manufactures,
ident of a Territory as in the citizen of a State; and mechanic arts, of the whole country; fruitand that party bound itself to its faithful main- ful in peace, and able for war, who will not
tenance. If it was sound and undeniable before soon forget the early history of Kansas, and the
the election, it was not the less so afterwards. suffering of their friends and kinsmen there,
But no; it failed in practice. It failed to ac- through violence and fraud. It was there the
complish what it was believed by many it lesson was industriously taught and fully learnwould accomp'ish, and therefore it was repu- ed, that the rightful rule of the people over all
diated.  It failed to give Kansas to slavery. their institutions meant but the sanction and
It failed to make eight million of men, without acceptance of slavery; and that a President of
industrial habits and colonizing capacity, supe- the United States could be as false as other
rior to eighteen million with these auxiliaries, men. It was there the people ascertained, for
in their race for new sovereignties; and thence- the first time, that the power to form and regforward it was enrolled in the catalogue of hum- ulate institutions, conferred upon them by their
bugs. It failed to aid the sectional purposes organic act, and which Mr. Buchanan informed
of the South, and thenceforward to favor it, be- them  had an especial reference to slavery,
came heterodox; and all who have done so, would confer sovereignty, or deny it, just as its
from that day to this, have been branded with exercise might be congenial or uncongenial to
treason, and trodden down beneath the iron slavery; that the people of a Territory were
heel of a fear-struck, renegade President. The under a constitutional obligation to, legislate
end ought to have been seen from the begin- for its benefit, but could under no circumstanning.  On the 19th of Marcb, 1856, when this ces legislate against it; that a Territory was
doctrine was at the flood-tide of its popularity, virtually a slave State; that popular sovereignI ventured to use this language here:         ty, which before an election was admitted to be
" Sir, the supporters of that bill [the Kansas- alike in State and Territory, was a naked right'Nebraska bill] have proclaimed to the nation  and obligation to assist the South against the
that the Territories of the United States are  North in a contest between them, which was to
to constitute'a fair field, and that there is to end. in the superiority of the one and the infe-' be a' free fight' there, between the North and riority of the other; and that when a majority,
the South, to decide whether slavery or free- deceived by artifice, would notconsummate the
dom shall rule them. If the energy, the en- dishonesty, it should be perfected by ruffian in-' terprise, the active modes of life, the available vasion, stuffed ballot-boxes, and the bayonets'capital, and the numbers, of the North, shall of the Federal army. These States will not be
not be able to compete successfully with their likely to overlook all this. When they shall do'opposites in the South, and secure freedom  so, their future will be made up, and might as'to the Territories, then I will admit that there well be written out.'is a vitality and a power in slavery which we    Unfortunately, it is not permitted us longer'of the North have never dreamed of. In my to doubt the existence of Southern sectional' opinion, the. Representatives of the South schemes, and of the inefficiency alike of l4ws,' in the Thirty-third Congress'have sown the treaties, and proprieties, to restrain them. In'fire, and they will gather fire into their own the infancy and innocency of the Republic, the'garners.'"                                  inhumanity, criminality, and impolicy of the
I have only to add, that the correctness of slave trade were admitted, and denounced unmy views has been proven at an earlier day der severe penalties; now, however, intellithan I then anticipated, and that the pang of gence,. character- influence, and wealth, are
repentance now comes too late. The choice to directed in its favor. Although the Constitube mrade by the South-and I admit it is for tion looked to its suppression after the year




7
1808, the statutes made in pursuance thereof capital and labor, are invariably the least reare treated as unconstitutional, without any flective of our people, and those who are most
adjudication against them, and rewards offered  safely relied upon to make up party Convento the depraved and venal, to treat them as nul- tions, and so to shape their faces as to receive
lities. How this conduct may appear to others, a master's smile. The North ask but a fair
I cannot say  but to my mind it looks to the  share of the benefits of Government, and they
destruction oi Government, and comes with an  will soon have it, in the only way by which it
exceedingly ill grace from a quarter appealing  should be reached: by doing equal and exact
to a few:in the North, equally extreme in their justice, and by forcing others to follow their exnotions, to love and- abide by the law. Fed- ample. It is possible, I know, that, mortified
eral courts fail to punish the offenders; and he by defeat, those who drive us to this resolve
who all his life has breathed the air of free- may desire to follow the example of Sardanapdom, and sworn to execute the laws, gives to  alus, to fire the temple and perish in the flames 
them the strongest manifestations of his appro- but we will save both it and them.
bation and esteem. This movement, carrying    Sir, this discussion has been to me by no
with it, as it does, the plainest admission that means a pleasant one; but the general charge
the South require additional labor to cultivate  of fanaticism so constantly thundered against
their: lands; indeed, that their necessities in  the North, because of mere individual delin,
this respect are so overruling as to constrain  quencies, has become so nauseating, that I
them forcibly to subvert the very foundations have felt myself forced into it. I have stated
of all safe government, does not restrain them  my facts and drawn my conclusions. They are
from the significant absurdity of demanding for true and legitimate, and I throw them  before;
their slaves not merely the territory already be- the country, desiring but an impartial judgment
longing to the nation, but even Cuba, Central upon them. I criminate the accusers, and prove
America, and Mexico. If the South have any  them guilty of the charge they themselves prereason for aiding, encouraging, and shielding, fer. The South are the accusers, and sectionthe filibuster, which they are willing to declare, alism their accusation; and how can they exit is found, unquestionably, in this pretence. plain away the circitmnstances I have arrayed
This is, then, their position, and to the main- against them-requiring the church to justify
tenance of which, as I infer, they mean, sooner slavery; driving tho North intoan acquiescence
or later, to commit the Democratic party, and  in their demands, that the Union may be shieldto have recognised by Congressional action. ed; closing the doors against free States, until
It may be thus plainly stated: slaves are now  the capricious price fixed for their admission
so high in price, and lands so low, as to show  is paid; proselyting Presidents to Southern
a great demand for the former; and therefore  schemes; using the enunciations of party for
the foreign slave trade must be renewed, and  local and selfish purposes, by allowing or dethe laws abolishing it repealed. Then, again, nying sovereignty to the people, as their interslave territory must be added, to afford an out- ests may incline; disregarding the most sacred
let for surplus labor; andc to acquire it, trea- compacts and statutes, in reopening the slave
ties must be broken down, the national honor trade and encouraging land piracy to build up
tarnished, and the country, if needs be, em- slave States; and withholding all legislation
broiled in servile, civil, and foreign wars. Here, favoring the growth and prosperity of the North?
I presume, we are to look for that true conser- Certain it is, if the North ever entered the lists
vative nationalism  which, under the patron- for sectional profit, they have been far outizing guidance of Presidents, Cabinets, and  stripped in the race.
small officials, brands Northern devotion to the    Mr. Chairman, you value highly your title to
Union, the Constitution, the laws, and the  American citizenship, because it is honorable.
sound principles of republican government, as It has been made so by the natural operations
sectional and unfriendly. Such demands must of the political system under which we live.
be resisted to the last. They can mean but Our Constitution was framed in liberality and
one thing; and, unchecked, they can end in justice; and until recently we have all revbut one thing-unlimited slavery expansion, erenced it. Its humane principles, rather than
and the subjection of the North.             soil and climate, have made us a great nation.
Southern statesmen and politicians, resting  It recognises no birthright prerogatives, and
upon the conclusion, to force slavery into the  disposes, as far as possible, of all artificial dismastery over freedom, the North is not only to  tinctions between men. It records no single
be shackled, but weakened by starvation. Di- selfish thought; on the contrary, its philanrecting all their efforts to erect a line of slave  thropy is as broad as the earth. It has made
battlements around the free States, we could  our country a father to the fatherless, a refuge
scarcely expect them to strengthen our means for the pursued and persecuted-the citadel of
of resistance, and consequently we must not be  freedom. It has doubled our population, peosurprised to find all kindly and genial legisla- pled new States, increased productive entertion denied us. Those who see nothing signifi- privt, vindicated its origin, and established the
cant in the failure here, or in the Senate, of all sacred character of its mission. As far as hu.
measures conducive to the interests of Northern  man forecast can discover, the only obstacle




8
in the  road road of empire which Providence  away. Even now, no ocean strand lhiits the
seems to have marked out for tus, is the conflict force -of our example. We have a written hisof sectional institutions and interests. If this tory without a parallel in the annals of our
cannot be prevented, it certainly need not be race.  We have touched the disguises of
encouraged. I have no right, directly or indi- tyranny as with the spear of Ithuriel. After
rectly, to interfere with the domestic establish- I six thousand years of unavailing effort, it was
ments of my friend in South Carolina, and I reserved for us to truthfully map and define
deny his right to interfere with mine. We are the political attributes of man. In three-quarboth shielded by the same law. If mine have ters of a century we have advanced from a few
merits to recommend them  above his, and feeble colonies to numerous and mightyStates.
powers and influence beyond his, that is his ill From the wilderness we have carved out the
fortune or his ill choice, -and he must'not quar- fruitful field, cultivated the products of all soils
rel with me on that account, much less contend  and climates, and fed starving millions. We
that his shall be accepted. Early Christianity have built more cities than Thebes had gates;
disturbed the business of Demetrius, lessening invented steamboats and telegraphs; made
the demand for silver shrines; but he was not railroads; opened mines; and, by the aid of
justified on that account for insisting upon the the mechanical genius of our people, are on
worship: of Diana. Each must be left to the the eve of supplying the world with the fruits
people, for their unrestricted acceptance or re- of our arts. We now stand in the front rank
jection, as advantage, convenience, or fancy, of earthly Powers-not as a nation of warriors
may dictate. They will eventually dispose of born to the work of death, but as a nation of
all such difficulties, whether we will it or not.  men educated to the trades of life; not degenIt is popular power, sir, that has made us erated and loaded with chains, but in perfect
what we are; it will lead us on to a dazzling stature and unfettered will. Shall all this be
future.  In the mean time, men will have sacrificed to the weakness of the foolish, the
nightmares, and awake to blissful realities; aspirations of the selfish, or the machinations
prophecies of disaster will be made and falsi- of the wicked?  The public heart responds
fled; faith will fail and l)e restoredF eembar-  quickly to mine, "Neverl no, never " and
rassments will be interposed  and  brushed. there is safety.




WHO HAVE VIOLATED COMPROMIISES.
SPEECH
ON. JOHN HICKMAN,
OF PENNSYLVAN IA.Delivered in the House of Representatives, December 12, 1859.
WASHINGTON, D. C.
BUELL & BLANCHARD, PRINTERS.
Stereotyped by Blanchard's Patent, issued February 22, 1859.
1859.








Speech of Mr. Hickman.
The Constitution newspaper, the organ that they had prostrated thoroughly the
of Mr. Buchanan's Administration, having people, I chose to introduce a resolution to
charged upon the Anti-Lecompton Democ- investigate that charge. That was the time
racy a bargain with the Republicans to ef- when my treason commenced, for I then
feet an organization of the House-      took the stand against an undivided DemocMr. HICKMAN said:                     racy; and, sir, I charge on that undivided
Mr. Clerk, with regard to the attack Democracy, from  whom  I do dissent tomade by the President's newspaper on my- day-not, however, because I have failed
self and others, I have but a word to say. to be a lDemocrat-a persevering effort,
If made by the President himself, he knows both in this Hall and in the other wing of
it to be false. If made by any other per- the Capitol, to stifle that investigation and
son, he does not know it to be true; for, sir, to suppress the proof of the fraud. Then,
the reason why I occupy the position here sir, I was read from the Democratic party;
to-day which I do occupy, is because I and yet, after the committee, which I was,
could not be purchased.  [Applause from  to some extent, instrumental in raising,
the Republican benches and from the galle- (and this is the first time I have ever reries.]  This reading me out of the Dem- ferred to it,) had made their report to Conocratic party has been faithfully persevered gress, no man in the country was sufficiently
in for the last four years, by many abler reckless to deny that the charge which had
and stronger than the gentleman from Mis- been preferred was fully and completely
souri, [Mr. NOELL,] and still they have not proved. Then, sir, I was denounced as a
yet got rid of me, and it will take them  renegade and -a traitor, and for what? What
perhaps four years longer of persevering was the body of my offence?  Because I
effort, if I shall choose to remain so long chose to differ from the Democracy, bein their good company.                  lieving that the charge ought to be investiMy "treason," to which very frequent gated, and that, if fraud existed, it ought
reference has been made here, not merely to be revealed. And have they ever washed
during the present session, but during for- their hands of it to this day?  No, sir; to
mer ones, has a history connected with it-  no greater extent than silence may have
a history with which the gentleman from  done it.
Missouri ought to be acquainted.  Sir, it   Well, sir, I returned home to my people
dates back four years, when, in this Hall, with all the brand of treason which that
on the grievous charge being made-a body of men could place upon my forehead;
charge which pervaded the country, and and Mr. Buchanan, the present President
which was believed by the country-that of the United States, endorsed my Democfraud and force and all manner of crimes racy in the face of that accusation which
had so far invaded the Territory of Kansas had gone up against me, and insisted on




4
my renomination, as he believed that it humiliate and disgrace us, and we find this
would be valuable to his canvass. Mr. Bu- newspaper adding to it an allegation of corchanan did not denounce me.              ruption.  If there is any man in this body
Now, a word in respect to that canvass, of men who knows of any contract or agreefor the mere purpose of instituting a brief ment that I have entered into with anyinquiry as to where the charge of "treason" body, for any purpose, let him proclaim it
may properly rest, and as to who is the now, or forever hereafter hold his peace. I
renegade.  The State of Pennsylvania was have never done so anywhere, at any L;.oe;
in very imminent peril at that election; and and I say now, that if the election of my
Mr. Buchanan knew that the election in friend, Col. Forney-and I take great pleasthat State rested upon the answer to a sin- ure in calling himn my friend  couldl only be
gle inquiry, which was this: Was it safe to effected by such an arrangement-that if I
trust him with the management of Kansas: could only procure his election as Clerk of
affairs?  Why, sir, it can be proved by a this House by entering into a covenant with
thousand living witnesses, if necessary, that any man here, upon the Republican side of
during that summer, this man, who now fills the House-I would refuse to do it. As Mr.
the Executive chair, made it his business Buchanan could not purchase me, so can I
to pledge men, everywhere in the North, not be purchased by others.  [Applause
that if he should succeed in his election, as and hisses.]  I have already been offered
he knew the Free-State element in that more than I am worth, and I refused to sell
Territory to be the stronger, Kansas should myself at that.  [Laughter and applause.]
come into the Union as a free and not as Why, sir, this is all false pretence.  I
a slave State.  That fact has been fre- know  where  the trouble  is, and  the
quently stated.  It has never been denied country knows where it is.  I have yenin Pennsylvania; and by means of the tured to express opinions against giving
pledges that he thus gave, did he succeed to Slavery an unlimited charter to travel
in carrying that State at the November whereit pleases.  That is the body of my
election.  As soon, however, as he reached offence; all the rest is false pretence. And
the city of Washington, it was discovered I desire to say now, that if I)emocracy conthat the mind of the President had under- sists in supporting all the claims which the
gone a very sudden change-not that his Southern country may make upon us, i shall
judgment was convinced, because I think very soon cease to be a Democrat.  I have
it can be very clearly shown that he never been in this House long enough. to learn
alleged that his mind had undergone any many things which I never could have
change up to that time; but he made the learned at home. and I think it has perfear that three or four Southern States fected my education upon one point: I
would secede fromn the tUnion a pretext f;or have learned that a man may support every
urging upon Congress the adoption of the measure of a Democratic Administration,
fraudulent Lecompton Constitution. Then, and yet, if he shall vote against a single
we begged leave to differ from him in his interest of Slavery, he ceases w),so f:cwto to
policy.  We were again denounced as trai- be a Democrat; but if he vote against every
tors, and again read out of the Democratic measure of the Administration,  and will
party.  Well, sir, the President's hand was sustain the interests of Slavery, he is fpso
raised against us, and everything that Ex- fIcto a good Democrat. I put that as God's
ecutive power and patronage could do was naked truth before this House and before
done for the purpose of destroying us in the country, and I intend to stand upon it
our respective districts.  We are now back as a solemn conviction.
here again, to rebuke again the treachery    Now, sir, I wish to say a word to the Adof this wicked and reckless and leprous ministration side of the House; and I inAdministration; and if that is treason, the tend, in what I say upon this occasion, and
other side have got to make the most of it. upon every other, to treat every man here
I have said all that I propose to say upon as I would be treated myself, respectfully;
that point at this time.  I may avail my- but I shall express my opinions, if I choose
self of another opportunity to go into it at to do so, all of them, fearlessly.  There is
greater length.                          a contest between the North and the South,
Well,-sir, the charge of treason that has and the admission might just as well be
been made is not sufficiently powerful to made now as at any future time.  There is




a state of feeling existing between the into. What did they get?  Whatdid our
North and the South which cannot be re- Southern friends get by those compromises?
moved; it is as deep laid as the founda- They got the. Slavery representation. They
tions of mountains, and, sir, it pervades got the foundation for a fugitive slave law.
every section like an atmosphere. If you They got exemption from export duties.
want to know why the North have feelings They got three very large advantages.
upon this subject, I will tell you. They What did the North get, or what did the
have become satisfied that there is but one interests of Freedom get?  Why, sir, they
thing  which will satisfy our Southern got the implied pledge, that, after the year
brethren; and that is, the right to carry 1808, the importation of Africans, or the
Slavery everywhere, to plant it everywhere, foreign slave trade, should cease.
to sustain it everywhere, against the united   Now, sir, the;South boast to-day that
wishes, as it is against the united interests, they are in full possession of all the beneof the Nortlh.                         fits of all the compromises of the ConstituMr. MOORE, of Alabama. Will the tion; that they have the Slavery representgentleman permit me to ask him a ques- ation; and, if I understood a gentleman
tion?                                  who spoke a few days ago, he declared that
IMr. HICKMAN. I interrupt nobody, they have here, by force of the three-fifths
and I do not wish to be interrupted myself, representation, twenty members upon this
for I do not want to get into a controversy. floor. They boast, sir, that they have the
This determination to extend Slavery is fugitivw slave law, and that the North does
Southern interest, and the Representatives not abide by its provisions. They are cerof the South are compelled to ask as much. tainly exempt fronm duty upon exports; and
I do not complain of them for so doing; where is the North, with her share of the
but when our interests are directly adverse compromises of the Constitution?  Why,
to theirs, and lie in another direction, why sir, we hear it boldly avowed, not here, but
should we be denounced for pursuing our it will come here before spring, it will
interests as they pursue theirs?       come before the flowers come, that they do
More than this. The North has grievous not intend that the foreign slave trade shall
charges to prefer against the South, and be closed. They intend to open the traffic.
they are charges which they will have an- Yes, sir, they have opened the traffic; they
swered. That is my conviction; and if make bold to say so, and Southern courts
the expression of these sentiments stamps refuse to punish offenders.  I say, then,
me with the title of Abolitionist, so be it; the North charges upon the South that
I will wear it as well as I can. Yes, sir, they have swept away from the North the
they have charges to make against the benefits of the compromises of the ConstiSouth, which they will have answered. tation, when the South are in the full enThey charge them with the violation of joyment of all the advantages which could
covenants, compacts, and  compromises. possibly result to them.
That is what they charge them with, and   When you come to the compromise of
it is well that they should know it. It is 1820; when, in order to get MTissouri into
useless tQ cry peace, sir, when there is no the Union as a slave State, they gave to us
peace. Why, sir, when the compromises of the North the solemn pledge and entered
of the Constitution were entered into by into bonds that Slavery should never exist
our fathers, it has been said that, if the north of the southern line of that State;
same spirit had existed which exists now, after having got Missouri in, and reaped
those compromises never could have been all the advantage which they could reap
made. I see the truth of the remark; I from  that compromise, the South came
feel the truth of the remark, sir; for when here-not the North-the South came
those compromises were entered into, they here, almost a united South, to say that the
were entered into under the solemn convic- benefit which the North received from the
tion that the power of Slavery fromi that compromise of 1820 should be swept away;
day was not to increase, but to be dimin- and, sir, Southern breath swept it away;
ished. If they had had the feelings or and we had, in consequence, the struggle in
if they had pursued the policy which our Kansas as to whether Slavery should or
Southern friends are now intent upon, those should not go into territory from which it
compromises never could have been entered had been prohibited.




6
But, sir, the Norith charge, further, that merely, but at other times and other places.
in the compromise of 1832-the great com- They will have to be answered next year, and
promise of the great compromiser-North- I assume now the position that the South
ern trade was paralyzed, and Northern in- have got to satisfactorily explain these
dustry destroyed.  And then, sir, last, and things, or they have got to give up the Fednot by any means least, we have the corn- eral offices. [Applause and cries of " Good"
promises of 1850 and 1854, which I choose upon the Republican side.] Now, the South
to jbin together, as they constitute but one have rights, guarantied under the Cofstitusingle compact. After we bought-yes, sir, tion; but the South have not all the rights.
after we bought California into the Union, The North have a few. Individually,.1
giving to the South monstrous prerogatives, would not withhold from  the South, or
which I will not undertake now to enumer- from any portion of the South, the least,
ate, they made us the solemn guaranty as I would not the greatest right, guaranthat if we would adopt the principle of the tied to her either by fundamental law or
Kansas-Nebraska bill, to leave the whole statute.  I would treat her as I would treat
question of Slavery to the finaldetermination a younger sister; I would give her more
of the people of the Territory, and exclude than she is entitled to, rather than less,
all agitation of the Slavery question from  because she is the weaker party.  I would
Congress, they would abide by it.  Now, bestow bounties, even, upon her; but when
sir, where are we? Who is there that rep- she comes here, or anywhere else, and deresents that Southern' sentiment of 1850 mands, as a right, what is not her right,
and 1854, upon this floor?  Who is there and seeks to wrest from the North what
that represents it?  Is there any Southern she is not entitled to, I would deny her.
member who represents it?  It is likely That is my position, and those are my printhat there is. If there be, however, he ciples at the present time; for if I underhas maintained a most respectful silence up stand the politics of the country, if I have
to this moment.  No, sir; the Southern not been blinded for the last four years,
sentiment. destroys all the benefits which there are no politics in the United States
the North were to reap from the compro- now but " nigger."  The whole politics of
mise of 1850 and 1854. I will not under- the country are involved in the negro questake to say what the motive of the gentle- tion.  Shall Slavery travel into the Terriman was who introduced the Kansas-Ne- tories, or shall it not? that is the question.
braska bill, but I think that no man ought There is no other question, and there will
to have doubted what the effect of that bill be no other question in the Presidential
would be.  The South undoubtedly ex- contest of 1860; and if I am constrained
pected that it would conduce to the intbr- to choose between the party which insists
est of Slavery, and the effort was strenuous- that Slavery shall travel everywhere, against
ly made, I think, in Kansas, to force that right, and that party which says it shall not
benefit from the main provision of the bill. go anywhere, even when it has a right, I
But from the moment that it failed to plant cannot help it.  That is all.. I stand upon
Slavery in Kansas, it has been repudiated; the principle of the Kansas-Nebraska bill.
and if I understand the position which the I believe it is sufficient for us. It is anySouth occupy to-day, it is that they will how the bond between the North and the
have nothing to do with this thing of squat- South, and I will try it a little further, and
ter sovereignty.  They bitterly despise and I am with the men who are for that princidenounce it.                             ple.  L know how it will result.  It will
Nowj here is the first, the second, the result exactly where the Republicans desire
third, the fourth, and the fifth compromise it should end; it will end in the exclusion
which the North has entered into with the of Slavery from all the Territories of the
South upon this all-absorbing subject of United States.  If there is any man who is
Slavery; and the North charge upon the committed to the principles of the KansasSouth, that, in every single instance of Nebraska bill, who does not answer that
compromise, they have violated its sane- question in that way when it is propounded
tity, after having received the benefit, or to him, all I have to say is, that he is either
tried to receive the benefit, arising from  wilfully blind or slightly dishonest.
their side of the bargain.  And  these   Sir, I have never uttered a political sencharges have to be answered-not here, timent in my life, that I can remember,




7T
that I would not utter here, in the hearing my conviction is on the subject.  I do not
of the South-not one. I have always know, however, that I thoroughly understood by the Democratic party, when I be- stand what is meant by a dissolution of the
lieved it to be right. I adhere to the prin- Union. If it means a dividing line of
ciples of the Democratic party; and I have sentiment between the North and South,
always opposed that party when I believed and virtual non-intercourse, why we have
it to be wrong, and I intend to do so for- reached that dissolution already; for Northever. There shall not be any misunder- ern men cannot now travel in the South;
standing between any gentlemen upon the and, as I understand it, any postmaster in
Democratic side of the House and myself. any village of the South, where the reI feel perfectly certain that the party has ceipts of the okice would not amount to
been bankrupted by this Administration five dollars, can, if a letter bearing my
of James Buchanan.  I know it. I know frank goes into his hands, open it, examine
it; for whenever the Democratic party can it, and burn it, on the pretext that it is inno longer control Northern masses, then cendiary.  Sir, we have reached that divithat party is bankrupt; and that is the con- ding line between the North and the South.
dition of that party to-day. There is not But, if dissolution means that there is to be
a Northern State, not one, as there is a division of territory, by Mason and Dixscarcely a Northern county, that can be on's line, or by any other line, I say "no;"
carried upon the doctrine upon which Mr. that will never be. I express my opinionBuchanan this day bases his Administra- and that opinion may go before the countion. I want the party to put itself exactly try, whether false or true-when I say
right at Charleston; and, if it will not put " no;" the North will never tolerate. a diitself right, I want it to put itself plainly vision of the territory.  [Applause from
wrong. I do not want the people, either the Republican benches.]
of the North or of the South, to be de-  M3r. GARTRELL.  I should like to
ceived by any platform which can be inter- know how you are to prevent it.
preted in one way in one section and in   Mr. HICKI1AN. I will tell you how
another way in another section. If it is it will be prevented.  I am  neither a
the sentiment of the Democratic party that prophet, nor the son of a prophet; but I
Slavery shall travel with the column of our express my belief that there is as much
advancing civilization, I say, put it so before true courage in the North, though it may
the people, express it plainly, and receive not be known by the name of chivalry,
the Northern verdict upon it.           [sensation,] as there is in the South.  I do
I should have said something  about not use the word contemptuously, for I adUnion meetings at the North, but my mire true chivalry everywhere. There is as
friend from New York [Mr. HASKIN] has much true courage at the North as there is
rendered that entirely unnecessary.  I say at the South.  I always believed it, and,
this, which will cover everything I should therefore, I will express it; and I believe,
have said at greater length: that there is sir, that with all the appliances of art to
no sentiment now in the North which can assist, eighteen millions of men reared to
plant itself upon Southern policy, as I un- industry, with habits of the right kind,
derstand it, and live; for the reason that will always be able to cope successfully, if
it would be governed by selfish considera- it need be, with eight millions of men withtions. And if this condition of things ex- out these auxiliaries.  [Great sensation,
isting, between the North and South shall some applause from the Republican benches
lead toga dissolution of this Union, which and the galleries, and hisses in other parts
no one would deplore more than I should; of the tHall.]
all I can say is, the North, under those cir-   Mr. LEAKE.  Will the gentleman pereumestances, will endeavor to take care of mit me to propound to him a. respectful inthemselves. I have never seen a Northern terrogatory?
man, in latter times, that was much scared.   Mr. HICKMAN. I am up now, answerI know many men have been alarmed, in ing an interrogatory. I am answering why
times past, at the cries of dissolution; but I am'not a rascal.  [Laughter and apI have never yet seen a Northern man who plause.]  That is the main interrogatory.
expressed any alarm as to the results of a   I am sorry, sir, to trouble the I-ouse
dissolution of the Union. I will state what with these remarks.  I entered this IaIll




8
on MIonday with the firm determination FLORENCE] smiles, for he knows something
that I would not be dragged into a speech. about it. If the charge could have been
I found that it was impossible to maintain made, it would have been made and proven;
that determination, that attacks were to be and, therefore, I do not want any charge to
made incessantly, continuously; attacks, be made against me here by any gentleman
too, that could not be passed over in silence. on this floor, much less by a contemptible,
I have answered them. There is no charge hoodwinked newspaper, at the other end
resting upon me of corruption, either here of the avenue, which has not as much ciror at home. If there had been any there, culation as a decent Northern village jourit would have been exposed long before nal, when they have discovered nothing to
this. I have passed between raking fires found a charge upon.
there, as I have here. My colleague [Mr.