ORIGIN AND OBJECTS
OF THE
SLAVEHOLDERS' CONSPIRACY
AGAINST DEMOCRATIC PRINCIPLES,
AS WELL AS
AGAINST THE NATIONAL UNIONILLUSTRATED IN THE
SPEECHES OF ANDREW  JACKSON HAMILTON,
IN THE STATEMENTS OF LORENZO SHERWOOD, EX-MEMBER OF THE TEXAN LEGISLATURE, AND
IN THE PUBLICATIONS OF THE DEMOCRATIC LEAGUE, &c.
THE SLAVE ARISTOCRACY AGAINST DEMOCRACY.
STATEMENTS ADDRESSED TO LOYAL MEN OF ALL PARTIES,
CONCERNING THE
ANTAGONISTIC PRINCIPLES INVOLVED IN THE REBELLIONBy HENRY  O'RIJELLY. 
NEW YORK, OCTOBER, 1862:'
BAKER & GODWIN, PRINTERS,
PRINTING-HOUSE SQUARE, OPPOSITE CdTY HALL.




I




ORIGIN AND OBJECTS
OF THE
Slaveholders' Conspiracy against Democratic Principles,
AS WELL AS AGAINST
THE NATIONAL UNION,
ILLUSTRATED IN THE
SPEECHES OF ANDREW JACKSON HAMILTON,
IN THE STATEMENTS OF LORENZO SHERWOOD, EX-MEMBER OF THE TEXAN LEGISLATURE, AND IN
THE PUBLICATIONS OF THE DEMOCRATIC LEAGUE, &c.
ANTAGONISTIC PRINCIPLES INVOLVED IN THE REBELLION-THE
SLAVE ARISTOCRACY against THE DEMOCRACY.
The commentaries on the recent speeches of Col. Hamilton, of Texas, by several prominent New York journslists. furnish appropriate introduction to the outlines of those speeches which are herewith presented for the oonsideration of loyal men of all pr:rties throughout the land.
It will be seen that, much as they may differ in other respects, T/he World & Caourier[& Enquirer, the Tribne,
the'limes, and the Eveningy Post, concur in ranking those speeches among the most important ever made in connecti, n with the ojigin and objects of the Slavtholders' Rebellion.
On some points, indeed, the revelations of Col. Hamilton are considered as the most valuable-inasmuch as
they show, by the highest Southern testimony, the breadth, depth, and blackness of that conspiracy against the
indivil ual rights of the Democratic masscs, as well as against tile integrity of the National Union.
The Northern People have accepted this war on too ntlrrow grounds altogether," says The World & Courier
& Enquirer:-" They have comprehended but a very meagre portion of the real interests at stake-for the very
good reason that they have hardly begun to understand the spirit and aims of the Rebel leaders. Had there been a
better appreciation of the actual truth, the war would never have lagged as it has been suffered to do from the
begi!;, ing."
" The evidence of such men as Col. Hamilton, who is fresh from the active scenes of the Rebellion, and who has
watched it with penetrating eye from its first step, is of peculiar value," says the World in its daily issue of the 4th
of October. "Their conclusions, formed on the spot, face to face with the monster, are of infinitely more weight than
the noqions of Northern men, who know it only by occasional glimpses in the far distance. It is well that their testimony should be brought before cur public whenever it can be obtained. The gentlemen who have induced Col.
Hamilton to address our people with instruction and appeal, have done the good cause precious service." * * *
"Col. Hamilton has no hesitation in pronouncing the issue now pending to lie THE VERY HIGHEST, AND BROADEST,
AND DEEPEST possible. It is, to his mind, nothing more nor less than A STRUGGLE BETWEEN THE ULTIMATE PREINC(PLES OF CIVIL GOVERNMENT-a question whether the tile qof the few or the rdule qof te mnany shall prevail. ITe
presents it as his settled conviction that the leaders in this Rebellion are actuated by a distinct purpose to SUPPLANT POPULAR GOVERN5IMENT and ESTABLISH A MO:iARI'CHY —and that this comes from their belief
that Slavery can. have no e 2ect.tal s(tfegqtard ercelt what thi.e strongestjbsm of government can aafo,-d. Therefore, he warns us not to rest upon the idea that mere territory, or even mere nationality, is at stake in' this conflict."
"What has really got to be decided, as he justly views it," adds the TWorld, "is, not whether the flag itself shall
be deprived of a third of its stals, or whether the flag itself shall continue to exist, but wheher the ]iepublicc
principle, which has given the flag all its glory, is or,s rot to pe ri.sh. lie rightly declares that the co-existence of
a Monarchy and a Republic between the Great Lakes and the Gulf is a civil impossibility-that such an experiment
would only be anbother nasne for perpetcual war.
"We are, therefre, shut up to the absolute necessity of meetin, this question now, once for all," continnes the
World —" and, in fidelity to the great principles of th.- Declaration of Inderpendence which our forefathers sealed
with their blood, are bound to prosecute this war with an energy ant a self-devo:ion far beyond anything we have
yet displayed. These are great facts which Col! amnilton seeks to enforce. Ie talks like a man who is thoroughly
pervaded by a sense of their awfal moment-and no mind that heeds his disclosures and his arguments, can doubt
that he is right."
Profoundly impressed with the snmne views that CoL. Hamilton has now forcibly illustrated by his speeches in
New York and Brooklyn, the DEM]IOCRATIC LEAGUE FOR SUSTAINItNG TIlE NATIONAL UNITY has earnestly labored for
several months in disseminating documents replete with facts and argdments on the important topics. And some
of those important documents are now republished in connection with the speeches of Col. Hamilton. as showing
the identity of views between the Colonel and that Lengue-one of whose most efficient memb:rs.(Lorenzo Sherwoodl) was a resident and a legislator in Texas, and a co-worker with Col. Hamilton in sustaining the National
Government in Texas, till its flag and its forces were betrayed by the General (Twiggs) whom the then War Seeretary Floyd placed in command as an emissary of Rebellion.
As the importance of the topics cannot be over-estimated, it is hoped that men of all parties will thoroughly
examine these and other publicqtions calculated to place the origin and objects of the Slaveholders' Conspiracy in
their true light-as an attempted revolution not o!ly in the Union of the States, but in the relaiions of the Democratic
masses to the government of their country-that each man may act and vote as becomes an American citizen, in
view of the fact which Col. Hamilton concurs with the Democratic League in asserting, that " the leaders in this
"Rebellion are actuated by a distinct purpose to supplant popular government and establish a monarchy; and that'this comes from their belief that Slavery can have no effectual safeguard except what the strongest government
"can afford;" or, as Mr. G:irnett, of Virginia, in his letter to Trescott (Mr. Buchanan's Assistant Secretary of State),
expresses it, when "objecting to the term Democrat," because, as slaveholders declared, "'Democracy. in its
original philosophical sense, is, indeed, ineompatible with S'la 3ry and the whole system of S'outlhern Socsey."
NEw-YoRK, OCTrOBEE, 1862.                                          HENRY   O'RIELLY.




[INTRODUroRY.) ]
THE SPEECtIES OF COL. HAMILTON, OF TEXAS.
(From the " World and Courier and Enquirer," of Oct. 4-friendly to Seymour.)
The greatest difficulty, from  the outset, in by a distinct purpose to SUPPLANT POPULAR GOVthe way of a just appreciation by the North  ERNMENT and establish a MONARCHY; and that
of the real nature of this rebellion, has been  this comes from their belief that slavery can
the fact that the loyal men who knew most of have no effectual safeguard  except what the
it were least able to give their testimony. strongestform of GovernTent can afford. ThereThe last echoes of the cannon at SuAlter had  fore, he warns us not to rest upon the ide a that
hardly died away before the communications nmere territory, or even mere nationality, is at
between the two sections were closed; and the stake in this conflict.
northern mind was left to only casual and de-   What has really got to be decided, as he
sultory means of learning the developments of justly views it, is not whether the flag shall
the astounding iniquity.                      be deprived of a third of its stars, or whether
The consequence was that it was very slow  the flag itself shall continue to exist, but whether
to apprehend the real malignity and scope of the republicano principle, which has given the
the treason. The Government and the people flacg all its glory, is or is oot to perish.  He
generally were disposed to regard it as a wild  rightly declares that the coexistence of a monmovement cunningly got up by a few restless archy anld a republic between the great Lakes
spirits, and easily quelled. The driblets of and the Gulf is a civil impossibility-that such
information that came over the rebel borders an experiment would only be another name for
were so indefinite and contradictory that they  perpetual war.
served only to confuse and mislead.              We are, therefore, shut up to the absolute
It has been by terrible experience alone that necessity of meeting this question now, once
northern misjudgments have gradually been  for all; and, in fidelity to the great principles
corrected — an experience that has cost the of the Declaration of Independence which our
country an amount of treasure and blood  forefathers sealed with their blood, are bound
dreadful to contemplate.  And yet, in spite of to prosecute this war with an energy and a
all this, a thousand misconceptions still exist.  self-devotion far beyond anything we have yet
There is yet a widely prevailing tendency  displayed.
to ascribe the rebellion to mere secondary and   These are great facts which Colonel Hamilton
minor causes, and to believe that it will cost seeks to enforce. He talks like a man who is
only a little more effort to sweep it from the thoroughly pervaded by a sense of their awful
land forever.                                 moment; and no mind that heeds his disclosures
The habit still clings of reasoning from the and his arguments can doubt that he is right.
old data.  We unconsciously base half of our   The Northern people have accepted this war
judgments upon facts as they used to be, in- on too narrow grounds altogether. They have
stead of facts as they are. This comes from  comprehended but a very meagre portion of
the difficulty of correctly learning preseot de- the real interests at stake; for the very good
velopments.                                   reason that they have hardly begun to underTherefore, the evidence of such men as Col. stand the spirit and aims of the rebel leaders.
Hamilton, who is fresh from the active scenes Had there been a better appreciation of the
of the rebellion, and who has watched it with  actual truth, the war would never have lagged
penetrating eye from its first step, is of peculiar as it has been suffered to do from the beginvalue. Their conclusions, formed on the very  ning. The twenty millions of the North could
spot, face to face with the monster, are of infi- never have lived for eighteen live-long months
nitely more weight than the notions of north- as they have done under the shadow of such a
ern men who know  it only by occasional terrific danger.  By an irresistible impulse
glimpses in the far distance.  It is well that they would have closed in with it forthw-ii.h,
their testimony should be brought before our and made an end of it.  Nobody doubts that
public whenever it can be obtained.  The they had the abiity.  There is no power on
gentlemen who have induced Colonel Hamilton the con:tinent that could for aa instant stand
to address our people with instruction and ap- against their collected energy.  What was
peal, have done the good cause precious ser- wanting  was not the strength, but the due
vice.  Wiinging their way, as these speeches sellse of infinite peril  Even at this late day
do, by the press, through every loyal state, this feeling needs to be strengtheoned, and the
they will have a salutary influence of no small man who does this so intelligently and so faithmoment in the present critical period of the fhlly as this Southern patriot deserves to be
war.                                          hailed as a public benefactor.
Colonel Hamilton has no hesitation in pro-   Listening to Col. Hamilton, the conviction
nouncing the issue now pending to be the very comes home afresh to us that we of the North,
Ahihest, and broadest, and deepest possible.  too, need everywhere and always to preserve
It is to his mind nothing more nor less than that eter'natl vigilance which is the price of
a struggle between the ultimate principles of liberty.  It is ly small beginnings that consticivil Government-a question whether the rule tutional liberty is fitrst undermined. It is unof thle fe, or the rule of the many, shall pre- der the  highest and  purest pretexts that the
vail.  He presents it as his settled conviction  rights of citizens are first infringed upon.  It
that the leaders in this rebellion are actuated is for every patriot to oppose these beginnings.




Col. HAMILTON'S First Speech in the North.
THE REBELLION AGAINST DEMOCRACYITS CAUSES AND CONSEQUENCES.
NEw YORK, Oct. 1, 1862.  low-citizens (permit me to call you), not beox. A. J. HAMILTON. -Dear Sir: As it is cause of personal gratification at the manifestunderstood that you are to remain in town ation you made this evening of your loialty,
some few days, it would be gratifying to the and your appreciation of loyalty in others, but
friends of the Union if you would consent to because, if you will allow the expression, it
address an audience at the Academy of Music, will be received, if indeed it shall ever reach
in Brooklyn, on Thursday evening, the 2d of them, by thousands as loyal as I, in my disOctober inst., on the subject of the rebellion. tracted country, as a just and proper compli.
We know of no one who could better elucidate merit to them also. [Cheers.]
the motives and reasonings that led the politi-   We have come to ascertain, if we can, why
cal adventurers South into attempted revolu- our country is in this condition, the causes, the
tion. By complying with this request, you remedies to be applied, and that too without
will confer many obligations on your sympa- the fear of offense, save the fear which resulted
thizing fellow-citizens of the North.     from the dread of offending against truth.
Very truly, yours, &c.                 [Cheers.]
Very   AAtruly, yours, c.            The Union for the time being is dismemAARON L. REID,                bered, and why? Here I find, as well as elseHENRY O'RlELLY,                where, a great many who can give the cause,
JOHN J. SPEED,                and reference is made constantly to some past
HENRY C. GARDINER,            political principle woven into the policy of the
THOS. LAIDLAW,                Government by this or that party. Another
ELLIS S. POTTER,              will attribute the disasters which have overGEORGE N. WILLIAMS,           taken the Government to Another party. I
DANIEL G. FARNHAM,            meet with men every day who can convince
LORENZO SIIERWOOD,            me, as they suppose, that the Abolitionists of
CHAS. P. KIRKLAND,!he North were the cause of the Rebellion, or
GEORGE P. NELSON,             that the Democratic party was the cause, or
THOMAS EWBANK,                 that it resulted from a mistake on the part of
E. H. R. LYMAN,                our fathers, who framed the Government, in
JOSIAH T. LOW,                 not incorporating wise provisions that would
GEORGE L. -MEACHAM,            have prevented a contest between the two
and others.   sections of the country.
REPLY.                     I will not, at my time of life, in the sere and
METROPOLITAN HOTEL,          y ellow leaf, and when so much is before us to
NEW YORK, Oct. 1, 1862.   accormplish the salvation of the country and
GENTLEMEN: I am ill receipt of your note of the perpetuity of its institutions, in which the
this date, inviting me to deliver an address liberties of the people are involved, attemptat the Academy of Music, in Br'ooklyn, on next there is too little time left me for that workThursday evening. I accept the invitation and to spend any of it in listening longer than
tender my thanks for your kindness and sym- enough to manifest decent respect to any
pathy.     Very truly, yours,             twaddle about the cause of the rebellion.
A. J. HAMILTON.        I say, what are you going to do about it?
AARON L. REID, and others, Conmmittee.  The fact is that the rebellion exists. You will
agree with me that a great, paternal, glorious
The Brooklyn Academy of Music  was Government, is being sacrificed-that, if the
thronged accordingly by an enthusiastic au- effort to destroy is be successful, we may well
dience eager to welcome the eminent Union doubt whether we or our children will ever be
refugee from Texas, the lHon. A. J. HAMILTON, the recipients of the same measure of freedom
ex-Member of Congress from that State, who and the blessings resulting from good Governhad been invited to speak on The Cause, the  lent that we have been.
Consequence, and the Cure of the Rebellion.   Ten, the only ques'ion for you and I is, to
The stage was crowded with the leading citi- determine the mode of restoring the Governzens of tie Sobetr City. Mr. Hamilton was in- ment.
troduced by A. A. Lowe, Esq. He Twas received   It is too late to ask, but perhaps well enough
with loud and lprolongred  applause.      to inquire, what were the causes of this rebelMr. HAMILTON said: Ladies and Gentlemen  lion.
of Brooklyn, at the threshold of the remarks   I cannot do better than to call your attenthat I shall submit to you this evening upon tion to what one of the leading spirits (a Mr.
the gravest subject which in my judgment has Spratt, of South Carolina, who addressed a
ever yet addressed itself to a free people, per- communication at great length, and, as he inmit me to say, in one word, I thank you for tended, with consummate ability, replete with
this reception. [Cheers.] I thank you,5fel- all the arguments of the school to which he




4                     THE REBELLION  AGAINST DEMOCRACY.
belonged) could bring to bear upon the prin- sitting member of the attempted new Governeiples upon which their Government was to ment, there might be but little significance in
be based, as contrasted with the Government it. If it had been reprobated by the public
of the United States.*  He said there was no press of that country, if it had been condemned
man who deserved the name of statesman in the by the public voice-and when I say the pubSouth, who would pretend that Secession was lic voice, I mean that of those who wield the
caused by any aggression of the North upon the power of the South, whose voice alone is heard
rights of' the people of the South. He said it -it might have gone for nothing; but when
was still less the result of any act of oppres- you bear in mind that that letter was reprosion on the part of the United States Govern- duced in the leading press of the South, spoken
ment. What then was the reason?  He said of in terms of commendation, and no man has
it was because of the difference in the organi- to this day uplifted his voice against any one
zation of society North and South. It was of the positions there assumed-if you could,
because in the non-slaveholding States, from  as I have done, hear in the hotels, and in the
the fact that every man was a freeman, you streets, and in parlors, echoes of that sentiment
were necessarily Democratic; every man be- from men who, two years ago, were regarded
ing a freeman, it resulted that the laboring as loyal, saying, Republicanism is a failureelh:ss in the non-slaveholding States had the we are astonished that we ever thought it
power in the Government, and it required but could succeed; we now realize the fact that
little argument to prove that when that was we must have a stronger Government-if you
the case, the Government was in the heels of knew it as I know it, you would feel, fellowsociety, because labor was always in excess of citizens, that there was something more inthe direction of labor; that is to say, there volved in this revolution than a simple desire
were more laboring men, and there would con- to get rid of this hated Yankee.
tinue to be, than there were men who by means   It is not because the men who inaugurated
of their capital directed labor. He said when it hated the people of the North. As Mr. Spratt
Government was in the hands of those who says, it was not because they felt that you had
direct labor alone, it was in the head of socie- seriously wronged them, but it was a deliberty, where it properly belonged. And now, ate purpose on their part to be the controlling
said he, having cut loose from the North, have spirits in a new and a different order of Govwe eradicated the evil?  Have we succeeded crnment, where their power would be perpein gaining our object? Not at all.         tual, and they would not be subjected to the
He was explaining in this letter that the chances of the f-ree choice of a free people in
Government at Montgomery, Ala., had failed in recurring  elections, as had been the case in
meeting the objects of the revolution, because past time in our country; and he that does
it had not provided for reopening the African not realize that fact to-day, does not yet underslave-trade.  Said he, it will involve the ne- stand what that revolution means, and by
cessity of another revolution. Here is the evil; consequence the man that is to-day fattering
here are the laboring men, and they are in the himself that, by conciliatory measures, by kind
majority, too, who wield the power in the words, bypeace offerings, the disloyal States can
Government.  They vote at the ballot-box, be caused to resume their position in the Conand from the premises that I have laid down federacy, is wofully deceived; it never will hapyou will perceive that slavery and Democracy pen in that way.  [Cheers.]  There is but one
are incompatible.  [Loud cheering.]         remedy, and that is on the physical power of
He paid a high compliment to the great the loyal people of the North-[Great apNew York statesman who is now the Secreta- plause] —the physical power, directed by the
ry of State of the United States Government exercise of sufficient thought to lead you to
[cheers], and said that that great statesman, just conclusions as to what the consequences
for he gave him credit for being great, never are to be to you as well as to the balance of
uttered a greater truth than when he said the people of the United States in case of
there was an irrepressible conflict between the failure.
two systems of society.  [Great applause.]   And I would say to you, fellow-citizens, that
And, said he, in this additional, this second  I speak in behalf of the suffering people of the
revolution, that will be forced upon us, al- South, who are the great body politic of the
though it may be bloodier than the one in South, saving and excepting the office-holders,
which we are now engaged, we must get rid of for all have suffered, not only in respect of buthe last and the least renaains of Democracy, and, siness, commerce-by the destruction of confito use the least plain and emphatic of his words, dence between man and man, the utter annihiwe must have a slave aristocracy.           lation of the protection of wise and salutary
Well, fellow-citizens, if that was the senti- laws —but the upheaving of the very elements
ment of one solitary man in the South, if it of society as well —all have suffered in that rehad not been addressed by one of the leading spect; I speak of the whole body politic.
spirits engaged in rebellion, to another, the   Whatever may be said of what I say here
trusted agent of the State of Louisiana, then a to-night, I know I have not yet passed through
* Further illustrations of this important subject will the last ordeal of trial in consequence of these
be found in the address from the Democratic League, en- troubles. It was hard to part with friends of
titled "The Plottings of tebellion-The Issue in its years it was hard to give up the position,
Magnitude"-republished on page 10.




THE REBELLION AGAINST DEMOCRACY.                              5
whatever it may have been, which I had en- challenge the public opposition of the world to
joyed; it was hard to part with wife and it, and you will inevitably fall under it. You
children; it was hard to leave home without cut loose from thousands of loyal friends. I
knowledge that I would ever return. But I mean not men who would, if it were proposed
had something to sustain me in this-I had now for the-first time, help you make it, but
true and loyal friends, who gave me moral men who respect the Constitution of the United
aid and comfort; it may be that some of these States as they understand it-respect laws, remay fall away from me now, because my mind spect the good neighborhood and peace that
may be led to a conclusion which they are not we enjoy as citizens of a great and glorious Reyet prepared for, but to which they are just public. They believe that there is some ameas certain to arrive as I have arrived at it to- liorating power in the All-wise Providence
night.                                     that will allow the remedy to be applied soonMr. Spratt says, then, that this revolution er or later, when it is felt to be an intolerable
was not because the spirit of the Northern evil. But you have not waited for this; you
people was aggressive, it was not the Govern- have determined, against the public sense of
ment of the United States was aggressive, but the world, to sacrifice all these considerations
because the very framework of society here would, -resolving to have no power but slavery alone;
if left free to grapple with slavery, destroy it you do more than that, because, with whatby moral force.                             ever purpose you commence, you will find that
Whether that view is the precise one that you have not progressed two or three years
has influenced those who have engaged in the before, in your own judgment, it will be an imrebellion of the South or not, they have been possibility to make the new Government libesufficiently convinced of one fact, that the in- ral. The reasons, fellow-citizens, are obvious.
fluence of. non-slaveholders in the new Govern- Sooner or later it will be demonstrated that
ment was to be felt less and less year by year, the great body politic of the people of the South
until at last they should be reduced to the con- were loyal to this Government, and did desire
dition of serfs, and that the slaveholder, and he to preserve it. [Cheers.] The question at
alone, should govern the country.           once arises, why, then, did they suffer themNow, while two years ago I would not have selves to be forced out of the Union 
lent my aid to a man who was seeking the de-   It is much more difficult to -make one who
struction of slavery-while I would have re- was not present understand this, than one who
garded him as an impracticable friend of the was present. Every artifice was used. Minds
Government and the peace of society-while I had been poisoned through a long series of
dreaded to see an appeal which would bring years. It had got to be a fashion to out-ierod
in collision the spirit which opposed slavery Herod in maintaining that not only was slawith slavery-while I did believe that our very a divine institution, but one of the brightfathers who framed the Government under- est evidences of the perfection of that wisdom
stood well how to avoid trouble on the one that created all good —[Laughter]-and even
hand and inevitable difficulty on the other. I those whose mission it ought to have been to
am not prepared to see that system used for spread the doctrine of peace on earth  and
the purpose of perpetuating itself, and, in the good-will toward men, to spend their time in
same ratio that it is elevated, my children de- the pulpit proving that it was an institution
pressed. The question has been changed. It ordained of God. I have about the same opinis not what it was two years ago. There was ion of some in the North who spent their time
no party then who sought more than simply in proving that it originated in hell. [Laughto protect slavery under the laws, and when ter.] My simple, unregenerate view of the
the experiment of secession was being entered subject was, that God knows best, and that it
upon, I said to them: Do not enter upon it. was permitted, for some wise, inscrutable purIf you do, you will inevitably destroy the in- pose; and that, when that had been accomstitution; it is laying the knife to the throat of plished, it would, by the very same power,
slavery. You are in the habit of saying that cease. The public mind was poisoned. The
I am not sound upon the subject.  I would argument was: The only way you can stop the
save you from the very influence which you Northern people, is to go out of the Union; and
pretend to dread. You cannot, against the if you go out now they will soon begin to beg
moral force and power of all Christendom, sus- for your own terms for reconstruction.
tain that institution, saving and excepting un-   That was the argument employed everyder the protection of the United States Gov- where, and thousands upon thousands of men
ernment. [Cheers.] It is because the opposi- were induced to go to the ballot-box and vote
tion to it elsewhere throughout the world, in for secession, having been made to believe
view of the immeasurable blessings the United that it would be the means of securing perpetStates Government is affording to humanity, ual peace.
dare not, on account of that one blot, if they   But, again, others who had thought naturalconceive it to be so, attack the integrity of that ly upon the subject would say to their Union
Government; but when you shall have risked fellow-citizens: Do not go to the polls. What
the alternative of destroying that Government have you to do with this movement? It is
for slavery, and seek to build a Government up- revolutionary; it is unauthorized; it is a
on slavery, as its chief corner-stone, you then proceeding to which you ought not, by any




6                    THE REBELLION  AGAINST DEMOCRACY.
participation, to give your countenance..Let   The Constitution as it is-Yes. The Union
the madmen, who are seeking the ruin of the as it was-NoI [Loud and prolonged cheerState, go to the polls alone.              ing.] He would thank no man to aid him in
So in many of the States not a third of the restoring the Union as it existed in the State
vote of the State was cast. That was the case of Texas in 1861.
in my own State.  In Louisiana it is now    If he were to be martyred for expressing
known that there were a majority of the votes the opinions which Washington expressed, no
east against secession. At many of the polls such Union for him.
were posters saying: " Let the vote be open,   Now, he alleged, that the issue was dcleliberthat we may see who are the traitors,"-and ately tendered, of slavery on one side, and
the Union-men dared not vote.              freedom for the white race upon the other.
You may say that these Union-men did not   He spoke on behalf of the once enfranchised
eare for their liberty so much as their fathers free white man of the South. Whether sladid. Gentlemen, most of us prefer reading very was compatible with Democracy or not,
about martyrs to being martyrs; and I would the leaders of the rebellion intended to save
myself rather be a martyr in some other way slavery, whether Democracy was saved or not.
than to have a rough rope put around my neck,   If we did not accept the issue, it would be
and be hung on a lonely prairie, and have my forced upon us.
body left there unburied.                    The liberties of the North were inseperably
You ask, has this happened?  Aye, fellow- bound up with those of the South. If secescitizens, it has happened; it is happening every sion should become an accomplished fact, he
day; it will continue to happen until the last could see no safety for republicanism on this
free spirit has left the South,or his soul has been continent.
crushed, unless the power of this Government   He believed, too, that we must soon see that
steps in. [Cheers.] It commenced before se- republicanism  should be maintained, even at
cession was commenced. In my own State it the hazard of a foreign war, clear down to tha
commenced pending the presidential canvass in Isthmus. We must not permit poor Mexico
which Mr. Lincoln was elected. I was not to become the victim  of Louis Napoleon.
present when any one of these victims fell. I [Cheers.] The 80,000 troops going to Mexico
did not have the honor of belonging to any were not for Mexico alone.  The Mexicans
vigilance committee, nor was I member of any were aware of that, and their prayers were
K. G. C., but I take the evidence of the men earnestly going up for the salvation of the
engaged in it, published in the public newspa- Government of the United States in all its inpers, for the fact that more than 200 men per- tegrity, and to the utmost extent of its terriished thus because they were suspected of tory, where its jurisdiction  ever did exist.
loving their children more than they loved [Cheers.]
their neighbor's negroes. [Sensation.]       The Government hereafter must have as
If, then, the necessity of that institution re- much power as it had before, and use it better.
quires such support, they have severed my alle-   Mr. Hamilton concluded by a striking piegiance(if ever I had any) to it. [Cheers.]    tule of the imbecility with which the rebelNor will the men who have compelled me lion was treated by Buchanan, and by exto leave my State be at all disappointed at horting all to strengthen the hands of the
what I say here or elsewhere. I advised them  Government, the Government of an honest
in advance that if they would force upon me President, and to concentrate all its energies
the issue of infidelity to the Government of upon the crushing of the rebellion. He conmy childhood and of my father before me-  jured the people of the North to rise to the
infidelity to that, or infidelity to Slavery-my hight of this great argument.  With one
choice was easily made. [Applause.]  If they united effort let us give to the President and
compelled me to elect between my children his Generals our hearty and cordial support,
and their negroes, a fool could tell where I with the determination that if they fail, they
would be found. [Cheers.]                  shall not have to complain of any want of corThat issue is before you, fellow citizens, to- dial support on our part.
night. It is upon me; it is upon every man   Standing for the first time on free soil, he
from Maine to Mexico-shirk it, if you can.   might be permitted to ask with Webster, that
Mr. Hamilton gave a striking picture of the if Freedom should fall, if fall it must, it should
changed condition of the non-slavehclding fall in the midst of the proud monuments it
man of the South, and the terrible system of had'reared.  [Loud and prolonged applause.]
espionage and Lynch-law which had been es-   Mr. Griffiths presented a series of resolu.
tablished throughout the South. He spoke of tions, thanking Mr. Hamilton for his address,
the difficulties of getting away to a Union man, and, after a few words from  the Hon. Mr.
which were almost insurmountable.          Odell, in which he pledged the last man and
It was a fashionable thing to say, " I am for the last dollar of Brooklyn and the North to
the Constitution as it is, and the Union as it put down and crush out the rebellion forever
was."  [Cheers.]                           the immense audience separated.




THE ARISTOCRATIC  ARM  OF THE REBEFJLION.                        I
COL. HAMILTON'S SECOND SPEECH
ON THE CAUSES AND OBJECTS OF THE REBELLION.
THE ARISTOCRATIC ARM  OF THE REBELLION.
In response to an invitation of the National to serve his fellow-citizens in the same capacity. I present to you the Honorable A. J.
War Committee, the Hon. A. J. Hamilton, the Hamilton, of Texas. [Enthusiastic and contineloquent Union refugee from Texas, delivered ued applause.]
an address in the large Hall of Cooper Institute   Mr. Hamilton said: Fellow-citizens of the
last evening (Oct. 4). The hall was.densely City of New York, could I, by the exercise of
some supernatural power, present to those I
filled. Upon the platform were David Dudley left behind the scene upon which I now gaze,
Field, the Hon. Hiram Walbridge, Prof. Francis and bring back the answer which springs in
Lieber, the Rev. Henry M. Field, Profs. J. J. every heart that throbs with a loyal feeling,
Owen and Roswell C. Hitchcock, Brig.-Gen. you would be thanked as alone would be fitting
n            w C.itcf, for this overpowering welcome.  I
Strong, S. B. Chittenden, and others. At'~   I remember well, as I entered your magnifio'clock Gen. Hiram Walbridge called the meet- cent harbor but a few days past, for the first
ing to order. He said-                     time in my life, I could but be impressed with
the evidence before me of the magnitude, the
FELLOW-CITIZENS: The National War Corn- progress, and the greatness of our country, as
mittee have assigned to me the duty of calling represented upon but one single spot of its
to order this vast patriotic and intelligent as- country.
semblage.  Without office, without honors,   But there was connected with it a painful
without emoluments, without patronage, they throb, and it arose from the reflection that all
trace their authority only in the rectitude of that was now being imperiled; and whatever
their intention, in the imminence of public you, fellow-citizens, may have supposed with
danger, and they fondly trust in the regard regard to the progress of this rebellion, or the
and esteem of their countrymen. [Cheers.] extent, so far as territory is concerned, or the
No sane man believes that this gigantic rebel- integrity of the people of any section of the
lion, which fairly shakes the earth beneath our country-satisfied as you may be in your own
feet, can ever.be quelled unless the Federal minds that it could not go beyond the States
Government shall furnish the opportunity for of the South-I entertain a different opinion.
the loyal patriotic Union men of the South I mean to be understood, if it is to succeed
to  demonstrate  their  valor,  their  in- where it is already attempted, in my humble
trepidity, their devotion to the Constitution, judgment it will not stop there; in short, that
the Union, and the supremacy of law. [Ap- if the Government of the United States, as it
plause.] That Constitution and the Govern- existed before the rebellion, is not maintained
ment it guarantees sprung from the hearts of in all its integrity, we may look forward to a
the American people. It was baptized in their period, perhaps not so remote that some here
blood, and it will be defended by their hands present will not see it, when it will give way
so long as treason shall seek to ignore that here also.
flag that has borne the glories of the Amer-   Mr. Hamilton proceeded to investigate the
ican character into every part of the habitable cause of the rebellion. Had the theory now
globe. [Great applause.] I take the liberty, advanced throughout the South, that Republitherefore, gentlemen, of respectfully nominat- canism was a failure, been put forth at the coming as presiding officer upon the occasion, our mencement of the rebellion, it would have
eminent chief magistrate, the Hon. George been nipped in the bud. But when the arms
Opdyke. [Loud and prolonged applause.]    and the powder and lead were all concentralted
Mayor Opdyke said: My friends, we are in the hands of the Government, they raised
here to listen to a distinguished citizen of the the cry: " Democracy is a failure. You perSouth, a friend of the Union, and of the old ceive it is a failure, because the United States
flag, who has been compelled to flee from the Government has failed. We must get rid of
iron despotism which the confederate traitors the people of the North because they are demhave established there. It is therefore that ocratic. Slavery and Democracy cannot live
we are favored with the opportunity of obtain- together."  [Loud and prolonged applause.]
ing information from that region from a source   The only reply which he made, so long as he
at once so trustworthy, so enlightened, and so could make any, to these statements as to the
eloquent Tho orator of the evening is a gen- weakness of Democracy, was: " Gentlemen, by
tleman of distinguished social position, and the time you have got through with Uncle Sam
eminent public service, having represented his you will find it strong enough for common use."
State in the Congress of the United States [Loud cheers.] He had been what was called
with marked ability, and I trust the day is not a loyal man to the institution of slavery, but
far distant when he will again be called upon the moment the old flag was torn down he had




8                THE ARISTOCRATIC ARM  OF TIE REBELLION.
told them that they would make him not only   I do not say this because I have suffered; it
an Abolition sympathizer, but an active, prac- is because thousands of brave men are suffering
tical Abolitionist. [Enthusiastic cheering.]    now. It is true, had I not suffered and witHe feared that there were those here who still nessed suffering, I might not, and probably
fancied that by some conciliatory measures the would not, have been so earnest in my feelings.
South could be brought back to the old Gov- We are all sufficiently selfish, and I am no exernment. There could be no greater fallacy. ception.
[Applause.] The loyal men of the South were   If secession is an accomplished fact, and the
praying to get back into the Union without any Government that has resulted from it an estabcondition or conciliation.  Would any loyal lished Government among the nations of the
men consent that Jeff. Davis should ever be earth, do you believe that secession would stop
President of the United States. ["No, no."] there? Are there not men even in the Empire
Mr. Hamilton continued: " I do want to see State, in your goodly city, who would listen to
the old Government, when it shall have assert- treason?  [Wood, Wood, Wood.] There may
ed its power, make a wise and just discrimina- be no such men in all New York, but, fellowtion between the guilty and the deluded. citizens, I would dislike exceedingly to think
[Cheers.] I want the really responsible trait- that my hopes of the future depended upon
ors punished. [Applause.] I want the down- the fact of there being no such men. [Laughtrodden, the suffering, the ignorant, to be al- ter.]
lowed to come back like the prodigal son, and   I say that I do not question the loyalty of
be forgiven. [Cheers.]                    the great heart of New York. I mean that
If we cannot conciliate these men what can man has not, even here in New York, attained
we do? Shall history record it that twenty- to human perfectability.  There are men
seven millions of freemen, and women, and doubtless here who would be willing to be. the
children have not the moral and physical power great particular magnates here in New York,
to strangle treason in fifteen hundred thousand? at the expense of the Government at WashingIs republicanism  to fail upon this continent ton. [Cheers.]
because that twenty-seven millions are not suf-  It is certain to my mind that, once it is esficiently conscious of their duty to themselves, tablished that it is a possible thing to tear
to the Government of their fathers, to human- asunder the States, there will be men tugging
ity the wide world over, to realize the fact that at it day by day and year by year, and you
this rebellion can alone be crushed by physi- will not have the confidence you once had that
eal force I                                these attacks should be resisted; and you may
I have not a doubt but peace propositions be led to ask whether, to escape anarchy at
will come from the Confederate Government, last, you had not better have a stronger Govbut they will not come in the shape of an un- ernment.
-conditional proposition to assume the Union   There is safety for us and fallen humanity
as it was, leaving the elective franchise as it throughout the world in the preservation of
was.                                       the Government of our fathers. [Loud cheers.]
We have already seen some of the conditions    We have confidence in the flag which floats
or what would probably be the conditions, if over the soil of New York to-day, but wihen
hostilities were to cease. I do not think that the one shall have been destroyed, and the
they even would emanate from the Cabinet- other be trailing in the dust, what confidence
if I may be allowed the expression-at Rich- shall we have in equal success?
mond. They know that if the Government of   I at home felt that I was a degraded man,
the United States should, in its mercy, pardon because I was a son of the South, and the peotheir offenses, and restore them to their rights ple with whom  I had lived so long had forunder the Constitution, their own fellow-citi- feited their birthright, and turned away from
zens who have been their victims would spurn me, and I was too big a coward to make mythem away, and they are as effectually cut off self a martyr. I was compelled to leave my
from preferment as if they had been convicted home under circumstances painful at any time.
of high treason. The very desperation with The Angel of Death had just passed over my
which they are struggling ought to prove to house. But why should I be allowed t') reyou and the world that they will never stop main and weep with my wife over the tomb of
while they can get men to bleed; they will a little daughter-I, an old wretch, who dared
never cease to fight as long as there is a hope to tell my neighbors that the solemn oath I
ef success, because it is the only hope of salva- had taken to support the Constitution of the
tion to them. They do not feel for the suffer- United States was still binding?  I had done
ings of the wives' and the children that are too much to be permitted to live peaceably at
made widows and orphans by this unholy war; home. I had robbed no man in the land;
it never has entered the mind of one man in there were those who at times I had fed, and
this rebellion, who understood its objects, to they were first to cry-" Crucify him! Hang
shed a tear for all the bloodshed, misery and him! "
woe which it involved.                       In Mexico there are now 500 men who left
The war must be put down by bayonets, by as I left. They are in the mountain fastnesses,
powder and ball, by brave hearts and strong hunted like wolves. Are they to have help 
anma   [Cheers.]                           Give them  a chance, and they will bleed for




THE ARISTOCRATIC  ARM  OF THE REBELLION.                               9
their country, die for it, redeem it; and there  truthfully, I am a freeman-I am not merely
are men enough there to-day to redeem it if a theoretical freeman-I have the Constitttion
they were organizAd and had arms in their of the United States guaranteeing me my
hands. Let no man be permitted to live in the freedom; but I have what is dearer still-I
Government who will dare awain to strut his have countrymen, I have society, I have
little hour upon any stage and preach treason brethren, fellow-citizens, all over the State,
to his fellow-men.  [Chieers.]                without an exception, who intend that I shall
Restore the Government, its Constitution, practice as a freeman throughout my life. They
and its laws to all, fellow-citizens?  With all intend that I shall indulge the noblest right
my heart.  Restore the Union as it existed for that can be given to  man —the  right of
the year ju;t preceding the rebellion?  God thought, and of impressing my thoughts, humforbid.  [Loud, prolonged, and repeated ap- ble though they be, upon the minds of others.
plause.]                                        If I can go home with that kind of freedom,
Am I to be remitted back to the soil of I want it; less than that I shall never be sat;Texas, to be hunted by assassins the little isfied with.  [Cheering.]  Hundreds of men
remnant of my life?  ["No, no!"]  Am I to have perished because they had thought, bego there to teach my little son that the chief cause they had loved freedom, and indulged
blessing of his great future is to run from  occasionally in speculations as to how freedom
street to street and from man to man, and in- was best to be preserved; they have been
sist that he is as sound a man upon this sub- hung like felons. I want that to cease.  I
ject of slavery as lives?  [Cheers.]  Am I to want the Government of the United States to
see my neighbors and friends hung by the treat every man in the land as its enemy who
neck because they have doubted that the chief will attempt to impose further restrictions
business of the Great Ruler of the Universe upon the right of a free people to think and
is not in directing and controlling and ma- to talk.  [Cheers.]  When I see that, then I
turing and perpetuating the institution of can lift my hands and say: Blessed, indeed, is
slavery?  [Cheers.]                           this Government!  Then I can accept that
No, fellow-citizens; if I cannot go there flag as the emblem of freedom, really, unqualand strike hands with my friends at home; if ifiedly —having gained new  lustre by the
I cannot be again united with my family, ex- very struggle in which its citizens are engaged
cept upon the terms that I am to live in such  to-day.
society as existed there, hard as it is to utter,   I will indulge the hope that victory upon
I can find it in my heart to say, let me never the field may not only perch upon the standsee them. But if you mean, by the restoration  ards of our arms, but that a moral halo will
of the Union as it was, a restoration of that surround it from  the consciousness of those
Union such as our fathers intended it to be, who are fighting that they are struggling to
then, with all my heart, let us have it. [Great sustain liberty and to crush the last remains of
applause.]                                   slavery.  [Enthusiastic applause.]
The issue is simple; it is plain; the way-   Let then our last thought upon Government
farino man must read it as he runs, though he and society be: I am  yet a citizen of a free
be a fool-slavery on the one hand, and liberty Government; I still occupy the position of a
on the other.  [Loud applause.]               recipient of the largest rational human liberty;
And yet, fellow-citizens, for these brief de- I am  yet on freedom's soil, with  freedom's
sultory words, honestly spoken, I am yet to be banner floating o'er me. [Loud and continued
further tried.  Friends doubtless who have applause.]
stood up for me hitherto, will say they are not   The Hon. Hiram Walbridge then offered the
prepared for this yet. But I fear not for following resolution:
them; they will arrive in due time where I   Resolved, That the earnest and cordial thanks of the
stand; and I will add, even at the expense of loyal citizens of New York are hereby tendered to Col.
being considered arrogant, if you please, that Hamilton for his clear, concise, and thorough exposition
what I have said to-night, all uninteresting as ofit is the infamuty of th  resent wickedal     ernme nt at the earliest
it may be to you, will strike a chord deep in practicable moment to furnish such aid to the loyal
the hearts of my people.                     IUnion men of the South as will enable them again to enI know how the people feel, their modes of joy all the blessings of representative constitutional govthought, to what conclusions their minds have ement.
already been brought. It is "your negroes,   The Rev. Dr. Hitchcock, in seconding the
my children."  I love my children best-I do resolution, said that never in his life had he
ot intlen         d to part with the hopes that I have been more happy not to have been a conditionot intend to part with the hopes that I have al man than to-night. They had listened to a
predicated upon my little son. He has, or Southern slaveholder who happened not to be
ought to have —he did have until you took i            and that Southern slaveholder   hap -
away from him-the right to aspire to the a rebel, and  that S            outhern slaveholder  aphighest honors in his country's gift.  He shall pened to be  an Abolitionist.  The one thing
have it. I will fight that my son may be to do was to march the loyal millions over
have it. I will cfight thate South, where the  would
free, even at the expense of freeing your ne- every acre of the South, where they would
[Cers], even at te expenseoffreeingyour see that this Satanic power sat enthroned on a
groes. [Cheers.]                              sacred throne which was as black as night.
Let me, then, fellow-citizens, indulge the   The resolution was unanimously adopted,
hope that, if it shall be my fortune again to and the meeting adjourned amid loud calls for
visit home and friends, I can say, and say it favorite speakers.




10                       THE PLOTTINGS OF REBELLION.
THE PLOITINGS OF REBELLION.
THE ISSUE IN ITS MAGNITUDE.
Eleven years ago, a learling spirit of Vir- a wish. Were I a Carolinian, it would be very
ginia addressed a leading spirit of South Car- different; but when I consider the serious
olina, and distinctly presented the great issue of effects the decision may have on your future
to-day. The following letter, written in 1851, weal or woe, I feel that a citizen of a State
by Mr. Garnett, then a member of the Vir- which has acted as Virginia, has no right to
ginia Convention sitting to revise the Consti- interfere, even by a wish.
tution of the State, to Mr. Trescott, of South   "If the General Government allows you
Carolina, afterwards Assistant Secretary of peaceably and freely to secede, neither VirState under Mr. Buchanan, is fully significant ginia nor any other Southern State would, in
of the matured designs of the secessionists. my opinion, follow you at present. But what
This letter was captured at the residcence of would be the effect upon South Carolina?
Mr. Trescott, on Barnwell's Island, and con- Some of our best fiiends here supposed that
tainsthe reasonings and motives of the traitors it would cut off Charleston from  the great
who inaugurated the rebellion. The meaning Western trade which she is now striking for,
of the letter is clear on its face. It needs no and would retard very greatly the progress
commentary. We ask our fellow-Democrats of your State. I confess that I think differto read and ponder it.  As Democrats, we ently.  I believe thoroughly in our own
accept the issue as the TRAITORS T1EEMSELVrES theories, and that if Charleston did not grow
understand it-as wE understand it, and as the quite so fast in her trade with other States,
leading rebels who control the South have yet the relief from  Federal taxation would
FORCED it on the nation-SI.AvERY AND DE- vastly stimulate your prosperity. If so, the
MOCRBAC INCOMPATIBLE! Which shall go under? prestige of the Union would be destroyed, and
Let true Democrats answer the question.    you would be the nucleus for a Southern ConLORENZO ShIEIRWOOD,  federation at no distant day.
HENRY O'ISIEiLY,               ""But I do not doubt, from all I have been
CHARLES P. KIRKLAND,   able to learn, that the Federal Government
CEO.  P. NELSON,             would use force, beginning with the form most
THOMAS EWBAL NK,             embarrassing to you, and least calculated to
JOHN J. fiPEED,              excite sympathy-I mean a naval blockade.
HENRY C. GARDINER,           In that event, could you withstand the reCorrespondig Committee         action feeling which the suffering commerce
of the lenlocratic Leagle.  of  Charleston  would  probably  manifest?
Nw~ YORE, Sept. 20, 1862.                Would you  not lose that in which your
____ Yoi, Sept. 20, 1862.  strength consists, the union of your people?
Le4terfrom  Mr. Garnett, of Virginia, to Air. I do not mean to imply an opinion.   I only
Trescott, of South Carolina.       ask the question.  If you could force this
blockade, and bring thIe Government to direct'; VA. CONVENTION, May 3d, 1851.  force, the feeling in Virginia would be very
"My Dear Sir: You misunderstood my last great. I trust in God it would bring her to
letter if you supposed that I intended to visit yoeir aid.
South Carolina this Spring. I am exceedingly    "But it would be wrong in me to deceive
obliged to you for your kind invitations, and you by speaking certainly. I cannot express
it would afford me the highest pleasure to thie deep mortification I have felt at her course
interchange, in person, sentiments with  a this Winter. But I do not believe that the
friend whose manner of thinking so closely  course of the Legislature is a fair expression
agrees with my own. But my engagements of the popular feeling. In the east, at least,
here closely confine me to this city, and deny  the great majority believe in the right of seme such a gratification.                   cession, and feel the de epest sympathy with
" I would be especially glad to be in Charles- Carolina in opposition to measures which they
ton next week, and witness your Convention  regard as she does. But the west-Western
of Delegates from the Southern-Rights Asso- Virginia-there is the rub!  Only 60,000
ciations.  The condition of things in your slaves to 494,000 whites!  When i consider
State deeply interests me; her wise foresight this fact, and the kind of argument which we
and manly independence have placed her at have heard in this body, I cannot but regard
the head of the South, to whom alone true- with the greatest fear the question whether
hearted men can look with any hope or Virginia would assist Carolina in such an
pleasure.  Momentous are the consequences issue.
which depend upon your action. Which party    "I must acknowledge, my dear sir, that I
will prevail? the immediate secessionists, or look to the future with almost as much apthose who are opposed to separate State action  prehension as hope.  You well object to the
at this time? For my part, I forbear to form  term  I)emocrat.  -Democracy, in its original




ANTAGONISTIC PRINCIPLES INVOLVED IN THE REBELLION.                     11
philosophical sense, is, indeed, incompatible with vails, the last hope of Republican Government,
slavery, and the whole system of Southern soci- and I fear of Southern Civilization, is gone.
ety. Yet, if we look back, what change will Russsia will then be a better Government
you find made in any of our State constitu- than ours.
tions, or in our legislation, in its general course   "I fear that the confusion and interruption
for the last fifty years, which was not in the under which I write may have made this a
direction of Democracy? Do not its principles rather rambling letter.  Do you visit the
and theories become daily more fixed in our North in the Summer? I should be happy to
practice?-I had almost said in the opinions welcome you to the Old Dominion.
of our people, did I not remember with pleas-   " I am much obliged to you for the offer to
ure the great improvement of opinion in re- send me Hammond's Eulogy on Calhoun; but
gard to the abstract question of slavery. And I am indebted to the author for a copy.
if such is the case, what have we to hope for    " With esteem and friendship,
the future? I do not hesitate to say that if                     " Yours truly,
the question is raised between Carolina and                  "M. R. H. GARNETT.
the Federal Government, and the latter pre-   " W. H. TRESCOTT, EsQ."
ANTAGONISTIC PRINCIPLES INVOLVED IN THE
REBELLION.
LETTER OF THE DEMOCRATIC LEAGUE TO JOHN BRIGHT.
The following letter from  the Executive Union Government. The two antagonisms of
Committee of the Democratic League, alluding slavery and Democracy had long since entered
to the antagonisms in which the rebellion orig- into the contest. For thirty years or more the
inated, has been addressed to John Bright, rumblings of these discordant elements had
Manchester, England:                       gone across the waters. In Europe, where these
"NEW  YOR, August 9, 1862.   sounds had reached, the prophecies were made
that Democratic Government could not endure.
" John Bright, member of the British Parlia- All these unfavorable prophecies were based
ment.                                   upon the supposed weakness of the Democratic
"Dear Sir: The Executive Committee of principle in government. Never was a greater
the Democratic League for Slstaining the Na- mistake made than this. It has not been the
tional Unity, influenced by a just admiration weakness of the Democratic principle, nor its
of the character you have earned in this coun- want of adaptation to power in Government,
try as well as your own, desire to tender to or strength in nationality. It has been the
you the respects and regards of our fellow- nightmare of slavery that has fastened on the
countrymen. We do not arrogate too much breast of the republic. It was this hideous and
when we speak in behalf of our fellow-citizens; disturbing element that created the convulsions
for, at best, we can but feebly express the kind- of the body politic that have so often seemed
ly sentiments which the millions on this side to threaten us with dissolution.   v
of the Atlantic entertain towards you.      " The pro-slavery spirit in politics has not
"It is enough for us to know that you are only been the disturber of our domestic peace,
the warm and firm friend of the masses of your but the cause of much reproach to us in Europe.
own countrymen. Knowing this, we can ap- It half paralyzed the principle of civil liberty
preciate your habits of thought and your readi- where it existed.  It neglected the general
ness to analyze correctly the causes that have education of the youth. It was ever contumelled to the present conflict in America. No one ious in its opposition to the national policy of
who is not imbued with a large and kindly raising up diversified industry. It had not,
sympathy for the welfare of the masses is com- and from its nature, could not, have any subpetent to be a judge in our matters. There is stantial sympathy in the common welfare of
no other platform  than this upon which he the masses. Selfish, arrogant, and unjust by
can stand and make his survey accurate. Hav- nature-condemned by a discriminating world
ing analyzed society in the United States fIom  for the compound of vices interwoven into its
the same stand-point that you have contem- relationships, it has at last, through desperaplated the natural rights of your own country- tion, taken refuge in the law of force.
men, you have not been mistaken as to the   "In order to judge with accuracy, it is necharacter of the antagonisms which have here cessary to understand what brought slaveholdculminated in warfare.                     ers to the desperate resort of attempted revolu" To most people in Europe it must appear tion. The doctrine was long since promulgated
surprising that the Americans should have en- by them that'a Government of majorities must
gaged in a civil war of such gigantic magni- be abrogated' —'that slavery and Democracy
tude. It could not have been avoided by the were incompatible' —'that under the operation




12         ANTAGONISTIC PRINCIPLES INVOLVED IN THiE REBELLION.
of the Democratic principle, and the laws of much time elapsed before the full meaning of
population and subsistence, slavery must soon the southern conspiracy disclosed itself. It is
lose its presti!re and go down before the en- not fully understood yet by the masses in the
franchised masses.' What was to be done? United States-much less by the people of
Here was a process of reasoning, founded on Europe. To get at the full meaning of the atforesight of the future, that no argument could tempted revolution requires an analysis of the
turn aside. Statesmen in the North and South whole reasonings and motives that influenced
concurred in the same conclusion, but with the slaveholders to enter upon it.
this difference-the one insisting that the dem-   "To the minds of those unacquainted with
ocratic principle must be subverted in order the reasonings of slaveholders, and their appreto maintain slavery unimpared-the other in- hensions excited by the known force of the
sisting that the democratic principle in Gov- laws of population, the inquiry naturally arises,
ernment must be maintained, though it in- "Could not this civil war have been averted?"
volved the extinction of slavery.  We have We assume to know that this war could not
now the desperate conflict of arms founded have been averted short of surrendering the
upon the issue thus made.                  national Government and the national policy to
"Our people of the North dreaded civil the dictation of less than three hundred and
war. Every interest had aversion to the resort fifty thousand slaveholders. That this could
to arms.  Every assurance was given that not be done, and would not be permitted, is
slavery would not be intermeddled with in now being demonstrated by the democratic
states where it existed. Compromises were masses in arms to maintain the national jurisoffered and attempted to be acted on; and diction, and with it the principles of free goveverything short of a surrender of the demo- ernment.
cratic principle in Government was tendered   "' We enclose for your perusal a copy of the
to slaveholders in order to assuage animosity declaratory resolutions of our League. Also
and put back the intended revolution. Our we send by this mail the July number of the
national Government and the party in power Continental Monthly, containing an article more
did everything possible in conciliatory policy, fully elucidating the motives and reasonings
but with no other result than that of increased that led the slaveholders into the attempt at
determination on the part of slaveholders to revolution.
persist in the purposes of the rebellion. Slave-   " We are aware that the liberalists of Euholders were not mistaken'in their conclusion, rope have waited with much impatience for
that there was a danger to the institution of the disclosure of a significant policy on the
slavery which no compromises could avert, part of our Government towards the institution
and against which no party could stipulate or of slavery. They need not fear on that ground,
give guaranty. They knew that the frictional nor will their just hopes be disappointed. We
contest must soon arise under the laws of pop- could have longer tolerated slavery, odious as
ulation and subsistence. Twenty-three years it is in principle, and damaging as it is to the
hence, on the ratio of the past, and the popu- advancement of civilization, for the sake of
lation would be aggregated to sixty millions. peace; but when it openly entered upon the
Forty-six years would swell it to a hundred revilement of the democratic principle, insisted
and twenty. But a short time in the annals on a new order of government, and commenced
of nationality, and slavery would be crowded the war to throw off the national jurisdiction,
by the offshoot of that twenty-seven millions it became a very different matter. From that
now dependent upon free labor for subsistence, moment the chain of subordination to its fell
and having every natural motive to political irfluences was broken. Its prestige has already
affiliation. This was the mountain of horrors passed the bounds beyond the pale of restorato the pro-slavery sensibilities. This was the tion. The bill of its abominations is now to
political power that politicians could not bind be settled through the law of force. What
or warp into subordination to the purposes that settlement will be is very plainly foreand policy of slavery.                     shadowed in the public sentiment, to the effect
" To glance further at the logic which preci- that we can neither have peace or become a
pitated the slaveholders into rebellion, they as- homogeneous people without removing this
sumed that delay only added to the difficulties gangrene from the body politic.
of successfully accomplishing a revolution.   "Allow us to say a word respecting the disThey had prepared the programme in 1856; tress and depression that have fallen upon the
and had also arranged for going out of the mechanical industry of Great Britain. This reUnion in case Mr. Fremont was elected to the suit, we are all aware, has grown out of the
Presidency. The election of Mr. Buchanan at slaveholders' rebellion. It was a part of the
the time merely postponed the attempt, in programme that entered into the calculations
order to gain additional facilities for success of the southern conspirators.  They openly
through the treasonable pliancy of his admin- boasted, in advance, of the misery they could
istration. With a traitorous maJority in Mr. inflict on the laboring classes of England in the
Buchanan's Cabinet, the work of rebel prepa- management of the incidents when they should
ration went rapidly on. Mr. Lincoln's inaugu- have entered upon the rebellion. They verily
ration found it fully prepared for the conflict believed that they could inflict such distress as
-almost an overmatch from previous prepara- to bring the Government of Great Britain into
tion. The nation was taken by surprise, and alliance with their revolutionary projects. We




OPINIONS OF GEN. MITCHELL, OF KEINTUTCKY.                          13
do not imagine that the intelligence of Great to be able to bring back the relations of this
Britain can be warped from a true apprecia- country and Great Britain to their natural
tion of this diabolical attempt to injure society  commercial basis. In the meantime we trust
at large. That we were powerless to prevent that some mitigation of British calamity may
this wide-spread mischief of the conspirators, be found in the overflowing granaries of the
is plainly evident. That we have not succeeded  North.
in averting the malignant prejudice of classes   " With kindest regards to yourself, and good
in Great Britain towards ourselves, is to be re- wishes for your countrymen and the cause of
gretted; more especially as we have suffered humanity everywhere, we aremost deeply from the same causes. It will not    "Cordially and truly your friends,
be expected, under our trying circumstances               "CHARLES P. KIRKLAND,
even, that we can forego the preservation of              "THOMAS EWBANK,
nationality, and consent to the prostration of            "HENRY  O'RIELLY,
our great cause, for the temporary convenience            " LOENZO SHERWOOD,
of the best friends we have in the world.                 "JOHN J. SPEED,
Whilst we regret the distress, and would sym-             "GEORGE P. NELSON,
pathize most deeply in any practical efforts              " ENRY C. GARDINER,
for its alleviation, we do not believe that it   "Executive Committee of the 
can find relief in alliance with the influencesttee of teae eocra'that originated the calamity. We hope soon
OPINIONS OF GEN. MITCHELL, OF KENTUCKY.
Few men in the Union possess in greater    "'A few months ago we were not in this aldegree the confidence of his countrymen, than  ternative. If we had destroyed the rebel army
the gallant Kentuckian, General 5Mitcheli-a  in the Southwest and had taken Richmoud
confidence well earned by successful service (both of which I think might have been done),
against the rebels, as well as by previous de- a division would have inevitably sprung up at
votion to the noblest pursuits of civil life.  the South. The party who from the first opFreed firom all fanaticism on the negro ques- posed secession and this war, would have turntion-southerner as he is, and judging of the ed on the rabid secessionists and said, "You
rebellion with the spirit of a patriot and a have always said that the North meant to viosoldier-Gen. Mitchell places himself on the late our rights and free our slaves. We have
same platform  with Col. Hamilton of Texas, been at war for fifteen months and they have
Parson Brownlow  of Tennessee, and other not done so. And see the position into which
Southern loyalists, in enforcing patriotic duties your counsels have brought us." And the peace
and military necessities against the traitors in party would have gained the ascendency at
this great struggle, for preserving the National the South. But now all is changed.  We did
Union.                                       not beat them. Congress has passed and the
In a recent address to the officers under his President has approved an act that kills slavery
command, at Port Royal, in South Carolina, in at least nine of the States. The South has
Gen. Mitchell expressed his opinions with a become unanimous; and the North also. At
degree of emphasis, that renders his address a the KNorth, if you hesitate about resorting to all
fit accompaniment for the speeches of Col. means to put an end to the war, you are reHamilton, in the consideration of all loyal peo- garded as pro-slavery and disloyal.
ple in the South and North.                    "' There remains only the alternative I speak
The New York " World" of Oct. 4, publishes of.  WTe must destroy slavery or it will conquer
the following abstract of Gen. Mitchell's ad- tus. I accept the issue. I believe that all the
dress, in a letter from the correspondent of hopes of humanity for a thousand years to come
that journal, at Port Rtoyal, under date of are involved in this struggle. Rather than that
Sept. 26th:                                  this Government should be overthrown, I am
"A few days ago Major-General Mitchell sent ready not only to see slavery exterminated,
For the commanding officers of regiments sta- but also have every negro in these Southern
tioned at this post, to gather infoimation and States destroyed-and more, I am ready to see
to give instructions in regard to their com- every white man in these rebelStates destroyed
aiands. He then spoke in substance as follows: also.
"' I wanted also to say a word to you in re-   "'We must realize the state of affairs. We
rard to the unfortunate negro question.  I have not done so hitherto. I hear that there
llink I may call it unfortunate, because I sup- has been some criticism  of the course adopted
)ose we all feel that but for this there would by my predecessor [Gen. Hunter] in this deiave been no war and we should none of us partment in regard to the negro population.
tave been wearing uniforms.                 There has been  some talking about "idle,
"' I feel that I may speak about this ques- lousy negroes," etc. The time for such talk has
ion, for I was born in Kentucky, and I have passed. We must use the negro. At the West;iven to the matter as close attention as it is we have protected whole tracts of corn and
a my power to give. I am convinced that we cotton-property of rebels-protected them
ust destroy slavery, or slavery will conquer us. better than their troops would have done, and




14                           LIBERTY FOR WHIBE MEN.
then have been chased out and left them for   "' I ask you all to consider this subject carethe enemy to gather. There can be no more' fully, thoughtfully, as its importance demands.'
of that. If we carry on these plantations here    "Such was the substance of his remarks,
by the labor of negroes, and make it profitable, which were listened to with deep interest, and
we must do so, and benefit ourselves at their with general assent by the officers in attendexpense.                                      ance."
LIBERTY FOR WHITE MEN.
(From the N. Y. Evening Post of Oct. 4.)
There are three classes of men in the States the Rebel Confederacy) said in his Atlanta
now held by the rebels-the slaveholders, the  speech, in March, 1861:slaves, and the non-slaveholding whites. The   "The process oT disintegration in the od Union may
slaveholders are the originators and leaders in be expected to go on with almost absolute certainty. We
the rebellion; they make the slaves supporlt al;e now the nucleus of a giowing power, which, if we are
them reion ~their crimean  the poores whitt. true to ourselves, our destiny, and our high mission, will
them in their crime, and the poor whites to  become the controlling power on this continent."
fight for them. The slaves number over three -And what he then said has been re-echoed by
millions; the poor whites nearly five millions; the Richmond journals at different tires since.
the slaveholders less than four hundred thou-   We see that these slaveholding aristocrats
sand. The slaves are igrnorant; t~he poor whites could and did coolly speculate on the total deare for the most part little better informed; struction of that Union which had fostered
the slaveholders alone, as a class, have monop- them, favored them, petted them, honored
olized in the South, for many years, education, then, trusted them  at all times. They saw
wealth, and political influence. In some of the  what they were doing; they saw that the
Southern States only slaveholders were per- movement which they deliberately set on foot
mitted to hold office; in others, as in Virginia, was not only treason against the Government
the peculiar property of the slaveholders was which every one of them had repeatedly sworn
representedin thelegislature, and balanced the  to maintain; but it was treason against the
votes of the non-slaveholders.  With wealth, happiness, the liberty, the social progress of a
education, and the social and political power great nation; it was atheir purpose to strike a
already in their hands, this mischievous class blow at social order on this continent; to Mexdid not find it difficult to seize also the liber- icanize the American people; to break down all
ties of the poor whites-the non-slaveholders. that Washington and Jefferson and their felColonel Hamilton, of Texas, told his hearers lows gave their lives to build up; to destroy
some evenings ago, that we, who support the everything that has made the American people
Government, fight not Only for ourselves, but intelligent and happy at home, and honored
for the non-slaveholding whites of the South-  and respected abroad.
to redeem them  front the serf hood in -which    This is what the slaveholding rebels are bent
they are held by the slaveholders; to regain  on; *aid, united as they are, cruel and unscrupfor them the liberties snatched from tbhemr; to  ulous, they will succeed if they are not opposed
save them from the fate which is before them, with the utmost vigor and strength of which
of being made the victims of a cruel despotism. the people of this country are capable. They
But he addel, what is equally true, that our are not playing; when they drew the sword
libertywill fall with theirs; and that every blow  they threw  away the scalbard; when they
we strike for them is a blow for our own security. fired the first gun at Fort Sumter, they knew
That is to say, we must "stand by our that they began a movement which could end
order;" we dare not be selfish; we cannot, only in our ruin or theirs; which must leave
without ruin to our own liberties, suffer those either liberty or slavery supreme on this eCnof the Southern people to be destroyed. When tinent; -which must either establish a despotthe founders of this Union inserted in the con-or destroy
stitution a clause making it the duty of Congress those who united in this conspiracy for tile
to guaranty a republican, form of government to overthrow of the Union. They have asked no
every State, they wisely foresaw just this neces- favor of us since; they fight on, sacrificing
sity. It is necessary to the welfare of the whole every interest of thepoor whites whom they have
that each part shall be healthy; it is necessary  subjected to their wills, and willing to perish
to the liberty of each that all shall be free. beneath the ruins of their system rather than
The aristocratic or despotic principle which is give up their bad hopes.
now fighting for a firm hold in a few States,   We have no recourse except to beat them;
would inevitably crush the liberty of all. Norwe must fight, or submit to these ferocious
do the rebel leaders themselves fail to see thlis. mastels; we must figlht our best against them
They recognize the fact that the movement and those who talk of compromise, of conceswhich they have begun will not, if it succeeds, sioIs, of kindness, of conciliation here, either
stop therle; they do not intend that it shall. wofully fail to comprehemd the issue, or they
They count, not. on the separation of the Union are speaking in the interest of the rebels; and
into two parts, but on its entire disintegration. seeking to distract and divide public sentiment
They do not mean to be content with five or here, only that the enemy may the more easily
six State&   Mr. Stephens (Vice-President of antd speedily gain his victory,




THEI LAST DEMOCRATIC CONGRESSMAN FROM TiEXAS.                                                   15
COL. HAMILTON, THE LAST DEMOCRATIC CONGRESSMAN
FROM TEXAS.
(From an article by Horace,Greeley.)
In all the discussions which lduring a foll year pro-  marred in its beauty. Pillar after pil lar has fallen away, and wileb
edled arnd prepared f(or the President's Pr~ola~mation &o" its proud dome still points to heaven, it is reeling in mid-air like a
oeeedamdprpard p r  hePreidnt'' rocamtion   o drunken man, while its solid foundations are Shaken as with an
Freedom, the opponents of Emancipation rigirded te  earthquake. Yet there are worshipers there about the shrine, and I
alleged r-tpucnance or Sottleerol Urioni-ts as their Mala-  am among them. I have been called by warning voices to come out
koff.  " The Union has to.) few frie nds in the South al-  and escape the impending danger; I have been woeed by entreaties
ready," they argued; "your p,licy will deprive it of and piod with threats. But,sir,neitherentreaties,nor threats, nor
these few.  Adefrom henerowhoaefet dhope of reward, nor dread of danger, shall tear me away until I lay
he e shide  from  the nhaegleo, who Eire  fettered  hoidof the horns of the altar of my country, and imp ore heaven,
and helpless, the Union will have no remaining well-  in its own good time, to still the storm of civil strife, and througl
wishers, in the South after you shall have identified it  such human agency as may be best, again uprear the fallen pillars
with Abolition.  Howv can we afford thus to unite the  to their original position, that they may through long agescontribSouthern Whites in one compaAt, determined phalanx  nt tothe strength and beautyof the noblest structure yet devisedby
against us?  It is madness to urge it."                     man.
The logic was forci le had the assumption whereon           Mr. Hamilt,n returned to Texas to find her the helpit was based been a fact. Bilt it was not and is not as  less prey oftha Disulnion corlpriratots.  The treacherous
every day's developments tend more clearly to eslablils.  surreofder by Gen. Twiegs of the greater portion of the
The ice it at last broken, arid the inundation of Liberal  regulor arsloy of the Uli-n  (which Floyrt had ordered
sentiment is already manifest.                               from Utah to Texas, doubtles8 for that very purpose),
Hon. ANDREW  J. HAMILTON, of Texas, i a strikirg   had placel in the hands of the active troltors nearly all
illustration of this truth.  He is a nitive of Al-bama,  te arms and ammunition in tie State. They were unireared a staveholder, always surrounded by slaves, and  ted by a secret league; th: v were ready for the emergenalways regarding Slavery with itndolent and unrqilestion-  cv; and the weakness of Gen. Houlston in surrendering
ing aproal.  But for the Rebellin he would probably  thye government of the State into their hand, had coimhave died a slavehol(ier and a reputed admirer of' the  pleted the ruin of the Union cause.
peculiar institution."  t                                    Mr. Hamilt)n remained at horne, suspected and watched,
But Mr. Hamilton, though a slaveholder, was never a  but not arrested, his character and position being such,
disunionist.  When he saw tirose who worked very hard  that any waiton asault ulon him would have redounded
to bring Texas into the Union working even harder to  to the Injury of the Secession cause.  During that time,
get her out again, and others with her, he stood up to re-  he was adv ied of repeated instances in which Unionists
gist them. In 1859, the Deom ocratic party of l'exao with  less conspicuwls. and with feworr perdonal friends than
which he hAd always acted, held a State Conven ion and  hinnselt, were hunted down, frttered, abused, an  sluain, for
nominated H. G. Runnels, formerly Governor of Mis is-  no otler ofence than tlat t' fiderity to their country. Unsippi, for governor  of their State.  Runnels was a ds-  linism was everywhere rrpressed with a strong  haud, yet
unionist;  his leadinsuspporter  were of thhe sau e staripe    nowhere extinguished. Ttiousands who were induced to
the resolves and h steeches of the C nvention whVich nrcn-  pluTnge into the black pool of Seces ion by assurance that
inated him smacked (,f treasonable intent; in short, the  it was merely a device to frigttn the North into concesnomination was calculated to test the disposition of sions of her. rights to tlre S' uth-icy representations that
Texas as to the scheme of a Southern Confederacy.  Gen.  there would be  no hlo,)dshed, and that all would be setSam Houston  came out as "stump " candidate for GCov:  tled and smniling within a few  months-have long since
ernor in opposition, and was elected by 8,670 mnajiority-  been bitterly unldeceived by the relenrtless conscription
a result to which his prominent connection with the  which his torn every san capable of bearing arms from
early history of Texas and his personal popularity doubt-  the pat-rnal hearth, and by the various devices whereby
less contributed.  Mr. Hamiton in like mariner ran for  all their stock and crops are swept into the Confedqerate
Congress in th e Western District as an indepenrent Union  droves  anni g-mners, arld paidl for  in Colfelerate ocript
Democrat, arid was elected over the regular Democratic  or miot at all.  tie has no dou(      t  that a mrjority of the
candidate, Judge Waul, by 448 majority out of 32,370  ptople of WesternTea-s (with the oher half oftheState
lvoiea   ~'hie is ciornparatively little acquaiuted) would welcome toThus elected to Congress as a Unionist. Mr. Hamilton  morrow  ttle unfolding autorng them  of the dear olt flag
did not, like John Bell, betray the cause that had honored  under which they always erdliyel abundance, security,
him. When, in the early part of 1861, his collrarue,  and happiness.  Arld Mr. Hamilton, hunted at length
John H. Reagan, ni)w a menmber of the Confederate t7ab-  from his home, colcpetledi to hide for weeks in the mouninet, rose ti) d-clare his own adhesirn anL that of his  tains and thickets, and to make his way furtively to the
State to the Comifederacy, Mr. Hamillol listened till he  Rio Grandre, and thence to Matamnoras. New  Orleans, and
had o~mncluded, and then said:                               our city, is arnong us to plead the cause of the Unionists
I care not Pfa.r myselfI made up my mindatthebeginningofof Texas, whil ask that thley may be enllaled to help themise  made up my mind at ls beginnIng of  elves.  Let timem  hals   arme  ansd aermunition, and the
ftis trouble never to pause in any exertions because of the condition
in which it would place me for the time being, ether here or at nuclh.us of an army, alld they will fill its mrarks an(ljoyhome. I havenotallowed one single motive of selfishness, if I know  fully co-rpearate in ( rushirrg out the r oppressors, resLormy own heart, ever to interfere with the exercise of what little judg-  ing their S-ate to Firee(lom and the Union.
ment I have been able to bring to boar upon these great questions.    lt  r   to  thoh          rere         alays livI am solemnly impressed, however, Mr Speaker, with the condition
in which I actually find myself. In traveling hither from my home, inc itl the C(o ton States, is no conditir nal Unionist. He Is
more than two thousand miles distant from this Capital, for the dis- e(re1ly, uoilequilvoealv, ir favor of stranvling tile mnonster
charge of a public duty, my foot pressed no spot of foreign territory. Slavery, as well as his oflis',ring, Treason-andl, recogMy eye rested upon not one material object, during my journey, that  niiiig iim Siavk ry at leasw tile fulcrcrm wheleby the traiwas not a part and parcel of my country, as I fondly deemed it.
When we assembled together, as far as I know, every State and Ter-  tor8 were enabled to up et the loyalty of the South, be
ritory was represented upon this floor. The great fabric of the Gov-  favors its demnolition in crder that loyalty may sbfely rear
ernment was then complete; but now, how changed! When I go  its head aatin. Believing that if Slavery were extinhence, it will be to find my pathway intercepted by new and  giher, the  ebehlli is wru!lt be a fire without fuel, he is
strange nationalities. Without ever having dered from my na     - lirn  f tie p'licy which say, "Let Sndvery die,
tive land, I must traverse foreign countries, if I would return. I
might be excused for doubting my own identity. Surely I may be  th it so tile Reolutil c mitv live."  ltegardinrg Secessirn as
pardoned for having involuntarily prayed that this might prove a  Cga re-4L ot ainot demnocratic institutiors, in order that
troubled and protracted dream. Yet it is too true-too many evi-  a ia'row   igar-hv  nay  nilrrnrpolize tle serirlance as
dences force conviction of the sad reality. But a few days past, Mr.  wv-l at the reality  if  icer, he wvul(l crush out that
Speaker, the noble temple of American liberty stood complete in all
its parts —stood in all the majesty of its vast proportions, and in the  Olizaroly, bv abllshillg that wrinch gives it unity and
glory of its apparent strength and beauty of construction; not a pil  pre-tie, That o l,i,,terty ardl Union may abide arnd flourbr miesing nor a joint dissevered. And its votaries were gathered  i h evermore.  Siuc-h is IIon. Andrew  J. Ila!ni!ton  of
about the altar, worshiping, as was their wont, with hopeful hearts.  Tesxt.  L)u nit miss a.i opp, irtunity tm hr ar him, aal let
Porebodiugs were felt, and predictions mado, of the comine storm   r
and the dsotrastlon of the temnle. And the storm has coms, and still  his earnest worn, fire vclrr heart with a deeper doeotion
rngeI; the temple still standa'bat shora of its fair proportions and  to Freedom  and our Country I




16           THE CAUSE AND CURE OF THE SLAVEHOLDERS' REBELLION.
THE CAUSE AND CURE OF THE SLAVEHOLDERS' REBELLION.
(From the New York Daily Times.)
Mr. HAMILTON, of Texas, is one of the most earnest opposed to the rebellion, and he says that the rebels, since
prophets the South has yet.given to the Union. He has the secession, "have made no friends among the Union
trodden the wine-press of rebel hate, and bears marks of men." On the other hand, he declares that the scales have
the vassalage sought to be imposed upon him. He stands fallen from the eyes of thousands who were in the beginbefore his loyal countrymen to-day a martyr to his prin- ning duped into treason, and that they stand ready to esciples, and his life-saved by a miracle, as it were, of' good  pouse the cause of the old Government. This is, indeed,
fortune. He was dogged from his home, through the set- cheering news, and should reanimate the hope and courtlements and into the mountains of Texas. Five times  age of the loyal millions who are fighting this great and
his attempt to escape was defeated. He was the mark at final battle of freedom. We shall have the Union rewhich the assassin's bullet was sped. He reached the  stored-not the " Union as it was'" as semi-traitors mnouth
Gulf coast at last and found safety on shipboard.'-The  the phrase —but the Union as Washington and Jefferson
last thing I saw," he says, "on looking back from  the  left it. The words of Mr. Hamilton on this point conschooner's deck to the receding shores of Texas, was the  tain the convictions of the nation now in armls against the
little launch full of armed men who had failed to catch  rebellion. The voice of the people will be the voice of
me.'                                                    God. Laws and Constitutions must yield to the popular,
Such is the simple story of Mr. Hamilton's escape from  right and popular satfety. Says Mr. Hamilton:
Texas. In leaving that State he was, he says, severing    A, I invoke the aid of the loyal people in restoring the Government
all early connections, parting with life-long friends, giving  of the United States. But, fellow-citizens, if you had the power,
up his position in society (which was a high and enviable  and were to tender to me to-night the restoration of the Union as it
one, we can say for him), breaking the links that bound  existed in the State of Texas in 1861, I would not thank you for the
him to wife and children, and leaving " home," without boon. [Applause.] If, because I cannot measure my conscience or
kn judgment with those smy neighbor, or a majority of my neighbors
knowineg whether or not he would ever retmurn?  Is not I am to be looked upon with coldness, suspicion, and aversion; iSf
that a picture of the cruelest fate that can befall any man  am to be insulted and spit upon by the child en of my neighbors
in this life? But it represents the price that a brave man  whom I may have dandled on my knees, thinking that they would,
pays for his independence in the South.                 at least, remember me with kindness as their father's neighbor and
Mr. Hamilton is authorized to speak on behalf of friend; if I am to be looked upon as something loathsome, because
Surely Mr. Hamilton is authorized to speak on behalf of I cannot believe that Slavery is the beginning and the end of alt
the Union men of the South. He has done so in this city. legitimate government; if, above all, I cannot say what I believe,
He is to do so again; and we only with he could speak  that there are excesses and abuses in respect to that institution while
so as to be heard by every free man in New York State. ought to be looked to; if, in short, because I might say what
Mr. Hamilton puts an end to many of the miserable quib-  WaLSINGTON said, believing it what JoFFecRSON wrote, and what
all the good and great men of that day believed, I am to be stigmables among political partisans about the origin of the war. tized as a traitor, and made to suffer a traitor's doom; if that is te
He says it is false to ascribe the rebellion to the action of be the result of the "Union as it was," I want no such Union. lAptile Abolition party. He says, and says truly, that no  plause.] If,when the Union is restored, as I trust it will be, I may
Southern leader ever yet admitted that slavery -was not be at liberty to go out and realize the fact in a practical sense that a
am the recipient of the great and inestimable right intended to be seadequaiely protected by the National Government. We  cured to me by the Constitution of the United States; if I can enjoy
know  that the Confederate Commissioners in Europe  the right of speech as well as the liberty of conscience, then I can
have labored most assiduously to convince foreign cabi- bless such a Union - but I cannot bless one which'holds out the
nets that the Northern States were no more disl;osed to  word of promise to ihe ear to break it to the hope."'
the abolition of slavery than the Southern. But neither,   Mr. HAMILTON does not think that'the South will
says Mr. Hamilton, did the Democratic party (Mr. Bu- be ruined " if Slavery is destroyed. He thinks the slavechanan's Administration) produce the war. The cause  holders and rebels will be, but that the noe-slaveli oldoer
was deeper than all the causes assigned. It was the con- of the South, who are the great majority of the white
viction on the part of Southern oligarchs (mainly slave- people there, will be h appily emfs-anchieed, set free,
holders) that republicanism  was a failure, and their enriched and enobled by that event, which crushes the
determination to form a Government in which the labor  aristocrats and oligarchs.  This is a new view of the
of tbenation should have no rezpresentatiotn.           subject.  It is a philosophic view taken by a free man of
This is the basis of the rebellion, and this is the battle  the South, in ttle interest of the South. It is a view
we are fighting. It is the old battle of freedom against that harmonizes with the emancipation edict of'the Govdespotism, which, from the beginning, has crimsoned the  ernment-that annihilates the sophisms of semi-trailors
earth with blood. Mr. IIamilton assures us that the non- in the North-that kindles the hearts of freemen everyslavehu(lding whites of the South, though misled at first where to a holy zeal against the selfish tyrants of the
by the scheming authors of the rebellion, are beginning  rebellion-ithat gives assurance o(f a new and a true life
to see that it is their own degradation the oligarchs of the  for the South aft r Slavery is overthrown, and guarantees
South are seeking. He assures us, as we knew before, a Union as peaceful and enduring as its leading principles
that a majority in a number of the seceded States were  shall be free, humanizing, and eternal.
The Slaveholders' Denunciations against Democracy.
Garnett's letter to Trescott, published on the 10th page, is one of the clearest revelations
of the purposes of the Slaveholders in this Rebellion.''lhat Mr. Trescott was a thorough sympathizer with the Virginian Slaveholder in denouncing Democratic principles, is indicated in various ways, even in his Address before the
South Carolina Historical Society, as published in the Charleston Mercury, and  re-published
in De Bow's Review for December, 1859, wherein he says:
"That the institution [of Slavery], which, with the men of former times, was an experi" ment, had become the corner-stone of their social and political life:"
And yet there were some men in South  Carolina "who would eradicate our old State
" pride-destroy the conservative character of our State politics-strip us bare of the glorious
" achievements of the past, and drive us, destitute and dishonored, into the fit companionship
"of a vagabond and demoralized Democracy."
— And all this denunciation of " Democracy," while Trescott was actually serving as Mr.
Buchanan's "Democratic" Assistant Secretary of State-plotting the ruin of our Democratio
institutions, because " Slavery is incompatible with Democraoy."




SLAVOCRACY AGAINST DEMOCRACY —. THE GREAT  AUGS-  OF
THE REBELLION.
REMARPAS OF THE HON. LORENZO SIIEitIV0WOD,
Ex-Nember of the Texan Legislature,
0N THE  COURSE OF THE SLAVEHOLDERS' COSRIPBACOY
AGAINST DEMOCRATIC GOVERNMIENT.
"The leaders In this Rebellion are actuated by a distinct purpose to SUPPLANT POPULAR. GOVERNIENT TANDl
ESTABLISH A MONARCHY," with " Slavery as its corner-stone."'
WI he first a::.!r:ir, ihls nrlrthern f low-c'untrymen, Col. Hamilton, the last Demfcaidc Co r'esm-a'fr trn Texas,'th- s p1oil ne! i to t h,,   ard ii le cr le   of the Kebellion.  Referrinz to ihe declar.-tiens of p:oailert s'ii eholders, that
the?-  maust pet r d ot the i,st r-Cd least remains of Dermoacscy," Col. II. said:
~; Iry u  aouii, a. I have d, de, hear in the hotels and in the streets, and in parlors, echores of iofat'; lent from
Me1. who, twh,  ei:  s ao. wee reardled as loyal. sasing.'IRepu2iblicaniam is a failure —ise   ae as-.)!  siei tI,t we ever
thanlht it't c u'd succed;,are S,.w re.s alize thae facst that aoe msszt h save a  lrq, e   rnme'-!af o:r':neo  ia as I
kcv it. Y. a Lo  ii til et'.,,w-ciize; s, that there was something more involvedl in thii revlumion   an a s mpin    des:rto get rid i,f th  hasicl ~-,akee.  ttI is no, because the men whi, inaugurated it hat-d the pco! e (:f tiie:'o0 a:;nI  was
n:t.es.ause t'i' " fiAt that yl,  b.ed seriously wronged them-but it was a dk liberate purpose or; tiir  ta at t be the contro'li,g -pi it" in ttL oeaw and a cdea7reest o'dr of GoCrer, nent, where th!eir power Wvou(l be porpetual, n-id tdey- wor!d
not ba,;u j -c;cd  t,  the chi-ncies (f tie free ch,,ice of a free people in rtcurring e eciaons. ai ha i o:eea th  ca.se, i pat
time in our co-niry; hnd aie th:t do: s nio( reilize that fact to-dlay, d(es n,t ytt lnderstand wliat thv i e',ea'i,1 nls-oa1,
a:,ndt by                          i on;qnlulic,  tie rn-s?tialt iS to-daly flatteriaag hirn8el,' tiai, bi/ conciliatoa-y measle,, ysr ki, le ta. Is, by
peace-o -,>ais8, s  itae.0c d,:oIl Stares can be caused to resume tlher position in the,mf)nfdler. y. ias wootall?  decei:erl —it
netvr wvill hap,ena f r!  tar w*,v.'J heret is but one remedy,. and ahat is in the physi-cal p:acwer of the oy-I. peojile of th,Nirbh —the phys;acil pow.r, (irected by tile exercise of sufficient thoughr to leadl you to0 j usb c u,. i;,ioal ns to i-'tCat t/i
eosSeqUzncens, ace to be 0o aou, as wV5 l as o tohe balance of the people if the United St:aLes, ain cas, or/lftitre.'
* *   *' I hiave -aroin sneared  nld dilsgusted with the mawkish sewsibiliy over the regro,  -ien there i, s so mncab
higher and mloil.,1iiahble ground to ti.ke in favor of the white man," sys Lortinzi, Sherwo:,(l.   * *   * "    -y sym
p'thltl.s aX  ellis.ea l i:! t!e creait (caise (f white humanity in its shirt-.clreves —,f tliat tw(linttv-s; v   l: ii!iins,if A merican free cit;zi(ns who ii e tou: d to t;e eternal business of subsistence through their own  iniu  t'rv. Their it is t,, toil
— to to'l oi- fi Omf geieri,tli,in to generaiiosl: and a pretty business it is lbr les than one hundred tholusan;i ai;'vehliera
to set these toilng nmilli;in- t,) cuttiLg one another's throats l"
THE SLAVEHOLDERS' REBELLION-ITS ORIGIN AND OBJECTS
The  following  co-lrr~eapondlence, shlowing  the I and out of the Legisature) of Texas; anti as I knowthsecorestimate rplacedl oIn te opillions of the Hon. Lo- diality with wliLh yiu and Mr. Slierw-oh) hove co-riperated
in sustainlrg loyal sentirnenlts in t!he South, and in erdeavrenzo Shrlerwood by Col. Hlanmilton, of Texas, may   oring to cause the true morives of the retlelaion to be corserve as an introdtleton to the annexed outlitles  rectly understood amnlg your Nortbern faillow-countvrmen,
of the late speecii of 5i-r. Sherwood:, in NeI v Jer-  as set forLh in the lsiuliratiisl is  the Demncratic Leagle,
s66ey,  C}ltaace nti th-e3 Or~igin  anld  Ob-ljects of the  I am sure you avill not consld:r intrusive this request for
an expression of your opinion on the above-mentioned'
Slaveholders' Rebellion                                     points.
Tours, respectiflyr,
COERRESPONDENC]:.                                                         rIEN_ Y  O RIELLY.
Nerw YoRRc, 82 Pine St., OOt. 18, 1882.                            REPLY.
COL. ANDErw. JcAcesSN IIAMILTON.                                                        N   VOR, OCT. 18, 18S
Dear Sir —Iowa) iDl the profounad interest with which you    MY DEAR STI:-Your nrO-e aif to-ie., calling  lan- atrenwatch the diffusiin of information concereaing the real mo- ton to, anil askilln mv opiion of, the facts anl a-.unaeuts
tives infiuellci-g the Slaveholders' Conspiracy, I respectfully  contained in a proof-sheet jf the (utlines if the l'n;osubmit far your con i ictration a proof-sheet (of the outlines renzo atilerwood's late speech in N-ear -ersey, is beft e meL
of the Itam1. Lotrenzo Sherwood's late speech in New Jersey, But a few moments ae left me fot  eply, as I  mr in the
witi the belief tt an expression of your opinilon concern- act of leaving the city.
rtrg his staiements a (it reasonings would still further com-    I fully concur in all that is cc otai..ed  in thati, sp.ech.
mend tihem to the c: nsideraiion of your loyal countrymen  These are mattel- not new to eito  -r  Sue-rarriol rr my
Souih anid North, and to the friends of free government in  self; nor do we now fir the flast tiare ifteco5 —-  spinhi.s
otiher lands, wvio vish to kno~w  thie true causes of the at- upon them. Together we ha-e, in lears -p i     stwatched the
tempted destirctiomn, not only of our National Government, inevitable tetndency in the South to tihe p.-:.ent deeplorable
but of democratic institutio.:s, by the slave-aristooracy, at condition of our county. There ae few\r men i-a nay acthe prasent crisis.                                         quaintance who are so well prepIared, f otoe observation,
As no ons knoows bet-er ttian you do the opportunities of experience and reflection, to think wisely and act justly
Mr. Sherc-olad for- learning thoroughly and correctly appre- in the premises as Mr. Sherwuood.
ciating all brair:eles of infirinmation concerning these vital                Very truly and respectfully
questions-o.iporftunities  ffisorded by his long Southern ex-                                 A. J.'HA11LTON.
perience and itis intimate cunnection with public affairs (in   To H;ENnz    O'r-IELLP, Esq.




2                           SPEEI: OF LOLENZO  E"RWOOD.
SPEECH OF LORENZO SHERWOOD,
EX-MEMBER OF THE TEXAN LEGISLATURE,
RESPECTING THE SLAVEHOLDERS' CONSPIRACY AGAINST DEMOCRATIC
PRINCIPLES, AS WELL AS AGAINST THE NATIONAL UNTON.
MY FREE FELLOW-COUNTRYMEN:                      its authors or contributors do not enftaitu  euc
I'thus designate you, in contradistinction to sentiments.  If you discover that dem;o-tVaia
the masses in the South, who are now under the principles are repudiated as vicious in theory
sway of despotism, and who are no longer free. and vile in practice, you may know that s;cu;
Hard as this word is to speak, and painful as it principles are objectionable.  When you hear
is to contemplate, the declaration is true. Those the democratic masses reviled, and continucus y
who ]lave heretofore sympathized with you in reviled, in the standard political literature  of i
the belief that they had enduring free govern- class, you may know that tho:e masses are ecoment, and who are attached to its principles, find  demned by that class as an objectionable ponitithemselves suddenly transferred to the degrada- cal element. I had every reason to believe, and
tion of a most mercenary and relentless despot- did believe before secession, that the object:af.
ism. I come to you to-night to disclose and elu- the slaveholders was to overthiro-w thl  democidate the full meaning of the conspiracy that cratic principle.
has deprived them of their political rights; to    When the rebellion actually took piace, it reexcite your generous sympathy in their behalf; vived in my mind many things, Fre-vio-usly spoand, if possible, to increase your animated deter- ken by slaveholders, that would otl,+irvv'i>< hasve
mination to uphold that clause of the Constitu- been forgotten. It was then that the yr,nv Rand u
tion which guaranties to the people of every repeated declarations I had heardl tcitiil.:gi] a ieState " free republican government."            ries of years assumed a significant,ie auna~: thatIf I arrogate to myself something of special dispelled all doubt.  Later revela',ons only
information, and more than is common to most tended to confirm  the foregone conclusion ats t,:
others, it is only for the reason that I have been  the intent of the slaveholders-that is, tthe alplaced more immediately in contact with those rogation of democratic government in the;,ou t
who have cc-operated in this great Southern con-   As an additional evidence of the plot to c-e
spiracy, fitly denominated "The Slaveholders' cede, as well as the motive, the real, secrel  moRebellion."  It is a conspiracy, not only against tive for secession, I will read the letter of Mr.
the national jurisdiction, but a most foul conspir- Garnett to Mr. Trescott, written in 1851  (
acy also against free government in the South. I speaker here read the letter.) This le.ter has
is this phase ofthe question that I would discuss, a most important bearing  and  mosi porite'tifor it is as patent to my mind that a new order of ous meaning.  It was written in senrt congovernment, based on privilege of class, isintend- fidence. It was written by a leaeding   traitor
ed to be established, as it is that the national ju- to a leading traitor.  It was writter jI;st iPtrisdiction has been repudiated. If any one could ter the Nashville Convention  of 18-50, whei'rhave seen what I have seen, heard what I have the plot to secede, as is now ascertained. was —
heard, and watched and analyzed what has been  adopted and determined on. It was written 11'anthrust upon my attention during my fourteen swer to a treasonable letter, with the sentiments
years' residence in the South, he would have lit- of which Mr. Garnett sympathized.     Y:ou weli'
tle difficulty in concluding as to the motives of object to the term Democrat," says MSr (Garnett t
the rebellion.                                  " Democracy is, indeed, incompatible witlh slaveWhoever is placed in immediate contact with ry and the whole system of Southe'an ac(ciery.';
the reasonings of a class, and follows up that This was a truth which had becone pateiit to
course of reasoning through a series of years, the minds of slaveholders, and very few at.:hi.h
will have little difficuity in divining the ulterior time, I think, are prepared to dispute the plro -
motives of that class, however much the attempt osition.  Whoever undertakes to controvert, I he
may be made to disguise them. The motives proposition, will be at issue withl the troliii s:!
will crop out from the line of reasoning. When influences now controlling the SoltAl.
slaveholders talk against " a government of ma-   As far back as 1855, in the Juiy nilriblr of D:i:
jorities," it means something. When they talk  Bow's Review, we finld an article written by  n,
about the necessity of " abrogating a government eminent Southerner, containing the fol!ow-ip
of majorities," it swells into significance of some- reasonings and postulates. Speaking of thie I)e.thing more than idle theory.  It. means an in- ocratic theory, he says: "At the bottonl of thiedtended new  arrangement of political power. theory lies the idea that miglht miakes rifht;  if
When you see a periodical like De Bow's Re- other words, that a majority of the inienteis otf
view, which is the oracle and organ of the slave- society has a natural, indeieasille, and atiso lte
holders, and the sacred depository of the politi- right to govern the minority. * *' Thie rleacal literature of their class, you may gather jority of numbers is more powerfull thrin the
from the tenor of its pages something of what is Czar, because it is phlsicaal rmioit. It is rmaoe
meant. If you never find a generous democratic grinding in its tyranny, because it, hts less feelsentiment on its pages, you may conclude that ing of personal responsibility, and its Argus eyes




SPEECH  OF LORENZO  SHERWOOD.                                   J
can search every corner of the country. Its in-    " THE REMEDY.-The institution of an hereditfallibility is less open to attack than the Pope's, ary senate and executive is the political form
because it is, itself, public opinion."  The author best suited to the genius, and most expressive of
assumes that " in England the ability in govern- the ideas, of the South; but, at the same time, a
ment has been preserved by a highly aristocratic polity wholly incapable of realization,so long as
Constitution, both social and political."      the individual States retain the attribute of inIt may not be unprofitable, in elucidation of dependent sovereignty, and party passions and
this subject, to recite in addition a few declara- interests are permitted to stifle the expression
tions and postulates from the present philoso- of an enlightened and patriotic public sentiphers of the South. I would take up those whose ment."
opinions have passed current, and are in con-   "The institution of an hereditary senate and
formity with the designs of treason.  Mr. George executive the political form best suited to the
Fitzhugh, of Va., has more than emulated South genius, and most; expressive of the ideas of, the
Carolina in the expression of his motives to get South"!! I If this mode of thinking is applied
rid of the Union. In the February number of to the slaveholders as a class, the declaration is
De Bow's lReview, 1861, he assumes "that it is a true beyond a doubt; but, if it is intended to
great mist:l;e to suppose that abolition alone apply to the seven millions non-slaveholding
wvas the cause of dissension between the North  masses, the democratic element in the South, it
and the South."  He assumes "that the Cava- is not true, even in degree, and mortal Inan, proliers, Jacobites, and Huguenots, who settled the fessing to stand in the image of his maker, never
South, naturally hate, contemn, and despise the unsealed his lips to utter so foul and detestable
Puritans who settled the North. The former are a falsehood.
m.ster races; the latter, a slave race, the de-   In this programme for a Southern government,
scendants of Saxon serfs. The former are Med- we have also an illustration of Southern hypociterran3ean races, descendants of the Romans; risy in relation to the much-vaunted "Statefor Cavaliers and Jacobites are of Norman de- rights" doctrine. It has been used as a pretense,
scent, and the Normans were of Roman descent, a means to assist in throwing off the national
and so were the Huguenots.  The Saxons and jurisdiction.  In the minds of the traitors it
Angles, the ancestors of the Yankees, came from  meant nothing more. It was merely used as a:he cold n;d mnarshy regions of the north, where  catchword to inaugurate treason.  As soon as
man is little more than an amphibious biped." revolution was supposed to be accomplished,
lie asurnes, fur tle  "that the Union has served  another and a very different doctrine is immeits purposes; that at the North the progress and diately put forth. A consolidated government,
tenldency of opinion was to pure democracy; an hereditary senate and executive, suddenly
that the Sou'ih must so modify its institutions as become the political fornm "best suited to the
to remove the people farther from the direct ex- genius" of these recent advocates of State
ercise of power; that it was a characteristic of rights,
the proigress of opinion in the South, that all   Mr. Stephens, of Georgia, at the time of'iving
men see the necessity of more and stronger gov- in his adhesion to the Southern Confederacy, had
rumnent; titat the people of the South were the the candor to acknowledge, in part, the hypocnost cristioratic people in the world; and, to risy of the South as to the reasons for secession.
ounclude, that aristocracy is the only safeguard He urged the indispensable necessity of founding
of iibnerty,:aid the only power watchful and a new government, based on the social system of
stronc, enollgh to exclude monarchal despotism." the South, with "Slavery as its corner-stone."
_ile  pts e saceS for the purpose of showing Mr. Spratt, of S. C., in his famous letter to Perthe. repufgnancee of the author, and the school to kins, of Louisiana, reproves the disingenuous
Lwhich hie belowlrgs. to the demnocratic principle in accusations against the North made by Southerin
-Government.                                    politicians, stating that no man who deserved
In an Essav written by J. Quitman Moore of the natie of statesman in the South -would preMississippi, and publishled in De Bow's Review, tend that secession was caused by any aggression
in 1S61, the author makes the following postu- of the North upon the rights of the people of the!ate:   iThose pestilent and pernicious dogmas, South; that it was still less the result of any act
6 the greatest good to the greatest number,'' the  on the part of the United States Government-"
malority shall rule,' are, in their practical appli- Hi-s argument in favor of taking the government
cation, the fruitful source of disorders never to be from  the "heels of society" and placing it in
quietied, rvolut ions the most radical and san- "the head," is quite as significant of meaning  a.;
guieary, pbhiosoplhies the most false, and passions Mr. Moore's proposition for atn hereditary senate
"he most wid, destructive, and ungovernable." and executive.'In An:lerca,"  says this author, "by reason of   As incident to a combined monarchlal and,,ne operations of causes wholly extraneous to aristocratic form of government, it is well known
consideratio;-s of government and society, the that entails and the rights of primogeniture are
republican exp:er.iment has been favored and indispensable,  In an article written bv George
prolon ged beyoild recorded precedent; but, pain- Fitzhugh, of Va., and published in Die Bow's
jul as tle  reflection  must be to all such as sub- Review in 1859, advocating entails annd priimosihbed t-o the utoupian philosophy, and have an geniture, he saysn.bidinrg aith in the capa~city of man for continu-   "Entails of land should include enough to
cus and enlightened self-rule, it must be confessed sustain and keep employed at various arts and:hfat the experiment of the democratic Republic avocations an almost independent social circle.
orf An.n-lica.has:?ai"ed."                    The landowner's spare profits shol.ld enable himn




4                            SPEECHI OF LORENZO  SHERWOOD.
to educate well and start in life his younger slaveholding conspirators are haters of democrasons, either as mechanics, artists, or professional cy. To get rid of democracy and its future sway
men, and, with economy, to lay up small por- under the laws of population and subsistence,
tions for his daughters.  To effect these objects, they risked the institution of slavery; they
he must have a farming tenantry, with hired la- risked the ravages of war; they risked life, and
borers under them, or must farm it himself, and  all that humanity holds most dear; but it must
employ many laborers.  These, with his younger be remembered, that all this rick was incurred,
children, and elder ones not in business, and  believing that a new order of government, subpoor and dependent relatives, would form  a verting the democratic principle, must be instinatural and patriarchal circle, secure from the  tuted in order to perpetuate and umaintain slavefluctuations of trade, In all but name, the own- ry unimpaired.
er of the entailed estate would be the master,   When we look at the nature of the institution,
and his family, tenants, laborers, and dependents and the results flowing from it, we can discover
his servants.  It would be an easy way of get- the strong pecuniary motive for maintaining it.
ting back to predial slavery, without incurring  Aside from the profits of agricultural products,
the odium of the name.  Give us entails, and we  sixty millions per year were added to the inpromise you a mild and modified form of domes- crease of slave property through the laws of gentic slavet y.  We are no experimenting socialist; eration.  Three per cent, or thereabouts, an.
we propose nothing new, but only to return to  nually compounded, added to the profits of agri.
the institutions ord lined by God, and tested and  culture, swelled the slaveholders' profits to 10, 12
approved by human experience."                    or 15 per cent. annually.  This enabl-d the
I nmight continue these re(ditals, indicating the  slaveholders to monopolize the good lands and
intentions of those who inaugurated the rebel- the force to cultivate themn.  In this way the inlion; but, I have not time to proceed with them  stitution was peculiarly calculated to perpetuate
further on thiis occasion.  These secret motives  wealth in families, and to continuate it in the
to overthrow free government in the south, were  family descent.  But how was this descent of
as carefully concealed fiomn the non-slavehiolding  property, and this increase of the future, millions
masses in the South  as they were from  the  upon millions of slaves to be held in bondage?
twenty millions in the North.  Had they been  Here were seven millions of non-slaveholders,
promulgated as the basis of revolution, the con- composing he democratic element of the South.
spiracy would have been crushed by Southern  It was an entrachised, voting power.  It was atstrength alolle.  The traitors would have been  tached to free government, and had drank in the
hurled from place and power by the democratic  idea of free government the same and as fully
masses, had the secret motives to the treason  as the people of the North.  This population in
been understood; bht, the masses in the South  twenty-three to twenty-five years would swell
had been as much d(eceived by false pretences to fourteen millions. Five decades would swell
and the hypocrisy of the leading traitors, as the  it to twenty-eight millions, whilst the  same
freemen of the North.  The twenty-seven mil- length of time would swell the slaveholding elec
lions, North and South, have been alike deceived, ments to six millions only.  Antagonisms beand most of them  are laboring under the same  tween these  democratic  and  anti-demnocratic
delusion to-day.                                  forces were sure to rise up as population became
It was indispensably necessary to the purpo- crowded.  Under this regime, the antagonistic
ses of the rebellion, that false pretences and false elements in society, under the laws of populamotives should be held out.  When the rebels tion and subsistence, must soon come in conflict.
entered upon the plot of treason many years ago,   There was another consideration with slavepolitical strate(y was the great weapon with  holders, and one of most vital energy in impelling
which to inaugurate it. They had no more scru- them to the project of taking away the power of
ple on the score of falsel}ood and deceit than mi- the masses.  The property in slaves was political
litary men have  under the  usages of war. property.  It dependedfor itstidurationuponthe
Wihiist they professed to love the Government action of political forces and the policy of the
and the Union, they were hypocritically plotting  State under the operation of those political forces:
to overthrow it.  They used every art to gain hence slaveholders weire jealous of the nasses.
confidence with Northern mien, whilst secretly  They were anti-democrtatie, from supposed necesintending to betray it.  We have still many  sity.  They must possess and wield the exclusive
men in the North, as well as in the South, who  political power of the State, and continue to exare yet blinded as to the real motives of the  ercise it, for whenever they lost it, and the prestraitol s, and I have sometinmes thought that those  tige of its antagonist should come into the asmost deluded were connected with the adminis- cendency, the downfall of slavery would take its
tration at Washington, and the generals who date.  This process of reasoninlg, whether true
are commanding, not to say leading, our armies. or false, was the theory of the slaveholding inThe great mistake that has been made by the terests in the South.  It was the impelling moadministration, and the leading influences that tive, not only for the conspiracy to throw off the
have controlled it, has grown out of the idea that national'jurisdiction, but, to overthrow free govslaveholders as a class, could be conciliated- ernment in the South.  When these considernthat sonme arrangement could be made whereby  tions are taken into account, and the motives
the South could be restored through their agen- and purposes of slaveholders analyzed, the fallacy
cy. The continuation of that mistake, if persis- of attempting to conciliate them becomres appated in, will lose the whole Union cause.  The rent. Their aim and object is and from supposed




SPEECH  OF LOPRENZO' SHERWOOD.                                     5
necessity, to overthrow democracy.  The effort   If men would but reason with accuracy, and
to do this is backed not only by supposed neces- determine in their own minds as to what is a
sity, in order to preserve slavery unimpaired, democratic element, and therefore an element of
but by the whole train of ambit.ious motives con- national strength-what is anti-democratic, and
nected with the raising up of an organized and  therefore, an intolerable element of national
cemented aristocracy.                            weakness-our governmental and military forces,
When we contemplate Southern population, as well as the whole people of the North, would
and separate it into classes-to say nothing of at once be brought to act as a unit.  The politithe negro-we find seven millions non-slavehoid- cal moral of the democratic ilea, in connection
ing population, democratic in its sentiments, at- with arms, must fight this rebellion.  If we can
tached to free government, and in every essential succeed in getting the democratic hand, North
a natural element of national strength in connec- and South, laid upon this monster rebellion, we
tion with liberalized  i'nstitutions.  When we shall hear the death-rattle in its throat at once,
look at the North, we find twenty millions hav- This is what the traitors are most afraid of. This
ing the same natural motives.  How  is it, and  is what their apprehensions will be most seduwhy is it, that fifteen hundred thousand men, lous to guard against.  Every art of hypocrisy
women, and children, connected in proprietor- and false pretence will be put in requisition to
ship in slavery, should have wiel-led a power prevent it.  This is the vulnerable point of atand influence that have set the twenty-seven  tack, and the rebels know it.  Negro proclamamillions at variance, destroyed concert of action, tions may be alarming, but this strikes another
and brought our Government to the deplorable and a very different chord of sympathy in the
spectacle now witnessed? Is it because, as slave- South.  It would strike upon the seven millions
holders pretend, that "they  are our natural who have all the natural motives to political
masters"? or is it because the twenty-seven mil- affinity with the North-the same educational
lions have been deceived-are now  engaged in  motives, the same industrial motives, the same
deceiving each other —and have been frittering  social motives, and every other motive connected
away their strength and substance on the most with the desire to maintain free and liberal govfallacious of all delusions —the belief that the  emnment. When we appreciate the full meaning
agencies which inaugurated the rebellion can be of this conspiracy, and take the traitors at their
tur'ned into an agency to restore the Union?  If word in presernting the issue, we shall all know
this be the reliance, in my belief the Union is how to act.  When the Government and the
gone.                                             Generals of our armies rise to thie magnitude of
It has been apparent to my mind, and, as I the issue as the traitors have tendered it, they
have often thought, clearly apparent, that an ap- will know how to act. Treason and civil war
peal should be made to the democratic element were resorted to in order to overthrow free
of the South, which as yet has never been spoken  democratic government, liecaue such governto by the Cabinet or Congress at Washington. muent was " incompatible with slavery."  This is
It is now getting to be known that the political the whole issue, when stripped of the false prerights and liberty of this population are conspired  tences that have thrown a misguided public
against.  It has long been known that the de- opinion eround the various incidents of the quesmocracy-haters of Europe were in alliance witlh tion. Let us rise to the issue in its true meaning
the traitors of the Souail to assist in tie prostra-  and magnitude.  When this is done, the North
tion of tile democratic p;iinciple.  Why should  will become a unit.  Let us appeal to the demonot the President of the Urnited States proclaim  cratic masses in the South on this issue; let the
to this democratic element, of the South the intent arms of the nation remove the blockade to intelof the traitors to distirnchise the masse:, and to  ligence, and we shall have the bulk of those
erect upon the ruins of their political rights an  masses with us.  We must take this course in
hereditary aristocracyI Why should iiot the  order to get a strength in the Sonlth to assist in
President say to this population, T" he Consti.u- restoring the Ulnion; and we rnust have this
tion as it is guarantees you firee republican gov- strength to hold the South steady aiter it is reernment, and, by all the powers in me vestedl, stored.  We can look in no other direction for
you shall have it"?  Why does he not say to  co,Ip.,)eten;, Southern assistainuce.
the democracy of the South, "The Constitltion as it is int-rdicts the es.tablisbmtent of any    THE SLAVOCACv A.GAINST ADOPTED CITIZ.NS.
order of nobility, and, i;y the powers in nie    I would here close my remarks, but for an alvested, I declarie that it shill[ not be established"'? lusion which I wi:eh Ito make to) our adopted citiWhy does he not commrnand the genenr:ls of the zeus, mostl oTf whom  are inr the North.  Many
arary to forego their deluded sympathy in the  illiberal opinions have beer expressed towards
cause of the traitors, and look to the interests of ljis population, and mo'e particuilrly by the
the Southern nr'asses, whose rights are invadedi slavoehld: rs of the South.  Allow me to cite a
and trodden down P  This folly of attempting to  palssage fironl the writings of tile literar-y pioneer
conciliate in!te -wrong directiorn, and to fight of the Know-:Nothing Order.  J. Fenton  lercer,
in the wro:eg direc'ior, hbas actually f',rostrated  (of Vir-rinia, who de.ecr;bes himself as a slavethe public confidence in the adminiistration, in  hol(er, -: mr.n of seveity yea-rs' experience, a~nd
the generalhip of tile armies, and ia our finan- who is kiorisn to have held high and responsible
cial power of endurance.  This policy must be offices for rmarly years of hi s ife, was a perfect
altered, or the Union is gone; mnd if the separa- type andr representative man of this order of poltion is once consummated, the restoratiou will iticians. In a book wr!itten by him, published in
never transpire.                                  184o, we find the following passage: " Why has




6                           LETTERS  T0'  HON. ANJDRE W  JO1MSOlN.
notgeneral suffrage diestroyed the confederation?  the lower walks of life to be engaged in comThis lowest level of political cr-i-up-ion; this  mitting.  Political fraud and political peculauniversal suffrage; this rule of vagabondism;  tion, like military glory, seldom get below the
this rushing into the temple of liberty by the  captains.
Irish, Dutch and English, with unclean haends, to       I would now contrast these adopted citizens,
pollute and deface every thing sacred to the  and their conduct, with the conduct of these
cause of freedom-are siure to defile al7, undo  exalted Virginians and their co-revilers in the
all, and dissolve all that is valued in this con- South, whose writings for years have teemed
federation, when the time shall comne fcr the col n- with ribaldry and revilement against democracy,
summation of the drama."                             against our naturalization  laws, and  against
It is an easy thingr, my friends. fo(r men to rail that class of our citizens made partakers of poat a class, but it is always more magnanimous to  litical power under them.  These revilers in the
east about, and ascertain, if we can, whether the  South have long been engaged in the plot to
class railed at be, or be not, an element of na- overthrow the national jurisdiction and the potional strength.  I have had much experience in  litical rights of the masses.  Those who hayve
dealing with the different element. that compose  been reviled are standing by the Government to
and sway political organ izations. I here deelare  maintain our free institutions.  The examples in
to you that I have never known an inst.ance, in  contrast should dispel illiberality, as well as the
the maladministration  of government,  where  great error in which it was conceived.  I adthe iniquity proceeded froml  the influence of i monish my countrymen to indulge in this hatewhat are termed the ";lower orders of,society."  ful error of Southern extraction no longer-for,
Those in the humbler walks of life cartnot at a  let me assure you that if you persist in this ilsingle step overleap  the intermediate  classes, liberal course, the future historic names of Sigel,
and stand in the high places where mllischievous  and Corcoran, and their hundred and fifty thou*power exerts itself in committing devastation on  sand brave companions in arms, will prove, and
the public interests.  Loo- at the recent pecula- justly prove, your everlasting rebuke. Calamity,
tions upon the national treasur:-the fault was  it has often been said, brings out, the truth or
not with the masses.  Look at the. recent exhi-  falsity of theories, inasmuch as it applies the
bition of fraud, treason,  theft, an(d hypocrisy  touchstone of truth, which is found in rsult.  I
connected with  the odious administrmitionll of confess to you, my fellow-citizens, that when I
Buchanan:-the fuilt was not with the nmas- see our adopted citizens exposing themselves to
es of population, either native or,l adopted.  I  the diseases of camp life, the casOalties of the
could refer you to thousands of instauce;: where  battle-field, and standing side by side with our
men in high places, elected by the bonest and  native-born to maintain fi-ee denrocratic governwell-meaning suffrages of all (lasses, have be-  mlent, nmy  admiration and affection towards them
trayed their trust, and engaged in the enactment are not only confirmed, but intensified. It makes
of laws designed solely for mercenary speeu'a- me feel grateful to know  that treason, or symtion.  Political theft is differ-at friom all otber peathy with  treason, have  no  place  in  their
kinds of larceny.  Rt,exceds i' mo-ral turpitnud    h earts.  Truly, thle-y are arn lement of NATIONAL
ll othier, nd..s.of tr-e highb    r <r.,~e for m1en 1 i:  -, T*'._sJ.
c- T7,s~'    r (  iON;, -)1AT NDRFEW  JOH T SON.
The fullowing i-'e, r to A:;lt- r.Vvw J,,-onxaoi: f  w-ill teti you in few werds -wal:t I am  fightTenoessee, wh ien in C-n-L rss last year, v.7 0f1`- f     o    ii it r   engaged in this contest, as far as
ther:hiustrote~  j88.              e -it',e'ies, i-i behalf of the non-slaveholding
-o puilaton  n the Southern State.'      You know
*slpeechies!   of&t C0 -.-o!. iL:: n  ii' ucLrz,~S fo42';;- its cAharacter, and you krnow, at, the st me a time,
w-ood, r-esueti' t. the  r..a` ob;:-";f t.  r i Lhe disparagementr  under  icih it!hait       bees
slavehoidkeor., snd i i-etg - he,  p:::,::.';I:i', i'-  ti placed as an aggregate, e(ivel s;nee its birth; a nd
- tU- also knowr tbe hel-less, lopelss condition ian
fwhire tch   would'Ce  placed by tihe sla veholding
-~nst YoIu;a h~oyreu u  r_. o;-I      power, in  case  it is-  permanently rsep rated
iorem  it. n twlural &11o!itical affinity witeh the Nort,b.
luon. AI. i:w  Josistson (in Sen.    llolu -w e  e~oughl of the plans of secessionr to
W ashingotn,  D. Cknow  its designs upon thu mnass of ftee labo;
D)ear Sir: Wht are t-h  he A  m-re vc~: ia.:- e,   Soutih.  If    o   t, please t.r:-ce th- picges vi'
fighting  about, andi wha.  the  purpoise to'be De Bow': Rleviewen for thle last ten years, and pu.t
gained by the result of arm s-a-te gar-e- q-.e'-  what you find czroppivig out in t-ose'etpags with
tions now bein, agitated by al cl'-asses.-  Ea —  wh|a    you  must hav5e listened to comt g from  inrope.  "What &re wve ficghtixig for? " is a qs-;e,- — divisauals of high stading, and I thinuk you need
t-ion  itlh' many people ia' the N-ortth. W  oI;.  not be hit a loss to discover the ualtmate plan no'
drank in the impressio.   thl-t tlhe,th l w-o 8  or- - ha If " d4 sfranehising thSe fi'ee labor of tahe dSouth.
posed of nU;.ihing b) t  pro-nla-vry'nteres's.     itP is trin, hit s             )es n coveres'-,',t altl




LETT1EIRS TO ETON. ANDREW JOHNSON.                                      7
but masonic sec;recy; but it has, nevertheless,  Congresses and conventions have been truckling
been sufficiently disclosed, and continuously. dis- to rebel slaveholders and endeavoring to salve
closed for the last ten years, to convince Tme that over their antipathies to the Union.  No effort
I am not mistaken.                                 has made them better.  Nothing can make them
The slaveholder of the South fears that the  worse.  Suppose the effort should now be made
voting power of the South may become the gov- in the direction where the process of reasoning
erning power.  In all my conversations with the  would naturally carry it.  Nothing can be lost
intellectual politicians, I have observed this jeal- by making  the  attempt.  A  bold declaration
ousy, this fear; and what has troubled the pro- would st;rike more terror into the minds of rebel
slavery spirit most of all things, has been the  slaveholdeirs, than half a dozen Port Royal cancontemplated probability of an affinity between  nonsdes-tertific a3s that affaiur appeared.  It!,he free labor North and South.  XWhen that would be worthy an American  Congress and
transpires, it will prove the destruction of the  comman-d the approval of the world.  The quespro-slavery prestige, even in the South; and we  tion, " What are we fighting fel'," would no
shall hear no more of plans to break up the Gov- longer be asked.
ernment, or to dismember the Union.                              Ve-rv truly yoi7r, yo,
I have grown wearied and disgusted with
the mawkish sensibility over the negro, when                           Li
there is so much higher and more available 
ground to take in favor of the white man.
Six and one-half or seven millions of white men, EHon ANDi.EW Jon'0,,ox (in,e;Pate),
-their haif-disp aaged condition  their fitness                Washiint.- cr,  0. C,.
to be free mern, and titeir right to be disenthiralled  Dear Sir~
from'the prejudice which the pro-slavery spirit    What; is  li;'a niic t'l 1h:t i3s;.ot priacticain polities has thrust upon them —afford to my  ble, by way of raising iip a. Soathern Union parmind a just basis for Government-al c ensideratioil ty, or co-o)era.et:ing stirenth, is now  the quesin the pl'osecution of this war.                   tion.  That thier  sholld ibe a congressional deeI wish to say plainly, Sir, my sjymi  athie-i are  laration of scinetaing else than worn-(out geneenlisted in thie great cause of uhite hrumanity in  ralities, I have Tin  don ot)bt. That there should be
its shirt-sleve.s —of that twenty seven millions  something said itli  is as iciently specific to
of American free citizens who  ire bound to  strike upon esomle chord of natural sympathy, apthe eternal business of subsistence through their pears more and more to me to  e necessarvy.
own industry.  Their lot is to toil-to toil on    The sisgg.stiolis  I for:wa:dced to you have
from generation to gieneration; and a puretty bu- gined utpon my riad slince I wrote  you, and the
siness it is for less than one hundred thousand  policy of an al.e l  to the free labor South, and
rebel slaveholders to set these toiling millions to  the separation of tioe So',;t,-:ern population into
-i'tting one another's throats!                    classes, so as to thrilow  the responslbility of the
What right, have we of the North to aban- rebellion upon t}Ie small nunerical class that
don our white non-slaveholding brethren of the  inaugurated it, is more apparent to my mind
South to the hopeless tyranny of. an exclusive  than when I last wrote you.
pro-slavery policy.e  What right, has Congress    I think we ilave rninch to gain  by Southern
to forbear the bold de,:.iaration in favor of this indiscretion.  ithe stit)i   i e    ou is indicative
ppulation, and to pledge all the a dhering ele- of the d,&veiopilg design of secession, and is
ments of the Government to protect it-to shel- corroborative of the motive I alluded to in the
ter it under the national t nsirn —yea, if need  sur$est;ed. resolutiols.
be, to so far humble amd subordinate the pro-   The moral flree tof the Southern programme
slavery spirit as to give encouragement in the  miuost be struelik at its vulnerable point.  Whatis
right direction to the masses of the Solthertl that' vlo.ie abie'po; nt?  My log residence in
white population.                                 the extreme Sou,.-il con victs me that the intendIt would be useless to saFy "t'hit non-sleave- ed disfranchisenietl o  -e South'ern masses is
holding population eannlot 1)e ireaeihe."  I t; ca  ithe r:,iiost protninile't (-e of Sontliern disconbe reached, and can be enlisted on the sid e o f  telt,    a ndthat thle exemrlifieation  if this intent
its own protection.  Let Conyress.and til the   x a congressioi:al dol'eilration w-ould tend to
governmental powers declare their solieitullde for est, t i h a mote  ct-tiive h}old uplon the Union
it, and determination to protect it; and let us of soentritiiient Sonwh, ti I.' i aai'- t[hinel ele that could
the s'orth re-echo the sentiment, and hail it as a  be put forthl.
brotherhood in political destiny and poli;:ical   I:'lii  awilt-l to;,.t, nrtlJv evlcriv Union man,
right.  Arns will remove the blockade to inrtel-:;out4, wvho has -bttel;acc!ist;omrle(l to play the
ligence.  We Fhall have the mnass of this tpop1ula- Ni ou:tilt:  ipolitjein gIeie iin p olitics, is stereotyption with lus if wei takxe the bold anld strong Imeans el in the ide. tti-lt o'it, t!ri,,i tial;t tends directly
to invite it.                                      or eim,:totlv to tile )olicev of emnancipation should
It strikes re tlhat you are the main to,bring  bte av,ideeid.  IThey vseeri to forget the political
out this suibject throutgh a congressional deela- nec'3sith-  of,nalking the deeiaration to the effect,
ration.  Your sytmpathies are known to be with  th:i i pireeciont, and allegiance must go together;
the masses of the laboring white men South. that, o      in is:i;, poitie.l, social, national; and above
You are known and marked in every part of the  all, in, tie lmidst of the eff'llion of blood, an impeUnion as their friend.  You have the courage to  rious ald tunavoidable walt n,:eessity.  We shall
do just what your conscience tells you is best. come to this, and the soonet  thle declaration is




8                       ULETTERS TO HON. AN3REW  JOHNlSN.
made, in connection with other considerations, strength to our side. If we cannot do it, the
in my humble opinion the better.              Union is gone. I hope it may never be said of
In the midst of tribulation, under democratic us, that we have lost our strength and the force
government, every sensitive man of impulse per- of the Union cause through timidity.
suades himself into the belief that he is a compe-   Are we not brought by the determined spirit
tent adviser. We shall have a thousand and one of rebellion to deal with all its opposing elements
distractions as to the declared motives which affirmatively?  Has not all forbearance been
exist for the prosecution of the war. They are construed into timidity?  It has seemed to me
already being put forth in different sections, and that the disposition to forego as-long as possible
the Government at Washington is as little un- any resort to force by the national Government
derstood in its views of policy as in its unpub- has been an ill-devised humanity, that has relished military designs. I think it time, in order resulted merely in preparation for a more extento avoid public distraction in the North, and to sive effusion of blood. If anything is yet to be
show to the world that there is such a thing as gained by paltering to the influences that have indefinite motive in Government policy, founded augurated this treason against the common popu.
on some tangible principle, to make an authori- lation and common interest of the country, I cantative congressional declaration of some kind; not see it. Perhaps those betterskilled in political
and the more pointed it is, if founded on just philosophy may be able to do so. I fear, however,
principle, the better.  I doubt whether you that those who have so long failed to appreciate
could find an abolitionistper se who would strike the nature, strength, and motives of this rebellion
the right point. I also doubt whether any politi- will be slow-quite too slow-in the enunciation
cian from the Gulf States, however strong in his of views or principles in connection with the
Union sentiments, would dare venture upon any plan of raising up a Southern party, and of
definite declaration that would be specific. You strengtheUing the North by keeping it a unit.
~ will excuse my suggestions; they are made under        Very truly, &c.,
the belief that something effective must be done
in connection with arms to raise up a Southern
(POSTSCRIPT TO THE SECOND EDITION.)
From the New York Tribune, Oct. 21.
The "Origin and Objects of the Slaveholders' Conspiracy against Democratic Principles, as
well as against the National Union," illustrated in the Speeches of ANDREW JACKSON HAMILTON, of
Texas, the statements of LoRENzo SHERWOOD, late of Texas; the letter of MUSCOE R. H. GARNETT, late
Democratic Member of Congress from Virginia, to William H. Trescott, of South Carolina, showing
the antagonism of Democracy and Free Labor to Slavery and its Rebellion; the Letter of the
Democratic League of our City to John Bright, &c., has just been compiled for that League by
HENRY O'RIELLY, and is now printed in a neat pamphlet, which can be had at our office. If there
is a sincere and loyal Democrat in this State, who now thinks of voting for Seymour & Co., we
are confident that a careful reading of this pamphlet would dissuade him from so doing. Please
look into it, and judge if you ought not to aid in circulating it.