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STUDIES IN HISTORY, ECONOMICS AND PUBLIC LAW
EDITED BY THE FACULTY OF POLITICAL SCIENCE OF
COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY
Number 319
THE ORIGIN AND HISTORY OF THE NEW YORK
EMPLOYING PRINTERS' ASSOCIATION







The Origin and History of
The New York Employing Printers
Association
THE EVOLUTION OF A TRADE ASSOCIATION
BY
CHARLOTTE E. MORGAN, Ph.D.
Assistant Professor of English in
Hunter College of the City of Newo York
4Author of " The Rise of the Novel of fanners "

NEW YORK
COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY PRESS
LONDON: P. S. KLVG & SON, L'I'D.
1930




COPYRIGHT, 1930
BY
COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY PRESS
PRINTED IN IHE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA




PREFACE
SEVERAL years ago, the writer, in making a report to a
Seminar under Professor Henry Rogers Seager of Columbia
University, became interested in the history of employing
printers as typical employers. Much has been written on the
problems of labor and the development of the unions, but
little or nothing of the problems of the employers and their
attempts to solve them. The printers proved a particularly
happy choice, for among them have been many writers who
expressed themselves freely on trade and economic conditions. As a group they tended to print all their records.
Most important, they were among the very first to organize.
Moreover, much material is available, thanks to the historic
vision of the late George Bruce, Theodore L. DeVinne, and
the present Librarian of the Typographical Library and
Museum of the American Type Foundry, Mr. Henry L.
Bullen.
The writer takes this opportunity to express her debt of
gratitude to the many members of the Employing Printers'
Association who have given freely of their time in supplying
her with the unwritten history of the earlier organizations.
Particularly does she wish to express her thanks to Professor Henry R. Seager, to Mr. Henry L. Bullen, to Mr.
Franklin Heath, to Mr. Charles Francis, and to Mr. F. A.
Silcox for their helpful suggestions and kindly advice, without which, indeed, she could not have completed this study.
5







CORRIGENDA

THE author wishes to amend her account of
the present set-up of the New York Employing
Printers' Association as described in Chapter VIII.
In 1928 there was adopted a new constitution, a copy
of which, through oversight, was not given to her
with the other documents, by the organization. This
new  constitution provides for fifteen instead of
ten directors, who are to be chosen from     the
organization at large and without reference to
their previous affiliation with Typothetae, Master
Printers or Printers League. In Industrial Relations, however, the distinction remains between
the Open and Closed Shop Sections, the latter still
called The Printers' League Section.
Other changes there were: the geographical
groups are not mentioned but the Specialty groups
remain. Dues were increased to $65 per month
for $1,000 of Annual Mechanical Payroll: the
minimum dues to $3.25 per month and the maximum,
$150.00.   The educational classes described on
p. 111, are conducted independently by N. Y. E. P. A.
The writer takes this occasion to correct some
errors which were brought to her attention by Mr.
J. Clyde Oswald, whose constructive criticism she
was not so fortunate as to have for the manuscript:
p. 77  for American    Printer read American
Bookmaker
p. 89  for Stettine read Stettiner
p. 107 for Syracuse Convention read Syracuse
Conference
for Joseph C. Little read Joseph J. Little
Mr. Charles Francis is at times erroneously referred to as Charles M. Francis.







TABLE OF CONTENTS
INTRODUCTION: The scope and methods of the study.......  9
CHAPTER I
The Colonial Period, 1693-1781. Bradford and the first press.
Rise of competitors. The first newspapers. Activities of the
period as reflected in the lives of typical printers: Rivington and
Gaine............................. 15
CHAPTER II
The period of nationalism and expansion, 1781-1833. General
condition in New York City. Introduction of the iron press
and other inventions. Periodical and book trade. Copyright.
Tariff. Early organizations of printers. Employers. Journeymen..........................    22
CHAPTER III
The first period of industrialization, 1833-1850. The introduction
of machinery and its economic effects. General conditions.
Labor organizations of the period..................      39
CHAPTER IV
The second period of industrialization, 185o-1873. The organization of journeymen in a.Typographical Union, later No. 6 of the
International Union. The part played by Horace Greeley. The
various strikes. The public discussion of labor principles and
practice; the views expressed by Greeley......... 47
CHAPTER V
Continuation of history of period from 1850-1873. The founding
of the Typothetae of New York City. Purpose, interests and
accomplishments of the society. Influence of Theodore L. De
Vinne. Price lists. Labor policy, as evinced in strike of 1869.
Disruption in 1873. Pamphlet of 1876..........  61




8                   TABLE OF CONTENTS
PAO E
CHAPTER VI
Period of re-adjustment, 1873-1906. Rapid growth, labor unrest,
and cut-throat competition. Revival of the Typothetae in 1884.
National organization formed in 1887. Labor policy of compromise and arbitration from 1897 to igo6. Influence of Theodore
L. DeVinne and Joseph J. Little. Strike of 1906. Policy of
New York Typothetae as to cost accounting, craft progress, trade
ethics, etc. Rise and activities of other employers' organizations not concerned with labor: " Ben Franklin Club"; Board of
Trade; The Master Printers.............    71
CHAPTER VII
Period of combination and organization, 1906-1918. General tendency to large organizations and to collective bargaining. The
American Newspaper Publishers Association.    Rise of the
Printers League of New York founded on the principle of cooperation as a means of securing industrial peace. Contribution
ot Charles M. Francis and Henry Cherouny..........         97
CHAPTER VIII
The period of stabilization, 1918-1929. General amalgamation in
the New York Employing Printers Association. Cost-accounting; credit information; open and closed shop sections and the
Industrial Relations Bureau; trade agreements.  Apprentice
schools in conjunction with the Union...........  Iog
CONCLUSION: The New York Employing Printers' Association
comprises all the earlier organizations and its policies have been
molded by their ideals, their leaders, and their fights. The
earlier groups attempted little more than temporary and empirical solutions to pressing practical problems. Similar practical
problems are the chief concern of the Association, but gradually
more consistent policies are being evolved.......... 121
APPENDIX: Sections from contemporary contracts........      127
BIBLIOGRAPHY........................ 33

INDEX.................  I37




INTRODUCTION

A HISTORY OF THE ORGANIZATION OF EMPLOYING
PRINTERS IN NEW YORK CITY
THE history of organizations of employing printers in
New York City is of particular interest, because here originated the societies which have combined to form the New
York Employing Printers' Association and the United Typothetae of America, of which the former is a branch. The
problems and traditions of the earlier groups have given to
these associations their distinctive characteristics and unusual
structure. In the following account, I have attempted to
trace the purposes, principles, and methods of the present
organization from the vague and tentative plans of the
societies of the past, and to indicate the influence exerted by
the introduction of power machinery, by political and cultural
forces, and by outstanding personalities. To the writer it
has been a fascinating study of the printing industry from
the completely unified handicraft stage in a pioneer town,
through periods of industrialism, to the complex, highly
specialized and reintegrating condition prevailing in contemporary New York.
From the point of view of the industry, there are, roughly
speaking, three periods: from the setting up of the first press
in this city in 1693 to the close of the Revolution in 1781;
from then to the conclusion of the Civil War in 1865, during
which power machinery largely displaced hand presses; and
from 1865 to the present day. In the sixty-odd years of this
last period, there have been as Mr. Francis ' points out,
1 Francis, Charles M., Printing for Profit, p. 27.




10      THE NEW YORK EMPLOYING PRINTERS
greater inventions and more radical changes introduced than
in the three hundred following the invention. For convenience in presenting the history of the organizations, I
have made eight subdivisions more or less coincident with the
foregoing. The Colonial, extending from 1693 to 1781,
was characterized by the gradual growth of the industry but
by no tendency to organize. The second period, extending
to about 1830, was characterized by extraordinary expansion, by the introduction of machinery and sundry improvements, by fairly effective labor organizations, and by various
transitory combinations on the part of the employers. The
third period, extending to 1850, was characterized by the use
of power presses and by the rapid industrialization of the
industry, resulting in bitter labor disputes and in the loss of
standards by both printers and journeymen. The fourth
period, from 1850 to 1865, was one of turmoil brought about
by further industrialization and by the Civil War. Typographical Union No. 6 was formed in 1850, and Horace
Greeley, its first president, preached the doctrine of cooperation to ensure industrial peace.
In 1865, the fifth period begins with the formal founding
of the Typothetae, which interested itself in price-maintenance, in the improvement of printing as an art, and in defensive war against the demands of labor. Finally, came the
panic of 1873 and the dissolution of the Typothetae.
The sixth period extends from  1873 to 1906.  These
years were characterized by cut-throat competition between
employers and by bitter struggles between employers and
employees. Industrialization was practically completed; the
workman became a specialist and large houses like factories
took over the bulk of the work. Small one-man shops, however, fought for the casual work and undermined the accepted
standards of prices and wages. At the same time the field
of competition widened in the book and job trade, for rapid




INTRODUCTION

II

transportation made it possible for out-of-town printers to
compete successfuly with those in New York City. Organizations of employers sprang up in every city and town. In
New York, in 1884, the Typothetae was reorganized; and
in 1887 it became a branch of the national association,
founded that year on the model of the New York society.
Both local and national associations devoted most of their
energy to combating labor's demands for a shorter working
day. After the great strike of 1887, both sides compromised; national as well as local trade agreements were made
with the union which provided for renewals and for arbitration. This was a period of armed truce, for both sides were
building up war chests. In 1906 came the long-expected
strike over the eight-hour day. It was long and costly and
practically disrupted the Typothetae as well as other employers' associations that had sprung up about 1900.
The seventh period, extending from 1906 to 1918, was
characterized by consolidation, by the tendency to work in
groups instead of as individuals.  The Printers' League,
founded in 1907, was based on the principle of cooperation;
of specialization and non-competition among employers, and
of collective bargaining with the employees. This organization affiliated with the Typothetae in 1917, and in 1919 was
joined by the Master Printers.  The resulting organiza:tion is known as the New York Employing Printers' Association, and is a branch of the United Typothetae of America.
The last decade, forming the eighth period, has witnessed a
broadening of the point of view, and a realization that although competition may be the life of trade, the prosperity
of the industry depends on stabilization.
In order to understand the successes and failures of the
early organizations, two considerations must be borne in
mind: first, three peculiarities of the printing industry as
distinguished from other trades; and second, the problems of




12       THE NEW    YORK EMPLOYING PRINTERS
the employer as distinguished from the employee. Printers,
like all other craftsmen of the Middle Ages, were organized
in guilds. Printing, though a late trade, developed elaborate
shop rules and apprenticeship regulations.  Many of these
rules were enforced by the assembled journeymen of a shop
in what is still known as the chapel.' As time went on, some
of the power that the chapel had disappeared; but the customs
remained and, under an able leader, the chapel has proved a
potent factor in labor disputes.  Strikes and sabotage date
back to Gutenberg and are not in themselves significant. The
important thing to bear in mind is that in addition to the
guild tradition, the journeyman printer has had the idea of
shop regulation by the workers. And that idea has not only
existed, but has been more or less vigorously exercised up
to and including the present time.
Quite a different, but no less important, aspect of the printing industry is its custom quality. The product is good, in
most cases, for only one customer; it is made to order, and
generally speaking, to be of value, must be delivered at a
specified time. To a large extent it is controlled by the customer; he supplies the matter and may dictate the form.
Estimating requires great care, for the processes are intricate
and few jobs are identical.  Fine printing requires artistic
sensibility and exactitude of execution, characteristics not
very often combined with business acumen. It is not surprising, therefore, to find that business methods do not prevail and that many firms run on small and vague profits.
Another important aspect of the printing industry, and one
closely allied to its custom character, is its small-unit nature.
'The chapel originated in Europe and is composed of all the journeymen in the shop and apprentices in their last year. The elected chairman known as the " Father" presides at meetings, enforces the chapel
regulations, and is the men's representative in all dealings with the
employers.




INTRODUCTION                    '3
For large plants, much capital and many workers are required, but a small job press may be set up for little and may
be a one-man plant. This is a significant factor for two
reasons: first of all, journeymen easily join the employer
group. Competition is close, trade conditions are uncertain;
often there are underbidding and unfair practices, caused as
much by ignorance and lack of experience as by intentional
dishonesty. The result, however, is the same: chaotic trade
conditions. Another phase of this small-unit problem is the
decentralization of the industry. No dozen or so large firms
can dominate the trade in the metropolitan area, let alone in
the country at large. This decentralization cannot be overestimated as a shaping factor in the history of Employing
Printer organizations.
Again it must be remembered that the employer has a very
different outlook from the employee. In the first place, the
printing plant represents the employer's savings and his prospects. If he fails, he loses something concrete and definite
for which he has worked and planned. He loses more than
his wages, as is the case with the journeyman. The feeling
of ownership, one may almost say creation, is his justification for the determination to rule autocratically. Moreover,
the employers in the printing industry have very largely
risen from the ranks, and attribute their success to work, initiative and native ability. Such being the case, opposition to
sharing the management, as much as to sharing the profits,
has made them loath to submit to union regulations or to be
bound to employer agreement.   Ownership in the large
plants tends increasingly to be divided and management to be
distinct and professional. Consequently there is less hostility to trade agreements with employees and to cooperation
with employers.
In the second place the interests of the journeyman are
very different from that of the master. The former is con



14

THE NEW YORK EMPLOYING PRINTERS

cerned with wages, hours, shop conditions and shop control;
the master has a far greater variety of problems. He may
find industrial relations his most pressing problem and most
vivid interest; but his overhead expenses, the collection of his
bills, the securing of work, the schemes of his competitors,
labor-saving devices, the art of his craft-all these have
more or less of his attention. In examining the different
associations, the following six major interests will nearly
always be found: (i) administration, or the arrangement
for putting work through the plant; (2) purchasing, or the
securing of supplies; (3) accounting, both estimating and
recording; (4) labor, its quantity, quality, and flexibility;
(5) manufacturing, trade customs, improvements, etc.; (6)
sales, or the securing of a market and credit information.
Industrial disputes have most often brought employers together, but rarely, if ever, have they been the sole basis for a
more than temporary organization. Taking into consideration the custom quality of the industry, the strong individualism of the employers, and above all the small-unit character
and consequent decentralization of the industry, it is not surprising that the development of a strong association of master
printers has been slow and stormy.




CHAPTER I

THE COLONIAL PERIOD, 1693-1781 1
CURIOUSLY, or perhaps appropriately enough, the setting
up of the first press in New York was the result of a controversy.  After several vain attempts to secure a printer
for the colony had failed, the Council passed a resolution to
the effect " that if a printer will come and settle on the City
of New York for the printing of our Acts of Assembly and
Publicke Papers, he shall be allowed the sum of ~40 current
money of New York per anum for his salary and have the
benefit besides what serves the publick."   This offer, made
on March 23, 1693, was accepted immediately by William
Bradford, who, although he had set up his press on the invitation of William Penn in 1685, was at this time in difficulties with the Philadelpia authorities for criticising the
treatment accorded the minority Friends by the Magistrates.
His press had been confiscated, but the new crown representative, " Capt. Benjamin Fletcher, Governor of New
York, Pennsylvania and New-Castle," espoused his cause,
secured the release of his press and appointed him Royal
Printer, which position he retained for fifty years.
The variety and cosmopolitan character of his work is
most interesting.   Clearly, the tastes of his readers ran to
the practical and to the religious. His titles show a sur1 Authorities for the period, unless otherwise specified, are the following:
I. American Dictionary of; Printing and Bookmaking, Howard Lockwood & Co.; 2. Evans, Charles, A Chronological Dictionary of the
Books, Pamphlets and Periodical Publications printed in U. S. A.
From.Genesis of Printing in 1639 to 820o; 3..Hildeburn, C. R., Sketches
of Printers and Printing in Colonial New York.
15




16      THE NEW YORK EMPLOYING PRINTERS
prising number of colonial writers, chiefly, to be sure, ot
sermons or of treatises pertinent to the needs of the settlers.
First of all, there is the official work: proclamations, records
of the legislature and the laws of New York, New Jersey and
Pennsylvania, some of these in Dutch as well as in English.
Then there are the ever-popular almanacs, sermons and
tracts. Thirdly, rank some narratives of local episodes, such
as the famous " Perfect journal of the late Action of the
French at Canada, with the manner of their being repulsed
by his Excellency Benjamin Fletcher "; and finally, there are
miscellaneous pamphlets, such as "An Exhortation to
Friends concerning the Buying and Keeping of Negroes ";
the " New Primer or Methodical Directions to attain the
true Spelling, Reading, and Writing of English; whereunto
is added some things necessary for them who from foreign
countries and nations come to settle among us "; an edition
of the Prayer Book; "Le Tresor des Consolations " in
French; and "The Bible in the Indian language of the
Mohawks."
All of these publications show a workmanship that compares not unfavorably with that of contemporary provincial
presses in England. Not only, however, did Bradford set
up the first press, he issued the first newspaper in New York.
According to G. H. Moore,1 a sheet, practically a reprint of
the English Gazettc, appeared shortly after Bradford set up
his press, and is referred to in a letter of Governor Fletcher's;
but it was shortlived and of no importance. For practical
purposes we may regard as our first paper, The New York
Gazette, the first number of which appeared on October 16,
1725. For nearly ten years this stodgy chronicle, so illuminating to us as a picture of the times, had no rival, and it con1 Moore, George H., Historical Notes on the Introdnction of Printing
in New York; Catalogue of Books, printed by William Bradford,
Grolier Club, 1893.




THE COLONIAL PERIOD                 17
tinued as a successful publication for sixteen or seventeen
years, being then taken over and managed by James Parker.
Bradford has still further claims to our remembrance.
He was instrumental in setting up the first paper mill,' near
Philadelphia, and another in Elizabethtown, New Jersey.
Had the assembly granted him the monopoly privilege he
applied for, he would have set up a mill in New York. Bradford is to be remembered also for entertaining Benjamin
Franklin when he stopped at New York on his way from
Boston, and he gave him a letter to his son in Philadelphia.
Finally, he trained as an apprentice Peter Zenger, whose trial
is famous in American annals. He died in 1752 at the age
of ninety, and was buried in Trinity Church graveyard,
where his tombstone may still be seen.
From 1693 to 1733 Bradford had no competitor, but in the
latter year some of the rebellious group in the colony backed
Peter Zenger in setting up a rival shop and in issuing a
paper, The New York Weekly Journal, devoted to political
agitation. The arbitrary, conduct of the Governor, especially
his interference with the judiciary, had caused widespread discontent and Zenger's attacks met with general approval.
When in 1734, the latter was arrested on the charge of libel,
public opinion was largely on the side of the defendant.
Andrew Hamilton, the latter's counsel, made his cause one
of "American liberty" and succeeded in establishing the
right of the jury to determine both the law and the facts,
an interpretation which, tradition says, Zenger learned from
Bradford and he, in turn, from his London master, Andrew
Sowle. The decision meant that if the charge were true
there was no basis for a libel action, thus ensuring free discussion and criticism of the government. The case was of
momentous importance as a precedent in all similar cases
throughout the colonies. Substantially, it is the case of the
1 William Bradford, anonymous leaflet [Henry L. Bullen].




18

THE NEW YORK EMPLOYING PRINTERS

" Junius Letters." Zenger took advantage of his popularity
to publish " A brief narrative of the case and trial of John
Peter Zenger, Printer of the New York Weekly Journal,"
which reached its fifth edition in 1739.Other printers,2 some from Britain and some former
apprentices of Bradford's, set up presses in the rapidly growing colony. According to Evans there were twenty-six printers in the city between 1779 and 1785, twenty-one from
1786 to 1789, eighteen from then on to 1792, and twentyfour from then to 1794, of whom three were musical publishers. Many of them were booksellers and general importers as well. Hugh Gaine, James Rivington, Samuel Loudon,
James Parker, may be regarded as the most important, and
Rivington and Gaine the most interesting.
James Rivington, a son of the famous London publisher,
came to this country in 1760, after an unsuccessful London
venture, and set up in business as " the only London bookseller." Previously, in conjunction with one named Brown,
he had opened a store in Philadelphia, and in 1762 opened a
branch in Boston as well. In one of the early catalogues,
1760, seven hundred and eighty-three titles are listed, as well
as " Jewelry, Bohea tea, and the finest snuffs." In these catalogues we find all the best sellers from England, and the
practical and theological pamphlets of the colonists. In 1765
the flourishing business fell off; the branch stores were
dropped, and at the end of the year Rivington was again a
bankrupt. By no means discouraged, he started again in
1767 and apparently prospered, for in 1769 he was made a
freeman of the city. In 1773 he added printing to his bookselling business. His most notable book was a reprint of
1 Heartman, Chas. E., Check List of Printers in tlhe United States from
Stephen Daye to the Close of the War of Independence.
2 Rutherford, Livingston, John Peter Zenger, His IPress, His Trial
and a Bibliography of Zenger Imprints, New York, 1914.




THE COLONIAL PERIOD                19
"Cook's Voyages with plates by Paul Revere."    More
famous is Rivington's New York Gazeteer; or the Connecticut, New Jersey, Hudson River and Quebeck Weekly Advertiser, " printed at his ever-open and uninfluenced press,
fronting Hanover Square", the first number of which appeared on April 22, 1773. By 1774, it enjoyed a large circulation, there being 3600 impressions to an issue. The war
seriously curtailed the circulation, but it survived with varying fortunes till 1783, the last issue bearing the date of December thirty-first of that year. In the controversy between
the colonists and the crown, he at first maintained an attitude
of strict neutraliy. In 1775, however, his royalist sympathies were apparent, yet in addition to twenty-eight Tory
brochures, he printed a few Whig pamphlets.
The winter of 1776 found New York practically cut off
from both the other colonies and England. The cost of living soared and the scarcity of firewood caused much suffering. The printers working for Rivington struck for higher
wages and presumably won. The significance of this as a
manifestation of union spirit among the journeymen is negligible, for it concerned but one master and lasted only till
it secured its immediate object.
The spirit of the man is well illustrated by two anecdotes
concerning his conflict with the Revolutionary party. Hearing that Ethan Alien and a band of Continentals were descending upon his shop, with the intention of wreaking vengeance, he continued eating his breakfast with apparent calm,
merely shoving a bottle of Madeira well to the fore. Upon
the appearance of the irate Allen, he urged the sampling of
the wine, and continued to urge it upon him till he had so
mollified his wrath that he departed quietly. In 1777 he was
not so fortunate, for the raiding party demolished his press.
So astounding in its daring was this raid that reports of it
appeared in papers, not only in the colonies but also in those




20      THE NEW YORK EMPLOYING PRINTERS
of London and other English cities. Nothing daunted, however, Rivington repaired the damage and resumed the printing of his paper as Tory in sympathy as before, and bearing
in addition a cut of the royal coat-of-arms and with the title
Royal instead of Loyal Gazette. Upon the withdrawal of
the British, he omitted the cut, dropped his royalist views,
and identified himself with the interests of the new country.
He confined himself to bookselling and, unlike his contemporary, Hugh Gaine, did not concern himself with developing the printing industry. In spite of his Tory proclivities,
he was so respected by his fellow citizens that they named
after him one of their principal thoroughfares, which is to
this day called Rivington Street.
Hugh Gaine1 was born in Belfast in 1726 or 1727 and
came to New York in 1754. He worked for Parker for
" the equivalent of $1.25 a week and his keep." Either by
conviction or by policy, he was a supporter of the government and the Church of England party instead of the rebellious Presbyterians, as were most of his North Irish countrymen. When, in 1752, he set up a press of his own and issued
the New York Mercury, he was almost immediately involved
in a controversy with the latter for refusing to print contributions expounding views of which he disapproved. His initiative in reporting the campaigns of the French and Indian
War and in inserting maps greatly increased the demand for
his paper, and the country circulation of the Mercury grew
apace.
The expansion of Gaine's Mercury is typical. It began
in 1752 as a four-page, two-column sheet, measuring 8" x 12",
and later, in 1763, as the Mercury anzd Genesee Advertiser,
while still only four pages, measured io2" x 18", and was
printed in four columns. Mid-week supplements were issued
too, showing that the restriction was due to neither lack of
1 The Journals of Hugh Gaine, edited by Paul L. Ford.




THE COLONIAL PERIOD

21

demand nor lack of news. A limited and uncertain paper
supply hampered further expansion. So pressed was he for
space that he resorted to additions in his margins.
In addition to the newspaper, Gaine printed pertinent
articles, sermons, some books, the usual almanacs, and ran a
bookstore and general importing business as well. He kept a
greater variety of goods than the traditional country store,
for we find advertised, among other articles " just arrived in
a recently landed cargo: family bibles, knives, books, patent
medicines, buckles, boots, pumps and shoes, French perfume
and German flutes."
The Revolution broke up his flourishing business. The
earlier numbers of the Mercury were Whig in their sympathies, and he became so obnoxious to the British that in 1776,
he deemed it advisable to leave New York and set up his press
in Newark. The rebels, however, did not support him as
he had expected and after the loss of much money and time,
he returned to New York, made his peace with the authorities,
and printed the most violent Tory articles. Upon the conclusion of the war, he, like Rivington, dropped his Tory
views, supported the conservative party in the new government, and built up a flourishing business. He was made, to
the disgust of the more patriotic, an official printer and set up
the New York State laws of 1789, and the New York City
laws of 1793. So bitterly was he attacked that, in spite of his
published explanations of his conduct during the Revolution,
he lost his political job. He speculated successfully in real
estate, united with other printers and booksellers to better the
industry, was a member of the Masons, the St. Patrick, and
other societies. He signed " a memorial of sundry citizens
of New York City, praying that measures be taken for receiving that district into the American confederation as a
free and independent state." To the time of his death in
1807, he was respected as a citizen of substance and repute,
and was buried in Trinity Church graveyard.




CHAPTER II

THE period immediately following the Revolution was one
of great business depression: visitors commented on the
harbor bare of sails and on the beggary and disorder in the
streets. But with the adoption of the Constitution, confidence and stability returned and the years from 1781 to 1815,
or the close of the War of 1812, were characterized by experiment, optimism and intense patriotism. New York at
that time-smaller, poorer and of less consequence than either
Philadelphia or Boston-enjoyed a boom greatly intensified
by its selection as the temporary capital. It was a raw, progressive city, with all the characteristics of a pioneer town in
a new country, and most amusing are the descriptions of its
narrow, dirty streets, mean buildings, and meagre water
supply, to be found in the letters of the newly-elected senators
and representatives. In the papers of the day we read bitter
complaints of high prices, sky-rocketing rents, outrageous
wages, tyrannical organizations of workmen, especially in the
building trades, and of the influx of cheap labor from abroad.
According to a newspaper census of the inauguration year,'
there were in the city and county 30,022 inhabitants: 1,209
freeholders of ~100; 1,221 of ~20; 2,661 tenants of 40
shillings; 93 freemen; 2,263 slaves. Curious it is that there
were 14,429 females to 13,330 males. According to the City
Directory published by Hodge, Allen and Campbell in 1780,
there were 4,Ioo householders, an increase of nearly 700 in
1 Smith, Thomas R. W., City of New York in the Year of Washington's Inauguration, 1787.
Wilson, J. G., Memorial History of City of New York.
22




THE PERIOD OF NATIONALISM

23

five years. These were clustered on the southeastern end of
the island; Pearl, Water, Wall, and the adjacent streets
formed the center of the better residential district, and the
numbers ran from 200 to 250, rarely more.
Business in the city revived rapidly and numerous organizations were formed to foster both old and new commercial
activities. The Chamber of Commerce, chartered in 1768,
was granted a new charter by the legislature in 1784, as the
Chamber of Commerce of New York State. The General
Society of Mechanics and Traders, organized in 1785, had,
in 1786, representatives of thirty trades. When the society
was incorporated in 1792, there were 413 members. The
trades were themselves still organized somewhat on the order
of the medieval guilds. The right to trade, except on fair
days, was restricted to freemen, and all not born in the city
or serving a seven-year apprenticeship in it were obliged to
pay five pounds on being made such. We read of the activities of the perukemakers, the builders, the bakers, but not of
the printers. The Society was very active in the building of
the City Hall in 1802, and of the Mechanics Hall in 1803.
One of the principles it adopted very early was non-participation in politics, and no doubt this has had much to do with
its long and successful existence.
The Bank of New York was established in 1790, and set
itself to establishing money values, which it finally did at the
rate of eight shillings to the dollar. In 1797, it succeeded in
establishing the dollar, dime, cent currency. A rival banking company, the Manhattan Company, was formed by Aaron
Burr under the guise of a water company. And it did, as a
matter of fact, supply drinking water until the Croton dam
was opened; but its chief interest was in banking. Finally,
there was the Society for the Encouragement of American
Manufactures, which induced the state to subsidize a woolen
mill and later a pottery, but neither succeeded. Money for




24

THE NEW YORK EMPLOYING PRINTERS

such ventures and for those of a more philanthropic nature
was largely raised by lotteries and by money pledges from
merchants.
As a protection against the innumerable fires that ravaged
the city-the houses were generally frame with brick frontsJohn Pintard, in 1787, organized an Insurance Company with
twenty-four members. This took formal shape in 1789, and
in 1809 was incorporated as the Mutual Insurance Company.
Social and educational activities and organizations were
also numerous. There were eight masonic lodges and five
national societies: St. Andrew's, founded in 1756; St.
George, 1786; St. Patrick, 1780 (at this time Protestant and
representing primarily the north of Ireland), and the German. Founded at this time was St. Tammany's Society of
the Columbian Order. Through the influence of John Pintard, it established in 1790 the first museum for the presevation and exhibition of all things relating to the history and
antiquities of America. Samuel Loudon reopened his circulating library with 2,000 volumes in 1787. The New York
Society Library, founded in 1754 and practically lost during
the Revolution, was reorganized in I789 with two hundred
fifty subscribers and three thousand volumes.  Columbia
College, "a respectable school of learning" composed of
about forty students and nine professors, was in sore need of
money, which was finally raised by popular lottery. And
finally, there was the American Society of Arts, founded in
1802.
A hospital was chartered as early as 1771, and opened on
January 3, 1791, with eighteen patients. The Legislature
voted it an income of eighteen hundred pounds annually for
four years; but so strong was public prejudice against it that
there were riots of the populace, and it was finally abandoned.
There were three philanthropic societies: the Free School
Society, founded in 1805; the Society for the Prevention of




THE PERIOD OF NATIONALISM

25

Pauperism, incorporated in 1817; and the Society for the
Manumission of Slaves (1808).
In point of sociability and hospitality, New York was not
exceeded by any town in the United States. Of society life,
Noah Webster (1758-1843) remarked: 'It was open and
free and far more enjoyable than in Philadelphia, where class
lines were sharply drawn '. In New York where speculation
was rampant, the composition of the different classes was in
a state of flux and a democratic spirit was dominant.'
No industry was more affected by the rapid expansion and
general animation than printing. There were twenty printers
and publishers, several of whom were also booksellers, and
by 1818 there were fifty employing 500 hands.2 During the
last decade of the century, there were published in New York
City five newspapers: The New York Packet, published by
Sam Loudon, three times weekly; the New York Journal,
published by Thos. Greenleaf, the state printer, weekly; The
Daily Advertiser, by Francis Childs; Thee Daily Gazette, by
J. A. A. McLean, and the Gazette of the United States, by
John Fenn. These sheets, small and unimpressive as they
are, had grown rapidly and were eagerly perused by a public
whose appetite for reading matter was never sated.
Noah Webster founded The American Magazine3 in 1787,
and it ran until 1789. In 1793 he founded The Minerva, the
first daily, which later changed hands and was known as The
Daily Advertiser. In addition, there were a few periodicals
of a literary nature-all short-lived. The first success was
achieved by Irving and Paulding, in 1807 with Salmagundi,
and even that did not long survive. There were almost no
hired editors-they were the printers and usually the pro1 Noah Webster, Notes on Life of Noah Webster; edited by Emily
Ellsworth Ford Skeel.
2 Van Winkle, The Printer's Guide.
8 Tassin. Algernon, The Magazine in American Life.




26      THE NEW YORK EMPLOYING PRINTERS
prietors. In Longworth's Directory, 1805, we read: " Very
few original works have been published: the trade of bookmaking does not flourish in American soil." The next few
years saw a great increase in the demand for books. Shortly
after the War of 1812, many American writers and redacteurs competed with the British to supply the market. There
was still no copyright law, and American books were not
only sold but also printed in England, and English books were
freely printed here. The competition of the publishers for
copy was really amusing: they appealed to native talent, and
sent special agents to England to secure advance sheets.
The slowness of the Customs authorities in New York was a
source of bitter complaint on the part of Philadelphia concerns, since the added days of the trip there gave the New
Yorkers a long start. Bradsher 1 thinks that the enterprise
of the New York publishers, notably Harper and Brothers,
in bringing out these pirated editions, accounts for the shift
of the center of the industry to New York. The printers
themselves date the shift a decade earlier, about 18io, and
attribute it -to the exactions of labor. In 1809 and numerous times thereafter, the employers in New York, when
threatened by strikes for higher wages, referred to the disastrous results in Philadelphia.
The question of copyright 2 became increasingly important,
not merely for the protection of foreign authors but for the
protection of native authors who could find no sale for their
creations when the market was flooded with pirated works.
Due to the energy of Noah Webster, several states passed
laws, and in May, 1790, Congress passed the first national
copyright law. The matter of international copyright was
discussed, and in 1837 a petition to Congress from a number
1 Bradsher, E., Matthew Cary.
2 Bowker, R. R., Copyright-Its History and its Laws.




THE PERIOD OF NATIONALISM

27

of British authors forced action. A committee headed by
Clay presented a bill, but it was defeated. In spite of much
agitation and the frequent presentation of bills, nothing was
accomplished until 1880. Then the American Copyright
League commenced an active educational campaign by forming local and trade clubs, by lectures and general publicity.
Finally the Protectionists, who feared an influx of foreign
books, the Typographical Union, which feared the lowering
of wages and loss of jobs, and the publishers, who profited by
pirating, were converted, and in 1891 the law was passed and
protective agreements made with other countries. This provides that books and pictures protected by copyright must be
printed in the United States. Since then there have been
conferences to effect modifications.
Periodicals and presses multiplied. Mackellar 1 tells us that
in 1801 there were two hundred newspapers and six hundred
general printing plants scattered over the country, and, according to Thomas, there were, in 1810, 350 newspapers and
141 general offices; in other words, a three-fold increase in
eight years. The output of these presses did not consist
primarily of reprints of English editions, but of almanacs,
pamphlets, sermons, informative treatises, some few original
editions of foreign writers, usually classics, and a small but
increasing number of American books. Writing in 1731,
Bradford remarked: " he who loves books must send to England for them ", and this was still true, for although the local
work compared not unfavorably with that of the provincial
presses, it did not compete with that of the better London
shops. The low esteem in which American printing was
held was an obstacle which the master printers, interested in
the art of the craft, were long in overcoming.
But the real obstacle, the one which hampered not only
expansion but also fine workmanship, was the shortage of supSMackellar, Thomas, The American Printer-A Manual of Typography.




28      THE NEW YORK EMPLOYING PRINTERS
plies: presses, paper, ink, and type, all had to be imported.
To free themselves from this dependence was one of the three
problems of the master printers; the creation of a market for
their books was another; and the third was the standardizing
of prices, of trade practices, and, to a very slight extent, of
wages.
As early as 1792, Thomas Greenleaf issued a broadside
preserved in the Typographical Library and Museum of the
American Type Founders Company in Jersey City, urging all
patriots to patronize American-made types, which were just
about to be put on the market by Adam Gerard Mappa, and
" not a penny ", promised the zealous Greenleaf, should " go
to England ". Mappa was a Dutchman who brought his type
foundry from Holland. Updike quotes a contemporary to
the effect that " his foundry was very extensive and his specimens extravagantly showy." ' But Mappa's venture was
not a success, any more than the earlier one of Franklin to
introduce French type. Shortly thereafter Binny and Ronaldson set up a foundry in Philadelphia which prospered from
the beginning, and, with the help of its competitors, soon
freed America from the necessity of importing type.
Three years later, in 1795, we find Greenleaf, with ten
other New York printers, issuing a price list. A copy of
this rare and interesting document is preserved in the Typographical Library and Museum. From it we learn that Tiebout and O'Brien, Wayland and Davis, Robertson and Gonvan, George Forman, Hurtin and Commardinger, John
Harrison, Archibald McLean, Thos. Greenleaf, John Buel,
T. and J. Swords, and George Bunce & Co., " did agree on
the scale of prices ". This schedule was not the rate for so
many thousand ems according to the type used, but for completed work: ~6 sIo Iooo sheets ordinary matter; bills, 20os;
cards, Ios; with variations for a greater or less quantity.
1 Updike, Types and Presses, vol. ii, p. I5I.




THE PERIOD OF NATIONALISM

29

Z'w-rork.. May S8, 1795.
The following are the E fhblifhed Prices tf
P R I NT I N G,
Done at the relpc6ive OFFICES of the Subfcribers:--
~. t. d
F    OR tvery theet ofrcommon-work, oi. demi paper, printed on brevier,
of which i ooo copies are printed,                           6   to a
For every fhiet of ditto, oft burgeois, of Ahich zooo copies are printed,  6  0  o
For every fheet of long pkimcr, or fTall gicA, on demi paper, of which
0ooo copies are printed,                                         S  o   a
Por every (heet of pica or engliffi, of which tooo copies are printed,  4  to 0
For every additional thoufand,                                      A   to 0
If the work fihould be French, Latin, Iules, Figures, &c. at iidvahced
price to be paid. (of one fifth at leaft.)
N. B. In the above cafes, the perfon employing the printer to furnilh paper.
For printing and furnifhing a finglc pack of large cards,           o   too
For every additional pack oflarge do-.                              o   6  o
For a fingle pack of fmall cards,                                   c   8  o
For every additional imall do.                                      0   5 0
For 5o or zoo quarto handbills,                                     a   so a
For every drtitmll'iurunrrt -fivee fr;Min?.I titefS fMore triali LwVo at
-printed, in which cafe a dcdufion of o0e fourth may be made.
For too folio handbills, so (hillings, the frinter furniflhing paper.
For every additional hundred, one dollar,:nlefs more than 500o are printA
and then, as above, a deuaion of one fourtlh may be made.
tLANKS Or ALL KINDS.
For any number, under five quires, 7 fhfilngs per quire,
For every additional quire, not exceeding &  quires, 6 fhillings per quitt.
For every additional quire, after ten, 4.fhlings per quire.
N. B. The perfon employing the printer, to furnifh paper.
WE do further agree, That if either of us fhall do work at a lets rate than is here etab.
lithied, we will forfeit the fum of twenty pounds, to be appropriated as a majority of us
hlall ihink properb
FIcoet and Otracn                  e.-drE. dtce&arn,
Payantda and fad,                 V   omnad  7%encc
r7otdr         orhad foman,      J          7n &Jac/




30

THE NEW YORK EMPLOYING PRINTERS

Provision was made for supplying paper and also for using
customers supplies; and still further prices were given for
supplying blank paper. Curiously suggestive of the more
recent Board of Trade is the agreement: " We do further
agree that if either of us do work at a less rate than is here
established, we will forfeit the sum of twenty pounds, to be
appropriated as a majority of us shall think proper."
This group of printers was not, I think, regularly organized. Greenleaf and Swords Brothers were active in societies
regulating prices and stimulating trade generally. It must be
remembered in this connection that trade matters, such as
price-fixing, wage agreements, and the like, were discussed at
mass meetings; all interested being notified of the time and
place by newspaper notices or circulars. Journeymen were
notified of labor meetings in the same way. The custom of
setting a standard price may have been a vague survival of
the medieval ideal of the " just price " as determined by the
guilds: certain it is, it was customary and far from being
regarded with the condemnation which any such action would
meet in these anti-trust days.1
A few years later, I8OI, we find some of these men, notably T. and J. Swords, active in the formation of a national
organization of booksellers." The larger dealers of Boston,
Philadelphia and New York had issued catalogues independently and irregularly, but now they combined as the American
Company of Booksellers to regulate the sales of books by
fairs similar to the renowned Leipsic Fair. Hugh Gaine and
Thos. and James Swords were the Committee appointed to
arrange for the first Fair, which was held in New York in
June, 1802. We read that Hugh Gaine and twenty-four
members " entertained the guests of the Literary Fair in
IVan Winkle, Printer's Guide, 1818.
2 Growell, Adolf, Booktrade Bibliography in the United States in the
Nineteenth Century.




THE PERIOD OF NATIONALISM

31

Boardin's Long Room at the Coffee House in Beaver Street."
So successful was the first venture that it was decided to hold
another Fair the following year, 1803, in Philadelphia. At
this, a reward was offered for the best specimen of ink of
American manufacture. It was won by Jacob Johnson 1 of
Philadelphia with a product said to be better than that of
London. In 1804, a Fair was again held in New York, and,
in addition to the prize for ink, another of fifty dollars was
offered for " not less than Io reams of good printing paper of
other stuff than linen or cotton rags; and a second prize of
$20.00 for the same amount of good wrapping paper."
The securing of a plentiful and steady supply of paper was
urgent. The account books of Mathew Carey,2 President of
this Society, are extant and, according to them, quarto vellum
cost $3.50 a ream.  Paper mills 3 had been established by
Bradford, and others had since been set up, notably one in
Hempstead, usually identified as the one owned by Hugh
Gaine. Cheap paper was still a half century off, for not
until after 1869 was the manufacture of paper from wood
pulp a commercial success. Until that time, paper mills were
dependent on rags, the collecting and importing of which was
an industry in itself. The development of power machinery
greatly increased the output, but not until 1870 was the supply
of paper cheap and plentiful.
At this 1804 Fair, the Society was reorganized; a new
constitution was adopted, which provided for a Board that
could impose rules concerning transactions of the company
and the awarding of premiums; determine the price and
quality of books exhibited at the Fair; and examine into complaints for violating the rules. The Directors represented six
1 Firm still in existence-Eneu Johnson and Co.
2 Bradsher, E., Mathew Carey.
8 Weeks, L. H., History of Paper Manufacture in the United States.
P. 37.




32

THE NEW YORK EMPLOYING PRINTERS

cities: Ebenezer Andrews and John West, Boston: James
Swords and John T. Hopkins, New York; Obadiah Penniman, Troy; Jacob Johnson, Philadelphia; Samuel Butler,
Baltimore; and Samuel Whiting, Albany. The next fair,
scheduled to be held in New York, had to be moved to Newark on account of the Yellow Fever epidemic. It was not
quite so successful as the others, but had one new and interesting feature: the offer of a prize, in addition to those for
paper, for the best binding in American leather, which was
won by William Swann. Due partly to the disruption of the
New York group by the Yellow Fever, and partly to dissatisfaction with the rulings of the Committee, the organization broke up and we hear of no Fair later than that of 1805.
In addition to disseminating through its catalogues information concerning prices and standards, the Association
stimulated invention, encouraged fine workmanship, urged
upon the public the duty of patronizing American printers,
and upon Congress the necessity of a protective tariff. Its
life was short, but it did much to unify and elevate the book
trade. Thomas Ringwood wrote in 1802, (" the Associated
printers and booksellers have been so far successful as to produce American editions of considerable magnitude, which
would not have been otherwise undertaken."
A local society of more limited ambitions, called the New
York Association of Text Book Sellers, was formed in 1802.
Most of its members were active in the national organization:
Thomas and James Swords, George F. Hopkins, Peter Mesmer, James Oran, Thomas S. Arden, William Falconer,
Evart Duyckman, Isaac Collins & Co., T. B. Jansen & Co.,all but Arden, be it noted, having shops in Pearl Street. This
association was allied with the Classic Press of Philadelphia,
which issued the Classic Press Series. Its advertised purpose was: " Correct American editions of such elementary
works as are in general use in our schools, academies and




THE PERIOD OF NATIONALISM

33

colleges and also for the publication of such other books as
may be interesting to the community or conducive to the advancement of general knowledge." We hear nothing further
of it, and presumably it accomplished little.
After the passing of these organizations, neither publishers
nor printers united for some years, at least not so far as New
York is concerned. The former made several feeble efforts
to start similar societies, but all, including an ambitious attempt in 1822, failed. Not until 1855 was the New York
Publishers Association founded, and not till 1874 was there
a national organization, the American Book-Trade Union,
although the School Book Publishers, later the Publishers'
Board of Trade, formed in 1870, made an effort to control
the entire text-book market. The following year, the Union,
at one of the largest conventions in the history of the trade
took the name of the American Book Trade Association.1
Another enthusiastic convention was held in Philadelphia in
1876, but the interest waned and the organization disappeared. Not precisely trade societies were the Booksellers
and Stationers Provident Association, organized in 1879, and
the American Publishers Copyright League of 1887, but they
brought publishers together, and led to the formation of the
Booksellers League in 1894. The League grew rapidly, and
in July, 1900, changed its name to the American Publishers
Association, and later, in 1920, to the National Association of
Book Publishers.
The printers, except for occasional combinations to deal
with the demands of the organized journeymen, did not
organize until the founding of the Typothetae. The journeymen's associations 2 must therefore be considered, since
1 " Book Publishing in the United States to 191o," Downing Palmer
O'Hara in The Publisher's Weekly, March 16, 23; April 6, 20; May II, 18,
1929.
2 Stewart, Ethelbert, Early Organizations of Printers.




34      THE NEW YORK EMPLOYING PRINTERS
their policies determined in great measure that of the employers. As has been noted, the Typographical Society, the
first successful association, during its brief existence from
1794 to 1796, successfully won a dollar a week increase. The
second attempt, the Franklin Typographical Association, in
1798-1804, is one of the most interesting of all the labor
organizations. Among the men later prominent are David
and George Bruce,' the former being president, and the latter,
secretary, of the Association.2 In I8oo, the Association circularized the employers in an endeavor to better their condition. In moderate and welli-phrased terms, the manifesto
set forth the needs of the journeymen for higher wages, comments on the attitude of foreign masters, then goes on to a
consideration of the industry as a whole, pointing out that
the prosperity of the masters is essential for the prosperity of
the journeymen. Then follow definite proposals for bettertrade: a law to check immigration, a protective tariff, apprentice control, and the stimulation of the public to patronize
American printers. These suggestions are very like those
of the American Company of Booksellers. A protective
tariff was not passed by Congress until 1812.
In the matter of wages, the society, after a successful strike
in 1800, secured a raise and a definite scale, possibly the oldest
on record, since the date of the Edinburgh scale appears to
be a trifle later. And in this connection it may be noted that
the Bruces came from Scotland and probably copied in many
respects that union. From this scale we learn that compositors received $7.00 or $8.00 a week on newspapers, that
is $.25 a thousand ems. The purpose of the society was
largely benevolent; it tried to control conditions of employ' Weeks, Lyman Horace, Book of Bruce.
2 The Bruces went in business for themselves and by 1809 had the
largest printing office in New York, furnishing work to nine double
pull hand-presses, Stevens, p. 38.




THE PERIOD OF NATIONALISM

35

ment by emphasizing craft.   Concerning hours, nothing
seems to have been agitated; and concerning apprentices,
nothing accomplished.  The society continued in a fairly
flourishing state to 1803, and finally disappeared, shortly after
the Yellow Fever epidemic in 1804.
After a period of five years, in 1809, the New York Typographical Society was formed. Like its predecessors, it had
many benevolent features, but it was far more aggressive in
its tone. It declared its jurisdiciton over the territory of the
City and County of New York, and almost immediately
called a strike for the revision upward of the old scale of
18oo. The Master Printers, assembled in mass meeting,
organized a Committee to deal with the strikers, and, after
several proposals and counter-proposals, a somewhat increased rate was adopted. The Master Printers complained
that they were now at a disadvantage because wages in Albany, Philadelphia and Boston were lower, and urged upon
the Typographical Society the necessity of having wages
raised in those cities, which the journeymen, encouraged by
the success of the New York strike, promptly succeeded in
doing.
At the conclusion of the War of 1812, there was much
concern over unemployment caused partly by the slack after
the war, but more by the many half-trained men, who, working for low wages, ousted the regular journeymen. In 1815,
the Society felt justified in striking and made the following
demands: an increased scale; allowance to pressmen for teaching apprentices; insistence upon the proper training of
apprentices, and the refusal of employment to those only
partly trained, or half-way journeymen, as they were known.
This question of apprentices was a very old one and has, from
the time of Hugh Gaine, who was constantly advertising for
information concerning runaway apprentices and offering
vague but " good encouragement " to competent journeymen,




36

THE NEW YORK EMPLOYING PRINTERS

been a source of infinite concern and bitter discord to both
masters and men. It was brought up, it will be recalled, by
the Franklin Typographical Association in 18oo, but no definite action was taken.  So now, although the employers
granted the wage scale and the allowance for apprentice training, the matter of apprentices was merely discussed and a
few vague reforms promised.
The success strengthened the Society and it undertook to
extend its activities; it resolved to punish careless workers;
to issue Travelling Cards; to take special steps to safeguard
the funds; to keep lists of the employed, together with their
shops; and to keep a list of the unemployed so that they
might be notified immediately of a vacancy. It endeavored
to incorporate, but the law forbade the trade-union features
such as regulation of wages, and, in spite of the endeavors of
Thurlow Weed, it was obliged to become a purely benevolent
association before a charter was granted in 1818. This it
renewed in 1832, and somewhat reorganized again in 1847,
and continues to exist at the present time. To it we are indebted for most of our information and many of the documents pertaining to the early period.
Not until 1831 was there another organization of journeymen, and, as the years following are marked by a change in
both spirit and conditions, we may pause a moment to glance
at the output, prices, wages, and hours current in the industry during the first quarter century, when it was almost
a purely handicraft trade. Moore in his Notes on Printing 1
gives a very interesting account of the method employed in
1819. It took two men an hour to print 250 sheets on one
side; and the pay was $.15 a thousand ems, and $.05 for the
distribution of the same.  Thurlow Weed, (1797-1882),
writing of his early experiences in New York, stated that the
wages were $12.00 to $13.oo weekly, six-day week, hours
1 Moore, J. W., Historical, Biographical and Miscellaneous Gatherings.




THE PERIOD OF NATIONALISM

37

dawn to dusk, with constant work. He also referred to his
publisher, Gardinier, paying the men, as was customary, in
Jacob Barker's (Washington & Warren Bank) $.24 and $.50
money.1
The setting of prices was, as has been pointed out, accomplished at mass meetings. C. S. Van Winkle, in his Printers'
Guide; or an Introduction to the Art of Printing, including
an essay on punctuation and remarks on Orthography published in 1815, includes a table of " the prices of printing
agreed upon by the Master Printers of the City of New York
at a meeting held on the eighteenth of September, 1815,"
immediately after the successful strike. The scale is elaborate but, roughly speaking, is as follows: the charge per
thousand ems was $.56 2; deeds, leases, and mortgages were
printed at the rate of $Io.oo per thousand; composition was
$I.12y2 per token and press work $I.II12 per token, and
circular letters $3.00 per first thousand. The journeymen
received $.27 per thousand ems and allowance for teaching
apprentices; this, it will be noticed, is higher by $.12 than the
wage quoted by Moore, possibly because he had a provincial
press in mind. The weekly wage was $Io.oo on morning
and $9.00 on evening papers: eight tokens being a day's
work, and $.45 and $.40 respectively the rate; press work
ran from $.33 a token up.
Supplies of home manufacture were now plentiful. Interesting examples of specimen printing 2 types by the firms
of D. and G. Bruce and E. White, together with advertisements of the Clymer Press, etc., by printers' warehouses,
are to be found at the back of Van Winkle's " Guide ". Ink
and paper were both made here, though the latter was still far
from cheap. The greatest advance was the development of
1 Autobiography of Thurlow Weed, ch. vi.
2 The earliest specimen book of types cast here is that issued in 1809
by Binny and Ronaldson, Updike, p. 152.




38      THE NEW YORK EMPLOYING PRINTERS
the iron press, introduced by Clymer in 1816 and destined in
a few years to supplant the old wood presses entirely.
In short, iron replaced wood, elastic rolls were developed
for inking type, a new glue utilizing molasses was devised by
an English concern, and the manufacture of paper was put on
a large scale. The three great demands of the early Society
of Booksellers were being realized: the stabilization of prices,
the home manufacture of supplies, and the creation of a
market for American books.   Furthermore, it was about
1820 that Irving, Bryant, Trumbull, Cooper and others gave
us our earliest national literature.




,CHAPTER III

DURING the years from 1831 to 1875, great and fundamental changes took place. The population of the country
doubled; New York rose to first place and was, beyond
doubt, the largest and richest city in the country. The west
was opened up; miles of railroad jumped from a scant thirty
to over twenty-three thousand; machinery with both water
and steam power largely supplanted hand labor in the north;
the influx of gold from Australia and California upset price
levels; the Mexican War and the Civil War were fought,
and the country was in the throes of reconstruction. There
was a great democratic fervor abroad: in England there was
the Reform Bill of 1832 and the Chartist agitation of 1848;
on the continent there was the '48; in the United States, the
Jacksonian democracy, the abolition of slavery agitation and
such class-conscious movements as the Knights of Labor.
Labor agitation was very vigorous: there were many movements of which the New York Working Men's Party, 1829 -30; the New York General Trades Union 1833-36; the
National Trades Union 1833; the National Typographical
Society 1836-37, are the most significant. The teachings of
Fourier and of the German socialists gained a wide hearing
and there were a number of clubs.' Prominent in this movement was Horace Greeley, elected president of the Association in 1848. The Tribune in 1842 was already expounding
the views of Fourier which were espoused by the intellectual
radicals.
1 Commons, J. R. and Others, History of Labor in the United States;
Documentary History of American Industrial Society.
39




40

THE NEW YORK EMPLOYING PRINTERS

Printing conditions 1 were modified by all of these changes,
most directly by the substitution of power for hand labor.
First to be affected were the foundries and presses. Binny,
of Binny and Ronaldson, so improved his type mould that
the output was increased by 50 per cent. The Bruces, who,
starting in 1815, developed the best foundry in the country,
bettered the mechanism and the type, but even by offering a
prize failed to bring out a successful press invention.
Many advances were made in England and on the continent, some of which found their way to this country and
were adapted to local conditions.  In 1833 Johnson and
Smith introduced Hane stereotype machines into Philadelphia. In 1847, Hoe introduced a revolving type machine;
in 1848 Wilcox made electro-typing practical; in 1854
Charles Crails developed a means of stereotyping on curved
surfaces, and in 1856 Campbell, famous for the cylinder and
combination Art Press used by Leslie, brought out his first
success. The outstanding contribution was the web press
made practicable by Bullock in 1865 and perfected by Hoe
in 1867. Almost all of these inventions affected the pressroom organization only; the composing room remained
strictly handicraft till the last decade of the century.
The power presses, however, made large output possible
and profitable and were rapidly installed. As early as 1836,
Fanshawe, the printer to the Bible Society, had ten power
presses, and in that year Harper introduced one on book work.
Not steam, however, but a horse was used for power. It
was these power inventions that made possible the large publishing houses of the Appletons, Harper and Brothers, Scribner's, and others which are typical of the period. Likewise
from this era date the great newspapers: The Sun, 1833;
' Hoe, A Short History of Printing; Cochrane, Charles H., " Printing,"
article in Encyclopedia Britannica; Hamilton, Frederick W., Types and
Presses in America.




INDUSTRIALIZATION, 1833-1850

41

The Staats Zeitung, 1834; The Herald, 1835; The Tribune,
1841; The Times, 1851; The World, 1860. Some idea of
the jump in speed and quantity may be gathered from figures
of the London Times, since I have come upon none for this
country. In 1812, I,I1o impressions, one side, were made
in an hour; in 1848, 8,000 impressions were made in the same
time.
Almost equally radical changes were brought about by the
increased speed of transit and communication. Railroads,
as has been noted, jumped to a mileage of over 23,000 miles,
bringing the frontier west into close touch with the east.
Ocean steamers, regular sailings of which were begun in
1838 cut the time to Europe, and the Morse telegraph was
extended from Washington to New York in 1846 and soon
a network of wires stretched over the whole country. The
effects were twofold: the market was increased, for more
readers were reached; and the competing area was extended,
for printed matter could be cheaply shipped from low-cost
ununionized territory to the more highly organized metropolitan districts. The publishers tended to exploit this condition and the printers themselves made little effort to check
the tendency, so firmly convinced were they of the advantages of competition.
The rapid communication greatly stimulated the newspapers. Their circulation increased by leaps and bounds,
for readers were keener to read about what had happened the
day or even the week before, than about what had taken place
the previous month or season. Discussion of political policies
developed the great dailies, and such influential editors as
Dana and Greeley.
The practical printer, however, no longer, as in the days
of Hugh Gaine, owned and edited the newspaper. He commenced to lose control when the newspaper became a daily;
he lost it completely when " news " was the essential. He




THE NEW YORK EMPLOYING PRINTERS

42

had neither the time nor the facilities to combine the functions of news gathering, writing, editing, publishing and
printing; he now did only the printing. From the beginning
of the century, but particularly after 1830, the publishers, as
middlemen, withdrew from printing, but set the prices for
the consumers. The employing printer, finding it difficult
to increase his profits, tended to cut his costs, and labor being
the most elastic factor was the most often squeezed. As
early as 1834, a committee of the journeymen printers of
Philadelphia thought 'it worthy of remark that the relative
importance of the three most indispensable classes of persons-journeymen printers, employing printers and publishers-connected with the merchandised literature have been
gradually changing their relative position in regard to each
other, and also to the community. Formerly journeymen
were almost the one thing needful. Employers too were then
allowed to name their own prices. They received their dues
regularly and promptly, while the publisher, as the least important person, awaited the movements of his more prominent coadjutors, and finally pocketed his portion of the avails
in obtrusive (sic!) complacency.  At the present crisis
nothing is more obvious than the extremely reduced rate at
which work is taken by the employing printers; an inroad
upon the prices of journeymen is apprehended as the more
probable.' And in 1850 we find the employers excusing
their refusal to adopt the scale submitted by No. 6 on the
ground that contracts with the publishers had already been
made, and terms could not be altered.
Thus the practical printer had his field ever narrowed.
In the book trade as in the newspaper world, he had once
been both publisher and printer but was now limited to his
trade of printing. And as time went on and the industry
grew, his particular work became more and more specialized.
1 Commons, History of Labor, vol. ii, p. 448.




INDUSTRIALIZATION, 1833-1850

43

Capital was required for the purchasing of machinery,
and for the maintenance of the large establishments which its
use required. The employer borrowed the money for his
plant, thus incurring a large overhead which was bound to
be his primary concern. The size of his undertaking forced
him to devote more attention to the financial and executive
side of his business than to the industrial. His mastery of
the craft was no longer essential. The journeyman could
not hope to be more than a jobber without financial backing; but as a jobber employing no skilled labor, he could in
certain lines underbid the large employers, and by this means
keep down both prices and wages. There developed, too, in
the larger shops superintendents or managers, who represented the proprietor, but who did not have his independence
or power of final decision. Thus the old personal relationship broke down in the larger shops: on the one hand, there
was the manager who regarded his shop as a factory, and on
the other, the journeymen, dividing more and more into
groups of specialists as new machinery was developed. The
situation is admirably summed up by DeVinne in his introduction to the Price List of 1869:
" Twenty-five years ago there was not a job office in New
York in which the material was worth more than $Io,ooo.
But few were of greater value than $5,000.... In those
days, the proprietor often worked at the case... took in
all orders and made all prices.... We now have book and
job offices costing from $0o,ooo to $po,ooo, employing workmen by the hundred with staff of foreman, clerks and bookkeepers."
Labor, as has been said, was very active during this period
and to the printers was due much constructive leadership.
In 1831, a group of the Typographical Society, dissatisfied
with the limited activities of that organization imposed by
the terms of its charter, took steps to found a more militant




44

THE NEW YORK EMPLOYING PRINTERS

trade union, known as the Typographical Association of New
York.' It opened its campaign by a succinct account of
trade conditions: it denounced child labor, especially the use
of roller boys; the employment of half-way workmen, immigration, unsanitary shops, excessive hours; and demanded
not only higher wages but the adoption of a scale which
should be standard throughout the country, the settlement of
local grievances by the chapel, the ten-hour day, and the
closed shop.  It provided unemployment benefits, an unemployment register, started a one-cent daily, projected a
labor temple, instigated the calling of a National Typographic
Congress, and later, in 1833, was instrumental in the formation of the first general Trades Union Congress.
The employers at general mass meetings of the trade,
agreed amicably to the increased wage, the ten-hour day and
chapel control; about apprentices no definite action was
taken, although reform was promised and seems to have been
made. As early as 1835, rumors were rife that the employers' organization was to lower wages by utilizing cheap
foreign labor. Any such organization was small, informal;
there is no record of it. Rumor was sufficient, however, to
induce the men to reorganize on slightly more militant lines
in 1836. Before anything could be accomplished, came the
panic of 1837, which completely prostrated business.  No
standards could be maintained and the society, after an unsuccessful strike in 1840, disappeared.
Four years later, conditions had improved sufficiently to
warrant the formation of a new organization: the Franklin
Typographical Association.  The usual demands (higher
and uniform pay, the ten-hour day, and a just distribution of
the fat and the lean) were made and were granted by employers. On a rising market, agreements were easily reached
with the employers. The Tribune announced approvingly
1Stevens, G. A., New York Typographical Union No. 6.




INDUSTRIALIZATION, 1833-1850

45

the agreement of most employers to pay the new scale adopted
by the craft, an agreement, reached without the slightest interruption of good feeling between them, and added that
" This era of good feeling is to be celebrated this morning by
a discharge of artillery in the Park in front of the Tribune
office."  The Herald commented on the celebration rather
sarcastically, but was even more caustic in its references " to
the highly respectable fat rats of the Journal of Commerce
and the Daily Express." Other rat offices there seem to
have been; indeed, there seem to have been many unemployed
unionists, for the society opened the first regular House of
Call and attempted a cooperative printing plant. Greeley,
editor of the Tribune, whose large part in shaping the policies
of the industry is shortly to be discussed, urged all printers to
be loyal to their union and exhorted all employers to cooperate with their men in the fight for better and standard
conditions.
The employers, however, combined only temporarily, for
we have no record of an organization, to reject the demands
of the men. The Vigilance Committee of the Union reported a visit to John F. Trow, a member of the employers'
group, and the corporation printer, who received the delegation most haughtily and refused in any way to deal with the
union, strongly resenting any attempt at dictation on the part
of the men. Trow was typical of that large group of employers who consistently regard the employing of labor in all its
phases-wages, hours and conditions - as purely personal
and private. Many such men pay well and grant excellent
conditions, but they insist on absolute authority, recognizing
no outside suggestions, whether made by labor, the government, or fellow employers. The men were strong enough,
however, to force recognition temporarily.  In April of
1844, a scale of $i i weekly minimum, or $.28 a thousand ems
on day papers, $.32 on evening papers, $.25 on bookwork re



46      THE NEW YORK EMPLOYING PRINTERS
print, and $.28 for manuscript, was finally agreed upon. Unsettled conditions with consequent unemployment undermined
the work of the union: men were afraid to defy large employers like Trow, and the membership dwindled to such insignificant numbers that the organization had no power and
went out of existence in December of that year.  The
unstable conditions continued, due in part to the Mexican
War of 1846, in part to the influx of gold from Australia
and California, which upset price levels in 1849, and in
part to the upset state of Europe at that time. Not till 1850
was another union formed.




CHAPTER IV

LATE in 1849, a group of journeymen met to consider how
they might raise money and otherwise assist the men on
strike in Boston. Out of this grew the New York Printers'
Union, which formally adopted a constitution on January 12
of the next year, and decided that the organization should
date from January i. On January 19, it completed its
organization and elected Horace Greeley, editor of the
Tribune, president. In December, it had delegates at the
convention of the Journeymen Printers of the United States,
which met that year in New York. In 1852, a permanent
national organization known as the National Typographical
Union, was perfected and at its convention the fourteen
member organizations drew lots for numbers. New York
drew 6 and has been known ever since as Big Six. The
founding of the union is of the greatest significance: in the
first place, its labor policies have dominated the activities of
the employers' organization; and in the second place, the
part played by Greeley, both as a guiding spirit in the union
and as a moulder of public opinion on the labor problem as
a whole, has affected all later labor history. Greeley' was
much attracted by the teachings of Fourier, then at the height
of his influence. He joined the Protectionist Society, and
advocated an industrial congress. He gave much thought to
fundamental economic problems and his ideas and suggestions are far in advance of his time. While radical and
speculative, they are never fanatical. Justice, disinterested1 Commons, J. R., History of Labor in the United States.
47




48

THE NEW YORK EMPLOYING PRINTERS

ness, open-mindedness, characterize the views he expounded
so sincerely and energetically.
The year 1850 was also memorable for the exceptionally
large and brilliant dinner of the Typographical Society.
These banquets were held annually, at first on varying dates,
but later, due to the influence of Peter Carpenter Baker, on
the birthday of Benjamin Franklin, January 17, and they are
so held to this day. This particular banquet, as its handbill 1
states, was held in Niblo's Garden and in many ways was
remarkable. Present were members of the new Union and
many of the employers who were to organize fifteen years
later. The chief speakers were President Baker, later so
influential in founding the Typothetae, and even then seeking to create some such society, and Horace Greeley, president of the nascent union. A most intriguing toast was that
of Charles McDevitt: "The New York Typographical
Society and the New York Printers' Union: The object of
the one is to elevate the moral and intellectual character of
the trade, that of the other to obtain the quid pro quo for
their labor. Like the twin sisters, Faith and Hope, they are
always attended by Charity."
President Peter Carpenter Baker2 had worked his way
up from apprentice to journeyman, and then to master
printer, and his success he attributed to the close following of
the teachings of his master, the printer Benjamin Franklin,
as they were expounded in Poor Richard's Almanac, and the
Autobiography. Franklin was his idol.   So impressed was
he with the stress on thrift and accounting, that he devoted
1 Preserved in Typographical Museum.
2 Peter Carpenter Baker was born in North Hempstead, L. I., March 22,
1822, and died March I9, I889. He began work in the printing office of
H. Kasang, but mastered his trade in the large and difficult shop of John
F. Trow. In 1850 he went in business for himself as a text book printer.
Pasko, W. W., Old New York, vol. ii, p. 327.




INDUSTRIALIZATION, 1850-1873

49

much of his time to popularizing these principles. As has
been said, the idea of holding the annual banquet on Franklin's birthday was his. Years later, in 1872, he induced Mr.
DeGroot to donate a large bronze statue of Franklin, and
supervised the collection of the money for the pedestal from
the printers and citizens of New York. In his address at the
banquet of 1850, he elaborated two points: Franklin the
printer, his thrift and business acumen; secondly, the responsibility resting upon master printers to conduct business in a
manner worthy of Franklin and of the great traditions of
the craft.
Very different and far more stirring was the address of
Horace Greeley.1 He too had risen from the ranks, and he
too had been an employer, indeed still was, although he left
the managerial side of the printing to his partner. With his
usual cogency, he set forth the theory that the conditions of
an industry should be determined by all those working in it:
that wealth had increased and, although labor had gained
much, still it had not received its due: that labor should unite
to secure better terms and that employers and employees
should together determine the just wage, fair hours and the
like. Cooperation by all joining the one society was his
solution. Greeley said in his address, " The curse of our
trade is the ease of competition, and the facility with which
newspapers may be set up. I believe it would be for the
advantage of established journals and the larger book printers
to advance the rate of wages 25 per cent. What is the difference to the employers what the rate of wages is, if it be
uniform? " He advised the selection of a committee to
make in conjunction with the employers, a thorough survey
and report on the state of the trade so that a satisfactory
scale of wages might be adopted and maintained.
This was done shortly thereafter and the Committee
1 Smith, J. A., History of Printing from Invention to Present Day, p. 215.




THE NEW YORK EMPLOYING PRINTERS

50

reported to a general mass meeting of the trade. Most of
the larger employers were willing to co6perate and there was
full and lively discussion at the meeting, at the conclusion of
which Peter C. -Baker offered a resolution to the effect that
the union appoint a committee to draw up a wage scale and
submit the same to a mass meeting. The report 1 gives a
full and interesting view of conditions in 1850. 'Returns
were secured from eighty-two offices, embracing all the daily
papers, most of the weekly papers, together with the principal
job bookwork and jobbing offices and some of the smaller
ones; but we have reason to believe the total number of
printing offices in this city is not less than 150.'..
" In the 82 offices from which we have received returns
there are employed about 850 journeymen and 300 boys;
and the nearest estimate we can form of the entire number of
persons employed in the printing business in this city is over
2,000, who may be classified thus: Foremen, 150; compositors, I,ooo; pressmen, 200; boys at case, 600; boys at press,
Ioo; girls at press, Ioo; say 2,150.
Low wages prevail: one office, a daily, pays $.32 per thousand; six $.30, but many pay only $.23 and a few as low as
$.17. 'Compositors average 5,000 ems per day and that
means but $7.00 per week.
In the five best offices, newspapers, the men make $12.50
per week as an average, but to earn more, often work sixteen
hours a day. There appears no average number of hours.
Employment is irregular and it appears from the returns
that 300 men are out of employment all the year round.
Pay is too often irregular, paid only in part or paid in
country bills.
Favoritism in the office is a great vice.
Most of these evils are due to an oversupply of labor, not
of trained men, but of boys, of untrained men, of wanderers.
1 Stevens, 219 et seq., also Documentary History of American Industrial
Society, Common's Associates, ch. viii, pp. Io8-13I.




INDUSTRIALIZATION, 1850-1873

'I

The cure would seem to be through industrial cooperation,
by the agreeing of workers and employers on a definite wage
scale; on regular hours; on the enforcement of apprenticeship rules; on the organization of chapels to consider trouble
within the plant. " We believe," it concluded, " that it was
chiefly to raise this lowest class of our fellow-workers that
this Union was formed; and it was to expose the evils under
which they labor and by bringing the light of public opinion
to bear upon them, to cause them to melt away before a more
liberal policy, that this report was made."
The report was accepted and a committee appointed to
draw up a wage scale; and it was hoped that the employers
would join with the men and present a joint agreement.
Greeley urged them to join the Union and make it a great
organization. Few, however, were so minded; nevertheless,
in September, the representatives of thirteen printing houses
met to consider the scale and appoint a committee to report
later. At the second meeting, thirty-three firms were represented and after much discussion, the scale was declared too
high, and rejected by a vote of nineteen to fourteen, on the
ground that contracts with the publishers had been concluded
and were based on the low wages. Greeley was much disappointed, but urged the men to a firm and prudent course.
Another scale was prepared, this time before the contracts
with the publishers had been concluded. By November 2,
when a great mass meeting of the trade was held in Tammany
Hall, twenty-eight firms had signed an agreement to abide
by the scale and nine more had signified their willingness to
do so. It was decided to enforce the scale commencing
February I, 1851. The Tribune, Greeley's paper, of course
granted the demands and furthermore answered the Union's
opponents in its editorial columns.
The chief of these opponents was the Journal of Commerce, of which the proprietors were Halleck, Butler and




52      THE NEW YORK EMPLOYING PRINTERS
Hale. Maintaining that their rate of pay was quite as high
as that demanded by the union, they positively refused to
deal with an organization of workmen. In replying to the
communication from the compositors, Halleck wrote: that
he refused to entertain their application, "because I consider the present pay a full equivalent for the services
rendered, and secondly, because I will not entertain a proposition, whatever may be its merits, in regard to workmen in
my employ, which emanates from or is backed up by a selfconstituted power outside of the office." In his editorials
Halleck taunted with cowardice and craven spirit those
employers who could submit to such degradation as to be
dictated to by those in their employ.
Greeley attacked this position on two grounds: first, by
maintaining that the establishing of the scale was a joint
matter and that it should be determined by employers and
men in joint conference, and that the failure of the employers to cooperate, even to make suggestions, after the one or
two futile meetings, forced the men to take the aggressive
method of enforcing a definite scale by striking, or of submitting to the hundred-odd scales of the innumerable employers; second, by maintaining that the right of dictatorship of
hours and wages postulated the theory of autocrat and slave,
the only advantage of the white man being the one to run
away. The success of the strike brought the controversy to
a conclusion for the time, but it must be remembered that the
Journal of Commerce did not yield; it granted higher wages
but stipulated a pledge from its employees of non-membership in the Union.
In 1853 the ever-rising price levels led the workmen to
agitate for higher wages. The New York Sunday Dispatch
voluntarily raised wages and George Nesbit & Co. responded
to the request of the chapel with the following: "We take
pleasure in acceding to your respectful request for an advance




INDUSTRIALIZATION, 1850-1878

53

of wages." 1 By April, the agitation had reached the point
at which the union deemed it wise to adjust a new scale: $.32
for Iooo ems for day work, $.37 for night work, and
arranged one for newspapers and periodicals representing increases of about 14.3 per cent on piece work and 20 per cent
or better on time rates." The book scale was to be determined
later.
Most of the papers yielded, but the Journal of Commerce,
Day Book, Courier and Enquirer, Mirror and Sun refused.
All of them printed editorials justifying their policy on
several grounds: they one and all resented interference from
the outside and the dictation of employees. The editor of
the Day Book frankly said that he could not afford the scale.
The Courier and Enquirer was opposed to all combinations
to affect prices, whether by labor or capital. The Journal of
Commerce advanced the law of supply and demand as the
sole regulator of prices, but stressed even more its belief in
the preservation of the freedom of choice on the part of the
workman as well as on that of the employer.  Greeley at
once pointed out the fallacy of supposing the individual
workman as free and independent in bargaining as the
employer. A just wage, which he intimated would be at a
point where the cost of living balanced a fair return to the
employer, was to be reached by a joint agreement of employers and employees, or by arbitration. The problem of the
high wage to the inefficient workman,; the control of promotion, union restrictions and the like, which were advanced
by Halleck, he dismissed as practically irrelevant. The underlying principle of cooperation once accepted, solutions for
other difficulties would follow. Greeley's trenchant editorials
and forceful speeches did much to convert workmen and to
create a sympathetic public opinion.
1 Stevens, p. 244.
2 Stevens, p. 246.




THE NEW YORK EMPLOYING PRINTERS

54

Neither side fully comprehended Greeley's ideals, but they
have been an inspiration to his followers in and out of the
union. His principle of cooperation, his conception of the
mutual interest in the industry of all journeymen and all
employers, has been very largely incorporated in the Employing Printers Association, particularly in the Printers League
Section, although I do not mean to say that the founders of
the latter necessarily took these ideas from Greeley.
These increases in wages, it will be recalled, affected only
periodicals, and the book and job printers became so annoyed
at the slight attention paid to them and so irritated at the sick
benefit clause that they formed an association of their own,
which, however, was to cooperate with the union.  The
compositors charged that some of their members received as
low as $6 a week, and they drafted a scale raising piece rate
to $.30 a thousand from $.27, and weekly wages to not less
than $12 a week, ten-hour day. Pressmen were to receive
$12 for day work and $14 for night. Extras were carefully
scaled. Also, it was provided that apprentices in an office
should never exceed the ratio of one to four, that they should
be properly indentured for a term of five years.
At the mass meeting in Tammany Hall, held on April fifth,
when the new union organized, Greeley was the guest of
honor, and made one of his illuminating speeches. First of
all, he stressed the necessity for cooperation among the
journeymen; secondly, he pointed out the need for cooperation with the employers so that the scale would be accepted;
and thirdly, the need for a just wage not so high that in dull
times the men would be turned off, or generous employers put
to a disadvantage. The employer he regarded as the middleman between the public and the printers. It would not do
for generous employers to pay high prices and the other class
get their work done at cheaper rates. Whatever scale was
established should be one which would be generally adopted.




INDUSTRIALIZATION, 1850-1873

55

If the journeymen and their employers could not agree upon
the scale, let them choose qualified and disinterested judges
to decide for them. But above all things, let matters be so
managed that journeymen would be in harmony, and if
possible, have friendly relations with their employers.'
Greeley's influence is clearly seen in the Association Proclamation, wherein the union " claims for its members the right
of pricing its own labor, but freely admits that employers
have the right to refuse their demands; and further, that this
society is regardful of the welfare of employers, and that for
the purpose of making its scale of prices accord with their
legitimate interest and of serving a moral obligation binding
all parties, a committee be now appointed to secure the cooperation of the employing printers and to receive any
suggestions that they may offer."
The employers, however, were not conciliatory; any such
increase would send printing to country towns, as it once
had sent it from Philadelphia to New York. The employers'
resolutions were arbitrarily, or, as the men felt, " tyrannically" phrased.  No. 6 resented the formation of this
union and now tried to get the journeymen to abandon it and
join them, going so far as to promise to enforce the higher
scale. The book men preferred a separate organization and
ill-feeling grew. Negotiations with the employers went on,
the cooperatives making separate settlements agreeing that
the " extras " should lie in abeyance for three months; No.
6 enforcing the whole scale.
The breach between the two unions widened; the cooperatives applied to the national for a separate charter, but No. 6
succeeded in having the application refused. They struggled
along for a separate existence, but after many overtures and
concessions, finally dissolved, and on April 22, 1857, joined
as a body No. 6. The energies of the Union had been disSQuoted by Stevens, p. 116.




56

THE NEW YORK EMPLOYING PRINTERS

sipated not only by disagreements with the cooperatives, but
also with a rival organization in Brooklyn. They were successful in forcing that society out of existence, too. So
much of their strength had gone into these feuds, however,
that they were not prepared to cope with the slump of 1857.
Newspaper scales were reduced and the average compositor
received but $11 ia week, or $.31 a thousand ems, common
matter. Had it not been for the sharp check given to the
general depression by the war, No. 6, like its predecessors,
might have been forced to the wall.
The war brought the usual labor shortage and high prices,
quite counteracting the panic of 1857. No. 6 agitated for a
higher wage as early as 1862, but not till 1863 were definite
steps taken, and then largely as the result of a mass meeting
of printers and a demand for an increase of two cents a
thousand ems for piece work, and two dollars a week for
time, the wage thus raised being $.35 and $.37 for reprint
and manuscript respectively, and $13 for time.   Many
employers granted the request at once; there were several
strikes, but as the journeymen as a whole, assembled in mass
meeting, supported the increase, it was successfully enforced.
Prices continued to rise, and, worse still, to fluctuate
violently. The men felt justified in demanding increases
and took advantage of the shortage of labor to raise wages
in 1864, to $26 weekly on evening papers, $20 on morning
papers, bookwork $18, job work $20, and press work $20;
piece work about $.52 athousand ems, time $.50 an hour, and
$.40 for standing time. Not only were wages raised 50
per cent, but hours on morning papers were reduced, and
time allowed for waiting.
To the employers, even to such men as Greeley, these demands seemed exorbitant, and some of the more conservative journeymen protested that this, even if temporarily
successful, was a poor policy. In the Tribune for July 14,




INDUSTRIALIZATION, 1860-1878

57

1864, an Anonymous Journeyman presented six reasons for
considering the demands of No. 6 unjustified and unwise.
His principal objection was that higher wages would throw
men out of work, since an excess of printers already existed.
Greeley's comment on the letter is as follows:
" We certaihly think the proposed advance an unreasonable one-as we notified the Union before it was determined
-and we are not disposed to concede to it. Should we be
coerced into doing it, it must be with the distinct understanding that we deem it unjust, and shall endeavor to escape
from it at the earliest moment. With this view, we solicit
proposals by letter from compositors, whether already in
our employment or others, willing to work on the Tribune
for 45 cents per thousand. We shall not pay 60 if wecan
help it; and, if we do pay it, we shall cease to do so at the
earliest moment.
" We protest against our correspondent's averment that we
are the ' friend' of journeymen printers especially.  We
believe in justice, and would render it to all. We must dissent also from one argument adduced above by 'A Journeyman Printer'.   He asserts that most employers cannot
afford to pay the proposed advance. We do not consider
that at all to the purpose. Labor is worth whatever it will
command; and he who cannot pay the market price must go
without it-that is all. Every printer has a right to fix his
own price on his work, and refuse to work for less; and he
is equally at liberty to combine with others to sustain that
rate. He has no right to employ violence or intimidation to
prevent others working for less. Let every one respect the
rights of every other and their need be no difficulty."
The men on the Tribune struck, despite the paper's acquiescence, though on a different issue; they thought that a trick
was being played upon them by an advertisement for printers
which they were asked to set up, and immediately walked out.




58

THE NEW YORK EMPLOYING PRINTERS

Greeley was much enraged by their action, which he felt was
quite unprovoked, and without warning. The office was at
once remanned by compositors from the country, and it was
1870 before the Tribune returned to the union. The men,
for the most part, retained their affection for Greeley and
never forgot the years that he had been their counsellor and
friend.
A most interesting discussion concerning the cost of
living and its relation to the determination of wages took
place in the press. One correspondent argued that costs had
doubled since 186o; that rents had increased over twentyfive per cent; that flour had risen from $.75 a bag to $.872;
coffee from $.20 to $.65; tea from $.II to $2.00; sugar
from $.11 to $.35 per pound; beef from $.15 to $.30; pork
from $.Io to $.20; butter from $.20 to $.50; shoes from
$1.50 to $3.00 per pair; sheetings from $.Io to $I.oo per
yard; coal from $5.00 to $15.00 a ton.1
Disputes about wages continued, due to the fluctuations in
prices and the depreciation of the currency.  The Daily
News, from its founding in 1855, a strong organization
paper, suggested that a standing committee on arbitration
be appointed to adjust wages from   day to day.   This
method had, as has been noted, been in a general way suggested by Greeley, and the Tribune readily acquiesced.
Greeley re-expressed his views in an editorial: " We joined
the Printers' Union on the understanding that it was to be
an organization of employing as well as journeymen printers, to the precise end above suggested. We believe it was
no fault of the journeymen that it became onesided in its
character; the wrong inheres in the assumption of a right by
one party to a bargain to make both sides of it. We believe
in good wages whenever they can be paid (though we think
1 See Documentary History of Industrial Society in the United States,
chs. vii and viii.




INDUSTRIALIZATION, 1850-1873

59

smaller better than none), and we are willing to pay such
rates for composition as shall be agreed on by such a Joint
Board Committee of Arbitration as the News suggests. It
is not so much moment to us that the rates should be a
little higher or lower as they may be uniform; and whenever
we cannot afford to pay the rates established as aforesaid, we
will quit the business. But the demand that the rates to be
fixed for printing shall be fixed by the journeymen aloneand not even by all the journeymen but by a minority-is
utterly inadmissible. One evil consequence is flagrant inequality, where equality is palpably required."
The Union felt constrained to appoint a conferring committee and, after several more conferences, settled on a scale
a little below their original demands: $.55 a thousand ems
on newspapers; $24 per week, eleven-hour day, on morning
papers; $22 night work only, and $18 a week, book compositors, or $.50 per thousand ems manuscript and $.47
reprint.
In the meantime, the Tribune and the Times, and some
other large offices, were lost to the union, as were many of
the firms belonging to a new Employing Printers' Association. Though the advanced scale became the prevailing rate,
so many offices were lost to the union, so many members were
forced to drop out, and ill feeling so increased, that Big Six
reported at the National Convention in 1865 that it was
beginning to repair the " damages " sustained in the defeat
last fall. By 1870, it had once more built up its membership. The newspaper scale was raised, again revised slightly
upward in 1871, and still again in 1872. Then came the
panic of 1873, with its many failures, great unemployment,
and the fall of wages.
Somewhat earlier in January of 1869, the Book and Job
men wanted to enforce a revised scale and, as more than
600 of them had been recruited by the Union in the preceding




60       THE NEW YORK EMPLOYING PRINTERS
four years, their demands were given full attention.      They
demanded not less than $20 per week of 59 hours; the
elimination of the distinction between manuscript and
reprint, and the substitution of solid and leaded; solid composition, $.54 per thousand; matter-leaded-with-eight-to-pica,
$.52, four-to-pica, $.5o, and so on. These demands averaged
about $2.00 a week more than the scale of 1864.          Many
smaller firms and some larger ones granted the demands, but
a group of employers who had formally organized, rejected
the scale entirely and, after a long-drawn-out strike      and
many    conferences, the    matter   was   settled  by  mutual
concessions.
This organization of employing printers was the Typothetae of New    York City, and with its origin and early
policies we are especially concerned.
1 It was the custom to employ women as typesetters during a strike, at a
low wage, and upon the return of the strikers to discharge them. Men
were hostile to women workers, but *the backing given No. 6 by the
women, organized as Women's Union No. I, but not chartered by the
national, was such as to induce No. 6 to force the granting of the charter
in 1869. It was withdrawn in 1878. The members gradually affiliated
with No. 6 and are accepted on a basis of absolute equality, the men
requiring that they receive identical wages and terms. I believe this
to be the only union so constituted.




CHAPTER V1

As early as 1862, informal meetings of a group of employing printers were held in the rooms of the Typographical
Society, and the formation of a masters' association agitated.
The first banquet was held on February 23, 1863, at the St.
Nicholas Hotel, at which John F. Trow presided, and he is
regarded by the Typothetae as their first President.2 Again
there were informal meetings, and a second and more elaborate banquet was held at the same hotel on February 29 of
the ensuing year. Next we read that " The third annual
meeting of the Employing Printers will be held in the rooms
of the Typographical Society on January 4, 1865, to consider the formation of a permanent organization."     On
February 15 following, there was a report on permanent
organization, and on February 27 a mass meeting of the
trade was called by circular to consider the plan submitted
by the Executive Committee. The plan was adopted on
March 2, the name, the Typothetae of New York City
accepted, and finally, on March 21, there was held the formal
inauguration at which forty-two members signed the roll
book. The President then elected, and regarded by Mr.
Bullen as the society's first president, was Corydon A.
Alvord; the secretary was Theodore L. De Vinne; and the
treasurer, R. Harmer Smith.
The name Typothetae was suggested by Peter C. Baker,
1 For the early history of this society we are indebted to George Bruce,
Theodore DeVinne, and Wesley Washington Pasko, whose clippings and
collections of handbills have been carefully arranged and preserved by
Mr. Henry L. Bullen, of the Typographical Museum and Library in
Jersey City. See also the files of the American Bookmaker, 1885 and later.
2 Constitution of the re-organizedT pptetae of New York City, 1887.
6i




62      THE NEW YORK EMPLOYING PRINTERS
who had come upon it in his readings in the history of printing.  In 1470, the Emperor Frederick II granted the
printers a coat of arms: an eagle holding a composing stick
in one claw, and in the other a copyholder, or visorum. A
griffin holding in its claws two inking balls forms the crest.
The inscription on the scroll reads, " Insigne Typographorum
ex dono Fre. Imper. Rom." The Typothetae later adopted
the coat-armour as its seal, and the national organization, in
turn, accepted it. A simpler form was adopted in 1918,
but in 1923 it was replaced by the present seal.
The moving spirits in the inception of this society were
Peter C. Baker and Theodore L DeVinne, who interested
Corydon C. Alvord, John F. Trow, the finest printer of his
day, R. Harmer Smith and the Harper brothers. By all
odds, the greatest and most influential member was DeVinne.
Of him it may be said that he not only moulded the Typothetae but to a certain extent the whole printing industry.
One of the most extraordinary men of the nineteenth century,
he was so unobtrusive that few realize what he did for
efficient administration, for reproductions of wood engravings, for simple, beautiful printing, for the training of
printers, for the history of the art, and above all for the
preservation of printing as a great artistic craft at a time
when machinery threatened to reduce it to a mere industry.
Any account of his interests and accomplishments would take
us too far afield, so they will be discussed only in so far as'
they bear on the development and activities of the groups of
employing printers.
The Typothetae, according to Pasko,1 in his account of
Baker, " was modelled after the American Society of Architects and was intended to cover the whole art of printing,
both technical and educational, but that the demoralization
following the war forced the members to confine their atten1 Old New York, a series of sketches published in 1890.




THE TYPOTHETAE

63

tion to financial matters." The purpose was actually fourfold: to cultivate a more friendly spirit among employers; to
emphasize the greatness of the craft by establishing high
ideals of workmanship and by familiarizing the public with
the greatness of the role played in history by printers; to put
the trade on a sound business basis by maintaining prices
through teaching principles of estimating, accounting, etc.;
and finally, to protect employers against the encroachments
of labor. It was the last two practical aims that bound the
printers together.'
The social side amounted to little more than the holding
of annual banquets and attempts to recruit members by calling mass meetings. At the end of the call for the meeting to
consider permanent membership, we read: " We expect to
have a good time.     Come!    Bring a new   member if
possible." The actual planning and managing of the association was done by a small executive committee called the
Board of Trade, the membership of which seems to have
been controlled by the founders, chiefly representatives of
the big firms. One gathers, too, from the price of the banquet tickets, five dollars (six in 1867), and from the elaborate menus-that of 1864 is reported to have had seventyfive items-that the small printers did not join.
The glory of the craft was one of the dominant interests
of Peter Carpenter Baker. He read widely in history, always with an eye on the influence exerted by great printers.
Franklin, as has been said before, was his idol-every toast
he gave, and he gave many, centered on this hero and his
greatness as man and printer. Of a very different nature,
and far more discriminating, was the interest displayed by
Theodore DeVinne. By study of the great mediaeval and
1 Employers associations in other industries, notably the building trades,
came into existence at about this time. History of Labor, vol. ii, pp.
26-33.




64

THE NEW YORK EMPLOYING PRINTERS

renaissance printers, particularly those of Italy, he evolved
an ideal of good printing which he set himself to achieve
and to make standard. As early as 1859, he contributed
an article on Scotch face type to the Printers' Miscellany.
He always did good work, but not until the eighties did he
achieve distinction, and not until the nineties was his work
perfected and his influence strong. The Typothetae as a
society displayed little interest in fine printing or the art of
the craft.
The matter of efficient management was likewise dear to
both Baker and DeVinne. The former with his proselytizing tendency and gift for popular speaking, aroused interest
in the careful and constructive works of DeVinne. In the
Typographical Library and Museum are to be found copies
of the rare Printers' Price List of 1869, as well as the proofs
and revised lists of 1864, 1865 and 1866, from which it was
largely compiled. There too are copies of the more final
edition of 1871, and the State of Trade issued in 1872.
DeVinne's system was to compile a list, send it out to the
members for correction and suggestion and discuss it at a
meeting; the prices accepted, apparently item by item, at the
meeting, were then the standard prices for the ensuing year.
A few weeks then elapsed -three in 1865 - before the
issuance of the authoritative list, so that all of the members
could be brought in line.  One of the great difficulties,
whether in setting prices or in dealing with labor, was to hold
the employers together.
DeVinne next brought out The Printers' Price List. A
manual for the use of Clerks and Bookkeepers in Job Printing Offices. In the preface we read, " In this city nothing
but the prices adopted by the Typothetae in 1862, and revised
in 1866-a pamphlet of barely four pages of prices for
leading branches of the business-exists as a guide to prices.
Since 1866, the extreme rates of this list have been giving




THE TYPOTHETAE

65

way. It is no longer possible to get $4.00 for I,ooo impressions of ordinary cylinder presswork. The cost of a
week's work-good composition-in this and in most large
cities of the country is $20.00.
$7.50 per day is a fair charge for composition, and $12.00
for cylinder press work. In many cases the value of the
paper is the most important element of expense, but it is much
more fluctuating than the price of labor. An estimate for
I,ooo pieces of billhead, 16 lb. flat copy, is as follows:
Paper costs................  $4.50 per ream
+.oo profit
$5.50
Overhead and labor..........  6.60
$12.10
This, he adds, is a price that must, from its justice, be
accepted as authoritative.
In the edition of 1871, an account of the origin of the
lists is given. " The leading printers of New York City
then undertook the work with an excellent method. At a
general meeting of the trade, the subject of the prices was
referred to ten separate committees, each committee representing a special branch of the trade of which it had superior
knowledge.   The prices they adopted were published in
1863, which publication was the basis of similar price lists
in other cities, all of which it is admitted have been of great
service to the trade." He adds that not the figures but the
principles of estimating are of vital concern, " for prices
that are inflexible and unaccompanied by explanatory limitations are as repelling as they are useless." Then follow the
directions for finding out costs: rent, interest, overhead,
supplies, (of which paper was the most expensive fluctuating) and labor. How ignorant employers were of their
costs and how often they worked without a profit was appar



66      THE NEW YORK EMPLOYING PRINTERS
ent by the varying charges made by the masters of from
$.6o to $.90 per token of two hundred fifty impressions.
Yet at the time compositors were receiving $18 per week,
doing about 850 ems per hour, or about $.50 per I,ooo ems.
In addition there was press work, proof-reading and superintendence. Prices were lower than three years earlier, but
labor was the same, and out of all proportion to other costs.
The evils of unfair competition and the stupidity of working at a loss in the hope of future profit were stressed, for
DeVinne felt that once the principles and methods of estimating had been mastered most of these evils would be
obviated. In 1872, he brought out his final book on the
subject, a little volume of forty-four pages, called The
State of Trade": Observations on Eight Hours and Higher
Prices, suggested by recent conferences between the New
York Typographical Union and the Employing Book and
Job Printers of that City, which deals as much with
material and overhead as with labor. In fact, the high and
uncertain price of paper was seemingly the determining
factor in estimating prices and deciding wages.
DeVinne's books and price lists were authoritative throughout the country, but there was too little cooperation among
employers and too little realization of the fact that all
business is not profitable, to give them immediate practical
value.  Only after long years of bitter experience are
employers grasping the principles there set forth. The
work has served as a model for later preachers of the same
doctrine. Samuel Rees, writing in 1917 after discussing his
own support of cost-accounting, remarks: " Perhaps my
actions on these lines were largely influenced by a book
published by the late Theodore DeVinne, wherein he gave
prices for the various kinds of printing. The book taught
me much as to costs, but more than all it taught me to think
and to figure carefully on all estimates." 1
1 Francis, C., Printing for Profit, p. 86.




THE TYPOTHETAE

67

The labor policy of the Typothetae was left largely to
chance and was wholly defensive. Most, if not all, of the
members had worked their way up from journeymen, and
attributed their success to individual ability, thrift and hard
work. They were staunch individualists, believers in competition, freedom of contract, and the absolute right of each
employer to run his business to suit himself. They dealt with
the union only when it brought pressure to bear, granted as
little as possible, but were often generous and liberal employers when dealing with their employees as individuals. Such
in particular is the case of DeVinne, who expounded his
views in several articles: the journeyman should get his due
according to his proficiency as a craftsman; of that the
employer alone is the judge; the employer must be absolute
in his shop, but also must be considerate of his men. DeVinne felt that the employees contributed to his prosperity
and should therefore share in the profits: a principle that
he acted upon himself in 1902.   In short, his is the
mediaeval conception, derived from his studies. Or should
we say that his studies gave him material with which to
rationalize his own views?
The Typothetae as a group willingly dickered over increased wages. To the apprentice question they gave considerable thought. A growing number of " boys " who, due
to the use of power machines, were never properly trained,
and therefore, as men, were incompetent and underpaid, and
a menace to the trained journeymen, presented a serious
problem. As early as 1863, the Association of Employing
Printers of the City of New York, approved a report signed
by Alvord, Baker, DeVinne and Trow, advocating a virtual
return to indenture and the guild system. The union made
several attempts at control, but nothing came of the rather
half-hearted efforts.
Regulation of shop matters, such as the distribution of




68      THE NEW YORK EMPLOYING PRINTERS
" the fat" and "the lean ", discharge, division of labor,
priority and the like, they looked upon with disapproval, but
they were familiar with the ways of the chapel and certain
concessions were made. To shorter hours they were unqualifiedly opposed, and to the closed shop they were as
adamant. No such analysis was of course made by them;
indeed, the chief weakness of their position was that they
steadfastly refused to consider the labor problem with anything like the thoroughness that DeVinne gave to efficient
management.   One can but regret that Greeley, with his
broad vision, did not play as large a part in the association
of employers as he did in that of the journeymen; or that
DeVinne did not tackle the labor question with the same
detachment and constructive imagination that he devoted to
problems of 'printing.
It was in 1869, the.year of the appearance of DeVinne's
Printers' Price List, in which was pointed out the impossibility of raising wages, that there occurred the strike resulting in higher wages in the book and job trade. This was the
first handled by the Typothetae, and is typical of the many
that followed. From August, 1868, the men agitated for
a higher wage, and struck in January, 1869. On February
2, the Board of Trade (executive committee) of the Employing Printers-the name Typothetae does not seem to have
been in general use-maintained that the strike was unexpected, that they had had no notice, although they admitted that the scale had been under adjustment for some
months. The usual futile discussions as to whether there
had been a proper strike notice or not occurred, and the
Employing Printers declared that it could not deal with a
contract-breaking organization, nor could it afford to pay
higher wages, and certainly it would never stand for outside dictation in its shops.'
SScrapbook kept by DeVinne.




THE TYPOTHETAE

69

John A. Gray, of Gray and Green, wrote that he recognized " the right of workers of a firm to discuss wages, but
considered it impudence on the part of an outside union."
Russell Brothers, on the contrary, agreed " to pay with
pleasure " for they could succeed " only with the help of our
workers." The union suggested that the employers and
employees set a joint price, and that any employer asking
less be struck. No agreement was reached and the strike
dragged along for eleven weeks. The employers offered a
scale somewhat lower than the union's, with a severe criticism
of the union appended. The crux of the matter was the
men's determination to make $20 the minimum wage of compositors, and the masters to keep it as the fair wage. The
second big issue was the " closed " shop; " the right to make
membership in a society a condition of employment." In
the end a compromise was effected: the minimum wage of
twenty dollars with proportionate prices for press and piece
work were granted, the House of Call was to be supported
jointly, and both sides agreed to settle all disputes that might
arise by a joint committee. The closed shop seems to have
won as a matter of fact, but not as an acknowledged principle.
In 1872, the men agitated for the nine-hour day, but kept
to their contract. They also tried to limit the number of
" boys " who were employed at three dollars a week until
trained, and then at the rate of $.40 a thousand ems. The
employers declared that the agreement did not cover the
matter of " boys ". Then, in 1873, came the panic and the
men were contentý to hold their gains. But in 1875, the
employers notified the union that wages would have to be
reduced io per cent. The men took the matter under advisement, but no compromise could be effected and the men
walked out in March of the following year. It was a bad
time for a strike, overtures failed and, finally, in November,
the men were forced back for what they could get. The union




70

THE NEW YORK EMPLOYING PRINTERS

barely managed to keep its organization in existence, and it
was not active for five years.
To the Typothetae, these years were more fatal than to the
union.   The last banquet was held in 1872.1      On June 8,
1876, a mass meeting of employing printers was called " to
consider the reduced scale submitted by the Typographical
Union." The group that called the meeting probably issued
the pamphlet indicting No. 6 as a selfish organization based
on the idea of " Union first," which, by dictating wages without discrimination as to ability, was discrediting craftsmanship, and by restricting boys and forcing a newspaper rate on
book and job printers, was driving work out of the city.
Vague reference was made to the formation of a Society of
Employing Printers of the City of New York to combat these
evils, but the next definite meeting of employers was not
called till 1883. The Society failed partly because it was
too undemocratic in its membership and too autocratic in its
methods, but primarily because the many small employers
believing in unrestricted competition and unlimited independence, refused hearty cooperation.      They kept the prices
agreed upon ungraciously, they dickered with the men as they
chose. They were no more able to see the common interests
of themselves and their competitors in the industry as a
whole, than the mutual interests of their workmen and themselves in the printing house.
1 Employer organizations were active at this time, according to Commons (History of Labor, vol. ii, p. 30) in many trades and places. In
July of 1872 the Employers Central Executive Committee of New York
sent into the industrial districts a great number of circulars containing
a list of eleven questions concerning the possibilities of employers associations, their practicality in individual trades, in a general combination
for securing legislation, and the like. The sole interest seems to have
been the curbing of strikes. On June 19, 1874, 400 employers held a
conference to secure concerted action for the maintenance of the ten-hour
system.




CHAPTER VI

IT was the end of the century before the country recovered
from those panic years. From 1873 to 19oo there was a
gradual recovery of business and a general stabilization of
values. The country had expanded too rapidly, the war had
led to over-development, and it took two decades with several
slumps to solidify gains and once again establish values.
During the first few years, labor was quiescent, but after
I880, in printing, as in all other trades, it was active and
aggressive.  In spite of business depression and labor
troubles, these were years of marvelous development in the
printing industry. In the first place, the making of paper
from wood pulp proved a commercial success in 1870, and in
a few years a steady, large and cheap supply of paper was
available. The quality of the paper was constantly improved,
and one of the greatest needs of the trade was satisfied. Then
the inventions of the earlier years, such as the rotary and
web presses, were perfected, and new ones, such as folding
machines and half-tone plate, were introduced.1 The application of steam, later of electric power machines, still further
increased quantity production in the pressroom. In 1890,
the first successful composing machine, the Merganthaler
linotype, was put on the market. Within five years this and
other composing machines were in general use, increasing
the output of the composing room.
The diffusion of education and the tremendous growth in
population stimulated the demand for books and, more
particularly, for periodicals.2 In 1856 there were 69 magazines and periodicals published in New York City, mostly for
1 Hamilton, Fred W., Types and Presses in America.
2 Tassin, Algernon, The Magazine in America, pp. 340.
71




THE NEW YORK EMPLOYING PRINTERS

72

local consumption. In March, 1850, Harpers Magazine was
founded, and immediately had a circulation of 50,000, which
soon reached 118,ooo. In 1852, Frank Leslie's Illustrated
Newspaper made its appearance and, after 1876, Frank
Leslie's Popular Monthly was precisely that. Scribner's,
which made its appearance in 1870, was sold to Roswell
Smith in 1876, and renamed The Century.
It was as the printer of The Century that DeVinne made
his reputation. He had printed the St. Nicholas in 1872, and
Scribner's, but his finest work is in The Century. He developed clear letter faces that bear his name, he mastered
the reproduction of woodcuts, such as those of Cole and
Zorn, on cylinder presses and hard surfaces; he perfected
the two-tone process. He was neither a creator nor an innovator, but a perfector. Perhaps his greatest triumph was
the bringing together of supply men, printing craftsmen, and
the artists to make one unit. And not only did he achieve
this in his own printing house: he set an ideal and a standard
for the trade.2 He demonstrated in an age of machinery
that printing is still one of the fine arts; what is more, he
proved that fine craftsmanship may be a commercial success.
No printer sacrificed more to achieve perfection of detail,
and no printer made more money. DeVinne was a rich man,
a millionaire, one of New York's great business men. The
worldly success that gave him such tremendous prestige in
the trade enabled him to raise the standard of printing.
There was at the time, too, an interest in fine printing outside of the trade. In 1884,,DeVinne was among a group of
authors and collectors who founded the Grolier Club to foster
the cherishing and making of fine books.
Harpers and The Century were high class magazines, selling for thirty-five cents a copy, and dependent on their subscribers. In 1893, McClure in May, and Munsey in Sep1 Francis, Charles, Printing for Profit, pp. 111-113.




PERIOD OF RE-ADJUSTMENT

73

temper, brought out ten-cent magazines supported by advertising, and the day of the expensive magazine was over.
Photo-engraving still further popularized these cheap magazines and the volume of periodical printing has jumped by
leaps and bounds. Magazines now depend for their support
not on their subscribers but on their advertisers. The latter
demand a large circulation and the magazine for a limited, intellectual group cannot compete.1 New processes, notably
multicolored printing, have made it possible to give the public
far more beautiful and varied work than ever before.
Advertising 2 has affected the trade in other ways. The
Trade Journals, one or two of which date back to the early
part of the nineteenth century, have become numerous and
popular only since they have depended on their advertisers instead of on their subscribers. Closely allied with these are
the trade catalogues which grew out of the old price-lists when
photo-engraving brought down the price of cuts. They have
increased to such an extent that some printeries specialize in
their production to the exclusion of other work.
These changes have brought about corresponding changes
in the printing-house organization. It has tended to increase
the size of establishments and to differentiate more sharply
between minor groups developed by the new processes. There
arose employers' groups as well as journeymen's groups of
electrotypers, engravers, lithographers, and bookbinders.
There had long been friction between the newspaper publishers and the book and job master printers, as there had
been between their employees, and finally, in 1890, the former
withdrew from the Typothetae and formed the American
Newspaper Publishers' Association. For years, the Typographical Union had disputes with the pressmen and with the
1 The Century has become a quarterly, The Living Age has changed
its character.
2 Frances, p. 54.




74

THE NEW YORK EMPLOYING PRINTERS

engravers, lithographers, electrotypers, machinists' assistants,
press feeders, and other subordinate unions.  The matter
was amicably settled in 1894 by the national union recognizing such distinct groups, as one of the units of the Typograhpical Union, or as members of the Allied Printing
Trades Council of Greater New York and Vicinity.
To return to the history of the Typothetae. Their last
meeting, it will be recalled, was the banquet of 1872, unless we
count the mass meeting of Employing Printers held in 1876.
Nothing further is heard of the employers for some years.
In 1883, there was a reorganization of the Typothetae, primarily to meet the demands of the union. In that year, after
several tentative and unsuccessful efforts, No. 6 made a
determined stand to have the scale recognized: $18 a week of
fifty-nine hours to be the minimum, not the average wage,
and the distinction between manuscript and reprint eliminated. On these points they were successful, but the demand
for strictly union or " card " shops was summarily rejected,
and the men did not feel strong enough to strike. The conference with the men had brought the employers together,
and at the instigation of Douglas Taylor, the Typothetae was
reorganized. Preliminary meetings were held in November,
1883, and the formal organization was completed in December, 1883. Among the more prominent members, we
find Theodore DeVinne, elected to the Executive Committee,
C. A. Alvord, John F. Trow, William C. Martin, president,
Joseph J. Little, John Polhemus, P. C. Baker, W. W. Pasko,
secretary, and Howard Lockwood, editor of the American
Bookmaker.
The Constitution is very simple and does not appear to
have differed essentially from the earlier one. The Preamble
reads: " To improve the trade, and cultivate a just and
friendly spirit among the Craft, the Master Printers of the
City of New York form themselves into an organization




PERIOD OF RE-ADJUSTMENT

75

designed to include the houses in practical business with the
view of exchanging information, of protecting and assisting
each other when necessary." Membership was to be confined
to Master Printers, and was to include only proprietors of
book or job printing establishments, or publishers of books
or newspapers in good standing, who employ their own workmen. Dues were two dollars monthly, and the initiation fee
was ten dollars. Monthly meetings for regular business, the
annual banquet, and special meetings were provided for.
The officers were a president, two vice-presidents, a secretary,
and treasurer, who were entrusted with the usual duties, but
the actual business of the society was placed in the hands of
the executive committee of five members, to be elected annually, who, however, were to meet with the officers of the
club.  Other committees provided for are: auditing, entertainment, correspondence, permanent location, library, state
of trade. Twelve rules of order, differing slightly in phrasing from those now in general use, are appended.   The
seventh may be worth quoting: When a member desires to
speak, he shall rise and respectfully address the chair, confine
himself to the question, and avoid personal or offensive
remarks.
The address of President Martin' at the first banquet, held
January 17, 1884, at the Metropolitan Hotel, indicates rather
better than the constitution the temper of the revived Typothetae. After remarking that there had been no banquet
since 1872, he deplored the tendency to control of strong
individual interests that had broken up the former organization and added that " new and broader views would characterize the new society. Individual members would bring
for adjudication or counsel only such questions as might
concern the interests of the trade as a whole. There would
be no constraint put on any man, and no dictation in regard
1 Speech of President William Martin, 1888, Scrapbook.




76

THE NEW YORK EMPLOYING PRINTERS

to the management of his business; but the Typothetae would
afford him moral support in resisting such interference from
any quarter." " Ours," he concluded, " is the only organization amongst various craftsmen in this city having similar
aims. Whilst there are different bodies and corporations
devoted to mercantile and commercial interests, there are no
others amongst artisans here approximating the guilds of the
middle ages."
In October of that year, the monthly notice dated the
twenty-fifth, announced that permanent quarters had been
taken in Rooms 14, 15 and 16 Park Place, and that after
November first a " superintendent " would be in charge of
the Labor Exchange and Bureau for Employers. Further,
a Library was to be installed.
Through the labor exchange the Typothetae hoped to recruit
workmen, particularly non-union men, from the country, and
to have in hand a skeleton organization which it could easily
fill out in time of strike. And a struggle with the union was
imminent. After many years of agitating, the International
Typographical Union, in 1886, decided to wage a campaign
for the shortening of the hours of labor,1 to commence with
a demand for the nine-hour day, that is, the fifty-four hour
week, and in this No. 6 was most aggressive.          Printers
throughout the country were aroused, local organizations
were formed, and a general convention of the trade was called
1 The movement for the eight-hour day began in the summer of 1864
when the Workingmen's Union-association of organized mechanicsagitated. The printers did not participate, as they had just succeeded
in reducing weekly night workers' hours to eleven, day workers' to
twelve. In 1867, they decided to participate in the agitation, and the convention of the International Typographical Union declared for it. In
1871 in New York City, the workmen staged a dignified but effective
demonstration for the eight-hour day. The Federal government established it in the government printing office in 1868 and in 1873 the state
recognized the eight-hour principle through  legislative enactment.
Stevens, p. 368.




PERIOD OF RE-ADJUSTMENT

77

to meet in Chicago on October 18, 1887. There the national
organization was formed and took the name of " The United
Typothetae of America." The purpose, according to its
constitution, was " exchanging information and assisting
each other when necessary." The sentiment against coercion
of any form was so pronounced that no more binding form of
organization could be formed. The officers elected were:
President, Theodore L. DeVinne; vice-presidents, -1. T.
Rockwell, J. H. Bruce, C. H. Blakely, H. S. Crocker, John
Cameron; corresponding secretary, S. Slawson; recording
secretary, James Davidson; executive committee, Howard
Lockwood, F. H. Mudge, George D. Barnard, Andrew McNally, Frederick Driscoll, Thomas Williamson, W. H. Bates.
The history and proceedings of the national organization
from that first gathering to the present have been carefully
collected and printed.1 The New York group immediately
applied for and received a charter from the national organization, which in no way modified their constitution or limited
their freedom of action. The history of the Typothetae of
New York City is not generally known and it is with that
alone that this account is concerned.
Interest in the coming conflict with the union occupied
almost all of their attention.  Preparation was on three
lines: first by raising money for a war chest; second, by endeavoring to make clear through the press to labor and the
general public, that a demand for a shorter working day was
economically unsound, and could not be granted; third, by
building up a labor supply independent of the union, and if
possible as a rival to No. 6. The war chest was a donation
affair, a separate fund, and not very generally supported
except by the larger firms.  The publicity campaign was
carried on mainly by DeVinne, who wrote numerous articles
in the American.Printer, the Century and other periodicals.
1 Synopsis of Proceedings of the United Typothetae of America,
1887-1902. Powell, Leona M., History of the U. T. A.




78

THE NEW YORK EMPLOYING PRINTERS

The recruiting of labor was largely effected by advertising
in rural papers. The building up of a rival to No. 6 probably owes much to DeVinne, although his name is not attached to it. The ideas expressed in his articles are incorporated in The Printers' Guild and The Manhattan Printers'
Protective Fraternity. Very little is known of these organizations, and I have found no material save the clippings in
DeVinne's scrap book. According to leaflet No. II-there
is no number I-dated October, 1887, the Manhattan Printers' Protective Fraternity was founded March, 1886, by
" the non-union liberal anti-strike printers " and had eleven
branches.  " It stands for mutual interest of labor and
capital, for arbitration, and has no walking delegates.
Membership is open to all employees, male or female, competent in at least one branch; to all persons or stockholders in
the printing business, and any apprentice who shall have
worked at the business for the three years next preceding his
application." Another leaflet, apparently of the same year,
states more briefly the terms of eligibility as " all printers,
publishers and workmen in good standing." It further provides a system of arbitration, so that strikes may be avoided.
Two employers and two employees are to be elected from outside the disputants: their decision is to be final.
Seemingly simultaneous with this was the Printers' Guild,
or possibly this was another name for the same group, a forerunner of the same, or a slight reorganization. The leaflet
of 1887 announces that the New York Typothetae have taken
steps to form a Printers' Guild. The constitution and bylaws will be formulated by combined action of employers and
employed. The object is given as friendly relations, the
recognition of skill, and of just claims. It was to be governed by an executive committee of ten, five employers and
five employees, and these would elect the presiding officer,
secretary and treasurer. All good workmen were eligible,




PERIOD OF RE-ADJUSTMENT

79

and membership in other organizations was no bar to
membership. Of these organizations we hear no morethey were lost in the strike.
It was in October, 1887, that No. 6 demanded of the
Typothetae an increased scale, the nine-hour day, and the
card shop.  To the first, most of its members were not
averse, and some were willing to consider the second, but to
the third they were collectively and individually opposed.
The Union, through its representative, Mr. Joseph Smith,
argued that a card shop was really a protection to the employers, since it prevented them from competing with unfair
shops that employed non-union men whose wages were below
the scale. The idea was, however, repugnant to the employers, and the men decided to walk out. DeVinne was Chairman of the strike committee as well as President of the
National organization, and he did all in his power to avert a
break. Seeing that no compromise was being effected, on
Saturday, October o1, he telegraphed to the State Board of
Arbitration. This was a new board, recently created by the
legislature as a means for securing industrial peace, for in
all industries strikes were growing in number and in violence.
The first Chairman, F. F. Donovan, had himself been a
printer, and it was felt certain that he would prove an acceptable arbitrator. He came to New York immediately upon
the receipt of the telegram and conferences were arranged,
but the Union Committee was not empowered to modify
terms. Neither side would yield on the question of the card
office, and the men walked out on the twelfth. The employers were fortified in their decision by a statement made by
Judge Barrett, " that a man discharged because he was not
in the union made the employer liable to a conspiracy
charge."
1 See for a discussion of the courts' changing attitude toward organizations of employers and employees with special reference to conspiracy,
injunctions, monopoly, and trade agreements. Groat, G. G., Trade Unions
and the Law in New York, 1905.




80      THE NEW YORK EMPLOYING PRINTERS
The members of the Typothetae agreed to post a notice on
the outer wall of their plants stating their unqualified refusal
to pay the new scale unless the card clause was withdrawn, and
through their Labor Bureau advertised for printers, offering
good wages and permanent employment. From DeVinne's
figures, it is clear that he kept the Typothetae offices 50 per
cent manned throughout the earlier part of the strike, and
after the twentieth, the men filtered back. Advertising for
recruits during the conferences did not seem fair to the men,
and some employers disapproved. Henry Cherouny, in an
open letter to the Sun, called it doublefaced. The Typothetae
were not themselves united in policy; only thirty, for example, hanging out the " no-card office" sign which the
association had agreed to do. Harpers surrendered to the
Union on October I I, although still in the Typothetae, explaining that the Union had given them permission to retain
their non-union employees.
There were rumors of other exemptions, and P. S. Burgoyne of Burgoyne's Quick Printing Company, wrote the
Union on open letter advising them to " make all card offices
live up to the present scale before you make another one. See
that all apprentices are abolished for five years, see that foremen and proofreaders are members of the union. See that
newspaper men shall not vote for the book scale."
The State Arbitrator induced both sides to compromise
and a committee was formed to draw up a proposed agreement.   The Committee consisted of six members of the
Typothetae, the officers and strike committee of the compositor's organization, and representatives of the associations
of pressmen, electrotypers and stereotypers, with Arbitration
Commissioner Donovan as Chairman, and W. W. Pasko, of
the Typothetae, as Secretary. The agreement proposed-the
increased scale, no card shop but the policy of employing only
union labor, no proscription, -was satisfactory, but the




PERIOD OF RE-ADJUSTMENT

refusal of the employers to promise each man his old job,
entailing the discharge of the new men, forced President
Glackin of the Union to reject the agreement and the strike
dragged along. Finally, on October twenty-seventh, the men
were allowed to return to their jobs, and, on January first,
1888, it was officially declared off.
An indiscreet speech by President Glackin, of No. 6, in
which the phrase, " get control of your shops " occurred,
caused much indignation among employers, for loss of control was their great fear. Wrote Mr. John Polhemus, in an
open letter to the Union: " You dream of a time when all
men will be brought under your control, but you will never
realize it; and if you did, it would only destroy business and
defeat the object you wish to attain."
The outcome was regarded as a great victory by the
Typothetae, and the society, both locally and nationally, grew
in prestige and numbers. The union, however, was but temporarily defeated, and as, on the whole, times were good, it
recuperated quickly from the setback.
The next problem presenting itself was that of adjusting
a scale for machine operatives, especially on the linotype,
which came into general use about 1890, although as late as
1894 one newspaper composing room was entirely run by
hand. The men very wisely approved of the introduction of
machines, realizing that it would shorten their hours of labor.
By the end of 1893, the machine problem was adjusted: all
linotype operators had to be compositors; all compositors in
an office where machines were used were to have the right to
learn; the weekly wage for all compositors was to be $18;
special provisions were made for piece work, overtime, etc.,
and there was to be no restriction of output.
The liberal and intelligent adjustment of the economic
problems presented by the rapid installing of the linotype, is
a great credit to the printers, both employers and employees,




82      THE NEW YORK EMPLOYING PRINTERS
and shows a spirit of cooperation all too often lacking in
industrial relations.
The year 1893 was one of business depression, and, though
wages were not lowered, all agitation for increasing them was
precluded. Moreover, many men were out of work and
late in 1896, No. 6 appointed a committee to confer with a
committee of the Typothetae to see what could be done about
keeping the printing of plain reprint novels in New York,
for outside offices were paying lower wages and successfully
taking the work. An agreement was reached whereby men
engaged on such work would take a reduction not to exceed
five cents a thousand ems, but no reduction would be made in
the regular scale for either piece or time work, and furthermore, all such work was to be carefully accounted for to see
if the gain in work for an experimental three months was
sufficient to warrant the concession.
The Typographical Union had by no means given up its
struggle for the shorter working day; eight hours, as it had
stated in its original debates, being the goal, but the men
realized that this would come about slowly. The national
union constantly discussed the subject and backed all moves
to achieve it. In 1897, No. 6 decided to approach the Typothetae for the nine-hour day and, as a result of the negotiations, the Committee on which Joseph J. Little represented
the Typothetae came to the following agreement:
" That on and after January I, 1898, New York Typothetae will concede and pay $18 per week of 56Y2 hours (nine
and one-half hours per day and nine on Saturday) until the
date on which the International Typographical Union announces that the nine-hour day will go into effect in the competitive district (meaning east of the Alleghanies and north
of Richmond). The New York Typothetae will on that day
concede the nine-hour day, fifty-four hours per week, at $18,
and adhere to the same, allotting a reasonable time to enforce




PERIOD OF RE-ADJUSTMENT

83

that rule in at least 75 per cent of the outside offices affected.
The present arrangement of the machine scale not to be
changed during the year 1898."
There was considerable discussion before the agreement
was concluded, the conservative element denouncing such
yielding as disastrous. The most interesting contribution to
the discussion was the often-quoted letter of Henry Cherouny, a successful employing printer, not a member of the
Typothetae, who, after relating that he had introduced the
shorter day-nine hours for hand compositors and eight for
machine-at the suggestion of his men to secure greater
efficiency, pronounced it a success. He concluded his triumphant argument as follows: " Instead of spending $50,000
in warring for a hypothesis, let the Typothetae appoint a
committee of observation. I will show them my records of
work, to be compared with those of any ten-hour office in the
city." We find Henry Cherouny and Joseph J. Little both
active in the later Printers' League, and the former had much
to do with shaping its policies.
The agreement in New York led to agreements elsewhere,
and the United Typothetae of America, at the Milwaukee
convention in August, 1898, voted to appoint a committee to
confer with all the unions in the printing trades to see if an
agreement could be reached concerning a shorter working day.
That Comm:ttee met in Syracuse on October Io of 1898,
and finally came to a compromise agreement on the nine and
a half hour day from November 21, 1898, to November 28;
1899, at which time the Typothetae agreed to institute the
nine-hour day.
The successful handling of labor problems by trade agreement 1 was a great advance, yet as a matter of fact, the many
compromises to 1906 were but armed truces, both sides preparing and hoarding for a great struggle over the eight-hour
1 Commons, History of Labor.




84

THE NEW YORK EMPLOYING PRINTERS

day and the closed shop. Nevertheless, it was plainly shown
that strikes could be avoided, and for the successful handling
of these early conferences much credit is due to the New York
Typothetae.  DeVinne advocated the method and even
forced it by calling on the State Arbitrator; Joseph Little
was a tactful chairman with liberal views. His brief opening
address at the Syracuse meeting is most apt; notably the closing sentence: " We met in the interests of the trade at large,
no particular class or individual, and hope that you will meet
u's in the same *broad spirit and discuss the matter in the
light of past experience and what we may hope to accomplish
in the future without disturbance of our relations."  To
quote Professor Commons: The ideal of the trade agreement
was the main achievement of the members. It led the way
from an industrial system which alternately was either despotism or anarchy to a constitutional form of government.
The scale and time agreement continued in force until
1902, with amendments added in 1897 and 1898 respectively,
forbidding the borrowing of matrices, the regulation of overtime, the overlapping of different unions, schedules for beginners, regulations for machine tenders, elimination of piece
work, and the like. Many of these shop regulations were
excessively annoying to the employers and caused much friction, but all difficulties were settled amicably for the time at
least, by the machinery of joint conference.
The war with Spain in 1898-99 had little effect, but it
somewhat stimulated prosperity and stiffened the labor
market. In Io901, the demand for an increased wage and
some shop adjustments was presented to the Typothetae and
other employers. A number of the latter granted some or all
of the demands at once, but the Typothetae demurred and
the Joint Conference Committee took the matter under consideration. A compromise was reached: the agreement to
take effect on January 6, 1902, and to remain in force until




PERIOD OF RE-ADJUSTMENT

January I, 1905: there was to be an increase of 2 cents per
thousand ems instead of five, with differentiation between
leaded and solid reprint and law and manuscript and foreign
languages; there was to be an increase of $I a week instead
of $2, regulations for overtime and the like. It was also
understood that printers on public work should be granted the
eight-hour day, as the law required it in the state printing
establishments. Further, all points in dispute after March
I, 1902, were to be referred to a mutually chosen arbitrator,
" excepting such points as conflict with the present International Typographical laws, which shall be referred to the
International bodies for arbitration."
The national agreement worked well, but as the International Typographical Union at the St. Louis convention in
1904 had voted to make the eight-hour day effective in all
union establishments on and after January first, 1906, No. 6
could not renew the contract when asked to do so by the Typothetae in 1905. Nor would the Typothetae consider the
eight-hour day, for at its annual national convention in 1904,
it had voted to resist any attempt to enforce the eight-hour
provision, and when approached by the Committee of the
Union, had merely advised reconsideration of a rash decision.
Moreover, the members had voted almost unanimously for
a war chest, to which members were to contribute in excess
of their dues. The New York Typothetae adopted the same
plan for the local struggle. The records extant indicate that
although the members were more than ninety per cent in favor
of resistance, they were loath to contribute.  The paid
solicitor had the greatest difficulty collecting the pledges and
reported that the contributors wanted particular and specific
information as to what they were to receive in the line of
protection. It is interesting to contrast this niggardly support with that accorded by the men to the union-one per
cent of their wages.




86      THE NEW YORK EMPLOYING PRINTERS
No. 6, being flatly turned down by the Typothetae, tried
to win individual houses, and many not connected with the
Typothetae yielded; some left the employers' organization
and conceded the demands. Others, like the Butterick Publishing Company, Limited, a non-Typothetae shop, rejected
the demand and immediately supplanted union with nonunion labor.
Finally, the Typothetae decided to break entirely their connection with the union and, on December 30, pasted up a
notice to the effect that the refusal of the union to renew the
contract forced them to make open shops of their establishments. The men regarded this as a lockout and in the sixtytwo houses belonging to the Typothetae there was a general
walkout. By fall, eighteen houses had yielded, but the struggle
lasted over a period of two years, and even the members of
the Typothetae who refused to recognize the union, granted
the eight-hour day. Feeling was very bitter. The Typothetae resented the attempts of the men to interfere with their
workmen and secured an injunction against picketing from
Judge Blanchard. Later, they brought contempt proceedings
against President McCormick and organizers Jackson and
Costello, who were adjudged guilty and sentenced, but
pardoned before the penalty was executed.
The eight-hour day had won-this was quite clearly a
union victory. But at what a price! Many houses were lost
to the union, and it cost that body $762,485 in strike benefits
alone. The Typothetae suffered as severely, for it cost far
more than the $Ioo,ooo war chest; and what it cost the unorganized employers and members of the Board of Trade and
Master Printers is unknown. Trade was demoralized for
some years, the trade agreements together with the arbitration and conference machinery, were thrown into the discard,
and bitter feeling was engendered. Mr. Francis 1 estimates
1 Printing for Profit, p. 315.




PERIOD OF RE-ADJUSTMENT

87

that the trade loss ran between $20,000,000 and $25,000,000.
Employers were forced to adopt a new policy-mere defensive opposition was no longer sufficient.
The Typothetae was, it is clear, busily occupied during
these years from 1883 to 1900 with its contentions with labor,
yet it was active in other fields. In 1888, the local chapter
was host to the United Typothetae, at which convention
Theodore L. DeVinne was elected President of the National
organization. In 1892, the Typothetae of New York City
incorporated. The membership  remained fairly constant,
averaging between sixty and seventy, and the same group
dominated its policies. The Rules and Usages of the Typothetae of New York City, published in 1891 and reprinted in
1892, 1893 and later, were adopted by the United Typothetae
in 1892, and recommended to the locals as a guide and model.
These rules are not to be confused with the Code of Ethics
adopted by the 1891 Convention of the United Typothetae,
and formulated by a Committee under the Chairmanship of
Everett Wabbey. The former were purely practical, and are
chiefly remarkable for their clarity, specific data, and the
emphasis laid on impressing the customer with the reasons
for extra charges, such as changes in the text, haste, storage
of plates, etc. There is none of the idealism, none of the
sense of individual and social responsibility, none of the
Emersonian phrasing that has made the latter famous.
In addition to the annual banquet held on Franklin's birthday, there were held on April 12, 1893, special festivities in
celebration of the bi-centennial of the introduction of printing in New York by William Bradford. The Typothetae in
conjunction with the Grolier Club, the New York Historical
Society, and the Printing and Allied Trades Councils, sponsored an exhibition of his work and circulated reprints of his
paper, The New York Gazette. It was at this banquet that
1 Lists of members printed on menu cards.




88      THE NEW YORK EMPLOYING PRINTERS
W. H. Woodward, in responding to the toast, " The United
Typothetae ", phrased so well its dominant characteristic:
" A peculiar feature of the United Typothetae consists in the
fact that it binds no member as to his individual action upon
any subject whatsoever."  Seven years later the society
accepted the invitation of the Typographical Union to participate in the 5ooth anniversary of the birth of Gutenberg,
and the fiftieth of the founding of the union.
Still another interest was the Library for which provision
had been made in the reorganization of 1883, by a clause
authorizing a " library of books helpful to the practical
printer ". No money, however, was appropriated, and the
first significant contribution was the bequest of $500 left by
former president Martin in 1894.  This was very shortly
followed by the collection presented by David Wolfe Bruce,
consisting of books, clippings and souvenirs collected by himself and his father, George Bruce, for a period of over eighty
years. Many other contributions were received and in I896
when Secretary Pasko published his catalogue with its interesting introduction and illuminating annotations, it comprized I300 volumes. It is to be regretted that when the
Typothetae combined with other employing printers' associations, its members were not sufficiently interested to keep
their library intact, but permitted it to be absorbed by the
Typographical Library and Museum of the American Type
Foundry in Jersey City.
A most interesting and rare volume in the collection was a
complete copy of the 1683 edition of Moxon's Mechanick
Exercises, the only one Pasko knew of in America. DeVinne induced the Typothetae to undertake its reprinting as
an organization enterprise. In 1896, two hundred numbered
copies were made on specially prepared Van Gilder paper and
sold to members at $12 a set. For this DeVinne wrote the
biography of Joseph Moxon and supervised the printing on
his own press.




PERIOD OF RE-ADJUSTMENT

89

The society, both locally and nationally, though not without spirited debate, endorsed the International Copyright law,
which was enacted by Congress in 1891. At present, no
copyright may be issued to any person unless the book, photo,
etc., be printed from type set in this country.' It advocated,
as did the Typographical Union, a high protective tariff on
books and all printed material. And again, as did the Union,
it opposed prison labor for public printing, but, unlike the
Union, it disapproved of state printing shops.
It will be noticed that the principal contributions of the
earlier Typothetae-price maintenance and cost accountingreceived scant attention, other than constant reiteration of
general principles, by the second organization. This may be
due in part to De Vinne's lack of interest, but chiefly, I think,
because the United Typothetae were so diligently and practically demonstrating its advantages.2  Moreover, other
societies were devoting their time exclusively to inculcating
the principles underlying profitable printing.
In 1900 there was established an association rather misleadingly referred to by later writers as a'Ben Franklin Club,
but known to its members as The Inner Circle. It came
about in the following way: Eleven periodical printers-The
Economist Press, William Green, Isaac H. Blanchard Inc.,
The Winthrop Press, Stettine Bros., S. S. McClure Company,
Publishers Printing Company, Fless & Ridge Printing Company, the Ben Franklin Press, Charles Francis Press, A. H.
Kellogg -of whom the dominating spirits were William
Green, John Eggers, and Charles M. Francis, combined on
February 16, at a meeting held in the Rooms of the Typothetae, to establish prices in their branch of the printing industry, which was suffering from sharp practices employed
1 Stevens, p. 528.
2 For a detailed study of " Price Maintenance and Cost Work," see
Powell, ch. iv, pp. 26 et seq.




90

THE NEW YORK EMPLOYING PRINTERS

by small floating magazines. The agreement, each member's
list of publications, and the promissory note, all in a clear,
fine longhand, have been preserved by Mr. Francis and may
be seen at the Library of the Employing Printers Association.
The agreement is both specific and stringent. It provided
that no member was to estimate on work without first ascertaining whether or not it was on the list of a fellow member.
If it were, he was obliged to call up the member, ask his
figures and submit an estimate at least two per cent higher.
If the figures were refused him, he was at liberty to estimate
as he saw fit. The second obligation affected labor. If a
member were struck, the association was to determine by
vote if he should yield or not.
If the association sustained him, the members were obliged
to take care of the printing until the matter was settled: if
they asked him to yield and the wages exacted were above
the schedule, the group were to make up the difference.
In order to make the agreement binding each member was
obliged to put up a $1,ooo promissory note, payable to the
maker, and deposit it in the Central National Bank. In case a
member were adjudged guilty of a violation, he was obliged
to sign over the note or such part of it as the association
should decide, to the Executive Committee to reimburse the
member or members who had been injured.
The group was so small that its organization was very
simple; officially it did not even have a name. There were
no officers, the Executive Committee attending to all the
duties. Dues were irregular; each member at the outset was
to pay into the treasury $50 and thereafter as much as was
necessary to keep the treasury balance at $200. All matters
were to be decided by a two-thirds vote, all failures to pass
motions by that percentage to be regarded as positive
negatives.
Similar movements were afoot in other cities and this very




PERIOD OF RE-ADJUSTMENT

91

idea is said to have been suggested by observation of such
groups. In 1902 the organizer of successful groups out west
was invited by The Inner Circle to form such a group here.
This organizer, a young lawyer named William B. Brewster, of St. Paul, Minnesota, had in 1900oo organized groups
in Chicago and in St. Paul, but these, known, as indeed were
all his associations at the time as Franklin Clubs, differed
from his scheme in stressing cost accounting. These later
became the Ben Franklin Clubs and formed a national organization. The first club to operate closely after his plan was
organized in Buffalo, in the spring of 1900oo. The New York
club was modeled after that. " The plan ", in the words of
Mr. Franklin Heath, one time manager of the Buffalo club,
and later of the New York club, " was for the members to
report jobs upon which they were asked to bid and the manager estimated the cost of the job and advised the member
what price he should ask for it. The first inquirer being
given the minimum price, the following inquirers were given
prices two to five per cent in advance and this protected the
first bidder."
The association established by Mr. Brewster with the
Inner Circle as a nucleus, was incorporated in 1902 as the
New York Printers Board of Trade, with a membership of
forty or more members, drawn chiefly from the larger printing firms, many of which were also members of the Typothetae, although there was no relation whatever between the
two associations. A leaflet containing the constitution and
by-laws bears that date and no doubt the article in the American Printer for 191o which refers to the " Printers Board of
Trade as being incorporated ten years ago " is only approximate.
The New York charter gives the objects as proficiency,
1 For the work of Brewster and his law partner and the Ben Franklin
Club, see Powell, ch. v, pp. Ioo et seq.




92

THE NEW YORK EMPLOYING PRINTERS

economical purchase of supplies, and machinery, just and
equitable conduct on the part of the members. The membership comprised managing and proprietor printers, one vote
per firm. There were three classes of members: A, those
having 15 or more cylinder presses; B, those having from
8 to 14 presses; and C, those having less. Dues were to be
proportionate, with $5 monthly a minimum, and initiation
fees were $150, $100 and $50 respectively. The association
was to be run by an elected Managing Board from which the
officers were chosen. The election was by the unit system:
A had 50 votes; B, 30; and C, 20 votes.
Meetings of the Board were secret, for the members there
revealed their actual figures in estimating. A Board minimum was established for all jobs in which any of the
members were interested and a heavy penalty was imposed
on any member found guilty of going below it. Boards of
Trade in other cities interchanged information and there was
a loose national organization. With the Boards of Boston
and Philadelphia, that of New York formed a tri-city league
to prevent work from being taken from one city to the other.
After the application to trade associations of the Donnelly
Act (passed by the New York legislature in 1899 to prevent
monopolies), an interpretation not enforced for nearly ten
years, the Board of Trade changed its name to the Open
Price Association, but it shortly disappeared.
How effective the Board proved is problematical. The
article in the American Printer in 191o is an appeal for
members, for though it had been in existence for ten years,
there were less than fifty on the roll. The success of such
an organization depended, first of all, on the absolute fidelity
of the members, for not only were confidential matters revealed, but the very activity of price setting was illegal; and
in the second place, a sufficiently large percentage of the
trade had to cooperate in maintaining the prices to make them




PERIOD OF RE-ADJUSTMENT                93
effective. The public aversion to trusts and price-setting
made the Boards of Trade unpopular and the actions taken
under the Sherman anti-Trust Law, passed in 1889, but not
actively enforced till 1903, curtailed their activities, and as
has been noted, the New York Donnelly Act finally forced
their dissolution.1
In 1901, still another organization took shape and that
also was an offshoot of the Typothetae. In that year, Mr.
Charles H. Cochrane, Recording Secretary, sought to organize the medium-sized and small printing houses which were
largely responsible, in his opinion, for the underbidding and
unethical practices which caused the chaotic conditions in the
trade. With the consent of the Typothetae, he circularized
the trade in New York and Brooklyn by postcard, calling a
meeting in the Typothetae Rooms for April 4, 1901. A
group of about thirty organized, and appointed Joseph C.
Aste Chairman of a Committee to formulate plans for a
permanent association. This committee reported at a meeting held at io8 Fulton Street, at which forty-five employing
printers were present.
The name The New York Master Printers' Association
was adopted, the tentative constitution accepted, and the
officers elected: President, W. S. Warren; Vice-President,
C. W. Gaudineer; Secretary, Chas. H. Cochrane; Treasurer,
George Aste. Within two years there were four hundred
members. Membership declined but picked up again about
1910, and in 1920 when it affiliated with the Employing
Printers, there were five hundred and fifty on the roll.
A very detailed, vivid and wholly entertaining history of
this association, written by its executive secretary, D. W.
Gregory (1914-18), was printed in 1919 under the title:
The New York Master Printers Association. The Makings
1 Bonnett, C. E., Employers' Associations in the United States, p. 249.




THE NEW YORK EMPLOYING PRINTERS

94

and Doings of the Association, and the more conventional
yearbooks are also extant.
The Master Printers was formed with the idea that it
would affiliate or amalgamate with the Typothetae, as a
junior organization, and at its first meeting a Committee was
appointed to see on what terms it would be accepted. The
Typothetae, however, refused to consider any proposition
involving remission of dues.  The Master Printers were
divided into two camps: those who favored amalgamation or
affiliation, and those who favored an independent organization. The cost of a paid Secretary and rooms was a serious
problem and for some time the association met at the Typothetae quarters and Mr. Cochrane served at a nominal salary.
In 1905, Mr. Charles M. Paulus, the executive Secretary of
the Board of Trade, suggested that the Master Printers
share the rooms of his organization and such services as he
could render in his free time, for the consideration of $40
a month. After dickering for nearly two years, the proposition was accepted, but proved so generally unsatisfactory that
the relationship terminated in 1908. The Master Printers
again sought to unite in some way with the Typothetae, indeed this matter came up annually and committees were
almost always at work submitting different agreements only
to have them rejected by one association or the other.
In the meantime, the Master Printers thought of combining with the salesmen and made tentative overtures to
other organizations. The plan of the Printers League to
amalgamate under the name of the Graphic Arts Association
was very promptly rejected in 1910. The society continued
to flourish during these years and in 1912 a Business Manager was employed. In 1914, D. W. Gregory, formerly
with the Printers League, was appointed executive secretary and entered upon his task with vim. Due in part to his
efforts and in part to war prosperity, the society was very




PERIOD OF RE-ADJUSTMENT

95

active. Nevertheless, there was a strong group favoring
union with the Typothetae, and the struggle between the two
factions waxed fierce. Finally, in 1920, the amalgamates
won and we read in the American Printer for October of
that year, " On September 20 the Master Printers wound up
their affairs."
From the beginning, the Master Printers had co6perated
with the other employing printers' associations in compiling
and circulating credit information, known as " wrong font
lists," notably the one of 191o; in establishing the "long
price list" and keeping it up to date; on standardizing
usages with the wholesalers, and in attacking the middleman.
The particular work and strength of the society was educational: it aimed to show the small printer exactly what were
his costs, how to estimate, and the harm done by unethical
practices. Due largely to the efforts of such members as
Joseph C. Aste, president 1902-03-04; Charles Edgar, president 1906-07; C. Frank Crawford, president 1912-16; Roy
S. Knaggs, president 1918, and J. Clyde Oswald, a founder,
chairman of various important committees, editor of the
American Printer, and now managing director of the New
York Association of Employing Printers, great progress was
made in teaching cost-finding. This was done by lectures,
classes, and estimating bees. Likewise a serious effort was
made to teach business ethics and several members were expelled for violations. In addition, a wider knowledge of the
trade was.given by illustrated lectures on processes and talks
on the making of ink, paper, presses, composing machines
and similar subjects.
The most significant contribution was the establishment of
a Board of Conciliation and Arbitration to settle trade disputes arising between printers and between printers and
supplymen. Special machinery for handling trade disputes
in general had from pre-revolutionary days been supplied by




96

THE NEW YORK EMPLOYING PRINTERS

the New York State Chamber of Commerce, and there were
many sporadic attempts by various trades to effect such
settlements. After 1900, the movement became very general, but the Master Printers were, I believe, the first to
establish a successful and permanent Board in the Printing
Industry. By a provision in its Constitution, such decisions
were part of the work of the Executive Committee, but so
numerous were the cases that in 1917 there was formed a
special committee-the Board of Conciliation and Arbitration. Its operation under Mr. C. Frank Crawford, as Chairman, was so successful that it was taken over intact by the
Employing Printers Association.
These three societies of employing printers: the Typothetae, the Board of Trade, and the Master Printers, were
all active in 1906. The first alone was definitely concerned
with the labor problem, and in only an aggressively negative
way. The second, I surmise, was equally hostile; the members
were the big contributors to the defense funds, but it officially
had no labor policy and was interested solely in establishing
and maintaining prices.  The third discussed labor but
rarely-and took no action; many of the members hired no
skilled help. All three were interested in stabilizing trade
conditions by arriving at a common basis for estimating and
by outlawing unethical practices. One of the most curious
features of these societies was what may be termed the interlocking membership, certain members belonging to two, and
possibly to all three, as Mr. Francis and Mr. Cochrane. Mr.
DeVinne, for instance, belonged to the Typothetae and
Board of Trade and was elected an honorary member of the
Master Printers. Likewise, the business managers passed
from one association to the other. These close affiliations
taken together with their many common enterprises, made
their final union inevitable. The strike of 1906 merely
expedited their amalgamation.




CHAPTER VII

AFTER   19o6, the employing   printers' organizations,
national and local, devoted themselves to circulating information on credit, cost accounting, and trade data.  The industry was in a chaotic state; many firms were run for little
profit and some at a loss. The cutthroat competition'had
eliminated profits: labor could no longer be forced to take
less; the government forbade price maintenance; the publishers would not grant higher prices. Therefore only by
better business methods and more efficient management could
profits be increased. There was a general movement in all
trades to stress accounting, cost systems and the like and
printing was no exception.'
In 1907 a questionnaire was sent by the U. T. A. to 6ooo
master printers for data on their costs, bookkeeping system
and the like. Many answered that they had no bookkeeping
system, others showed astounding variations. Interest was
keen, and as a result there rose a demand for a meeting of
representatives of the trade to discuss costs, and evolve a
system or standard form for the calculation of costs.
This meeting is known as the Cost Congress of 1910o and
it was interested in and confined to that one subject. Various
plans were discussed and the one finally accepted was that
prepared by Mr. Charles Paulus of the New York Board of
Trade for that organization. This form known as Form H
covers fourteen points, and is still in use as the Uniform Cost
Finding System. The unit of product is that of one hour:
1 Survey of the trade made in 192o and reported in the American
Printer.
97




98

THE NEW YORK EMPLOYING PRINTERS

the cost of labor plus overhead and 25 per cent allowance for
profit. By its use an employer may know not only how
much each job costs but how expenses are distributed over
the various departments. Efficient management to cut costs,
rather than price maintenance, became the chief concern of
the employers' associations.1
With their interests almost identical, it was natural that the
various groups should combine. In 1913, the two national
organizations, the United Typothetae and the Ben Franklin
Clubs united under the cumbersome appellation of the United
Typothetae and Ben Franklin Clubs of America, for neither
association was willing to give up its name. It proved so
unwieldy, however, that the latter part was dropped in 1919,
and the society has since had the official name of the United
Typothetae of America. The same looseness of organization, the same freedom of individuals and groups to conduct
their own affairs, notably in labor matters, characterized and
still characterizes the association.
In allied trades, organizations2 were being formed: The
National Association of Employing Lithographers, in 1906;
the National Association of Employing Electrotypers, in
1912; the Photo-Engravers in 191o; and there are not less
than six of these employers' organizations at the present
time. In addition, the clerical force of the printing houses
organized as the Printing House Craftsmen in 1910; the
salesmen, the advertising men and the foremen all have their
associations.
Most influential, so far as the employing printers are concerned, was the American Newspaper Publishers' Association, which organized in 1887 as a business organization and
so incorporated in 1897, re-incorporated as a membership
1 Powell, The History of the United Typothetae, p. 72.
2 Bonnet, Employers' Associations in the United States, p. 226.




COMBINATION AND ORGANIZATION

99

corporation in 1913. As a result of many disagreements
with the union, numerous strikes and growing ill-feeling, it
inaugurated a policy of arbitration contracts in February,
1900.
Arbitration was not new to the printing industry: in June,
1874, Theodore L. DeVinne as arbitrator settled the dispute
at Ammerman's, and in 1896, when the employees in the
office of J. J. Little & Co. struck over the employment of
non-union men, an agreement was entered into, according to
which the men would work and abide by the decision of a
joint committee of the Union and the Typothetae.             This
committee not being able to agree, called in the Hon. Seth
Low to act as umpire.
These instances showed arbitration was a method of preserving industrial peace, and the American Newspaper Publishers' Association, at its convention in New York in February, 1900, decided to make it the principle of its negotiations
with its employees, and to that end created special machinery.1
A representative committee was to negotiate with each of
the general allied printing trades organizations for the creation of Joint Arbitration Committees to adjust labor dis1 Interest in arbitration was keen about 1890, then abated till about
1907 when the necessity for stabilizing conditions brought about a revival of interest which has continued to the present. The New York
Chamber of Commerce advocated it aggressively and there were founded
the American Arbitration Association-a legal organization-in 1926, a
branch of the Arbitration Association of America, 1922, which furnished
facilities and actively engaged in educational campaigns; and the Arbitration Conference, 1926, composed of trade and professional groups. A
full discussion of the history of arbitration practice with special reference to New York is to be found in Arbitration and Business Ethics, A
Study of the History and Philosophy of the Various Types of Arbitration
and their Relation to Business Ethics, by Clarence F. Birdseye. This
includes a history of the New York Chamber of Commerce. It is doubtful if the printers knew much of the history or theory; they worked
it out for their immediate needs, from contemporary examples




Ioo     THE NEW YORK EMPLOYING PRINTERS
putes between publishers and local unions. The Typographical Union cooperated and an agreement was drawn up which
was adopted on May I, go1901. It provided that in case a
grievance could not be settled by conciliation between publishers and a subordinate union, it should go to local arbitration. "In case a local Board of Arbitration is formed, and
a decision rendered which is unsatisfactory to either side,
then an appeal may be taken to the National Board of Arbitration by the dissatisfied party.... The National Board
of Arbitration shall consist of the president of the International Typographical Union and the Commissioner of the
American Newspaper Publishers' Association, or their
proxies, and in the event of failure to reach an agreement,
these two shall select a third member in each dispute. The
finding of the majority of the board shall be final and shall
be accepted as such by the parties to the dispute under consideration." In 1903, by this last method, with the Right
Reverend Bishop Frederick Burgess of Long Island as third
member of the Committee, the demand of Typographical
Union No. 2 was rejected. Again, in 1907, the demand for
an increased scale and a change in certain shop practices had
to be referred to the national committee, which upheld the
advanced scale and the stipulation that proof-readers and
copy-holders must belong to the union.
On May I, go1909, this contract ran out and No. 6 decided
to ask for an increase in rates and the seven-hour work period
for the third shift. These questions and others were amicably adjusted by the National Board of Arbitration. Since
then, this system, with certain modifications of machinery,
has kept an almost unbroken peace in the newspaper world.
The experience of the newspapers and the strike of 1906
precipitated the formation of a new employers' organization
which was to prove the vitalizing element in the final amalgamation of employers' organizations. This was the Printers'




COMBINATION AND ORGANIZATION

101

League, and the prime movers in its inception were Charles
M. Francis and Henry W. Cherouny. Mr. Francis, born in
Tasmania and educated in Melbourne, had learned his trade
very largely in New Zealand and Australia, and was familiar
with the eight-hour day and radical economic experiments
there tried out. His later experiences in London and in
many cities of this country as union journeyman, as foreman, and as employer, gave him an unusually broad and detached outlook. Associated with him was Henry Cherouny,
whose open espousal of the short workday and free criticism
of the Typothetae have already been noted. He had devoted
considerable time and study to labor conditions in Germany
and England, and was greatly impressed by the industrial
peace secured by the German Printers' League, but not by the
autocratic state machinery by which it was enforced. Both
men were familiar with the ideas of Horace Greeley, and it
is difficult not to believe that they were largely influenced by
them.
Wrote Greeley in 1850, in Hints toward Reform: " I believe in association or cooperation, or whatever name may be
given to the combination of many heads and hands to achieve
a beneficent result, which is beyond the means of one or a few
of them."
The inception of the society may best be told in the words
of Mr. Francis:
" One day in 1906, while the shorter work day fight was
still an active proposition, I called a meeting of employers to
consider an organization based on the principles of conciliation, consultation and arbitration. That call brought out
just four men: Henry W. Cherouny, Frank Meany, B. P.
Willett, and myself. Though disappointed at securing only
a quartet, we were all serious and determined, and agreed on
the need of an organization in which employers and employees would meet on a common ground.




102     THE NEW YORK EMPLOYING PRINTERS
" Another call was issued, and a dinner inducement added
to the discussion. This brought out an attendance of twentyone, and the basis of a tentative organization was laid...
By 1909, the membership swelled to fifty-five, and in that
year the Electrotypers' League joined as a body, bringing
the membership up to sixty-nine."
The Printers' League was based on the principle of cooperation, and differed from the previous associations in that
it recognized labor as a partner; in that it dealt with groups
and not with individuals, whether of employees, or employers. This postulated collective bargaining and trade agreements.   The League concerned itself with the relation
between customers and printers, between supply men and
printers, between printers, between employees and printers;
and developed special machinery for handling all of these
problems through consultation, conciliation and arbitration.
Information concerning credit, cost systems, and the like,
were furnished as they were by the Typothetae and Ben
Franklin Club, but there was no direct standardization of
prices. It was for problems between master printers and
between employers and employees that the Printer's League
offered solutions in the Court of Honor and the Trade Court.
The plan and scope of the League is set forth with precision
in the Constitution and By-Laws, largely the work of Mr.
Cherouny and Mr. Francis.1
OBJECTS
Section I. General object.-The purpose of this League
is to abolish in the printing and allied trades the system of
making individual labor contracts and to introduce the more
equitable system of forming collective labor contracts.
SCarroll, Ed. Edward, First Convention of the Printers' League,
pp. 203 et seq.




COMBINATION AND ORGANIZATION             103
Section II. - It is also the object of this League to
establish, in conjunction with the representatives of the
employees' unions, the necessary organisms for collective
negotiations, and to defend the common interests of the printing trade as well as the special interests of the employers'
branch thereof; furthermore, to nominate representatives of
the employers in the National and District Joint Commissions of the Printers' League of America, and finally, to do
whatsoever is possible to establish local and national Common
Trade Courts for the adjustment of points in dispute under
existing collective contracts.
Section III.-To prevent by mutual consultation and conciliation all strikes or strife between employer and employee,
and as a means thereto, to use the methods embodied in Sections I and II, and to make agreements that if impossible to
harmonize any matter it shall be arbitrated by an expert or
experts in the business who is not at the time interested; such
arbitration to be recognized by all parties thereto.
Section IV. - To formulate and to put into action a
Council of Adjustment and Redress for the equitable and
intelligent settlement of all grievances of whatsoever nature
arising between employers and employees, or between employers only, who are members of the Printers' League of
America, New York Branch. Such Council to be known as
a Trade Court and Court of Honor. The manner of formation to be determined by the body itself at a regular or
special meeting, who will appoint a committee to confer with
the employees' unions who are parties to any agreements
made, and that committee to be given powers toward such formation, their acts to be sanctioned by the respective organizations to which the committees belong, and to be recognized
as binding by such organizations.
Membership was open to any person representing a printing plant employing union labor within a radius of fifty miles




104

THE NEW YORK EMPLOYING PRINTERS

of New York, who would abide by the laws and usages of
the society. Dues were $3.00 monthly for houses having
six or fewer cylinder presses, and $6.00 for those having
seven or more, with an initiation fee of five dollars.
The Trade Court, outlined principally by Mr. Francis,
was later organized to consist of three representatives from
the employers and three from the unions, who, if failing to
come to an agreement, were to call for an arbitrator, and the
arbitrator finally settled the controversy.
One of the first accomplishments of the League was the
making of an agreement between the press-feeders' organization, Franklin 23, and the League. In 1907, an agreement with the Printing Pressmen and Assistants Union followed, and then one with Typographical Union No. 6.
These early agreements, negotiated by Mr. Francis, were
according to his account, discussed and adopted at open meeting instead of being solely the work of official representatives,
as is the present custom. All objectors were at liberty to
voice their views, and the result insured greater solidarity of
opinion. Each man felt honor bound to sustain the agreement to which he was a party. All questions concerning
trade practices as well as wage scales and hours, etc., were
discussed and settled as far as possible in open meetings.
This in his opinion brought about a wider understanding,
and sometimes enabled the employers to get rid of an undesirable union regulation. For instance, the business agent,
or walking delegate of a union, before 1907, could enter complaints immediately upon seeing a condition of which he disapproved, without discussing the matter with the employer
or with the executive committee of the union. By the agreement with the League, he was obliged to enter the complaint
in writing with the Union Committee, who would, if they
approved, formally bring it to the attention of the League
committee for adjudication.




COMBINATION AND ORGANIZATION

105

The Court of Honor was designed, according to the constitution, " to decide questions of right and wrong, fair or
unfair, arising between printers competing with each other
for the same work, to decide questions as to what is fair
and unfair between customers and printers, to act as a court
of arbitration in all cases where customers and printers
prefer a settlement of their controversies out of court, and
finally, if called upon, shall name and delegate experts of our
civil courts." The judges were the same as those of the
Trade Court, with the addition of one publisher, who was
also a printer, and the employees' judges could call in a
salaried manager or bookkeeper, who might or might not be
a member of the Typographical Union.
Lawyers were forbidden to appear for any party, but
might advise the Court as a whole, and all officers of the
League had the right to speak but not to vote. Trials were
open, but deliberations of the judges were private., Careful provisions were made for securing a just vote, and decisions and reasoning had to be handed in in writing by both
the majority and the minority. An interesting feature provided that judges or witnesses, compelled to lose time for the
sake of the duties imposed by the court, were to be compensated by the organization from which they came.
The League promised to use union labor exclusively and
to deal with the Typographical Unions in all districts where
the union could supply 70 per cent or more of the labor, but
that did nor bar the League members from hiring non-union
help if the union could not supply the men required. This,
of course, encouraged unionization and discouraged unions
from making exactions repellent to the more independent
workmen.
There was here a bone of contention; the League required
competent workmen and charged the union with too readily
giving a card to any one working in a printing establishment




Io6     THE NEW YORK EMPLOYING PRINTERS
for a few months. The union retorted that it was not at
fault, for it was the employers who took boys into the offices
for all simple work and never trained them as apprentices.
As a result of that discussion, the apprentice question raised
so many times since IS8oo received serious attention.
Discussions looking to the proper training and control of
apprentices were carried on without coming much nearer a
solution, when, from the outside, an opportunity presented
itself. The Hudson Guild, a west-side settlement, had some
years before begun a class for compositors as an activity of
its Boys' Club. It had very small quarters in the basement,
and the machinery was decidedly second-hand, but nevertheless the classes were popular and, by 1912, with forty-two
boys enrolled, the need for expansion was acute. The settlement had no money, and Dr. John Elliot, who was then in
charge, applied to Typographical Union No. 6, to the Publishers' Association, and to the Printers' League. None of
these associations was then interested in the project, regarding it rather as a device for turning out half-trained printers,
rivals to underbid union men and small employers. It so
happened that a printer, John Blue, a member of No. 6, conceived the idea of using the class to train apprentices. He
succeeded in arousing the interest of the union and of Mr.
Henry L. Bullen of the Printers' League, which organization
had looked askance at the enterprise. The League through
its President, Mr. Francis, was converted. As a result, the
League, the Union and the Publishers' Association agreed to
contribute to the support of a school for Printers' Apprentices. By this arrangement, made in 1913, each of the four
was to contribute $i,ooo annually towards its support, and
each was to be represented on its Board of Directors by one
member. The settlement contributed no money but gave the
room and had a seat on the Board of Directors. Various
foundries and supply men then were induced to contribute




COMBINATION AND ORGANIZATION

107

new equipment, which made the school one of the finest printing plants in the city.  Mr. Bullen himself taught in the
school and was most influential in maintaining it during the
critical years before its removal to independent quarters.
The apprenticeship training agreed on by the Printers'
League and the Union provided that the boy attend the shool
certain stipulated hours one afternoon and one evening a
week, the former on the employers' time, the latter on his
own, and the employer contracted to do this for the last four
years of training, the first year being spent entirely in the
shop. Throughout his training, he was to receive the wages
provided by the union scale. The Union on its part agreed
to make attendance at the school obligatory for apprentices in
Union shops. By this arrangement, covered by an indenture
jointly executed by the employer, the Union and the boy, the
employer is assured of competent workmen, the Union can
control the number and qualifications of its members, and the
boy is assured a training.
The League was so successful in New York that other
cities formed similar organizations and, in 1909, these affiliated as the Printers' League of America, the constitution
and by-laws of the New York Branch serving as that of the
national organization. The New York Association became
Chapter I, and its first president, Mr. Charles M. Francis, was
elected the first national president. At that first convention
held in New York City, Joseph C. Little, who had been so
active in the Typothetae as Chairman of the Syracuse Convention, and important in the making of the numerous arbitration agreements, spoke enthusiastically on the " Economic
Aspects of the League," stressing particularly the saving in
time and wealth effected by cooperation with, rather than
fighting against, the employees.
Writing ten years later, in 1917, before the stress of our
entry into the World War, Mr. Francis could state that




io8     THE NEW YORK EMPLOYING PRINTERS
strikes had been averted and that, therefore, the principal
object of the, League, the assurance to the employer of undisturbed peace in the running of shops, enabling the making
of agreements with the assurance that no strike would prevent their execution, had been attained.




CHAPTER VIII

THE Printers' League had then, by 1917, achieved a notable success and caused serious defections in the ranks of the
Typothetae. The pressure of the war with its labor shortage on the one hand, stimulus to business on the other, and
the exhortations of the national government through the
War Industries Board to organize, concentrate and eliminate
duplication, led prominent members of both associations to
confer with the idea of combining efforts. The result was
an alliance which incorporated as The New York Employing
Printers' Association, Inc. This had no relation to the Employing Printers of America, a subordinate group of openshop employers which formed an association within the
United Typothetae at almost the same time (1917). The
New York Association of Employing Printers organized in
January, 1916, with 427 members, and took quarters in the
new Printing Crafts Building which was opened for occupancy in April of that year.1 The association was really an
alliance: The Printers' League, known as the Closed Shop
Branch, continued separately its labor policy and apprentice
school; the Typothetae, or such members as ran open shops,
continued committees devoted to their problems; in other
activities, such as social affairs, cost-accounting, credit information, debt collecting, compiling trade statistics and
employment bureau, they pooled their resources. Late in
1920, the Master Printers,2 the sole remaining employers'
1 American Printer, July 30, 1918; March 20, 1919.
2 American Printer, Oct., 1920: "On Sept. 20 the Master Printers
wound up their affairs."
109




IIo     THE NEW YORK EMPLOYING PRINTERS
association in New York City, joined the association, adding
approximately 550 members. The organization then effected
is practically that of today.
Membership ' is open to any employing printer, whether
individual, firm or corporation, having a plant or mechanical
equipment in the City of New York or its environs, upon
election by a two-thirds vote of the Board of Directors.
And it may be said, in passing, that approximately fifty per
cent of New York's 2500 printing houses belong. Dues
for active members are $60 monthly for each $io,ooo Annual Mechanical Payroll.  When the Annual Mechanical
Payroll is $Io,ooo or less, the dues shall be computed on
the total payroll.  The minimum dues shall be $3.00 per
month, and the maximum shall be $125.o00.
The organization of the Association is naturally most complicated, because it was not cut out of a new piece of cloth,
but is the result of many remodelings and adaptations. It
bears evidence of past struggles, past animosities, the influence of strong personalities, and hard-wrung compromises.
The government is vested in a Board of Directors composed
of ten members and the elected officers; a president, first and
second vice-presidents, a secretary and a treasurer, elected
from the general membership to serve a year without compensation. The ten members are to be chosen from the five
following groups, two from each: Typothetae, Printers'
League, Master Printers, Open Shop, and Machine Composition. This Board controls everything but the labor policy.
Longitudinally, so to speak, there are two groups: Open
Shop and Closed Shop; and horizontally there are twelve:
Machine Composition, Tariff Printers' Group, Law Printers'
Group, Periodical Printers' Group, Commercial Printers'
Group, Manifold and Loose Leaf Group, Trade Printers'
' Constitution reprinted in Booklet of New York Employing Printers'
Association, Inc.




PERIOD OF STABILIZATION

III

Group, Advertising Typographers, Book Printers' Group,
Fine Catalogue Printers' Group, Foreign Language Group,
Brooklyn Group; and the constitution provides that any six
members with a special interest may organize a group.
Obviously, these are not mutually exclusive; a man might
well belong to both the Brooklyn Group and a specialty
group, or indeed to two or more specialty groups; they
merely represent the dominant interests of the members.
From the members at large and without relation to their
groups are elected eleven boards or committees to supervise
the general work of the association, which is actively conducted by a paid headquarters staff of approximately forty.
The names of the Bureaus indicate rather clearly their functions, but a few words about the more important may make
more vivid their actual accomplishment.
The Board of Conciliation and Control was taken over
directly from the Master Printers ' and is their particular
contribution.  It consists of men trained in the technical
points of printing and familiar with the customs and ethics
of the trade, who will arbitrate such cases arising between
printers and customers, and between master printers and
supply men, as might involve expensive litigation in the civil
courts. By an act of the State Legislature in 1920, the decision of the Board is as authoritative as that of a judge.
The Bureau of Statistics and Trade Data, as its name
implies, collects all sorts of facts: general surveys of trade
conditions, information about new machines, and special
data upon request. Its principal service is to supply information covering any and all subjects discussed before the
Labor Commissioner.
The Bureau of Education looks after the business courses
in estimating, accounting, cost-finding, and salesmanship,
which are given under the auspices of the United Typothetae
1 Booklet issued by New York Employing Printers' Association.




112     THE NEW YORK EMPLOYING PRINTERS
and the Harvard University School of Printing. Written
examinations are held and corrected and graded at the United
Typothetae School of Printing in Indianapolis, which issues
diplomas upon the successful completion of the course.
The Bureau of Trade Economics owes its origin to the
anti-waste campaign of the War, and concerns itself largely
with advice as to the disposal of waste-paper, old metal,
rags, etc. It also serves as an exchange, listing in the Imprint, articles wanted and for sale.
The Bureau of Trade Relations is concerned with establishing and maintaining sound and pleasant relations with
Allied Trades' Associations, such as paper dealers, machinery
equipment manufacturers and other supply men.
The Legal and Legislative Bureau interprets court decisions affecting the trade, labor department orders, income tax regulations, and the like; represents printers' interests before the legislature; fights objectionable laws and
rulings in the court; and gives advice to individual members.
The Credit and Collecting Department is an active one,
the duties of which are apparent.  In 1922, this bureau
collected over $80,000 in bad accounts, about 60 per cent of
it without cost to the members. It advocates the use of its
credit department instead of its collection department, and
promises not only reliable information as to the credit of
customers, but guidance as to the method of payment.
The Cost Bureau is a development of the work done by all
the earlier organizations: Typothetae, Board of Trade,
Master Printers, Printers' League.  The department will
install a Standard Cost System and teach a printer how to
use it; it will show him how to keep his books and teach the
principles of estimating. Since the Supreme Court Ruling
in the case of the United Typothetae (1923), it has been
very careful to avoid anything that might be interpreted as
price setting. More recently the Department of Commerce




PERIOD OF STABILIZATION            13
under Secretary Hoover endorsed much of the work of Trade
Associations in disseminating information, in checking waste,
and in encouraging specialization. The Supreme Court in
the Manufacturers Maple Flooring case, and in other instances, has made very clear the legitimate activities of Trade
Associations: only the checking of competition and the
definite setting of prices is decried as illegal.
The Promotion and Publicity Department is the association's name for its membership and advertising committee.
The city and its vicinity are divided into five zones, each of
which is assigned to a Field Secretary, who keeps the
members interested by visiting them, who sees what they
need and want, and "is constantly carrying service of a
special and personal nature to members." A great aid to
this department is the association's magazine, The Imprint,
devoted to the interests of the different groups, and willingly
printing communications from members. " The Imprint is
your mouthpiece, Mr. Printer ", writes the editor.
The Bureau of Industrial Relations is specially provided
for.  This serves the Closed Shop Section (Printers'
League) and the Open Shop Section, organized independently and working independently, except in those cases where
their interests coincide.  The Secretary in charge of the
Bureau acts as secretary for each in a dual capacity, so to
speak.
The Open Shop Section comprises three hundred members,
on the whole representing the smaller firms. For most of
them, the Credit Bureau, Cost Bureau and Employment
Bureau are the most valuable functions of the Association,
but they use the other bureaus to some extent and find that
of Industrial Relations particularly helpful.  The great
majority make their profits by cutting expenses to a minimum, and effect wage savings by employing journeymen
below the union standard, at lower than the union scale, and




I14

THE NEW YORK EMPLOYING PRINTERS

at the same time keeping one or more skilled men whom they
pay very high. They compensate for the lack of speed by
working a forty-eight hour week instead of a forty-four
hour week.   Their problem is to secure reliable labor of
definite skill. This is difficult without a co6perative policy.
The Industrial Relations Bureau furnishes information as to
union labor wages, hours and conditions; it gives advice in
cases of disagreement, mediates, and in general affords an
impersonal, expert, authoritative opinion, the acceptance of
which is optional.
The section has discussed 1 issuing working cards on the
plan of those issued by the union, and it has also discussed
profit sharing and other devices, such as old-age pensions and
sick benefits, for holding their employees. Stability is the
outstanding need of this group: sudden labor shifts, discriminatory prices in buying, uncertain markets, all make
estimating a perilous chance, and that in turn leads to underbidding and even unethical practices. To achieve stability,
they have suggested a licensing system for printers similar to
that enforced for dealers in real estate, cooperative buying,
and other schemes. The difficulty is that, like the Typothetae
before them, they rarely comply with their own agreements
generously and wholeheartedly.
The work of the Industrial Relations Bureau for the
Closed Shop Section (Printers' League) consists in negotiating trade agreements, in interpreting disputed and doubtful
points, when necessary setting in operation the machinery for
conciliation or arbitration, and in cases of strike negotiating
with the unions. For the League members it is the invaluable department of the Association.
Trade agreements are arranged with the different craft
unions. Many points of disagreement are constantly coming
up, for many of the union regulations are annoying to the
1 The American Printer gives full accounts of these activities.




PERIOD OF STABILIZATION             115
employer. For example, the foreman's being obliged to
belong to the union, the right of the union to decide how
many men are needed, on a press, the union's dictation of
shop rules, and the division of work among the unions, often
work a hardship. In spite of much friction, only once has
there been a real break.
In October, 1919, came a shutdown of the book and job
industry in New York City lasting eight weeks. This was
not a strike or lockout in the generally understood meaning
of these terms. It was a combined effort of the employers
and the heads of the various international printing trades
unions to stop an accumulative direct-action movement that
had its origin in events which occurred in 1917. The New
York employers and unions were in 1917 working under prewar three-year contracts effective from October I, 1916, to
October I, 1919. The skyrocketing of the price curve in
1917 affected vitally the mutuality of interests in these contracts. The unions endeavored through constitutional processes of conferences, conciliation, and arbitration to secure
a readjustment. The employers insisted upon the enforcement of the contracts. The lowest paid, semi-skilled group
in the industry, feeling the pinch of the depreciated value of
the wages most, broke bounds in a short strike in October,
1917, and secured through this direct action a wage increase.
Direct action thus became the method used. The issue was,
however, much confused by a conflict going on between the
local pressmen's unions and their international. The local
unions seceded. This brought about a combination of the
employers and the international union to reestablish discipline, to stop direct action, and to force the secessionists back
into the international. Announcement was made that the
employers would not employ anyone who was not a member
of a local union in good standing with an international union
affiliated with the American Federation of Labor. This, in




I 16    THE NEW YORK EMPLOYING PRIN7TERS
reality, meant a lockout of the secessionists-the pressroom
unions.  To avoid an open break with their international
union which denied strike sanction, Typographical Union
No. 6 sympathizing with the pressmen, went on strike by
" individually-collectively taking a vacation".  After an
eight weeks' shutdown, resulting in loss of millions of dollars
to the industry, constitutional methods and control were reestablished and order restored. Contracts including flexible
readjustment provisions to meet the unusual postwar conditions were entered into between the various unions and
employers.
From this experience both employers and unions learned
that wage agreements cannot be rigidly enforced unless there
is a mutuality of interests to make the contract binding.
During the ten years following, the organized section of the
industry has been gradually perfecting the legislative and
judicial machinery for conducting negotiations, which was
originally put into operation by the Printers League in 1906.
Under the procedure now in effect the union, before the expiration of a contract, through its duly elected committee
submits a proposal to the employers for a new contract. At
the same time the employers submit a proposal to the union.
Through joint committees these two proposals are considered, negotiations are conducted, which many times take
weeks or months before a contract representing a working
compromise between both parties is agreed upon, and becomes binding for the time stipulated. Usually the union
prefers one-year contracts, the employers a longer term of
from three to five years. The length of the contract is of
less importance where automatic adjustments are stipulated,
but a long-term contract has the advantage of creating stability and giving the employer a sense of security in making
his estimates for future business.
Each contract between the employers and the union is a




PERIOD OF STABILIZATION

I17

document complete in itself and carries with it provisions for
the abrogation of all previous agreements and precedents
howsoever made.    The contracts embody the experience
which has proved valuable in practice. In these contracts
the wage scales, shop rules, apprentice regulations and the
machinery for the adjudication of disputes are carefully
specified.  A special arbitration agreement, outlining the
procedure for settlement of disputes under an interpretation
of the existing contract, is specified in all of the contracts
with the printing trades unions. Every effort is made to
phrase these contracts lucidly to avoid disputes. Many disagreements arise, however, over interpretation, discharge
cases and the like which are investigated by the union representatives and the secretary of the League and if not settled
by them, referred to the joint conference committee whose
decisions are final and binding.  If the joint conference
committee deadlocks, provision is made for the bringing in
of an outside arbitrator.
Out of the continuity of these contracts and understanding
set up through them, constitutional processes are followed
without interruption of industry. The possibility of constructive, cooperative work dealing with the apprentice problem, the status of unemployment, the question of the incoming of new machinery and similar problems can be undertaken through joint action. These contracts are not as in
the former period merely industrial truces: the continuous
adjustment of difficulties by constitutional means and without the interruption of industry has become a habit that will
not easily be broken.
The attitude of the employers in 1919 was complicated
by another issue: the demand for the forty-four hour week,
and the fear that work would be taken from New York to
places where prices were lower and hours longer.   This
threat was used as long ago as 1809, and then, as now, the




118     THE NEW YORK EMPLOYING PRINTERS
answer was the extension of New York rates to the rest of
the country. This the union endeavors to do, but even so,
higher rents, incidental expenses of transport, handling, and
the more sharply enforced exactions of the unions put the
New York employer at a disadvantage in many kinds of
printing. Consequently, some large houses have moved out
of the metropolitan district, but firms doing work where time
is a factor keep their composing rooms, if not their entire
plants, in the city.
One other work, and that of the greatest importance, is
undertaken by the New York Employing Printers' Association through its Closed Shop Section: the development of the
Apprentice School begun by it as the Printers' League before
the amalgamation in 1917. By 1920, there were 541 boys
in training in the School for Printers' Apprentices, and it
was clear that if the school were to fulfill its promise,
thoroughgoing expansion would be necessary. A reorganization was undertaken; the school was moved to commodious quarters, and more machinery was installed. To
accomplish this, a budget was adopted calling for an annual
payment of $25,000 from the sustaining associations, $I,ooo
from the Publishers, who withdrew entirely in 1925, and the
rest to be divided equally between Typographical Union No.
6 and the Closed Shop Section of the Employing Printers'
Association. The Guild continued to be represented on the
Board of Directors. The apprentices, moreover, were now
required to pay fees that totaled about $5,000. The school
has continued to grow, there being, in 1927, 600 boys distributed over the four years of training. The budget has
likewise increased, being at present about $30,000.  The
sustaining associations contribute $Io,ooo each, the apprentice fees, varying according to their year of training from
$18 to $30 yearly, supply $II,oo000, and in addition each
employer pays $25 for each boy.




PERIOD OF STABILIZATION

S19

The scheme has proved so successful that it is being extended to the pressmen and machine operators. The Printing Pressmen have the long apprenticeship of nine years,
since they must have been in some one of the pressroom
unions for five years before being apprenticed as pressmen.
The arrangements for indenture, obligatory attendance and
the like differ not at all from that of the compositors' school.
The financial arrangements differ in that the Board of Education furnishes the room, light, the expensive machinery,
and the major part of the salaries, the other expenses being
shared equally by the Closed Shop Section of the Employing
Printers' Association and the Printing Pressmen's Union
No. 51.
Still more recently, in April, 1928, was organized a school
for machine operators on exactly the same lines as the Pressmen's school. The Publishers' Association, which, until
1925, was interested in the School for Printers' Apprentices,
again shares the expense and the supervision with the Employing Printers' Association and Typographical Union No.
6. Here, as in the Pressmen's school, courses in advanced
work are given to journeymen.
Other means of training boys there are in New York, notably the Central Printing Trades Continuation School of
New York City, but the graduates are not eligible to the
union except by fulfilling such requirements as the various
unions lay down, nor are they eligible to work in a closed
shop. It is from these schools that the open shop employers draw their workers, many of them before they are
adequately trained. They may, if they wish, send them to
the Printers' League Union schools, on condition that the
boys are properly qualified-and that they are willing to
sign the four-year indenture providing for the stipulated
time and fees.
For the first time since the middle ages has a definite and




I120    THE NEW YORK EMPLOYING PRINTERS
promising apprenticeship system been put into practical
operation. Much credit is due to the cooperative spirit of
the Printers' League and to the liberal views of Typographical Union No. 6. Nothing can make for greater
harmony and deeper understanding between employees and
employers than their joint support and supervision of the
future workers, many of whom will, as has been the case in
the past, become employers.
This sketch of the New York Employing Printers' Association, Inc., gives but a dull and meagre conception of its
varied activities. A perusal of The Imprint and The American Printer reveals its far-reaching interests: in them are
recorded reports of inventions, of economic experiments, of
new processes, accounts of great printers, and much else, as
well as news items germane to the trade and the association.
It does, however, portray its salient features: independence
of individuals, flexibility of organization, many fields of
service, opportunity for enterprise and openmindedness in
dealing with the labor problem.  By carefully gathering
data and disseminating information the association is doing
much to give to the printing industry much-needed stability.




CONCLUSION

THE development of the printing industry since 1789 has
been truly spectacular. Then there were less than a score of
small firms, no one of which employed more than a dozen
hands, with a capital barely reaching the thousand-dollar
mark, with master printers serving as publishers, editors and
even authors of their own journals, and at times doing not
only their own composition and press work, but running a
booktrade and importing business as well. By 1840 there
were 150 offices, employing 2,000 men, boys and girls, with
an equipment running into many thousands of dollars. The
next fifty years were critical, for during them came the wide
adoption of power machinery, the fundamental inventions
which have revolutionized the industry, the formation of
Typographical Union No. 6, and the founding of the
Typothetae.
From these years date the struggle between individualistic
competition as conceived by DeVinne and group cooperation
as phrased by Greeley.  From the same time, date the
practical standardizing and cost-accounting work of DeVinne, and the beginning of his splendid efforts to keep
printing among the great art crafts. The next fifty years
bring us to date, to a New York with 2,500 plants, with a
volume of business now of $18o,ooo,ooo, with 45,000 workers, and a capitalization of $11o,ooo,ooo. In addition, new
types and new processes of color production have made possible a beauty and variety in printing undreamed of even by
DeVinne, and that at a price easily afforded by the many.
So differentiated have processes become that there are now
121




122     THE NEW YORK EMPLOYING PRINTERS
eight unions, some of these subdivided. A master printer,
far from doing publishing and importing as well as printing,
confines himself more and more to one specialty of his
trade. An employer cannot know even all phases of his business: he cannot know enough about new processes, supplies,
cost, trade economies and the like to estimate wisely; unwise
competition makes for ruin. He cannot as an individual
bargain to advantage with nationally organized labor, and
unsettled labor conditions mean demoralization.
The printer turns more and more to his trade association,
to specialists, for the data that he needs and which in more
primitive days he could ascertain for himself. To some
specialists he turns for credit information, cost finding
systems, estimate guidance; to other specialists he turns for
advertising suggestions, for labor contracts and the machinery for arbitration and conciliation; and to still others for
adjudication of disputes with customers, supplymen, and
competitors,-in short, for information and advice on the
multitude of subjects that lie beyond the horizon of his
plant.
In reviewing the history of the Employing Printers' Association, nothing has impressed the writer more than the consistency, one might almost say the inevitability, of its development. Hampered here and there by adverse conditions,
bent one way and another by conflicting interests and strong
personalities, forced on by labor pressure, the line leads
directly back to the Typothetae of the Civil War period and
in spirit, at least, to the transient groups of the early part
of the century.
A demand for standards, the desire to feel assured that
one is working on equal terms with others, is at the bottom
of all such organizations.  The journeymen demanded a
scale for wages, a scale for hours, uniform rates for extra
and overtime, regulation for all apprentices. The early pub



CONCLUSION                    123
lishers wanted to set a standard for trade usages, for the
prices and quality of supplies, because these were the fluctuating elements in their business. The signers of the price
list of 1795 were quite obviously trying to set a standard of
business ethics, as well as a basis for estimating.  The
Revolution had completely destroyed the standards in all
fields and new ones had to be built up. Incidentally, it may
be pointed out that wars promote such organizations by destroying old standards and values. The Civil War and the
Great War were the making of the Typographical Union:
the Typothetae was born in the closing days of the Civil
War, and the amalgamation of societies forming the New
York Employing Printers' Association was effected at the
conclusion of the Great War. Great economic prosperity,
an upward shift in price levels would very likely produce the
same effect. Business depressions, however, seem to have
the opposite effect: then it is that " each man is for himself
and the devil take the hindmost."
The Typothetae had three principal objectives: the standardizing of accounting and estimating to meet the new industrial conditions; the establishing and maintaining of
trade ethics; the presenting of a united opposition to the
increasingly aggressive demands of labor.  The first was
also the particular interest of both the Board of Trade
and the Master Printers; the former for domination by
price maintenance; the latter by popularizing systems of
accounting.  The second in its looser sense was the interest
of all the societies: for penalizing underbidding the Board
of Trade was particularly organized; to the Master Printers
it fell to evolve special machinery for the adjudication of
trade disputes. With the third, the Typothetae alone attempted to cope, on the whole unsuccessfully.  Then the
Printers' League was formed primarily to bring about industrial peace, and this it did by putting into practice collec



THE NEW YORK EMPLOYING PRINTERS

124

tive bargaining and the trade agreement based on the principles of cooperation and conciliation.
The personality of Theodore Low DeVinne, with his
executive ability, his business acumen, his sense of justice,
his aloofness, his sense of the aristocratic traditions of the
great craftsmen, colors, though it does not dominate, the
whole history of the Typothetae. Brought up in the school
of individualism, the members could brook no interference
in their shops. To some of them, as to DeVinne, their work
was not merely a job, but as much a part of themselves as
the story to the author, or the picture to the artist. The
solution of the labor problem required a wider, a less possessive interest, and a love for and understanding of men
greater than for art.
These were characteristics possessed in an eminent degree
by Horace Greeley, who was, however, an editor rather than
a master printer, and a man whose many " isms " caused
the conservative practical employers to look askance upon
him. Many years before the formation of the Printers'
League, he phrased the principles which the latter put into
practical operation.
" We believe employers have rights as well as journeymen-that they too should hold meetings and form societies
or appoint delegates to confer with like delegates on the part
of the journeymen; and that by the joint action of the conferees, fair wages... should be established and maintained." 1
The New York Employing Printers' Association is a
composite of all its predecessors, carrying on their activities
and initiating new ones as occasion demands. The fundamental interests remain the same: on the one hand, cost accounting, estimating, credit information, prices of supplies,
1 Tribune, April 13, 1853. Reprinted, Stevens, p. 621.




CONCLUSION                   I125
which form the basis of efficient business management; on
the other hand, the securing of adequate, competent and steady
labor. Likewise the dominant characteristic remains the
same: the liberty of each individual to run his business to
suit himself, with or without cost accounting, with open or
with closed shop. As a member of a local trade association
each employer's problems are considered in relation to the
peculiarities of his locality, and at the same time that organization is in touch with, but not dominated by, the national
organization with its wide interests and many affiliations.
Gradually one central agency maintained by the cooperation
of hundreds of small-unit employers is re-integrating the
industry by setting up machinery for the securing of industrial peace, and by supplying the definite information
essential for healthy competition and trade stability.







APPENDIX

SECTIONS FROM THE CONTRACTS FOR BOOK AND JOB OFFICES
CONTRACT
This Contract and Scale of Prices made and entered into this
6th day of January, 1928, by and between the Printers' League
Section, New York Employing Printers' Association, Inc., hereinafter called the League, and New York Typographical Union
No. 6, hereinafter called the Union.
Duration of Contract
This contract shall be in effect for a period of five years,
October I, 1927, to September 30, 1932, at the rates as provided herein: for the following periods:
Wage Rates
Day    Night   Third
Shift  Shift   Shift
Oct. I, 1927, to Jan. I, 1928........ $55  $58  $61
Jan. I, 1928, to Dec. 31, 1928.......  56  59   62
Jan. i, 1929, to Dec. 31, 1929.......  57  60   63
Jan. I, 1930, to Dec. 31, 1930.......  58  61   64
Jan. I, 1931, to Dec. 31, 1931.......  59  62   65
Jan. I, 1932, to Sept. 30, 1932.......  60  63  66
All sections in this Contract which carry wage rates computed upon the basic rates shall be made to conform     thereto
upon the dates at which changes in the basic rates are herein
provided.
Hours
Working hours: day shift, 44 hours; night shift, 40 hours;
third shift, 35 hours.
Interpretation
(A) If any controversy arises as to interpretation or enforcement of this Contract the conditions prevailing prior to the
127




I28

APPENDIX

dispute shall be maintained until the controversy has been
disposed of as provided herein.
(B) The League agrees that only members of the Union
shall be employed for journeymen's work in the composing
room, except as elsewhere provided, upon the terms and conditions contained in this Contract.
(C) The Union agrees to furnish as many competent and
skilled workmen as required by each office for the operation of
its composing room.
(D) This Contract shall govern all members of the Union
and all members of the League, and employment is given and
accepted under these conditions.
(E) All differences of opinion on any question [except as
provided in Section 33,] arising under this Contract in League
offices shall be submitted to the President of the Union, or his
representatives, and the President of the League, or his representatives, for conciliation, and if conciliation fails, then and
at all times said differences shall be submitted to a Joint Conference Committee.
(F) The Joint Conference Committee shall consist of five
members of the League and a like number of members of the
Union. This Committee shall meet at the request of the League
or of the Union at such time and place as may be determined.
Due notice in writing of such meeting shall be given all interested parties.
(G) The said Joint Conference Committee must act within
five (5) full business days, when its services are desired by
either party to this Contract to an appeal as above. When the
Joint Conference Committee cannot reach an agreement, or
when it is unable to render a decision within ten (io) full
business days after the final submission of the case, either party
to this Contract shall have the right to a review by an arbitrator to be selected by the Joint Conference Committee. The
decision of the arbitrator shall be final and binding on both
parties to this Contract.
(H) No precedents or previous conditions, rules or agreements shall be recognized in any way, or affect or modify
this contract.




APPENDIX

I29

(I) Local Union laws not affecting wages, hours and working conditions and the laws of the International Typographical
Union, shall not be subject to the provisions of the above:
Provided, That International or Local laws enacted subsequent to the execution of this Contract shall not be effective
during the life of this Contract.
Expiration of Contract
If either party to this Contract desires to amend or abrogate
any or all of its provisions, to take effect at its expiration,
notice in writing must be given to the other party at least 90
days prior to its expiration date, of their desire to so amend
or abrogate; such notice shall open this Contract by both parties
and shall be followed with an exchange of proposals at least
60 days prior to its expiration. In which case negotiations
shall be immediately entered into and proceed with all due
diligence.
If no notice by either party is given in writing as stipulated
in the preceding paragraph the then existing provisions of this
Contract shall continue in full force and effect to September
30, 1933; and thereafter be subject to the stipulations as set
forth in the preceding paragraph, prior to each succeeding
annual expiration date.
IN WITNESS WHEREOF, and in full attest of ratification by
both parties, the undersigned, Presidents respectively, of
the parties of this Contract, have hereunto, as such Presidents, signed their names, attested by the Secretary of each
organization, this 6th day of January, 1928.
Printers' League Section, New York Employing Printers'
Association, Inc.
By Arthur L. L. Dorey, President
Attest: F. A. Silcox, Secretary
New York Typographical Union No. 6
By Leon H. Rouse, President
Attest: James J. McGrath, Secretary-Treasurer.




130                   APPENDIX
SCALE AGREEMENT
SHOP RULES AND WAGE SCALE CONTRACT FOR BOOK AND JOB
OFFICES BETWEEN PRINTERS' LEAGUE SECTION, N. Y.
EMPLOYING PRINTERS ASSOCIATION, INC. AND NEW YORK
PRINTING PRESSMEN'S UNION NO. 51 I. P. P. & A. U.
PART I
IDENTIFICATION
I. This wage scale and shop rules Contract made between
the PRINTERS' LEAGUE SECTION OF THE NEW YORK EMPLOYING
PRINTERS' ASSOCIATION, Inc., hereinafter called the LEAGUE, and
NEW YORK PRINTING PRESSMEN'S UNION NO. 51, I. P. P.' and
A. U., hereinafter called the UNION, shall govern all employer
members of the League who recognize by signature this contract with the union and all members of the above Union employed by those members of the League. Employment is given
and accepted under conditions specified herein.
2. In the negotiations for a new contract the undersigned
Union officials represent only workmen who are members of
their organization, and the officers of the League represent only
those employers who are now operating under contracts with
the Union, with the proviso that on or before July I, 1929, a
list of members of the League who accept and will operate under the terms of the new contract will be submitted to the
Union; those firms only and new members of the League, and
such other firms as may accept prior to the conclusion of
negotiations by conciliation or prior to a decision through arbitration, shall be bound by the new scale and shop rules contract.
DEFINITIONS OF BOOK AND JOB OFFICE
3. An office which does printing for the public or for an
individual firm or company, or one that operates a plant for the
production of its own or others' weekly, semi-weekly, triweekly, or monthly publications, whatever the equipment of the
foregoing may be, or whatever the hours of the day they may
be operated.




APPENDIX

131

PART II
DURATION
4. Effective in all of the terms as set forth in this contract
from the first day of the first full fiscal week after the date of
execution to September I, 1929.
5. For the renewal of this contract, the Union shall present
to the League and the League shall present to the Union, on or
before January I, 1929, a statement in writing of demands for
changes in such shop rules contract as may exist between the
Union and the League, with the exception that the Scale demands shall be submitted not later than August I, 1929. All
demands except Scale demands shall be included in the first
statement, subject to modification in negotiations.  Negotiations shall be entered into promptly following the interchange
of demands, and efforts made by each party with the other to
conciliate points of difference.
PART III
SETTLEMENT OF DISPUTES
The following rules shall govern all members of the Union,
employed by members of the League who are parties to this
contract, and employment is given and accepted under these
conditions:
6. No precedents or previous conditions, rules or agreements
shall be recognized in any way or affect or modify these rules,
which are to be interpreted or changed only in accordance with
the provisions of this contract or through arbitration under the
arbitration agreement between the League and the Union.
7. All employees are cautioned against an infraction of rules
contained herein, as such will be the cause of discipline either
by immediate dismissal or by complaint made through the
League to the Union, at the option or discretion of the employer.
8. All complaints emanating from any party to this contract
shall receive prompt acknowledgment and attention, and every
effort made to reach a prompt and satisfactory adjustment.




132

APPENDIX

9. When a complaint is made, it shall be immediately transmitted to the organization to which the party complained of
belongs. Such complaints to be adjusted within a period not
exceeding 30 days.
io. The Chapel Chairman shall be the recognized official
representative of the Union.
11. The foreman shall be the recognized official representative of his employer in dealing with the Chapel Chairman.
12. Questions arising over the jurisdiction of the union shall
be determined in the same manner as any other disputes.
13. Union representatives shall enter work-rooms only with
the permission of the business office, and when such permission
is asked it shall be accorded whenever possible. In the event
that it is quite impossible or inexpedient to grant this permission, an explanation shall be given the Union's accredited
agent and the employee desired sent for and every facility
possible accorded to further the business in hand. This shall
also apply in case of a chairman who may desire to consult his
Union regarding some alleged infraction of the laws which in
order to preserve harmony demands immediate adjustment.
Provided that where a complaint is made either by the League
or the Union the League and the Union reserve the right to
jointly investigate the conditions.




BIBLIOGRAPHY

American Arbitration Society. Year Book. 1927.
American Dictionary of Printing and Bookbinding. Lockwood & Co.,
New York. 1894.
Barnett, George Ernest, The Printers: a study in American Trade Unionism. Reprinted from   American Economic Association Quarterly,
third series, 1909.
Basford, Harry M., How     to Sell Printing. Oswald Publishing Co.,
New York. 1916.
Birdseye, Clarence F., Arbitration and Business Ethics. Appleton. 1926.
Bonnett, C. E., Employers' Organizations in the United States.  Macmillan. 1922.
Bloomfield, Daniel, Selected Articles on Commercial Arbitration. H. W.
Wilson, N. Y. 1927.
Books of Information. Issued by N. Y. Master Printers Association,
Inc. 1905-1906.
Bowker, Richard    Rogers, Copyright.  Its History  and Its Laws.
Houghton Mifflin Co. 1912.
William Bradford (anonymous leaflet) Henry L. Bullen, ed. Privately
printed. 1893.
Bradsher, Earl G., Matthew Cary. Columbia University Press. 1912.
Brainerd, Ira H., Theodore Low DeVinne, the printer, the author, the
man. Printing Art, vol. 35, pp. 201-207. Cambridge, 1920.
Bullen, Henry L., Theodore Low DeVinne, printer. American Type
Founders Bulletin III.2 New York, 1914.
-, How   Theodore Low   DeVinne became America's most famous
Printer. Inland Printer, vol. 69, pp. 515-520. Chicago, 1922.
Catalogue of books printed by William Bradford. Grolier Club. 1893.
Chamber of Commerce. Report of Committee on Arbitration. 1911-1927.
Colton, Julia, Annals of Old Manhattan (16og9-664). 1901.
Commons, John R. and others, History of Labor in the United States.
2 vols. Macmillan. 1918.
DeVinne, Theodore, Manual of Printing Office Practice. 1883.
Theodore Low DeVinne, Printer. Edited by J. W. Bothwell. Biographical sketch by H. L. Bullen. New York. Privately printed. 919.
Documentary History of American Industrial Society. Vols. 5, 6, 7,
8, 9. Edited by J. R. Commons, A. B. Phillips, E. A. Gilmore, H. L.
Sumner, J. B. Andrews. American Bureau of Industrial Research.
Carnegie Institution of Washington. Cleveland, Ohio. 1910.
133




134

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Evans, Charles, Chronological Dictionary of all Books, Pamphlets and
Periodical Publications printed in the United States of America
from the Genesis of Printing in 1639 to and including the year 182o.
Privately printed. Blakely Press. Chicago. 1913.
Ford, Paul Leicester, Journals of Hugh Gaine, Printer. Dodd, Mead
Co. 19o2.
Francis, Charles M., Printing for Profit. N. Y. 1917.
Freegard, Edwin, Synopsis of Proceedings of the United Typothetae
of America, 1887-1902. St. Louis. 1903.
General Society of Mechanics and Tradesmen of the City of New York.
142nd Annual Report. 1927.
Greeley, Horace, Essays Designed to Elucidate the Science of Political
Economy. Philadelphia, 1869.
Growoll, Adolph, Book-Trade Bibliography in the United States in the
XIXth Century. Dibdin Club, New York, 1898.
Groat, George Graham. Trade Unions and the Law in New York. A
Study of Some Legal Phases of Labor Organizations. Columbia
Studies in History, Economics and Public Law. Vol. 19, no. 3. 1905.
Hamilton, Frederick W., Type and Presses in America. United Typothetae of America. Chicago. 1918.
Hamilton, Frederick W., A Brief History of Printing. U. T. A. Press.
1918.
Harvard Business Reports. Vol. 4, p. 460. A. W. Shaw Co. 1927.
Heartman, C. F., Checklist of Printers in the U. S. from Stephen Daye
to close of War of Independence. New York. 1915.
Hildeburn, Charles R., Sketches of Printers and Printing in Colonial
New York. Dodd, Mead Co. 1895.
Hoe, Robert, A Short History of the Printing Press. Hoe Press, New
York, 1902.
Hoch, Fred. W., The Standard Book on Estimating for Printers.
U. T. A. Chicago, 1929.
Linn, Wm. A., Horace Greeley, founder and editor of the New York
Tribune. Appleton Co. 1903.
Mackellar, Thomas, The American Printer. A Manual of Typography.
Mackellar, Smith and Jordan, Phila. 1872.
Michael, Wm. H. and Pulsifer, Pitman.    Tariff Acts passed by the
Congress of the United States, 1789-1895. Washington Government Printing Office. 1896.
Moore, G. H., Historical Notes on the Introduction of Printing into
New York, 1693. New York. Privately printed. 1888.
Moore, John W., Moore's Historical, Biographical and Miscellaneous
Gatherings. New Hampshire. 1886.
Munsell, Joel, Outline of History of Printing and Sketches of Early
Printers. Albany, 1839.




BIBLIOGRAPHY

135

New York Master Printers Association, Inc., The Making and Doings
of the Association. New York, 1919.
New York Typographical Union Number Six. New York Department
of Labor. Albany. 1913. G. A. Stevens.
"Notes Concerning the Destruction of Rivington's Press" from Manual
of the Corporation of the City of New York. Pp. 813-828.
Old New   York; a Journal.    Ed. Wesley Washington Pasko.     New
York, 1890-1891.
Paull, Irving S. and Millard, James William. Trade Association Activities, Department of Commerce. Domestic Commerce Series No. 20.
-U. S. Government Printing Office. 1927.
Powell, Leona M., The History of the United Typothetae of America.
University of Chicago Press. 1926.
Putnam, G. H., Question of Copyright. Knickerbocker Press, N. Y.
1896.
Seager, H. R. and Moon, P. T., Trade Associations and Business
Combinations. Proceedings of the Academy of Political Science.
Columbia University. 1926.
Seidensticker, Oswald, First Century of German Printing in America,
1728-1830. Phila. 1893.
Seitz, Don C., Horace Greeley, founder of the New     York Tribune.
Bobbs-Merrill. 1926.
Silcox, F. A., Standardization and Co-operation in the Printing Industry.
Proceedings of the Academy of Political Science in the City of
New York. Vol. 9, no. 4. January, 1927.
Smith, Thomas E. W., The City of New York in the year of Washington's Inauguration, 1787. New York. Anson D. F. Randolph Co.
1887.
Sotheran, Charles, Horace Greeley and other pioneers of American
Socialism. Social Science Library. 1892.
Stewart, Ethelbert, Early Organizations of Printers. U. S. Bulletin of
Bureau of Labor no. 61, Nov., 1905.
Stokes, Phelps I. N., Iconography of Manhattan Island. 1915.
Tassin, Algernon, The Magazine in America. Dodd Mead & Co., New
York, 1916.
Thomas, Isaiah, History of Printing in America, with a Biography of
Printers and on Account of Newspapers. Worcester, Mass. 18ro.
Tracy, G. A., History of the Typographical Union.       International
Typographical Union. 1913.
Trade Associations: their Economic Significance and Legal Status.
National Industrial Conference Board, Inc. New York. 1925.
United Typothetae of America. A    Brief Historical Sketch by Conventions 1887-1903.




136

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Updike, Daniel B., The History, Forms and Use of Printing Types.
Harvard University Press. 1922.
Valentine, David T., History of the City of New York. New York, 1853.
Van Winkle, C. S., The Printer's Guide; or an Introduction to the Art
of Printing. Including an Essay on Punctuation and Remarks
on Orthography. Printer to the University of New York. 1818.
Watkins, G. T., Bibliography of Printing in America. Boston. 1906.
Weed, Thurlow, Autobiography of Thurlow      Weed. Edited by his
daughter, Harriet A. Weed. Houghton, Mifflin and Co. Boston.
1883.
Weeks, Lyman Horace, Book of Bruce. The Americana Society. New
York, 1907.
Weeks, L. H., History of Paper Manufacturing in the United States,
1690-1916. Lockwood Trade Journal. 1916.
Wegelen, Oscar, The Brooklyn New     York Press, 1799-1820. Bibliographical Society of America. 4-nos. 3 and 4. July-October, 1912.
Wilson, James Grant, The Memorial History of the City of New York.
N. Y. History Company, 1893.
PERIODICALS
The American Bookmaker, vols. 1-23.     (July, 1885-January, 1897.)
New York.
The Printer and Bookmaker (continuation of the American Bookmaker),
vols. 24-29, March, 1897-December, 1899.
The American Printer (continuation of the above) 1897 to date.
The Inland Printer, 1925-1929.
The Publishers Weekly, 1928-1929.
ORIGINAL SOURCES
i. In Typographical Library and Museum     of the American Type
Foundry:
Ms. Minutes, March 28, 1865-68. New York Typothetae.
Ms. notes, comments etc. by T. L. Devinne.
Miscellaneous letters, notices, programmes, menus, etc.
Scrapbooks of clippings, all before 19oo.
2. In Office of New York Employing Printers Association:
Ms. copy of Agreement of Inner Circle.
New York Employing Printers Association, Printers League Section..(Ms. Minutes 1921-1926).
Apprenticeship Agreements.
Contracts with the Unions.




INDEX

Apprentices, training and employment of, 35-36, 37, 50, 51, 54, 67;
schools for, established, o16-107,
II8-120
Baker, P. C., president of Typographical Society, 48, 49; influential Charter member of Typothetae, 61, 62, 63, 67
Ben Franklin Clubs, 89, 91; united
with Typothetae, 98
Bibliography, 133-136
Books, not many published, 26; increase in demand for, 26; copyright laws, 26-27
Bradford, William, first printer in
New York City, 15-16; issued
first newspaper, 16-17; instrumental in setting up first paper
mills, 17
Chapel, 12
Cherouny, H. W., Charter member
of Printers' League, 101
Contracts, examples of, 127-132
Copyright laws, 26-27
DeVinne, T. L., influence on printing, 62-68, 72, 77-80, 84; compiled printers' price lists, 64, 65 -66; general influence, 72, 74, 77,
78, 79, 80, 84, 87
Employing   Printers' Association.
See New York Employing Printers' Association; also, Organizations
Fairs, for regulating sale of books,
30-32; prizes offered to encourage American-made materials, 31
Frances, C. M., founder of Printers' League, IoI, 102; president
of National Association, 107
Franklin  Typographical Association, 34-35; efforts toward better
working conditions, 34-35, 44-45;
banquet of 1850, 48
Gaine, Hugh, prominent bookseller,
18, 20, 21

Greeley, Horace, first president of
Printers' Union, 47; efforts to
bring about cooperation between
employers and employees, 47-60
Greenleaf, Thomas, urged use of
American-made types, 28; issued
one of earliest price lists, 28-30
Inner Circle, formed in 1900, 89;
purpose, 89-90; became    New
York Printers' Board of Trade,
91
International Typographical Union,
76
Journeymen's associations. See Organizations
Little, Joseph J., active in Typothetae, 82-83
Magazines. See Periodicals
Manhattan    Printers'  Protective
Fraternity, 78
National Typographical Union, 47
New   York   Employing  Printers'
Association, Inc., formed in 1917,
Io9-IIo; membership rules, Ino;
organization and work, 110-114;
trade agreements, 114-115; shutdown of 1919, 115-116; contracts
with employees, 116-117; New
York employers at disadvantage,
117-118; helped establish school
for apprentices, 118-120
New York Master Printers' Association, formed in 1901, 93-95;
work educational, 95; established
Board of Conciliation and Arbitration, 95-96; interests, 96;
joined  New   York   Employing
Printers' Association  in  1920,
I09-Ino
New   York   Printers' Board  of
Trade, formed in 1902, 91; objects, 91-92; membership, 92; interests, 96
New York Printers' Union. See
Typographical Union

(I37)




138

INDEX

New York Typographical Society,
formed in 1809, 35-36
Newspapers, first in New York
City, 16; names of early, 17, 19,
20, 21, 25, 40, 41, 53
Organizations, 9-17; journeymen
printers, 34, 35, 39, 43, 44, 47, 78;
labor, 23, 39; social and educational, 24; booksellers, 30-33;
publishers, 33, 98; stationers, 33;
copyright league, 33; book and
job printers, 54, 55; employing
printers, 61-70, 74, 77, 79, 89, 91,
94, Ioo-Io2; newspaper publishers, 73, 98; periodical printers,
89-93; small printing houses, 93;
lithographers, electrotypers, and
photo-engravers,  98;   clerical
forces, 98
Pasko, Wesley Washington, secretary, historian, librarian of Typothetae, 88
Paper, high cost of early, 31;
supply of cheap, 71
Paper mills, first in New York, 17
Periodicals, 25, 27, 72, 73
Presses. See Printing presses
Price fixing, discussed  at open
meetings, 30
Price lists, 18, 19, 30, 37, 64, 65, 66
Printers' Guild, 78
Printers' League of New York,
formed in 19o6, Ioo-o12; based
on principle of cooperation, Io2;
recognized labor as partner, 102;
policy of collective bargaiinng,
102-103; membership terms, o13 -o14; wages, hours, etc., discussed
in open meetings, 104; Trade
Court and Court of Honor, 103 -o14; agreed to closed shop, 105;
helped settle apprentice question,
105-107; united with other organizations as Printers' League
of America, 107; united with
Typothetae to form New York
Employing Printers' Association,
in 1917, 109
Printers' Union. See Typographical Union
Printing industry, peculiarities of,
11-14; guild tradition, 12; interests of employers and employees
at variance, 13-14
Period of organization, invention,

and expansion, 1693-1833: general conditions, 25-38; center in
New York City, 26; shortage of
supplies, 27-28; price list agreed
on, 28-30; booksellers', publishers', and journeymen's organizations, 30-37; wages, hours, and
prices, 36-37; iron press, 38
Period of industrialization, 1833 -1873; general conditions, 39-43;
introduction of machinery, 40-43;
gradually changing relations between printers, publishers, and
journeymen, 42; work of the
employing printers becomes more
specialized, 42-43; growth  of
large printing establishments, 43;
employees endeavor   to  better
working conditions, 44-45; first
House of Call, 45; wage scale
agreed on, 45-46; first printers'
union, Typographical Union, 47 -49; survey of printing trade in
1850, 50, 51; wage controversy,
51-60; employing printers organize as Typothetae of New York
City, 61-70; price lists compiled,
64-66; labor policy of the Typothetae, 67-70; failure of employers' associations, 70
Period of readjustment, 1873 -1906: supply of cheap paper, 71;
presses perfected, 71; increased
demand for books and magazines,
71-73; art of printing improved,
72, 73; effect of advertising on
trade, 73; specialization of work,
73; American Newspaper Publishers' Association formed, 73;
reorganization of Typothetae, 74;
labor exchange established, 76;
strike of No. 6, 79-81; nine-hour
day established, 82-83; Syracuse
convention, 83; growth of arbitration policy, 81-85; eight-hour day
established, 86; periodical printers organized to establish prices,
89-93;  New    York   Printers'
Board of Trade incorporated in
1902, 91; smaller printing houses
organized as New York Master
Printers' Association, 93-96
Period of combination and organization, 1906-1918: effort to
improve financial basis of indus



INDEX

I39

try, 97-98; associations formed
in allied trades, 98; arbitration
policy established, 99, ioo; Printers' League and its policy of collective bargaining, ioi-io8; training of apprentices, io6-Io7
Period  of  stabilization, 1918 -1929: New     York   Employing
Prirters' Association, Inc., formed
in 1917, and its stabilizing effect
on all industry, 109-115; adjustable contracts, 115-118; development of schools for apprentices,
118-120
Printing presses, first in New York,
15; development of iron, 38;
power presses, 40; perfected, 71;
linotype machine, 71
Publishers' Association, formed,
98; established arbitration principle, 98-Ioo
Rivington, James, bookseller and
printer, 18-20
Strikes, 19, 34, 35-36, 57, 58, 68-70,
79-81, 86-90, 115-116
Typographical Association of New
York, formed in 1831, 43-44
Typographical Society. See New
York Typographical Society
Typographical Union No. 6, formed
in 1850, 47; its labor policies and
efforts to obtain better working
conditions, 48-60; strike  for
higher wages, nine-hour day, and
closed shop, 79-81; strike of 19o6

for eight-hour day, 85-87; settlement by arbitration, Ioo; contributed toward school for apprentices, o16-107; attendance at
school obligatory, 107
Typothetae of New York City, organized in 1865, 61-62; purpose,
63; management of, 63; price
lists, 64-66; reorganized, 70;
labor policy, 74-76; helped form
the United Typothetae of America in 1887, 76-77; granted ninehour day, 82-83; agreed to arbitration, 85; granted eight-hour
day, 86; other activities, 87;
started a library, 88; endorsed
international copyright law and
high protective tariff, 89; special
interests, 96; cost accounting and
trade data, 97-98; united with
Ben Franklin Clubs in 1913, 98;
united with Printers' League as
the New York Employing Printers' Association, Inc., in 1916,
1og
United  Typothetae of America,
formed in 1887, 76-77; united
with Ben Franklin Clubs in 1913,
98
Wages, 34, 36, 37, 45-46, 50, 54, 56,
59-60, 69, 82, 85
Webster, Noah, editor of early
periodicals, 25; instrumental in
getting copyright laws passed, 26
Zenger, Peter, printer, 17-18













3 9015 03940 8326




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