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Blouson

HISTORY
APPIAN
ALEXANDRIA,
us
Ο F
IN
TWO PARTS
THE
Firſt Conſiſting of the
Punick,
Illyrian,
Syrian,
Spaniſh, and
Parthian,
Hannibalick
Mithridatick,
Wars.
THE
SECOND Containing Five BOOKS
OF THE
Civil Wars
Ο F
R O M E.
Made Engliſh by J. D. Jther Dosries
Kilwells
Che Third Edition.
LONDON,
Printed for Abel Roper at the Black Boy, and Richard
Baſet at the Mitre, in Fleet-Street, and William Tur-
ner at the Angel at Lincolns-Inn Back-gate, 1703.

fibra
Brown
2-144
49072
TO HIS
EXCELLENCY
Por under utili
gui's House
Τ Η Ε
E A R L
OF
mitality 7400 )
throulettes Son digna
OR Y &c.
May it pleaſe your Lordſhip,
Ould I as truly boast I had perform-
ed your Commands in making Ap-
pian Engliſh, as I can that I at-
tempted it by your Command, 1
Should with much more confidence
( than now I dare ) preſent it to your Lordſhip : for
the leaſt flattering imagination that I were able to make
A2
this
tempted it by

The Epiſtle Dedicatory,
this excellent Hiftorian ſpeak as well, and prove as plea-
fing to yonr Lordſhip in ours, as he does in any other
foreign Language, would be apt to create in me a confi-
dence, pardonable only in thoſe who are ſucceſsful in their
obedience, and whoſe Performances are equal to their
Wiſhes.
But ſince the knowledge of my own weakneſs forbids
me to entertain any ſuch thoughts, I come with all bu-
mility to lay at your Lordſhips feet not the effects of my
well doing, but of my good will; and though I am ſuffi-
ciently ſenſible of my want of power to give beight to my
defires; yet I reſt ſatisfied in this, that Experience bath
taught me, your Lordſhip can never want goodneſs to ac-
cept of my intentions. And whilk you have ſo much of
that Heaven about you, I can fear little damage from a-
ny Earthly Defects of mine.
And whilſt your Lordſhip is pleaſed to own Appian,
and undertake bis protection in this Humble Dreſs of mine,
mbat doubt can I barbour of his finding a happy Reception
in the World? You, who bave been ſo great an
Example of the main ſubject he treats of, Military Prow-
cſs; Tou, who bave ſo ſeaſonably preſſed your ſelf forward,
both

The Epiſtle Dedicatory.
both in Naval and Land-Service for the Glory of your
King and Country, that no Example of Roman Bravery
could ever reach to; You, whom if Appian himſelf were
ſtill alive, be would be proud of the opportunity of ex-
ceeding all be bas done ( in one of his greateſt Excellen.
cies ) by giving a Character of ſo illuſtrious & Wortby.
For I dare leave it to any impartial Reader of this Age to
judge,whether any of his Deſcriptions of thoſe Hero's,whoſe
A&tions be writes,comes not ſhort in many points of what
juſtly might be ſaid of your Lordſhip, or if any there be (Jure
I am ) none but the two great Scipios can pretend to claim a-
пу
Parallel. You like them have unintereſſed fought for
your Country, and in this bave exceeded them, that
when your Glory was already at that beight made you the
envy of ill men, you ſtill thruſt your ſelf into thoſe ba-
qards makes you the Admiration of all that have either
Goodneſs or Honour, which together with
your
cellent qualities deſervedly entitles you to that Attribute
once given to the Emperour Titus, of being, The De
light of all Humane Kind.
But why ſhould I ſtrive to tell the World what they al-
ready know, and what none will diſpute with me; 'Tis an
Honour
other ex-

The Epiſtle Dedicatory.
Honour too great for me, that your Lordſhip has by laying
this Command upon me, given me an occaſion to publiſh the
bearty deſire I bave to acknowledge all your Lordſhips Fa-
vours, and to aſſume a liberty (few men living but would be
proud to ſhare in ) of declaring myſelf, and
to a no
inovatno i individu yad od swaston I runt
with a zidd o ven ted to discoglini
My Lord,
stod on esmasthrased on
Your Lordſhips
goren adi sudgiecus in I
it sets and to
Doce Delacond
w Moſt Humble, moſt Faithful,
oli toont And moſt Obedient Servant hood
Bedro morzalni dira
bu ENJ. D.

TO THE
READER.
T
Hough this Hiſtory be ſo excellent in it felf,
both as to its Method and Original Style, that
it needs no Preface to recommend it, yet fuch
is the invincible power of Cuſtom, that a looſe
Sheet muſt be caſt away to uſher it among the
people; and I cannot be ſo ſtubborn to diſoblige them in ſo
trivial a matter : and though I know it is no purpoſe to ſay a-
ny thing of my ſelf, fince all I can ſay will not ſtop the leaſt
cenſure; yet for others ſatisfaction I will ſpeak fomething of
my Author, and this Book, as'tis his.
He was, though Native of Alexandria, a Roman Citizen,
and for his exquiſite parts and Learning ſo much reſpected in
his time, that he was ſucceſſively Advocate to two Emperours
of Rome ; an Employment which gave him the opportunity
of having at his command the prime Records of the Empire,
which it is poſſible firſt put him upon compoſing this Hiſtory :
for by ſeveral hints in theſe Books of his we find the uſe he
made thereof, and eſpecially of the private Memoirs of Au-
guftus Cæfar, written with his own hand, which he tells us he
had ſeen, and whereby poſſibly he was enabled fo exa&ly to
diſcourſe of thoſe intricate cauſes of diſguft between young
Cæfar and Anthony, which he does in his Civil Wars, and
which poſſibly he had been much more large upon in his Hi-
ftory of Egypt, had not that among others unfortunate-
ly been loft.
For he began his Hiſtory from the Infancy of the Roman-
State (his firſt Book treating of their Affairs under their
Kings ) and ſo continued it, not by hudling all their Actions
together according to an exact ſeries of time, but by compo-
fing a particular Book of every great and renowned War in
any Province or Country, without intermingling it with the
Affairs of any other Country farther than the neceffity of the
Story required, till at length he concluded with the Battel of
Aetium,

To the Reader.
A&lium, and Conqueſt of Egypt, which was the laſt Province
reduced under the Roman Power, and with which the whole
Empire became entirely fettled in peace under the Govern-
ment of Cæſar Auguftus.
And certainly all the mighty Actions of fo great and glo-
rious a people as thoſe of Rome, compiled by ſo excellent an
Author, muſt needs have been a Work worthy of the World:
but whether it were the pleaſure of Fate to make us ſenſible
that all things ſublunary are ſubject to decay, or ( as the French
Tranſlator will have it) a juſt puniſhment from Heaven for
the Roman Pride, Avarice, and Cruelty, that no entire Hiſto-
ry of all their prodigious Undertakings ſhould be tranſmit-
red to Pofterity, this fell under fare of moſt Roman Hiſtories,
and of thirty two Books written by Appian, nineteen have
been eaten up by devouring time, and thirteen only preſerved
to our days, viz. the Punick, Syrian, Parthian, Mithridatick
Illyriun, Gallick (and that too but a fragment) Spaniſly and
Hanniballick War, with five Books of the Civil Wars, all
which are here made Engliſh. True it is, that in the Latine
Copy with the Annot.Var. there are ſeveral fragmenrs of other
Wars managed by the Roman People, but fo utterly imper-
fect, that the tranſlating of them would have given little or
no fatisfaction to the Reader:
на на
I have but one thing more to add, that is, notwithſtand-
ing our misfortunes in being deprived of fo great a part of this
noble Hiſtory, we may take occafion to admire the excellent
method and contrivance of Appian, his compoſure being
fuch, that though ſo many of his Books are loſt, yet the want
of them renders not thoſe left imperfe&t ( as Livy, or other
Hiſtorians are by ſo much as is left of them ) but by taking
the whole Affairs of every Country from the firſt dealings the
Romans had with them, till ſuch time as they were reduced
co a Roman Province, he makes every Book independant, and
become a perfe&t Hiſtory, and withal the Reader not being
amuſed, nor his memory confounded by running from one
Adion to another, nor the Affairs of one people or Nation to
another, according to the ſeries of time is not expoſed to the
hazard of forgetting what he had before read of a Concern,
that breaks of in the middle, to give way to others, as we ſee
in many other Hiſtories, but may go on with all Delight
imaginable every thing here treated of, being perfect and
entire in it felf.
Down
THE

ora 10th
Τ Η Ε και
PRE FACE
OF THE
und
GU
wia
AUTHOR .
mase.
Eſigning to write a Hiſtory of the Roman WarsI judged it
DO convenient to begin it with the Bounds of their Empire. In
the firſt place, the greateſt part of thoſe Nations inhabiting
the Coaſts of the Britiſh Ocean pay them obedience ; from
thence entring into the Mediterranean Sea by the Straits of
Gibraltar, which way foever you caſt your eyes, all that you
behold of Iſles or Ports or Lands, is ſubject to their Dominion. The firſt peo-
ple found on the right hand Coaft of that Sea are the Mauritanians or Moors,
and after them ſeveral other Africans, as far as Carthage, and up in the
main Land are the Nomades, whom the Latines call Numidians, as they call the
Country Numidia. Continuing onwards on the Sea Coaſt by the Lybians, as
far as the * Syrtes on the Coaft of Cyrene, and Cyrene it ſelf
. Next them (HC- * or Quick
ceed the Marmarides, the Hammoniens, and all the people neighbouring upon ſands.
the * Palus Marien. Next them is found that great City which took its name * This is poss
from its Founder, Alexander, ſcituate upon the Confines of Egypt, and then fibly that
all Egypt ſtretching it ſelf up towards the Springs of the Nile, as far as the which Herodo-
Oriental Æthiopians, and returning to the Sea at Peluſium, from whence lus Tritandes.
going along the Coaft you find Syria, Paleſtine, and above them a part of A-
rabia on the Banks of the Red Sea. Next to Paleſtine lies Phænicia, above
which is the Country of *Caelo Syria which extends it ſelf as far as Euphrates. *Or the Lower
A little higher are the Palmyrians, environed with (andy Déſerts, which like- Syria.
wife extend themſelves as far as Euphrates: Thoſe which give Bounds to the
Syrians are the Cilicians and Cappadocians their Neighbours with that Armenia
called the leſſer: then follow all thoſe other Nations which ſubmit to the Roman
Empire on the * Euxine Sea, of which number the Syrians and Cilicians lie up- * Now called
on the Mediterranean. As for the Armenians and Cappadocians, they are on the Black Sea.
one fode bounded by the Pontick Nations, and on the other ſide joyn thoſe people
living

The Author's Preface.
,
living in the Continent, environed by Armenia Major, where the Romans le
vy no Tribute, but only have a right of naming their Kings. Now between
the Cappadocians and the Cilicians there is a great Peninſula which advances
into the Sea, whoſe right hand Coaſts are bounded by the Euxine, Propontick,
Hellefpout and Agean Seas, and the left by the Seas of Pamphylia and Egypt,
for all theſe Seas compoſe this Peninſula, whoſe Inhabitants towards the Egyptian
Sea are the Pamphilians and the Lycians, and after them the Carians, as far as
Ionia : and thoſe towards the Euxine Sea, the Propontick and Helleſpont are
the Galatians, Bythinians, Myſians and Phrygians: and thoſe who inhabit the
middle parts are the Lydians and Piſidians : Jo many different Nations within
this Peninſula ſubmitted to the Roman Rule. Moreover, beyond the Strait on
the European (de they poſſeſſed other Provinces on the Euxine Sea, as Myſia
and Thrace, ſo far at leaſt as they lay upon that Sea.
Oppoſite to Ionia begins the Gulf of the Ægean Sea, next to it is the Sea
of lonia, and then that of Sicily, which is followed by the Tyrrhene Sea which
reaches to the Pillars of Hercules. On the Coaſts of all theſe Seas which extend
themſelves from Ionia to the Ocean, there lie many Provinces of the Roman
Empire, as all Greece, Theſſaly, Macedonia, the remainder of Thrace,
Pannonia and Illyria, and after them Italy, which is waſhed at the bottom of it
by the Ionian Sea, paſſes along the Tyrrhene, extending it ſelf as far as Gaul,
a part of which lies upon the Mediterranean;others are bounded by the Northern
Ocean', and ſome have the Rhine for their Frontier. Next follows all Spain
and Celtiberia, which extend themſelves along the Coaſts of the Northern and
Weſtern Ocean to the Pillars of Hercules.
I ſhall ſpeak of theſe people more exactly, as the method I have propoſed to
follow, Mall direct me. But now having deſcribed the Bounds of this Empire
towards the Sea, entring into the Continent we ſhall find that part of Maurita-
nia, which lies upon the Occidental Ethiopians, and after it many Countries of
Africa (almoſt uninhabited by reaſon of the exceſſive heats and militude of
wild Beaſts ) fretching as far as the Oriental Æthiopia, which are the Fron-
tiers of the Roman Empire in Africa. As for their Dominions in Aſia they
are bounded by the Euphrates, Mount Caucaſus, and Colchos, extending it
Bounds are the two great Rivers of the Rhine, and the Danube, of which the
Rhine loſes it ſelf in the Northern Ocean, and the Danube in the Euxine Sea,
not but that the Roman Dominion extends it ſelf ovr ſome Germans beyond the
Rhine, and over the Getes whom they call Daci, beyond the Danube.
Theſe are the Limits towards the Continent, as we after a very curious ſearch
have learn’d. Beſides which all the Ipands in the Mediterranean, as the Cy-
clades , Sporades, Echinades, Tyrrhenides, Baleares, and an infinite
number of others of different names in the Seas of Africk, Ionia, Egypt
Myrtoe, Sicily, and our Sea, as likewiſe thoſe which for their excellence the
Greeks call great, as Cyprus, Crete, Rhodes, Lesbos, Euboea, Sicily, Sar-
dinia, Corſica: In ſoort, all their Iſles as well great as ſmall, depend upon the
Romans. Who moreover having landed their Ferces in Britany, which is an
Iſland fo great, that it ſeems another Continent, they have conquered the better
half, flighting the remainder as not worth their pains: nor indeed does that
part they poſeſ yield them any great advantage.
Though

The Author's Preface.
Though they have now ſubdued ſo many people and Nations, yet were they a-
bove five hundred years before they could make themſelves Maſters of all Italy.
Iwo hundred and fifty years they lived under their Kings, till having expelled
them with a ſolemn Oath, never to admit them again, their Commonwealth
was governed by the worthieſt Citizens, and by Magiſtrates which they, yearly
changed, infomach, that within two hundred years after the firſt five hundred
it was by continual Vittories, and the affiſtance of Strangers, who from all parts
fought their alliance, increaſed to ſuch a height, that in thoſe times the Romans
became Conquerors of a great number of Provinces.
After which Cæfar having made himſelf the moſt powerful of the Age he
lived in, was ſo near ufurping the Sovereignty; that he left the Romans only the
shaddow and name of a Common-wealth, whilft he in effect was become abſolute
Maſter of it ; inſomuch, that from bis time even to this all that great Empire
has payed obedience to one ſingle perſon, whom, to avoid the violation of their
Oath (occording to my opinion ) they ſtiled nothing but * Emperour; and in- * Commander
deed the name it ſelf ſeems much more genuine, as being likewiſe common to in chief, or Gea
thoſe who commanded an Army for a time: and yet they are indeed Kings in ef- Army.
feét. 'Tis now two hundred years ſince the firſt of thoſe Emperours unto our
time, during which, a long and conſtant peace having ſecured their Dominion,
the City is become both beautiful and rich. For the firſt mightily added to the
Provinces, and reſtrained within bounds of duty thoſe which had a mind to re-
volt. And in ſhort, very prudently choſe rather to content themſelves with
thoſe rich Countries on the Sea Coaſt, and with the well ordering of them, than
to ſtretch their Empire ad infinitum, over poor and barbarous Nations from
whom they could reap no advantage : Imy ſelf have ſeen at Rome Ambaſſadors
who have come expreſly to ſubmit themſelves and their Country to the Roman
Empire, whom the Emperour would not accept of, becauſe they could bring no-
thing to his Coffers; for they give Kings to a multitude of Nations, whoſe Don
minions they themſelves deſpiſe, and are at the expence to defend fundry Pro-
vinces, eſteeming it a great diſhonour to defert thoſe whom they have once taken
into their protection.
They have always been careful to maintain on their Frontiers mighty Armies,
as Guards to this vaſt Empire, which both by Sea and Land they have with ſuch
labour and diligence maintained, as if it had been but ſome little Province:
nor was ever any Dominion of ſo great extent, and ſo long duration together.
For if we conſider Greece ſince the Reign of Darius, which was the time of
its beginning of Glory, until Philip the Son of Amyntas adding to him the
Athenians, Lacedemonians and Thebans, there would yet be no compariſon:
for the Greeks rather made War about the preheminence of their Cities, than
to enlarge their Territory, and the nobleſt of their Actions was but the Defence
of their Liberty againſt foreign Princes : for when any of them deſigned to paſs
into Sicily, in order to any Conqueſt, they ſtill came off with diſbonour; or
if at any time in a hoſtile manner they entred Aſia, they were forced to a re-
treat without doing any memorable Action. In ſhort, the Grecian Proweſ, as
ambitious as it was, never conquered any thing out of Greece which it any long
time enjoyed, being contented with preſerving the Liberty of that Co:entry, and
the reputation of an invincible valour, but after the time of Philip the Son of
Amyntas, and his Son Alexander, their Glory ſeems to me very much dimi-
niſhed: nor had the Empire, founded by them in Aſia any thing to equal that e-
ſtabliſhed by the Romans in Europe, conſidering the weakneſ and effeminacy of
tbe

The Author's Preface.
that part
part of
the Afaticks, as may be ſeen in the progreſs of this Hiſtory. For the Romans
fought but few Battels té fubdue all thoſe Provinces they poſſeſſed, though they
were defended by Macedonians : but Africa and Europe were gained with
mighty labour. Beſides, thoſe three great Empires of the Aſyrians, Medes
and Perſians did not ( put them altogether ) continue nine hundred years, as
the Roman Power has done, which ſubfifts to this inſtant, and get the extent of
thoſe three Empires mas leß by one half than that of the Romans, if we com-
pare the Bounds of one with the other; for the Roman Empire reached from the
Weſtern Ocean, as far as Mount Caucaſus, the Euphrates, and to the £-
thiopians that are above Egypt to Arabia : and in ſhort, even to the Oriental
Sea, ſo that the Ocean were its bounds both Eaſtward and Weftward, whilft all
* England, the Mediterranean and thoſe Iſles it embraces, and even *( Britain ) in the
not known in Northern Ocean ſubmitted to its Dominion. Whereas the Medes and Perfi-
days
, but by the ans in thoſe times when they were most powerful at Sea, never had more than
name of Bri- the Gulph of Pamphilia, with the Iſland of Cyprus, and ſome ſmall matter
of England
, bes on the Conſts of the Ionian Sea,beſides the Perſian Gulf which is of no great exa
ing brought in tent.
Aš to the Affairs of the Macedoniars before the Reign of Philip the
by the Angles, Son of Amyntas, they were but in a bad condition, having no fure Foundation.
many, called in True it is, that Philip was very happy in all he undertouk, but he never waged
by the Britains War out of Greece, or the Neighbouring Provinces. At laft under Alexan-
to afſift them der that Kingdom was raiſed to a prodigious and an incomparable height of
with the Pi&s, Greatneſ, as well for its extent, and the number of its people, as for the ex-
a People that peditions felicity of its Victories; yet was it only like a flaſh of Lightning, if
then poſſeſſed
we conſider its ſhort continuance. Not but that after it was divided into ſeveral
the Iſland call- * Satrapies, every Province did for a long time afterwards maintain and pre-
ed then cabe- ferve its primitive fplendor. For the Kings of Egypt only kept in pay two
now
hundred thouſand -Foot-men, forty thouſand Horſemen, three hundred Ele-
* Lieutenana phants trained to the War, two thouſand Chariots armed with Scythes, with
cies, or Vice-
gerencies.
Arms in ſtore for three hundred thouſand Men; and beſides all theſe Land-
Forces, had in conſtant readineſs two thouſand Sballops, or ſmall Veſſels, fif-
teen hundred Gallies, with all their Furniture, eight hundred tall Ships rigged,
and Splendidly fitted with all Naval Proviſions, and richly gilded both in
Poop and Prow, on which they were wont to go to War, that they might appear
with the greater pomp. As for Money, they had continually in the Treaſury
ſeven hundred and forty thouſand Egyptian Talents of Silver, as appears by the
Regiſters wherein theſe things are recorded, which are producible to this day,
and particularly thoſe left by Alexander's immediate Succeſſor to the Kingdom
of Egypt, who of all the Kings was the moſt exact in his Accounts of his Reves
nues, moſt ſplendid in his Expences, and moſt magnificent in his Buildings,
Moſt certain it is, there were ſome other Satrapies not much inferiour to this,
but they all fell to ruine by the Civil Diffentions of the ſucceeding Princes,
than which no more dangerous Plague can infect a great Eftate. But the Ro-
man Empire, becauſe admirable both in its greatneſ and proſperity, by reaſon of
that long continuance, the product of its Senates prudent deliberations, though
the raiſing of this Eſtate required an extraordinary vigour, and Spirits capable
of undergoing incredible labour and overcoming ten thouſand difficulties ; for
fucceß never made them proud nor preſumptuous, till they ſaw theneſelves firmly
ſettled: and on the other ſide, adverſity never diſmayed them; for not the loß of
twenty, nay forty, no, nor fifty thouſand Men in one ſingle Battel, not the
bazard of an abſolute ruine by Plague, Famine, or Sedition, ever made them
abate of their Courage; but at laft having baffled all imaginable dangers for
ſeven hundred years together, and triumph'd over all thoſe difficulties dayly op-
poſed
Scotland.

The Author's Preface,
poſed them, they raiſed their Empire to that height of Glory and Greatneß ;
and at preſent reap the Fruits of both their good Fortune and Prudence.
Many Authors as well Greek as Latine have wrote of all theſe things, and
indeed the Subječt is greater than that of the Macedonian Affairs, though they
were in their feaſon poſſibly more conſiderable. But for my part, after having
well conſidered the Roman Virtue, that I might make the more contemplative
compariſon of it with that of other Nations, I have given freedom to my
thoughts to wander from one place to another, from Carthage to Spain, from
thence to Sicily or Macedonia, and fancied either an Embaſſie, or a Commiſſi-
on to fuccour the oppreſſed, and thense like a perfect Vagabond (that had no-
thing elſe to do ) returning either to Carthage or Sicily, I have collected
all things neceſſary to compoſe this Hiſtory: I informed my ſelf how often
the Romans ſent Ambaſſadors or Armies into Sicily, and of every minute
Action they performed there, till they reduced it under that obedience it now ac-
knowledges. I enquired into all Treaties of Peace, or Overtures between one or
tother that had been tranſacted between the Carthaginians and Roman People,
what Wrongs one had done to the other, and what Zoſſes and Overthrows each
had received till ſuch time as Carthage was demoliſhed, and Africa was made a
Roman Province; and at laſt how Carthage being rebuilt, Africa came into
the ſtate we now find it : I have followed the ſame courſe through all the other
Provinces, led by a curioſity to underſtand all that the Romans had done of great
and glorious, to know the ſloth or induſtry of every Nation, the Virtue and
Fortune of this victorious People
. And in ſhort, all things worthy recording :
and imagining it would be no unpleaſant thing to the world to know the Roman
Hiſtory, in this manner I laid my deſign to write the particular Actions of e-
very Province by themſelves, omitting what in thoſe times was done elſewhere,
and referring it to its proper place and order. I looked upon it likewiſe as un-
neceſſary to ſet down throughout the whole the time when every thing paſſed,
judging it fufficient to obſerve it in Affairs of moſt importance.
Let me add, that heretofore the Romans had but one name, like other men,
in proceſ of time they added another; and it is not long ſince that ſome of them
took a third, the better to make themſelves be known, either by ſome bodily mark,
or ſome advantageous endowment of mind; ſo ſome Greeks likewiſe to their
names added Sirnames. Wherefore I ſhall ſometime make uſe of all their
Names, eſpecially when I am treating of Illuſtrious Perſonages, to the intent
they may be the better known ; but I ſhall call many, as well of the one as the
other, by thoſe names moſt agreeable to the matter in hand.
For the Order and Method of this History, 'tis taken from the time in which
theſe Wars were begun and ended ( notwithſtanding there were divers others
interferd, which are omitted to avoid confuſion. ) Wherefore the ſeveral
Books ſhall take their Titles from the matter, as the Punik, Syrian, Parthi-
an, Mithridatick, Iberian, and Hannibal's War, &c.
As to the Domeſtick Seditions, aud Civil Wars, we ſhall treat of them
according to the time in which the Authors of them lived, as that of Marius
and Sylla; of Pompey and Cæſar ; of Anthony and the other Cæfar, fir-
named Auguſtus, againſt the Murderers of the first Cæſar. And laſtly, the
War which the Conquerours made one againſt another, which is the laſt Civil
War, and during which, Egypt fell into the Power of the Romans. Thus the
Affairs

The Author's Preface.
Affairs with ſtrange Nations, Mall be divided by each Book, and the Civil
,
Wars by the Chiefs of the Parties.
But who am I that write all theſe things ? Many perſons know already, and
I my ſelf have declared it, but to declare it yet more publickly. I was born in
Alexandria, of an honeſt Family in my Country: afterwards I lived at Rome
where I pleaded Cauſes before the Tribunal of the Cæfars, till ſuch time as they
honoured me with the Quality of one of their Procuratores. He that would know
mare, may learn it from the Books I have wrote on this Subject.
APPIAN

I
A P PIAN
OF
ALEXANDRIA,
HIS
HISTORY
in smo
OF THE
Edina MIX
Roman Wars
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OR, THE
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mala vida te
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PART I 10 zonnel TIVXKK
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The Argument of this Book. Todas lain
zararlanabodia
1.
IT"
He Foundation of the City of Carthage. II. A brief Recital of the
Roman Wars againſt the Carthaginians
. III. The firſt Punick War
where Attilius was defeated by Xantippus. IV. War of the Carthagini-
ans againſt all the People of Lybia. V. The cauſe of the ſecond Púnick
War. VI. Scipio obtains Commiſſion for this War, makes preparation
B
and

2
Part I
The Lybian,
and advances into Sicily. VII. The Carthaginians prepare for defence.
VIII. The occaſion of Maſaniſſa's diſcontent againſt Syphax, and the Car-
thaginians. IX. Scipio lands in Africa. X. Mafanilla lays an ambul
for Hanno. XI. Scipio beſieges, and takes Locha, XII. Five thouſand
Africans defeated by Scipio. XIII. Scipio beſieges Utica, where Syphax
to gain time propoſes Conditions of Peace. XIV. Afdrubal and Syphax
deſign to ſurprize Scipio. XV. Scipio calls a Council, where he reſolves to
prevent hic Enemies. XVI. Scipio aſſaults Afdrubal's Camp by Night,
takes it, pillages it, and kills 30000 Men. XVII. Afdrubal upon his de-
feat is condemned to death by the Carthaginians ; but yet rallies his forces.
XVIII. A Sea-Fight between the Romans and Carthaginians. XIX. Bat-
tel between Syphax and Mafaniffa, where Syphax is defeated, and taken
Priſoner. XX. Sophonisba, Syphax's Wife, ſends her excuſes to Mafa-
niffa, who receives her, and then poiſons her, to avoid the delivering her up
to Scipio. XXI. Hanno ſuborns People to ſet fire an Scipio's Camp, they
are diſcovered, and put to death. XXII. Scipio wafting the Country, the
Carthaginians conſult about the re-calling of Hannibal, yet ſend their Am-
baſſadors to Rome, to treat of Peace, which is concluded between the two
Eſtates. XXIII. Hannibal returned to Africa, prepares for War, and the
Carthaginians break the Peace by pillaging the Roman Ships. XXIV. Han-
nibal undertakes the Charge of the Army, is hardly put to it by Scipio, where-
upon he ſues for Peace, which is granted him ; but the People will not con-
ſent. XXV. Hannibal confers with Scipio, who forces him at length to
give Battel. XXVI. The two Generals draw up their Armies in Battalia,
and make their Orations to their Souldiers. XXVII. The Battel between
Hannibal and Scipio, where Hannibal is defeated. XXVIII. Scipio ap
proaches Carthage, the Citizens fue for Peace, which is granted on
Condition the Senate ratifie it. XXIX. The People oppoſe the Peace, yet
ſend deputies to Rome, where at an Aſſembly of the Senate, the Peace is ra-
tified. Scipio's Triumph. XXXI. Difference betwixt Mafaniffa and the
Carthaginians, in which the Romans concern themſelves. XXXII. The
great Battel between Mafaniffa, and the Carthaginians, with the ſiege of
their Camp by that King, who makes them paß under the roke. XXXIII.
The Romans laying hold on the occaſion, it is decreed in the Senate to make
War upon Carthage, and that that City be raſed. XXXIV. The Conſuls
advance into Sicily, whither the Carthaginians bring them three hundred of
their children for Hoſtages. XXXV. From Sicily they paß to Utica, where
the Carthaginians yield up their Arms. XXXVI. The Confuls declare to
the Deputies, the Senates reſolution, touching the demoliſhing of Carthage.
XXXVII. Hanno's Oration to the Conſuls to move them to compaſſion.
XXXVIII. Cenforinus Anſwer. XXXIX. The Carthaginians hearing the
News, in deſperation prepare for War. XL. Deſcription of the City of
Carthage. XLI. The beginning of the ſiege. XLII. A noble Act of Sci-
pio's, yet but Tribune. XLIII. Death of Mafaniffa, whole Goods are di-
vided among his Children by Scipio, the Executor of his Will. XLIV.
Scipio draws Phameas to the Roman Party, they go both to Rome, and are
magwificently received. XLV. Calphurnius Pifo, and L. Mancinus, come
to command the Army, who ſpend the Summer without doing any thing.
XLVI. The Carthaginians take heart and contemn the Romans. XLVII.
Scipio choſen Conſul, he comes to Utica, where he finds Mancinus, and the
Army in great danger, from which he dif-engages them. XLVIII
. He re-
eſtabliſhes Diſcipline in the Army. XLIX. He takes the place of Megara.
L. He ſeizes on the Neck of the Peninſula, where he fortifies himſelf, and
by

PARTI
or, Punick War.
3
1
by that means brings a Famine into the City. LI. He blocks up the Port of
Carthage with a dam, and the Carthaginians open another paſſage on the
other ſide, at which they iſſue out with a great number of ſhips. LII. A
Sea-fight with almoſt equal loß. LIII. Scipio fezes on the great Plat-form,
or Bulwark before the Walls. LIV. He takes and pillagės the Camp before
Nephere, and makes himſelf Maſter of all the Plain-country of Lybia.
LV. He takes the City, and thoſe in the Citadel fubmit, ſave only the Run-
aways with Afdrubals Wife. LVI. He ſends the News to Rome, and
after having given all neceſſary Orders in Africa, returns to Rome, which
he enters in triumph.
buchib bir
bons bottom
He Phenicians built Carthage in Africa, fifty years before i
the fack of Troy. It was Founded by Xorus, and Carchea
don, or as the Romans, and indeed the Carthaginians
themſelves, will have it, by a Tyrian Lady called Dido,
who (her Husband being privily murdered by Pygma-
leon Tyrant of Tyre, which was revealed to her in a
Dream) conveyed aboard all the Treaſure ſhe could, and ſhipping her ſelf
with ſome Tyrians that fled from the Tyranny, came to Lybia, to that
place where now Carthage ftands; and upon the people of that Countries
refuſal to receive them, they demanded for their Habitation only ſo much
Land as they could compaſs with an Oxe-hide. This propoſition ſeemed
ridiculous to the Africans, and they thought it a ſhame to refuſe Strangers
a thing of ſo ſmall conſequence; beſides they could not imagine how any
Habitation could be built in fo fmall a patch of ground, and therefore that
they might have the pleaſure to diſcover the Phenicians fubtilty, they
granted their requeſt. Whereupon the Tyrians taking an Oxe-hide, cut it
round about, and made fo fine a Thong, that they therewith encompaſſed
the place where they afterwards built the Citadel of Carthage, which
from thence was called * Byrfa. Soon after by little and little rex-
*Byrſa in
tending their limits, and becoming ſtronger then their Neighbours, cas
Greek
figni
they were much more cunning, they cauſed Ships to be built to fies a dides
traffick on the Sea after the manner of the Phenicians, by which means
they built a City adjoyning to their Citadel. Their power thus
encreaſing, they became Maſters of Lybia', and the circumadjacent
Sea ; and at laſt making War upon Sicily, Sardinia, and all the Ilands
of that Sea, and even in Spain it ſelf, they ſent thithér Colonies, till
at length from fo fmall a beginning, they formed an Eſtate compa-
"rable in Power to that of the Greeks, and in Riches to that of the
Perſians.
To domosda roti bvba
zid
* But about ſeven hundred years after the Foundation of Carthage, the 11
Romans won Sicily from the Carthaginians, and after that Sardinia, and at
length in the ſecond Punick War, Spain it ſelf. I After which theſe Nations
being in continual War, the Carthaginians under the command of Han-
nibal waſted Italy for fixteen years together, till ſuch time as the Romans
commanded by Cornelius Scipio the Elder, deprived them of their power,
taking from them their Ships, and Elephants, and forcing them to pay Tri-
bute; whereupon a ſecond Peace was concluded between theſe two people.
This laſted fifty years, after which began the third and laſt Punick
:War, in which the young Scipio being General of the Romans, Carthage
was utterly ruined, and ſtrict prohibition made of Rebuilding it. Howe-
Verg
В 2

4
PARTI.
The Lybian,
ver, the Romans founded another Town in a place near adjacent, which
they made choice of for the greater conveniency of keeping the Africans
in ſubjection. Now becauſe in our Hiſtory of Sicily, we have already ſet
down all the memorable acts of the Carthaginians there, and in that of
Spain, what paſſed in that Country, as likewiſe in that of Hannibal , all the
actions of that Captain in Italy, we have reſolved in this Book to write
only what was done in Lybia, after the beginning of that War which fuc-
ceeded that of Sicily.
When therefore the War of Sicily was ended, the Romans armed
three hundred and fifty Ships, with which they made a deſcent into Lybia;
where after having reduced fome Cities under their obedience, they left
Attilius Regulus to command the Army. This General gained the Romans
two hundred Cities more, which ſurrendred to him, being weary of the
Government of Carthage ; and preſſing forward his Conqueſts, he ſpoiled
their Territories, even to their very Gates. After all theſe loffes, which the
Carthaginians believed happened to them only for want of good Generals,
they demanded one from the Lacedemonians, who ſent to them Xantippus.
Attilius was nowencamped near the Fens of Lybia, from whence upon
Intelligence of this Captain's arrival,he advanced towards the Enemy; but
having taken his march along the Edge of the Marſhes, and in the greateſt
heats of Summer, his Souldiers were grievouſly incommoded by the weight
of their Arms, by thirſt, heat, labour, and the darts thrown on them,
from the Mountains ; yet though they marched in this condition all the
day, coming towards the Evening to a River, which now only ſeparated
the two Armies ; he forthwith made his Men paſs over, believing it would
ſtrike a terrour into Xantippus his Army. The Lacedemonian on the
other ſide, judging it would be no hard matter to overcome people haraſſed
in that manner , beſides that he had the night to favour him, preſently
u drew up his Army in order and advanced to charge Attilius. In which he
was not deceived, for of thirty thouſand Men that compoſed the Roman
Army, a few only faved themſelves in the City of Apides, all the reſt were
Alain or taken Priſoners and the General himself fell into the Enemies hand.
Yet this advantage obſtructed not the Carthaginians , tyred with the
War, from ſending Ambaſſadors to Rome to demand Peace, and Attilius
himſelf went upon Parol, to return himſelf a Priſoner if he obtained it not.
And yet this Captain when he came to confer with the prime Men of
Rome, was ſo far from inclining them to Peace, that he perſwaded them to
continue the War; and without doing ought elſe returned to Carthage, re-
ſolved to ſuffer the utinoſt of their torments, and indeed the Carthaginians
ſhut him up in a Cask driven full of ſharp Nails, where he ended his Life
moſt miſerably. However, this good ſucceſs was the cauſe of Xantippus
his death, for the Carthaginians fearing left all the honour of the Victory
would be attributed to the Lacedemonians, feigned a gratification of their
General, making him magnificent Preſents, and ſending him back in Gal-
leys of their own, but with orders to the Commanders of them, that as
foon as they came into the open Sea, theyſhould throw Xantippus and the
Lacedemonians over-board; ſo unhappy a recompence did this valiant Man
receive for fo brave an Action. And this is all that was done conſiderable
in the firſt Punick Wars till ſuch time as the Carthaginians quitted to the
Romans all their Rights in Sicily, Now we have in our Sicilian Hiſtory ſet
down in what manner this Treaty was made, therefore ſhall ſay no more
here.

PARTI.
5
or, Punick War.
IV
V
here. It will be ſufficient to underſtand that by this means Peace was
concluded between the People of Rome and Carthage.
Afterwards the Africans who were ſubject to the Carthaginians and
aſlifted them againſt Sicily, and the Celtes who ſerved under their pay
in that War, complaining that the promiſes made them had not been per-
formed, declared War againſt them, which obliged thoſe of Carthage to de-
mand aid from the Romans as their friends, from whom notwithſtanding
they could obtain no more, fave a permiſſion to levy Souldiers in Italy at
their own Charge:for and indeed by the Articles of the Treaty they could
not require ſo much as that favour ; how be it the Romans ſent deputyes
into Africa to determine the difference, and make Peace between theſe
people. But the Africans would by no means hearken to it,offering rather
to ſubmit themſelves to their government if they deſired it, which how-
ever they would not accept: this was the reaſon that made the Carthagi-
nians fit out ſo powerful a Fleet to revenge themſelves on theſe Revolters,
that the Sea being no longer left open to the Lybians ; by which they
might fetch in Proviſions, and the land being left untill?d by reaſon of the
Wars; they were reduced to ſuch great ſcarcity, as inforced them to return
under the Carthaginians obedience.
This mighty Fleet not only pillaged the Lybians büt even all they met
with, and the Romans themſelves, whom they threw over-board after they
had rifled them, that it might not come to be known at Rome, and indeed
it was a long time ere theſe crimes were diſcovered, and when they were,
the Carthaginians ſeemed very averſe to the giving ſatisfaction, till ſuch
time that War being by the Romans declared againſt them they quitted
Sardinia in reparation of this injury. And this Article was added to the
firſt treaty of Peace. Sometime after the Carthaginians ſent an Army into
Spain to reduce it under their obedience, and becauſe they aſſailed thoſe
People feparately, they had already well advanced their Conqueſts: When
the Saguntines had recourſe to the Romans for aid : Hereupon the Cartha-
ginians made a ſecond Treaty, by which they were bound not to A& cany
Hoſtilities beyond the River Iberus, but this Treaty was foon broken, for
Hannibal paſt that River, and leaving the Forces in Spain under the Com-
mand of other Captains came thundring into Italy with a Mighty. Army.
The Romans had at this time in Spain, Publius Scipio and his brother
Cneus Cornelius, who after having gained fundry Victories, were flain by
the Enemy. Thoſe who ſucceeded them had no better fuccefs,until Scipio
the Son of that Publius who was kill'd in Spain being commanded thither
with an Army, all the world looked upon him as a man ſent by the Order
of Heaveri, and guided by a Divine Spirit, ſo great and glorious were his
Actions. At laſt having gain'd much Honour and Renown, he deli-
vered up the Army into their hands whom the Senate had appointed to
fucceed hiin.
VI.
Being returned to Rome he demanded Commiſſion to paſs into
Africa with an Army, promiſing himſelf both to oblige Hannibal to quit
Italy, and to force reaſon from the Carthaginians in their own Country.
Many who had the higheſt charges in the Commonwealth diſliked the
project, alleging there was little appearance of doing any good by fending
an Army into Africa, and quitting Italy, already by the Wars reduced al-
moſt to extremity,whilft Hannibal
raged with Fire and Sword, and Hanno
was

6
The Lybian,
Part I.
was coming to fall on them with great multitudes of Ligurians and Celtes.
But the oppoſite party argued that it might well be believed that the Car-
thaginians who attempted not the Conqueſt of Italy, but becauſe they
feared nothing at Home, would ſoon recal Hannibal when they ſaw War
at their own Doors, this opinion prevailed, but upon condition that Scipio
fhould make no levies in Italy fo long as Hannibal was in Arms, but if any
Volunteers preſented themſelves he might make uſe of them as likewiſe of
the Army of Sicily, they likewiſe permitted him to take for his paſſage
ten of their Gallies ready fitted, with all thoſe that he could find in Sicily,
yet without furniſhing him with any Mony, but what himſelf could raiſe
among his private friends, fo mean opinion had they of this enterpriſe
which afterwards proved of ſuch mighty importance. But Scipio who
feem'd carried to Carthage by ſome Divine Power, tranſported him-
felf into Sicily with only about ſeven thouſand Horſe and Foot, out of all
which he choſe three hundred of the moſt ſtrong and comely youth for a
guard to his Perſon; he would not arrive them in Italy, but as ſoon as he
arrived in Sicily he commanded a like number of the richeſt of the Iſland
to appear at a certain place with the faireft Arms and beſt Horſes they
could procure ; And as ſoon as they were come gave them leave to put
other Perſons in their places, which being accepted by the Sicilians he pre-
ſented to them his three hundred young men commanding them, to give
V them their Arms and their Horſes, which they willingly confented to,
thus, inſtead of three hundred Sicilians, Scipio mounted and armed his
three hundred Italians, who could not but give him thanks for ſuch
a favor and indeed did afterwards ferve him Excellently well in many
occaſions. otrastenis univig adj o ddiovs yrav bonus!
iup voli mors finings bonbob asmod sela vd gnist
VII.
So As foon as the Carthaginians underſtood theſe things they gave
Commiffion to Afdrubal the ſon of Giſco to aſſemble Elephants and ſent to
Mago who was then raiſing Forces in Liguria, fix thouſand Foot,
eight hundred Horfe and feven Elephants with Orders forthwith
* Tuſcany. to enter * Hetruria with all the force he could make, hoping to
oblige Scipio to quit his deſign on Zybia. Magol was not over-quick,
in the Execution of theſe Orders, whether it were that he could not
joyn with Hannibal, who was far diftant, or that he forefaw a troubleſome
event of the Enterpriſe. Afdrubal upon his return from the Chaſe of the
Elephants, levies upon the Lands of the Carthaginians and Lybians, fix
thouſand Foot and eight hundred Horſe, he buys likewiſe five thouſand
flaves for the Gallies, and the Numidians furniſhed him with two thou-
fand Horſe, beſides fome Foreign Merčenary Troops, ſo that having
affembled an Army compofed of fundry Nations, he brought them
about two hundred Furlongs from the City and there excerciſed and
trained them.coll bass much bird
obainiogas Buch sonoris mother abgul tioria osnivan
VIII.
There were at preſent in Numidis divers Kings whoſe Eſtates
were ſeparate, among whom Syphax held the firſt degree. Mafaniſſa Son
to the King of the Maſfefulians a Warlike People, was likewife very con-
fiderable, and was withal ſo comely of perſon and active of mind that
Afdrubal the ſon of Gifco one of the principal men of Carthage deſired him
for his ſon in law though he were a Numidian. As ſoon as the Marriage
was agreed upon, that young Prince went to make War in Spain; but
Syphax who was in love with the Lady, mad that ſhe was engaged to ano-
ther, with an Army invades the Carthaginians Lands, and promiſes. Scipio
(who

Part I.
or, Punick War.
7
(who came out of Spain to confer with him) that if he would aſſault
Carthage he would joyn Arms with him ; which was the reaſon that the
Carthaginians,
who knew well of what importance Syphax would be to
them in this War, gave him Mafaniſſa's Miſtreſs in Marriage without ei-
ther his or Aſdrubals own knowledg ; for they were both together in Spain.
That young Prince receiving advice of the affront done him, ſo much re-
ſented it, that to revenge himſelf he entered into a ſecret alliance with
Scipio, which yet could not be kept fo private but it came to Aſdrubals
knowledge, who though he were much troubled at the injury done to this
Lover and his Miſtreſs,yet he believed he was bound to prefer the publick
good to his private reſentment, and therefore to make away Mafaniſſa.
To which end, when this Prince was upon return from Spain to take poſ-
ſeſſion of his Fathers Kingdom, lately dead, he gave him fome Horſe to
accompany him, with Orders to deſtroy him, in what manner ſoever it
were; but the King ſuſpecting their deſign, withdrew himſelf privily out
of their hands, and went to ſeife upon his Fathers Kingdom, which after
he had got poffeffion of, he drew together a flying wing of people accu-
ſtomed to fight by night as well as by day and to charge and retreat in a
marvelous manner: for ſo they make war in Numidia, where the men eaſily
endure hunger, live on herbs inſtead of bread, and drink only water, and
where the Horſes never eat Oats but feed only on Straw and Graſs, and
drink but ſeldom. Mafaniſſa's Army was compoſed of twenty thouſand
men of this temper, with whom he made ſtrange incurſions, ſpoiling the
Neighboring Provinces out of deſign to keep his men in Exerciſe. Theſe
preparations made both the Carthaginians and Syphax, who had been com-
plices in the affront put upon the young Prince, believe they were made
only to ſerve againſt them, wherefore they reſolved to prevent him, ma-
king account that after they had defeated him, they would go meet the
Romans. They had a far greater Army then he, & carried along with them
great quantities of Baggage and Waggons, loaden not only with things
neceffary but voluptuous, on the contrary Mafaniffa was in all labor
an Example to his Souldiers ; Among all his Cavalry there was no loads
either of Proviſion or Baggage, ſo that having nothing to hinder them,
ſometimes they made a retreat, ſometimes they charged the Enemy, and
then again retired into places ſtrong by Situation. If ſometimes he per-
ceived himſelf preſſed too hard upon, he gave order to his people to ſave
themſelves as they beſt could, and in the mean time kept himſelf conceal-
ed only with a few, till ſuch time as all returning by day or by night,
they were again aſſembled at the place by him appointed for their Ren-
dezvouz Nay ſometimes it hapned, that he hid himſelf only with two
horſemen in a Cave,about which the enemy lay encamped, and that with
out being diſcovered. And it was indeed his principal care that the ene-
my ſhould not know the place of his retreat, that they might never be
able to aſſail him, but alwaies be forced to ſtand upon their own defence,
As for proviſion he gave himſelf not much trouble, ftill-furniſhing himſelf
by nightly ſurpriſes and whether it were Village, Town or City, he
plundered all, dividing the Prey among his Companions. For which rea-
ſon many Numidians flocked to him, not for pay, for he had none eſtabli-
ſhed, but for booty which was more worth then pay. sbhaiendaninind
I bob boston
Whilft, Malaniſja thus made war againft the Carthaginians, Scipio
had perfected his preparations in Sicily,fo that having facrificed to Fupiter
and Neptune, he fet fayl for Affrica with two and fifty long Ships, four
hundred
IX.

8
PART I
The Lybian
X.
hundred Ships of burthen, and a great number of Barks and Shallops: his
forces were compoſed of Sixteen thouſand foot and Six hundred horſe,and
with them he brought great ſtore of Arms and Engines of War. Syphax
and the Carthaginians having advice of his coming reſolved to make a
diſſembled peace with Mafaniſſa, and to patch up things with him until
ſuch time as they had defeated Scipio. But well he knew their deſign, and
that he might pay them in their own Coyn, (having firſt fent advice to
Scipio) he comes to find out Aſdrubal with his whole body of horſe as if
he had been indeed reconciled. It was near unto Utica that Aſdrubal,
Syphax and Mafaniſſa were incamped ſeparately, and Scipio having been
driven by the winds on that Coaſt, was likewiſe encamped near unto Af-
drubal, who had twenty thouſand foot, ſeven thouſand horſe, and twenty
ſeven Elephants
. Whether Syphax were afraid,or that he had a mind to
betray all parties, he feigned that his Neighbors had invaded his Kingdom,
and under pretence to go and defend it, left the others.
Brasseri mogu biti
Scipio in the mean while having reduced ſome Cities under his
obedience, ſent daily out ſome of his people to skirmiſh, that he might
draw Afdrubal to a battel, which yet he deſpaired to do, when Maſaniſſa
by night comes ſecretly to his Camp, where after ſome Civilities paſſed on
either ſide, he adviſes him to place the next morning five thouſand men in
Ambuh, about thirty furlongs from Utica, near the tower of Agathocles,
formerly Tyrant of Syracufa ; And about break of day he perſwades Al-
drubal, to ſend Hanno who commanded the horſe, to take a view of the
Roman forces and throw himſelf into Utica, left the enemy lying fo near,
thoſe inhabitants ſhould revolt, offering himſelf to follow and fecond him,
if Aſdrúbal thought it convenient. Hanno hereupon took the field with a
thouſand choſen Carthaginian horſe, and ſome Lybians, Mafaniſſa with
his Numidians followed : But when they were on the right hand of the
Tower, Hanno with a few of his people having already taken the way
towards Utica, va part of thoſe who lay in Ambuſh appeared, which gave
opportunity to Maſaniſſa to advife him, whom Hanno had left to com-
mand the Carthaginian horſe to charge, as if the Enemy had been but an
inconſiderable number,and he himſelf followed under pretence of fecond-
ing him. The Africans hereupon advancing, the reſt of the Ambuſh ap-
peared, and now were thefe unfortunate people encloſed on all fides, and
as well by the Romans as by Maſaniſſa i himſelf cut all in pieces, ſave only
four hundred which were taken Priſoners. After this defeat he poſts af-
ter Hanno,and coming up him as if he had been his friend, arreſts him and
carries him priſoner into Scipio's Camp, and afterwards exchanged him for
his Mother who was in Aſdrubal's hands. bisiw suods Store
10. nils siso lucionit inities thrA borob good to
ed After thata Scipio and Mafaniſja were joyned together, they pil-
laged the whole Country, and delivered from bondage thoſé Romans
which they found in Fetters, deſtined to toyl and ſlavery, and who had
been ſent thither by Hannibal from Spain, Sicily and even from Italy it
ſelf. Afterwards they laid Siege before a great City called Zocha, where
they found great difficulties; yet at length it hapned that as they were
bringing the Ladders to the Walls, reſolved to take it by Storm, the inha-
bitants by a Herauld demanded that they might have permiſſion to march
out of the Town, with their Arms and Baggage; whereupon Scipio cau-
fed the Retreat to be founded. But the Souldiers angred at the miſeries
they had undergone in the liege, would not obey, but ſcaled the walls, kil-
berbau
ling
XI.

PARTI.
or, Punick War.
9
ling all they met with and ſparing neither ſex nor age ; The General ſent
away without ranſom all that were ſaved, and as a puniſhment of their
diſobedience, he took away all the plunder from the Souldiers, and cauſed
thoſe Officers, were the cauſe of it, to caſt Lots for their lives, in the fight
of the whole Army, of whom three only he condemned to death, to whom
fortune was not favorable.
Being returned again to waſt the Country, Aſdrubal laid a plot XII.
to ſurprize him, and to effect it, gave Order to Mago who Commanded
his horſe,to charge him in the Front, whilſt he another way fell in upon the
Rear. The Romans finding themſelves thus engaged in the midſt of their
Enemies, divided their Army, likewiſe into two parts, and Scipio and
Mafanilla commanding each their body, cut in pieces five thoufand Afri-
cans,took eighteen hundred Priſoners and purſued the reſt ſo cloſe, that
many of them tumbled headlong down the ſteep Rocks.
Some days after Scipio beſieged Utica by Sea and by Land, and XIII.
having joyned two Gallies together, built Towers upon them, from whence
he calt into the City Darts and Stones. Thus he did ſome damage to the
inhabitants ; but he received likewiſe by the loſs of ſome ſhips. Mean
while in the Siege by land they raiſed great platforms near the walls on
which they planted batteries and with great * hooks ſtrove to pull down * The Greek
the rampire. The inhabitants on the other ſide undermined the be- calls them,
fiegers works by paſſages under ground, tumbling them down as faſt Indeed they
as they raiſed them; they twined aſide the hooks with Ropes, ſo that did call theſe
they could take no effect; they oppoſed to the Rams great Timbers or fort of books,
Booms which received the blow without endamaging the walls, and ſcyths
when the wind blew towards the Engines they darted out fire-brands to which they
burn them. Inſomuch that Scipio out of hopes to take the City by this made use of
way of fighting, reſolved to carry it by aſſault, when Syphax having intel- in the ſame
ligence of his deſign advances his Army, and encamps near Aſdrubal.
they did the
He declares himſelf a friend to both parties; But it was only to gain ſo Rams,only
much time, till thoſe other Ships then building for the Carthaginians the Rams
were in a readineſs, and the Souldiers raiſed in Gaul and Liguria ar- beat the
rived. He would likewiſe have become a Mediator between the two Walls in-
Eſtates and propoſed a Treaty, the Conditions of which were, that wards, and
the Carthagiman Army ſhould return out of Italy, and the Romans the Scyths
depart out of Lybia and for the reſt that Sicily, Sardinia and the Pulled them
other Iles that had belonged to the Carthaginians, together with and for the
Spain, ſhould remain entire to the people of Rome making his proteſta- word ram-
tion that if either of the parties refuſed to conſent to theſe propoſitions he pier the
would joyn with the other; In the mean time he uſed his utmoſt endea-Greek ſays,
the hides and
vours to gain Mifani ſa, promiſing to ſecure to him the Kingdom of the
other cover:
Maffeſuliens, and to give him in Marriage which of his three daughters he ings, there is
deſired. His agent that came to Maſaniſſa with theſe offers brought ſtore a like de-
of money along with him, to the end that if he could obtain nothing from ſcription in
him he might corrupt ſome of his Domeſticks to Murder him, and accord- the Seventh
ingly not being able to gain him, before his return, he gave Mony to one of Bojk of Cize-
ſar's Coma
that Princes followers, who promiſed him to execute the treaſon; but when
mentaries
he had received the funm diſcovered it to his Maſter who puniſhed the in the Siege
ſuborner. Whereupon Syphax ſeeing all his Artifices fail declared him-
of Bourgesa
ſelf openly for the Carthaginians, and having by means of a Traytor ta-
ken a City in the plain Country called Tnolon, where the Romans had great
С
Stores

IO
PART I.
The Lybian,
ſtores of Ammunition and Proviſion, he put to the Sword all the Garriſon
who refuſed to yield to him.
XIV. A great recruit of Numidians being come and thie Gaules and
Ligurian Souldiers arrived with thoſe ſhips the Carthaginians had fitted
out, they reſolved to fight. Syphax returned to the fiege of Utica. Af-
drubal encamped near to Scipio, and the Carthaginian fleet came to An-
I chor directly againſt the other to the end they might fall on all at a time,
and ſo that the Romans being much fewer in number and ſeparate the one
from the other, might not be able to ſuſtain the power of their enemies.
Mafaniſſa having advice of this deſign from fome Numidians, went and
communicated it to Scipio, who without any delay (judging that if his
Army were thus divided they would not be ſtrong enough to ſtand the
ſhock ) the ſame night aſſembled the Council, and when he ſaw they loſt
time without reſolving any thing, he thus ſpoke to his Captains.
XV.
Certainly Gentlemen, there is a neceſſity in this occaſion both of great
Courage and Diligence, and we muft reſolve to fight like deſperate men. We
muft ſtrive how to prevent our enemies, and behold now the advantage we
Shall gain by it. This unexpected aſſault will ſtrike a terror into them, and
ſince we are the fewer in number, by charging them with all our forces joyned
together, we ſhall not have to deal with all our enemies, but only with thoſe we
fball firſt attemptoſince their Camps are ſepardte one from the other : thus we
Shall be equal in number and ſurpaß them in good fortune and bravery. If
God give us victory over the firſt we will ſcorn the other. If therefore you ap-
prove my opinion I will tell you in a few words which of three Armies we
Shall firſt aſſault,jn what manner we are to act, and when to begin. As ſoon
as they had all given their approbation of this advice. It is time, ſaid he,
to put in Execution our deſign
as ſoon as we have made an end of this conference.
Whilf it is night and dark, the fizht will ſeem more dreadful to our enemies,
and we Mall find them leß prepared'beſides the obfcurity will hinder them from
being able to fuccour one another, and in this manner we ſhall prevent this de-
ſign they have of aſſailing us to morrow. Now as they are three Armies, that
at Sea is diſtant, and it is not poſſible to aſſault ſhips by night ; Afdrubal and
Syphax are not encamped far from each other, Aſdrubal is the Principal
Chief, and Syphax barbarous, effeminate and fearful as he is, will never un-
dertake any thing in the dark; Wherefore let us make an attempt upon Af-
drubal with all our Forces, and place Mafaniffa in Ambuh againſt Syphax,
if by chance and contrary to our belief he ſhould come to aſſiſt the other. Let us
march with our foot directly to Aſdrubal's Camp and ſtorm it couragiouſly on
all ſides, till we have forced his trenches. As for the Horſe ſince they are not
fit for this night ſervice, We will place them on the Avenues of the enemies
Camp, that if by misfortune we be repulled they may ſupport and favour our
Retreat, and if we gain the advantage they may purſue and deſtroy the flyers.
Having finiſhed this diſcourſe he gave order to his Captains forthwith to
draw their Souldiers to Arms, whilſt he ſacrificed to Courage and Fear,that
none might in the night be terrified, but on the Contrary the whole Army
bear themſelves couragiouſly in the Enterpriſe.
About the third watch the Trumpets founded a dead march and
all the Army advanced towards Aſdrubal's Camp without making the leaſt
noiſe till ſuch time as the Horfe had ſeized the Avenues, and the foot were
upon the Ditch. Then was there raiſed among them a terrible noiſe of
confuſed
XVI.
320

PAR: 1
or, Punick War.
II
confuſed voices mixed with Trumpets, the more to affright the enemy,
and therewith falling on, they beat back the guards, fill d up the trench,
pulld down the Paliſadoes, and ſome of the boldeſt preſſing forwards be-
gan to fet fire on the Tents. The Africans full of confuſion take their
Arms between ſleep and waking, and endeavor to draw into a battel, but
the tumult was ſo great they could not hear the voices of them that Com
manded, and their General himſelf knew not the cauſe of the Alarm.
The Romans thronged in among theſe people whom they found in diſor-
der and ill Armed, fetting all before them on fire, and putting all they
met with to the Sword ; Their ſhouts, the fight of them, and their
fierceneſs, ſtroke terror into theſe miſerable people, and the night and
the incertainty of the danger increaſed it, ſo that believing all their Camp
was abſolutely taken, fearing to be involved in the general ruine they
thronged in crouds towards the plain, where they thought they might be
in more ſecurity, and every one taking his own way they fell into the
hands of the horſemen, who made a moſt dreadful ſlaughter, Syphax
heard this great noiſe in the night and ſaw the flames, but ſtirred not out
of his Camp,only ſent ſome Troops of Horſe to affiſt Aſdrubal who falling
into Mafaniſſa's Ambuſh were all cut of; When at break of day Syphaxt
underſtood that Aſdrubal was fled, that all his Army were either ſlain,
taken, or ran away, that his Camp with all his munition of war was in
the Romans poſſeſſion, he deſerted all, retiring farther up into the Conti-
tinent, out of fear leſt Scipio returning from the Chaſe of Afdrubal ſhould
turn his Arms againſt him, leaving his Camp and all it's furniture as a
prey to Maſanilja. Thus at one Itroke in leſs then a night the Romans
took two Camps and routed two Armies beyond compariſon greater than
theirs. The vanquiſhers loft about one hundred Souldiers, and the van-
quiſhed about thirty thouſarıd, beſides two thouſand four hundred "that
were taken Priſoners, and fix hundred Horſe that came to ſubmit them-
felves to Scipio upon his return from the Victory, as for the Elephants they
were all either wounded or killed, Scipio having gained in this battel great
quantity of Arms, Gold, Silver, Ivory and Horſes, as well Numidian as
others, and beholding the Carthaginian forces ruined by this great victory,
diſtributed part of the booty among his Souldiers, ſent whatever was moſt
precious to Rome, and began to Exerciſe his Army in Labor and Travel, ex-
pe&ting Hannibal, who was ere long to return from Italy, as was likewiſe
Hanno from Liguria.
Aſdrubal General of the Carthaginians having been wounded XVII.
in this nights battel, faved himſelf with five hundred Horſe at Anda,
where he rallyed fome Mercenaries, and ſome fled Numidians, and gave
liberty to all ſlaves that would bears Arms, and at length underſtanding
that his Citizens had condemned him to death for his ill Conduct in this
War, and that they had made Hanno the Son of Bomilcar his Succeſſor, he
took a reſolution to keep himſelf with this Army, which conſiſted of three
thouſand Horſe and eight thouſand Foot,beſides a great Number of Crimi-
nals that reſorted to him, with which he marched through all places
where he had any hopes toget proviſions, inuring them to hardſhip, having
prepared himſelf to periſh if he could not overcome, which was a long
time unknown as well to the Romans as Carthaginians.
Mean while Scipio marched at the head of his Army to the very XVIIL
Walls of Carthage, where he preſented battel to the Citizens, but they
C 2
would

12
PARTI
The Lybian,
would not accept it. But Amilcar their Admiral went with one hundred
Ships to the Port where Scipio's Fleet lay, believing that before Scipio could
return he ſhould eaſily defeat twenty Roman Gallies with his hundred
Ships: But Scipio having intelligence of his Deſign ſent his Orders before
to block up the Ports mouth with Ships of burthen, which they ranged
before it at Anchor, in ſuch manner that there were paſſages left for the
Roman Gallies to Sally out when they ſaw an advantage, and yet theſe
great Ships were faſtned together by the Yard-arms, and ſerved as a wall
againſt the enemies. The work was not quite finiſhed at his arrival,but
he foon brought it to perfection. The Carthaginian Ships then coming to
aſſault the Romans were beaten off by flights of Arrows and Stones, as
well from thoſe in the ſhips as on ſhore, and from the walls of the Port,in-
fomuch that moſt of them being battered and the Souldiers quite tyred
they retired in the Evening without doing any thing. As they made
their retreat the Roman Gallies fallied by the paſſages which we ſpoke of be-
fore;and when they found they could execute nothing theyretreated into the
Port by the ſame paſſages. At length they brought to Scipio one of the
enemies ſhips, but not a man in her. After theſe encounters, it being now
winter, each party retired to their Garriſons.
XIX. The Romans cauſed proviſion to be brought for themſelves by
Sea, but thoſe of Utica and Carthage being in great neceſſity plundred
thoſe which brought them, till a recruit of Thipping being come to
Scipio he oppoſed the enemy in ſuch manner that they nor daring longer
to cruiſe as they were wont, thoſe Cities were miſerably afflicted with
famine. During this ſame winter Syphax not being far diſtant, Maſaniſſa
deſired of Scipio a third part of the Roman Army, which being arrived un-
der the Command of Lelius and joyned with that Kings Forces, they to-
gether purſued Syphax, who ſtill retreated before them, till ſuch time as
coming to the Banks of a certain River he was forced to fight. The Nu-
midians according to their Cuſtom caſt at firſt charge ſhowers of Darts at
each other, whilſt the Romans covering themſelves
with their ſhields ſtill
advanced forward. Syphax ſeeing Majanila in the heat of the Battel,
tranſported with rage makes directly towards him, and Maſauiſſa joyfully
ruris to meet him: After they had generouſly fought as well on one ſide
as the other, at length Syphax party was routed, and as he was paſſing the
river to ſave himſelf his horſe wounded by ſome accidental ſtroke, reared
and came backward with his Maſter into the water. Whereupon Maſa-
y niſja preſſing in, took him and one of his fons priſoners,both which he fent
to Scipio. There were in this fight about two thouſand men ſlain,on Syphax
his party; the Romans loft feventy five, and Mafariſſa three hundred,
there were likewiſe four thouſand of Syphax men taken priſoners, of
which two thouſand five hundred were Maſſeſuliens that had deſerted
Mafaniſja to take part with Syphax , theſe Maſaniſſa demanded of
Lelius, and having obtained his requeſt cauſed them to be all cut in
pieces.
XX.
After thisthey entred into the Territories of the Maſſefuliens,
and of Syphax, to re-eſtabliſh Mafanija in his Kingdom by receiving thoſe
who ſubmitted, and forcing thoſe to obey who refuſed. The inhabitants
of Cirtha ſent deputies unto them with Orders to offer them the Royal
hay Palace, and in particular there came others to Mafaniſa from Sophonisba
wife of the Priſoner King, to excufe her of that Marriage to which ſhe
had


Part I.
or, Punick War.
13
had been forced. He eaſily accepted of her Excuſes,but when he returned
back to Scipio, left her ſtill at Cirtha, foreſeeing what would happen. When
Syphax was brought to Scipio, he was ask’t by him what evil Genius had
perverted his ſpirit, to the violation of his faith, and deſpiſing of thoſe Gods
that were witneſſes, by deceving the Romans in taking up arms againſt
them, and following the part of the Carthaginians their common enemy;
after having intreated him as a friend to come into Africa. To which he
anſwered, It was Sophonisba the daughter of Afdrubal, with whom, ſays he,
to my ruine I fell in love, ſhe is paſſionately affe&ted to her Country, and there's
no man can withſtand what ſhe deſires, though I was your friend, her Charms
made me the friend of her Country,and from that happineß in which I lived, has
precipitated me into this miſery, ſince therefore I am now at your diſpoſe, and
being loft to Sophonisba, ought to fix my ſelf to your intereſts; I give you ad-
vice to be careful left that woman draw Mafaniſſa from you, for there is no
hopes ſhe ſhould ever favor the Romans ſuch a lover she is of her Country.
Theſe things he ſaid either becauſe they were indeed true, or out of jea-
loufie to prejudice Mafaniffa. After this Scipio having an eſteem of Sy-
phax prudence, and becauſe he knew the Country, called him to the
Council of War and asked his advice, as Cyrus had formerly done with
Cræfiss King of Lydia. Zelims being come and aſſuring him of what had
been before told him concerning Sophonisba, Scipio required Mafaniſſa to
deliver her into his hands, which he ſeeming averſe to do, declaring what
had paſſed between him and that woman, Scipio urged it with more ri-
gor, telling him he ſhould not think to withhold by force any part of that
ſpoil which belonged to the people of Rome, that he ought firſt to pre-
fent her, and afterwards requeſt her back if he thought convenient.
Whereupon he departed with ſome Romans to deliver Sophonisba into their
hands, but firſt he poſted to her himſelf alone, and giving her a cup of
poiſon, told her there was but this choice, either to drink that, or be car
ried Captive to Rome, and without ſaying word more remounted his horſe
and returned: She having ſhewed the Cup to her Nurſe and intreated her
not to mourn her death, ſince thus ſhe died gloriouſly, preſently drunk up
the poiſon. The Romans being come Maſaniſſa expoſed the body to their
view, and after having given it a funeral worthy a Queen, he returned to
wait on Scipio, who highly praiſed him, and to comfort him for the loſs
of an evil woman, crowned him for the Victory gained over Syphax,
and made him moft Magnificent preſents. As for Syphax he being carried
to Rome, ſome were of opinion they ought to pardon a man, had ſerved
them ſo well in Spain, others judged that he ought to be puniſhed the ra-
ther, for having revolted from his friends, but whilſt theſe things were in
debate he died of a diſtemper occaſioned by grief.
When Aſdrubal had well excerciſed his Army, he fent a Meſſen XXI.
ger to Hanno General of the Carthaginians Army to entreat him to accept
him as a Companion in that charge, and withal to tell him that there were
ſome Spaniards in Scipio's Army, who might be corrupted by mony and
promiſes to ſet on fire the Roman Cainp, and there he would not fail to be
ready at the time appointed, if the General thought it convenient: Hanno
having received this advice, though he deſigned to deceive Aſdrubal, yet
reſolved to make uſe of it, and to that erid ſent one of his people into
Scipio's Camp with good quantity of Silver;This man ſhelters himſelf there
as a Runaway and not being ſuſpected by any one, corrupted many, and
after they had ſet a day for putting their deſign in execution, he returns

14
PART I.
I be Lybian,

to Hanno, who preſently ſends him to Aſdrubal, but as Scipio ſacrificed
the Aruſpices having advertiſed him to beware of fire, he gave order to
one of his Domeſticks to take care to ſee the fires put out in all places,
where ſuch an accident might be feared. He continued for ſome days the
fame ſacrifices, and ſtill the entrails threatned him with the ſame mif-
fortune, which troubled him much and made him reſolve to difcamp, but
the plot was in this manner diſcovered. A Certain Roman Knight had a
Spaniſh flave who fuſpecting his companions had ſome miſchievous de-
ſign, feign’d himſelf of the party, and by that means having gain'd
knowledge of the whole enterprize, diſcovered it to his Maſter, his Maſter
brought him to Scipio, who cauſing the guilty wretches to be fiezed on, put
them all to death, and made their bodies be thrown out of the Camp.
Hanno who was not far off having news of it, came not to the place ap-
pointed. Afdrubal who knew nothing of it, came, but ſeeing there fo
many dead bodies, ſuſpecting what had happened, retired. Hanno took
hence an occaſion to criminate him, and to beget an ill opinion of him in
the minds of the Souldiery, giving out that he was come exprefly to fur-
render himſelf to Scipio, but that he refuſing to accept him he was re-
treated and by this Calumny much increaſed the hatred the Carthaginians
bore him.
XXII.
About the ſame time Amilcar made an aſſault upon the Roman
Fleet, took a Galley and fix ſhips of burthen; but Hanno having made an
attempt upon thoſe that beſieged Utica was repulſed and forced to a ſwift
retreat.Scipio however tyred with the length of that fiege raiſed it without
more ado, and cauſed his Engins to be carried before Hypone, where find-
ing no better ſucceſs he burnt them as uſeleſs, and took the field drawing
thereby ſome Countries to his party and pillaging others. Inſomuch that
the Carthaginians aſtoniſhed at fo many loſſes and diſaſters, chofe Hanni-
bal General, and ſent away ſhips for him, that he might make all the haſt
he could for Africa, and in the mean time they fent deputies to Scipio to
treat of peace, hoping either to obtain it, or at leaſt gain time enough for
Hannibals return. Scipio grants them truce, and having cauſed ſufficient
victuals to be provided for his Army, gives them leave to ſend Ambaf-
fadors to Rome to treat the peace with the Senate and people of Rome.
When they came thither they were received as enemies, for they lodged
them without the City, and when they had audience, no other propofition
was made to them but to crave pardon. One part of the Senators de-
claimed againſt the perfidiouſneſs of the Carthaginians, the breach of fo
many treaties, the miſchiefs Hannibal had done to the people of Rome
and their allies as well in Italy as Spain. But others remonſtrated that the
Romans had more need of peace then the Carthaginians, ſeeing Italy was
almoſt ruined by ſo many Wars, beſides there was much reaſon to fear ſo
many Fleets & Armies being ready to pour upon Scypio at one inſtant, Han-
nibal going out of Italy; Mago out of Liguria, and Hanno being already
at Carthage. Upon all which the Senate not coming to any agreement :
ſent the two opinions to Scipio to examine, with full Authority to act
whatever he thought moſt advantagious for the good of the Common-
wealth: he concluded a peace of which the Articles were, That theCar-
thaginians ſhould recal Mago out of Liguria, that for the future they
ſhould entertain no foreign Souldiers under their pay, That they ſhould
have no more then thirty long ſhips, That they ſhould not extend their
Dominions farther then the place called the Pinick ditch. That they
Should


PARTI.
or, Punick War.
15
ſhould deliver up all Captives and Runaways, and that within a limited
time they ſhould bring lixteen hundred Talents into the publick Treaſure.
To Mafanijſa likewiſe they granted by this Treaty that he ſhould enjoy not
only the Country of the Maſſeſuliens, but likewiſe all he had Conquered of
Syphax his Dominions. Theſe Articles being agreed upon, Deputies from
Carthage went to Rome, to ſwear before the Conſuls to keep them inviol-
able, and Commiſſioners went from Rome to Carthage to receive the Oath
of the Carthaginian Magiſtrates. This peace thus ſworn, the people of Rome
gave Mafaniffa as an acknowledgment of his fidelity, and the ſervices he
had done them, a Crown of Gold, a Cup of Gold, a Chariot of Ivory, a
Cloak of Purple, a Robe after the Roman Faſhion, a Horſe trapped with
Gold, and a compleat Suit of Armor.
In the mean time Hannibal ſets fail for Carthage, much againſt XXIII,
his own inclination: for he had no confidence in the people of Carthage,
whom he knew diſtruſtful of their Magiſtrates, and headlong in their
Counſels, and believing the peace not yet concluded, or that if it were it
would not laſt long, he lands at Adrumetum. As ſoon as he was on ſhore
he ſends all about to ſeek for Corn, gives Order to buy horſes, Allies him-
ſelf with the Prince of the Areacides who are a Nation of Numidia.He cau-
ſes to be ſhot to death with Arrows, four thouſand Horſemen that had
formerly ſerved Syphax, afterwards Maſaniſſa, and now at laſt came to of-
fer themſelves to him, becauſe he had a ſuſpition of them, but their Hor-
ſes he divided among his own people. Another Prince named Meſetulus
came likewiſe to joyn with him with Vermina one of the Sons of Syphax,
who yet held a great part of his fathers Kingdom ; Moreover he fiezed on
ſome of the Cities belonging to Mafariſſa partly by ſurrender, and part-
ly by force, and Narce he took by ſurprize in this manner:being in want of
proviſions he lent to them as to his friends till having found an opportunity
he cauſed a great many of his people to enter Armed only with Daggers
under their Coats, with Orders not to offer any affront to the Merchants
till they heard the noiſe of the Trumpet, but then to kill all they met,
and make themſelves Maſters of the Gates, thus was this City taken ; On
the other ſide, though the peace was ſo lately made, Scipio yet upon the
place, and the Carthaginians Deputies not gone from Rome, yet fome
Thips laden with proviſion for the Romans (having by ſtorin been driven
into the Port of Carthage) the Common People pillaged them and put the
Mariners in Irons, notwithſtanding all the threats of the Senate againſt
this feditious rabble, and all the prohibition made againſt violating a Peace
they had fo lately ſworn. They cryed out to excuſe themſelves, that the
treaty was not juſt, and that they were more apprehenſive of famine then
of any danger could arrive by the breach of the peace. Though Scipio
were much offended at this action ; yet he would not revive the war, ha-
ving once made peace : only he ſent to demand fatisfaction by the way of
Juſtice as of friends that had forgot their duty, but the people would needs
have arreſted thoſe who came on the behalf of the Romans, till ſuch time
as their deputies were returned from Rome. But Hanno the Great
and Adrubal Surnamed the Great reſcued them out of the hands of the
peo-
ple, and ſent them back on two Gallies which they fitted out, of which
ſome
gave notice to Aſdrubal Admiral of the Fleet, who then rode at An-
chor near the Promontory of Apollo perſwading him to watch the paffage
of thoſe Gallies, and ſet upon them, which he fo violently performed that
two of the Roman deputies were ſlain with arrows, and the others almoſt
overs

16
Part 1.
The Lybian,
XXIV.
overpreſſed with ſhowers of Darts, with much difficulty faved themſelves
in the Port where their ſhips lay, and had they not nimbly leapt from one
of the Gallies which was already grapled with by the enemy, they had
without doubt been taken priſoners. When news of this came to Rome
the Deputies of Carthage, who were ſtill in that City to compleat the
treaty,were Commanded by the Senate to depart immediately out of Italy
as enemies of the Republick, whereupon they took fhip to return to Car-
thage, but were driven by ſtorm to the place where Scipio lay encamped.
his Admiral took them, and fent to him to know what ſhould be done
with them, Nothing, faid he, of what the Carthaginians have done, and ſo
without any more ado they were ſent home. The Ancients of Carthage
(that is to ſay a body of the moſt prudent and honeſt men) hearing of
this Excellent goodneſs of Scipio's and comparing the injury they had done
to the Romans with the favor they had received, began to declaim againſt
the raſhneſs of their fellow Citizens, and to Counſel
them they would
yet
obſerve the treaty, which might ſtill be done if they ask'd Scipio pardon
for their fault, and ſubmitted to pay a fine, but the people already anima-
ted againſt the Senate by reaſon of the miſeries of the war which they
imputed to the ill Conduct of that Noble body, and ſet on likewiſe by ſome
feditious ſpirits ſuffered themſelves to be tranſported with vain hopes, and
cauſed Hannibal to advance with his Army.
That Captain conſidering the importance of this war perſwaded
the Carthaginians to call Aſdrubal with thoſe forces he had to their aſſiſt-
ance. Whereupon Aſdrubal was by the Senate abſolved of thoſe crimes
he ſtood charged with, having firſt conſigned over his Army to Hannibal.
Yet he durft not publickly Show himſelf in the City for fear of the people,
but kept concealed in the houſe of one of his friends. Mean while Scipio
cauſed his Fleet to lie before Carthage that he might binder all proviſion
coming by Sea, and the in-land could furniſh no great quantity,by reaſon
that during the war they could not till the ground. About the ſame time
happened a fight near Zama between Hannibal and Scipio's horſe, in which
the Romans had the advantage. After which happened ſeveral skirmiſhes
for ſome days together, but of little conſequence, till ſuch time as Scipio
underſtanding that Hannibal wanted proviſions, and that he expected a
ſupply cauſed a Tribune called Thermus to march in the Night to intercept
them, who having taken an advantagious poſt, upon an eminence near
unto a ſtrait,they muſt of neceſſity paſs,flew four thouſand Africans, took
as many Priſoners and brought the Conway to Scipio. In ſo much that
Hannibal beholding himfelf reduced to an extream neceſſity, and confi-
dering what he ſhould do in ſuch a conjuncture,reſolved to ſend meſſengers
to Mafaniſſa to repreſent to him that he had been bred in Carthage, and had
there paffed a confiderable part of his life, entreating him to labor a peace
between Scipio and him by beſeeching him to believe that if any thing of
ill had happened, the fault was to be imputed to the people, or to fome
particular men more fooliſh then the people, Maſaniſſa remembring that
he had indeed been bred and brought up in that City whoſe Majeſty he
ſtill reverenced, and where he likewiſe had a great many particular
friends, beſought Scipio with ſo good a grace that he conſented the Treaty
ſhould be renewed, on condition that the people of Carthage would re-
ſtore to the Romans the ſhip, men, and proviſions, they had taken, or pay
for what could not be reſtored at the price, whereas Scipio ſhould value
them, and for a fine depoſite one thouſand talents. Theſe Conditions be-
ing

PARTI.
or, Punick War.
17
ing agreed on, a Truce was granted till ſuch time as the Articles ſhould
be carried to Carthage. Thus Hannibal ſaved himſelf beyond his own
hopes. When the Senate of Carthage ſaw this agreement they approved
it, and intreated the people to give their conſent by repreſenting to them
the long train of miferies would elſe enfue, and the deep neceſſities they
were in of men, mony, and proviſions. But the populacy (as it is the
Cuſtom of the Vulgar ) believed that the Chiefs in making this peace
labored only
, their private intereft, that being fortified with the friendſhip
of the Romans they might become more powerful in the Country.
That Hannibal had now done the ſame thing Aſdrubal did before, who
having firſt by night betrayed his Army would afterwards have ſurrendred
himſelf to Scipio, having for that end approached his Camp, and lay now
concealed in the City. Theſe diſcourſes raiſed a Tumult among the
people with terrible crys and Exclamations, and many of them leaving thre
aſſembly ran preſently to find out Aſdrubal, who a little before was reti-
red into the Sepulchre of his Father, having firſt poiſoned himſelf. But
they drew him thence dead as he was, cut off his head, and ſetting it on a
Pike carried it through the City. Thus was Aſdrubal firſt banished with-
out having deſerved it, afterwards Hanno accuſed him falſely, and at laſt
his own Citizens forced him to become his own Murderer, and when he
was dead expoſed his body to a thouſand indignifies.
After having treated Aſdrubal in this manner they forthwith XXV.
ſent to Hannibal to break the truce and make war with Scipio,ordering
him to give him battel as ſoon as he could, becauſe of the ſcarcity they
were in. As ſoon as the truce was broke, Scipio preſently took a
great City called Partha, and that done went and encamped near Hanni-
bal, who immediately dífcamped: He had three ſeveral times fent ſpies
into the Roman Camp, who being diſcovered and taken, Scipio would not
put them to death, according to the Law's of war, but made them be car-
ried through the whole Camp, that they might view his Stores, his En-
gines of War, and his Army imbattelled, and ſo without doing them any
injury ſent them back to Hannibal to give him an account of what they
had ſeen. The Carthaginians ſurprized at this manner of proceeding, de-
manded a conference,which being granted he told Scipio ; That the people
of Carthage could not perform that treaty becauſe of the too great ſum of mo-
ney demanded of them, but if he would pleaſe to remit any thing of that de-
mand, and that the people of Rome would content themſelves with Sicily,
Spain, and the Iſlands they now held, the peace would become both firm and laſt-
ing. To which Seipio anſwered, Thar Hannibal would be fully re-
compenſed for having by flight quitted Italy, if thoſe propoſitions were
agreed to, adding not a word more, but the forbidding him to fend any
further Meſſages. So after ſome threats on one part and the other, each
retired to his Camp. There was not far diſtant a City called Cilla, near
which was a riſing ground, very proper to encamp in, Hannibal having
deſigned to lodge himſelf there, ſends his vanguard before to poſſeſs it,
whilft he followed with the reſt of the Army. But finding Scipio had firſt
ſiefed it, he was forced to paſs away all that night in the midſt of a dry
plain, forely peſtered to ſink wells, where after all the Army had wrought
hard, and thrown up mountains of fand, their mighty pains was recom-
penſed with the finding but of one well, and that of troubled water, of
which the Souldiers drank greedily, without eating, or any other con-
veniency. There were likewiſe many of them ftood in Arms all night,
D
Scipio

18
PART I.
The Lybian,
Scipio,who knew all this well enough, was not wanting to aſſail them
next morning harraſſed as they were with marching, thirſt and want of
ſleep. It grieved Hannibal to the heart to ſee himſelf forced to fight thus
unſeaſonably, yet he ſaw plainly that if he ſtaid there, he ſhould be intol-
lerably ſtraitned for want of water, and if he drew off, his retreat would
increaſe the enemies courage, who would certainly fall on in his rear, for
theſe reaſons therefore he reſolved to fight, and preſently drew into Bat-
talia fifty thouſand men and fourſcore Elephants.
XXVI. Thoſe mighty creatures he diſpoſed in Equal diſtances in the
Front of the battel, to ſtrike fear into the Romans. Then he compoſed
his vanguard of Gauls and Ligurians, and among them intermixed his
bowmen and ſlingers, who were Moors and people of the Iſles Baleares.
In his main body he placed the Carthaginians and Africans, and in his rear
thoſe Italians that had followed his fortune, in whom he had great confi-
dence becauſe they dreaded to be overcome. His Cavalry made his two
Wings. As for Scipio he had three and twenty thouſand foot, and fifreen
hundred hørſe as well Italians as Romans; befides Mafaniffa had a ſtout body
of Numidian horſe; and another Prince of that Country, called
Dachamas, had fix hundred auxiliary horſe. He divided his Army into
three battalia's, Vanguard, Main-body and Rear-guard, as Hannibal had
done his, ſave only he kept his battalia’s at a more open Order, that
the horſe upon occaſion might have paſſage between. In the front
of every battalia he placed men with ſtakes the moſt part Armed
* Or aYard. with Iron at the ends, and about two * Cubits long, that they
might better repulſe the Elephants by ſtriking them at hand with thefe
ſort of Truncheons, giving Order to the foot to avoid the ſhock of
thoſe great beaſts by opening to the right and left , when they
made at them, and to purſue them inceſſantly when they were paſt with
darts and arrows, or hamſtring them with their Swords, if they could get ſo
near them.Having thus ordered his foot, he diſpoſed the Numidian Cavalry
on his two wings, becauſe the Numidian horſes are accuſtomed to the
ſmell and fight of Elephants; wherefore fearful left the Italian horſes
ſhould be frightned, he placed them in the Rear-guard that they might
charge between the bodies, and ſupport the infantry whilſt they fought
againſt the Elephants, and to every horſeman he gave a light Armed Soul-
dier, and great quantity of darts, wherewith to chaſe away thoſe Monſters
if they came upon them. His Cavalry being thus diſpoſed, he gave the
Command of the right wing to Zelius of the left to Octavius, and himſelf
took Charge of the main battel. Hannibal did the ſame, and as if theſe
two great Captains had acted by the fame Spirit, they each kept near
their perſons a ſtrong body of horſe, ready to move on all ſides to the re-
lief of thoſe, ſtood in need. Hannibal's party conſiſted of four thouſand
horfe. Scipio's only of two thouſand, beſides thoſe three hundred Ita-
lians to whom he had given Arms in Sicily. Both Armies thus drawn up
for battel, each General went through the Ranks to incourage his people.
«Scipio publickly invoked the Gods who having been witneſſes of their
“ Treaties, had been affronted by the Carthaginians as often as they had
“violated them, exhorting his Souldiers not ſo much to conſider the Num-
« ber of their enemies as their own proper Vertue, which had already
“ made them Victorious over the fame enemies in the ſame province,re-
(monſtrating to them that though their having always overcome, ſhould
not clear all their doubts of the ſucceſs of this battel; Yet the. Africans
having

PARTI.
or, Punick War.
19
to re-
“Having been always beateri would make them deſpair. Thus did
Scipio hearten up his men encouraging them not to think of the ſmal-
neſs of their Number. Hannibal on the other ſide deſired his “
“member thoſe brave acts they had done, and the noble victories, they had
gained not only againſt the Numidians, but throughout all Italy, ſetting
« forth at the ſame time the inconſiderable number of their enemies, and
exhorting them ſo to act that the greater number might not be beaten
“by the leſs, nor the natural inhabitants of the Country ſhamefully for-
“ced to yield to ſtrangers. In ſhort both Generals ſet forth with the moſt
preſſing arguments they could invent, the conſequences of thất battel.
# Hannibal told his men that they now diſputed whether Carthage and
“with it all Africa ſhould command, or be for ever hereafter inllayed.
And Scipio let the Roman Souldiers know “ that if they ſuffered them-
“ſelves to be vanquiſhed they had no place of retreat, but if they gained
"the vi&tory the advantages reaped by it would be increaſe of the
~ Roman Empire, the end of their labors, the ſo much deſired leave of
"returning into their Country, and with all immortal glory.
Theſe Orations ended, the Carthaginian Trumpets founded a charge, and xxvi.
the Roman ſoon did the like. The battel was begun by the Elephants
which came furiouſly on,being ſharply pricked forward by thoſe mounted
on them; Thoſe which aſſailed the wings were ſtopt by the Numidian
horſe with ſhowers of Darts, and being wounded turned againſt their
own party, ſo that their governors no longer able to rule them were forced
to draw them out of the battel, both wings had alike advantage, but thoſe
which charged on the main body put the Romans hard to it, who were not
accuſtomed
to this manner of fight, and could riot eaſily by reaſon of the
weight of their arms move either to ſhun or aſſail them, till ſuch time as
Scipio cauſed the Rear guard of Italian horfe, and the Souldiers lightly
armed to advance to the relief of his foot. And becauſe the horſe were
fearful of thoſe beaſts, he commanded his horfemen to alight, and with
their darts charge the Elephants, who had cauſed a great diſorder, and to
oblige them by his own Example, himſelf alighted firit and wounded an
Elephant that came towards him, which fo heartned the Romans, that
diſcharging their darts on all ſides they ſo wounded thoſe creatures that
they forced them to retreat like the others. Theſe beaſts thus driven out
of the battel they had nothing now to encounter but men and horſes. The
right wing Commanded by Lelius had put to flight the Numidians that op-
poſed them, after that Mafanilja had wounded their Prince Macinta, but
Hannibal coming ſpeedily to their aſſiſtance renewed the fight. In the left
wing where Oétavius had to do with Gauls and Ligurians,they fought with
equal fortune. Scipio ſent thither the Tribune Therinus with ſome choſen
troops; but Hannibal having reinforced his left wing ſpeeds away to the
relief of the Gauls and Ligurians, taking with him all his Carthaginians
and Africans, which Scipio perceiving was forced to do the like, and made
his main battel advance. And now theſe two mighty Captains fighting
in perſon,the Souldiers encouraged by the fight of them did acts incredible.
All feared to yield, all fought with a wonderful alacrity, exhorting,exciting
and encouraging one another. At length victory having long hung in
equal Ballance, the Generals moyed with compaſſion to ſee their souldiers
out of breath, fiercely charged each other, the ſooner to put an end to the
battel, at the ſame inſtant both diſcharged their darts, Scipio's ſtuck in
Hannibal's buckler, and Hannibal's hurt Sicpio's horſe, who feeling him-
D 2
fele

20
Part I
The Lybian,
ſelf wounded overthrew his Maſter to the ground. But Scipio nimbly re-
mounting on another', diſcharges a ſecond dart at Hannibal, which
took no better effe&t then the former, ſave only it wounded a horſeman that
ſat near his Captain. Mean while Mafanilja having notice comes in and the
Roman Souldiers ſeeing their General perform not only the part of a Cap-
tain but of a Private Souldier, fighting for them, gave ſo home a Charge
that they put the enemy to flight. As they followed the purſuit, Hannibal
gained the front of his own men, endeavouring all he could to ſtop them
and lead them back to fight, but in vain. At laſt fince from them he could
obtain nothing, he has recourſe to thoſe Italians he had brought with him,
who yet kept firm in their Poſt, and makes them advance towards the ene-
my,hoping whilſt the Romans were eager in purſuit of the flyers he might
the eafier put them in diſorder, but they perceiving his deſign ſtopt as if a
retreat had been founded and drew up into order. The horſe had now left
them and their darts were ſpent, ſo they were forced to cloſe with the enemy
and come to Swords point. And now was a terrible ſlaughter nothing
to be heard but the groans of dying men and the ſhouts of thoſe that flew
them, till ſuch time as the enemy were totally routed, the victory no lon-
ger doubted of, and Hannibal, had betaken himſelf to flight. As he fled
he perceived ſome Numidian horſe ſtill in a body, to them he goes and
begs them not to forſake him, and as foon as they had given him their
word turns upon his
purſuers with great hopes of defeating them. They
were by chance Maſſefuliens, ſo that Malaniſſa and Hannibal came to fight
hand to hand. In this Combat Hannibal received a blow on his buckler,
and at the fame inſtant ſlew his enemies horſe. Maſaniſſa getting up and
ſeeking for Hannibal. on foot flew with a dart a horſeman that encoun-
tred him, and received in his buckler, which was of Elephants skin, feve-
ral darts, one of which he ſnatches out and throws at Hannibal, but by
misfortune another horfeman received the ſtroke and loft his life, and as
he ſtrove to pull out another he was wounded in the arm, and forced for a
while to retire out of the fight. Scipio hearing of this rancounter was in
fear for Maſaniſſa, but as he was going to relieve him, he found that ha-
ving bound up his wound he was returning to the fight mounted on a freſh
horſe, fo the battel being renewed, they fought couragiouſly on either
ſide, when Hannibal perceiving on a little hill, a ſquadron of Spaniards
and Gauls, ſpurred towards them to bring them into his aſſiſtance, which
gave occaſion to the others unacquainted with the reaſon of his departure,
and believing he fled, to become quite heartleſs; and betake themſelves to
a diſorderly flight, not after Hannibal, but every one where fortune led
him. The Romans ſeeing the Enemy thus diſperſed thought themſelves
aſſured of the victory, and began without any order to follow the chaſe;
for they knew not Hannibal's deſign, who preſently returning to the
Charge at the head of thoſe Spaniards and Gauls, Scipio was forced to re-
cal his men again from the purſuit, and ſpeedily put them in order to re-
ceive the Enemy,whom they had no great difficulty to overcome, being a
far greater number then thoſe deſcended from the hill. Hannibal feeing
this laſt puſh had no better ſucceſs then the former, and that all was ab-
ſolutely loft, fled likewiſe, purſued by many, and among others by Maſa-
niſſa,who notwithſtanding the pain & inconveniency of his wound followed
him cloſe at the heels,out of the paſſionate deſire he had to take him pri-
ſoner and preſent him to Scipio, but by the favor of the night which came
on he eſcaped his hands, and at laſt accompained only with twenty horfe,
which were all could follow him, gained as far as a City called Tunis,
where


PARTI.
or, Punick War.
21
where he met ſeveral horſemen as well Brutians as Spaniards who had
there faved themſelves after the defeat, but knowing the Spaniards to be
raſh and Barbarous, and the Brutians to be Italians of the ſame Country
with Scapih, he was fearful left to obtain pardon for the fault, they had
committed in bearing arms againſt their Country, they ſhould deliver him
up to his enemy, and fo departed ſecretly by night, accompanied only
with one horſeman in whom he had confidence, to that having rode in
two days and two nights almoſt three thouſand furlongs he arrived at
Adrumetum which is a Sea-town where finding fome troops he had left as
guards to his ſtores of Corn, and drawing together forces from the cir-
cumadjacent places, and rallying all thoſe had eſcaped from the battel,
he
began again to make preparation of Arms and Engines of War. But
Scipio having gained this noble victory, burnt with his own hands, accord-
ing to the Cuſtom of the Roman Generals, thoſe ſpoils of the enemy that
were of fmall moment, ſending the choiceſt and moſt precious to Rome,
ten talents of Gold, two thouſand five hundred talents of Silver, many
moveables of Ivory, whole Ships loading of Priſoners , the moſt part
Gentlemen, with Zelins to carry the new's. The remainder he fold, di-
ſtributing the mony among the Souldiers, giving Military rewards to fuch
as had ferved him well, particularly a Crown to Mafaniſa; and now be-
ing become abſolute Maſter of the field he made himſelf Maſter of the Ci-
ties. Such was the ſucceſs of this baţtel fought in Africa between Hanni-
bal and Scipio, who never before had dealings with each other. The Ro-
mans loft two thouſand five hundred men, Maſaniſſa ſomewhat more,
there died of the enemies five and twenty thouſand, beſides eight thou-
fand eight hundred taken priſoners, three hundred Spaniards that yielded
to Scipio, and eight hundred Numidians to Mafaniſſa.
Now before the News of this Victory was brought either to Rome or XXVIII:
Carthage, the Carthaginians had writ to Mago, who was then raiſing forces
in Gaul with Orders to make an irruption into Italy if it were poſſible, or
elſe to come over into Africa with ſuch power as he might have ràiſed,
but theſe Letters being mtercepted and brought to Rome, were the occaſion
of the Senates ſending recruits of foot and horſe, with Ships and Mony
to Scipio, who after this defeat made Octavius March with his Army to-
wards Carthage, whither he deſigned to follow with his Fleet. But when
the Carthaginians underſtood that Hannibal was defeated, they fent their
Deputies to meet Scipio, the chief of which were Hanno the great, and
Aſdruba! ſurnamed the Goat, they went in à paſſage Boat,on the Prow
of which they planted a Caduceus, and at their arrival ſtretched forth
their hands joyned towards the Conqueror, like people imploring mercy
Scipio ordered them to meet him at the Camp, where being ſeated in the
Tribunal he cauſed them to be brought to his preſence, whither being
come they caſt themſelves on their knees weeping, till being raiſed up by
the Uſhers,and having permiſſion to ſpeak, Afdrubal began in this manner.
“ Moſt certain it is Sirs, that neither Hanro whom you ſee here, nor
my ſelf, nor any perſon of wiſdom in all Cartbage, are guilty of thoſe
crimes wherewith you charge us, for when our unhappy Citizens op-
preſſed by famina injured thoſe ſent from you; we oppoſed our ſelves,
" and ſent them back to you. Nor ought the people of Carthage, in gene-
“ral to be accuſed, who ſent their deputies, and of whom the moſt part
ſigned the Articles with joy, but as the Populacy ſuffer themſelves
"to be eaſily ſeduced to their own ruine, whatever is pleaſing to the multi-
tude

22
PART 1
The Lybian,
"tude is uſually preferred before that which is moſt profitable. We our
“ſelves have had experience of it, for what ever propoſitions we have
made, ſome private calumniators,who never had the boldneſs to diſcover
their thoughts in our preſence, have hindred us from being believed.
“Wherefore Sirs, Judge not of our affairs, by what is practiſed in Rome,
"for your diſcipline in your Counſels is extreamly different from ours,
“and if by chance our crime ſeem to ſome greater then the calamity that
conſtrained it, let him conſider that hunger is a pinching neceffity, and
" that that was the principal cauſe of our misfortunes : for had we not
"been preſſed by it, it is not to be believed that the ſame people who had
" but newly demanded peace, offered fo much mony, parted with the
greateſt patt of their Dominion, ſworn to obſerve the Articles of Peace,
and ſent to that purpoſe deputies to your Senate, ſhould be violently hur-
ried on to offend you, without expecting the return of thoſe they had
ſent. But we muſt attribute this accident to the anger of ſome God, and
to the tempeſt which caſt your proviſions into our Port; in a time when
"almoſt all Carthage was ready to periſh with hunger, hunger that per-
nicious counſellor againſt anothers goods, eſpecially in the breſts of peo-
ple wanting all things, 'twould be certainly a piece of injuſtice to puniſh
with ſeverity what this miſerable multitude have done. Yet if
you
will
impute this fault rather to our malice then our miſery,we confeſs it, we
crave pardon for it. Were we innocent, we would endeavor to juſtifie
our ſelves, but being criminals we fupplicate for grace, hoping that you
who are in the top of proſperity will the eaſier grant it, if you
conſider
that humane affairs are ſubject to ſtrange reverſes, and that thoſe who
were yeſterday in a condition to do injuries, are to day under a ne
"ceffity of imploring mercy. You may behold, Sirs, a freſh example in
"the unhappy City of Carthage, ſhe that for ſeven hundred years toge-
has been the greateſt and moſt powerful City of all Africa, powerful in
Ships, in Silver, in Elephants, in Foot, in Horſe, She whole Dominion
extended over the Lybians, and over many Cities and Illes by Sea and
Land, in ſhort She that has ſo long been the Rival of your Empire, Now
no more places her hope in her Ports, nor in her Ships, nor in her
Horſe, nor in her Elephants, nor in her Provinces, which ſhe has quit-
ted to you, but ſhe expects her ſafety from your mercy, You that ſhe
has heretofore ſo ill treated. You will do an Action worthy of your
ſelves, if conſidering the deplorable Eſtate to which we are reduced,
you will receive a moderation in the midſt of your proſperity, and hia-
ving regard as well to your own accuſtomed generoſity, as to the
ancient felicity of Carthage, you will in our miſery make ſuch a uſe of
the favors of fortune, as may not diſpleaſe the immortal Gods,but that
by your clemency you will acquire a glorious name, that can never die
whilſt there is memory among men. Nor need you hereafter more
fear the perfidiouſneſs of Carthage, the chaſtiſement they receive for
their paſt faults will be an eternal warning to them: and as the good
"Counſel they had given them, but deſpiſed, had kept them in bounds
of duty, ſo now they have been faulty, repentance joyned with the pu-
niſhment inflided on them, will prevent their falling again, and whilft
you inveigh againſt the cruelty and injuſtice of the Carthaginians, you
“ſhould be careful left you fall into the ſame crimes, for as poverty of-
ten occaſions men to ſin, thoſe who are in proſperity have opportunity
to exerciſe their humanity and goodneſs, thus it is of concern both to
“che henor, and the advantage of your Commonwealth, rather to pre-
(c
“ ſerve

PARTI.
or, Punick War.
23
1
k ferve ſo great a City, than to deſtroy it; but you may act as you pleaſe :
K for our parts we have but two things to oppoſe in our defence, the An-
“tient Dignity of the Carthaginian Empire, and that Noble Moderation
you have uſed to the reſt of the World, which joyned with your Valour,
“hath raiſed you to ſo high a Soveraignty: And for what concerns the
"conditions of the Treaty,we only deſire Peace; for Terms we have none
“to propoſe, leaving them wholly to your Diſcretion.
Ajdrubal finiſh'd his Oration with tears: upon which Scipio cauſing the
Deputies to retire, held a Council about this important Affair with the
principal Officers of the Army; and after a long deliberation, cauſed the
Carthaginians to return, to whom he ſpake in this manner:
“You are not worthy of pardon, after having ſo often violated your
« Faith, and having as a complement of all, fo evilly treated our Deputies :
" A truth ſo manifeſt, that by your own confeffion, there is no puniſhment
whatſoever, which you deſerve not, for the expiation of your crimes:
" but it is needleſs to reproach you with faults your felves confeſs. And
now you have recourſe to prayers: you, that had you gain’d the Victory,
« would have rooted out even the Roman Name. We have not treated
you at the like rate,but ſent back your Agents from ourCity, at the ſame
* time you had injured ours, and violated the Treaty: and thoſe very A-
“gents being by the Sea caft into our Camp, and War already declared, I
“ fent back to you without offering them the leaſt wrong. Therefore in
“ the condition your affairs are reduced to, you cannot believe we will or-
der you any thing advantageous. I will therefore tell you my thoughts,
" if the Senate approve them, if they think it convenient, we will yet
grant you peace, on condition you ſurrender into the hands of the
peo-
“ple of Rome all your Ships of War, fave only ten, and all your Elephants :
That you reſtore all you have taken from us or the value of what can-
“not be found ; in the eſtimation of which, if any difference ariſe, I will
“be Judge: That you likewiſe deliver up all the Captives and Fugitives,
" and all thoſe Italian Souldiers, who followed Hannibal into Africa, which
“muſt be performed within a month after the day of publication of the
" Peace : That within two months you cauſe Mago to return out of Li-
“guria : That you withdraw all Garriſons out of ſuch Cities as are beyond
" the Punick Ditch, and ſend them back their Hoſtages : That beſides all
" this you pay us yearly for fifty years, two hundred and fifty Euboick Ta-
" lents : That for the future you entertain no Soldiers into your pay, either
out of Gaul or Liguria: That you make not any war upon Maſaniſſa
" or any of our Allies, nor permit any Carthaginian to bear Arms againſt
"them; then ſhall your City and Territory remain free to you within the
“ Punick Ditch, limited by the ſame bounds you poſſeſſed when I entred
« Africa, provided you put a juſt value' on the friendſhip of the people of
“ Rome, and if occaſion requires, aſſiſt them with your Forces by Sea and
“Land. If the Senate of Rome approve theſe propoſitions, the Roman Ar-
my ſhall depart out of Zybża, within fifty days after the ratification to
“perfect which, if you will ſend Deputies to Rome, I will in the mean time
grant you Truce, and you ſhall deliver me in Hoſtage one hundred and
“Hfty of ſuch of your Children as I Thall chuſe, and pay me a thouſand
“ Talents for the Armies entertainment; beſides ſuch Proviſions as you
« ſhall furniſh. As for the Hoſtages I will return them ſo ſoon as the Peace
t is ratified.
The Deputies carried back this anſvrer to Carthage, where after many XXIX .
deliberations,
?
.

24
The Lybian
Part I.
66
deliberations, the principal Men of the City adviſed the accepting of theſe
Conditions, left whilſt they made a difficulty of quitting part of what they
poffeffed, they ſhould run in danger of loofing all: But the multitude
who ordinarily conſider more what is taken from them, than what is left
them, oppoſing it, thinking it mighty ſtrange that the Elders of Carthage
ſhould in a publick famine,chuſe rather to ſend Proviſions to the Roman Sol-
diers, than to their own Citizens ; and in effect, they went to ſeek out eve-
ry particular Senator, threatning them all to plunder and fire their Houſes.
At laſt it was agreed on to ſend for Hannibal into the Council, who having
gathered together ſix thouſand Foot, and five hundred Horſe, was retired
into the City of Marthame. He comes, and though the moſt moderate
men were fearful leſt that warlike Men ſhould abſolutely pervert the peo-
ple; yet by a grave Diſcourſe he made, he perſwaded to Peace; but the
Populacy incenſed, and infolent railed no leſs at him than they had done at
others, and continued their threatnings, till ſuch time as all the Nobility
deſpairing of the affairs of the City, left it; one part returning to Maſa-
niſſa, and the other to the Roman Army. Now the remainder of the peo-
ple having intelligence that Hannibal had ſtored up great quantities of Corn
in a certain place
That is unjuſt,and looks like a malicious emulation, and it ſeems
There wants “ in effect, Scipio himſelf doubted of it; when opening his thoughts to us,
here a leaf in " he adds, That he would grant peace to the Carthaginians, even though
the Original, 6
we ſhould refuſe it: And indeed, there is reaſon to believe, that being
ſo that this ac
which follows upon the place he ſhould ſee clearer, and have a more exact knowledge
In ſhort, if we ſlight his advice, we af-
Seems Parazit of " front that great Captain, who out of his paſſionate love to his Country,
made by a "always counſelled the carrying of the War into Africa; and when he
Roman Šena-“could not obtain an Army from us, raiſed one at his own expence, and
“has ſucceeded more happily than we could hope : So that it ſtrangely a-
Senate, while co
mazes me, to ſee you now ſo obſtinate, and with ſuch violence to preſs
Peace was de- « forward this War to extremity, which in the beginning you undertook
“with ſo much coldneſs and negligence. If any of the oppoſers of Peace
"grant all this, and fhall only found their advice upon a fear, left the Car-
“thaginians ſhould now again, as they have done formerly, violate the
'Treaty in queſtion. I anſwer, that there is more reaſon to believe, that
“having had experience of the miſeries their infidelity has involved them
"in, and being perſwaded, as they are , that all theſe misfortunes have
"fallen upon them, only for having violated the Religion of their Oaths,
they will for the future keep ſacred that Faith they ſhall ſwear to. And
to me it appears an evident contradiction to ſay, that the Carthaginians
are contemptible, becauſe they have no more power, and at the ſame
time to fear that they are in a capacity of revolting. Beſides, it is much
eaſier for us to hinder the growth of power, than totally to ruine them;
"for if we preſs them to extremities, we ſhall have to deal with people,
“whom deſpair will make capable of any thing: but if you grant them
Peace, the fear of falling into the like danger, will preferve them with-
"in the bounds of Duty: bụt beſides all this, they will have perſecutors
enough, though we concern not our felves; for not any of their Neigh-
“bours, but remembring the Pride and Tyranny of their Empire, will main-
"tain againſt them an irreconcileable War: after all this, we have Mafaniſſa
"(who has been our moſt faithful friend in all adventures) ſtill upon the
place, who will continually caft an eye on their actions, and be always
ready to oppoſe whatever they dare atteinpt. But if any one not conſidering
tor in
openi
(6
(6
(
call

PARTI
or, Punick War.
25
(
(0
* all theſe reaſons, has regard only to the glorious ſucceſs of Scipio's
Arms, and promiſes himſelf the like in the continuance of this War:
let him remember the inconſtancy of Fortune, and that no man living can
" allure himſelf to have it at all times favourable. But granting we take the
City of Carthage, what ſhall we do with it ? ſhall we utterly ruine and
“raze it, becauſe they took ſome of our Corn and Shipping, which they are
ready to pay for with intereſt? Certainly we ſhall not, left we incurr
“the indignation of Gods and Men. Shall we give it to Mafaniſſa? No,
“ for though he be our friend, we muſt not raiſe him above meaſure
"Much better may we make uſe of thoſe contracts he ſhall have with the
“Carthaginians, to the advantage of the Commonwealth. Perhaps we
might draw ſome Treaſure thence, but the Armies that muſt be main-
<tained will waſte it: for who can doubt but there muſt be great Forces
“ kept up for the guard of a Country encompaffed with ſo many barba-
rous Nations. We may likewiſe ſend thither a Colony of Italians; but
upon terms to hold eternal War with the people of Numidia, or if thoſe
we ſend ſhall in proceſs of time make themſelves Maſters of all theſe
Nations, it may happen that having conquered fo great a Country,
" without compariſon more excellent than ours, their power may render
"them not only ſuſpected, but even terrible to our ſelves. And this in my
“opinion, was Scipio's judgement, when he adviſed us to grant the
Carthaginians the effect of their demands. Let us not therefore, Gentle-
'men, refufe them, as well becauſe we now behold them our humble fup-
plyants, as becauſe our General deſires it.
To this Cornelius Lentulus, kinſman to Creus, now Conſul, who hoped
to fuceed Scipio in this War, anſwered in this manner:
“Gentlemen, it is ordinary in War to conſider only advantage; where-
“fore ſince we all agree, that this City may yet be able to do miſchief ,
we ought to take heed of that Infidelity is accompanied with Power :
“And we cannot aſſure our felves againſt its Perfidy. I am of opinion
we ought, before all other things, to deprive it utterly of the means to
"do hurt : We can never have a more favourable opportunity, and ſince
they are weak and poor, we ſhould commit a great errour to ſtay till
they have recovered Force and Riches; not that I would argue we ought
“not likewiſe have regard to that which is juſt. But who can accuſe the
“Roman people of injuſtice, or think they uſe with too much ſeverity the
“Victory they have gained over the Carthaginians, a people who in pro-
ſperity are unjuſt and violent to all the World, who in adverſity ſubmit and
“humble themſelves; and as ſoon as they have obtained Peace and Pardon,
“violate that Peace they have ſworn to ? They have no reſpect for Oaths,
they believe not that there are Gods; yet he that ſpoke before me fays,
“we ought to ſpare them to avoid the indignation of Men and Gods: For
my part I believe thoſe very Gods have reduced Carthage to this very ſtate,
“to puniſh the impieties of people, who beſides the violation of ſo many
“Treaties of Peace made in Sicily, Spain, Italy and Africa, have by a
“thouſand wrongs provoked the whole World. I will give ſome forreign
“Examples before I ſpeak of thoſe concerni us. Saguntum , one of the
“faireſt Cities of all Spain, was entred into Alliance with us, nay more
over, was a friend to the people of Rome, and yet without any occaſion
“of complaint given they took it, fack'd it, and put all to the Sword, with
"out fparing Sex or Age. The City of Nucera, which depended upon us,
“furrendred to them upon compofition, after they had ſworn that the Inha-
"bitants ſhould be permitted to paſs freely, with two Suits of Apparel each ;
É
" yet



(6

26
PARTI.
The Lybian,
66
66
“yet, to the prejudice of their Oath, they ſhut up the Senators of that un-
“happy City in Stoves, where they ſmothered them to death, and flew
“all the people with Darts, as they paſſed out. After having engaged their
“Faith to the Senators of Acerra, they threw them into Wells, and buried
"them alive under the Earth they caſt down upon them. They deceived
“M. Cornelius our Conſul, whom by force of Oaths they prevailed with to
go ſee their General, who feigned himſelf fick; and from Sicily, where
they were, carried him priſoner into Africa, with two and twenty of our
“Ships. They likewiſe cruelly put to death our General Regulis, who that
“he might not violate his Oath, returned to Carthage. In ſhort, Hannibal
“has committed ſo many cruelties, during the War, by Surpriſe and by
“Treachery, both againſt us and againit his own Allies, plundring their
6. Cities, and putting to death thoſe engaged in his Service, that it is not
poflibe to expreſs it; let me only ſay in a few words, that he has ſack'd
“ four hundred of our Cities; that he hath made Bridges over Rivers of
" the Bodies of Roman Priſoners, and filled Ditches with them as with
Fagots, whereon to paſs his men over: Sometimes he has trampled them
« under the feet of his Elephants; otherwhiles expoſed them as a ſpecta-
“cle, making them like Gladiators fight Brother againſt Brother, and Son
"againſt Father. They fent us but very lately, Deputies of theirs to
“conclude a Peace, which they ſwore to; and yet before they were gone
" from our City, rob’d our Ships, and put our Mariners in Irons. Theſe
are the works of their cruelty ; now what commiſeration or kindneſs
“is there due to thoſe, who have never uſed moderation or clemency
s to any perſon, and who would (as Scipio told them) have aboliſhed the
very Roman Name, had they overcome us. Perhaps this time they will
“ keep their Faith,but what Faith, what Treaties, what Oaths have they not
o violated? What Peace or what Favour have they not repaid with Inju-
“ry? Some may ſay we are not to imitate them. Pray, wherein do we
“ imitate them? We break not the Peace, ſince it is not yet agreed on:
" but you ſay, we ought not to imitate their cruelty. Would you then
“have theſe famous Inhumans for your Friends and Allies? It would be
“ fomewhat to the purpoſe, if, as they are vanquiſhed, they would ſubmit
to diſcretion , as many others have done before them; then we would
16 conſult of it. And whatever we ſhould leave them, the obligation would
“be on their part, nor could the favours they received, paſs for an accom-
“modation. And ſurely there is great difference 'twixt theſe two: For as
"long as we make Treaties with them, they will violate them as before,
“making it an occaſion of Rupture , that the Conditions ſeem to them un-
“juſt. For pretences will not be wanting, when they have a mind to break:
“But when they are ſubmitted to diſcretion, that we have diſarmed them,
“and reduced their bodies under our obedience, they will learn that they
“have nothing properly their own, and humbling themſelves, will be con-
“ tent with thoſe things we ſhall leave them, as if they had never apper-
"tained to them. If Scipio be of another judgement, you may examine
theſe two different opinions, and chuſe the beſt ; but if he be reſolved
to make Peace with the Carthaginians without you, there is no neceffi-
“ty of writing to him. For my part knowing well you are the Judges of
“our Council, I have given mine as I believed it moſt advantagious for the
“ Commonwealth.
After Lentulus had argued in this manner, the Senate put it to Voices,
where Scipio carried it by ſeveral Votes. Thus was a third Peace conclud-
ed between Rome and Carthage, of which Scipio was the principal cauſe,
whether
66

Part I.
or, Punick War.
27
whether for the reaſons aforementioned, or becauſe he thought it fuffici-
ent that the people of Rome had weakned Carthage to ſuch a degree. For
there have been who affirmed, that to preſerve the ancient diſcipline
among the Romans, he would have that City left yet in ſome condition,
leaſt having nothing to fear, too great proſperity ſhould make them in-
ſolent. If this were Scipio's thought he did not declare it, but Cato ſome-
time after ſaid the ſame thing in open Senate in a grave diſcourſe he made
to the Fathers then incenſed againſt the Rhodians.
Peace being concluded, Scipio cauſed all the African Army to repaſs in- XXX
to Italy, and entred the City in Triumph, but with greater Pomp then
ever any Captain had done. The manner of which I ſhall deſcribe, be-
ing the ſame uſed now adays. All tlie whole people were crowned, the
Trumpets marched before with the Chariots loaden with the Spoils of the
enemy, after which were born the figures of the Cities taken, and Pi-
&tures wherein were delineated, all the glorious acts done in that War,
then followed all the Silver as well coyned as in Ingots, and other preci-
ous things, and then followed thoſe Crowns had been given to the Gene-
ral by the Cities, by the Allies, or by his own Army; After all this fol
lowed white Oxen, then Elephants, and after them the Captive Cartha-
ginian and Numidian Captains. Before the General marched the Uſhers
in Purple Robes with a Chore of Muſick, and Satyrs girt after the Tuſcan
manner, having on their heads crowns of Gold, who advanced in order
ſinging and dancing. Theſe Satyrs they called Ludions, by reaſon as I
imagine that the .Tufcans wore formerly the Lydian habit; In the midſt
of all theſe people was a certain man clad in a long purple Robe, adorned
with Bracelets and Chains of Gold, who with ridiculous poſtures derided
the enemies. After followed in train certain men with perfumes, and
next appeared the General mounted on a Chariot richly carved, he had
on his head a Crown of Gold ſet about with Precious Stones, his veſture
was a purple robe, and in one hand he bore an Ivory Scepter, and in the
other a branch of Laurel, which at Rome is the mark of victory. There
were in the fame Chariot with him divers Children and Maidens, and on
Horſes that drew it were mounted young men of his relations. All about
it marched the guards, the Secretaries and Eſquires, who were followed
by the Soldiery, marching in order with abundance of Laurels, and thoſe
who had done any eminent Service, wearing the military Recompenſes
they had received. They have all free liberty in theſe occaſions either to
praiſe their Captains; paſs their jefts upon them, or if they pleaſe to con-
demn their actions, for a Triumph is a thing of abſolute freedom, and
men are priviledged to ſay any thing. In this manner Scipio afcended the
Capitol, and the Pomp over, magnificently treated his Friends in the Tem-
ple according to cuſtom.
Such was the end of the ſecond Punick War, which began in Spain, and
was finiſhed in Africa by a Treaty concluded about that time, when the
Greeks account the hundred forty fourth Olympiad.
Sometime after Malanilla (fworn Enemy to the Cartlraginians) ha- XXXI.
ving fiefed a part of their Territory, preſuming as much on the Friend-
ſhip of the Romans,as any right he pretended to it, they fent deputies tơ
Rome to fupplicate the Senate to put a ſtop to the Enterprizes of that
Prince: Commiſſioners were ſent to determine the difference, but with
Orders to advance that Kings intereſts as high as they could poſſibly.
Thus



28
PART I.
The Lybian,
Thus Malaniſſa was maintained in the poffeffion of what he had taken, and
made likewife a peace with the Carthaginians which laſted about fifty
years. During which, Carthage enjoying a folid peace, and being much
improved in men and riches by reaſon of the fruitfulneſs of the foil, and
commodiouſneſs of the Harbors : The minds of men, as is uſual, were
tranſported with proſperity, and the City was divided into three Factions
the Roman, the Popular, and the Royal. Each of which had for head the
moſt conſiderable men of the Nobility both for dignity and virtue. Hanno
the Great ſtood for the intereſt of the Romans : Hannibal Opſar ſided
with Mafaniſſa : And Amilcar called the Samnite, and with him Carthalon
were heads of the Popular Fađion. Theſe laſt ſeeing the Romans engaged
in a War in Celtiberia, and Maſaniſ a hard put to it to defend himſelf
againſt other Spaniards, obliged Carthalon, who then in quality of Lieute-
nant General was going his Circuit, to fall at unawares upon Mafaniſſa's
Camp, then pitched in that Country, about which they had been at dit
ference; which he did, and having taken and ſlain ſome of the Kings
Troops raiſed the Country of Lybia againſt the Numidians. There fol-
lowed ſome other skirmiſhes between the two parties, till ſuch time as the
Romans once more ſent Commiſfioners to make Peace, with Orders like
the former to do ſecretly all they could in favor of the King. Who made
uſe of this cunning to confirm Mafaniffa in the poſſeſſion of what he had
before fieſed upon. They gave no ſentence, nor took fo much as any
cognizance of the difference, for fear leſt Mafaniſſa ſhould ſeem to have
loſt his cauſe, they only placed themſelves between the two Camps, part-
ed them, and gave order to both ſides to lay down Arms. Some time af-
ter Mafaniſſa renewed the War upon a pretence he had to a Country cal-
led Lyſca, where there were large Champians, and fifty good Towns. The
Carthaginians had again recourſe to the Senate, and people of Rome;
they promiſed to ſend Deputies upon the place to determine this affair, but
the Deputation was delay'd till ſuch time as probable conjectures might
be made that Malanilſa had the advantage. Then Commiſfioners were
diſpatched, and among others Cato, who being arrived upon the places
contended for, required the parties to give them full power to judge the
difference as Arbitrators. To which Mafaniffa who found himſelf the
ſtronger, and confided in the Romans, eaſily agreed, but the Carthaginians
made a difficulty of it, and not without reaſon, for they remembred well
that in former ſentences they had not done them juſtice, and alleged that
the accommodations made by the authority of Scipio needed no correctors,
provided they were obſerved by one Party and the other. Whereupon
the Commiſſioners who would not be Judges but by conſent of parties, re-
turned without doing any thing. But obſerving in their journy how ex-
cellently the Land was cultivated, and that the Country abounded in all
things, they were aſtoniſhed, eſpecially to fee Carthage it felf fo foon re-
covered of thoſe loſſes fo lately ſuſtained by Scipio's Victory ; Infomuch
that being returned to the City they declared it a fault in the people of
Rome, not to have a more watchful eye upon Carthage, they had fo
anciently been jealous of, and which upon a ſudden was ſo eaſily re-
ſtored to ſuch power. Cato himſelf faid the Liberty of the people of
Rome could never be ſecured whilft Carthage ſubſiſted. Which being
propoſed in the Senate, it was reſolved to make War upon the Cartha-
ginians, but that the deſign ſhould be kept fecret till opportunity pre-
ſented. 'Tis ſaid that Cato hereafter ceaſed not in open Senate to declare
the Neceſſity of demoliſhing Carthage, but Scipio Nafica quite contrary
argued


PART 1.
or, Punick War.
29
argued that it was to be left in a condition, that the ancient Diſcipline,
which began to decay,might be maintained in vigor by the fear they would
ſtill ſtand in of that City.
Mean while in Carthage the Popular Faction ſuppreſſed the Royal
, con- XXXII
demning to baniſhment about fifty of the Principal, and making the
people ſwear never to admit their return, nor ſo much as ſuffer it to be
Ipoke of. The Exiles made their retreat to Maſaniſſa to oblige him to a
War; He was before fufficiently inclined to it'; wherefore he ſent Go-
leffa and Micipſa two of his fons to Carthage, to folicite the return of
thoſe who had for his fake been baniſhed. But when they preſented them-
ſelves at the Gates. Carthalon forbid their entrance, for fear left the
tears of the Exiles kindred ſhould work upon the people, and beſides
Amilcar the Samnite laid an ambuſh for Guluſſa upon his return which
New ſome of his attendants and put him to flight. This gave occafion to Ma-
Janiffa to beſiege the City of Horoſcopa, with the taking of which he had a
mighty deſire to begin the rupture. To it's relief went the Carthagini-
ans with twenty five thouſand Foot, and four thouſand Horſe of the City,
under the command of Afdrubal then General of their forces, to whom
joyned Ajafis and Subt, two of Mafaniſſa's Major Generals who deſerting
the two young Princes, went over to the Carthaginian party with fix
thouſand horfe. Afdrubal with this additional force goes and encamps
near the King, and had often and ſucceſsful skirmiſhes
. But Maſaniſſa
acting with the cunning of a Great Captain retired by little and little, as
if he had given ground, till ſuch time as he had drawn him into a great
barren plain encompaſſed on all fides with Mountains, and deficient in
all neceffaries to ſubliſt on ; Here facing the enemy he encamped in the
midſt of the Plain, while Aſdrubal fieſed on the Eminencies, whereby he
thought he had the greater advantage. On the morrow the battel was
deſigned, when young Scipio who afterwards took Carthage, and who at
prefent was only Lieutenant to Lucullus, who made War in Celtiberia,came
to ſeek out Maſaniſſa to demand fome Elephants. The King who was deſi-
rous that day to take ſome repoſe that he might go the freſher to the battel
Tent ſome horſe to meet him, and gave orders to fome of his ſons to re-
ceive him. Day being come he drew up his Army in battel being now
fourfcore and eight years old, yet a ſtrong and vigorous Souldier, who ac-
cording to the cuſtom of the Country mounted on horſe back, without
faddle or other covering equally acting in the duty of General and Sol-
dier, for the Numidians are luſtieſt of all the people of Africa, and live
longer then any others, which is perhaps occaſioned becauſe the Winter
is not ſo ſharp in this Country, nor the heats fo violent as in India
and Ethiopia, and for the ſame reaſons are their Cattel ſtronger and
greater. The men lie all abroad and harden themſelves by continual labor,
they drink little Wine, feed very ſparingly and with much ſobriety. Mat
faniſa having drawn up his Army in Order, Aſdrubal did the
like', for to him there were joyned many people of the Country:
Scipio being on the top of a Hill, as on a Theatre, faw all this Battel, and
was after heard to ſay, that though he had been in an infinite number of
fights, there was never any in which he took ſo much delight,for he had ne-
ver ſeen any other, wherein either his perſon was in ſecurity, or that
there were a hundred and ten thouſand Combatants : Or to expreſsit more
gloriouſly, he ſaid that before him were never found but two Spectators in




2

30
I be Lybian,
PART 1.
a like occaſion, which were in the time of the Trojan Wars, Fupiter on the
top of Mount Ida, and Neptune on Samothracia. They fought from
Morning till Night with great ſlaughter of men on both ſides; however
the advantage ſeem’d Maſaniſſa's: Whom Scipio came to meet, as he re-
turned to his Camp, congratulating the happy ſucceſs of his Arms; and
IUXX for his part, he received Scipio as the Son of his Friend, with all poſſible de-
monftrations of kindneſs. The Carthaginians having notice of his coming,
requeſted him to make peace between Maſaniſſa and them, which he
having yielded to , brought them to a Conference; the Articles of the
Treaty were, that the Carthaginians ſhould releaſe to the King all the
Country that lies about the Empories, and ſhould promiſe him two
hundred Talents ready money, and eight hundred more payable at a cer-
tain term: But when Mafanija, beſides all this, demanded the Fugitives,
they would not hear him ſpeak of it; ſo they parted without doing any
thing, and Scipio returned into Spain with the Elephants. Mafaniſſa ſeeing
his Enemies Camp ſeated on an Eminence, or round Hill
, beſieged them in
ſuch a manner, that no Proviſions could be brought to them, nor was the
bringing all, there was none to be had , and he himſelf procured them
with much difficulty, and what he had was fetch'd from afar off, and in
very ſmall quantities. Afdrubal at firſt thought that with the Forces he
had, he could diſingage himſelf when he pleaſed, and open himſelf a pal-
fage through the midſt of his Enemies. But becauſe his Stores were bet-
ter furnish'd than theirs, he hoped Malanilja might be reduced to a ne-
ceſſity of demanding Peace; and beſides, he was the leſs concerned, be-
cauſe he had heard that Deputies were coming from Rome to end their
differences. This was true, but theſe Deputies had Orders to determine
the Affairs, if Mafanifa was overcharged, but to highten his courage, if
they found him the ſtronger, which Orders they punctually executed.
Mean while the Famine entred Afdrubal's Camp in ſuch manner, that the
Soldiers weaken’d with Hunger, were not able to repulſe the Enemy; firſt
they kill'd the Beaſts of carriage , after that their Horſes for ſervice ; and
at laſt were reduced to ſuch extreme neceſſity, that they boiled the very
Reins of the Bridles for a ſuſtenance. There ſuppriſed them likewiſe an
infinite number of Diſeaſes, increaſed by their bad Food, by the idleneſs
of the Soldiers, and the ſeaſon of the year, for there was a great number of
men incloſed within a fmall compaſs of ground, during the greateſt heats
of Summer, which were exceſſive in Africa : And becauſe through the
want of Wood, even to dreſs their Food, they had been forced to burn their
very Bucklers: Now not having the means to carry their dead Bodies out
of the Camp, becauſe of the ſtrict Guard Mafaniſſa kept, and deſtitute
of Fuel to burn them, the Plague daily increaſed with the ſtink of the dead
Carcafes, in the midſt of which they were forced to abide. Hunger had
already conſumed the greateſt part, when the reſt hopeleſs of ſafety were
forced to deliver up the Fugitives to Mafaniffa, to oblige themſelves to
pay him yearly five thouſand Talents of Silver for fifty years, and to cauſe
thoſe they had baniſhed to return, notwithſtanding their. Oath to the
contrary. It was likewiſe agreed, that the Soldiers which remained ſhould
march out only with one Coat, and paſs under the Yoke : Which being
executed, Guluffa remembring how a little before he had been affronted,
ſent the Numidian Horſe after the Carthaginians, who not able to make
reſiſtance, diſarmed, as they were, and not having ſtrength enough to
fly; of fifty eight thouſand men very few recovered Carthage , of which
number was Afdrubal, with ſome of the Nobility. This is what paffed in
the

Part I.
or; Punick War.
31
the War, between Maſaniſſa and the Carthagians, which was ſoon after
followed by the third and laſt Punick War.
The people of Carthage weakned by the loſſes they had fuſtained in XXXIII:
this War,' ſtood yet in fear of Mafaniſſa, who was nigh with a great
Army, and beſides doubted not but the Romans, who had teſtified their
diſaffection to them upon all occaſions, would lay hold of this, under
pre-
tence that the Carthaginians had made War upon Mafaniſſa, the Friend
and Ally of the Roman people. And indeed their conje&ture was not falſe;
for as ſoon as it was known át Rome what had paſſed, the Senate com-
manded all the people of Italy to levy great numbers of Soldiers; not de-
claring for what ſervice they deſigned them; but only giving Orders
they ſhould be in a readineſs upon the firſt Command. Wherefore the
Carthaginians to repair their fault, did by publick Edict declare Aſdrubal
their General againſt Maſaniſſa, criminal , together with Carthalon his
Lieutenant, and all thoſe of their Faction, laying to their charge the cauſe
of this War. They likewiſe fent them Deputies to Rome to complain of
Mafaniſſa, but more of their own Citizens already condemned, for that
they had raſhly, and with too much paſſion taken Arms againſt that King,
and by that means put the City into hazard of falling afreſh into evil
terms with the people of Rome. Upon which a certain Senator asked
them, why they had not, in the beginning of the War, condemned all thoſe
were the cauſe of it, without attending the ill ſucceſs of the enterprize;
adding that the Carthaginians had a long time deſigned a War againſt the
people of Rome , and went only ſeeking an opportunity, wherefore the
Senate could not receive this excuſe. The Deputies ſurprized with this an-
fwer, demanded in return what then they ſhould do to expiate their crime,
fince they had adjudged them guilty: to which was replyed in a word,
Content the people of Rome. It was brought into debate in the Senate of
Carthage, what this Contentment could be, they deſired of them, fome
thinking that the Romans would have ſome ſums added to thoſe ordained
by Scipio,others that they muſt abſolutely quit to Mafanila thepoſſeſſion of
thoſe Lands in difference. In this uncertainty they ſent once more to beſeech
the Senate to preſcribe them more expreſly the means of contenting them ;
to which anſwer was given, the Carthaginians knew them well enough ; and
with this they were ſent back: which begat a ſtrange trouble, and general
terrour throughout all Carthage. And to add to it, at the ſame time, the
City of Utica, then the moſt conſiderable of all Africa, next to Carthage,
having large and commodious Havens to receive a forreign Fleet, and not
above
lixty furlongs diſtant from that City, and ſo by conſequence very
proper to make the ſeat of the War againſt the Carthaginians; there
having ever been a ſecret animoſity between the two Cities : Utica taking
this opportunity of the deplorable Eſtate, to which Carthage was now re-
duced, ſends Deputies to Rome to yield up themſelves and their City to
the Roman people. The Senate, who had long before had an inclination
to this War, and were now prepared for it, having at their devotion ſo
ſtrong and fo commodious à City, diſcovered their intentions, and al-
ſembling in the Capitol, where it is uſual to debate Affairs of conſequence,
decreed a VVar with Carthage ; and at the ſame time gave it in Order
to the Conſuls, with private Orders,never to give it over till Carthage were
deſtroy'd.
M. Manlius had the command of the Army by Land, and L. Marcinus XXXIV.
Cenſorinus

32
PARTI.
The Lybian,
Cenforinus of the Fleet by Sea. After offering up the uſual Sacrifices, they
paſt into Sicily, that from thence they might ſet forward to Utica, carryed
* Galleys of by fifty * Quinqueremes, and a hundred Foiſts followed by many others,
five ranks to as well flat bottom'd Veſſels, as great Barques and Ships of Burthen: Their
a bank,
Army conſiſted of fourſcore thouſand Foot, and about four thouſand cho-
ſen Horſe. For both the Citizens and Allies manifeſted an equal ala-
crity to go upon this glorious expedition, the ſucceſs of which was no way
doubtful ; nay, ſome were found that would engage in it, whether the Con-
ſuls would or no. Thus was War made and declared againſt Carthage at
the ſame time, and he that carried them the Decree of the Senate, declared
likewiſe that there was an Army at Sea ready to invade them. This news
caſt the whole City, not only into fear, but deſpair. They had lately loft
all their Youth, they had neither Fleet, nor Allies, nor Soldiers in readi-
neſs, no proviſion in the City to ſuſtain a Siege; in ſhort, no manner of
preparations, as ordinarily happen to people ſurprized, with an un-
expected War, and which has not been declared. Beſides, it was not pof-
ſible for them to oppoſe the Romans and Mafaniſſa together;wherefore they
fent other Deputies to Rome, with full authority to accommodate the Affair
at any rate whatſoever. The Senate made them anſwer, That, provided
the Army were yet in Sicily, if within a month the Carthaginians would
deliver up in Hoſtage three hundred Children of their beſt Families, and
perform what they ſhould ordain, the City of Carthage ſhould remain free
in the enjoyment of their Rights, and of the Territory they poſſeſſed in
Africa. This Decree of the Senate they publickly gave to the Deputies
to carry to the Conſuls, whom privately they advertiſed not to recede
from thoſe orders they had received in the City. The Carthaginians
were doubtful, that though they did deliver up their Hoſtages, they ſhould
not obtain aſſured Peace. However, in the extremity wherein they be-
held themſelves, they placed all their hopes in obedience; and that they
might work upon the Conſuls, by a ready execution of their commands,
they carried their Children into Sicily, before the time had been preſcribed
them. It's true, that their parents and Friends parted not from them with-
out abundance of tears ; eſpecially the Mothers, who ecchoing fearful
ſhrieks and crys, could hardly be pulled from the embraces of their
Children, and when they were, hung upon the Ships, claſped hold upon
the Anchors, and cut the Tackle to hinder the Seamen from putting forth;
many tore their hair, and beat their breaſts, as if they had been at a Fune-
ral, for they perceived that in appearance indeed they gave Hoſtages,
but in reality and effect, they yielded up their City, ſince their Children
were taken away, and no aſſured promiſe made them. And indeed ma-
ny of theſe Women ſhedding tears made this dire prediction, that the
giving Hoſtages was but in vain. Thus were theſe Youth taken away
from Carthage, to be delivered up in Sicily, where they were received by
the Conſuls, who ſent them to Rome, and told the Carthaginians, they
ſhould know at Utica, what more was to be done, to deliver themſelves
from this VVar.



XXXIV.
VVhen the Romans were paſſed over, the Army encamped in the ſame
place, Scipio had before encamped in, and the Fleet rode in the Ports de-
pending on Utica. The Carthaginian Deputies came to attend the Con-
ſuls, who feated in the Tribunal, encompaſſed by all the Officers of the
Army, had cauſed to be drawn off on both ſides the way that the Cartha-
ginians were to paſs, all their Forces magnificently armed, with Colours
flying,

Part I.
or, Punick War.
>
33
or-
flying, that the Carthaginians might judge of their vaſt numbers by what
they law. Then a Trumpet having commanded filence,by the Conſuls
der a Herauld went to give notice to the Deputies, that they were ready
to give them audience. They were led through the midſt of all the Army,
and when they drew near, ſtopt at the Rails, placed like a Bar before the
Tribunal , from whence the Conſuls commanded them to make their
Propoſals. They began then in a deplorable manner to recount the ancient
Treaties had been between the two people, the antiquity of Carthage, the mul-
titudes of people in it, the power they had had, and the former great extent of
their Dominions ; adding that they ſpoke not this out of vanity (for it was no
time to be vain, when they were miſerable) but to the end, that the Example
of a change ſo great and ſo ſudden, might oblige the Romans to treat them
with humanity and moderation, of which they
could not give any more illuftri-
ous evidence, than by having commiferation of the afflicted, beſides thoſe who
exerciſe their power well in other mens misfortunes, may hope the like
from their
Conquerours, if they ſhould fall into the ſame diſgrace. It would be piety in
you (ſaid the Chief of the Deputies) to conſider the miſerable condition of our
affairs, and unleſ we have indeed met with Enemies pitileſs and inexorable,
you ſhould in all reaſon reſt ſatisfied with our calamities; we have loſt all the
Dominion we had both by Sea and Land, we have delivered up our Ships to
you, and have not ſought to build others; we have forborn hunting of Ele-
phants; we have both formerly, and at preſent, delivered you good Hoſtages.
We have paid you the Tribute we ought you at the time limited, we that uſe to
receive from others. Certainly
, Sirs, your Predeceſſors, after having van-
quiſhed us, contented themſelves with thus much, they received us into their al-
liance and friendſhip, on theſe conditions , which we have folemnly ſworn to
maintain on one part and the other. They faithfully kept the Peace they grant-
ed, after long Wars; and you, againſt whom we never took up Arms, what is it
you complain of? what part of the Treaty has not been obſerved, that you ſo
ſuddenly decreed this War, and bring it to our doors before you declare it ? Have
we not paid you your Tribute ? have we any Ships ? have we any Elephants ?
Do we not ſeem worthy of your compaſſion, after the ſo late loſs of fifty thous
ſand men by famine? You will ſay we made War upon Mafaniſſa : 'I is true,
but 'twas not till he had uſurped our Lands, which we for a long time ſuffered
with patience, till he ſetting no bounds to his avarice, committed a thouſand cru-
elties in the Country about the Empories,where he was brought up and educated;
and not content with that, he has attempted to ſnatch from us what we had re-
maining, and at laſt has gone ſo far, as to trouble the peace we had with you :
But becauſe we feared to diſpleaſe you, that we might remove all pretence of
making this War, we have by publick Edict declared even our own Defen-
ders Criminal ; we have ſent Deputies to Rome to make out excuſes, and now
again afreſh ſent other Deputies with full Authority to renero the Peace, on
what conditions ſoever you ſhould think fit: What need was there then of this
Fleet, or this Army againſt people, who though innocent, ſubmit themſelves to
whatſoever you ſhall ordain? Fou may eaſily judge we make not theſe offers to
deceive you, and that you cannot impoſe upon us any penalty, we will not
undergo,
whilſt we have furrendred up as Hoſtages to you, the moſt conſiderable
of our Children, as you deſired, without ſtaying out the months time you gave
us for the ſending them : Beſides, the Decree of the Senate declares, that pro-
vided we delivered thoſe Hoſtages, Carthage ſhould remain free in the enjoy-
ment of what we poſſeſs.
After the Deputy had thus ſpoken, Cenforinus broke ſilence, and anſwered
him in theſe terms, 'Tis needleſ to repeat to you the occaſion of this War,
F
your

34
The Lybian,
PARTI.
your Deputies have already heard it from the Senate themſelves. But as to
what you falfely object to us 't will be eaſie to reply; for it is decreed by the
Ordinance you ſpeak of, and we told it you before in Sicily, when we received
your Hoſtages, that at Utica fhould be propoſed to you the farther intentions
of the Senate. We cannot but praiſe you that you have ſent your Hoſtages
jo readily and
fach choſen ones. But if you to paſſionately deſire Peace, what
need have you of Arms. Wherefore bring all you have as well belonging
to the publick, as private perfons, all your Ďarts, Croßbows and other Årms,
and deliver them into our hands. The Deputies anſwered that they were
willing to obey in this too, but then they could not tell how to hinder
Aſdrubal's entry into the City, whom they had condemned to death, and
who was now at the head of twenty thouſand men which he had new rai-
ſed. However when the Conſuls had replied that the Senate and people
of Rome would take that into their care, they promiſed to ſurrender their
Arms, and Scipio Nafica, and Cn. Cornelius Hiſpalus were ſent to receive
them. They had Arms for two hundred thouſand men, an infinite Num-
ber of piles and darts, two thouſand as well croſsbows as other engins,
for the lancing of javelins and caſting of great ſtones. And it was a
wonderful thing to ſee the carriages loaden with them conducted by the
enemies themſelves, who were followed by the Deputies,Senators, Officers,
Prieſts and Nobility, hoping to move the Confuls either out of reſpect to
their dignity or out of compaſſion to their misfortune.
When they were come before the Tribunal, each man habited accord-
ing to their degree, they all ſtood attentive, and Cenforinus who was inore
eloquent then his colleague once more breaking ſilence ſpoke to them in
this manner. Certainly we have good reaſon to applaud that ready obedience
you
have manifeſted in delivering your Hoſtages, and ſurrendring up your
Arms; but it is fruitleſs to make long diſcourſes where neceſſity preſſes.
Hearken with patience to the remaining Orders of the Senate; withdraw your
ſelves from the City of Carthage and transfer your habitation into whatever
place you pleaſe of your Dominion, provided it be four
ſcore furlongs from the
Sea, for we are reſolved to rafe it. The Conſuls words were interrupted
by the outcrys of the Carthaginians, who began to lift up their hands to
heaven, calling the gods to witneſs of the treaties violated railing, reviling
and reproaching the Romans. Some deſired death, others became furi-
ous, ſome provoked the Romans againſt the Deputies, others caſt them-
felves on the ground, beating the pavement with thetr hands and face, and
others in a rage tore not only their cloaths but their very fleſh, but after
this firſt agitation was paſt over, you might behold them overwhelmed
with forrow, ſtanding Itill without ſpeaking a word, as if they had been
dead. The Romans were aſtoniſhed at the ſpectacle, and the Conſuls
could not take it ill that this conſternation, cauſed by an unexpected com-
mand, had raiſed ſuch ſtorms in the breſts of the Carthaginians, till their
heat
of anger was over, for they conſidered that mighty calamities do on
the ſudden create a boldneſs in the heart of men, who cannot upon ſurpriſe
digeſt the troubleſome neceffity of obeying, and becoming hereafter fer-
vants: but when after a long ſilence they grew more lively ſenſible of
their miſery,they forbore any farther revilings, and only ſet themſelves to
lament their unfortunate condition, calling by name, their Children, their
Wives and their Country, as if they had heard their lamentations. The
Prieſts likewiſe invoked the Gods as if they had been preſent, reproaching
them with being the cauſe of their death. In ſhort the mourning was ſo
great, and the groans fo confuſed, of thoſe who deplored the publick and
private

Part 1.
Or Punick War.
35
private misfortune, and ſo worthy of compaſſion, that they drew tears
from the eyes of their enemies. The Conſuls themſelves moved with
pity, out of a conſideration of the inſtability of humane things, expected
with fad countenances the end of their deplorings, when after abundance
of tears and groans, the Calm in ſome fort returning into their fouls,
they fell again into a profound ſilence, and conſidering that their City was
difármed and defenceleſs, that they had not one Ship, one Warlike
Engine, one Dart, or one Sword left, that they had not within their
walls men of war ſufficient, having lately loſt fifty thouſand men, and that
it was not poſſible for them to raiſe Soldiers elſewhere, having neither
friends nor allies, beſides that the ſhortneſs of the time would not permit
it. That their Children, their Friends, and their Country were in the
enemies power their City beſieged by Sea and Land, and that from the
other ſide Maſaniſſa their ancient enemy was ready to fall upon them,
they put a ſtop to the Tumult, and extravagance, as of all things moſt
uſeleſs in this occaſion, and had a freſh recourſe to prayers. Then
Hanno ſurnamed Gilla the moſt conſiderable of all the Carthaginians
there preſent, having firſt obatined permiſſion to ſpeak, began in this
manner.
ic
Sirs, if I
CG
C
may be admitted to add any thing to the Remonſtrances XXXVI.
we have made you, I muſt tell you, that we pretend not to act in this
“occaſion, as if we pleaded our cauſe before you in quality of Judges;
“ſuch proceeding is utterly unſeaſonable in our preſent condition; but I
“hope to make it appear by pertinent reaſons, that we are not unworthy
your mercy. We who have formerly been Lords of Africa, both by
“Sea and Land, and for a long time diſputed Extent of Empire with you,
at laſt yielded all to Scipio, when we delivered up all our Ships and our
Elephants, we have likewiſe payd you the tributes impoſed on us at
"the terms preſcribed. We beg you therefore, by thoſe gods, witneſſes
to the treaty, to pardon us, and not to violate the Oath of Scipio, who
ſwore that from thence forward the people of Carthage ſhould be friend
and allie to the people of Rome. We have not ſwerved from any thing
“of that accommodation. We have neither ſhips, nor Elephants, you
can demand no tribute of us, nay we have ſerved you againſt three
“Kings, and be not offended if we put you in mind of it, when you de-
“manded our Arms, ſince ordinarily miſeries make men ſpeak more then
they ought ; but 110w though the Religion of the Treaty ſhould be fuf-
"ficient argument to perſwade you, we have only recourſe to our Pray-
ers, and indeed we have nothing elſe left, having already yielded up tò
all that was in our power. This is all I can ſay to you touching the
“firſt Treaty of Peace which was ratified by the Oath of Scipio your Con-
"ful, but for what concerns our preſent Eſtate, you Sirs, are your ſelves
“witneſſes of what we have done. You demanded Hoſtages, we have
given you all the choiceſt of our youth. Ycu deſired our Arms, we
' have ſurrendred them all, which the inhabitants of a City taken never
“willingly did. We aſſured our ſelves upon the honeſty of the Romans
and upon their word, for the Senate gave us their letters, which we
delivered unto you, and when you demanded Hoſtages from us, you pro-
“miſed that Carthage ſhould (giving them) be at liberty to live accord-
ing to its Laws. And if having done what the letters of the Senate
“have ordered us, nay more than what they commanded, it would cer-
“tainly appear very evil if after having promiſed liberty to our City,
you
2
upon

36
PART I.
The Lybian,
" upon delivery of Hoftages, you ſhould ordain it's deſtruction, after having
"received them for if you demoliſh it,how can you leave it free as you pro-
miſed. This is all we have to ſay touching the Treaties,as well old as new,
b and if this move you not,we will only have recourſe to prayers and tears,
“the ſole refuge of the miſerable, and for which we have ample occaſion in
“the innumerable calamities that overwhelin us.We befeech you therefore
" for an antient City,built by the command of the Gods. For the ſupport of
" that immenſe glory it had acquired. For the preſervation of that name
it has born throughout the whole world, for its Temples, for its Gods,
" which are not capable of any crime. Chaſtiſe not them by a privation
" of thoſe folemn facrifices and continual adorations paid them by this
“City. Rob not the dead, who never offended you, of their Sepulchres,
" and thoſe funeral Honors daily celebrated on their tombs. And if you
“haye any pity for us, fince you ſay 'tis out of compaſſion you permit us
“to chufe another habitation, ſpare our Altars, ſpare our houshold gods,
"ſpare our high places, ſpare the goddeſs guardian of Carthage. In ſhort
“Ipare ſo many things that are both pleaſant and precious in the eyes of
“the whole earth ; for what can you fear from us? You have our ſhips,
you have our arms, and all thoſe great beaſts which attracted on us
the
envy of ſuch a world of people. You may lay perhaps that it is
“comfort enough for us, that you ſuffer us to build another City. But it
f is impoſſible for men accuſtomed to get their livelyhood from the Sea, of
" whom we have an infinite number, to live or ſubfilt in the Inland, yet how-
“ever you will have this to be a favor, but pray be pleaſed that inſtead
"of it we offer you another condition which will fully ſatisfie us and (in
our opinion ) bring you more glory. Let the City that has not finn'd
Stand, and put to death all the Carthaginians rather then command them
to change habitation, Thus all the world will believe you animated
" againſt men, and not againſt Temples, Gods, Sepulchres and innocent
" walls
. You have been accuſtomed to prefer glory and pitty before all
"things, and to make your moderation ſhine in the midſt of your proſpe-
Krity, which hitherto you have practiſed towards all you have fubdued,
“ ſuffer your ſelves then to be moved by the prayers of Fupiter, and thoſe
"gods which yet preſide ore Carthage, and for their fake ceaſe to hate us
" and our children, out of a remembrance of our paſt offences. Take
"heed left we prove the firſt for whom you looſe that high eſteem in
which you live, and fully not your reputation by the cruelty of this
"action, fo horrible to ſpeak of, much more to act, and of which never
“yet was heard an Example. The Greeks made many Wars upon the
Barbarians, and you your felves have bore Arms againſt many other
$f Nations; yet neither of you ever raz’d a City that yielded without fight,
" that had delivered up all they held moſt dear, their Children and their
5 Arms, and are moreover ready to ſubmit to whatever other puniſhment
" ſhould be impoſed, We therefore implore you by thoſe gods, witneſſes
“to our treaties, by the fortune of mankind, by thoſe inward ſtings, they
who are in proſperity ought to feel and fear, not to brand your ſucceſs
with ſo ſhameful a tyranny, nor extend our miſeries to the utmoſt ex-
tremities. Or if for your parts you are reſolved, yet give us leave to
“fend once more to Rome, to preſent our requeſt to the Senate. 'Tis
"but a ſhort time we ask you, yet during which our torment and trou-
“ble will increaſe thrcugh the incertainty of the event. You are in ample
power to do with us what you pleaſe either at preſent or afterwards but
"pray remember to act nothing contrary to Piety and Mercy.
Το
ic
(
66

PÁRT I.
or, Punick War.
37
you like, but when 10lves a place
int
To all this Cenforinus replyed; "There needs no farther repetition of the XXXVIII.
“ Orders of the Senate, they have ordained, and it muſt be done, did we
treat you like Enemies, we ſhould only command, and then force you
to it, but becauſe the intereſt of our Commonwealth, and poſſible the
“advantage of your own requires it ; I am content to make you apprehend
“the reaſons, and to perſwade rather than conſtrain you. As often as
56 the fight of the Sea puts you in remembrance of your ancient Dominion,
* and paſt Greatneſs, it provokes your Arms, and begets you a thouſand
“ calamities. 'Twas this Sea gave the firſt occaſion of your Aſſaults on
" Sicily, which ſince you have loſt. 'Twas this Sea which made you in-
“ vade Spain, out of which you were ſoon after chaſed. 'Twas this Sea
“ gave you the opportunity of robbing our Merchants, contrary to your
faith given in our Leagues, and then to throw them over-board, the bet-
"ter to conceal your crimes, till being ſurpriſed in it, you quitted Sardinia
for
reparation of that injury. Thus you loft Sardinia by means of that
Sea which by its nature inclines all the world to covetouſneſs, by reaſon
of the vaſt profit it brings in, in a little time. By it förinerly the Athe-
“nians, skilful in Maritime Affairs, grew fuddenly and mightily great;
“and by it were not long after as ſuddenly ruined; for the Sea is a kind of
"Merchandiſe by which riches flow in full ſprings, and ſuddenly ebbs as
ki faft. You know well that thoſe people I am Ipeaking of, having extend
ed their Dominion over all the Ionian Sea, and even unto Sicily, fet no
“bounds to their avariće till they had loſt all, till they were forced to ſur-
"render their Havens and their Ships into their Enemies hands, to receive
* a Garriſon into their City, and demoliſh with their own hands their lofty
4 Walls, ſo that they became almoſt a Plain, which for a long time proved
“ the means of their preſervation. And ſurely, Gentlemen of Carthage,
there is more ſtability in a Country Life, and more aſſurance in Labour
6 and Tillage ; and though the profits are not ſo great as thoſe reaped by
“the Sea, yet are they much more certain : and to tell you my thoughts,
“I am clearly of opinion, that a Maritime City is rather a Ship, than firm
“Land, ſo much is it toſſed with variety of affairs, and ſubje&t to infinite
* Revolutions, whilſt the Inland yields Fruits, may be gathered without
danger; for this reaſon was it, that anciently Kings choſe their Seats
R? within Land, and that was it raiſed the Médes, Perlians, Affyrians and
many others to ſuch a height of power ; but to what purpoſe give I you
“the examples of Kings, let us ſpeak of what concerns you. Caft your eyes
that at preſent tempts you. Thus you will raſe out of your minds
the memory of paſt miſeries; and indeed how can you look upon the
“Sea, where now you have no Shipping without being tormented with
the remembrance of thoſe mighty Fleets which daily returned to your
Ports loaden with booty or witlt the thoughts of the former
Magnificence of your Ports, your Arſenals and your Havens. And
when within your City you behold the Lodgings of the Soldiers unfur-
""nilhed, your Stables without Horſes, and your Stalls without Elephants :
what can all this move you to, but grief, and deſire to recover, if it
"were poffible, the fame power. 'Tis ordinary among men, that the me-
mory of paſt felicity creates a hope of its return;
and on the contrary,
** there is no better remedy againſt calamity than oblivion, which can ne-
"ver be attained to, but by diſtanciag our felves from objects may keep it
(6)
00
16 fresh

38
Part I.
The Lybian,
66
60
'freſh in our minds. An evident proof of this you may have in your
“ felves, who after having ſundry times obtained pardon for your faults,
could never keep to conftant Peace, nor continue long without violation
“of your Treaties. Wherefore if you have ſtill thoughts of Dominion,
" and that preſerving your animoſities againſt us, you wait only a favou-
“rable opportunity to ſhake off the yoke, you do well in endeavouring
ſtill to maintain your City, your Ports, your Honours, and thoſe lofty
“Walls which ſeem only built for War: and we on our ſide ſhould com-
“ mit a great crime to pardon people that will not pardon us, even
" then when fortune has ſubmitted them to our power. But if in truth,
“and not in word only you yield the Dominion to us, and that content-
ing your ſelves with what you poſſeſs in Lybia, you will make a ſincere
peace with us, deal faithfully, and prove it by the effects, retire your
“ felves into Africa, and willingly yield up to us that Empire of the Sea;
“ which by right of War belongs to us. In vain,to move us to compaſſion,
“ do you deplore your Temples, your Gods, your publick Places, and
your Sepulchres ; for we will not touch your Sepulchres, and you ſhall
“ have liberty when you pleaſe to come and facrifice, but all the reſt must
“ be demoliſhed; for you ſacrifice not to Havens, nor pay Funeral Ho-
nours to Walls; for your Hearths, your Altars, and publick Places, you
“may build them elſewhere, and foon eſtabliſh your felves a Reſidence
“ in the ſame manner as when you left Tyre you came into Africa, and
gained this Seat which now you call the Seat of your Anceſtors. To tell
you all in a word, you may eaſily conceive what we now do is not out
“of malice, but for our own ſecurity, and to maintain publick concord :
“if you remember that Alba which was no Enemy City, inhabited not
“by Foes, but Friends that loved us, was transferred into our City for
" the publick good, which fucceded to both peoples fatisfaction. But we
have, ſay you, multitudes of miſerable people who gain their living by
the Sear; this hath likewiſe been thought on, fo far, that it will be eaſie
“ for you ſtill to trade by Sea, and to import and export your Commodi-
“ ties without very great trouble ; for we have not ordained your retreat
“from the Sea above fourſcore Furlongs; and we our ſelves are di-
“ſtant at leaſt a hundred. We permit you to chuſe ſuch a place as ſhall
“beſt like you, and live with all freedom in your new Habitations: and
“this is what we meant when we told you that the City of Carthage ſhould
remain free, if they obeyed us in this occaſion ; for ſpeaking of the
City, we believed not to be underſtood to have ſpoken of its Foundations,
“or its Walls, but its Citizens. Here Cenforinus ſtopped, but ſeeing the
Carthaginians were likewiſe filent, he added, that What he had ſaid, was
only to perſwade and comfort them: And now, ſaid he, the Orders of the Se-
nate muſt be put in execution, and that out of hand, wherefore withdraw your
felves; for as yet we conſider you as Deputies. Upon hearing theſe words,
the Uſhers made them go forth ; but they forefeeing the diſorder this news
would bring to Carthage, deſired once more audience, and being again ad-
mitted, ſpake again in this manner. We fee well, that we muſt obey, ſince
you will not permit us to ſend to Rome; nor have we any hopes of ever returna
ing again to you; for our Citizens, before we ſhall have done ſpeaking, will tear
us in pieces; wherefore we beg you not for our concern (we have already ſet up
our Refi) but for the intereſt of Carthage, to oblige them by terror to ſupport
the Calamity they groan under, that to that end you would cauſe your Fleet to
approach the City, whilſt we are on the way thither, to the intent, that they at
once underſtanding your deſign, and ſeeing the danger whereupon they are
threatened,
66
66

PARTI
or Punick War
39
threatened, falling upon them, may ſuffer, if poſſible, the execution of your
Command. Fudge you to what the injuſtice of our fortune has reduced us, when
we are conſtrained to demand your Forces againſt our ſelves.
Having uttered theſe words, they departed, and Cenforinus went to
plant himſelf within view of Carthage with twenty Galleys, whilſt one
part of the Deputies took a quite different way from the City, and the reſt
went thitherward quite overwhelmed with Torrow and grief
.
The Carthaginians ſtood upon their Walls to diſcover their return at a XXXIX,
diſtance; and ſome tore their hairs out of impatience to ſee them coming,
others ran out to meet them to hear the news; but when they beheld them
quite caft down with fadneſs, they fmote their Breſts, demanding how
things had paſſed; fome in the general; others when they met a Friend or
any one they knew, ſtopped them and enquired : but when they received
no anſwer, they gave themſelves over to tears, judging all was loſt, thoſe
who from the Walls perceived it, wept likewiſe for company, without
knowing wherefore, but out of an inward prefage of ſome great misfor-
tune. The Deputies being come to the Gate, the people thronged ſo thick,
that they were ready to ſtifle one another, and ready they were to have
torn in pieces the Deputies, had they not told them that before they could
anſwer them they muſt have conference with the Senate. Hereupon ſome
gave place, and others made way for them, that they might the fooner
know the truth. After they were entred the Palace, and the multitude
were retired, the Senate took their Seats, and the people ſtood all about
the Senate Houſe. And now the Deputies having told them the command
they had received from the Conſuls, there was raiſed a confuſed cry in the
Aſſembly, which the people that were without anſwered by a dreadful
noiſe. But when the Deputies continued their diſcourſe, and declared the
reaſons they had uſed to move the Romans, they again kept a profound fi-
lence, out of the deſire every man had to know the event, which made the
people quiet too ; but when they underſtood that they were not ſuffered
ſo much as to ſend to Rome, they burſt forth into hideous groans and out-
cries; and the people forcing their Guards, entred confuſedly into the Pa-
lace where now there was nothing but rage and fury. All the Rabble, like
ſo many Bacchantes, poſſeſſed with different forts of madneſs, fell fome up-
on the Senators who had adviſed the giving of Hoſtages, tearing them in
pieces, as if they had been the firſt cauſe of their ſurpriſe ; others treat-
ed in the ſame manner thoſe who had counſelled the delivery of their Arms:
ſome threw Stones at the Deputies, as the bringers of ill news, others ran
like Furies up and down the Streets, and finding fome Italians, who by
chance had ſtaid in the City, not dreaming of this unexpected misfortune,
treated them with a thouſand forts of Indignities, telling them they would
have revenge for the Hoſtages ſent to Rome, and for the Arms taken from
them. All the City was filled with tears and rage, with fear and threat-
enings; ſome running through the Streets called out to their friends, o-
thers ran to the Temples, blaſpheming the Gods that had not power to de-
fend their own Altars, ſome running to the Arſenals, wept for grief, to
ſee them empty, others running to the Havens with tears, bemoaned their
Ships delivered to faithlefs men, others again called their Elephants by
name, as if they had ſtill been with them, accuſing and blaming both
themſelves and their Predeceſſors, and arguing that they ought never to
have yielded up neither Elephants, nor Ships, nor Arms, nor conſented to
pay Tribute ; for that it had been much more honourable to have died for
their

The Lybian,
PARTI
their Country with their Arms in their hands. But nothing more enflamed
the anger of the people, than the Mothers of the Hoſtages, whom they
might behold like Furies in a Tragedy, flie upon all they met
with, reproach-
ing them that they had robbed them of their Children, and demanding fatis-
fačtion. In concluſion, ſome more reſerved than the reſt, after having
barricadoed up the Gates, gathered Stones, and carried them upon the
Walls, to ſerve againſt the Enemy, in tead of other Arms.
XL.
ny
The ſame day it was concluded in the Senate, that they ſhould ſtand upon
their Defence, and Proclamation was made for the general freedom of Slaves.
They likewiſe nominated Generals, of which one was Aſdrubal, whom
they had condemned to death, and who had already twenty thouſand Men
in Arms, and to him they preſently diſpatched a Deputy to entreat him, that
now in his Countries extremity he would not remember the offence he had
received, which was only occaſioned by the fear they had of the Romans.
Him they appointed to keep the Field; and for the City they choſe another
Afdrubal, Grand-child to Maſaniſſa, by one of his Daughters. This done,
they diſpatched once more to the Conſuls, to demand only thirty days time,
during which, their Deputies ſhould go to Rome, which being refuſed, they
took a reſolution to ſuffer all extremities, rather than abandon their City.
And now might be ſeen an univerſal change in mens minds;the Temples like-
wife, and the Palace, and other ſpacious places were changed into publick
Shops, wherein men and women laboured night and day without reſpit
, un-
leſs ſo much time as neceſſity and nature required for food and ſleep; ſo that
every day they made one hundred Bucklers, three hundred Swords, a thou-
ſand Arrows for the Croſs-bow; five hundred Darts and Javelins, and as ma-
Croſs-bows as they could; and when they wanted ſtrings to bend them
with, the Women cut off their Hair to make Cords of. Whilſt the Cartha-
ginians prepared for War with ſo much care and diligence, the Conſuls were
not fo preſſing, whether it troubled them to reſolve upon doing a thing foex-
traordinary, or that they thought they could, when ever they pleaſed, with
eaſe take by force a diſarmed City. Beſides they imagined that neceſſity
would ſoon take them off their courage, it being ordinary, that thoſe who
in the extremity of Affairs are at firſt furiouſly oppoſite, after having more
cloſely conſidered the matter,grow fearful of diſpleaſing thoſe who have the
power of deſtroying them, which happened in effect in Carthage, where a
certain man perceiving his Fellow-Citizens already growing ſenſible of fear,
came into the Aſſembly under another pretence, and told them, that of many
evils the leaſt was to be choſen, when they had not wherewithal to defend
themſelves. Mean while Maſaniſſa was not well ſatisfied, that he having
brought down the Power and Glory of the Carthaginians, the Romans
ſhould come and ſnatch the Victory out of his hands, and had croſſed the
Sea without firſt communicating their deſign to him, which they had uſed
to do in former Wars. However, when the Conſuls, to ſound his intenti-
ons, demanded his aſſiſtance, he replyed, he would not be wanting, as ſoon
as he knew they ſtood in need of it, and indeed ſometime after he ſent one
to the Confuls, to know if they had any thing for him to do, but they not
enduring his Pride, and miſtruſting him as a perſon grown angry, made an-
fwer, that when they ſtood in need of him, they would ſend him word, and
yet were they at preſent in ſome ſtraits for Proviſions, which were only
brought them from Adrumetum, Leptis, Saxa, Utica and Chella, for Afdrubal
held all the reſt of Lybia, from whence he ſent what he could to Carthage.
Some days being paſſed, the two Conſuls drew their Army near the City,
refolved

PARTI.
or, Punick War.
41
reſolved to beliege it. It was ſituate in the great Golf of Africa, encom-
paſſed by the Sea, in form of a Peninſula, the Neck of which dividing it ;
from the Continent, was about five and twenty Furlongs broad. Towards
the Weft there ſtretched out a long Point of Land, about half a Furlong
wide, which advancing into the Sea, divided it from the Mariſh, and
was incloſed on all ſides with Rocks, and with a ſingle Wall. Towards
the South and the Continent, where ftood the Cittadal called Byrfa, it
was incloſed with a triple Wall of thirty Cubits high, not accounting the
height of the Parapets and Towers, which flanked it round in equal di-
ftances, of about two * Acres one from another. Their Foundations were
Or about 80
about thirty Foot deep, and they were four Stories high, the Walls reach- fathoms dem
ing only to the fecond, but they were vaulted, and that ſo vaſtly, that un- cording to the
derground there were Stalls for three hundred Elephants , with all things Greek Acres
neceſſary for their ſuſtenance, and above Stables for four thouſand Horſe,
and Lofts for their Provender: beſides there were Lodgings for twenty
thouſand Footmen, and four thouſand Horſemen ; in fhört, all their or-
dinary preparations for War were lodged in their Walls only. There
was but one place of the City, where the Walls were low and weak. This
was a neglected Angle, which began at the Point of Land, we ſpoke of
before, and reached to the Ports, for they had two Ports diſpoſed in ſuch
manner, that a Ship might eaſily go from one to the other ; and yet there
was but one entrance through a paſſage of about ſixty fix Foot wide, ſe-
cured with Chains; the firſt was for Merchants , where were many, and
divers ſorts of Quarters for the Mariners; the other, which was the inner
Port,was for the Men of War in the midſt of which ſtood an Illand enicom-
paſſed about, as well as the Port,with vaſt Keys, in which there were Places
or Docks to put under covert two hundred and twenty Ships, and above
Store-houſes, where they wrought and made all things neceſſary for the
Shipping; the Fronts of each place were upheld by two Pillars of Mar-
ble of lonick workmanſhip, ſo that the whole round, as well of the Port
as the Iſland, repreſented on both ſides two magnificelīt Gallies. Within
this Iſland ftood the Admirals Palace, from whence the Trumpet gave
the Signal of his Orders ; from whence he publifhed his Ordinances, and
from whence he overlooked all things. The Iſland ſtood directly oppoſite
to the mouth of the Port, extending it ſelf a good way forward, fo that
from thence the Admiral could diſcern what paſſed at Sea a great diſtance
off, but thoſe at Sea could not perceive what paſſed within ; nay, when
the Merchants were entred into their Port, they could not ſee the Men of
War, for their Port was ſeparate from the inward Port by a double Wall,
and for them there was an entrance from their Port by a Gate into the Ci-
ty, without paſſing into the other. Such was at this time the face of
Carthage.
The Conſuls having each taken their quarter, began their affaults, Man-
lius to the Landſide, with deſign to fill up the Ditch, and poffeſs himſelf
of the Rampire within it, that ſo he might afterwards attempt the high
Walls, and Cenforinus from the Sea cauſing Ladders to be planted both or
the Shore, and in his Ships againſt that ill fortified Angle, which had
been always neglected; they both deſpiſed their Enemy, believing him
diſarmed: but when they found new made Arms, and Men fully reſolved
to defend themſelves, they were ſurpriſed as at a Prodigy,and retreated,ac-
knowledging that from the very firſt they committed an errour, in be-
lieving they ſhould carry the City without fighting. They made a ſecond
aſſault, which fucceeding no better than the firſt, increaſed the courage of
G

42
PART I.
The Lybian,
means, but a
a
the Carthaginians; and now the Conſuls fearing Aſdrubal , who lay en-
camped on the edge of the Mariſh, lodged their Forces apart ; Cenforings,
with his Naval Army in the Mariſh, againſt the Walls of the City, and
Manlius on the neck of the Peninſula, towards the Continent. Being thus
poſted, Cenforinus paſſed the Mariſh, to go in ſearch of Materials for the
building of Engines
, where he loft five hundred Workmen ; and great
quantity of Arms having been encountred by Amilcar, ſirnamed Phameas,
Colonel of the Carthaginian Horſe : yet forbore he not the bringing of
Materials, with which having cauſed to be made Ladders, and other En-
gines, he with them returned to the aſſault, but in vain. Manlius after
fome flight attempts, and beating down part of the firſt Wall, deſparing
of ſucceſs, gave over the Enterpriſe : -but Cenforinus having filled up a part
of the Mariſh near to the point of the Land to gain more room, raiſed two
* It is to be
Rams of an extraordinary ſize,of which one was driven forward by fix thou-
imagined , he
ſand * Foot, encouraged by the Orders and Preſence of their Captains; and
the other by the Gally-ſlaves, whoſe labour was over-ſeen by thoſe who
part laboured had the coinmand of the Gallies. This begat ſubject of Emulation, ſo
at a time, and that the Commanders, as well as the others ſtriving, who ſhould out-do
when weary, each other, a great part of the Wall was ſoon overthrown, and the City
were relieved might plainly be ſeen into. The Carthaginians on their ſide did not ſleep,
by others.
but apply'd themſelves to repair by night, what breaches the Rams had
made by day; but becauſe the night was not ſufficient for ſo great a
labour, fearful left the Romans ſhould eaſily beat down again what they
had repaired, whilſt it was yet moiſt and unſettled ; they reſolved upon
a Sally, and ſome with Swords, and others with Torches in their Hands,
ſo vigorouſly aſſaulted the Engines, that though they burnt them not quite,
yet they rendred them uſeleſs, and retreated into the City in order. Day
appearing, the Romans entertained a conceit of entring Carthage, by the
breach which the Inhabitants could not quite repair, and they ſaw with-
in a ſpacious place very proper to fight in. The Carthaginians expected
them, having placed in the Front all their Armed men, others with Stones
and Clubs in the 'Rear, and all about in the neighbouring Houſes, thoſe
who were any way capable of defending them. The Romans enraged
that difarmed men thus deſpiſed them, entred in throngs into Carthage :
but Scipio, to whom the taking of this City gave afterwards the firname of
* Colonel of Africanus,being yet but * Tribune,took ſpecial care not to enter,contenting
1000 men. himſelf with drawing up his Regiment by Companies in Battel, near the
Walls of the City ; from whence, as much as in him lay, he hindred o-
thers from paſſing in, and ſuſtained thoſe whom the Carthaginians beat
back , by favouring their retreat; and this was it, gave him his firſt re-
putation, and made him gain the Character, in all Letters that were wrote
to Rome, of being wiſer than the Conſuls : At length Cenſorinus his Army
becoming forely afflicted with fickneſs, by reaſon of being poſted among
dead and ſtinking waters, and that the height of the Buildings hindred
them from breathing the Sea Air,he reſolved to put to Sea; but the Cartha-
ginians having obſerved, that the wind blew directly to the Roman Fleet,
filled with Tow and dried Vine-twigs, a quantity of ſmall Barques with-
in their Port, that the Enemy might know nothing of it; and having
plaiſtred them over with Pitch and Brimſtone, brought them out in ſight of
the Romans, and there hoiſting fail, ſet fire to them, ſo that the wind, and
the violence of the flames drove them into the midſt of the Fleet, which
were almoſt all burn'd.
After

PART I.
43
or, Punick War.
After this, Cenſorinus being gone to Rome to be preſent at the Aſſembly, XLII
then to meet for Election of Magiſtrates; his departure gave ſuch boldneſs
to the Carthaginians, as to make an attempt upon Manlius his Camp. To
this end they ſallyed by night, ſome armed, and others who had no Arms
carrying Bridges, and ſtormed the Ditch in that place next the Town,
and were already pulling out the Paliſades, when the Alarm being run
through the whole Camp, by reaſon of the obſcurity of the night, Scipio
with his Horſe marched out of the farther Gate, and going the round of
the Camp without the Line, terrified the Carthaginians, and made them
Tetreat again into their City; all the World gave Scipio the glory of having
ſaved the Army in this nocturnal terrour by his Conduct; and Manlius
determined to keep better Guards, and to fortifie himſelf, to which effe&t
he cauſed å Wallto be built in the place, where there was but a Paliſade,
and built a Fort on the Sea, to receive thoſe Ships that brought him Pro-
viſions. That done, he took the Field with ten thouſand Foot; and two
thouſand Horſe, beſides Hewers of Wood and Forragers, to gather in Har-
veſt throughout all the level Country. Thoſe who were employed in this
Service, were commanded by Tribunes, who relieved one another accord-
ing to their turns, which gave occaſion to Phameas, who commanded the
African Horſe to fignalize himſelf ; this young man diligent and handy,
and who had with him ſmall but ſwift Horſes, which lived on Herbs when
they had nothing elſe ; and could endure hunger and thirſt, if there were
occaſion, concealed himſelf among the Woods, or in the Valleys; and when
he perceived the Enemy ſtoad not upon their Guard, ſallyed from his Co-
vert, and came thundring upon them like an Eagle ; and after having
charged the Romans, retreated into a place of ſecurity. But when Scipio
Commanded , he never appeared; for Scipio continually kept his Foot in
order, and his Horſe in a fighting poſture ; and when any Corn was to be
cut, he never ſuffered the Reapers to go to work, till he had firſt gone the
round of the Field they were to cut down, botlı with Horſe and Foot in
their Arms, himſelf guarding the out-skirts with fome Squadrons; and if
any of the labourers ftragled from the others, or went out of the Circle
he puniſhed them ſeverely, wherefore Phameas never durſt attempt him;
and Scipio ſtill continuing his vigilance, his glory increaſed from day to
day; inſomuch, that the other Tribunes, who erivyed him, raiſed a report
that there was an old Alliance between Scipio, and the Family of Phameas,
* It happened alſo that ſome Africans retiring themſelves to fome Towers or
Caſtles, of which there are great number in that Couritry: the other Tri-
bunes, after having granted them Pafs-ports, forbore not to lay Ambuſhes
for them in the way, and rob them: But Scipio on the contrary, convey'd
them to the very Houſe; infomuch, that hereupon none afterwards would
enter into a Treaty, but in his preſence; ſo much the good opinion of
his Virtue and Honeſty was increaſed, not only in the thoughts of the Ro-
mans , but of the Enemies themfelves. Manlius being returned to the
Camp, after having gathered in Harveſt, the Carthaginians by night af-
ſaulted the Fort on the Sea with great violence, and beſides to ſtrike ter-
rour into the Romans, the whole Multitude coming out of the City made
à horrible noiſe. The Conſul ignorant of the cauſe of this Tümult, kept
within his Trenches : bút Scipis having cauſed two Squadrons of Horſe to
mount, each with his Torch in his hand poſted in, forbidding his people to
engage, becauſe of the night,and only giving them order to run to and fro,
ſo that they might make the Enemy believe they were a greater force than
they
G2
44
The Lybian,
Part 1

they were, and likewiſe ſtrike an apprehenſion into them, that they were
Jadvancing to charge them, this ſucceeded; for the Carthaginians afraid
of being charged on both ſides, retreated into their City; and this was a
farther addition to the brave exploits already performed by Scipio, it being
now in every Mouth, he alone was worthy to have Paulus for his Father
and to be enrolled in the Family of the Scipio's, into which he had been a-
dopted. Some time after Manlius going to Nucera with deſign to af-
ſault Aſdrubal, the enterpriſe diſpleaſed Scipio, the more becauſe he ſaw
that in his March he was to paſs through narrow ways among the Rocks,
the tops of which were poffeffed by the Enemy. However he would go,
but being come within three furlongs of that General, on the Banks of a
River, which he muſt paſs to fall on: Scipio did what he could to oblige
the Conſul to a retreat, telling him another time, and other means, were
requiſite to reach Afdrubal. Thofe who envyed him were not wanting to
oppoſe his propoſition, and to ſay, that it ſavoured more of cowardiſe than
prudence to turn tail, after having ſeen the Enemy, and that it was to give
them an opportunity to come and charge them in the Rear. He then pro-
poſed another advice; to wit, that at leaſt they ſhould throw up Trenches
on that ſide the River, that if they were repulſed, they might have a re-
treat; but they laughed at this, and one of them ſaid, he would lay down
his Sword, if he muſt obey the orders of Scipio, and not thoſe of Manlius.
Hereupon the Conſul, who was not very expert in War, paſt the River ;
and was no ſooner on the other ſide, but he engaged Aſdrubal, where there
happened a great ſlaughter on both ſides; but becauſe Aſdrubal had his
Camp near, he retreated thither, from whence as from a place of ſecurity,
he obſerved in what manner he might defeat the Romans, who already
repenting themſelves of their enterprize, regained the River in good or-
der, yet could they not very commodiouſly repaſs it, becauſe there were
but few Fords, and thoſe very dangerous, ſo that they were forced to file
off. Now Aſdrubal taking his time, charged them with great fury, flay-
ing an infinite of thoſe who fought rather to fly than defend themſelves, of
which number were three of the Tribunes, the principal of thoſe, who
had adviſed the General to give battel. Scipio preſently rallyed all the Ca-
valry he could with three hundred Horſe which he had, and dividing them
into two Squadrons, cauſed them to march againſt the Enemy each of his
ſide, with order not to charge at the ſame time, but make their diſcharge
of their Darts, and then immediately retreat; then charging again, re-
treat in like manner. He was of opinion, that thus,having always one half
of them fronting the Enemy, and ſtopping them with force of Darts, he
ſhould conſtrain him to cloſe his Battalia’s, which indeed happened; for
after often renewing this kind of fight, and that the Africans ſaw they
continually charged them with Darts which extremely vexed them, they
turned all their Power againſt Scipio, giving by this means leiſure to the
reſt of the Army to repaſs the River ; and Scipio ſeeing the Romans on the
other ſide, paſſed himſelf through all the ſhowers of Darts, thrown at him
by the Africans. Now at the beginning of this fight , four Roman Co-
horts, which the unexpected aſſault of the Enemy had hindred from gain-
ing the River, were retired to an Eminence, where Aſdrubal beſieged
them. The Romans perceived nothing of it, till ſuch time as they were
about to encamp; and now they did know it,knew not what to reſolve on ;
ſome were of advice to continue their march, and not to expoſe a great Ar-
my for a ſmall Number. Whereupon Scipio remonſtrated to them, that
when the debate was about a matter of importance, mature deliberation,
'tis

PARTI.
or, Punick War.
45
'tis true, was requiſite; but that now ſeeing ſo many brave men in an ex-
treme danger, nothing was to be left unattempted to releive them. In
ſhort, having taken with him Proviſion for two days, he ſet forward, leaving
the Army in a great fear, left he ſhould not return himſelf. As ſoon as he
came to the place, where the Enemy beſieged the Romans, he immediate-
ly ſeiſed of an Eminence nigh to that, to which the Cohorts were retired
to, and which was only divided from it by a very narrow Valley. His
coming hindred not the Africans from continuing the fiege, for they could
not think that his men tired with travel could give any aſſiſtance to the
beſieged; but he ſeeing that the two Hills joyning themſelves together at
the foot, made but a very ſmall Valley, advances that way, and poſts him-
ſelf above the Enemy; who ſtartled at his courage and readineſs, betook
themſelves to a diſorderly flight. He would not purſue them, becauſe
they were the greater number , but contented himſelf with the ſaving of
thefe four Cohorts, which were given over for abſolutely loft, The Soldiers
ſeeing him return contrary to their hopes, and that not only he himſelf was
ſafe, but that he had likewiſe ſaved others; gave aſſurance of their inward
rejoycing, by their outward acclamations and ſhouts of joỳ, conceiving
an opinion of him, that he acted nothing but by the aſſiſtance of the ſame
Divinity, which was believed to foretel things to his Anceſtor Scipio.
Manlius returned to his Camp near the City, after having ſuffered ſuffici-
ently, for not giving credit to Scipio, who would have diſarmed him from
the Expedition; and whereas many thought it ſtrange, that they had left
their Dead unburyed, eſpecially three Tribunes ; Scipio gave liberty to a
Priſoner, and ſent him to Aſdrubal, to entreat him to give Funerals to the
Tribunes. He cauſed them to be ſought for among the Dead; and know-
ing them by the Rings of Gold they wore (for by them are the Chiefs a-
mong the Romans diltinguiſhed from the private Soldiers, who wear only
Iron ones) he gave them honourable Funerals, whether moved to it out of
humanity, or that in juſtice he ought it to the rule of War; or elſe already
reverencing the Glory of Scipio, he was willing by this Office, to oblige
that great man: To proceed, as the Romans who had had this bickering
with Aſdrubal, were on their return to Carthage, ſtill frighted with their de-
feat, Phameas cruelly perplexed them, and on the other ſide the Carthagini-
ans came forth to meet them , ſo that they could not recover the Camp
without the loſs of ſome ſervants which thoſe from the City cut off.
Mean
while the Senate ſent Commiſſioners to the Army to enquire into XLIII,
the ſtate of affairs, to whom both Manlius, and the Chief Officers, and
likewiſe even thoſe Tribunes, who had eſcaped from the Rout, gave an
account very advantagious in favor of Scipio. For at laſt ſo many glorious
ſucceſſes had ſtopt the mouth of Envy; All the Army did the like, but
above all his brave Actions ſpoke enough for themſelves. Wherefore the
Commifſioners upon their return to Rome, publiſhed with one voice the
admirable qualities of Scipio, and the great love the Souldiers bore him,
which extreamly pleaſed the Senate. But now the Army being weakned
by a great many diſgraces, Ambaſſadors were ſent to Mafanill4, to de-
mand forces againſt the Carthaginians, who found him no longer among
the living. That King finding himſelf oppreſſed with age and fickneſs,
and having many illegitimate Children on whom he had beſtowed great
gifts, and three legitimate Sons, all of different minds and manners, he
ſent to entreat Scipio as his friend, by ſucceſſion from his Anceſtors, to
come and ſee him, and to conſult with him about dividing his Kingdom
among

46
Partl
The Lybian
among his Children; he immediately poſted away, but ere he
could arrive, Maſaniſſa had given up the ghoſt, having laid his Commands
on his children to obey Scipio, in what manner ſoever he ſhould divide the
ſucceſſion amongſt them. Thoſe were the laſt words of this great man
happy in all things, for by divine favor he reconquered his own King-
dom, which Syphax and the Carthaginians had ſeized on, and enlarged it
in ſuch manner, that from Mauritania which lies upon the Ocean he ex-
tended the bounds of his Dominion into the Continent, as far as Cyrene,
giving Laws to an infinite number of people, and teaching them a ſweeter
manner of living (for before the Numidians lived only on herbs, and de-
ſpiſed tillage.) He left great ſtore of Silver in his Coffers, and many war-
like Troops,whom himſelf had exerciſed in revenging himſelf of his ene-
mies. He took Syphax with his own hand, and brought the Carthaginians
fo low that the Romans had nof afterwards ſo much difficulty to deſtroy
them. He was tall of Stature, and very ſtrong, ſo that though far ad-
vanced in years he would be preſent at all occafions ſo long as he lived,
and ever mounted on horſeback without a ſaddle, but the greateſt ſign
of his vigorous conſtitution was that though he had many Children died
before him, yet he never had leſs then then ten living at a time after once
he had arrived that number, and being now fourſcore and ten years old,
he left his youngeſt only four years old. That great age had he advanced
to, and bore it out well, but at length of force he muſt die. Scipio did
with honor cauſe the liberality of their father to be given to the baſtard
Children; divided the mony among the legitimate Children, together
with the Revenues, and willed that they ſhould all bear the title of
King: As for the charges of State he diſtributed them, to every one ac-
cording to their capacity and inclination. He gave as by priviledge of
birth-right to Micipſa the Eldeſt who loved Peace the City of Cirtha the
ancient reſidence of the Kings, to Galuſe the ſecond, who was a Soldier,
the Command of the Armies, and to Maſtaball the third who was a
Scholar,the charge of Juſtice. Having made this diviſion of the Goods and
Kingdom of Malanilja. Scipio forthwith brought Guluſſa along
with him
to aſſiſtance of the Romans, who having preſently diſcovered the place
where Phameas concealed himſelf, and from whence he iſſued out to fur-
priſe them, foon rid them of that inconvenience.

XLIV.
One day Scipio and Phameas met in a place where there was only a water-
courſe between, that was impaſſible. Scipio who was doubtful of ſome am-
buſcades, advanced only with three of his people, to make diſcovery, and
Phameas came forward on the other ſide accompanied only with one,
which made Scipio, judging he had a deſire to ſpeak with him, advance
likewiſe only with one to attend him, when they were nigh enough to
hear each other, he fpake thus to the African, Why do not you labour for
your particular ſafety, ſince you can do nothing for your Country? to which
the other anfwered, and what ſafety can I expect, in the Eſtate to which
Carthage is reduced, after having done you ſo much miſchief. Aſſuredly
replyed Scipio,if you believe I have any power, and that I am a man of Faith
and Honor, I dare promiſe you in the name of the Romans not only grace and
pardon but acknowledgements. The African thanked him that had more
confidence in him than in all others, and told him, I will think of it, and
if I believe it may be done I will give you notice, and with that they parted.
Now Manlius to wipe away the ſtain of his firſt expedition to Nucera, re-
turned thither, and having taken proviſions for fifteen days, encamped,
and


PARTI.
47
or, Punick War.
and fortified himſelf, as Scipio had counſelled him to do the firſt time;
but he was a long time without doing any thing, which blaſted his fame
the more, beſides the hazard he ran the Army into of being beaten by
Afdrubal upon their return to Carthage.Whilft he lay thus in an incertainty
what to do, one of Guluffa's people brought a packet to Scipio, who keep-
ing it ſealed till he came to the fall Council of War, there broke it open
and found writ in it, to this effect, Such a day I will come to ſuch a place;
meet me there with what force you pleaſe, and give Order to thoſe who are uspon
the Guard, to receive me if I come by night. To this purpoſe were the
contents of the Letters which had no name ſubſcribed, but Scipio perceived
well that it was an invention of Phameas. Though Manlius was fearful
leſt Scipio might be deceived by that politick man, yet ſeeing he had a
good opinion of him, he permitted him to go to the place aſſigned, with
Orders to receive an Oath of Fidelity from Phameas, without aſſuring him
any fet reward, but only promiſing that the Senate would recompence
him, according to his deſervings. But there was no need of theſe promin
fes, for as foon as Phameas was come to the place appointed, he ſaid the
he put his own ſafety into the hands of Scipio, and for recompence he
referred himſelf to the judgment of the Senate and people of Rome, and
the morrow after having given his parol, he drew up all his Troops in
battalia, and being advanced to the head of them with the Officers,as if he
were about to conſult of ſomething of importance, he ſpoke to them in this
manner.
If there remained any hopes to relieve our Countrj, I ſhould be ready to die
with you: but ſeeing it in the Condition in which you all know it, I am reſolved
to take Order for my own affairs: I have aſſurance
given me for my ſelf and thoſe
that will follow me: Now you are to think what you have to do.
Having thus ſpoken, the Captains and thoſe who were under their com-
mand, to the Number of two thouſand two hundred Horſe, declared for the
Romans, the reſt ſtood firm by vertue of the authority and perſwaſion of
Hanno furnamed the White. As Scipio returned to the Camp, accompanied
with Phameas, all the Army came forth to meet him, receiving him with a
general acclamation as in a Triumph. But Manlius above all expreſſed ex-
traordinary joy, and no longer fearing his retreat might be ſhame-
fulbecauſe he believed Afdrubal, ſtartled at the Revolt of Pbameas, durft not
follow hiin, he diſcamped for want of Proviſions, not the fifteenth day after
his departure, but the ſeventeenth. And becauſe he had yet three days
march through troubleſome ways, Scipio took Phameas and Guluſſa with
their Horſe, and made an inroad into the Country which the inhabitants
of the place call the Great Abyſ from whence they returned at night to their
quarters, with a great booty, and good ſtore of Proviſions. Manlius
having advice that Calphurnius Pifo came to ſucceed him, fent Scipio be-
fore to Rome, together with Phameas, whom all the Army conducted to
the very Ships, beſeeching the Gods to grant them the favor, that they
might ſee Scipio return into Africa in the quality of Conſul, as if it had
been decreed by the deſtinies, that Scipio only could take Carthage, and in
truth many of the Army wrote as much to Rome. The Senate gave pub-
lick praiſes to Scipio, honored Phamens with the Purple-robe, and chain of
Gold, preſented him with a Horſe barded with Gold, and a Suit of Arms
of the fame gave him, beſides fix thouſand Seſterces, and
one hundred
and taining eigin
fifty * Marks of wrought Silver, together with a Tent furniſhed with all Ounces
neceſſary
* Each
Mark, cona

48
Part I.
The Lybian,
XLV.
neceſſary moveables, and gave him hopes of much more if he applyed
himſelf heartily to the ſervice of the Republick: he promiſed it, and after-
wards returned into Africa, to joyn with the Roman Camp.
In the beginning of the Spring Calphurnius Pifo Conſul, and his Collegue
L. Mancinus Admiral embarked for Africa, whither being come, they
made no attempt at all neither againſt Carthage nor againſt Afdrubal, but
contented themſelves to make War upon the little Cities round about they
beſieged Aſpida by Sea and Land, but were forced to raiſe their Siege. 'Tis
true Piſo took another Town which he ſack’t,though the inhabitants com-
plained they had ſurrendred upon compoſition : From thence he paſſed to
Hippone which is a great City, conſiderable for it's Walls, it's Caſtle,
it's Gates, and it's Haven, and which had been thus fortified by Agathocles
Teyrant of Sicily. It being Situate near to Utica and Carthage, the inhabi-
tants plundered the Convoys of Vi&tuals that were carrying to the Ro-
inans, with which they were in fome meaſure accommodated; where-
fore Calphurnius deſigned not only to chaſtiſe them, but likewiſe to make
them reſtore the Prizes they had taken. He therefore laid ſiege to it,
which continued all the Summer, but in vain, for the inhabitants made
two fallies, wherein being affifted by thoſe of Carthage, they burnt all the
beſiegers Engines. Thus Summer being ſpent without doing any thing,
the Conſul went to take up his Winter quarters at Utica.
XLVI.
But the Carthaginians, who had yet all Aſdrubal's Army entire, proud
of the fucceſs of Hippone, where they had beaten Piſo, and ſtrengthned
beſides with eight hundred Numidian Horfe, which had revolted from
Guluſſa to them under the conduct of Bythias, enlarged their hopes, be-
fides they perceived that though Micypſa and Mavaſtabal, the other fons
of Majaniſſa, promiſed Arms and Mony to the Romans, yet they only
temporized in expedation to ſee what courſe theſe affairs would take. They
began therefore to ſpread themſelves throughout all Africa, and without
fear to fortifie places in the Country, declaiming every where againſt the
cowardiſe of the Romans, and to perſwade the people, they loudly pro-
claimed the two expeditions of Nucera, which had redounded to their
ſhame, the laſt occaſion of Hippone, where they had been ſo ill handled,
and at laſt having beſieged Carthage it ſelf though difarmed, though un-
provided of all things yet they had been forced to raiſe the fiege. They
ſent likewiſe to Micypſa,to Mavaſtabal, and to the free Moors, to adviſe
them to take care left if the Romans took Carthage, they ſhould after-
wards invade and ſubdue them. They deputed ſome likewiſe into Man
cedonia, where one who called himſelf the Son of Perſeus made War
againſt the Romans,to exhort him to continue it, with promiſes that Car-
thage would not let him want either Mony or Shipping. In ſhort, now
they ſaw themſelves armed,they entertained no other but exalted thoughts,
and their courage and their reſolution daily increaſed, as they beheld
themſelves in a better condition of defence. Aſdrubal their General
abroad was no leſs reſolute, after having twice fucceſsfully dealt with
Manlius, which had raiſed his thoughts to that degree that he grew ambi-
tious of having likewiſe the command of the Forces within the City,
which to compaſs he cauſed Afdrubal the Nephew of Guluffa, who at that
time commanded, to be falſely accuſed in full Senate, of holding intelligence
with his Uncle. At which he being ſo ſurpriſed that he could anſwer to-
thing for himſelf, was knockt on the head with ſtools.
But

PART I.
49
or, Punick War.
be
But when the cowardiſe of Piſo, and the preparations made by the XLVII
.
Carthaginians came to be known at Rome, the people were extreamly
moved, out of an apprehenſion they had left this War, undertaken againſt
a neighboring Nation, and from all time enemy to the Roman name,
ſhould grow upon them. For they having been firſt deficient in their
word, as to what they ordained the Carthaginians, there was no more
hòpes left of an accommodation. The memory of thoſe Noble A&tions
done by Scipio, in Africa, whilſt he was yet but Tribune, was yet very
freſh, and the compariſon of preſent affairs, with what he had done, raia
fed fo much the more the glory of his reputation, and as in all meetings
every one told what was writ from the Army, all the world wiſh't his re-
turn in quality of Conſul; the day of the Aſſembly for the Election of Ma-
giſtrates drew nigh, but his not being of the age admitted by Law to pof-
leſs that dignity forbid his pretending to it, for he demanded only the
charge of Edile, when the people offered him the Conſulate. The Con-
fuls ſtood againſt it, and oppofed the Law contrary to this Election, but
the multitude perſiſted the more, alleaging that by the Laws of Tullus and
Romulus, the people were Judges of the Aſſembly, and ſo it belonged to
them to approve or cancel all Laws that concerned the Aſſembly. At laſt
one of the Tribunes threatned the Conſuls to take away their power of pra-
fiding if they agreed not to the will of the people, whereupon they per-
mitted the Tribunes to abrogate that Law for a year, provided it were
then re-eſtabliſhed. The Lacedemonians it ſeems did the fame, when be
ing forced to make the Laws yield to neceſſity, to ſecure from infamy
thoſe taken Priſoners at Piles, they cryed out, Let us this day give the Laws
leave to ſleep. Thus Scipio demanding the Edility,obtained the Conſulate,
and when Drufus that was likewiſe named Conful, required that the Go-
vernment of the Provinces ſhould be drawn by Lot, one of the Tribunes
aſſembled the people and ſpeaking of the War with Carthage, demanded
to which of the Conſuls they would give their Commiſſion. So the people
gave to Scipio the Government of that Province, permitting him to raiſe
recruits to compleat the old Troops and to form new ones, to receive
from the Allies all thoſe volunteers would follow him, and to write in the
name of the people of Rome, to what Kings and Cities he thought con-
venient, and indeed ſome Kings, and ſome Eſtates did affiſt him witli
forces.
Things thus diſpoſed, he paſſed into Sicily, and from thence forthwithi
to Utica, mean while Piſo beſieged fome Inland Towns, and Mancinus
lay conſtantly before Carthage, where having obſerved a certain place in
the wall neglected, becauſe it was almoſt inacceſſible by reaſon of the rocks
that furrounded it, he thought he might ſecretly gain it, and having made
proviſion of ladders prepared for the ſtorm, fome Soldiers mounted bravely,
but the Carthaginians deſpiſing their ſlender Number opened a gate by the
ſide of the rocks,and made a Sally upon the Romans, who fo briskly repulſed
them, that many Soldiers entred Pelmel with them into the City, and
ſhouted amain, as if they had already been Maſters of it. Mancinus ra-
viſhed with joy (raſh and heady as he was) with all thoſe that remained
in the Ships came forth half Armed, and ran to the walls to ſecond their
companions, but night coming on forced the Admiral to lodge in a cer-
tain Poft near the the Walls where he kept without doing any thing, and
becauſe he had neither Arms nor Victuals, he ſent meſſengers to Piſo to
give him notice to come to his relief, and to the Magiſtrates of Urica, that
H
they

50
The Lybian,
PART 1.
they ſhould forthwith diſpatch away Proviſions ; for he ran the hazard of
IVIX being aſſaulted as ſoon as it was day, by the Carthaginians, and thrown
headlong from the top of the Rocks. Scipio, who landed the ſame Even-
ing at Utica, having ſeen Mancinus his Letter, preſently cauſed the Trum-
pets to found, to give warning to thoſe were already landed to get forth-
with aboard, giving orders to all the Youth of Utica to be in a readineſs
to follow him, and to the old men to bring Proviſions on board the Gal-
leys, and releaſing fome Carthaginian Priſoners, he fent them unto the
City to let them underſtand that Scipio was arrived with a mighty Fleet.
He diſpatched likewiſe ſeveral Meſſengers one after another to Piſo, to
command him to come to him with all ſpeed. About the laſt Watch he
went to Sea, giving order to the Soldiers, that as ſoon as they ap-
proached the Town, they ſhould all ſtand upright on the Hatches, that the
Enemy might believe them the greater number. Towards the Break of
Day, Mancinus being charged on all ſides by the Carthaginians, had form-
ed a round Battalia, encompaſſed by all the armed men he had, in the midſt
of which were incloſed above three thouſand without Armour, but at laſt
the Showers of Darts, and multitudes of Wounds had reduced them to the
point of ſeeking their ſafety down the. Precipices, when they ſaw Scipio's
Ships appear full of Soldiers, which ſurprized not the Carthaginians, who
had already received advice of it by their Priſoners, but faved the lives of
the Romans, who were almoſt hopeleſs; for at the approach of this Fleet,
the Carthaginians gave ground, and the Romans withdrawn from the dan-
ger wherein they were, got aboard their Ships.
XLVIII.
Scipio ſent back Mancinus to Rome (for Serranus his Succeſſor was al-
ready come to command the Fleet ) and went himſelf and encamped near
Carthage. The Carthaginians on their part went and encamped directly
oppoſite unto him, whither came to them Aſdrubal that commanded the
Field-Army, and Bythias Colonel of the Horſe, with fix thouſand old Foot,
and a thouſand choſen Horſe. But Scipio finding the Military Diſcipline
much corrupted; that under Piſo the Soldiers had been accuſtomed to I-
dleneſs, Rapine and Avarice; that in the Camp there was an infinite num-
ber of thoſe Sutlers and Pedlars, whom only the hopes of prey made
follow the Army, who debauched the beſt Soldiers to ſtraggle with them,
only to pillage and plunder, though by the Rules of War, he that went ſó
far from the Camp, that he could not hear the Sound of the Trumpet, was
to be proceeded againſt as a Run-away, and that all the miſchief theſe peo-
ple did was imputed to the Army, and all the plunder taken begot only
matter of quarrel and diffention ; for it often happened, that for a trifle
Comrades fell together by the ears, and killed one another. Scipio, Iſay,
having obſerved this, and knowing well he ſhould never compaſs his ends
on the Enemy, unleſs he firſt made himſelf Maſter of his own Troops, af-
ſembled his Army, and taking his Seat on the Tribunal, ſpoke in this
manner:
The Oration of Scipio
. .
Saturated
On are Witneſſes, Fellow Soldiers, that whilft I bore Arms here under
Manlius, I gave you an example of that Obedience mhich I deſire you
ſhould pay me now, that I have a right to command: I could as well at this
inſtant
have puniſhed
your diſobedience, but I thought it convenient firfi to adviſe you of

Y Man
30237

PARTI.
or, Punick War.
51
jour duty. You know what aétions you do, I am aſhamed to tell you of them in
full affembly
. You live rather like Robbers than Soldiers, and are more uſed to
Traffick, than to Affanles: you leave the Camp to ſcour the Country, and in the
midſt of War you are greedy after Delights, without labouring at all for Vitto-
ry. This is the reaſon, why in that little time I have been abfent, the Cartha-
ginian Affairs are ſo well recovered: ſo thatı being now come to command you, I
find that the reforming your evil orders will be the greateſt part of trouble. If
I certainly knew it were your own fault, I would not fail to puniſh you ; but be-
cauſe I attribute it to another, I forget what's paſt. For my part I came not hi-
ther to plunder, but to conquer. I ask no-Money from the Enemy before the
Victory, and will patiently wait till they be fully defeated. 'Tis therefore my
pleaſure, that all thoſe people in the Camp, who bear not Arms, depart, from this
very day, except only ſome few whom I ſhall give leave to ſtay; and I forbid
any, whoever he be, to return, unleſs it be to bring Proviſions, and ſuch Pro-
vifions too as are proper for Soldiers. I will give the Viktualiers a limited time to
expoſe their Commodities in, on which my * Quæſtor and I will take care to let & * Treaſurers
reaſonable price. So much for what concerns thoſe who are not inliſted. For
you my Fellow Soldiers, whatever we attempt, I have but one order to give you,
that is, that you take example by me, whether it be for manners or diligences
and if you do it indeed, be aſſured, that your Endeavours will never want Succeſs,
nor your Actions Recompence: we muſt act now that the occaſion requires it ; let
as adjourn profit and pleaſure to their Seaſon. This is what I demand from you,
what I deſire, Diſcipline : and then be aſſured, that as obedience ſhall be amply
rewarded, "So diſobedience ſhall be ſeverely punibed.
XLIX
After having ſpoken thus, he forthwith cauſed all uſeleſs perſons to be
driven out of the Camp, and with them ſent away all that was rather de-
licious than neceſſary. Having thus purged his Army, and diſpoſed his
Soldiers to obedience, he deſigned one night ſecretly to make an Affault by
two ſeveral ways upon a certain great place againſt the Walls of the City,
called Megara, and having ſent thoſe about,who were to make the Attaque
on the one ſide, he took his march towards the other, cauſing to be brought
along Axes, Croes and Ladders, he had already advanced a pretty way in
the dark, without making any noiſe, when thoſe that were upon the Wall
perceived him, which they fignified by their Cries, to which he anſwered
firſt, and after him all the Aſſailants in like manner. There was likewiſe a
great Cry raiſed on the other ſide, which gave the firſt terrour to the Car-
thaginians, aſtoniſhed to be two ſeveral ways affaulted by ſo many Ene-
mies, and by night. Scipio however, notwithſtanding all the endeavours
he uſed, could not gain the Wall; but having obſerved, that on the out-
ſide, and near the Walls there was a void Tower of the ſame heighth, which
belonged to a private perſon, he cauſed ſome reſolute young men to mount
up into it, who having with force of Darts made thoſe who defended the
Wall,diſlodge, laid Planks and Joyſts over, and ſo paſſed to the Parapet,
and thence leaped down into the place, and having broken open the Gate,
gave entrance to Scipio with four thouſand Men, forcing the Inhabitants to
retreat into the Fortreſs, as if all the reſt of the City had been taken. In
this Alarm and confuſed Tumult they took ſome Priſoners; and thoſe who
were encamped without, forſaking their Camp, fled haſtily to ſhelter
themſelves with the reſt in the Cittadel : but Scipio perceiving this place
of Megara was full of Gardens planted with Fruit-trees, and conſiſted of
many little Incloſures of Mud-walls, Quick-ſet Hedges, Buſhes, and ſome
little Streams, fearing left the Soldiers among ſo many Turnings and Wind-
H 2
ings


52
The Lybian,
PART I.
L.
ings which they were unacquainted with, might purſue the Enemy, and ſo
give them the opportunity of laying an ambuſh for them, cauſed the Retreat
to be founded Day appearing, Afdrubal enraged at Scipio's boldneſs,
caufed all the Roman Priſoners he had to be brought upon the Wall, and be-
fore their Countrymen, with Pinchers or Hooks of Iron cauſed their Eyes
or Tongues to be pulled out, or their Nerves or Privy Members torn off
,
fome had the Soles of their Feet cut off, and others their Fingers; ſome he
cauſed to be flead alive; and then tumbled down thoſe high Rocks. This
he did to the end, that taking away from the Carthaginians all hopes of
Peace with the Romans, and ſharpening their courages to the utmoſt, they
fhould expect no ſafety but from their Arms: yet his deſign fucceeded quite
otherwife ; for the Carthaginians, who found themſelves made Com-
plices of ſuch horrible Crimes, became rather more timerous than hardy,
and began to hate Aſdrubal, who had cut off from them all hopes of
par-
don, elpecially the Senators, who loudly declared, that ſuch cruelty and
infolence were unfeaſonable in the publick Calamities, by which diſcourfe
they incenſed him to that degree, that he took ſome of them, and flew
them with his own hands. Thus he made himſelf terrible, living hence-
forth more like a Tyrant than a Governour, and making his ſecurity conliſt
in his being feared, believing that ſufficient to warrant him againſt all at-
tempts might be made againſt his perſon.
Scipio ſet on fire that Camp the Carthaginians had deferted the night be-
fore, when they ran to ſave themſelves in the Cittadel, and being become
abſolute Maſter of the Peninſula, he cauſed a Trench to be dug from one
Sea to the other, not above a Darts caſt from the Enemies, who uſed their
utmoſt endeavours to hinder the work, which made it extreme painful to
the Soldiers : however, what by working, and what by fighting, they per-
fected it at length, though it were five and twenty Furlongs long. This
being finiſhed, he cauſed ſuch another to be made towards the Inland, not
far diſtant from the other, and after that two Traverſes ; ſo that it was a
kind of a ſquare Fortification, which he cauſed to be paliſadoed with ſharp
Stakes, behind which he likewiſe cauſed a Ditch to be made; but that he
might fortifie himſelf the better towards Carthage, he incloſed it with a
Wall five and twenty Furlongs long, twelve Foot high, and ſix Foot broad,
in which he placed Redoubts and Towers at equal diſtances. In the midſt
of the Fort he cauſed to be erected a very high Tower, on which he placed
a ſquare Platform, from whence he might diſcover all that was done in the
City. Theſe works having been finiſhed in four and twenty days, and as
many nights (by the continual labour of all the Soldiers, who by turns
ftood to their Arms, or wrought with their working Tools) Scipio lodg-
ed his Army. Yet he had not built this Fortification only for that uſe,
but likewiſe to ſerve as a Circumvallation to hinder the bringing Proviſions
to the Beſieged, which before came to them by land; for beſides this
Neck of the Peninſula which he now poſſeſſed, all the reſt was encompaſ-
ſed by the Sea. This therefore was the firſt and principal cauſe of the Be-
ſieged's miſery, which foon brought a Famine into the City ; for an infiinte
number of people being fled out of the Country into Carthage, durft not
go out again for fear of the Beſiegers; the Mercliants came no more bed
cauſe of the War; there was no Corn brought by Sea from Lybia, but
rarely, and then when it was calm; ſo that the greateſt part of their Pro-
viſions came ordinarily by land, and that paſſage being ſtopped, the City
preſently became afflicted with Famine." Bythias, who commanded the
Carthaginian


PARTI.
or Pumic War.
53
LI.
Carthaginian Horſe, was now abroad, whither he had been ſent to make
Proviſions of Corn, but he durſt not come near Scipio’s Entrenchments,
much leſs attempt to force them: ſo that now no Corn could come into
Carthage, but by Ships which were laden afar off, and which hardly got in,
becauſe of the Roman Fleet which lay at Anchor not far from the Port.
However, they being forced to keep at a good diſtance, becauſe of the dan-
ger of the Shore, which lay open to all Storms; and likewiſe could not
come nearer into the Port without being ſubject to inconveniencies from
the Carthaginians Engines upon the Walls, or of being by the violence of
the Waves daſhed againſt the Rocks, which lie there very thick: fome
Ships of Burthen fent from Bythias, and fome Merchant-Ships that deſpiſed
the danger, out of hopes of the gain, took their time when it blew a freſh
gale into the Port, and with all Sails ſpread, made ſuch way, that the Ro-
man Galleys could not reach them ; but theſe opportunities offered but ſel-
dom; and beſides, that little Proviſion that came by Sea was at Afdrubalºs
diſpoſe, who diſtributed it only to thoſe thirty thouſand Men he had cho-
fen for the War, and gave no part thereof to the reſt of the people, thoughi
periſhing for hunger.
Scipio having obſerved this, contrived how to block up the Entrance of
the Port which opened to the Weſt, very near to the Sea Shore ; and to
this purpoſe he cauſed to be raiſed a long Dam, which advanced from that
point of Land that ſeparated the Mariſh from the Sea very far into the Wa-
ter, towards the Mouth of the Port, which he did by caſting in, and ce-
menting together mighty Stones, that the Waves might not remove them;
it's Breadth was in the Superficies four and twenty Foot, and four times as
deep. The Carthaginians laughed at firſt, and mocked at the Underta-
king, as if in a long time, or perhaps never Scipio could have brought it
to perfection; but the whole Army laboured in it with an emulation of
each other, without reſting day or night; inſomuch, that at laſt the Be-
ſieged affrighted, refolved to make another entrance on the farther ſide of
the Port, where the Peninſula extends it ſelf more into the Sea, where a
Dam could not be made, both by reaſon of the depth of the Water, and
violence of the Winds. All the people therefore ſet themſelves to digging,
ſo much as the very Women and Children, and beginning from within,
and continuing their work without telling their deſign; and at the fame
time muſtering up all the old Materials they had, they fell to make Galleys
of divers forts, following their buſineſs with much courage and diligence,
but ſo ſecretly, that the Priſoners themſelves could give no other account
to Scipio, ſave that they continually heard a great noiſe in the Port, but
knew not what it meant. Having at laſt completed every thing, they ſud-
denly opened the Mouth of the Port, and about break of day came forth
with fifty Galleys, and great quantity of Barques, Brigantines, and other
ſmaller Veſſels, in fo good order, that they were very capable to ſtrike.
This new Mouth fo unexpectedly opened, and the unthought of coming
out of ſuch a Fleet, ſo ſtartled the Romans, that had the Carthaginians
immediately fell upon their Fleet, unfurniſhed both of Mariners and Slaves,
all hands being employed in the Works to advance the Siege, they might
eaſily have made themſelves Maſters of it. But becauſe it was decreed by
the Deſtinies, that Carthage ſhould be razed, they contented themfel
with this vain Shew, and proud Bravado, retreating into their Port with
out doing any thing elſe.


Three

54
PART 1.
The Lybian,
LII.
Three days afterwards they came forth again to Sea, with deſign to
engage the Romans in good earneſt, whoſe Fleet being now in a readi-
nels fet forward to meet them, they began the fight with great ſhouts on
both ſides, the Seamen, Souldiers and Commanders equally ſhewing their
Courage, the one party fighting for their ſafety, the other to compleat
their Vi&tory, ſo that there was a furious fight on both parts, nothing be-
ing to be ſeen but wounds and death. In the fight the Carthaginian Bri-
gantines gliding along under the banks of the great Roman Galleys broke
them, ſometimes in the Poop, ſometime ftruck of their Rudders, and
ſometime burſt a funder their Oars, ſo that they damaged them extreamly,
and when they found themſelves overcharged, they rowed off with a won-
derful Nimbleneſs, and as nimbly returned to the Charge. At laſt the
two Fleets having fought till Sun ſetting with equal advantage,the Cartha-
ginians thought it convenient to retire, not that they confeded themſelves
overcome, but that they might next morning return to the fight in better
order. In this retreat their ſmaller Veſſels, being lighter and ſwifter, got
the Van, and entring in a huddle into the Port, ſo ſtopt the entrance of the
great Veſſels, that they were forced to retire to a very ſpacious key built
againſt the City-wall for the unlading of which they had during this War,
raiſed a little rampart, for fear left the enemies ſhould poſſeſs it. There
they ſtood firm with their Prows twined towards their enemies, all the
Soldiers ſtanding in a fighting poſture, ſome upon the Ships, others on the
Key, and others on the Rampart. The Romans who followed them had
no great difficulty to aſſail them, for tis not hard to fight with Ships that
lie ſtill; but when they were again to draw of, becauſe of their length,
not being able to turn nimbly, they received as much damage in the re-
treat as they had given in the Charge, for as they turned about, they
were forced to receive all the blows of the ſhot from the Carthaginian
Engines on their broad fides. At laſt five Ships which the City of Sidon,
allies of the people of Rome, had ſent to Scipio, went and dropt their
Anchors out at Sea, at a good diſtance from the Carthaginian, and giving
ſcope of Cable enough advanced by force of Oars, and after having gi-
ven their charge, warped back again by their Cables, which they had
brought in at their poop, and then again returned to the Charge, and in
like manner retreated. All the Fleet followed the Example of thoſe of
Sidon, whereby the Carthaginians were much damaged till ſuch time as
the fight having continued a good part of the night, the remainder of their
Ships heltred themſelves in the Haven.
Morning being come, Scipio attempted the Key, becauſe he thought the
gaining of it would make the mouth of the Port uſeleſs, he therefore cau-
ſed Rams, and other batteries to be planted againſt the Rampart, with
which he beat down a part of it. But the Carthaginians though oppreſ-
ſed with hunger, and many other inconveniences, forbore not by night
to aſſault the Roman Engines, not by Land, for there was no paſſage,
nor upon Ships, for the Sea was too ſhallow, but naked and without light
(for fear they ſhould be diſcovered far of) they entred the Sea, where
none kept guard, and paſſing, fome wading with the water up to their
breſts, and others ſwimning till they came very near the batteries, where
when they could no longer conceal themſelves, becauſe they had lighted
their fires, naked as they were, they received an infinite of wounds, yet
not without revenge, for their fury carried them to ſtrange reſolutions,
and
LIII.



PARTI.
or, Punick War.
55
and all gored as they were with Arrows and Darts in their Breſts,& in their
Faces, yet they abated nothing of their violence, but like fierce beaſts preſ-
fed forward to meet the ſtrokes, till having ſet fire to the Engines, they ſo
diſmayed thoſe that defended them, that they took their flight towards
the Camp, where never before was ſeen ſuch an alarm, as this, cauſed by
naked enraged people. Scipio aſtoniſhed at the diſorder came forth of the
Gamp, with ſome Horſemen, whom he commanded to kill thoſe that
would not ſtand, and with his own hands he killed ſome, and by that
means obliged the reſt, who elſe had been all loſt, to keep their poſt,
where they ſtood all the night in Arms. As ſoon as it was day,the Car-
thaginians delivered from the trouble of the Engines,labored to repair
that part of the Rampier that was broken down, adding towers at certain
intervals. On the other ſide the Romans made other Engines, and planted
them on platforms, which raiſed them as high as the towers of the ene-
mies, and from thence caſt burning torches, brimſtone and pots full of
flaming pitchi
, with which they burnt ſome of them, which put the
Carthaginians to flight, and opened the Romans a way to the Key
to purſue them, but becauſe the ground on which they ran was ſlip-
pery by reaſon of the blood ſhed there, they could not overtake
them. Scipio being become Maſter of the Key, lodged on it, fortified
it, and cauſed a wall of brick to be built to the Cityward, very near
the City walls, and of equal height. When it was finiſhed he cauſed
four thouſand Men to get upon it with Orders to ply the enemy conti-
nually with Darts and Arrows, which extreamly afflicted them, for
the two walls being of an equal height, there was ſcarce a Dart thrown
in vain, thus ended the Summer.
In the beginning of the Winter, Scipio determined to clear the Country LIV.
of thoſe Forces the Carthaginians had yet abroad, and to poſſeſs himſelf
of all thoſe places from whence they might convey proviſions. He there-
fore ſent his Captains, ſome one way and ſome another, and himſelf
embarking went towards Nephera along the Mariſh, after having given
Order to C. Lelius to march by Land to the intent that he might force
Diogenes one of Afdrubals party from an advantagious poſt. As ſoon as
he arrived, he encamped within two hundred and fifty paces of Diogenes,
and having left Gulirja in the Camp, to proſecute the War with him, re-
turned to Carthage. He continued often to go and return from one place
to the other, to ſee how things paſſed, till ſuch time as two towers of the
Fort in which Diogenes was poſted being thrown down, Scipi& fends be-
hind the Fort a thouſand choſen Soldiers, while himſelf aſſaulted the fore-
part with three thouſand others, choice men likewiſe, who marched upon
the ruines, not in confuſion but in a body, the Soldiers having orders to
fight ſo cloſe lockt together that they could not be repulſed, thoſe in the
firſt rank being ſuſteined by the others that followed. At the noiſe made
by the Aſſailants the Africans ran to defend themſelves, but whilſt they
were all imployed there, the thouſand Soldiers behind according to the Or-
der given them, forced the Camp, and having pulled out or cut the Pali
ſadoes, violently ruſhed in with a wonderful boldneſs whilſt none were
aware of it, or ſo much as doubted of ſuch an Aſſault. The enemies per-
ceiving them, betook themſelves to flight, for they believed themi
a far greater Number then what they law, and Guluſſa who purſued
them with his Numidians, and Elephants, made a ſtrange and bloody
Naughter

56
Part I.
The Lybian,
Ly.
Naughter, for there periſhed threeſcore and ten thouſand men, accounting
the Country people, ten thouſand were taken Priſoners, and not above
four thouſand in all ſaved themſelves. Afterwards Scipio took the City
of Nephera with great labor,the ſiege laſting two and twenty days in a cold
ſeaſon and incommodious place. This victory contributed much to the
taking of Carthage, for the Army at Nephera furniſhed the beſieged with
proviſions, and that Fort hardned the Africans in their obſtinacy, but after
it was taken, all the other garriſons in the Country voluntarily ſurrendred
to Scipio's Captains. Thus all the Country about Carthage being under
the Roman obedience, and it being impoſſible to have any thing by
Sea by reaſon of the War and Winter, Viètuals grew very ſcarce in the
City.
As ſoon as Spring came on, Scipio aſſaulted the Citadel called Byrla, and
and the gate called Coton at the ſame time, which cauſed Aſdrubal to ſet
on fire that part of the gate which was fquare, but whilſt he expected
Scipio ſhould make a new attempt on that ſide, and ſtood firm with the in-
habitants; Lelius mounted privately. by the other ſide of the gate which
was of a round figure, and making himſelf Maſter of it, the ſhouts of
thoſe that were already got up, ſo diſmayd the enemies, that the other
Soldiers now contemning the beſieged, and having filled all the places dif-
ficult to paſs with Beams, Engines and Planks, they leapt in on all fides, in
ſpite of all the reſiſtance of the guards oppreſſed with hunger, and loſt to
all courage:Scipio thus pofſeſt of the wall that encompaſſed the gate called
Coton, got thence into the great place of the City which was nigh unto it,
where night coming on, and not ſuffering him to go farther; he kept
there in Arms with thoſe Soldiers he had with him, and as ſoon as day
broke, cauſed four thouſand freſh men to come thither, who being got into
Apollo's Temple,plundered his Statue, which was all of Gold, and all the
inſide of the Temple, which was covered with Plates of Gold, of a thou-
fand Talents weight. They cut in pieces the Plates with their Swords,
do what their Captains could to hinder them, till fuch time as having got
what they could, they purſued their enterprize. Mean while Scipio's
chief deſign was againſt the place called Byrſa, for that was the ſtrongeſt
of all the City, and a world of people were retreated thither. The way
from the great place thither, was up hill, through three Streets, on each
fide of which there was a continuance of very high houſes, whoſe upper
ſtories jetting ſomewhat over into the Street, whole ſhowers of Darts
flew from thence upon the Romans, who were conſtrained before they
paſſed farther, to force the firſt houſes, and there pofî themſelves, that
from thence they might drive out thoſe that fought in the neighboring
houſes, and after they had driven them out, they laid Beams and Planks
from one ſide of the Street to the other, on which, as on Bridges they paf
ſed croſs the Streets, thus they maintained War in the Chambers, whilſt
as faſt as they met, they fought more cruelly below in the Streets. All
places were filled with crys and groans, people dying a thouſand different
ſorts of Deaths, ſome at Śwords-point, fome thrown headlong down from
the tops of the houſes, upon the pavement, others falling upon Javelins,
Pikes and Swords, preſented againſt them, however none durft yet ſet
fire, becauſe of thoſe who maintained the fight in the lofts; but when
Scipio had gained the foot of the Fortreſs, all the three Streets were imme-
diately on a flame, and the Soldiers had charge to hinder the ruines of the
houſes cauſed by the fire, from falling into the Street, that the whole Army
might

Part I.
or, Punick War.
11.
57
might have the niore convenient paſſage; And now were new ſpectacles
of calamity to be ſeen the fire devouring, and overturning the houſes, and
the Roman Soldiers all about, ſo far from hindring it, that they endeavored
to involve the reſt in the ſame ruine. The miſerable Carthaginians in
deſpair falling confuſedly with the Stones and Bricks on the Pavement;
dead bodies, nay people yet living, and eſpecially old Men, Women and
Children, who had hid themſelves in the moſt ſecret places of the houſes,
ſome laden with wounds others half burnt, and all crying out in a deplo-
rable manner, others tumbling headlong from the upper ſtories of the
houſes, among the Maſs of Stones and Wood, were in their falls torn in
pieces. Nor was this the end of their miſeries, for the Pioneers who to
make way for the Soldiers removed the Rubbiſh out of the middle of the
Streets, toſſed with their Hooks and Forks, the bodies, as well of the
dead as living into the vaults, turning them with their Iron Inſtruments,
as if they had been pieces of Wood or Stones, ſo that there might be ſeen
holes full of heaps of men, of which ſome having been headlong thrown
in, yet breathed a long time, and lay with their legs above ground, and
others interred up to the neck, were
expoſed to the cruelty of the Maſons
and Pioneers, who took pleaſure to ſee their heads, and brains cruſhed un-
der the horſes feet, for theſe ſort of people placed not thoſe wretches, ſo
by chance, but of ſet purpoſe. As for the Men of War their being enga-
ged in the fight, with the hopes of approaching victory, the eagerneſs of
the Soldiers, heightned by the ſounds of the Trumpets, the noiſe made by
the Majors and Captains in giving their Orders, made them even like fu-
ries and hindred them from amuſing themſelves at theſe Spectacles. In
this bloody toil they continued ſix days and fix nights without reſpit,
fave only that the Soldiers were from time to time relieved by other freſh
ones, leſt the continual watchings, labor, ſlaughter and horror ſhould make
their hearts fail them. Scipio only bore out all this time without ſleeping;
he was continually in action, continually running from one place to an-
other, and taking no food, but what offered it ſelf by chance as he was
paſſing, till ſuch time as quite tyred out he ſat down in an eminent place,
that he might ſee what paſſed. Mean while ſtrange havock was made on
all ſides, and this calamity ſeemed likely to continue much longer, when
on the ſeventh day they had recourſe to his clemency and came to him
bringing in their hand the Vervein of Æſculapius, whoſe Temple is the
moſt conſiderable in all the Fortreſs, deſiring no other compoſition, but
that he would pleaſe to give their lives, to all that would come forth, which
he granted to them, except only to the Runaways. There came forth fifty
thouſand as well Men as Women, whom he cauſed to paſs out of the little
Gate towards the Fields, with a good guard. The Runaways who were
about nine hundred, ſeeing there was no mercy for them withdrew into
the Temple with Afdrubal his Wife and Children, where though they
were but a ſmall Number they might defend themſelves, becauſe of the
height of the place ſituated upon Rocks, and to which in times of peace
they aſcended by ſixty ſteps, but at length oppreſſed with famine, watch-
ings and fear, and ſeeing their deſtruction ſo nigh, Impatience fiefed them,
and quitting the lower part of the Temple they fled to the higheſt ſtory.
Afdrubal mean while privately withdrew himſelf, and went to Scipio with
a branch of Olive in his hand: Scipio having commanded him to come up,
and proftrate himſelf at his feet, Thewed him to the Runaways,who ſeeing
him, demanded filence, which being granted after having vomited forth
an infinite number of revilings and reproaches againſt Aſdrubal, they ſet
1
fire

58
PARTI.
The Lybian,
fire to the Temple, and buried themſelves in the flame. It is ſaid that
whilſt the fire was kindling, Afdrubals Wife decking her ſelf in the beſt
manner ſhe could, and placing her ſelf in the ſight of Scipio, ſpake to him
with a loud voice in this manner
The Oration of Aſdrubals Wife.
Wiſh nothing to thee, O Roman, but all proſperity, for thou doft act only
according to the rights of War. But I beſeech the Gods of Carthage,
and thou thy ſelf to puniſh,as he deſerves that Áfdrubal, who has betray’d his
Country, his Gods, his wife and his Children, and then addreſſing her
Speech to Aſdrubal. Perfidious Wretch (ſaid ſhe) thou moſt wicked of
all mankind! This fire is about to devour me and my Children : but thou,
Great Captain of Carthage, for what Triumph art not thou reſerved,
or what Puniſhment will not be make thee Juffer, at whoſe feet I now
ſee thee.
After theſe reproaches ſhe cut her Childrens throats and caſt them into
the fire, and then threw her ſelf headlong in ; ſuch, as is reported, was
the end of this Woman, but this death had certainly better become her
Husband.
LVI.
As for Scipio, ſeeing that City which had flouriſhed for ſeven hundred
years fince it was firſt built, comparable to any Empire whatſoever for Ex-
tent of Dominion by Sea and Land, for its Arms, for its Fleets, for its Ele-
phants, for its Riches, and preferable even to all Nations on the Earth for
Generoſity and Reſolution, fince after their Arms and Ships were taken
away, they had ſupported themſelves againſt Famine and War for three
years together. Seeing it, I ſay,now abſolutely ruined,tis ſaid that he ſhed
tears and publickly deplored the hard fortune of his enemies. He conſi-
dered that Cities, People and Empires are ſubject to Revolutions, as well as
the conditions of private Men, that the ſame diſgrace had happened to Troy
that powerful City, and afterwards to the Aſyrians, Medes and Perſians,
whoſe Dominion extended fo far, and lately to the Macedonians, whoſe Em-
pire was ſo great and flouriſhing, which was the reaſon that unawares, and
as it were without thinking of it, that Diſtich of Homers eſcaped him.
Priam's and Troy's time come, they Fates obey,
And muſt to Fire and Sword be made a prey.
And Polybius who had been his Tutor, demanding of him in familiar dif-
courſe, what he meant by thoſe words, he ingeniouſly anſwered, That the
conſideration of the Viciffitude of Humane Affairs, had put him in mind of
his Country, whoſe Fate he likewiſe feared ; as the ſame Polybius reports
in his Hiſtories.
Carthage thus taken, Scipio gave the Plunder to the Soldiers for ſome days,
except only the Gold and Silver, and Offerings, which were found in the
Temples. After which he diſtributed ſeveral Military recompenſes to all
his Soldiers, except only to thoſe who had pillaged Apollo's Temple. And
having cauſed a very light Ship to be loaden with the ſpoil of the Enemy, he
fent


PARTI.
or, Punick War.
59
ſent it to Rome to carry news of the Việtory, and cauſed it be ſignified
throughout all Sicily, that thoſe who would come, and claim the offerings
made to their Temples, which had been carried away by the Carthaginians
when they had made War in that Iſland, ſhould have them reſtored. Thus
giving teſtimonies of his goodneſs in all that he could, he gained the good
will of all people. And at laſt having ſold what remained of the ſpoil, he
cauſed all the Bucklers, Engins and uſeleſs Ships, to be piled together, and
being girt after the manner of the Romans, ſet fire to them as a ſacrifice to
Mars and Minervai
The Ship that went from Carthage, happened to arrive at Rome in ani
Evening, where as ſoon as the news was known of the taking of that Ci-
ty, all the people flock'd to the publick places, and the Night was ſpent
in rejoycings and imbracing each other, as if this Victory (the greateſt
that ever the Romans had gained ) had confirmed the Publick Repoſe,
which they before thought unſecure. They knew well, that they and
their Predeceſſors had done great things againſt the Macedonians, the
Spaniards, and lately againſt the Great Antiochus, as likewiſe in Italy;
but they confeſſed they never had a War ſo much to be feared as this, by
reaſon of the generoſity , prudence and hardineſs of their Enemies ; nor
ſo perillous, by reaſon of their infidelity: They likewiſe remembred the
miferies they had fuffered by the Carthaginians in Sicily, in Spain, and
likewiſe in Italy, for ſixteen whole years together, during which Hannibal
had fackt four hundred Cities, and deſtroyed in divers encounters three
hundred thouſand men, and being ſeveral times come to the very Gates of
their City, had reduced them to the laſt extremities. Theſe things conſi-
dered, made them with difficulty believe, what was told of the victory,
and they often demanded of one another if it were certain that Carthage was
deſtroyed. Thus they paſt the night in recounting one to another how after
having diſarmed the Carthaginians,they had preſently made themſelves new
Arms, beyond the judgment of all the World. How having taken away
their Ships,they had built others of old ſtuff; and how having ſtopt the en-
trance of their Port, they had in a few days dug a new one, on the other
ſide. They ſpoke likewiſe of the unmeaſurable height of their Walls, the
vaſt ſtones they were built with, the fire which they had ſeveral times put to
the Engines. In ſhort they repreſented to the eyes of the Auditors the whole
figure of this War;infomuch that giving life to their diſcourſe by their ge-
ſture they ſeemed to ſee Scipio on the Ladders, on the Ships, in the Gates,
and in the Streets, running from one ſide to the other.
The people having thus ſpent the night, on the morrow folemn facrifices
were made to the Gods, and Publick Prayers, wherein every Tribe aſſiſted
ſeparately:after which Plays and Spectacles were exhibited to publick view,
and then the Senate ſent ten Commiſſioners, of the Number of the Fathers,
to ſettle joyntly with Scipio,ſuch Orders as were moft neceſſary for that
and for beſt
arrived they Ordered Scipio to demoliſh what remained of Carthage; hence-
forth forbidding any to inhabit there, with horrible imprecations againſt
thoſe, who in prejudice of this Interdict, ſhould attempt to Rebuild any
thing, eſpecially the Fort called Byrfa, and the place called Megara; to the
reſt they defended no mans entrance. They decreed likewiſe, that all the
Cities which in that War had held on the Enemies party ſhould be razed,
and gave their Territories Conquered by the Roman Arms, to the Roman
Allies, particularly gratifying thoſe of Utica, with all the Country extend-
ing from Carthage to Hippone, they made all the reſt of the Province Tri-
butary,
I 2

60
Part 1.
The Lybian, &c.
butary from which neither Men nor Women were exempt, reſolving that
every year there ſhould a Pretor ſent from the City, and having given theſe
Orders they returned to Rome. Scipio having Executed them, and be-
holding himſelf at the height of his wiſhes, made facrifices, and ſet forth
Plays in Honour of the Gods, and after fetling all things in a good condi-
tion returned to Rome, whither he entred in Triumph. Never was any
thing beheld more glorious, for there was nothing to be ſeen but Statues
and Rarities, and curious pieces of an ineſtimable price, which the Carthagi-
nians had for ſo long a time been bringing into Africa, from all parts of the
World, where they had gained an infinite of Victories. This hapned
near the ſame time that Mummius Triumphed the third time over the
Macedonians, and the firſt time over the Greeks, after having overcome
Andriſcus, who gave himſelf out to be Philip, about the hundred and fix-
teenth Olympiad. Some time after there ariſing ſeveral feditions in the City
becauſe of the poverty of the people, under the Tribuheſhip of Gracchus, it
was adviſed to ſend fix thouſand people to inhabit in Africa; but when ſet-
ting forth the foundations of this Colony, in the place where formerly ſtood
Carthage, it was found the Wolves had removed the marks, the Senate for-
bad their further proceeding. Long time after, when Cæſar who was
created Dictator, after his Victory over
Pompey, purſued him into Egypt,
and from thence came into Africa to proſecute the War, againſt the friends
of his dead Enemy, 'tis ſaid that he faw in a dream a great Army, which
ſhedding of tears called to him, and that moved with this dream, he ſet
down in his Table Book, the deſign he had to Rebuild Carthage and Corinth;
but being ſoon after kill'd by his Enemies in the Senate, Ceſar Auguſtus
his Son finding by chance that Memorial, cauſed Carthage to be Rebuilt,
which we may now behold near the place where the Ancient Carthage
ftood, for he took care not to fall under the Execrations fulminated when it
was demoliſhed. I find it on Record that they ſent near three thouſand in-
habitants from Rome, and that the neighboring Cities compleated the
peopling of it. Thus was Africa reduced into the form
of a Province,
and Carthage ruined by the Romans was Rebuilt by themſelves, and Re-
peopled one hundred and one years after it was demoliſhed.
w
ma
yoxdur
do
The End of the Roman Wars in Lybia.

ago
Score
อะไรเลย
Hori porta
HAPPIAN
แบบ

Book II.
61
Α Ρ Ρ Ι Α Ν
OF
ALEXANDRIA,
HISTORY
OF THE
Roman Wars
IN

SYRIA.
BOOK II.
The Argument of this Book.

I.
A
Ntiochus undertakes to make War againſt the Romans, without any
juſt cauſe
. II. His preparations ; Hannibal comes to him, adviſeth
him to carry the War into Italy, and ſends Ariſton the Tyrian to Car-
thage, to ftir up the people. III. A Conference between Scipio the Afrin
can and Hannibal. Îv. Antiochus, on the promiſes of the Etolians, be-
gins the War. V. Hannibal's Speech to divert the King from preſecuting
the

62
PARTI.
The Syrian War.
the War, till his Forces were come out of Aſia. VÍ. The Romans pre-
pare for War , mean while Antiochus beſieges Lariſſa, but raiſes his Siege,
and goes to winter at Chalcedon , where he Marries, though above fifty
years old. VII. Manius, General of the Romans, purſues Antiochus, who
ſtays for him at the ſtraits of Thermopylæ, where they engage, and Antio-
chus is defeated. VIII. Publick Prayers for Manius Victory, which is fol-
lowed by the ſurrendry of many places ; Antiochus cauſes his Forces to come
from Aſia. IX. L. Scipio Conſul prepares to come and command the Ar-
my after Manius; mean while Livius, Admiral of the Romans, and Po-
lexenidas, Commander of Antiochus's Fleet, engage, where Livius gets
the better. X. L. Scipio, and his Brother the African paſs into Etolia
and thence into Thrace; whilft Livius , Succeſſor of Attilius, takes many
Towns; and Polexenidas deceives Pauſimachus, General of the Rhodian
Fleet. XI. Seleucus, the Son of Antiochus, invades Eumenes his King-
dom, and beſieges Pergamus , whence he raiſes his Siege , mean while the
Roman Fleet defeats that of Antiochus. XII. He quits all be held in Eu-
rope, which the Scipio's polleſ themſelves of; then follow that King, and
overtake him at Sardis, where conditions of Peace are propoſed, which he
will not accept. XIII. He is forced to come to a Battel, wherein he is uta
terly defeated. XIV. The Scipio's grant him Peace, on conditions which
the Senate confirm ; for which the African is accuſed of corruption, and
defends himſelf in an extraordinary manner. XV. Manius, Succeſſor of
Scipio, gives Order to the reſt of the Affairs of Aſia, and brings back the
Army into Italy, where he diſmiſſes them, and the Senate rewards the Rho-
dians and Eumenes. XVI. An account of the Succeſſors of Antiochus
their actions and how the Romans reduced Syria, to the form of a Province.
XVII. The State of the Affairs of Syria from Alexander the Great, till
Seleucus Nicanor came to be King. XVIII. His Life and Actions.
XIX. The Hiſtory of the Marriage of Antiochus with Stratonice, and the
death of Seleucus. XX. Continuation of the Deſcendants of Seleucus to
Antiochus the Great, and a ſbort recapitulation of his Succeſſors.
A
Ntiochus, King of Syria, Babylon, and of many other Coun-
tries, was the Son of Seleucus , Grand-child of Antiochus,
and the ſixteenth Succeſſor from that Seleucus, who after
the Death of Alexander, reigned in that part of Aſia, con-
fining on the Euphrates. This Prince made the firſt proof
of his Arms againſt the Medes, the Parthians and other
people revolted from his Predeceſſors, where he ſignaliz’d himſelf by ſo
many Heroick Actions, that he gained the firname of Great. Afterwards
the ſucceſs of his firſt Enterprizes, and that glorious Title raiſing his cou-
rage, he deſpoiled Ptolemy Philopator, King of Egypt, yet but an Infant,
of the lower Syria, and part of Cilicia; and after that, fetting no bound
to his deſigns, he tranſported the War towards the Hellefpont into Etolia
and Ionia, where he claimed a right, by virtue of his being King of A-
fia, becauſe formerly thoſe Countries had been under the Dominion of
the Kings of Aſia. From thence paſſing into Europe, he became Maſter of
Thrace, conſtraining thofe who offered to reſiſt to pay him obedience.
He likewife fortified the Cherſoneſus, and rebuilt Lyſimachia, which Lyſe-
machus, King of Thrace, after Alexander had built as a Cittadel to keep
the people in ſubjection, and which after his death, the Thracians had
demoliſhed. Antiochus undertook to repeople it, making thoſe Inhabi-
tants

Part II.
63
I be Syrian War.
tants, which went out of it return, redeeming thoſe that were in ſlave-
ry, and drawing thither many new ones, giving them Sheep and Oxen,
and Iron to Till the Ground. He was very deſirous with all poſſible ex-
pedition to put this City in a condition, and to make it the ſeat of that
War he had reſolved on, becauſe he believed that in all Thrace there was
no place more proper to be made a Magazine of Corn, and other Pro-
vifions. A great number of people had already ſurrendred unto him, aud
received the Garriſons for fear of his Arms, when thoſe of Smyrna, Lamp-
facus, and many others, who would not ſubmit to his Yoke, ſent their De-
puties to Flaminius the Roman General, who a little before had in a great
Battel defeated Philip of Macedon in Theſſaly ; for in thoſe times and be-
fore, the Affairs of Greece and Macedon were exremely embroiled, as we
have related in the Greek Hiſtories. There were many deputations on
one part and the other, between Antiochus and Flaminius, but without
any effect; for the Romans and Antiochus had for a long time been di-
ſtruſtful of one another. The Romans were of opinion, that this King
grown now ſo powerful, would not, after ſo many happy ſucceſſes,conſent
to Peace and Repoſe'; and that Prince ſaw that the Romans only could
oppoſe his deſigns, there being ſmall likelyhood they would ever ſuffer
him to eſtabliſh a Dominion in Europe: Yet hitherto there was no occa-
fion given of a breach, when the Ambaſſadors of Ptolemy Philopater came
to Rome to complain that Antiochus had diſpoiled him of Syria and Cilicia.
The Senate and people of Rome were very glad that this occafion preſent-
ed, and preſently fent their Ambaſſadors to Antiochus, under pretence of
reconciling the two Kings : but indeed to obſerve the deſigns of Antiochus,
and oppoſe them as much as they could poſſible. Cneus, chief of this
Embaſſie, required of the King, That he would not hinder Ptolemy, who was an
friend of the people of Rome, from enjoying what had been left by his Fatherse
and that he ſhould leave in liberty thoſe Cities, which formerly belonged to
Philip of Macedon , ſaying it was not reaſonable, that he ſhould take to him-
ſelf what the people of Rome had conquered. To this he added , That they
were aſtoniſhed he ſhould come from Medea to the Sea-coſts of Aſia , with ſo
great a Fleet, and ſo powerful an Army, and already begin to trouble Europe by
building of Cities, and making himſelf Maſter of Thrace, and that there was
great appearance all theſe were but preparations to another War. The King
made anſwer , That his Predeceſſors had formerly poſſeſſed Thrace, but being
buſied elſewhere, it had been ufurped from them, and that now, that he had lei-
fure, he would recover the Poſſeſſion, and had rebuilt Lyſimachia for the Reſi-
dence of his Son Seleucus. For the reſt, he would leave the Cities of Aſia in
liberty, provided they would own the Obligation from him, and not from the
people of Rome. But for what reſpects Ptolemy, (faid he) I am his Kinſman,
and Mall ſuddenly be bis Father-in-law , and then ſhall take care to act
in ſuch a manner, as he ſhall give you thanks for the good office you have done
him: but let me in my turn be aſtoniſhed toó, not being able to comprehend
by what righe the people of Rome meddle with the Affairs of Afia, fince I
meddle not with thoſe of Italy. Thus they parted, without doing any thing
ſave threatning one another. Some time after a report was ſpread, that
Ptolemy Philopater was dead, which made Antiochus to take his way to-
wards Egypt, with deſign to ſeize that Kingdom, which the death of that
King might make an eaſie Conqueſt. Being at Epheſus, Hannibal driven
from Carthage by the calumnies of his Enemies, who had accuſed him to
the Romans, as factious and likely to trouble the Peace now between them,
came to ſalute him, and offer him his ſervice; and as he had the Repu-
tation

64
Part I.
The Syrian War.
tation of a great Captain, the King received him with much kindneſs,
and kept him near his perſon. Being gone as far as Zycia, he underſtood
that Ptolemy was yet living, whereupon he quitted the deſign of Egypt,
out of hopes that he might eaſily ſeize Cyprus, and to that intent, he em-
barqued for that Iſland, but was ſurprized with ſo furious a Tempeſt near
the River Sara, that he loft a great number of his Ships, and many of his
Friends, Mariners and Soldiers ; and the reſt of his Fleet being carried by
the Storm to Seleucia in Syria , he there cauſed his Ships to be repaired,
which were much out of order, and celebrated the Nuptials of his Chil-
dren, Antiochus and Laodice, whom he had before made enter into con-
tract of Marriage.
II. At length having abſolutely reſolved on a War with the Romans, he
endeavoured to ally himſelf to the Kings his Neighbours by Marriage. He
ſent Cleopatra, ſirnamed Syra to Ptolemy in Egypt, and gave her in Dower
* Or Calo- the lower * Syria, which he had formerly uſurped from him, hoping thus
fyria. to appeaſe that young man, that he might attempt nothing on that ſide
during the War. He fent likewiſe Antiochida to Ariarathes, King of Cap-
padocia, and the laſt to Eumenes, King of Pergamus : But that King know-
ing the deſign he had of making War upon the Romans, and that it was
only for that end that he fought his Alliance, excuſed himſelf; and when
his Brother Attalus and Phileter wondred that he deſpiſed the Alliance of ſo
great a King his Neigbour,who offered it of himſelf ; he laid before them
the importance of this War, in which poſſibly in the beginning they might
fight with equal Forces, but that in the end the Romans would prove vi-
ctorious, by reaſon of that courage and generoſity, which rendred them
undefatigable. In which caſe, ſaid
he, I ſhall remain free and ſecure in my
Kingdom; but if Antiochus overcome, 'tis poſſible ſo powerful a Neighbonr
may deprive me of my Eſtates; or if he let me keep them, 'twill be only on
conditions of ſubmiſſion to his Empire. Theſe were the Reaſons why he
would not accept the Match.
Now Antiochus being returned to the Hellefpont, and paſſed over into
Cherſoneſus, took many places in Thrace, either by force or ſurrender, fet
at liberty all the Greeks that were under the Dominion of the Thracians,
+ Conſtanti and was extremely liberal to thoſe of * Bizantium, becauſe their City be-
nople.
ing ſeated at the mouth of the Sea, was very commodious for War; he
likewiſe by his bounty, and the terror of his Arms, drew the Galatians to
his party, judging thoſe great Bodies were very proper to oppoſe the Ro-
mans in a Battel. After this he came to Epheſus, whence he Deputed
Lyfias, Eginetes and Menippus to Rome, in effect to pry into the intentions
of the Senate, but in appearance to tell the Fathers : That always hitherto
he had been affectionate to the Romau Name, and likewiſe that he had been de-
fired to have been received into their Alliance, if they had thought him worthy.
However, he could not but wonder that they ſhould order him to quit the Cities
of Ionia, to releaſe to ſome of them the Tribute they ought him, not to meddle
with the Affairs of Aſia, and to abandon the Poſſeſſion of Thrace, which he
held of his Anceſtors; for that ſuch kind of commands were uſually given to
the Conquered, and not to Friends. The Senate knowing well that thefe
Ambaſſadors were only come to found them, anſwered in few words, If
Antiochus leave the Aſiatique Greeks at liberty, and touches nothing in Eu-
rope, he may be, if he pleaſės, friend of the people of Rome. This
was all
they ſaid, without giving any farther reaſon to the Ambaſſadors. Anti-
ochus thereupon deſigning as ſoon as he could to ſeize upon Greece, that
from


Book II.
The Syrian War.
65
from thence he might begin the War againſt the Romans, thought good
to communicate his intentions to Hannibal, who told him, That Greece
having for a long time been afflicted with Was, be thought there would be na
great difficulty in ſeizing upon it. Bilt that it was hard for a Prince to make
War in his own Country, becauſe of the ſcarcity of Proviſions that might bap-
pen, but much more eaſie to maintain it in his Entmie's Country: That Ana
tiochus would never attain his defires upon the Romans in Greece, confidering
the conveniencies they had of frapplying themſelves with Proviſions, and the
faculty of raiſing Men: He therefore counſelled him to fefe on ſome part of
Italy, and make that the ſeat of the War, whereby the Roman Affairs would,
as well at home as abroad be weakned. I knov, ſaid he, Italy perfe&tly well
and if you will give me but ten thonſand men, dare promiſe my ſelf to land
and poſt my ſelf in ſome place convenient for your designs, from thence I will
write to my Friends in Carthage, to engage them to ſtir up the people to re-
volt, who already of themſelves weary of the preſent Government, preferue
no great fidelity for the Romans, and who out of hopes of a better Fortune,
will attempt any thing as ſoon as they hear of my return to Italy. The King
with pleaſure liſtned to this advice; and conſidering (as true it was )
that the Engagement of the Carthaginians in this War, was of no ſmall
importance, gave him charge to write forthwith to his Friends. However
he writ not, for he could not do it with ſafety, the Romans having their
Spies every where, and the War not being yet declared: Beſides there
were many envious perſons in Carthage, and that Republick was troubled
with thoſe Diviſions, which not long after were the cauſe of its ruine.
Howbeit
, he ſent to his Friends a certain Tyrian Merchant, called Ariſton,
who came to Carthage, under pretence of Trade, and by him he deſired
them, that as ſoon as they heard he was entred Italy, they ſhould move
the people to revenge the outrages they had received; he acquitted him
ſelf very well of his Commiſſion: for Hannibal's Enemies knowing of the
coming of this Ariſton, began to make a great noiſe, as if he had the ma-
nagement of fome contrivance to the prejudice of the Publick, ſo that
ſearch was made for the Tyrian, and he , that he inight not only engage
the Friends of Hannibal, fixed cup by Night in the Palace a certain Wri-
ting, by which that Captain exhorted all the Senate to joyn with Antiochus
for the defence of the Country, and that done, gets him to Sea. Mörni
ing being come, and the Writing read, the Friends of Hannibal found them-
felves by this invention diſcharged of any ſuſpicion could be had of them,
becauſe it was believed the whole Senate had part in this advertiſement.
However the people knew not what to reſolve on, they affected not the
Roman Rule, but they had neither the power, nor the boldneſs to attempt
any thing
on a bolerod ato bavio baswol oata
bails
pie biust gori
Mean while the Romans to cry quits with Antiuchus, ſent him likewiſe
Embaſſadors to found him, and Ipy into his Forces, of the number of
which was Scipio the African. They came to Ephefasi , where under-
ftanding that he was gone into Piſidia, they ſtaid for him, and during his
abſence, had ſeveral conferences with Hannibal. They expoftulated with
him, that whilft Carthage was in Peace, and Antiochus upon the point of
being deciared Enemy of the people of Rome, he had left his country,
though ſince the League, neither he nor any other Carthaginian liad any
cauſe of complaint. This was a policy in the Ambaſſadors, who believed
by theſe familiarities with Hannibal, they might bring him under fufpici-
on with the King, of which, as great a Polititian as he washe was not at all
aware:
66
PARTI.
The Syrian War.

aware: But the King being advertiſed of it, grew jealous of him, and con-
fided not in him, as he had done before : but beſides his jealouſie, Ant 10-
chus grew envious of this great Commander, fearing left, if his Affairs
had ſucceſs, all the Glory would be attributed to Hannibal. One day (as
?tis faid) theſe two excellent men, holding a conference before a nume-
rous Auditory, fell upon a diſcourſe of great Captains ; and Scipio having
asked Hannibal,who of them
all he eſteemed to be the greateſt ? He replied,
Alexander of Macedon: To which Scipio agreed, becauſe he yielded to A-
lexander: And thereupon asking again, to whom he gave the ſecond place,
he named Pyrrhus King of Epire, becauſe in his Judgement, Boldneſs and
Courage were the principal Virtues of a General of an Army, and of all
Kings he had ever heard ſpeak of, he had known none more hardy. Sci-
pio approved not this fo well, yet he asked him again, To whom he gave the
third place? To my ſelf, ſaid he, for ſcarce crept out of my Infancy, I made
my ſelf Maſter of Spain; I am the firſt, after Hercules, that hath paſſed the
Alps with an Army; and being entred into Italy, have ſtruck a terrour through
all places : I have taken and ſack'd four hundred Cities, and all this without
any affiftance, either of Men or Money from the Carthaginians. Here Scipio
interrupting theſe Bravadoes, told him ſmiling ; And in what degree would
you have placed your ſelf, if I had not overcome you? I would have then
ranked my ſelf, ſaid he, before Alexander. Thus without diminiſhing any
thing of his own Glory, he obliged Scipio with an ingenious praiſe, telling
him he had vanquiſhed a Captain greater than Alexander. Their confe-
rence ended : Hannibal prayed Scipio to go and lye at his Apartment;
which Scipio anſwered, he would freely have done, had he not been with
Antiochus, whom the Romans had a preſent diſtruſt of. Thus did theſe
great Captains, by a Generoſity worthy of themſelves, meaſure their en-
mities only by the Wars in which they were ingaged. Flaminius did not
ſo, for finding, after the defeat of Antiochus, Hannibal, who fled to have
ſaved himſelf in Bithynia, in the Court of King Prufias, where that Roman
was in Embaſſie upon other Affairs, though he had never received any
particular offence, nor had any order from the Senate, there being now
no reaſon to fear him, Carthage being ſubdued; yet he conſtrained him
to end his days by Poyſon. 'Tis ſaid this death had been foretold him
by the Oracle in theſe terms.
In the Libyſan land ſball Hannibal dye.

But he himſelf was deceived, for he hoped to dye in Libya, never think-
ing that in Bithynia, there was a River called Libyſſa , which gave name
to the adjacent Country. I have related theſe Examples, as well of the
Generoſity of Scipio and Hannibal, as of the contrary baſeneſs of Flamini-
us, becauſe I thought them not unworthy to find a place in this Hi-
ſtory.


IV.
To proceed, Antiochus upon his return from Piſidia, after having given
Audience to the Deputies of the Rhodians, promiſed to leave in liber
ty both them, the Byzantines, and all the other Greeks, bordering up-
on Aſia, in caſe he came to an agreement with the Romans ; but would
not grant the ſame conditions to the Etolians and Ionians, becauſe they had
already been accuſtomed to the Dominion of the Kings of Aſia, as bar-
barous

Book II.
67
The Syrian War.
as
barous as they were. As for the Roman Ambaſſadors, they returned with
out doing any thing; nor indeed came they for any other intent, but to
gain knowledge of the Eſtate of Antiochus his Affairs
. After their de
parture, came the Deputies of Etolia, of whom Thoas was the Chief, who
offered the King all the Forces they had, adviſing him to paſs forthwith
into Greece, as to an eaſie Conqueſt: Telling him, There was no neceſſity
he ſhould ſtay for thoſe Forces that were to come out of the midſt of Aſia, for
the Etolian Powers were more than ſufficient, and beſides the Lacedemonians,
and Philip of Macedon, ſworn Enemy of the Romans, would joyn with him
ſoon as he ſhould be entred into Greece, but that he could not uſe too much
diligence, Antiochus preſently took fire, nor could the news brought him
of his Sons being dead in Syria hinder his embarquing, but with ten thou-
ſand men only, he went and landed in the Iſland of Eubæa, which he ſo ter-
rified, that they yielded to pay him Obedience. Micithion, one of his Cap-
tains, began likewiſe proſperouſly enough ; for having found fome Romans
in the Illand of Delos, which is conſecrated to Apollo, he cut part of them
in pieces, and took the reſt Priſoners. Amynander, King of the Athama-
njans, joyned himſelf likewiſe to Antiochus, and that for the reaſon we are
about to relate. A certain Macedonian, called Alexander , bred at Mega-
Zopolis, to whom the Inhabitants had granted the freedom of becoming a
Burgeſs of their City, had perſwaded them by extravagant lyes, that he
was of the Race of Alexander, the Son of Philip; and to gain the more
credit to his knavery, he called his Children, the one Philip, and the other
Alexander, and the laſt, which was a Daughter, Apamia, whom he gave in
Marriage to Amynander, Philip, Brother to the Maid, and who had con-
ducted her to her Husband , ſeeing his weakneſs and ignorance in Affairs,
had ſtaid with this his Brother-in-law to Govern his Eftates, in favour of
the Alliance. Antiochus took hold of this occaſion, putting this Philip in
hopes that he would re-eſtabliſh him in the Kingdom of Macedon, which
belonged to him by Succeſſion from his Anceſtors; and by this means he
drew the Athamanians to his party, as he did likewiſe the Thebans by go-
ing to Thebes, where he made an Oration to the people.
Thus having raſhly enough undertook a War of ſuch great impor-
tance, founded on the aſſiſtance of Amynander, the Thebans and the Eto-
lians, he held a Council concerning Theſſaly, whether he ſhould preſent-
ly fieſe it, or ſtay till Winter were paſt. Hannibal being at this Aſſem-
bly, where he had kept filence till the King deſired his advice, then gave
it in theſe terms.
V.
The Oration of Hannibal.


"I
Am of the opinion it is indifferent, whether you fieſe upon The
"ſaly before Winter or after : but know, that people broken by a
“long train of misfortunes, though they may at preſent teſtifie an incli-
nation to you, will not ſtick to range themſelves on the Roman party,
“if there happen to you the leaſt diſgrace: Beſides we are come hither
“without any Forces of our own, perſwaded by the Etolians, that the La-
“cedemonians and Philip will joyn with us ; and yet I fear the Lacede-
monians are no leſs our Enemies than the Achaians : For Philip, though
"he ſhould declare for you, I cannot perceive in the condition, wherein
K 2
“things


68
The Syrian War. Part I
(6
"your ſelf with your Land Army on the Frontiers of Greece, near unto
“things ſtand, that it would be of much importance which party he
takes, but I am firm in this judgement, that you forthwith cauſe your
“Troops to come out of Aſia, without placing your hopes, either upon
the Etolians or Amynander, and that as ſoon as they are come, you enter
Italy, that the Romans thereby fufficiently peſtered to find remedies for
"Domeſtick miſchiefs, may attempt nothing againſt your Dominions, nor,
fearing to leave home defenceleſs, permit their Forces to range abroad.
“To this purpoſe you muſt divide your Fleet into two parts, one of which
may waſte the Coaſts of Italy, whilſt the other is kept in readineſs, ex-
“pečting ſome favourable conjuncture. In the mean time you are to poft
Italy, both to hold them always in terrour, and to make an irruption as
foon as you can poſſibly. Then it will be to fome purpoſe to uſe all
“forts of means to engage Philip to your intereſts, for which part foe-
ver he takes , he will be of no finall conſequence. And if you cannot
gain him, you muſt ſend your Son Seleucus to enter his Country with
an Army on the Thracian fide , that ſeeing himſelf embroiled in
a Domeſtick War, the Enemy may draw no aſſiſtance from
him. .
5.
This was Hannibal's opinion, which certainly was not ill, nor indeed
was there any better propoſed in the Aſſembly. But the envy born to this
great Man, joyned with a fear, the King and Councellors had, left he ſhould
appear more underſtanding in the myſtery of War than they, or that if
things fucceeded, all the Glory would be attributed to him, hindred its be-
ing followed, ſave only that Polexenidas was diſpatch'd into Aſia, to cauſe
the Army advance.
VI.
The Senate receiving advice of this irruption in Greece, and of the de-
feat of the Romans in Delos, declared Antiochus Enemy to the Roman
people : And thus after the diſtruſt ſo long time had on one part and the
other, they came to an open War. But becauſe the King was poſſeſſor of
vaſt Territories in the Continent, and of almoſt all the Sea-coaſts, that he
was entred into Europe, where he had begot a fear of him, as well be-
cauſe of his mighty preparations, as of the Glory of thoſe brave Actions
had gained hiin the title of Great, the Romans believed that this War
would be of a long continuance; and beſides, they were diſtruſtful of Phi-
lip of Macedon, whom they had lately vanquiſhed, and doubtful left the
Carthaginians ſhould violate the League, becauſe of Hannibal, who was
with Antiochus, they had moreover in ſuſpicion fome Provinces newly
conquered, and fearful left they ſhould make ſome inſurrection , when
they faw Antiochus in Arms, wherefore they ſent Forces to bridle them
with Garriſons, and with Propretors, who had each of them carried be-
fore them fix Axes, and to whom they gave one half of the Authority
attributed to the Conſuls, as they bore half their Enſigns: And becauſe
in this great danger, they were likewiſe doubtful leſt Italy ſhould not
prove altogether faithful, or ſtand ſtedfaſt with them againſt Antiochus,
they ſent a powerful Army unto-Tarentum , to hinder the Enemies en-
trance, whilſt their Fleet coaſted round the Country, ſo much did Antio-
chus at firſt terrifie them. After they thought they had fufficiently fe-
cured Affairs within; they ſet themſelves to levy Soldiers, of whom they
raiſed twenty thouſand in the City, and twice as many in the Cities of their
Allies, with deſign in the Spring to paſs into Ionia. Thus they ſpent the
Winter

Book II.
I be Syrian War.
69
Winter in making their preparations. In the mean time Antiochus took
his march towards Theffaly, and being come to the place called Cynocephalos
or Dogſhead, he Magnificently buried the bodies of thoſe that had been
Nain, which had hitherto lain without Sepulchre, gaining by this means
the good will of the Macedonians, and loading Philip with the hatred of
his people, incenſed that he had not taken the care to bury the bodies of
thoſe had been ſlain in his ſervice. Philip was yet uncertain what party
he ſhould take, but hearing this news, he ſtreightway preferred the Ro-
mans, and ſending for Bebius, that commanded the Army, that lay hard
by, took between his hands the Oath of Alliance againit Antiochus. Be-
bius prayſed him, and henceforward truſted in him, ſo far that ſending
Appius Claudius with two thouſand Men into Theſſaly, he made not any
difficulty of cauſing him to march through the midſt of Macedonia.Claudius
being come to Tempé, nigh Antiochus his Camp that beſieged Lariſſa,
kindled great fires that he might make the Enemy believe he was come
with a powerful Army. The King did believe it, and perſwading him-
ſelf it was Bebius and Philip him; Fear made him raiſe the Siege of
Larnifa, and making the ſeaſon his pretence which began to grow cold,
he went to take up his Winter-quarters at Chalcis. Here he fell in love
with a beautiful Virgin, though he were above fifty years old, and Married
her with Great Pomp and Magnificence, without conſidering he had upon
his hands a War, wherein all his Glory lay at ſtake. He ſpent the whole
Winter in pleaſure and divertiſement, and ſuffered his Army to do the
like, but having in the firſt of the Spring made an inroad into Acarnania,
he too well perceived that Soldiers accuſtomed to Idleneſs were difficultly
retrived, and began to repent of his Marriage, and the delights to
which he had abandoned himſelf. Not but that he did ſomewhat in this
Country ; Some places ſubmitted to him, and others he took by force, but
having intelligence that the Romans paſſed the Ionian Sea, he returned to
Chalcis.
Their Army was compoſed of two thouſand Horſe, and twenty thou VII.
ſand Foot, they had likewiſe fome Elephants. It was commanded by
Manius Acilius Glabrio, who being paſſed from * Brundufium into * Or Brin-
Apolonia took his march towards Theſſaly, raiſing in his way, the fieges difium.
from before ſuch Cities as the Enemy had inveſted, and driving out the
Garriſons from thoſe who had received them, he reduced likewiſe, that
Philip of Megalopolis, who had the forementioned pretenſions on the
Kingdom of Macedon, and took Priſoners about three thouſand of An-
tiochus Souldiers. Mean while Philip of Macedon- made an Irruption into
Arhimania, and drove thence Amynander, who fled, and ſheltred himſelf
in Ambracia. Antiochus having intelligence hereof, and ſeeing ſo ſudden
a change of affairs, began to be afraid of the diligence of his enemies,
and perceived at laſt that Hannibals advice was the beſt, Wherefore he
diſpatched many Meſſengers one after another to Polexenidas, to cauſe
him to advance, and in the mean while with all expedition poſſible he
drew together all the force he could make, which amounted to ten thou-
ſand Foot and fifteen hundred Horſe, with ſome Auxiliary Troops of his
Allies, and with theſe went to fieſe upon the paſs of Thermopyle, that he
might ſtop the Enemies paſſage whilſt he expected his Army out of Afra.
Now the ſtrait of Thermopyle is a long and narrow paſſage, bounded on
one fide with a troubleſome and inacceſſible Sea, and on the other with a
deep and broad Mariſh. It hath on both ſides two mighty ſteep Rocks, of
which

70
Part I.
I be Syrian War.
which one is called Tichiontes, and the other Callidromos, where are found
hot Springs whence the place had the Name of Thermopyle. Here An-
tiochus cauſed to be raiſed, two walls, and erected Engins upon them,
committing the guard of the tops of the mountains to the Etolians, leſt
the Enemy ſhould ſurprize him by the ſame windings Xerxes had found
out to aſſault the Lacedemonians and Leonidas, becauſe they had left them
unguarded. Having therefore placed a thouſand Men, on each top, he
went and encamped with the reſt of the Army near Heraclea. Manius ha-
ving intelligence of the Enemies Pofture, cauſed publication of the bat-
tel to be made for the morrow, and at the ſame time ſent away two of his
Tribunes M. Cato and L. Valerius to whom he gave as many choſen Men
as they deſired, with Orders in the night to make a turn about the moun-
tains and if it were poſſible to drive the Ætolians from their Pofts. Valem
rius having aſſaulted thoſe which had the Guard of Tichiontes, was re-
pulfed, for they defended themſelves couragiouſly. But Cato having poſt-
ed himſelf near the Callidromos, about the laſt watch advanced, and fur-
prized the Enemies, yet aſleep; however he had a ſharp ſcuffle, by reaſon
of the incommodiouſneſs of the place, where the Soldiers were forced to
Scramble up the Rocks, and Precipices to come at the Etolians. Mean
while Manius marched directly towards Antiochus, having drawn off his
Army into ſeveral bodies for he could not fight otherwiſe in theſe ſtraits
where the King expected him, having placed his Targets, and light
Armed Foot in the Front of his Phalanx, which he had embatteled before
his Camp, on the right hand ſtood the Slingers and Archers, who guarded
the Foot of the Mountain, On the left the Elephants, and on the Sea-ſide,
thoſe Companies appointed for the Guard of his Perſon. When they were
engaged, Manius found himſelf rudely intreated on all fides, by the
light Armed Soldiers : But bravely fuſtaining the Shock, and ſometimes
giving ground, ſometimes returning fiercely to the charge, he haraſſed
them in ſuch manner, that he put them to the Rout. The Phalanx open-
ed to give them paſſage, and cloſing again preſented the Romans with an
infinite of ſharp long Pikes ; (By this Invention it was that Alexander of
Macedon and Philip did principally make themſelves terrible, for no Man
was ſo hardy as to preſs upon this thick and affrightful forreſt of Pikes.)
Hereupon on a ſudden, might be perceived the Etolians with great crys
flying from the Callidromos, and heltring themſelves in Antiochus Camp
which at the inſtant ſtruck fear into both parties, who knew not what it
meant; but when they knew Cato who with loud Shouts purſued the
Flyers, and ſaw him already nigh the Camp, the Kings Soldiers, who had
heard the Roman Courage and Valor largely ſpoken of, and were ſenſible
of their own defects and faintneſs, occaſioned by their having ſpent the
Winter in Pleaſures and Idleneſs, began to be afraid, and their fear blinded
them, ſo that they could not obſerve the numbers commanded by Cato, but
imagining them far greater then they were, and apprehenſive left they
ſhould Plunder their Camp, they ran thither in diſorder, followed fo elole
by the Romans, that they entred Pelmel with them, and forced them to a
ſecond flight. Manius purſued them as far as Scarphia, and made a hor-
rible ſlaughter,took a great number of Priſoners, and at his return from the
chaſe of the Enemy gave their camp in ſpoil to his Soldiers. Mean while
the Etolians had ſieſed the Roman camp, which they foundabandoned, but
as ſoon as they ſaw Manius return they quitted it. It is ſaid that of the
Roman Army there were about two hundred Men ſlain, either in the fight
or the purſuit, Anticchus loft ten thouſand reckoning the Priſoners, and he
as

Book II.
The Syrian War.
71
as ſoon as he ſaw his Army give way, ſaved himſelf with five hundred
Horſe, and at one carriere reached Elafia. From thence he got to Chalcis,
where his Fleet lay, on which he Embarqued with his new Spouſe Eubia
(for ſo ſhe was called) and fled to Epheſus. Yet he took not with himn all
his Ships, for ſome that were laden with Proviſion fell into the hands of the
Roman Admiral who ſunk them.
VIII.
News of this Victory being brought to Rome, publick Prayers were
made, all the City rejoycing at the happy beginnings of this War, and in
acknowledgment of Philips fidelity they lent back to him his Son Demetrius,
who was yet a Hoſtage in the City. Whilſt at Rome they were giving
Demoſtrations of their joy for this happy ſucceſs, the Phocians, Chalci-
dians and many other people, who had been of the Kings party,came to ask
pardon of Manius,who forgave them. After which he went with Philip
to ſpoil Etolia, took all their Cities together with Damocrites General of
that Nation (the ſame Damocritus who had threatned Flaminius, he would
encamp on the banks of Tiber.). After this he took his March towards
Callipolis, over Mount Corax, which is of a great height, and very difficult
to paſs by reaſon of the Rocks eſpecially for an Army, laden with bag-
gage,
and the ſpoils of the Enemy as this was, for in paſſing this cragged
way many Soldiers with their Arms and Equipage, were loſt among the
Precipices, beſides they (tood in fear of the Etolians, who might have
troubled them, but they appeared not, being buſied in ſending Deputies
to Rome to deſire peace. Antiochus in the mean while drew towards the
Sea fide with all Expedition poſſible, all the forces that had been levied in
the Lands under his obedience. He cauſed likewiſe a Fleet to be fitted out,
the command of which he gave to Polexenidas, who had been baniſhed
from Rhodes, and not long after paſſed into Cherſoneſus, which he forti-
fied a ſecond time, he placed Garriſons in Seſtos and Abidos, by which the
Romans might paſs into Afia. And having deſigned Lyſimachia for his
Principal Magazine, he cauſed to be brought thither
great ſtore of Ammu-
nition and Proviſion, believing the Romans would ſoon draw towards him
with great forces both by Sea and Land.
The Senate and people of Rome ſent as Succeſſor to Manius, L. Scipio
now Conſul, and becauſe he was not over expert in the Art of War, they
gave him for Lieutenant Publius his brother, who having overcome the
Carthaginians, had brought away the ſurname of African as a ſpoil
.
Whilſt theſe two brothers were laboring in their preparations, Livius
who before had Commiſſion to hinder the Enemy, from making any de-
ſcent in Italy, having been ſent Succeſſor to Attilius, who commanded
the Romans Naval Forces, Embarqued on thoſe Ships he had for the De-
fence of the Coaſts, together with ſome ſent by the Carthaginians, and
other Allies, and came to the Port of Pyræum, where Attilius having deli-
vered up to him, the command of the Fleet, he took the Sea with four-
ſcore and one Ships, all Armed for War followed by Eumenes, with fifty
more, the better half of which were likewiſe Armed. They firſt made
a deſcent in Phocida, which yet held for the King, but now for fear receia
ving them, they the day following went forth to fight. For Polexenidas
who commanded Antiochus his Fleet was coming to meet them with two
hundred Ships much lighter then theirs, which was a great advantage,
for the Romans were not yet perfectly skilled in Sea Affairs. This Cap-
tain ſeeing that two Carthaginian Ships, advanced in the head of the Fleet,
fent
IX

72
PART I
The Syrian War.
x
ſent out three of his againſt them, which took theın both, but empty, for
the Africans had caſt themſelves into the Sea. Livius angry at this affront,
makes a head, and goes to charge the Admiral, they ſtay for him, and
grapple with him, ſo that the Ships being now faſt to one another, they
fought as if on firm Land; but the Romans being moſt daring leaped into
the Enemies Ships, and making themſelves Maſters of them, brought
them into the body of their Fleet, together with the two Carthaginian
Ships had been taken at firſt
. After this Prologue to a Battel, when the
two Fleets came to joyn, the Romans far ſurpaſſed their enemies in bra-
very and ſtrength, but becauſe their Ships were heavier, they could not
reach thoſe of Antiochus, when they made their retreat; however they
forced them to fly and ſave themſelves in Epheſus, and they themſelves
went to Chios, where joyned with them ſeven and twenty Auxiliary Ships
of Rhodes, The King having heard what paſſed in this Sea-fight, fent
Hannibal into Syria, to cauſe other Ships to come from Phenicia and Cilician
but at his return the Rhodians gave him chaſe, and forced him to retreat
into Pamphilia, and having taken ſome of his Ships, kept the reſt for a
while blocked up in the Port.
theogolo como
Mean while Publius Scipio, being come into Etolia with the Conful
Manius, who had delivered up to him the Army, he would not carry the
War from City to City, judging it ſcarce worth the time, and therefore
permitted the Etolians to ſend again their Deputies to Rome, whilſt he
chofe rather to go directly to Antiochus, before his brothers Conſulate was
expired. To which end he cauſed his Army to march by Macedon and
Zbrace, to gain the Hellefpont, but this way had been very difficult and
troubleſome, had not Philip of Macedon, taken order that the Markets
ſhould all the way be ſupplyed, and built Bridges, and brought in Provi-
fions as he did. This piece of Service was the occaſion that the Scipio's
releaſed him of the reſt of the Mony, that he ought, and indeed they had
Orders to that purpoſe from the Senate in caſe he ſerved the Common-
wealth faithfully in that War. They wrote likewiſe to Prufas King of
Bythinia, Letters by which they gave him to underſtand, that the people
of Rome had enlarged the Dominions of a great many Kings, their Friends
and Allies, and that though they had overcome Philip King of Macedon,
yet they had left to him his Kingdom, fent back his Son that was in Ho
Itage, and releaſed him the Mony he was ſtill obliged to pay them; with
which things Poufias was fo much wrought upon, that he preſently en-
tred into Alliance with the Romans againſt Antiochus. Now the Ad-
miral Livises underſtanding that the Scipio's were upon their way, left
:
Paulimachus the Rhodian in Esolia
with the
Rhodian Ships and a part of the
Roman, and himfelf with the reſt failed towards the Hellefpont, to receive
them. In his way Seſtos and Rhetia, and two Ports of the Acheans, and
Tome other little Towns yielded to him, and becauſe Abydos would not do
the ſame, he layd Siege to it. After Livius departure , Pauſimachus
lying at Anchor near Samos, exerciſed his people, in trying many inven-
tions of his own, and framing new kinds of Engins, and among the reſt
making Iron Pots, filled with combuſtible ftuff, and faftned to the end of
long booms,
thruſt from the Ships, ſo that if in time of Service the Enemies
Ships came near them, they might burn them, by letting fall into them,
thoſe flaming Pots. Whilft he buſied himſelf in theſe forts of Employ-
ments, Polexenidas who was likewiſe of Rhodes, but had been baniſhed
shence, was contriving how he might intrap him. He promiſed him to
deliver

Book II.
The Syrian War.
73
deliver up to him the Kings Fleet, on condition he would prevail that he
might be recalled from Baniſhment : Pauſimachus was jealous of the cheat,
and for a good while ſtood upon his Guard; but after he had received on
the
part
of Polexenidas, Letters written with his own hand, and had ad-
vice that he was gone from Epheſus, having ſent moſt of his Mariners to
ſeek for Proviſions, he thought there was no probability, that a man like
him would run the hazard of giving teſtimony under his own hand againſt
himſelf, and began too lightly to give faith to him, and grew negligent of
his Guards; he likewiſe lent his Seamen to Victual after the others Exam-
ples. Polexenidas ſeeing his plot took, ſuddenly cauſed his men to return,
and privately ſent Nicander, a famous Pyrate, with fome armed Soldiers
into Samos, to charge the Enemy behind on the Land ſide ; and he im-
barquing about midnight, came before day break, and fell upon the Rho-
dian, and his Companians, who were yet aſleep. Pauſimachus frighted
at this unexpected aſſault, commanded his Soldiers to diſinount from the
Ships, and defend themſelves on the Beak: but when Nicander came to
charge him behind (perſwaded by an errour ordinary in the night) he be-
lieved the greateſt Force had pofſeft themſelves of the Shore, and regain-
ing his Veſſels in great diſorder, he was the firſt that made head againſt
the Enemies, and the firſt that valiantly fighting was ſlain; almoſt all the
reſt were ſlain or cut in pieces : Only ſeven Ships which carried the Fire-
pots, and which the Enemies durit nor approach were faved; the other
twenty were towed, by ſo many. Boats to Epheſus. The noiſe of the Vi-
¿tory made Phocea, Samos and Cuma declare for Antiochus, and obliged Lin
vius, who feared left the Ships he had left in Æolida,might be involved in
the ſame misfortunes, ſpeedily to return. Eumenes came thither alſo ; and
the Rhodians having ſent twenty other Ships, in a ſhort time all men re-
gained courage. To revenge this affrent,they preſented themſelves before
Epheſus in order of Battel; but no perſon coming out to them , they left
one half of their Fleet at anchor, in ſight of the City; and with the o-
ther part, went and made a deſcent into the Enemies Country, ſpoiling
the Sea Coaſts: but Nicander coming ſuddenly upon them, made them
quit their prize, and flee to their Ships; ſo that the time of Livins com-
mand being expired, they came and diſembarqued at Samoš.
At the ſame time Seleucus, Son of Antiochus, forraged the Lands of Eu-
menes, and held Pergamus ſo cloſely beſieged, that no perfon could get out,
ſo that Eumenes was conſtrained to make all-haſte poſſible to Elea, which
is the border of his Kingdom, together withi Z. Emilius Regulus, the Suc-
ceſſor of Livius. There came likewiſe from Achaia a thouſand Auxiliary
Foot, and a hundred choſen Horſe, under the Command of Diophanes, who
being entred into Pergamus, and perceiving from the Walls the people of
Seleucus feaſting and making merry, and careleſs of their Guards, would
have perfwaded the Inhabitants to make a Salley upon the Enemies; but
they not having courage enough to adventure it, he drew out what Horſe
and Foot they had, and placed them in battalia before the Walls, with di-
rections not to move till they had Orders. The Enemy ſcoffed at the ſmal-
neſs of their number, and their fearfulneſs: but when he faw them buſie
at Dinner, he fell on, and giving the Alarm to their Corps de Guard, forced
them to turn their backs, and flee in diſorder; ſome were killed taking up
their Arms, others bridling their Horſes, others in running after their
Horſes that were got looſe, and others, as they ſtrove in vain, to mount
them. Thus Diophanes gained a noble Victory in the fight of the Inha-
bitants, who incouraged him from the Walls, but yet durft not come
L
forth

74
Part I.
I be Syrian War.
forth to ſecond him; and after having flain as many as he could over-
take in ſo ſudden an eruption, he returned into the City with Men and
Horſes taken from the Enemy. On the morrow he poſted himſelf in the
ſame ſtation, without being followed by thoſe of Pergamus any more than
the day before. Seleucus faced him with ſome Bodies of Horfe, offering
him Battel; but he moved not thereat , kept firm his ground near the
Walls, waiting an opportunity; and when he perceived about noon Se-
leucus Horſemen were returning to the Camp quite tyred, he furiouſly
charged them in the Rear, and after having put them to the rout, and
flain ſome of them, he retreated into the City, he made many ſuch like
attempts, for they could neither go out to Forrage, nor to cut Wood,but
he was ſtill at the backs of them; till at laſt he harraſſed them in ſuch
manner, that Seleucus was forced to withdraw his Camp out of the Ter-
ritories of Pergamus, and at laſt was quite driven out of Eumenes's King-
dom. Sometimes after happened a Sea fight between Polescenidas and the
Romans near Myoneſa. Polexenidas having fourſcore and ten Ships of
War, and Regulus the Roman Admiral fourſcore and three, of which five
and twenty were Rhodians commanded by Eudorus. He was appointed
to fight on the left hand; but perceiving that Polexenidas was ſtronger
on the right, and ready to encompaſs the Romans, he made head with
all his Ships, which were very nimble, and forthwith oppoſed him, with
thoſe which carried Firebals, ſo that he durft advance no further for fear
of burning ; but as he tack’d, he expoſed the broadſides of his Ships to
the Rhodians, who charging upon them, ſunk ſome of them, till ſuch
time as one of the Rhodian Ships having run his Beakhead with ſuch vio-
lence againſt a Sidonian, that the Anchor fell into the Rhodian, they were
grappled faſt together, and now they began a Fight as on firm Land, and
a great number of Veſſels thronging in both of one ſide and the other to
the aſſiſtance of theſe grappled Ships , the Fight was very bloody; but
one half of the Kings Ships being divided from the reſt of their Compa-
nions, were oppreſſed by the Romans before the others perceived it, and
as ſoon as they ſaw it, they betook themſelves to flight. The King loft
nine and twenty Ships; of which thirteen were taken
with all their crew.
The Romans loſt only two beſides one of Rhodes, which Polexenidas car-
ried with him to Epheſus. Thus ended the Sea Fight which was fought near
Myonefa.
XII.
Mean while the King ſtrengthened the Cherfonefies, and fortified Lyfimam
chia, judging well, as true it was, that the Romans would find it difficult
to paſs into Thrace, without having a firm alliance with Philip. But be-
ing of an inconſtant Spirit, and variable on matters of no moment, as ſoon
as he heard of this loſs, near Myoneſa, he began to fear,and believed he had
ſome God to his Enemy, ſince all things ſucceded ſo ill, that the Romans
were become Maſters of the Sea, where he thought he had the greateſt
advantage; that Hannibal was blocked up in Pamphilia; and that Philip,
who he thought ſhould have remembred the injuries he had received, did
himſelf conduct the Enemy through ways inacceſſible. Frighted with
all theſe diſorders; and God blinding his judgement, as it happens in
weighty calamities, he moſt imprudently abandons the Cherſoneſus, with-
out ſtaying ſo much as for a ſight of the Romans, or without either tranſ-
porting or burning all thoſe Proviſions and Munitions he had heaped to-
gether, whether of Corn, Arms, Engines or Money, but leaving them in-
tire to the ſervice of his Enemies. Nay, ſo fenceleſs he was, that when
thoſe

Book II.
The Syrian War.
75
thoſe of Lyſimachia went to him weeping with their Wives and Children,
he took no notice of it. He had now no other thoughts but how to hinder
the Romans from entring into Abidos, on which he henceforward placed
all his hopes ; and yet, as if the Gods had more and more blinded him
he never took care to guard that paſſage, nor ſo much as placed a Gar-
riſon in it, but made a ſwift retreat into the Inland, deſigning there to ex-
pect the Enemy. The Scipio’s having intelligence of his
departure, made
hafte to poſſeſs themſelves of Lyſimachia ; and having fieſed on all the
Treaſure and Proviſions the King had left in Cherſoneſus, they forthwith
paſſed the Helleſpont, which they found defenceleſs, and overtook Antio-
chus at Sardis, before he any thing doubted it. This diligence of theirs
ſo much aſtoniſhed him, that beginning to torment himſelf, and making
Fortune a party in the faults he had committed, he preſently diſpatched
away Heraclides the Bizantine to the Scipio's to treat of Peace, offering
them Smyrna, Alexandria upon the Granick, Lampſacus, which had been
the cauſe of their difference, with half the charge of the War. He had
likewiſe Orders to grant thein all the Cities of Ionia, and Æolia, which
had held of their party, and in ſhort, whatever they demanded. Theſe
Conditions he was to propoſe publickly; but in private he had Commiſſi-
on to offer to Publius Scipio a great ſum of Money, with promiſe to reſtore
him his Son without Ranſom, for the King had taken him priſoner in
Greece, as he paſſed from Chalcis to Demetriade. This is that Scipio, who
afterwards took and demoliſhed Carthage, and was the ſecond that bore the
ſirname of African. He was the Son of that Paulus, who took Perſeus of
Macedon, Grand-child to Scipio by the Mother ſide, ſhe being his Daughter,
and afterwards became his Son by Adoption. The Scipio's made anſwer
to Heraclides in full afſembly, That if Antiochus deſired Peace, he muſt not
only guit all Ionique and Eolique Cities, but likewiſe all Aſia on that fide
Mount Taurus; and beſides that, pay all the Expence of this War, which had
been begun through his fault; And in particular Publius told the Byzantine,
That if the King had offered theſe Conditions, whilft be held Lyſimachia and
the Cherſoneſus; nay, it's poſſible before he had paſſed the Helleſpont, the
Romans might have accepted them; but ſeeing he had ſuffered them to paſs,
and that now they beheld themſelves Maſters, not only of the Bridle, but of
the Horſeman, they knew not what elſe to ſay to him. However, he was high-
ly obliged to him for his kindneſs, and ſhould be more when he ſent him his
Son, but as Affairs at preſent ſtood, he adviſed him, as his friend, to receive
theſe Conditions e’er ſomething worſe befel him. After this he was carried
fick to Ælea, leaving Cn. Domitius, Lieutenant to his Brother. As for An-
tiochus, he was of the ſame opinion Philip of Macedon had formerly in the
like cafe been , that though he were abſolutely defeated, they could not
demand more, and therefore applied himſelf to rally his Forces in the
Country of Thyatira, very near the Enemy. However, he fent Scipio his
Son to Ælea, in acknowledgement of which Scipio ſent him word, by
thoſe which brought him his Son, that he adviſed him not to give Bat-
tel till he was returned to the Army.
The King perſwaded by the Authority of that great Man, went and in-
camped near Mount Sinyle, where he fortified his Camp with a ſtrong
Wall, and was beſides defended by the River Phrygia, which parted the
two Armies. This Poft he made choice of, that he might not be obliged
to fight againſt his will
. But Domitius , covétous of Glory, had a great
deſire to fight, whilſt he had the Command. He therefore couragiouſly
XIII.
L2
paffed

76
The Syrian War.
PARTI.
* About two
ment.
Roman order.
paſſed the River, and came and encamped within *twenty furlongs of the
milesand a half. Enemy, doing all he could for four days together to draw him to a Bat-
tel, he every day drew out his Army before his Trenches, and the other
did the like; but neither the one nor the other would begin the engage-
The fifth day Domitius drew forth his Army, and took the Field,
hoping Antiochus would come to meet him ; but ſeeing he moved not, he
came and encamped cloſe by him, and having let paſs one day more, he
cauſed it to be publiſhed throughout his Army, ſo loud that the Enemy
might hear it, that on the morrow he would fight, whether Antiochus
would or no : This King committed another mighty fault upon
this occa-
ſion, for he might have ſtood upon the Ditch of his Camp, or have kept
himſelf within his Trenches, till Publius had been recovered : but he
thought it a ſhame for him to refuſe Battel, when he was the ſtrongeſt; he
therefore prepared himſelf, and about the laſt Watch, both Armies took
the Field, and drew up in Array. They were Marſhalled in this Order:
Domitius placed his right wing, compoſed of about ten thouſand Roman
Foot on the Bank of the River; on the ſide of them were ten thouſand
* Haſtati, Prin- cther Italian Foot,both parties divided into *Vanguard,Batteland Rear. Next
cipes & Triarii the Italians ſtood Eumenes his Army, and three thouſand Acheans armed
according to the
with Bucklers. The right Wing compoſed of the Latin, Roman and Ex-
menes his Cavalry, which amounted to about three thouſand Horſe; be-
tween whoſe Ranks there were placed ſome light armed Foot and Archers,
and beſides there were four Squadrons, which Domitius kept near his per-
fon, and all theſe made not above thirty thouſand Men; the right Wing
was commanded by Domitius, the Battel by the Conful, and the left Wing
by Eumenes. They had likewiſe ſome Elephants, which were come to
them from Lybia ; but they believed they ſhould not be able to make uſe
of them, becauſe they were too few; and beſides being ſmall, as all the
Lybian Elephants are, they would be apt to be frightned, when they ſaw
greater, wherefore they placed them behind in the Rearguard : Such was
the order of the Roman Army.
Antiochus had an Army of feventy thouſand Men, whoſe main ſtrength
conſiſted in the Macedonian Phalanx, compoſed of ſixteen thouſand Foot-
men, which according to the inſtitution of the Ancient Kings, Philip and
Alexander , were divided into ten Battalia's, each of fifty Ranks, and in
each Rank two and thirty Men: Their Front repreſented the Walls of a
City, becauſe between every Body ſtood an Elephant like a lofty Tower ;
it was covered on the Flanks with two bodies of Horſe, the one of Galati-
ans armed at all points, and the other of theſe choſen Macedonians, whom
they call Agenia : In the right Wing were the light armed Soldiers, the
* Or Horſemen Arg yraſpides, and two hundred Archers on Horſe-back. In the left
with filver
Wing were the Gallogræcian Foot, the Tectofages, the Trocmes, the To
loftiboges, ſome Cappidocians, whom Ariarathes had ſend to the King ,
and a great multitude of Mercenaries, which were ſuſtained by other Ca-
valry, armed Back and Breſt, and by the Band called Soccale lightly armed.
Thus had Antiochus ordered his Forces, placing his principal confidence,
according to all appearance, in his Cavalry, which in part covered the
Front of his Battel : but he had committed an irreparable fault by having
too cloſely lock'd up his Phalanx, on which he ſhould have placed his chief
reliance, being all old Soldiers. He had beſides all theſe another Body com-
poſed of Slingers, Archers, and Men with Darts and Targets of divers
Nations, Phrygians , Lydians, Pamphylians, Cretáns., Triballians, Cili-
cians, armed after the manner of Crete, together with Archers on Horſe-
baek
*
Shields.

Book II.
The Syrian War.
77
back, Dacians, Myfians, Elymans and Arabes, who mounted on Dromeda-
ries extremely ſwift, vexed the Enemy from above with the ſhot of their
Arrows, and when they were to fight nigh at hand, made uſe of long and
narrow Swords. There were ſome Chariots armed with Scythes, which
were placed in the head of this multitude with Orders to retire, after
having made the firſt chargę. Antiochus Army appeared upon a view of
it, to be, as it were, two, the one to aſſail the Enemy, and the other to
ſtand their ground, as if they had been an Ambuſcade, and certainly both
the one and the other were capable of ſtriking terrour, both for their num-
ber and their order. The King was upon the right hand, he gave the left
to his Son, and Mendis, Zeuxis and Philip , Maſter of the Elephants, had
the charge of the middle Battel. The day was very miſty, ſo that the
obſcurity hindred the Enemies from diſcovering their Forces; and beſides
the moiſtneſs ſlackned the Bow-ſtrings, and made limber and ſlippery the
Thongs, with which they lanced their Darts; which Eumenes having ob-
ſerved, found nothing elſe to be concerned at,his only care was now for the
Chariots, which he extremely feared. He therefore command the Slin-
gers, Darters, and other light armed Soldiers to charge them, and on e-
very ſide to throw their Darts and Javelins only at the Horſe; for they be-
ing once beaten down, the Chariot was uſeleſs, or would ſerve rather to
break the Ranks of their own party, than hurt the Enemy. And indeed
it happened ſo, for the Chariot-horſes being wounded, turned towards
their own Cavalry, ſo that the Dromedaries that followed the Chariots
were the firſt broken, then the armed Horſemen who could not fhun the
Encounters of the Scythes, by reaſon of the weight of their Armour: And
thus was the wholeArmy put into a greater diſorder,then there was any rea-
fon for, or the occafion merited; for it having begun in the middle of the
Field of Battel, ſpread it ſelf to both ends, and the extent thereof being
large amidſt the confufion of different Voices, and a general fear, thoſe
which were near the danger, ſooner felt the blow than foreſaw it; and all
the reſt were terrified with the expectation of ſome great miſhap. Eu-
menes ſeeing his firſt onſet had ſucceeded ſo well, and that the place where
the Chariots and Dromedaries had ſtood was void, he preſſed forward his
Horſe, and thoſe of Italy againſt the Galatians, Cappadocians, and other
Mercenaries, crying aloud to his people, that they ſhould go fall upon thoſe
unskilful people, whom their Protectors had forſaken. They obeyed and
charged with ſo much violence, that they put to flight both them and the
Men of Arms that were behind them, whom the defeat of the Chariots
had already put in diſorder, and becauſe the weight of their Arms hin-
dred their ſaving themſelves, they were almoſt all cut in pieces. Whilft
Eumenes thus bore down the Horſe in this Wing, Antiochus having broke
and put to rout the Legions, gave them chaſe. Mean while the Macedo-
nian Phalanx, which ſtood lock'd up together upon four Fronts in the midſt
of the Cavalry, finding themſelves opened on all ſides, by the flight of the
Wings, opened to receive in the midſt of them, fome Companies of
light armed Men, who fought at the head of them, and preſently cloſed a-
gain. And now Domitius eaſily encompaſſed the Macedonians, thus clu-
ftred together, with his Horſe and light armed Foot, and ſhrewdly annoy-
ed them, for they could neither come to the charge, nor enlarge themſelves,
and their experience ſtood them in no ſtead at this cloſe order, but rather
expoſed them to the Darts of their Enemies: All they could do was to pre-
ſent their Pike heads to the Romans, provoking them to come to the puſh,
otherwiſe threatning they would come to them; but being on foot, and
heavily

78
PARTI.
The Syrian War.
heavily armed, they durſt not go to aſſault Horſemen, for fear of break-
ing the Order of their Phalanx, which they could very hardly recover. The
Romans preſſed not too cloſe upon thefe old Soldiers, thus lock'd together,
and exaſperated by deſpair ; but wheeling about them, they charged them
at diſtance with Arrows and Darts, of which not any fell without execu-
tion, becauſe they being ſo hudled together, could not ſhun them: ſeeing
themſelves haraſſed in this manner, and not knowing what courſe to take,
they gave ground, but ſtill retreating, and not breaking their Order, in-
fomuch that the Romans durſt not yet draw near, but were ſatisfied to
charge them at diſtance, till ſuch time as the Elephants, which they had
placed between the Battalia's, began to break their Ranks, and refuſing
any more to obey their Rulers, cauſed the whole multitude to betake them-
ſelves to flight in diſorder. Domitius having routed the Phalanx, attempt-
ed to force Antiochus his Camp, whilſt he continued driving the Legions
that were oppoſed to him unto their very Camp, they not being ſupport-
ed by any Horſe, nor any Darters, nor Slings; for Dornitius had placed
none in this Wing, believing it ſufficiently defended by the River. But the
King being repulſed by the Tribune, that had the charge of the Guard
of the Camp, who fallied out with ſome freſh Forces, and cauſed thoſe
that fled to return to the charge, turned head, puffed up with an opinion
of the Victory, becauſe he knew not what had paſſed elſewhere. At-
talus, Brother to Eumenes, advanced to encounter him with a Body of
Horſe, of which the King made fo light off, that he charged through and
through, without receiving any great damage. But when he came to
have knowledge of the defeat, by the ſlaughter of his people, with whom
all the Field of Battel was covered, ſeeing the vaſt heaps of Bodies, Men,
Horſes and Elephants, confuſedly mixed together, and that even his Camp
was in the Enemies power ; he likewiſe betook himſelf to flight, and all
upon the fpur made for Sardis, whither he reached about midnight. From
Sardis he preſently took the way towards Celenes, which men call Apa-
mia, whither he had underſtood his Son was eſcaped. On the morrow
he departed from Celenes towards Syria, leaving his Captains to rally the
ruines of his Army; and in the mean time ſent Ambaſſadors into the Field
of Battel, to demand peace of the Conſul, who was then burying the Bo-
dies of his dead, ſpoiling thoſe of the Enemy, and gathering together the
Priſoners. Among the Dead, there were found about four and twenty
Roman Knights, and about three hundred Footmen, who had been ſlain
by Antiochus, and of Eumenes Soldiers only fifteen Horſemen: As for
the Enemy, they loſt fifty thouſand men, comprizing the Priſoners, for
the number of the dead was ſo great, it could ſcarcely be counted. All the
Elephants fell upon the place, ſave only fifteen, which were taken alive.
After this Victory fo great, that many could ſcarce believe it ; for they
could not imagine that a handful of men fighting in an Enemies Country
could poſſibly defeat ſuch a prodigious Army of the Kings, and eſpeciall
of the Macedonian Phalanx, compoſed all of old Soldiers, now ſtronger in
men than ever, and believed invincible; after this Vi&tory , I ſay, Antio-
chus his Friends blamed his raſhneſs for having undertaken this War a-
gainſt the Romans, and ſaid that from the beginning he had made it ap-
pear, that he was no great Captain, having fo inconſiderately abandoned
Lyſimachia, and the Cherfonefits; and beſides that, withdrawn the Garri-
fons from the Helleſpont, by means of which he might have hindred the
Scipio's from paſſing into Afia: And at laſt they condemned his impru-
dence for impriſoning, as it were, the choice Forces of his Army, there-
by

Book II.
I be Syrian War.
79
by rendring them uſeleſs, and placing his hopes in a heap, and multitude
of new leavied Soldiers, rather then in men accuſtomed by long exerciſe
to the toils of War, and whoſe bodies and courages were both invincible.
Whilſt all the world talked in this manner of Antiochus the Romans grown
more reſolute then before, now began to think nothing impoſſible, founding
their thoughts, as well upon their native valor, as upon the aſſiſtance of
the Gods, and not being able ſufficiently to admire their own good for-
tune, when they conſidered how being ſo infinitely unequal in number,
and in a ſtrange Country, they had in one only battel, and in one day ſub-
dued ſo many Nations, made prize of ſo great Riches, overcome ſo many
Mercenary Troops, quell’d the glory of the Macedonians, and in ſhort
ruined Antiochus, King of ſo many Kingdoms, and reduced him that had
gained the Surname of Great, to aby-word, and a Proverb of Antiochus
the Great has been.
Whilſt the Romans entertained themſelves, with theſe pleaſant thoughts, XIV:
Publius brother to the Conſul, finding himſelf in a condition to under-
take a journey, came to the Camp, where the Kings Deputies had Audi-
ence. They now only deſired to know what Antiochus muſt do, that he
might be received into the friendſhip of the Senate and People of Rome,
to which Publius anſwered. That this War was not begun, but through the
fault and covetouſneß of Antiochus, who posſeſſing a great Empire, of which
the Romans were not at all jealous,not therewith content, had deſpoiled Ptolemy
his kinſman, and friend to the people of Rome,of the lower Syria, had invaded
Europe without any right, fubdued Thrace, fortified the Cherſoneſus, and,
built Lyſimachia. In conclufion having brought an Army into Greece, had
endeavored to reduce under ſervitude the Greeks whom the Roman People had
lately ſer at liberty and continued his enterprizes, till ſuch time as he was
defeated at Thermopylæ, That though he had been forced to ſave himſelf by
flight, he had abated nothing of his Ambition : but had renewed the war by
Sea, where he had been beaten in ſeveral Engagements, and had never made
any Overture of Peace till the Roman Army was come over into Aſia. That
even then he had proudly refuſed their conditions, and ſetting on Foot a
mightier Army to make yet greater attempts was fallen into an Extremity of
Diſgrace. But (faid he ) though with reaſon we may impoſe on him a
greater penalty, after ſo much obſtinacy, we will not uſe our good fortune in-
folently, nor inſult on others calamities. We offer you therefore the ſame con-
ditions we did before, adding only ſome ſmall matter advantagious to both,
and of importance to the common ſecurity. Renounce Europe, Quit to us all
Aſia as far as Mount Taurus, Deliver into our hands all your Elephants,
and as many Ships as we fall order you to furniſh. You ſhall henceforth
keep no Elephants, and only ſuch a Number of Ships as we ſhall preſcribe.
You Mall give up twenty Hoſtages, ſuch as the Conſul fhall chooſe, and to-
wards the Expence of the War you Jhall pay fifty Talents ready Mony, and
two thouſand five hundred after the Senate Mall have ratified the Peace, with a
thouſand Talents to be for twelve years to come, yearly ſent to Rome. You
fhall likewiſe deliver to us all Priſoners and Runaways, and pay unto Eumenes
the Remainder of what was due to his Father. If Antiochus preſently per-
form theſe Articles, we will grant him Peace, and promiſe him the Friend-
Thip of the Roman People ; Provided the Senate approve it
. The Deputies
having accepted theſe conditions, part of the mony was ſoon brought, and
the Hoſtages delivered among which was the Kings youngeſt Son called
Antiochus, which done the Scipio's and Antiochus ſent their Deputies to
Romea


8.
The Syrian War.
PART I.
b. the
on
Rome. The Senate ratified the Treaty, and the Articles were ſigned ac-
cording to Scipio's intentions, however ſomethings were added not before
expreiled. That the bounds of Antiochus his Dominion ſhould be two
Promontories, called Calecadnon and Sarpedonion, beyond which he was not to
bear Arms. That he ſhould have only twelve Ships of War to keep bis Sub-
jects in aive, but that if he happened to have any War, he might then have
more, that he ſhould not leavy any Mercenary Soldiers in the Lands under the
Roman obedience, nor receive any Runaways, and that from three years to
three years he ſhould exchange the Hoſtages ſave only Antiochus his Son. This
League was Engraven on a Table of Copper, and ſet up in the Capitol as
other Articles of Peace with any Nation were uſed to be: an extract of
which was ſent to Manius Volfon, who being at Apamia a City of Phrygia
took before Antiochus Deputies the Oath of Alliance, as Antiochus
his
part
ſwore to obſerve it in the preſence of the Tribune Thermus,ſent to
him for that purpoſe. Thus ended the War between Antiochus the Great,
Y and the People of Rome.
ON
Dobo
Some were of opinion it proceeded no farther, becaufe of the favour
ſhewed by the King to Scipio's Son, and indeed at his return to Rome, they
endeavored to trouble him about it, and the two Tribunes of the People
accuſed him of having been corrupted by preſents to betray the Common-
wealth. But he made flight of his accuſers, and his Tryal happening to be
aſſigned on the ſame day, that he had gained his Viétory over the Car-
thaginians, he ſent before hand to the Capitol, all things neceſſary for a
Pompous Sacrifice, and preſented himſelf before the Judgment Seat, ma-
gnificently habited, and not in Mourning like others accuſed of any
crime, to move their Judges to compaſſion. This brave Man ſecured by
the Teſtimony of his own Conſcience, amazed all the world by this man-
ner of Conduct, for when he began his Diſcourſe, he made no mention of
any crime, he ſpoke only of the Carriage of his Life paſt, the mighty
things he had done for the Commonwealth, and the many Victories he had
gained, and he uttered it with ſo good a grace as delighted the whole
Auditory, but when he came to ſpeak of Carthage, which he had fubdued,
he amplified the matter with ſo much heat, that he not only moved, but
warmed the People, by telling them, This is the day, Gentlemen, whereon
I defeated the Carthaginians whom once you ſo much feared: Wherefore I am
going from this place to ſacrifice at the Capitol, whoever loves his Country, let
him follow, and go with me to return thanks to the Gods. Having ſaid
theſe words he mounted to the Capitol, without concerning himſelf at the
Judgment. All the People followed him, and the Judges themſelves ap-
plauded him,beſeeching the Gods that his Sacrifice might prove accepta-
ble. This proceedure left his accuſers in a deep perplexity; for they durſt
no more call to judgment or accuſe of ambition or corruption a Man
whoſe whole behaviour was exempt from ſuſpicion and above calumny.
Thus nobly did he ſcorn an accuſation, had no agreement with his pait
life; In which in my opinion he acted more prudently then Ariſtides accuſed
of Theft,or Socrates when impriſoned for the matters objected againſt them,
who ſuffered under the infamy without making defence for themſelves. It
is true,Plato attributes a certain Plea to Socrates, which he had framed ac-
cording to his own fanſie. In my Judgment likewiſe he repelled Calumny
with more generoſity then Epaminondas the Sovereign Magiſtrate of the
Bæotians with Pelopidas and another, his Colleagues. The Thebans ha-
ving ſenttheſe Captains with their Forces to allift the Arcadians and Meffe-
nians

Book II.
The Syrian War.
81
nians againſt thoſe of Lacedemon, and the War not being yet finiſhed as
they would have had it, they recalled them becauſe of ſome Calumnies :
but they kept for fix Months more the Command of the Army, refufing to
ſurrender it into their hands were ſent to ſucceed them, till ſuch time as
they had driven out the Lacedemonian Garriſons, from the Cities they
held, and placed Arcadians in them. Epaminondas had been the ſole cauſe
of this, having promiſed his colleagues, that they ſhould fall into no
danger. But as ſoon as they were returned to the City, their accufers un-
dertook them each apart to have them condemned to death ; for by their
Laws it was a Capital Crime to hold by force the Command of the Army,
when another was ſent to be General. The other two were diſcharged
not ſo much out of any compaſſion the Judges had for them, as becauſe
they laid the whole fault upon Epaminondas who had adviſed them fo to do,
and did conſent to what they had faid. He therefore being laſt of all called
in Judgement, I confeſs (ſaid he ) that I have kept the Command of the
Army beyond the time preſcribed by the Law's, and have conſtrained my Col-
leagues, whom you have abſolved to do the ſame, I therefore beg no favor from
you : I only deſire that for my paſt ſervices it may be writ upon my Tomb.
Here lies he who having gained the Victory at Leuctra, led to the very Walls
of Sparta his fellow Citizens, in whom before the only fight of the Lacedemo-
nian Hats ſtruck a terror: His Country condemned him to death, becauſe he
had leß conſideration for the Laws then for the Publick good. After ha-
ving ſaid theſe words, he deſcended from the Tribunal offering his body
to any that would lead him to Execution, but the Judges touched with
this reproach, and admiring this manner of defence, changed their de-
ſign of condemning him as Criminal into Reſpect, and without putting it to
Vote withdrew from the Aſſembly. Let every Man judge of theſe Exam-
ples as he pleaſes.
To proceed; Manius Succeſſor to Scipio, viſiting thoſe Lands quitted XV.
by Antiocbus to the Romans to ſettle them in good Order. The Tolil-
bologes a people of Galatia, who had aſſiſted the King in this War,refu-
ſed to ſubmit. They gathered together upon Olympus a Mountain of My
fia, whither he followed them with great labor, and having overtakeri
them, put them to the Rout, kill'd an infinite number, and drove others
down the precipices inſomuch that the ſlaughter was ſo great it was im-
poſſible to reckon the dead, becauſe of their Numbers: he took forty thou-
fand Priſoners, whoſe Arms he cauſed to be burnt, and becauſe he could
not carry along with them fogreat a Number of Captives, he fold them to
the Neighboring Nations. The Tectofages, and tlie Trocmes to revenge
their Nation, laid an Ambuſh for him, and charged him ſo furiouſly that
with great difficulty he ſaved himſelf, but foon after finding them lying as
it were heaped upon one another, by reaſon of their great Numbers, he
cauſed them to be encompaſſed by his light Armed Soldiers, who at a di-
ſtance diſcharging at them a ſhower of Arrows, not one fell without Exe-
cution, which made fo horrible a Butchery, that after the death of eight
thouſand Men they drove the reſt fighting paſt the River Halys; and be-
cauſe Ariarathes King of Cappadocia, who had taken part with Antiochus,
ſent to Manius two hundred Talents, demanding Pardor, for he was fear-
ful of the War, the Roman entred not into his Territories, but turned
head towards the Helleſpoilt with vaſt Riches, innumerable ſums of Mony,
an infinite of Spoils and Plunder, and an Army loaden with great quantity
of Baggage. But now he committed a great fault, that he would not, be-
M
ing

82
PART 1
The Syrian War.
ing it was Summer time, take his paffage by Sea, not conſidering the vaſt
weight of their Equipage; For it was not now his buſineſs to harden the
Soldiers by labor, ſince he was not going to War, but returning home
loader with ſpoils
. And yet he choſe rather to lead his Army by the way
of Thrace which is long, crooked and craggy, and that in the violent heat
of Summer, and without giving any advice thereof to Philip, that he
might have come out to meet and be his Conductor, nor did he divide his
Forces into many Bodies, for the more commodiouſneſs of the March, and
better ſupply of things neceſſary, nor diſtributed the baggage by the com-
panies that it might have been the better guarded,but he made all his Army
file off, in the midſt of which came the Carriages, which neither the Van-
guard nor Rear could relieve, becauſe the way was long and narrow, by
which means the Thracians falling in on all fides, and charging them un-
expectedly he loft a great part of his Prey, Mony and Soldiers, and hardly
ſaved the reſt in Macedon, which made appear of what importance Phim
lips care in conducting them, was to the Scipio's, and how great Antio-
chus his fault was in abandoning the Cherſoneſus, Manius having cauſed
the remainder of his people to march through Macedon into Theſſaly, and
from thence into Epire, imbarqued them, and landing at Brundufium dif-
miſſed there his Forces, and returned to Rome. Thoſe of Rhodes and
Eumenes King of Pergamus were well fatisfied with having taken part with
the people of Rome againſt Antiochus, and the Rhodians having ſent their
Ambaſſadors to Rome, and Eumenes being come in perſon thither, the Sé-
nate gåve to the inhabitants of that Iſland Lycia and Caria, which they had
taken from them ſome time before, for having favored the party of Perſeus
King of Macedon Enemy to the Roman people. As for Eumenes they gave
him all that they had taken from Antiochus ſave only the Greek Cities of
Aſia, to ſo many of which as had been tributary to Attalus Father of Eume-
nes they ordered to pay tribute to Eumenes, and for thoſe which had before
paid tribute to Antiochus they were declared free, and permitted to live ac-
cording to their Laws.

XVI.
Antiochus the Great being dead, his Son Seleucus ſucceeded, who re-
deemed his brother Antiochus from being Hoſtage at Rome by ſending in
his place Demetrius his Son. Antiochus was already come as far as Athens,
when Seleucus was trayterouſly murdered by one of the Officers of his
houſhold called Heliodorus, who had deſigned to fieſe on the Kingdom, but
Eumenes and Attalus drove him out and re-eſtabliſhed Antiochus that they
might gain his friendſhip : For there had already paſt ſome things between
the Romans and them which obliged them to ſtand on their guard. Thus
Antiochus the Son of Antiochus the Great entred into Pofleſſion of the
Realm of Syria. The Syrians called him Epiphanes, that is to ſay Illuſtri-
ous, becauſe when ſtrangers would have uſurped his Kingdom he had de-
fended it, and reſtored the Family of his Anceſtors. Having therefore
entred into Friendſhip and Alliance with Eumenes, he remained peaceable
poſſeſſor of the Kingdom of Syria, and of the Neighboring Nations, gi-
ving the Government of Babylon to Timarchus, and the Superintendancy
of his Revenues to Heraclides two brothers, whom he had abuſed. He
undertook likewiſe a War againſt Artaxias King of Armenia, and having
taken himn Priſoner, died, leaving for his Succeſſor his Son Antiochus but
nine years old, to whom the Syrians gave the name of Eupator, becauſe of
the Vertue of his Father, and appointed Lyfias for his Tutor or Governor.
The Senate received with great fatisfaction, the news, that Antiochus,
who

Book II.
The Syrian War.
83
go,
who had reigned ſome years gloriouſly, was fo foon dead, and when De
metrius, the Son of Seleucus, Brother to Antiochus Epiphanes, Grandchild to
Antiochus the Great, and Couſin to the Infant, repreſented at Rome ,
(where he yet remained as Hoſtage, being about twenty three years of
age ) that he was next Heir to the Crown, they refuſed to let him
becauſe they believed it more advantagious to the people of
Rome to have Syria governed by a Child than a Man. And having
underſtood likewiſe, that there were ſome Elephants in that King-
dom, and ſome Ships above the number agreed on with Antiochus ;
they ſent Commiſſioners to cauſe the Elephants to be killed, and the Ships
to be burnt; the fight of this Execution begot compaſſion in all the World,
who thought it cruelty to kill Beaſts fo tame and ſo rare, and to burn ſuch
Ships, and ſo much fpleen did it raiſe up in one Leptines, that meeting
Cn. Oétavius in a place of Exerciſes, as he was cauſing himſelf to be a-
nointed, he killed that Commiſſioner, whom Lyſias cauſed to be interred.
Demetrius having advice hereof, went to the Senate, and demanded that at,
leaſt they would diſcharge him from the conditions of a Hoſtage, ſince he
had been exchanged for Antiochus, who was dead, but not being able to
obtain any thing, he ſecretly eſcaped by a ſmall Veſſel into Syria, where
he was received with a general approbation of all the World. He preſent-
ly put Lyſias to death, and ſoon after the Infant, forced Heraclidos to flee;
and executed Timarchus ás a Rebel, having accuſed him for ill manage-
ment in the Government of Babylon. Wherefore he was called Demetrius
Soter, a name given him by the Babylonians. After this, ſeeing him- * Oy Savionta
ſelf ſetled in the Kingdom, he ſent to Rome a Crown of Gold worth ten
thouſand Crowns, as an acknowledgement of his having been civily treat-
ed in quality of a Hoſtage ; and moreover, delivered to them Leptines, who
had llain Oētavius. The Senate accepted the Crown, but as if the crime
had concerned all the Syrians, they would not content themſelves with the
puniſhment of Leptines. After this, Demetrius drove Ariarathes out of
the Kingdom of Cappadocia, and received a thouſand Talents for ſetling in
it Holophernes, ſaid to be his Brother, though it were the Romans inten-
tion, that both Brothers ſhould be Kings alike: but ſometime after they
were both expelled, and Ariobarzanes, likewiſe by the Forces of Mithri.
dates, King of Pontus , upon which cauſe with ſome others began the
War with Mithridates. Never was there a greater, nor in which there
were ſo many ſtrange revolutions, or ſo many Nations concerned ; beſides
that it laſted forty years, during which time, the Palace of the Kings of
Syria oft-times changed its Maſter , though they were ſtill of the fame
Race. There happened likewiſe during that time, many broils and mu-
tations in divers Kingdoms. The Parthians, who for a long time had beert
revolted from the Family of the Seleucides; added to their Eſtates Meſa-
potamia, which they cut off from the Kingdom of Syria. Tigranes, Sort
of* Tigranes , having fubdued the neighbouring Nations, which had eve- *This Tigranes
ry one their King, and cauſing himſelf to be called King of Kings, made bad, a son arco
War upon tlie Seleucides, who would not ſubmit. And Antiochus, fir- ness
named the Pious, being not able to reſiſt him, he became Maſter of all the
Provinces of Syria on this ſide Euphrates, as far as Egypt, and of Cilici:
beſides, which was likewiſe under the Dominion of the Seleucides:
gabates commanded in the name of the King his Maſter in all their Eſtates
newly conquered, with a powerful Army for fourteen years together;but
after that Mithridates overcome by Lucullus, fought refuge in the Court of
Tigranes. Magabates went with his Army to the affiſtance of his King,
M 2
and
Ma

84
PARTI.
The Syrian War.
and in the mean time Antiochus, Son of the Pious, retook Poſſeſſion of
his Kingdom, with applauſe of all Syria. Lucullus, who waged the firſt
War with Tigranes, and drove him out of his new Conqueſts, diſturbed
not the King of Syria, in the Poſſesſion of the Kingdom of his Fathers;
but Pompey, Succeſſor to Lucullus, after having defeated Mithridates , fuf-
fred Tigranes to remain King of Armenia, but for Antiochus, though he
had never diſobliged the Romans, yet he deſpoiled him ofhis Kingdom,and
indeed it was eaſie for a great Army to oppoſe a King unarmed: not but
that he had another pretence, for 'twas alledged, that it was not juſt that
Syria, whoſe Kings of the Seleucian Race were expelled by the Arms of
Tigranes, ſhould rather return to them again, than to the Romans, who
were Conquerers of the fame Tigranes himſelf. Thus were Cilicia, Syria
as well the higher as lower,Phenicia and Paleſtine added to the Roman Em-
pire without fighting, and with them all the Countries between Eu-
phrates and Egypt. There remained only the Jews to be fubdued by force,
and Pompey performed it, ſent their King Ariftobulus Priſoner to Rome,
and raſed the Walls of Ferufalem, a very great and a holy City in that
Country. Ptolemy the firſt King of Egypt had before done the ſame: Ve-
Spafian likewiſe took and pillaged it; and the laſt time it was taken, was by
Adrian in our days, wherefore the Jews pay more Tribute by the Pole,
than for the Goods which they poffefs, and for the Syrians and Cilicians
they pay the hundredth part.Pompey having conquered all the Nations that
had been formerly under the Seleucides, gave to ſome particular Kings, as
alſo to the Gallogreeks of Aſia; and for the others, he confirmed in their
Tetrarchies the Ancient Kings that had faithfully ſerved the Romans in
the War againſt Mithridates. Some years after all theſe Eſtates were
reunited to the Roman Empire, everyone in his time, but the principal
part under the Empire of Auguſtus Cafar. Now Pompey being departed
from Syria, left his Government to his Onaſtor Scaurus, to whom the Se-
nate fent Marcus Philippius for Succeſſor,arid after hiin Marcellinus Lentu-
lus,both theſe Prætors,
who during the two years that each had the govern-
ment of this Province, were obliged ſeveral times to come to blows with
the neighbouring Arabs, who made incurfions into the Province, wherefore
afterwards there were Proconſuls fent into Syria, who had the ſame power
with the Conſuls in matters of War. Gabinius was the firſt that came with
an Army, when Mithridates King of Parthia, driven from his Kingdom by
Orodes his Brother, was re-eſtabliſhed by the aſſiſtance of the Arabs. At
the ſame time Ptolemy, the Eleventh King of Egypt, being expelled like-
wiſe by his Subjects, by force of Money prevailed with Gabinius to reſet-
tle him in Alexandria, and ſuſpend the War with Parthia. He did it, and
by force conſtrained the Alexandrians to return to the obedience of their
King. But Gabinius was by the Senate condemned to baniſhment; for
having without expreſs Orders paſſed into Egypt , and having undertaken
a War which was thought to be unfortunate , being forbid by the Sybills
Verſes. To Gabinius fucceeded (as I think) Craſſus, who going to make
War with the Parthians was defeated by the loſs of his whole Army. Af-
ter him L. Bibulus had this Government, during whoſe time the Parthians
made an irruption into this Province, and in the time of Saxa, who was
his Succeſſor, extended their Arms as far as Ionia, the Romans being then
diverted by the Civil Wars. But we ſhall more amply treat of all theſe
Matters in the Book of the Wars againſt the Parthians, this being only
deſigned for the Wars in Syria. What therefore I have ſaid, is only to make
known in what manner Syria came under the Roman Dominion, and how it
was

Book II.
The Syrian War.
85
was reduced under the form of a Province. Nor will it be much from the
purpoſe to inſert fomething of what paſſed from the time of the Macedo-
nians, till it was brought under the Roman Rule.
Alexander having overcome thie Perſians, was King of Syria, and not XVI:
only of Syria, but alſo of all the Countries, whither he carried his Arms.
After the death of Alexander, who left two Sons, the one yet a little Infant,
and the other in the belly of his Mother. The Macedonians preſſed for-
ward, by the love they bore to the Blood of Philip, chofe for their King A-
ridaus the Brother of Alexander, who yet was not eſteemed over wiſe,
changing the name of Aridens into that of Philip; but that only for the
that Alexanders Children were in their minority, for they gave Guards to
the Mother, whilſt ſhe was great with Child. Mean while the Captains
of the Macedonians, and principally Perdiccas; under the authority of this
Philip, divided the conquered Nations into Satrapies or Governments, and
the Brother and Children of Alexander, being ſometime after dead, the Sa-
trapes or Governours, became Kings. Laomedon was the firſt that was
placed in the Government of Syria, by the favour of Perdiccas, and of
Antipater, who after Perdiccas had the Government of the Kingdom. As
ſoon as he had taken poſſeſſion, Ptolemy, who was Governour of Egypt came
into Syria with a Fleet, and offered this Governour a great ſum of Money to
put it into his hands, that it might ſerve as a Rampier to Egypt, and that
from thence he might invade Cyprus. But not able to obtain
any thing that
way, he took Laomedon himſelf Priſoner, who afterwards corrupting his
Guards, fled to Alcetas in Caria. Thus Ptolemy fieſed upon Syria, where
having ſtaid for ſome time, he left Garriſons, and returned into Egypt: As
for Antigonus, he was Governour of Phrygia, Lycia and Pamphilia ; and
beſides, when Antipater went into Europe, he left him fuperintendent
General of all Aſia : So that Eumenes, Governour of Cappadocia , being de-
clared Enemy of the Macedonians, he went and beſieged him, and under-
ſtanding that he had made a private eſcape from the place, purſued him,
and flew him in the way to Media, whither he had deſigned to flee for re-
fuge : from whence returning to Babylon, he was magnificently received
by Selevcuts, then Governour there. But Seleucus having condemned to
death one of his Captains, without acquainting him
with it, he demand-
ed of him an account of the Publick Moneys, which ſo much perplexed Se-
leucus, that not able to reſiſt Antigonus; he retired to Ptolemy into Egypt.
Antigonus hereupon depofed Blitor, Lieutenant Governour of Meſopotamia,
from his charge, becauſe he had aſſiſted Seleucus in his retreat. Soon af-
ter he reduced under his obedience the Province of Babylon, Melapotamia,
and all the Nations from Media to the Helleſpont; inſomuch, that the o-
ther Governours not enduring he ſhould fieſe on ſo many Countries to
their prejudice, entred into a League againſt him. Seleucus was the prin-
cipal Author of it; and Ptolemy, Lyſimachus, Governour of Thrace, and
Caſander, who commanded in Macedon after the death of his father,
ſigned to it. They forth with fent Deputies to Antigonus to demand the
reſtoration of thoſe Lands he had liefed on, and to produce the publick
Moneys to be divided amongſt them : He made a mock of the Deputati-
on, whereupon the Confederates declared War againſt him. This no-
thing daunted him ; but on the contrary, he beat out thoſe Garriſons
Ptolemy had placed in Syria, and made himſelf Maſter of Phenicia, and
lower Syria, till then under the obedience of Egypt. Thence he went to
the Cicilian Ports, leaving Demetrius his Son, only two and twenty years
oft

86
PARTI
I be Syrian War.
of age, in Gaza, with an Army to oppoſe the deſigns of Ptolemy: but
Ptolemy defeated him in a great Battel, and forced him to flee to his Fa-
ther. Seleucus was preſently ſent by the Confederates tó Babylon , to re-
poſſeſs himſelf of his Government: Ptolemy having to this effect giveri
him a thouſand Foot, and three hundred Horſe; this was a Body utterly
uncapable of forcing ſo great a City, but the inclinations the Babylonians
had for him, made him be received, and his Forces ſoon increaſed prodi-
giouſly. Antigonus incenſed againſt Ptolemy, overcame him in a Sea Fight,
which was fought near the Iſland of Cyprus , wliere his Son Demetrius
commanding, the Army were ſo puft up with this Victory, that they
proclaimed both Father and Son Kings. It is true, there was no perſon left
of the Blood Royal, Aridens, the Son of Philip being dead, as were like-
wiſe Olympia's, and the Children of Alexander. Ptolemy's Army here-
upon gave him likewiſe the Title of King, left his loſs ſhould make him
ſeem to yield to the Victor. Thus different ſucceſs occaſioned the like e-
vent. The others preſently followed the Example, and of Governours
made themſelves Kings. Thus Seleucus became King of Babylon and Men
dia, killing afterwards with his own hand in combat, Nicator, whom As-
tigonus had placed in the Government of that Province; he had afterwards
many Wars, as well againſt the Macedonians as the Barbarians, and a-
mong the others two againſt the Macedonians. The laſt of which was
againſt Lyſimachus, King of Thrace; and the firſt againſt Antiochus, then
fourſcore years old, when the Battel was fought near Ipſa, a City of
Phrygia, where that brave old Man diſcharging the part of a General and
Soldier together, loft his life.
XVIII.
After his death the Confederate Kings divided amongſt them his Eſtates,
of which Seleucus had for his ſhare all thoſe Lands that lie between Eu-
phrates and the Sea, and from the Sea as far as Phrygia in the main Land,
which vaſtly augmented his Dominion. And he moreover lofing no op-
portunity of making himſelf greater, being equally powerful in Elo-
quence and Arms, conquered Meſopotamia, Armenia, and Cappadocia, fir-
named Seleucidia ; and beſides thoſe became Maſter of the Perſians, Par-
thians, Bactrians, Arabs, Tapyrians, Sogdiens, Arachofes, Hyrcanians, and
other Nations, fronting upon the River Indus, which had been ſubdued by
Alexander. So that, except that King, no Prince ever poſſeſſed ſo great a
Country in Afia; for all the Lands, from the corifines of Phrygia to the
River Indus, were under his obedience. He werit likewiſe to make War
with Androcotes, King of the Indians, that inhabit beyond the River,and re
turned not till an Alliance was contracted between them, which was follow-
ed by Peace. True it is, that whilſt Antigonus lived, he poſſeſſed but ſome
part of this, for the greateſt ſhare came to him after his death. They
ſay that being in Alexander's Army , in his expedition into Afia, and yet
but a private Soldier, he conſulted the Oracle of Didymea, concerning his
return, to which he was anfwered, Take leave of Europe and poſſeſs Aſia.
That in Macedon, there of a ſudden appeared on his Fathers Hearth a
great flame, which no body was ſeen to kindle, and thiat his Mother was
advertiſed in a Dream, to give the firſt Ring ſhe ſhould find to Seleucus
to wear; for that he ſhould Reign in that place, where by chance he let
it fall, and that ſhe found one of Iron, with an Anchor engraven thereon,
which was loſt about Euphrates. 'Tis ſaid likewiſe, that as he walked a-
bout Babylon, he ſtumbled upon a ſtone, which having cauſed to be taken
úp, there was found an Anchor underneath, which troubled much the
South-fayers,

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87
cas;
Southſayers, who would have had this Prodigy to be a preſage of delay
But Ptolemy, the Son of Lagus, who accompanied him, ſaid it was ra-
ther a ſign of ſtedfaſtneſs, wherefore when Seleucus attained to the Roy-
alty, he bore an Anchor engraven in his Ring. Some likewiſe have af
ſured us that whilft Alexander was yet living, and in his preſence there
happened another preſage of the future greatneſs of Seleucus ; for after
he was returned from the Indies, being embarqued upon the Euphrates to
go viſit the Marſhes of Babylon, with intent to make Channels to water the
Champion of Syria; his Diadem was by the wind carried of his Head
and ſet upon a heap of Reeds , near the the Sepulcher of an Ancient
King, by a fatal preſage of the death of that Prince, which happened foon
after. Whereupon a Mariner cafting himſelf into the Water, and having
taken up the Diadem, put it on his Head, and brought it drie to Alexan-
der, who for a reward gave him a Talent of Silver. The Divines told
him he ſhould put this man to death, ſome ſay he did it, others deny it ;
and others again ſay, it was not at all a Mariner, but Seleucus himſelf,
who caſt himſelf into the Water, and put the Diadem on his Head for
fear of wetting it, and that the preſage was fulfilled in the perſons of
them both : Alexander dying at Babylon, and Seleucus fucceeding in the
greateſt part of his Empire. Theſe are the figns I have met with, pre.
faging his greatnefs. To proceed, after the death of Alexander, he was
Captain of the Guards of the Kings Houſhold, a command, which whilft
the King lived, had been poſſeſſed by Epheſtion, and after him by Perdic-
from thence riſing by degrees, he came to the Government of Baby-
lon, and at laſt mounted the Throne; and becauſe he had gained many
Vićtories, he was called * Nicator, for I think that more probable than to * The Victoria
imagine that becauſe he flew Nicator, he bore away that name as a preci- ous.
ous ſpoil. He was tall of Stature, and ſo ſtrong, that when Alexander once
facrified, a Bull in fury breaking from its Cords, and eſcaping, he alone
ftop'd it, laying faſt hold on his Horns, which is the reaſon why they place
Horns with his Statues. He beautified the Country under his Dominion
with many fair Cities, which he built from one end to the other, of which
fixteen he cauſed to be called by the name of his Father Antiochia's, ſix af-
ter his Mothers name Laodicea's, nine after his own name Seleució's, four
after his Wives names, three after the firſt Apamia's, and one after the
laſt Stratoniced, the faireſt remaining to this day are five, two Seleucia's, one
on the Sea ſide, the other on the Tigris. Laodicea in Phænicia, Antiochia in
Mount Libanus, and Apamia in Syria : He likewiſe gave names to others,
either Grecian or Macedonian names, as Berea, Edeſſa, Maronea, Perinta,
Callipolis, Achair, Polla, Orope, Amphipolis, Arethuſa, Aftachia, Teged,
Chalcis, Lariſſa, Her&A, Apolonia, and in Parthia it ſelf, Sotera, Calliope,
Charis, Hecatonpolis, Achaia, in India, Alexandropolis; and in Scythia, A
lexandreſcatta : His Victories gave a name to Nicepborea in Meſopotamia,
and to Nicopolis in Armenia, which confines on Cappadocia. 'Tis faid like-
wiſe, that when he was about to build Seleucia on the Sea ſide: It was
marked out by the Thunder, wherefore the Thunder is there adored as a
God, and to this day they fing Hymns to it, and uſe many particular Ce-
remonies. And when he deſigned to lay the Foundations of that, which is
upon the River Tygris; the Magi or Southſayers , who had Orders to ſet
out the day and hour, when the Work was to begin, to the end it might
be built under a fortunate Conſtellation, pitched upon an unhappy hour,
becauſe they were not well pleaſed, that a great City ſhould be built
there to awe themſelves. And that as the King in his Tent waited for
the

88
PARTI:
The Syrian War.
the fatal hour, and all the Army ſtood ready to lay their hands to the
Work, as ſoon as the Signal ſhould be given them. The hour of good
Augury being come, the Soldiers on a ſudden, thinking they heard the
Command given, fell to the Work with fo much alacrity, that no forbid-
ding whatſoever could ſtay them: at which Seleucus was much caſt down;
but the Magicians ſeeing him difquieted about the fate of the City, de-
manding only ſafety for their perſons, and having obtained it, ſpoke to
him in this manner.
DET
The Oration of the Magicians.

S
Ir, neither Men nor Cities can change their Fate be it good or bad, for
every City has its Deſtiny, as well as every Man ; now it hath pleaſed
the Gods that this here ball endure many ages, being begun at this preſent
hour. True it is, that becauſe we feared that when once built it would be-
come a Fortreſs againſt our felves, we have endeaqured to divert the Deſtinies,
but they will ſtill be Miſtreſſes,both of the cunning of Magicians and inanimad-
vertency of a King. Wherefore Fate it ſelf commanded your Army to do
what was moſt advantagious
. 'Tis a truth we aſſure you of, and that you
may believe we deceive you not again ; You were here in perſon, you commanded
they ſhould ſtay for the ſignal, and your Army, which in other occaſions, where
they were to throw themſelves into dangers, and to endure toil and labour, has
always been perfe&tly obedient to you , could not now ſtand ſtill, though youk
commanded it; but all on a ſudden with its Officers ran to the work, as if it
bad been commanded; and fo indeed it was, and therefore could not be ſtaid
? at your commands ; but who in humane affairs can have more power than a
King , but a God? God, which this day grants you the full of your deſires.
God, wbo a more faithful Counſellor than we, is the Author of the Foundatia
on of this City. God, enemy of our Nation and Allies, ſince now we have no
more ſtrength left, having neighbours more powerful than we ſo near us. In
ſhort, reſt aſſured, this City is founded under a fortunate Conſtellation, and
jhall flouriſh a long time. And now we hope as our fault proceeded only from
the fear we had of the decay of our felicity, you will not repent your ſelf of
the pardon you have granted us. The King mightily pleaſed with the
Magi's diſcourſe, forgave them: And this is what I have found concern-
ing Seleucia.

XIX.
Now Seleucus willing, that whilft he was yet living, his Son might be
King, gave to him the greateſt part of his Territory in the main Land:
but though this were an action worthy the magnanimity of a mighty
Prince;
in my judgement, what he did in favour of this Son's love, and
of that modeſty he ſtrugled with in his fickneſs, declared more courage
and prudence. For this young Prince was paſſionately in love with
Stratonice his Fathers Wife, by whom Seleucus had already had a Child;
yet knowig his paſſion to be criminal, he never diſcovered it, nor gave
the leaſt ſymptom of it to any perſon : but ſmothering his grief, lan-
guiſhed in his bed, and deſired death. Erafftratus himſelf, that famous
Phyſician, to whom the King 'gave ſuch large allowance, could not at all
conje&ture whence his diſtemper ſprung, till ſuch time as obſerving
that he had no corrupt humours in his body, he concluded the ſeat of his
malady muſt be in the mind, the contagion of which had paſt into the
Body



Book II.
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89
Body. He knew his Grief, Anger, and other diſturbances of Man's Spirit
could not well be concealed, but that a Modeſt Perſon might well conceal
his Love ; and founding himſelf upon this, he privately diſcourſed it
with Antiochus, and conjured him to tell him the cauſe of his Diſtein-
per: But not being able to draw any thing from him, he kept near
his Bed, had diligently obſerved thoſe Changes happened to him, when
any Woman entred his Chamber, and having taken notice that
when others came about him ; his Body continued without any alte-
ration; but at all times, when the Queen came to viſit him, his
ſpirit ſeemed ſtrangely moved, and ſhame and remorſe of Conſcience
feem'd written in his Face, though he faid never a word; but that as
ſoon as ſhe was gone, his Body reſumed a more lively colour, and
with a freſh heat returned to its former Eſtate. Upon which he told
Seleucus, that his Sons diſtemper was incurable ; whereat the King ſur-
priſed, let his Grief break out with a Shriek; and the Phyſician added,
*Tis for Love, Sir, that he dies, and the Love of a Woman he can never
enjoy. Seleucus was aſtoniſhed, that there ſhould be a Woman in thế
World, that would not let her ſelf be perſwaded by à King of Aſia,
when he propoſed to her the Marriage of his Son, and thereto added
Prayers, Gifts and Money; nay, a great Kingdom, to which the Prince
was Heir , and which he would be ready to part with preſently in re-
compence of his cure, if any one demanded it, and thereupon preſſing
the Phyſician to tell him, who this Woman was: He replyed, 'Tis my
wife, Sir. To which the King returned: And how good man, you that are
our Friend, and tyed to our Houſe, by ſo many reciprocal Teſtimonies of kind
neſs, and beſides all that, a wife and honeſt man, will not you ſave the life
of this young Prince, the Son of a King, your Friend, fållen unhappily in
Love, and who out of Modeſty has concealed his Grief, even unto Death:
Can you make ſo little account, not only of Antiochus, but of Seleucus him-
ſelf? He feigning to be moved with theſe Arguments, turned them thus
upon the Father. And if he were (faid he) in love with the Queen, would
jou quit her to him? Hereupon Selescus began to ſwear by all the Gods,
Protectors of his Crown, that he would give her bim freeely, and with all
his heart, that he might leave to Poſterity a Noble Example of Paternal
Goodneſs towards a Modeſt Son, who in his Affliction had not made the leaſt
Complaint, and was abſolutely unworthy of this Misfortune. In concluſi-
on, after much Diſcourſe of this Nature he declared, he was extreinely
troubled, that he himſelf could not be the Phyſician of his Unfortunate Son,
without being beholding to Erafiitratus : Who ſeeing now the King was
in earneſt, diſcovered to him the whole matter, and how he came to
know it, notwithſtanding all his Sons reſiſtance. Seleucus ſeemed
verjoyed at what he heard, and now there remained only the difficul-
ty of perſwading his Son and the Queen ; which he did , and after
having gained their conſent to his Propofition, he aſſembled his Ar
my, who perhaps had already fome inkling of the Matter, and begin
ning to make an enumeration of the great A&tions he had done, by
which he had extended the Bound of his Empire farther, than any of
the Succeſſors of Alexander, he then remonſtrated to them, how being
grown old, it was hard for him to govern ſo vaſt a Kingdom. Where
fore (ſaid he ) I will divide this mighty Maſs, and that I may provide
for your ſecurity for the future, I am reſolved to diſcharge my ſelf at pre-
fent of one half of this burthen on him that I eftvém moſt dear. I be-
lieve that you will obey me in all things, it being but juft you ſhould do ſo.
N
Toug

go
PARTI.
The Syrian War.
You, I ſay, that ſince the death of Alexander , fighting under my A4-
Spices, are mounted to ſo high a degree of Power. Now that which I e-
Heem moft dear, and moft worthy of this Empire is this young Prince ,
the Elečt of my Children, and this Princeſs, who being in a flouriſhing age,
will ſoon give you Children to be the ſtay and Support of this great Empire.
I marry them therefore together in your preſence, and I give them all thoſe
Kingdoms I poſſeſs in the main Land. As for the thing it ſelf, do not you
conſider in it, ſo much the Cuſtom of the Perfians , and other Nations, as
general Law, common to all men, which requires that Subjects ſhould
believe whatever their King Decrees is juft. As ſoon as he had uttered
theſe words, the Army began to make their Acclamations, proclaim-
ing him the greateſt King ſince Alexauder , and the beſt of all Fathers.
Thus Seleucus married his Wife with his Son, and ſent them to take
poffeffion of their Kingdom. And ſurely this Action gained him more
Reputation than all the Victories he had won; for he conquered him-
ſelf. He had ſeventy two Governments , under his Dominton, fo vaſt it
was, of which he gave the greateſt part to his Son, receiving to himſelf
only the Country, lying between Euphrates and the Sea. After this,
having War with Lyſimachus ( which was the laſt he had ) he gave him
Battel on the confines of Phrygia, near the Hellefpont, where Lyfimachus
was ſlain. And as he had paſſed the Strait to fiefe upon Zyſimachia , he
was himſelf ſlain by Ptolemy, firnamed Serranus , who was one of his
Train. He was the Son of Ptolemy Soter, and of Euridice, the Daughter,
of Antipater, and fear having driven him from Egypt, becauſe his Father
had reſolved to give the Kindom to his younger Brother; Seleucus took
pitty on him, received him, as the Son of his Friend, entertained him at
his Table, and carried him ſtill along with him, in recompence of which
he became his Murderer. Such was Seleucus his end, who dyed in the
ſeventy third year of his Age, and fortieth of his Reign; for my part, I be-
lieve we máy likewiſe refer to his death the anſwer of the Oracle : Take
leave of Europe, and poſleſs Afia; for Lyfimachia is in Europe, and this
was the firſt time he had repaſſed into Europe: After having followed
Alexander to the Conqueſt of Aſia: 'Tis faid, demanding a Magician
where he ſhould dye, he received this Anſwer.
Keep far from Argos to prolong the date
Of Life, for elſe thou haſt neſt on thy Fate.

After which he made an exact ſearch of all places, called Argos , and
took ſpecial care not to go near the Argos of Peloponneſus, of Amphilochia,
of Oreſtiade, from whence fome Macedonians are called Argeades, or fo
much as to a City of that name, which Diomedes, during his banıfh-
ment, had cauſed to be built beyond the Ionian Sea; but that as he
was going from the Hellefport to Lyſimachia, he ſaw an Alter built upon
an Eminence, and having demanded the name of the place, they told
him it was called Argos, and that whilſt he was informing himſelf of the
cauſe of that name, whether the Argonauts paſſing that way had not
given it, whether the Inhabitants of the Country had not called it ſo,
becauſe of the Argians, that went to the Wars of Troy; or at laſt, whe-
ther it might bear that name in memory of the Country of the Atrides.
Ptolemy thruſt him with his Sword through the Body. Phileterus , Go-
vernous

Book II.
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91
nour of Pergamus, redeemed his Body from Serranus, with a great fum
of Money; and when he had burnt it, ſent the Alhes to Antiochus, who
cauſed a magnificent Monument to be raiſed for him in Seleucia on the
Sea, and built a Temple in Honour of him, which was called Nicatorion.
As for Lyſimachus, 'tis ſaid that he was one of Alexanders Guard of the
Body; and that one day having a long time followed the King on foot
who was on Horſe-back, he grew fo weary, that to eaſe himſelf, he laid
hand on the Horſe tail, and by chance was pricked in a Vein of his Fore-
head, by the point of Alexanders Javelin, which hung behind the Crup-
per, from whence there iſſued fo much Blood, that that Prince having
nothing elſe, bound it up with his Diadem, which being afterwards re-
ſtored to that Prince all bloody, Ariftander, the South-layer foretold,
that the wounded perſon ſhould be a King, but ſhould always Reign in
Wars and Troubles. And indeed he ruled forty years, compriſing the
time, when he aſſumed but the quality of Governour, and at laſt was
flain at the age of ſeventy years, with his Arms in his Hand, his Van-
quiſher Seleucus not long out living him. Lyfimachus being ſlain, a Dog
he had loved,ſtaid a long time by the Body, and defended it from the Birds
and Beaſts, till ſuch time as Thorax of Pharſalia finding it, gave it Buri-
al. Though ſome there be that ſay, that he was buried by a Son of his,
called Alexander, whom fear had made, ſeek a refuge with Seleucus,
when Lyſimachus put to death Agathocles his other Son ; and that his Bo-
dy having a long time been ſought after, was at length found by means
of a Dog, quite putrefied, and was buried by the Inhabitants of Lya
ſimachia in a Temple, which was afterwards called Lyfimachion. Thus
dyed alſo at the ſame time two Kings of equal ſtature, and of
an extraordinary ſtrength of Body, one at the age of ſeventy years, and
the other three more, fighting in perſon to their very death.
After Seleucus his death, his Sons ſucceeded in his Kingdom of Syria,
the firſt of which was Antiochus, ſirnamed Soter, who fell in love withi
his Mother-in-Law, and afterwards repulſed the Gauls, who had made
an irruption out of Europe into Aſia. The ſecond was another Antio-
chus, born of the fame Woman, he whom the Mileſians called God, bem
cauſe he had delivered them from Timarchus their Tyrant, but this God dy-
ed of Poiſon, given him by his Wife. He had married two, whont
he equally loved, Laodice and Berenice, Daughters of Ptolemeus Phila-
delphus, one of which two, to wit, Laodice gave him his death, as ſhe
did ſoon after to her Siſter Berenice, and her Child. Ptolemy, the Son
of Philadelphus revenged this crime by the death of Laodice, and march-
ed into Syria, as far as Babylon, which gave occaſion to the Parthians
ſeeing the Houſe of the Seleucides in trouble, to ſhake off the Yoke of
their Dominion. To this Man, ſirnamed God, ſucceeded in the King-
dom of Syria , Seleucus his Son by Laodice , who was called Callinicus
and after Callinicus his two Sons, Seleucus and Antiochus; one after the
other: the Eldeſt of which having neither healthi nor ſtrength enough to
keep his Army in awe, was poiſoned by his Domeſticks, having reign-
ed only two years; and for Antiochus, who was ſirnamed the Great, it
was he who had War with the Romans, the Hiſtory of which we have
now wrote. We have likewiſe ſpoke of his two Sons, who reigned
both one after the other, Seleucus twelve years, without doing any thing
conſiderable, (nor indeed had the power, by reaſon of his Fathers for-
mer loſſes) and Antiochus only two years, during which he took pri-
foner Artaxias, King of Armenia, and undertook an expedition into E-
N 2
EVDE
9
9

92
Part I.
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gypt againſt Ptolemy the Sixth , one of thoſe two Sons , whom their
Father lately dead, had left for his Succeſſors. As he lay encamp-
ed near Alexandria, Popilius the Roman Deputy came into his Camp
with Letters, whereby he was commanded to depart the Kingdom of
the Ptolemies. After he had read them, and ſaid he would conſider of
them, Popilius made a Circle upon the Ground about him with a Rod he
had in his hand, bidding him, conſider before he went out thence, which
ſo terrified him, that he preſently departed the Realm; and becauſe in
his way, he plundered the Temple of Venus in Elymais, he dyed of a
rottenneſs of the Lungs : He left a Son nine years old, called Antiochus
Eupator, of whom we have ſpoken, as alſo of Demetrius his Succeſſor,
who being Hoſtage in Rome , eſcaped into Syria, where having taken
poffeffion of the Kingdom, the Syrians gave him the name of Soter, which
the Son of Nicator had before born. There was one Alexander raiſed
Arms againſt him falfely, ſaying he was of the Race of the Seleucides;
and being ſupported by Ptolemy, King of Egypt, out of the hate he bore
to Demetrius, he drove him out of his Kingdom; he dying in Exile, his
Son, called likewiſe Demetrius, reconquered it, and becauſe he had Van-
quiſhed this Seleucus, who was not of the Family of the Seleucides, he
was called by the Syrians Nicator, like the firſt Seleucus, from whom the
Kings of Syria were deſcended. And endeavouring to follow his Exam-
ple, he undertook an expedition againſt the Parthians, where being ta-
ken Priſomer, he lived a long time in the Court of Phraates, and mar-
ried Rhodogune, that Kings Siſter. Mean while a Domeſtick of the for-
mer King's, called Diodotus, ſeeing the Throne of Syria without a King,
fieſed on it to advance therein a Child, named Alexander, the Son of
that baſtard Alexander, and a Daughter of Ptolemyes ; and ſoon af-
ter having made away his Pupil , had the boldneſs to make himſelf
King, changing the name of Diodotus into that of Tryphon. Antiochus ,
Brother of the Priſoner Demetrius, hearing at Rhodes of his Brothers Cap-
tivity, and all the diſorders ſucceeding it, returned into his Country,
where with much labour he reduced this Tryphon; and having put him
to death, advanced with his Army againſt Phraates, to oblige him to re-
leaſe his Brother, whom he preſently ſent to him out of a fear, the Par-
thian, at that time, had of War, yet this ſtopt him not from purſuing
his deſign, and engaging in Battel with the Parthian, wherein being o-
vercome, he ſlew himſelf
. Demetrius returned to his Kingdom was mar-
dered by his Wife Cleopatra, enraged at the ſecond Marriage with Rho-
dogune, the news of which had before been the cauſe, that during the
Captivity of her Husband , ſhe had married with her Brother Antiochus,
She had two Sons by Demetrius, Seleucus and Antiochus, firnamed Grypus;
and by Antiochus, another Antiochus called the Cyzycenian, of whom
Grypus ſhe cauſed to be brought up at Athens , and the Cyzycenian at
Cyzica. As for Seleucus, who had cauſed himſelf to be crowned immedi-
ately after the death of his Father, ſhe killed him her ſelf with an Ar-
row, whether it were ſhe were fearful, he ſhould revenge his Fathers
death, or that ſhe had conceived a hate againſt the whole family. Se-
leucus being dead, the Kingdom deſcended to Grypus, who forced his
Mother to drink a Poiſon The had prepared for him. Thus ſhe at laſt
was puniſhed, and for him he degenerated nothing from Cleopatra, for
he having advice of it , declared War againſt his Brother, drove him
out of his Kingdom, and made himſelf King of Syria, he enjoyed it no
long time, being himſelf expelled by the Arms of Seleucus , Son to An-
tiochus

Book II.
The Syrian Wår.
93
tiochus Grypus, who reſpected not in him the Quality of Uncle ; but he
became ſo violent, and lived with ſo much Tyranny, that being at Mopſas
a City of Cilicia, he was burnt alive in the place of publick Exerciſe.
His Succeſſor was Antiochus, the Son of the Cyzycenian, whom the Syri-
ans believed had eſcaped his Uncles traps, only for his Piety, wherefore
they firnamed him the Pious; and yet he was only ſaved by a Curtezan
fell in love with him, becauſe of his Beauty, which makes me think the
Syrians gave him that name, only out of a jeer; for this Pious man
married Selene, who had before been married to his Father the Cyzyceni-
an, and to his Uncle Grypus. Therefore Divine Juſtice ſuffered him in
puniſhment of his Crime to be driven out of his Kingdom by Tigranes ;
and the Son he had by Selene, who being bred in Aſia was called Alias
tick, to be deprived of his Kingdom by Pompey, as we have before re-
lated , having reigned only one year, during which that General was
elſewhere employd. He was the ſeventeenth King after Seleucus, with-
out reckoning Alexander the Baſtard, or his Son, who were not of the
Race, nor their Domeſtick Diodotus. To conclude, the Race of the Se+
leucides Reigned two hundred and ſeventy years, and if we account from
the time of Alexander the Great, till this Kingdom was reduced into the
form of a Province, we muſt likewiſe add thoſe fourteen years which Ti-
granes Reigned. Thus much I thought good to ſay, by the way, concern-
ing the Macedonians, that were Kings of Syria, though the Subject bé
ſomewhat ſeparate from our Hiſtory.
ATTA
The End of the Syrian War.
APPIAN

94
Α Ρ Ρ Ι Α Ν
OF
ALEXANDRIA,
to HIS
HISTORY
au
ser
OF THE
Roman Wars
IN
PARTHIA
PAR I I.
Book III.
The Argument of this Book.

I.
ITA
HE Introduction to the Hiſtory. II. Craffus choſen Conſul leaves
Rome to go againſt the Parthians. III. Craſſus firſt Expedition
wherein he do’s nothing menaorable. IV. Craffus preparations for his fe..
cond Expedition and the preſages of his misfortune. V. His march, and
the treachery of Agbarus. VI. upon Intelligence that the enemy is not
far

Book III.
95
I be Paribian War.
far off, he draws up his Army in Battel. VII. Deſcription of the Battel.
VIII. Succeſs of the Battel, and the death of Craffus Son. IX. The end
of the Battel wherein the Romans are worſted. X. Craffus decamps by
by night. XI. The Parthians purſue their victory, and Craffus is Rain.
XII. The Parthians rejoyce at Craſſus death. XIII. The beginning of
Anthony's War againſt the Parthians, in which Ventidius makes
great
progreß. XIV. Anthony's Preparations. XV. Some fights between
Anthony and the Parthians. XVI. Anthony's retreat. XVII. The
raſhneſs of Flavius Gallus who had nigh loſt the Army. XVIII. Famine
in the Army. XIX. Continuation of Anthony's retreat, and the end of
the War
A
Fter Pampey (and thoſe who as we have already faid, fuc- Í
ceeded him in the Government of Syria) Gabinius was
ſent to Command in that Province, whither ( as he was di-
ſpoſing himſelf to make War againſt the Arabs ) Mithri-
dates King of Parthia driven out of his Kingdom by his
brother Orodes) came to him to requeſt him to ſuſpend his Expedition
againſt the Arabs, and march againſt the Parthians. But Ptolemy the Ele-
venth, King of Egypt had more prevalency over the Spirit of the Pro-
conful, and by the power of Mony wrought fo far with him, that in ſtead
of going againſt the Parthians he led his Army to Alexandria. After ha-
ving reeſtabliſhed that King, he was condemned to Baniſhment, for ha-
ving without the Senates Order undertook a War in Egypt, forbid by the
Oracles, and particularly by the Sibyls verſes. Craſſus ſucceeded him,
who going to make War upon the Parthians periſhed with his whole
Army.
After his death, when L. Bibulus was governor of Syria, the
ſame Parthians made an irruption into the Province, and afterwards un-
der the Government of Saxa, who ſucceeded him over-run all as far as
Ionia, the Romans being imbroiled in Civil Wars: yet did they nothing
memorable, beſides ſpoiling the Country, rather like thieves then Men of
War, and all that was but the conſequence of Craffus overthrow, which
had given them a boldneſs that Anthony was at laſt to give check to,
but to write the Hiſtory of this Expedition we muſt begin our diſcourſe
farther of.
II.
The day of Aſſembly for Election of Conſuls being come. C. Cæfar,
Pompey the Great, and Marcus Craffus being found Competitors, the two
laſt (notwithſtanding all the endeavors of Cicero, Cato and thoſe of the
Contrary Faction) obtained the Conſulate by force, and prolonged to
Cefar the Government of Gaul for five other years
. Having drawn by lot
the Governments of Syria and Spain. Syria fell to Craſſus, and Spain to
Pompey, with which all Men were well ſatisfied. For the people were
pleaſed that Pompey ſhould not go far from the City, and there was great
likelyhood becauſe he extreamly loved his Wife, that he would not wil-
lingly-abſent himſelf for any long time. On the other ſide Craſſus as ſoon
as he ſaw himſelf Governor of Syria; diſſembled not his fatisfaction. He
thought no greater happineſs could have arrived him, and ſo far did his
Exceſs of Joy tranſport him, as to make him in his familiar converſation
with his friends, utter a thouſand extravagancies, which favored of the
young Man, and ſeemed contrary to his nature, who had never been taken
for a Proud Man or a Boaſter, but now exalting his thoughts above their due
levet.

96
PART I.
I be Partbian War.
level, his judgment was perverted, inſomuch that he not only promiſed
himſelf to fubdue the Syrians and the Parthians, but as if the Victories
gained by Lucullus againſt Tigranes, and by Pompey againſt Mithridates
had been but ſports, his depraved imaginations carried him as far as the
Bactrians, the Indians, and the Oriental Ocean. Though in his Commiſ
fion there was not any mention made of a War againſt the Parthians, yet
no Man doubted but he was reſolved to undertake it. Cæfar himſelf wri-
ting to him from Gaul commended his deſign, and exhorted him to purſue
it, but many good and underſtanding Men, thought it ſtrange he ſhould go
to make War againſt innocent people who only demanded peace. Where-
fore Craffus, having intelligence that Atteius Tribune of the people had a
deſign to hinder his going out of the City, was afraid, and intreated Pompey
who had a great power over the ſpirits of the people, to be his Conductor,
they found in the Street a great number of Perfons diſpoſed to Arreſt him,
but Pompey obſerving them, went to meet them, and with a ſmiling coun-
tenance appeaſed them; ſo that they held their peace, and gave him pal-
fage. Atteius only made oppoſition, firſt by forbidding Craffus to paſs
any farther, and then by commanding the Uſher to ſieze his perſon, but
the other Tribunes not thinking it convenient, let him paſs. Then At-
teius ran to the Gate, and filling a chafing diſh with fire, as Craffus paſt by
made efufions thereon, pronouncing Execrations againſt the Conful, and
invoking Gods, whoſe names were new and dreadful. This manner of
curſing is very Ancient, and the Romans are of Opinion that theſe Im-
precations are ſo powerful, that whoever they are pronounced againſt
cannot eſcape, nor can any good happen to him that pronounces them,
wherefore they never uſe them raſhly, and now many perſons blamed
Atteius, in that by declaring himſelf Enemy to Craffus though in favor
of the Commonwealth, he had filled the minds of the whole City with
fear and Superſtition. Yet all this hindered not the Conful from ſetting
forward to Brundufium, and though the Winter which was not yet near
paft might have diverted him from adventuring to Sea, yet he would ſtay
no longer, ſo that he loft many of his Ships by Storm, and having rallied
the remainder of his forces, took his way by Land through Galatia, where
he found King Deiot arus, who was of a great age, building a New City
to whom he ſaid in raillery. You begin to build at twelve a clock, to which
the other replyed ſmiling, and you I perceive go not againſt the Parthians
very early. For Craffus had already paſt ſixty years of age, and look'd much
Elder then he was.
III.
Being arrived in the Province, the firſt ſucceſs of his affairs anſwer
ed very well to his hopes, for having cauſed a Bridge to be built, he with
eafe and ſecurity paſſed his Army over the Euphrates, and received under
his obedience many Cities of Meſopotamia which ſurrendred to him; One
hebeſieged called by the Greeks Zenodocia, which was defended by a Ty-
rant named Apollonius, and becauſe he had loſt before it one hundred of
his Soldiers, he ſtormed it with his whole Army, took it, razed it, and
ſold all the Inhabitants he could find by Outcry. After this he permitted
his Army to call him Emperor by which he loſt much of his Reputation,
as if having gained this Victory,his hopes had reached no higher. In con-
cluſion he placed Garriſons in all the Cities had ſurrendred, whoſe num-
bers amounted to ſeven thouſand Foot, and a thouſand Horſe, and with
the reſt of his Army, came to take up his Winter-quarters in Syria, whi-
ther his Son who had born Arms in Gaul under Cæfar, from whom he had
received

Book III.
Tbe Partbian War.
97
received many Military rewards, came to him with a thouſand choſen
Horſe. This was in my opinion the ſecond fault Craffus committed, after
haying rafhly undertaken this Enterpriſe, for whilft he ought to have ad-
vanced as far as Babylon and Seleucia, Cities in all times Enemy to the Par-
thians, by keeping at this diſtance he gave the Enemy time to make pre-
parations. The ſtay he made in Syria gained him not more glory, for he
lived rather like a Tax-gatherer then a General. The time which ſhould
have been employed in making proviſion of Arms, and exerciſing the
Soldiers, was ſpent in reckoning up the Revenue of the Cities, and in
weighing and meaſuring the Gold and Silver conſecrated to the Goddeſs
of Hierapolis
. And when he had Ordered the Lords and Commonalty of
the Country to fet out a certain Number of Soldiers, he preſently difpen-
ſed with them for Mony, whereby he drew upon himſelf the ſcorn of all
the World. It was at the Temple of the forementioned Goddeſs, whom
ſome will have to be Venus, others Funo, others Nature, which contains
in her the ſeed of all things, there it was I ſay that he received the firſt.
preſage of his ill fortune. For as the Father and Son came out thence, the
young Man ſtumbled, and fell before the Gate of the Temple, and the old
Man fell upon his Son.
Whilft he was drawing his Forces out of the Garriſons there came to
him Ambaſſadors from * Arfaces who ſaid but little to him, the ſenſe of * The Generas
which was this. That if the People of Rome had ſent that Army, the War Kings of
would not end, but by the abſolute ruine of one of the parties, but if it were Parchia.
true (as was reported) that Craſſus without his Countries confent, and for
his own particular intereſts had undertaken it, Arfaces would not then do his
utmoſt, but having compaſſion on the Confuls age, would let the Romans go,
whom he conſidered rather as men beſieged then Conquerors, To which Craf-
ſus having arrogantly replyed that he would give them an anſwer at Se-
leucia, Vagiſes chief of the deputation in a fit of laughter flowing the
Palm of his hand ; Craſſus faid he, there ſhall hair grow here before thou
ſee Seleucia, and therewith the Ambaſſadors departed to give advice to
* Orodes their King that he muſt reſolve for
War. Immediately after, * The Kingi
ſome of thoſe who had been placed in Garriſon in the Cities of Mefopo-particular
tamia, having eſcaped through all the difficulties in the World, came to
the Camp, where they bred no ſmall diſturbance. They gave account of
the vaſt number of Enemies they had ſeen, the labors they had undergone
in defence of the Cities from whence they were driven, and aggravating
every thing, as is uſual in ſuch caſes, they aſſured their fellows that it was
impoſſible to eſcape from the Parthians when they purſued, nor to over-
take them when they fled, that their Arrows wounded before they could
be perceived, and that nothing was proof againſt them, whilſt they were
Armed with ſuch ſtrong Curafles that nothing could offend them. The
Roman Soldiers hearing theſe diſcourſes were appalled, for being perſwaded
that the Enemies differed nothing from the Armenians, and Cappadocians
whom Lucüllues had beaten till he was weary; and believing that the moſt of
their labor would be the length of the way, and the trouble to purſue
Enemies that durſt not ſtay for them, they ſaw that quite contrary to the
opinion they had entertained, this Warwould be both doubtfal and dan-
gerous; Inſomuch that the Chief Officers of the Army were of opinion to
hinder Craſſus from proceeding farther, till he had conſidered more ma-
turely of an affair, which concerned the ſafety or loſs of ſo many Men:
Moreover the Augures gave private notice that the Entrails of the Beaſts
promiſed no good, and that Craffus his Sacrifices were not pleaſing to the
Name.
Gods,

98
1
The Parthian War.
PART I.
Gods. But he would hearken to nothing from them or any other but
thoſe who encouraged him generouſly to purſue his deſign; among which
the counſel of Artabafius King of Armenia made great impreffion on his
Spirit, for he came to the Roman Camp, with fix thouſand Horſe
which they call the Kings guards with promiſe to furniſh ten thouſand
Horſe more, and thirty thouſand Foot at his own expence, perſwading to
aſſault the Parthians, by the way of Armenia, and he would take care to
guide the Army a commodious way, and to furniſh them with all necef-
ſaries, and that thus Craſſus would have continual Mountains to
March through, and places difficult for Horfe Service, in which the Par-
thian ſtrength chiefly confifted. The Conſul highly applauded the Kings
good will, and praiſed the Magnificence of his Troops, but told him he
would take the way of Meſopotamia, where he had left a great quantity of
Valiant Men of the Roman naine. After this conference the Armenian
returned into his Kingdom. As for Craffus, as he cauſed his Army to
paſs over a Bridge, great Claps of Thunder began to make a dreadful noiſe,
and continual flaſhes of lightning darted in the Soldiers eyes, beſides all on
the ſudden an impetuous ftorm, raged againſt the Bridge, and carried
away a part of it. It happened likewiſe that the lightning fell twice
the place whereon they were to encamp, and one of the Conſuls Horſes
in his moſt ſtately Trappings carried the Eſquire that rode him, into the
River notwithſtanding all endeavors to ſtop him, nor were either Horſe
or Man ever ſeen afterwards; They ſay likewiſe that the Eagle that was
firſt taken up by the Standard-bearer, of it felf fel} backward, and that
when the Army having paſt the River ſat down to eat, they by chance
gave the Soldiers nothing but Lentils and Broath, which is counted doleful
meat, becauſe only ſerved at Funerals. Afterwards as Crafſus made an
Oration to his Army, there efcaped from him a word which ſtruck a
ſtrange terror into the minds of the Soldiers. For he told them he had
cauſed the Bridge over the River to be broke down, that not one of
them might return; and though that abſurdity might have been repaired
by explaining the words, and that the Conful ought to have interpreted it,
that he might not leave upon their Spirits an Impreſſion of ill Prelage, yet
he would not do it out of Stubbornneſs. After this having muſtered his
Army, he offered a Sacrifice, and as the Prieſt put the Entrails of the beaſt
into his hands, he let them fall, at which the aliftants being fcandalized,
he laughing ſaid, Theſe are the inconveniences of old age, but our Arms wilt
never fall out of our hands. He then found that the Army which paſſed the
River conſiſted of ſeven Legions, about four thouſand Horſe, and as many
light Armed Foot.
V.
Sometime after the Scouts brought in word that the whole Region was
deſert, and that they had only diſcovered the track of a great Number of
Horſes which ſeemed to fly before them, upon which intelligence Craffus
conceived fome good hopes, and the Soldiers began to deſpiſe the Par-
thians,believing they would never ſtand to fight them. However Craffus,
and ſome of the Conſuls Friends, adviſed him to retire into ſome one of
thoſe places he held in that Country, till ſuch time as he had received
more certain advice of the Enemy, or at leaſt that he would march them
towards Seleucia, along the Banks of the River, for fo greater plenty of pro-
viſions might be brought him by water, and in caſe the Enemy caine to
aſſail him, the River might ſerve as a Rampire, ſo that they could not en-
compaſs him about, and by that means he might fight them with equal
Forces.



Book II.
99
I be Parthian War.
Forces. As Craffus was conſulting about the importance of this Counſel,
there arrived in the Camp an Arabian Gentleman called Agbarus, cunning
but treacherous, whom Fortune made uſe of as the Principal Inſtrument,
for deſtruction of the Army; ſome who had born Arms under Pompey',
knew him, and remembring that Great General had obliged him, thought
he might have an affection for the Romans. But indeed he was ſent to
Craſſus by thoſe who Commanded the Kings Army, to draw him if poſ-
ſible from the River, and Foot of the Mountains, and make him take into
the Plain, where the Horſe had more advantage. For they were reſolved
on nothing leſs then to come to a pitcht battel with the Romans in that
place. Agbarus therefore coming to falute Crafts, and being well ſpo-
ken, began his diſcourſe with the praiſes of Pompey, and the kindneſles he
had received from him, then he fell to diſcourſe of the mighty power of
Craſſus, ſetting forth that he wrong’d himſelf in ſpending time in conſul-
tation, when he was but more than too ſtrong, for there was not any need
of Arms, but only of nimble Feet and Hands, to deal with a People, who
had a long time been prepared to pack up their Mony and Choiceſt Riches;
and fly into Scythia or Hyrcania, But if you will fight, ſaid he, you muſt make
haft lift the King reſuming Courage Rally up likewiſe his Forces, for at preſent
you have only to deal with Surena who is the Rear-guard of thoſé Forces that
make their Retreat, for as for the King, they know not where he is. Now all
this was falſe, for Orodes had upon the firſt of the War divided his Forces
into two Armies, with one of which he had invaded Armenia, where he
made ſtrange Havock to Revenge himſelf of Artabalus, and had given the
other in charge to Surena to oppoſe the Romans. Not out of fcorn as
ſome ſay, for there is no likelyhood that he ſhould diſdain to deal with
Craſſus a Roman Conſul or that he could think it more Honorable to wage
War with Artabaſüs or Plunder the Villages of Armenia, but for my part I
am of the opinion he retired thither for fear of the danger, or as into ari
Ambuſcado, to expect the ſucceſs of the War. For Surena was no Com-
mon Man, being both for Riches, Birth and Quality, the ſecond to the
King, and for Valor and Vigor of Body, the Chief among all the Parthi-
ans, beſides he was large of Stature, and of as Noble an Aſpect as any Man
living could be. He had continually in his train a thouſand Camels for
burthen, two hundred Coaches for his Women, and for his Guard a thou-
fand Men at Arms, beſides a greater Number of Light Horſe, ſo that the
Ordinary Train of his Houſhold, was ten thouſand Horſe, reckoning his
Vaſſals and Slaves, and by an Ancient Hereditary Right of his Family he
had the Honor firſt to ſet the Crown on the head of the new King of the
Parthians : He had brought back this ſame Orodes from Exile, and reſtored
him to the Throne, he had by Storm taken the Great Selencia, being the
firſt that mounted on the walls, from whence himſelf drove the Guards
that defended them, and though he were not now above thirty years of
age, he was eſteemed one of the moſt Politick Men of the time he lived
in, which he ſhewed by entrapping Craſſus, who yet in truth was eaſie to
be deceived, firſt by reaſon of his pride and daring, and at laſt becauſe of
his fear, and the diſtreſs to which he ſaw himſelf reduced. Agbarus
therefore having by fair words perſwaded him to leave the River, cauſed
him
to take his march through the midſt of vaſt plains, naked of trees, un-
tilld, and of which they law no end, ſo that the Soldiers grew faint-
hearted, not only for thirſt, and the tediouſneſs of the way, but becauſe
they found no refreſhment in their travel, they faw neither River nor
Mountain, nor any green thing, but as if they had been in the wide Sea;
2
they

100
PART I
The Partbian War.
they beheld nothing on all fides but an affrightful ſolitude. All this al-
ready gave them fome ſuſpition of Treaſon which was confirmed, when
Ambaſſadors from Artabaſis came to acquaint the Conſul that their King
being engaged in a War againſt Orodes, who had invaded his Country
could not fend him any aſſiſtance, but that he adviſed him to turn his
Arms that way, and to joyn with the Armenians to give battel to the Par-
thians, or if that were not his judgment, at leaſt ſo to order his march that
he took care not to engage in the plains, where the Horſe ſhould have too
much advantage, but that he ſhould as much as he could draw towards
the Mountains. To all which Craffus who would not write a word in
Anſwer to the King, brutiſhly and like a Man in Choler made Anſwer,
“That he was not now at leiſure to think of the affairs of Armenia, but
“that at his return he would Chaſtiſe Artabajus for his treachery. Where-
upon Caffius and thoſe that were of his mind grew angry, but without fay-
ing a word to Crafſus, who would not liſten to any good counſel
given him, they fell to reviling Agbarus with a thouſand reproachful words.
What miſchievous Devil brought thee hither, thou moft villanous of all man-
kind (faid they to him) by what Witchcraft or Inchantments halt thou been
able to perfwade Craffus, to take bis march through theſe vaft Solitudes, a road
more proper for a Numidian Robber then a Roman General ? But he being
cunning entertained them ſtill with fair words, exhorting them to have a
little patience, and encourageing the tired Soldiers to march, and with
flattering ſmiles telling them : What do you think you are marching now
through Campania, or do you hope to find here Fountains, Rivers, Shades,
Baths, and continual Inns? Remember, pray remember that you paß now by
the confines of Arabia and Syria. Thus Agbarus treated the Romans as if
he had been their Pædagogue, and before his Treaſon was diſcovered he
left them, not by ſtealth but by conſent of the Conful, whom he made be-
lieve he went to give Orders about things neceſſary, and to create ſome
diſorder in the Enemies Camp. 'Tis ſaid that that day Craſſus came forth
not in a Purple Robe, according to the manner of the Roman Generals,
but cloathed in Black, which yet he went and changed as ſoon as he per-
ceived it, and that ſome Enſigns pitcht in the ground ſtuck ſo faſt,that thoſe
who were to carry them, could ſcarcely pull them out, at all which Craffus
did but laugh.

VI.
He Commanded preſently to March, and earneſtly urged the Legions to
follow the Horſe, when ſome of his Scouts coming in, brought word that
others of their fellows had been ſlain by the Enemy, and they had hardly
eſcaped, and that there was a dreadful multitude following them at the
heels with reſolution to fight. This news amazed the whole Army, but
eſpecially Craffus, who began to draw his Army into Battel, but with a
great deal of Irreſolution. Firſt, according to Caffius advice, he drew up
his Legions at length, extending them as far as ever he could, that the
Enemy might not ſurround them, and placing his Horfe on the wings,
but afterwards changing his mind, he formed his Legions into a Battel of
four Fronts, each of which he covered with twelve Cohorts, each Cohorts
ſtrengthened by a ſquadron of Horſe, that all four might be equally de-
fended by the Horſe. One of the wings he gave in charge to Caffius, the
other to his Son, and kept himſelf in the main battel. Marching in this
Order they gained a River called Baliſa, which though neither deep nor
large was very welcome to the Soldiers, who had had lo toilfome a March
through

Book III
10
Tbe Partbian War.
through heat and duſt, moſt of the Officers adviſed not only the refreſh-
ing the Soldiers, but reſting that night there, to the intent, that making
the beſt diſcovery they poſſibly could of the number and poſture of the
Enemy, they might be the better able to encounter the next Morning
but young Cralus, and his Horſemen, calling out for the Battel, the Con-
ſul again re-incouraged, commanded that thoſe, who had a mind to take
any repaſt, ſhould eat without ſtirring from their Ranks; and ſcarcely
had he allowed them to take what Food was neceſſary, but he marched
forward the Army, not ſlowly and often halting, as is uſually done by
thofe, who would preferve their Men for the Fight; but upon the gal-
lop, and all in a breath, till ſuch time as the Enemy appeared ſooner
than they looked for them; but neither in any great numbers, nor in a
poſture to give any terrour to the Romans; for the main Body of the Ar-
my was hid by theſe Vant-curriers, who by Surend's order had with looſe
Coats covered their Armour.
But when they drew nearer, and that the Enemies had given Signal of VITA
Battel, there was heard throughout the whole Plain a dreadful noiſe, for
the Parthians uſe in War neither Horns or Trumpets; but knowing
well that of all the Senſes, the Ear is moſt capable of affecting the Mind;
and ſtirrịng up the Paſſions, they beat all at once through the whole Ar-
my, certain Drums, whoſe hollowneſs makes dreadful roaring, which in
ſome meaſure imitates Thunder. This noiſe having begun to terrifie the
Romans, the Parthians threw off their looſe Coats, and ſhewed their Ar-
mour of poliſhed Steel, whoſe brightneſs dazled the eyes, and they were
diſcovered to be mounted on Horſes, barbed and covered with plates of
Iron and Copper. Surena made a ſhow above all the reſt, the Magnifi-
cence of whoſe habit ſeemed fomewhat effeminate, and diſagreeable to
the high Reputationi he had gained: but in this he followed the Cuſtom
of the Medes, who go to Battel painted and curled, whereas the Par-
thians tuck up their Hair on their Foreheads, to make them appear more
formidable. At firſt they charged on the Spur with Lances in their Reſts
againſt the Front of the Roman Battel, to try to break it: but having ob-
ſerved the Legionary Bucklers joyned ſo cloſe, and their Ranks faſt locked
together, they retired, and as if they had disbanded, and quitting their
Ranks, wheeled about the Roman Army: Craffus fent againſt them his
light armed Men, who went not far; for the Soldiers foon finding them-
ſelves overwhelmed, and beaten down with ſhowrs of Arrows, ran to
fave themſelves among the Ranks of the Legions, bringing amongſt them
great confuſion and diſorder ; eſpecially when it was perceived, that thoſe
were diſcharged with ſuch a violence, that they equally wounded thoſe that
were armed, and thoſe that were not. And now the Parthians began
to fight at a diſtance with Flights of Arrows from all ſides, which were
never ſhot in vain ; for the Romans were ſo cloſed together, that thoughi
the Parthians would, they could not well have miſt them; and their
Bows being great and ſtrong, and managed by'vigorous Arms, made no
Night Wounds: Inſomuch that the Romans were already hard put to it.
If they ſtood firm without quitting Ranks, they were wounded; and if
they preſſed to aſſault the Enemy, they could not reach them, and yet
were wounded ſtill; for the Parthians diſcharged their Arrows, as they
fled; and next the Scythians are certainly the moſt skilful Nation in the
World in this Exerciſe, invented doubtleſs to defend at once, both from
the Enemy, and from the ſhame of flight:
However,


102
Tbe Parthian War.
PARTI.
VIII
However, the Romans had patience fo long as they hoped, that the E-
nemy having once drained their Quivers, would either retire, or come
to fight hand to hand: but when they underſtood that they had in their
Army great numbers of Camels laden with Arrows, whither they went
by turns to fill again their Quivers, as faſt as they had emptied, they
were utterly diſmayed; Craffus feeing no end of this kind of fight, be-
gan to afflict himſelf, and ſent to tell his Son, that he ſhould advance
to charge the Enemy, before they were incloſed; for they preſſed hard
upon him, and wheeled about the Wing, which he commanded to fall on
in the Rear. This young Man having therefore taken thirteen hundred
Horſe, of which Cefar had given him a thouſand , and eight Cohorts of
Foot armed with Bucklers, which ſtood next him, drew off, and went fu-
riouſly to charge the groſs of the Enemy; but they (whether that place
were miry, as ſome fay, or that by this ſtratagem, they had a mind to
draw the Conſuls Son, as far as was poſſible, from the reſt of the Army)
turned tail and fled. He preſently with loud cryes declared the Enemies
flight, and addreſſed himſelf to purſue them, accompanied by Cenforinus
and Megabachus ; this. laſt famous for ſtrength of Body, and height of
Courage; the other a Senator, and beſides a great Orator, both of the
fame age with young Craffus, and his familiar Friends. The Horfe fol-
lowed, and the Foot after them, all filled with joy and hope, believing
they gave chaſe to a Vanquiſhed Enemy; but they had not gone far e're
they diſcovered the cheat, beholding thoſe return to the charge, who had
made a ſhow of flight, fupported now and ſtrengthned with great num-
bers: Whereupon thoſe who were at the Head of the Romans ſtood
ſtill, believing, becauſe of their ſmall number, the Enemies would come
and aſſault them at hand: but they oppoſed them only with their Lan-
ciers, whilſt the reſt ſcouting up and down the Plain, with their Horſe-
hoofs broke the ſurface of the Earth, from whence aroſe ſuch clouds of
Sand and Duit, that the Romans could neither ſee nor ſpeak : So that be-
ing thus lock'd up cloſe together in a croud, they were wounded, and dy-
ed not of a quick and eafie death, but with ftrange pains and convulfions
cauſed by the Arrows ſticking in their Bodies, which not being able to en-
dure , they rolled themſelves upon the ground to break them in their
wounds, or elſe ſtriving to pull them out with the barbed heads, whichi
had pierced into the Veins and Nerves, they grievouſly tore themſelves,
and added freſh anguiſh to the former. Thus moſt of all thoſe Cohorts
that followed the Horſe being ſlain, the reſt remained uſeleſs, becauſe
of their wounds; and when their Captains commanded them to go charge
the Parthian Men at Arms, they ſhowed their hands nailed to their Buck-
lers, or their Feet ſtruck through and faſtned to the ground, ſo that they
could neither fight nor flee. Hereupon young Cralus reſolved to make
one brisk attempt with his Horfe, but the ſtrokes they gave with their
weak and ſlender Javelins, having but ſmall effects on the others Cur-
raſſes of boild Leather, guarded with bands of Iron ; whilft on the con-
trary their ſteel-headed Lances piercing through and through the Gauls
lightly armed, and almoſt naked, made the match very unequal. He had
great confidence in theſe Gauls, and indeed they did act wonders, they
fieſed on theſe Lances with their naked hands, and in endeavouring to
wreſt them away, tumbled the Men at Arms from off their Horſes; who
being over-laden with Iron , could very hardly mount again: There we
likewife fome of them, who quitting their own Horſes, went and thruſt


were
their

Book III.
The Parthian War.
103
their Swords in the bellies of thoſe of the Enemy, who mounting at the
ſinart of the wound, tumbled back with their Riders, ſo that many were
by this means trampled to death under the Horſe Feet, as well of the Ro-
mans as the Parthians : but nothing was more inſufferable to the Gauls
than the heat and drowth, to which they were not accuſtomed; and be-
fides, many had loſt their Horſes, which had been flain by the Pikes or
Lances. Wherefore they reſolved to recover the Legions, having in the
midſt of them the young Craſſus , already tortured with many wounds:
but ſeeing nigh unto them a Hillock of Sand, which formed a kind of E-
minence, they retired thither, and tying in the midſt thoſe Horſes they
had left; fortified themſelves with their Bucklers, which they ranked
round about them, thinking by this means to defend themſelves from the
Barbarians : but it fell out quite contrary, for though in a Level thoſe
before do in ſome meafure cover thoſe behind, yet here, by reaſon of
the declining ground, one ſtanding above another, no perfon could be in
ſecurity. They were all wounded alike, and dyed with the more vexati-
on, that they could not revenge themſelves, but muſt all periſh without
Glory. There were along with the young Craffus two Greeks, Citizens of
of Carres,called Hierom and Nicomachus, who would have perſwaded him
have ſaved himſelf with them in the City of Ichnes, which took part
with the Romans : but he made anſwer, There were no death ſo cruel,
that for fear of it Publius would forſake his Companions, who had not in-
gaged themſelves in that danger, but for his fake. And at the ſame in
Itant gave leave to them, exhorting them to take care of themſelves; but
for his own part, not being able to make uſe of his hand, becauſe of a
wound he had received by an Arrow, he preſented his breſt to his El-
quire, commanding him to run him through. Some fay Cenforinus dyed
in the ſame manner, and that Megabachus, and moſt of the Nobility flew
themſelves. The reſt aſſailed by the Parthians,dyed generouſly defending
themſelves, and 'tis reported five hundred only were taken alive. The E-
nemy forthwith cut off the Heads of young Craſſus, and his Companions,
and returned to ſeek out his Father, who in the mean time had acted, as
we ſhall now relate.
to
Ix
After the Command given to his Son to charge, and that ſome came
and told him, that the Enemy fled, and that he likewiſe found himſelf
not ſo hardly preſſed upon, for indeed they had left him; he took a lit-
tle courage, and cauſed his Army to March into the lower Ground,
hoping his Son would ſoon return from the purſuit of the Enemy. Mean
while young Craſſus perceiving himſelf in danger, diſpatch'd away feve-
ral Meſſengers to his Father, to give him notice of it, of whom the firſt
were flain by the Enemies; and the next, who hardly eſcaped brought
word, that Publius was certainly loft, if not ſuddenly relieved. Upon
this news the Conſul found himſelf toſſed with ſundry paſſions which
blinded his reaſon, ſo that he knew not what to reſolve on: He was fear-
ful of looſing all, if he went to the fuccour of his Son; yet he loved him,
and therefore was in doubt whether he ſhould go to his relief, or endea-
vour to ſave the reſt. At laſt he cauſed the Army to March towards the
Enemy, who prefently appeared to meet them; witneſſing by their loud
and terrible ſhouts that they had gained the Victory; and letting the Ro-
mans know, by the confuſed noiſe of their Drums, that they muſt again
prepare to fight. Thus they made their approach, bearing the Head of
Publius upon the end of a Lance, and asking by way of derifion, who
were

104
Part I.
The Partbian War.
were the Parents of that young Man, and of what Family he was? for
they could not believe that Craſſus the baſeft of all inen could beget a Son
fo Brave and Valiant. This fight caſt down the ſpirits of the Romans
more than all the Calamities they had ſuffered; and inſtead of ſtirring up
in them that indignation and deſire of revenge, which it ought, over-
whelmed them with horror and fear. However, Craffus Valour appeared
upon this occaſion extraordinarily, he cryed out, as he marched on Horfe
back through the Ranks :
Pelasty The Oration of Craſſus.
sa spomen
TI
His Misfortune concerns me önly, fellow Soldiers, the glory and felicity
of our Country remains yet intire, whilſt you are in a condition to
defend it. And if you have any compaſſion upon me, for having loft a Son
of that Value, diſcharge your anger on your Enemies, and deprive them of
their joy by puniſhing their cruelty. Looſe not your Courage, for the miſ
fortune happened to me, whoever pretends to great recompences is ſubject to
like diſgraces
. Lucullus did not Vanquiſh Tigranes, nor Scipio Antiochus,
si without the expence of blood. Our Fathers loſt i thouſand Ships in the Con-
queſt of Sicily; and in Italy it ſelf many Generals and Captains have pea
riſbed, whoſe loſs hath not hindred their party from gaining the Victory; for
the Roman Empire is not mounted to this Greatneſs and Power by the good Fora
tune of the Romans, but by their Patience and height of Cour age in Adverfety.
After theſe words Craffus, perceiving that moſt of the Soldiers received
them but coldly, commanded to give a great ſhout all together, which
made but their inward grief the more known; for they ſhouted with
weak and diſcordant Voices, whilſt the Barbarians anſwered them in a
Tone high and Harmonious. The Fight preſently began, wherein the
Enemies light Horſe wheeling about the Romans, galled them in Flank
with ſhowrs of Arrows, whilſt the Lanciers, who aſſailed them in Front,
made them recoyl and croud cloſe together. However, ſome out of
fear of the Arrows, drew off from the groſs to charge nearer at hand :
but they did their Enemies little hurt, and were preſently killed by their
Lances, whoſe Iron head entring the Body, was followed by a thick Staff,
thruſt forward with ſo great violence, that often times it went through
and through both Horſe and Man. After the Battel had thus laſted till
night, the Parthians retreated, ſaying, That they gave that night to Craſſus
to bewail his Son, unleſs he made choice of the better way, and had rather gó
and preſent himſelf to Arſaces than be carried: And having ſaid theſe words,
they went and lodged in a place hard by, with full hopes the next Morning
to put an abſolute end the Victory.
The Romans on the contrary had but an ill night of it, they had no
thoughts either of burying their dead, or dreſſing their wounded, of
which fome lay dying, every one bewailed his own ſelf, for there was no
hopes of fafety, whether they ſtaid in that place till day, or whether,
whilſt it was dark, they ſet forward, croſs thoſe vaſt Plains; for the
wounded, if they carried them, would hinder their flight; and if they
forſook them, the çryes of thoſe miſerable Creatures would give notice
to



Book III
The Partbian War.
105
to the Enemy of their departure: And though they imputed all their mif
fortune to Craſſus, they wished, notwithſtanding, they might either ſee
or hear him; but he had withdrawn himſelf, and with his head bound
up,had caſt himſelf on the ground in the dark.Whereby he became a great
Example of the inconſtancy of Fortune to the Vulgar, and of raſhneſs and
ambition to the Learned; having ſuffered himſelf to be fo far tranſport-
ed by thoſe two failings, that he could not content himſelf to be one of
the Prime among ſo many thouſands of Citizens, but believed himſelf
miſerable, becauſe he was accounted but the third Man in Rome: Octa-
vius his Lieutenant, and Caffius his Quaftor, having found him in this po-
ſture, rouſed him up, and entreated him to tak ccCuli ge; but ſeeing
he was in utter deſpair, by advice of the * Tribunes and Centurions, * Colonel's
they themfelves publiſhed the Deaf March, and began to diſcamp with and captain
out noiſe : but when the ſick and wounded perceived that they were a-
bout to forſake them, with their cryes and roarings they ſpread a gene-
ral trouble throughout the Army, even thoſe who were already got into
the Plain, took the Alarm, as if the Enemy had been ready to fall on :
wherefore they made many halts, putting themſelves in order to fight ,
and perplexed with the great numbers of the wounded that followed
them, of which they took up ſome, and left others, they made but little
way, fave only three hundred Horſe that fled away by themſelves, with
whom Ignatius arrived about Midnight at Carres, where having called in
Latin to thoſe were upon the Guards of the Walls, he bid them go and
tell Coponius, the Governour of the place, that there had been a great
Fight between Craſſus and the Parthians; and without explaining himſelf
farther, or ſo much as telling his name, advanced towards the Bridge
the truth is, he ſaved thoſe Horſe, but he was blamed by all the World
for forſaking his General, not but that Craſſus had ſome benefit by Coponi-
us, having this advice; for the Governour conjecturing by the ambigui-
ty of his words, and by the ſuddenneſs of his departure, that the Mef-
ſenger brought no good news, immediately drew to Arms whàt Force he
had; and when he had advice that the General was upon the way, went
out to meet him, and gathering up as many of the Soldiers as he could,
conducted them to the City.
XI
As for the Parthians, though they knew well that the Romans were
diſlodged, yet they would not purſue them by night ; but as foon as it
was day, they run to their Camp, and cut the throats of all thoſe they
had left, which amounted to no leſs than four thouſand, and then purſued
the reſt, of whom they took great numbers, whom they found diſperſed
in the plain; beſides four Cohorts, under the conduct of the Lieutenant
Vargonteius, who having ſtragled in the March by night, fell into their
hands encloſed in a ſtrait, where having valiantly defended themſelves ;
they were all cut in pieces, except only twenty Soldiers, who with their
Swords in their hands opened themſelves a paſſage through the midſt of
their Enemies ; and whoſe courage the Enemies themſelves admiring,
fuffered them to paſs at an eaſie rate to Carres, without purſuing them.
Mean while falle intelligence was brought to Surena, that Craljies was
eſcaped with all the conſiderable Perſons in the Army, and that thoſe who
were retired into Carres, were only a company of wretches not worth any
conſideration. Which was the reaſon that not thinking his Victory per-
fect, and deſiring to have more certain news, he quitted his deſign of pur-
ſuing Craſſus; and ſent one of his people,who underſtood both Languages,
before

106
PARTI.
The Parthian War.
before the Walls of Carres, to ask in Latin either for Craffus himſelf, or
Caffius, as if Surena deſired a conference with them, which being heard,
and told to Craſſus and his Friends, diſpleaſed them not. A little while
after, came on the part of the Barbarians certain Arabs, who knew the
faces of Craffus and Caffius, having frequented their Camp before Battel.
Theſe knowing Caffius upon the Wall
, told him that Surena would grant
Peace to the Romans, provided they would be friends to the King, and
depart out of Meſopotamia, and that they believed they had better accept
of that condition, than reduce things to the laſt extremities; whereup-
on Caſſius demanded a time and place for a Conference betwixt the Gene-
rals, and they promiſing to let Surena know it, went their way; Surena
rejoying that he had now theſe two Men now ſhut up, fent next Morn-
ing under the City Walls fome Parthians, who injuriouſly reviling Craf-
ſus and Caffius, demanded them to be delivered up, if the Romans had
a mind to Peace. And now the Chiefs of the Roman Army knowing
that they were betrayed, fell into deſpair ; but yet conſulting what was
beſt to do, they reſolved on a ſudden flight, beſeeching the Conful to
give over thoſe vain and diſtant hopes he placed in the aſſiſtance of the
Armenians. This deſign was not to have been communicated to any of
the Inhabitants of Carres, before the time of its execution, and Crafus dif-
covered it to the moſt perfidious of them all
, called Andromachus, to whoſe
Faith he committed himſelf, taking him for the Guide of the Army: So
that by the means of this Traytor , all the Roman deſigns were preſently
known to the Parthians. And becauſe theſe were not accuſtomed to fight
in the dark, as not eaſie for them to do, Andromachus to retard the Rom
mans March, and by that means give the Enemy time to overtake them,
placed himſelf at the Head of them, going ſometimes on one ſide, and
lometimes on another, till ſuch time as he had engaged them in deep Ma
riſhes, and places full of Ditches, whoſe high Banks forely perplexed the
Army, who yet followed this Traytor; inſomuch, that they were often
forced to go a great way about to find a paſſage. This begat a diſtruſt in
fome, who imagining by the many twinings and windings, that Andro-
machus had an ill intention, refuſed to follow him, of which number was
Caffius, who returned to Carres : And when his Guides, who were Arabs,
urged him to advance before the Moon had paſſed Scorpio: For my part,
* Sagitarious faid he to them, I am much more afraid of * Sagittary. However, part-
fignifies an
ing from Carres, he took the way towards Syria, with five hundred
Horſe; and having found faithful Guides, gained the Mountains, called
Synaces, where before day, there rallied together about five thouſand
Soldiers, conducted by Détavius, an excellent Man. As for Craſſus , day
ſurpriſed him, as he followed Andromachus with incredible labour. He
was accompanied with four Cohorts with Bucklers ; ſome few Horſe, and
five Lictors or Serjeants, with whom having with all the pain and labour
imaginable.overcome the difficulty of the way; the Enemies now drawing
* A Mile and near, he went and poſſeſſed himſelf of an Eminence,diſtant about * twelve
Balf. Furlongs from that, to which Oétavius was retired, but nothing ſo ſtrong
of ſituation, nor of fo difficult approach for the Horſe, but it lay under
the Synbaces , to which it was joyned with a long neck, that croſſed the
Plain. So that Oétavius could not be ignorant of the danger in which the
Conſul was; wherefore himſelf ran firſt to his aſſiſtance with a few peo-
ple, and foon after the reſt of his Forces , reproaching each other with
cowardiſe, followed. They altogether drove the Enemy from the Hill,
and drawing up round about Craffus, and lining their whole Body with
Archer.
their

Book III. The Parthian War.
107
their Bucklers, bravely proteſted, that no Arrow of the Parthians ſhould
reach their General's Body , ſo long as one of them remained alive.
Wherefore Surena, who ſaw the Parthians gave ground, and that if night
came on, the Romans, who had already gained the Mountains, would
eſcape him, aſſaulted Craſſus with cunning, he let go ſome Priſoners, who
had heard ſome of the Barbarians of purpoſe ſaying, That the King would
not be diſſatisfied to have Peace with the Romans, but deſired their Friend-
ſhip, and that if he might obtain it by Craſſus means, he would treat him
favourably. In the mean time, cauſing the fight to ceafe, he after by lit-
tle and little drew near to the Hill, and unbending his Bow, preſented
his hand to Craſſus, defiring him to conſent to an accommodation, he told
him that the King having taken up Arms much againſt his will, the Ro-
mans had made tryal of his Strength and Power, and that now he would
make them taſte of his Goodneſs and Clemency, by ſhowing them his
Favour, and granting ſecurity for their Retreat. Not only the Soldiers,
but the Leaders glad to hear theſe fine words of Surena's, eaſily believed
them. Craſſus was the only man was not deceived. Indeed he ſaw no
reaſon for fo ſudden a change, wherefore he would not preſently con-
ſent, but ſtood thinking what anſwer to return, when the Soldiers be-
gan to cry out with one voice, that they would have Peace, and withal
to revile him, for expoſing them to men, he durft not himſelf approach
diſarmed, as they were ; he endeavoured firſt to perſwade them by en-
treaties and reaſons to have patience the reſt of that day, fince at night
they might eaſily make their retreat, by gaining the Mountains, he
Thowed them the way they ſhould take, begging them not to looſe all
hopes of ſafety, which was now ſo nigh; but when he ſaw that the Sol-
diers enraged, threatned him, and ſmote upon their Bucklers, he was a-
fraid of them, and at parting ſaid only theſe words to thoſe about
him:
The Oration of Craffus.
Ctavius, and you Petronius, and all you Gentlemen of Quality here
preſent, you ſee how I am forced to go, you are witneſſes of the vio-
lence done me ; yet tell all the World, when you have gained a place of Safe-
ty, that Craſſus loſt his life deceived by bis Enemies, but not delivered up
to them by his Citizens.
However, Oitavius and the reſt ſtaid not upon the Hill, but went
down with the Conſul, who would not ſuffer the Lictors to follow him.
As they were going down, two Mongrels or half Greeks came to meet
him, and alighting, made their Reverence to Craffus, intreating him to
fend ſome of his people before to view Surena and his Train , and eſpie
if they were not armed. To which the Conſul made anſwer, That if he
had yet the leaſt deſire to live, he would not have come to put himſelf
into their hands. However, he ſent the Riſcones Brothers to ſpie into
their deſigns, and diſcover their number ; but Surena cauſed them to be
arreſted ; and forthwith advancing with the Chief Men of his Army all
mounted on Horſe-back towards Craſſus : And how (ſaid he, coming near
him) a Roman General on Foot, and we on Horſe-back; and at the ſame
P. 2
inſtant

108
PART I:
The Parthian War.
inſtant commanded a Horſe to be brought him. Craſſus having anſwer-
ed, That neither one nor the other did amiſs in that, ſince each came to
the Conference, after the manner of his Country. Surena faid, That the
Peace was already concluded between Orodes and the people of Rome
and that there wanted nothing but putting the Articles in Writing, which
they would do on the River ſide: For you Romans (faid he) do not uſual-
ly remember your Treaties very well ; and at the ſame inſtant he gave him
his hand: Thereupon the Roman called out to bring his Horſe: To which
Surena ſaid, there was no need of it: For ſee, added he, one which the King
has ſent you; and forthwith one was brought ready Bridled with a Bitt of
Gold, upon which the Footmen mounted him, and placed themſelves on
both ſides to make him advance forward: whereupon Octavius firſt of
all laid hands upon the Horſe Bridle to ſtop him, and one of the Tri-
bunes called Petronius , and after him all the reſt placed themſelves about
the Conſul, to hinder his going farther, and to pull away from about him
thoſe that would have led him forward : Inſomuch, that thus puſhing and
ſhoving one another, they came at laſt to blows, Oétavius drawing his
Sword, flew one of the Barbarian Horſemen, but another ſlew him with
a blow behind. Petronius had no offenſive Arms, but having received on
his Cuiraſs the thruſts made at him, withdrew himſelf from the buſtle
without any wound. As for Craſſus, he was flain by one Maxarthes a
Parthian, though ſome ſay it was done by another, and that Macarthes,
as ſoon as he was down, cut off his head and his right hand : but all
theſe are conjectures, for of all thoſe that were preſent, ſome were ſlain
upon the place, and the reſt nimbly regained the Hill, before which the
Parthians appeared, and called out on the part of Surena, that ſince Craf
fus was puniſhed, all the reſt might come down in ſafety : Some yielded
themſelves, others fled away by night, of which few eſcaped, being
moſt taken and flairi by the Arabs. 'Tis faid that in this expedition
there were twenty thouſand Soldiers ſlain, and ten thouſand taken Pri-
foners.

XII.
Surena fent Craſſus Head and Hand to Orodes into Armenia ; and him-
ſelf having beforehand cauſed a Rumour to be ſpread abroad at Seleucia ,
that he brought Craffus alive, he prepared a certain ridiculous Entry,
which in Mockery he called a Triumph. To this purpoſe he took one
of the Priſoners, called Caius, who much reſembled"Craſus, and having
cloathed him in a Womans Robe, and taught him to anſwer to thoſe
who called him either Craſſus or Emperour, made him enter on Horſe
back into the City, before him marched, mounted on Camels, Trumpets
and Lictors carried Rods with Purſes faſtned to them; and Axes, to which
were tyed the Heads of Romans newly cut off: He was followed by the
Curtiſáns of Seleucia, playing on Inſtruments, and ſinging infamous and
ridiculous Songs of the faintheartedneſs and cowardife of Cralus more
Becoming a Woman than a Man. Such was the publick Spectacle: but
having in particular aſſembled the Senate of Seleucia; he expoſed to them
the laſcivious Fable of Ariſtides the Mileſian, which indeed had been
found among Ruftius his Baggage, from whence he took an ample Sub-
ject to declaim againſt the Romans, who even in time of War could not
abſtain from uncleanneſs, but brought their Books along with them. The
Seleucians upon this took occaſion to admire the Wiſdom of Æſop in
his Fable of the Wallet, ſeeing that Surena carried open in the Pouch be-
fore the Senſualities of the Mileſians, and kept fhup up in that behind
the

Book III.
109
The Partbian War.
the Sybaritick or Effeminate Wantonneſs of the Parthians, bringing a
long himſelf in his Train, multitudes of Coaches full of Concubines ; and
his firſt appearance being like that of Hydra, dreadful and terrible;
where nothing was to be ſeen but Horſes, and Lances, and Bows, whilft
his tail ended in Cimbals, and Songs,and continual Debauches of Women;
not but that Ruftius was to be condemned : but the Parthians are in the
wrong to blame what comes from Miletum; ſince moſt of the Family
of the Arſacides, who have been their Kings, were born of Mileſian and
Ionian Curtiſans. Whilſt theſe things paſſed, Orodes was reconciled withi
Artabalus, having married his Son Pacorus to the Armenians Daughter,
which was followed by Feaſtings, Rejoycing, and Debauches. They act-
ed likewiſe Greek Comedies, for Orodes was not ignorant of the Greek
Tongue, nor of Letters; and for Artabalus, he compoſed both Trage-
dies, Orations and Hiſtories, part of which have been preſerved to our
times. When Craſſus Head was brought to the entrance of the Court,
they were at Table, and a Comedian, called Fafon the Trallian was re-
citing fome Verſes of the part of Agave in the Bacchides of Euripides;
which much delighted the Company. At the fame inſtant Sillaces entred
the Room, where they were at Meat; and making a profound Reve-
rence, threw down the Head in the middle of the Hall
, which being ta-
ken up by the Parthians with ſhouts and general rejoycing: the King com-
manded the Officers they ſhould make room for Sillaces at the Table,
which
they did : then Faſon giving one of the Players upon the Flute his part
to play the Funerals of Pentheus; and himſelf taking the Head of Cralus,
as if he had entred in a fury,began as loud as his voice would reach to ſing
theſe Verſes:
From the Chaſe we bring to you,
Tender Veniſon fat and good,
Which was taken in this Wovd.
All the Company were pleaſed at this Spectacle, but one accident
pleaſed them more ; for when at every Couple the Choire anſwered
ſinging
'Tis to me the Honour's due.

and that one of the Actors danced to it; Maxarthes (for he likewiſe was
at the Feaſt) leaped from the Table, and took the Head out of his
hands that held it, as having more right to it than any other. Where-
upon the King made him Preſents according to the Cuitom of the Coun-
try, and gave Fafon a Talent. Thus Cralus his Expedition ended in a
Tragedy. However, Orodes received ſoon after a puniſhment equal to
his cruelty, as Surena did firſt, what his ſo many violated Oaths de-
ſeryed; for the King ſoon after made him away out of the Envy he
bore to his Glory: and for Orodes , being fallen ſick of the Dropfie,
after that his Son Pacorus had been ſlain in fight againſt the Romans
Phraates his other Son gave him Poyſon, which the force of the Di-
ftemper expelled, ſo that the King grew better upon it, whereupont
Phraates would no more truſt to Poyſon, but taking a ſhorter way
ſtrangled his Father.
Sometime after the Parthian Army marched into Meſopotamia whither XIII
و
their

The Partbian War.
PART I.
their Captains ſent for Labienus, and choſe him General, reſolved under
his conduct to invade Syria; and carry their Arms as far as Alexandria. He
accepted the Dignity, and at the head of that Army had already pillaged
and ſpoiled all that part of Aſia, lying between Euphrates and the Ionian Sea,
when complaints thereof came to Anthony, who thereupon took a refolu-
tion to make War upon the Parthians. But being recalled by the prayers
and tears of his Fulvia, he returned into Haly, where having made an Al
liance with Cæfar and Pompey, who was in Sicily, he ſent Ventidius before in-
to Aſia to oppoſe the Parthians, and hinder their further Progreſ, and ha-
ving for himſelf by the favor of his Friends, obtained the Dignity of high
Prieſt, which was held by the defunct Cafar, he ſtayd ſometime in Rome,
managing in fellowſhip with them the Publick affairs with great Concord.
There was at this this time in Anthony's train an Egyptian Aſtrologer who
(whether it were to gratifie Cleopatra, or that it were ſo indeed ) took the
boldneſs to tell him, that his fortune was indeed very great and ſplendid,
but that it was obſcured by Caſars, counſelling him to keep as far off that
young Man as he could; for ſaid he to him your Genius is over awed by his.
This diſcourſe diſpleaſed Anthony, however he followed the Egyptians
Counſel, and having recommended his affairs to Cæfar, came into Greece
and ſtayd that Winter at Athens, where having advice of the firſt ſucceſs
of Ventidius Arms, that not only Labienus but Phraates the greateſt of Oro
des Captains were ſlain, he made a Solemn Feaſt for the Greeks, and gave
them the Divertiſement of Plays and Exerciſes. And afterward being
ready to ſet forward to the War, he took a Crown of Sacred Olive, and to
ſatisfie a certain Oracle, carried along with him a Jar full of the Water of
the Fountain Clepſydra. Mean while Pacorus the Kings Son, being newly
entred Syria with a powerful Army,Ventidius defeated him at Cyriſta. The
ſlaughter here was very great, and Pacorus himſelf was ſlain fighting in the
head of his Army, ſo that this great Victory revenged the loſs the Romans
had ſuffered under Craſſus, and the Parthians after having been thrice
more beaten, were forced to keep within the bounds of Media and Meſo-
potamia. Ventidius would not purſue them farther,leſt he ſhould contract
Anthony's envy, yet whilſt he expected him, he reduced to obedience thoſe
Cities, had revolted and held Antiochus Commagenes beſieged in Samoſata fo
cloſely, that he offered a thouſand Talents, and to refer himſelf to Anthony's
diſcretion. He was not now far off, wherefore Ventidius thought it beſt
that he ſhould ſend Deputies to him that he himſelf might conclude the
peace, being well content that Anthony ſhould have the preheminence in
this affair, left he ſhould think. Ventidius aſſumed to himſelf all the Autho-
rity, but the Siege having laſted long, and the beſieged out of deſpair re-
ſuming Courage, Anthony was ſatisfied to take up with three hundred Ta-
lents, and granted peace to Antiochus. Afterward having taken ſome
order in the Syrian affairs, he returned to Athens, giving Ventidius all thoſe
teſtimonies of his Eſteem, his Services had merited, and ſent him to Rome
to receive the Honor of Triumph, and he is the only Roman, who till theſe
our times ever Triumphed over the Parthians. He was but of mean Birth,
and mounted not to that high degree of Glory, but by the Friendſhip of
Anthony, which he made ſuch good uſe of, that he confirmed the opinion,
that Anthony and Cafar lucceeded more happily by their Lieutenants then
by themſelves, for Soſius one of Anthony's Captains had done Worthy Acti-
ons in Syria, fo had likewiſe Canidius in his Station on the Confines of Ar-
menia, having overcome the Kings of Armenia, Iberia, Albania,made his way
as far as Caucaſus, and gained to the name of Anthony, Fame and Honor
among the Barbarians
Phraates

Book III.
The Partbian War.
Phraates having poſſeſſed himſelf of the Eſtates of his Father Crodes XIV: .
by the Parricide before fpoken of, many Parthians left the Kingdom, one of
which called Moneſes, a Man of Eſteem, and Power, addreſſed himſelf to
Anthony, who comparing the Fortune of this Fugitive with that of Themi-
ftocles, and equalling himſelf to the Perſian Kings both for Riches and
Largneſs of Mind, gave him three Cities, Lariſſa, Arethuſa and Hierapolis,
formerly called Bambice. Afterwards the King having recalled and given
him ſecurity for his return; Anthony freely diſiniſſed him, that he might
flatter Phraates with hopes of peace; whilt himſelf out of a paſſionate de-
fire he had to recover the Enſigns Craffus had loft, and the Captives that
were yet living, fends back Cleopatra into Egypt, and by the way of Aran
bia, fets forward towards Armenia where he had appointed the Rendevouz
of his Forces and thoſe the Kings were to bring him, for there were many
Friends and Allies of the Romans of whom Artabaſis King of Armenia, the
moſt conſiderable, furniſhed him with ſixteen thouſand Horſe and ſeven
thouſand Foot, ſo that at the Muſter taken when his Army was drawn to-
gether, the Roman and Italian Foot, amounted to fixty thouſand Men, the
Spaniſh and Gaul Horſe to ten thouſand, and the Auxiliary Forces to thirty
thouſand, accounting the Light-armed Horſe and Foot. 'Tis ſaid that all
this great preparation, and all theſe forces, which ſtruck terror into the
Bactrians and fartheſt diſtant Indians, proved invalid , by the means of
Cleopatra only, That Anthony, that he might the fooner ſee her, began the
War without ſtaying for a ſeaſon proper for the Execution of his deſigns,
that having as it were his underſtanding infatuated, he did all things incon-
fiderately, and was ſo deeply in love with this Woman that he thought
not ſo much of overcoming as of returning ſpeedily to her. For whereas
he ought to have let his Army Winter in Armenia, the better to refreſh it,
tyred as it was with a march of * eight thouſand furlongs and in the Spring * À thousand
have fallen into Media, before the Parthians were in the Field, he could not Mles,
brook this delay, but ſetting forward with his Troops, and leaving Arme-
nia on the left hand and entring into Atropacena,ſpoiled that whiole Country,
beſides having in his Train three hundred Waggons laden with Engines for
Sieges, among which there was one Ram of ſeventy Foot long, which
could by no means be repaired if once it were broken, becauſe in thoſe
Countries no Materials were to be found, there neither growing any trees
long enough, nor Wood liard enough: to the end he might march the
ſwifter, he left behind all theſe carriages under the Guard of one Officer
with ſome Forces. After which beſieging a great City called Phraates in
which was the Wife of the King of the Medes, with his Children, he was
Toon ſenſible what a fault he had committed in leaving behind thoſe Engines;
yet he attempted to take the City by raiſing Taraffes againſt the Wall, but
this was a work of labor and advanced but ſlowly.
Mean while Phraates took the Field with a powerful Army to come
againſt the Romans, and having iritelligence that they had left behind the
Waggons and Engines, he ſent a great Body of Horſe, who cut in pieces
Stratianus and ten thouſand Foot that he Commanded. And after having
taken the Engines flew a great quantity of others of which number was
the King Polemon, which diſhearted, and not without reaſon, thoſe who
had engaged in Anthony's party, diſmayed at fo mournful a begimming;
Infomuch that Artabalius King of Armenia, who had been the Principal
Cauſe of this War giving over all thoſe hopes he had conceived of the Ro-
manis

112
I be Partbian War.
PART İ.
* Above ſia
Miles.
mans retired with his Army into his own Country. And now the Par-
thians having ſent relief into the City with a thouſand injurious threats re-
viled the Romans, ſo that Anthony, that he might not let the courages of
his Men cool in the Idleneſs of a Siege, took with him ten Legions, three
Prætorian Cohorts and all his Cavalry to go and gather in Proviſions and
Forrage, hoping the Enemy would come to oppoſe him, and ſo he might
gain an opportunity to Fight. After his firſt days march the Parthians ap-
peared, and he ſeeing that they began to enlarge their Battail round about
the Roman Camp with deſign to cut off his way of return, he Commanded
to Sound a March, and to pack up the Tents, as if he were preparing to
diſcamp, and not to Fight, which done he cauſed his Army to March be-
fore the Enemies in form of a Creſcent with Orders to the Cavalry to
charge as ſoon as the Vanguard was advanced, that fo the Legions at the
ſame time might come to the Charge. The Parthians mean while admi-
red the Excellent Order of the Roman Army, ſeeing the Soldiers pafs
along, keeping their Ranks, and Brandiſhing their Piles without making
the leaſt noiſe, but as ſoon as the Signal was given, and the firſt ſhout
made, the Roman Horſe preſſed forward to Charge the Parthians, and came
in ſo cloſe to them, that they could no more make uſe of their Arrows.
Yet they ſtood their ground for ſome time till the Legionary Soldiers run-
ing in with their ſhouts, and the noiſe of their Bucklers, fo horribly af-
frighted the Horſes of the Enemy, that they turned Tail without ſtriking
blow. Anthony hoping that this battel would end the War, or at leaſt
give a good ſtroke towards Victory,purſued them hard. But when the In-
fantry had driven them before them * fifty furlongs, and the Horſe had
followed them, thrice as far, and that they found but thirty Priſoners,
and not above fourſcore ſlain, their courages fell at the conſideration of
how few they had deſtroyed in this victory in compariſon of the Numbers
they had loſt at the defence of the Carriages. Next Morning they advan-
ced to go and force Phraates his Camp, but meeting in their march at firſt
with a few Parthians, after that with a greater Number, and at laſt with
the whole Army,who as if they had not been beaten the day before, came
to the charge and aſſailed them on all ſides, they with much pains and dif-
ficulty recovered their Camp, where the Medes whom they beſieged, ha-
ving ſtormed the Paliſado, and driven off thoſe that defended it, Anthony
fell into ſuch a paſſion that he decimated all thoſe had quitted their Poſts,
he drew them off by Decuries or Tens, and making them draw Lots, con-
demned the unfortunate to death, and inſtead of Wheat gave only Barley
Bread to the reſt. This War was troubleſome to both parties, and each
feared more grievous conſequences. For Anthony could no longer go
abroad to ſeek Proviſion or forrage without having ſome of his People
llain or wounded, and Phraates who knew well that the Parthians would
rather endure any thing than to keep the Field all Winter out of their own
Country, was afraid leſt if the Romans continued the War his People
would forſake him, the Air already growing cold by reaſon of the Au-
tumnal Equinox.Wherefore he made uſe of this Artifice. Some Parthians
known to the Romans, meeting them forraging treated them kindly, letting
them go away with their burthens and praiſing their valor which their
King himſelf admired, and that with reaſon, for indeed they were the moft
valiant Men in the World, and then by degrees drawing nearer they bla-
med Anthony, that he would not make peace with the King, and ſpare the
lives of ſo many brave people, whom he only ſuffered to loſe time, and
without giving them opportunity of Fighting made them wait for two
cruel

Book III.
The Parthian War.
113
* Taken in
cruel Enemies, Famine and Winter , and that in ſuch places as their
March would be difficult, though the Parthians themſelves were their
Guides. This being ſeveral times reported to Anthony, he began to be
more tractable ; yet he would not ſend to the Parthian, till he had cauſed
inquiry to be made of theſe honeſt Barbarians, whether it were by their
Kings Order they had ſpoke to the Roman Soldiers:which when they liad af
ſured it was, conjuring them not to have the leaſt fear or jealouſie, he dif-
patched one of his Friends to the King, to demand the * Enſigns and the
Captives, that he might not ſeem to be content with an honourable Re- Craffus war.
treat only; to which anſwer was returned, That he ſhould not ſpeak of
that, but that Peace, and a ſafe Retreat ſhould be granted him, on condi-
tion he would ſpeedily depart, which he did few days after.
Though he were very Eloquent in all Aſſemblies, whether Civil or XVI:
Military, yet ſhame and ſadneſs would not let him now ſpeak to his Ar-
my himſelf
. He gave Commiſſion to Domitius Ænobarbus to take his
place, and to exhort the Soldiers to be couragious ; fome took it ill, think-
ing he did it in fcorn; but the greater part knowing the cauſe, the eaſilier
compoſed themfelves to his thoughts. As he was deſigning with him
ſelf to return the way he came through the naked Deſerts, a certain Mar-
dian, of whoſe Courage and Fidelity the Romans had trial in the Fight
for defence of the Engines, and who knew the manner of the Par-
thians living, came to him, and adviſed him to take his March by the
Foot of the Mountains, which lay on the right hand , and not to expoſe
his Army loaden with Arms, to ſuch infinite numbers of Archers on
Horſe-back in Plains fo vait, and without any covert ; for that Phraates
had no other deſign, but to fall upon him, when by fair words he had made
him leave his Trenches; and therefore he offered himſelf, both to lead
them a ſhorter way, and in which they ſhould find abundance of whatever
was neceſſary for the Soldiers. Anthony propoſed this in Council, not
feeming to diſtruſt the Peace agreed on by the Parthians, but telling them
he ſhould be well ſatisfied to take a ſhorter way,by which they ſhould find
good Villages, and that nothing elſe was to be done, but to take good fe-
curity of the Mardian: And he of himſelf deſired he might be bound till
they had reached Armenia; and thus bound, put himſelf at the Head of
the Army, and led them two days without any alarm : but on the third,
whilſt Anthony thought of nothing leſs than the Parthians; and that up-
on the aſſurance of the Peace, the Army marched without ſtanding on
their Guard, the Mardian eſpying the Bank of a River newly broken, and
the way, by which they were to paſs, full of Water; he judged the Par-
thians had done it to put a ſtop to the Romans, by making difficult the
paſſage, and ſhowing it to Anthony, adviſed him to prepare to receive the
Enemy. The Roman General preſently Martialled his Army , leaving
between the Ranks ſpaces for the Darters and Slingers to make their diſ-
charges. At the ſame time the Parthians appeared, perſwading them-
felves they ſhould now compaſs in the Army, and defeat them ; but the
light-armed Foot drawing off to receive them, charged them ſo briskly,
that after many wounds given and taken they retreated; yet for ſeveral
times they renewed the skirmiſh, till the Gaul Horſe marched againſt
them in a Body, and treated them ſo ſeverely, that the remainder of that
day they durſt attempt them no more. Anthony, by this affault, know-
ing what he had to do hereafter, made the Army March in Battalia on
four Fronts , linining not only the Rear, but likewiſe the Flanks with
Darters

114
PARTI
The Parthian War.
Darters and Slingers,and giving Order to the Horſe to repulſe the Enemy,if
they came to attack them, but not to purſue them too far, after they had
chaſed them back; fo that the Parthians, after having thus followed them
four days with equal loſs, began to give it over, and making the ground
of their departure to be the approaching Winter, diſpoſed themſelves on
the morrow to leave off the purſuit.
XVII.
The day before they were to be gone, one of Anthonies Captains, called
Flavius Gallus, a Valiant and Worthy Man, requeſted a greater number
of the Light-armed Foot, for defence of the Rearguard, and ſome part
of the Calvalry from the Wings, as if he had ſome brave exploit to put
in execution. Having obtained his defire, he ſet himſelf to chaſe back
the Enemies, that came to skirmiſh, not as before, retreating in his Bo-
dy, as ſoon as he had made them give ground; but charging them home,
and obſtinately maintaining the Fight, which being obſerved by thoſe who
maintained the Rearguard, they recalled him for fear leſt being divided
from the Army , the Enemy ſhould encompaſs him. 'Tis ſaid farther,
that Titius the Queſtor ſtaid the Enſigns to make him return, reproving
him for looſing ſo many brave Men; but that Gallus quarrelling with him,
and bidding him meddle with his own Affairs, he left him, and joyned with
the main Body. Gallus charging forward on the Enemy, with two
much heat, found himſelf beſet in the Rear, and on all ſides oppreſſed
with Showers of Arrows, ſo that he was forced to ſend for aid ; in which
the Colonels of the Legions, and among the reſt Canidius, who had much
power with Anthony, ſeem to have committed a great fault; for where-
as they ought to have marched with all their Force thither, they ſent
only ſome few Cohorts; and as thoſe were defeated, others, not obſerving
that by this means the Army would by little and little be put to the rour,
and had been ſo, if Anthony himſelf had not fpeedily made in with all
the Vanguard; but now the third Legion advancing athwart the Fly-
ers, and ſtanding the ſhock of the Enemy, ftop'd them ſhort, and hindred
their paſſing farther. There were no leſs than three thouſand men ſlain
in this Engagement , and five thouſand brought off wounded, among
whom was Gallus thruſt through and through with four Arrows, of which
he dyed not long after. Anthony went among the Tents to viſit the o-
thers, comforting them, and weeping himſelf out of grief and compaf
fion; but they rejoycing to ſee him, took him by the hand, and pray'd
him to take care of his own health, and not afflict himſelf any more.
They called him their Emperour, and told him their wounds were all
healed, whilſt they ſaw him well. And indeed, there appears not in all
that Age to have been any General that had an Army ſo vigorous, ſo
brave, and ſo patient; and if we have regard to the reſpect and obedi-
ence they bore him, as well great as ſmall
, Officers as Soldiers, and the
high account they made of his favour, preferring it before their own
fafety, or their very lives ; certainly he yielded to none of the Ancient Ro-
mans, and ſurely they were diſpoſed to it by many Motives, by his Noble-
neſs, his Eloquence, his Uprightneſs, his Liberality both frequent and
great; and by the ſweetneſs of his familiar Converſation: but above all
his tenderneſs and compaſſion for the afflicted, and the care he took to
ſee them furniſhed with all things neceſſary, made the ſick and wound-
ed almoſt as well ſatisfied , as if they had been well. Now this Victo-
had fo raiſed the Enemies hearts, before almoſt tired and deſpairing,
that they paſſed that night near the Camp in hopes e'er long to be plun-
dring

Book II. The Parthian War.
115
15.
ring the Publick Treaſure and find the Tents deſerted. On the morrow
they aſſembled in far greater Numbers, ſo that it is thought they could not
be leſs then forty thouſand Horſe; for the King fent thoſe of his own train
one after another, as to an evident and aſſured victory (for as for himſelf
he never engaged in perſon.) In the mean time Anthony deſigning to make
an Oration to his Soldiers would have put on a ſad coloured habit to move
the more Compaſſion, but his Friends diſwading him from it, he came to
the Aſſembly in the Habit of General, he praiſed thoſe had behaved them-
ſelves well, and declaimed againſt thoſe that fled, of whom the firſt de-
fired him to be of good Courage, and the laſt having given reaſons for
their flight offered themſelves to be decimated or what other puniſhment
he pleaſed, ſo that he would forbear to afflict himſelf, and to look ill upon
them. Thereupon lifting up his eyes to heaven, he befought the Gods;
that if any Divinity were jealous of his paſt happineſs, they
would let all
the miſeries wherewith he was threatned to fall upon his own head, and
give Victory to the reſt of the Army. The next day they again ſet forward
in better Order, ſo that the hopes of the Parthians who alſailed them be:
gan to decay, for they thought they were come to Pillage and Plunder and
not to fight; but finding themſelves ftiifly beat back by the Roman Piles,
which the Soldiers now diſcharged with a wonderful Alacrity, they once
again were forced to give ground. Yet ceaſed they not from following the
Roman Army, and one day as they galled them with their Arrows, whilſt
they were deſcending a little Hill
, the Targetiers faced about, and after
having received the light Armed Foot into the Ranks, fet their Knees to
the ground, and Ranging their Bucklers one above another, formed a
* Teſtudo, where the Bucklers riſing by degrees Reſembled in ſome mea- * só called bea
ſure the Seats of a Theater. And indeed this was an Excellent Rampire cauſe of its re-
againſt the Arrows for they ſlid away on both ſides the Teſtudo. The Par- 'Tortoise Shetla
thians thinking the Romans were thus ſet down out of wearineſs,giving over
their Bow's came to charge them at Push of Pike, but they Riſing all at once,
and giving a great ſhout, with their Piles broke the foremoſt Ranks, and
forced the relt to Flight.
But in the mean time Famine began forely to oppreſs the Army, for the XVIII.
Soldiers being continually in Fight, could not range abroad for Proviſions,
beſides there wanted Mills, the greateſt part being left behind becauſe either
Beaſts of Carriage were dead, or imployed to carry the ſick and wound-
ed, ſo that 'tis ſaid a Buſhel of Wheat, Athens Meaſure, was ſold for fifty
Drams, and Barly Bread for its weight in Silver, they were forced at laſt
to eat Roots and Herbs, and becauſe they found but few that were known
they were neceſſitated to make experiment of all they met with, and un-
happily fell upon an Herb that cauſed Madneſs, and in the concluſioni
proved death, for as ſoon as any had eaten of it, they loſt their Underſtand
ing and Memory, and fell to turning upſide down, and removing all the
Stones they met with, believing they were at work upon ſome very ſerious
matter, ſo that all the Camp was filled with People rooting up, and remo-
ving Stones from one place to another, who at laſt died vomiting of
Cholor. Wine was the Cure for this Diſtemper, but it was not to be
had, inſomuch that 'tis ſaid Antbony feeing ſo many of his people die, and
the Parthians ſtill at his heels, often cryed out, Oh the ten thouſand! Ad-
miring thoſe ten thouſand Men who under the Conduct of Xenophon march-
ed a much longer way making their retreat from the. Plaills of Babylon to
the Sea without looſing ſo much as one Man though in their way they
Q2
were

116
PART I.
The Parthian War.
were often aſſaulted by far greater Numbers of Enemies. The Parthians
ſeeing they could not hinder the Romans March, nor engage them to di-
vide one from the other, and that they had been often beaten, began again
to talk civilly to thoſe, went abroad for Corn and Forrage, ſhowing themi
their unbent Bows and telling them that now they might freely go, and in-
deed there appeared only fome Medes, who paſſed a day or two's march
farther, without committing any Act of Hoftility, but only under prétence
to ſecure the Towns diſtant from the great Road. After theſe Civilities
and Fair words, the Romans were ſomewhat more hearty. Anthony him-
ſelf grew a little pleaſant and began to have ſome inclination for the way
of the plain, becauſe it was told him, that there was greater conveniency
of Water then in the Mountains. As he had reſolved it,one of the Enemies
called Mithridates, Couſin to that Moneſes who had fled for refuge to
Anthony, and to whom he had given three Cities, came to the Camp, and
asked for any one that could talk with him, either in the Syrian or Parthian
Tongue. Alexander of the City of Antioch a truſty Friend of Anthonies
preſenting himſelf, the Parthian after having told him, that what he did
was for Moneſes ſake, asked him if he ſaw far afore thoſe high Mountains
that touched one another. He making Anſwer he ſaw them well. The
Parthians (ſaid the other) lie there in Ambuſh with all their Forces (for
this Plain extends it ſelf as far as thoſe Mountains) and there they wait
for you out of hopes that giving credit to their fair words, you will leave
your Road to Croſs the Plain. In the other way you have nothing to ſuffer
but Labor and Thirſt to which you are already accuſtomed, but if you en-
gage in this, Anthony will ſcarce comę better off then Craſſus
. And ha-
ving ſaid thus much he departed. This being reported to Anthony he was
afraid, and conferred with his Friends, and with the Mardian,whom he
found of the ſame judgment, for he knew that the way of the Plain though
there were rio Enemy to be feared, was hard to find, and many difficult
paſſes whilſt all the inconvenience of the other was want of water only for
one days march. Determining therefore to take the way of the Moun-
tains and to depart the ſame night, Orders were given to the Soldiers to
furniſh themſelves with water, and becauſe the moſt part wanted Veſſels,
they filled their Head-pieces and certain skins ſewed together. The Army
was already ſet forward, when the Parthians having intelligence of it,
contrary to their cuſtom followed them by night. About break of day they
came up with the Rearguard, and fell upon them, tired as they were with
Thirty Miles, Travel and want of ſleep, for that night the Romans had marched * two
a thing almost hundred and forty Furlongs, and did not believe the Enemy could be ſo
though so good foon upon them, which made them almoſt looſe their Courage, beſides
"an Hiſtorian their thirſt encreaſed with their Fight, being forced to fight and march
together. Mean while the Vanguard met with a River clear and cool,
but whoſe ſalt and venemous waters, ulcerated the bowels as ſoon as they
were drunk, and provoked an intolerable thirſt. The Mardian had gi-
ven notice to the Soldiers of it, but that could not hinder them, though he
forbad it never fo much from drinking. Anthony himſelf came amongſt
them, and conjured them to have yet a little patience, ſhewing them
that they were not far from another River where they might drink, and
that henceforward the way was craggy and unacceſſible for Horſe, and
therefore the Enemy muſt of neceſſity retire; at the ſame time he cauſed
the Retreat to be Sounded, that at leaſt the Soldiers might a little refreſh
themſelves in the ſhade.
tao
articolo
As
& *
boyite it.

Book III.
117
The Partbian War.
XIX.
As they pitch'd their Tents, and that the Parthians were retired, ac-
cording to their Cuſtom. Mithridates came again, and Alexander going
out to meet him, he adviſed him to raiſe the Camp, after the Army had
never ſo little refreſhed themſelves, and to march with all the ſpeed they
could paſt the other River, for that was the bounds of the Parthians, be-
yond which they wonld not go. This advice being brought to Anthony ,
heſent to the Parthians by Alexander Cups and Veſſels of Gold, of which
he took as much as his Coat would cover. The reſt of this days Marchi
was without any Alarm, but the night following was troubled by the
Romans themſelves, who made it both hurtful and dangerous ; for they
killed thoſe who had any Gold or Silver to rob them, plundered the pub-
lick Treaſury loaden on the Beaſts of Carriage, and at laft, Anthony's own
Equipage, even to his neceſſary Veſſels and Tables of ineſtimable price ,
which the Thieves broke in pieces, and divided amongſt them, that
occafioned ſo great a tumult, and ſo ſtrange an affright (for they thought
the Enemy already maſter of the Baggages) that Anthony having called
to him one of his Guards, named Ramnus, who was his freed Man, he
forced him to promiſe him upon Oath to run him through with his Sword,
as ſoon as he ſhould command it, and to cut off his Head, left he ſhould
fall into the power of the Enemy; or be known when he was dead. This
diſcourſe having drawn tears from Anthony's Friends : The Mardian came
to intreat him to take Courage, by telling him, that by a certain moiſt and
freſh Wind very pleaſant to the Noſtrils, lie knew well they were not
for from the River, which he gueſſed beſides by the length of the way they
had gone ; and the time (for the night was far ſpent) At the ſame time
they brought him word, that all the Tumult was occaſioned by the ava-
rice of the Soldiers, who had plundered one another ; wherefore that he
might put in order this troubled and diſperſed multitude, he made a halt;
about break of day, the Tumult being quite calmed, every one began to
fall into his Rank, when on a ſudden the Rearguard felt the Parthian Ar-
rows; the Light-armed Foot was preſently commanded out, and the Tar-
getiers, as before, formed a Teſtudo againſt the Enemies ſhot, who durſt
not approach them too nigh. At laſt, having fought in this manner for
fome little way, the Vanguard perceived the River, where being arrived,
the Horſe was ſent out againſt the Parthians, and they began to paſs over
the ſick. The Fight by little and little grew colder, for the Parthians at:
the fight of the River unbent their Bows, telling the Romans they might
paſs without any fear, and highly commending their Courage: When
they were got on the other ſide, they repoſed themſelves at leiſure, then
ſet forward on their March, not confiding too much in the words of the
Parthians; and ſix days after their laſt Fight, they arrived on the Banks
of Araxis, a River which divides Media from Armenia, they thought it
both deep and rapid; and there was a rumour ſpread, that the Enemy
was coming to encounter them at their paſſage : but after they had happi-
ly croſſed it, and ſaw themſelves in ſecurity, in the Territories of Armenia,
as if they had gained a Port after a Storm ; they adored the Earthi, em-
bracing one another, and weeping for joy, yet it happened, that coming
into a Country abundant in all things, after ſo long a ſcarcity, they fo
overcharged their Stomachs, that many of them fell fick, either of the
Dropſie or Colick. Anthony, out of danger , took a Muſter of his Ar
my, and found that he had loſt in this Expedition twenty thouſand Foot,
and four thouſand Horſe, of which more than half dyed of ſickneſs. Since
his

118
PARTI
The Parthian War.
his departure from about Phraates till this time, he had made ſeven and
twenty days March without reſting, during which he had fought eighteen
times againſt the Parthians with advantage : But theſe Victories were to
no purpoſe; for not being able to purſue the Enemies far after he had
routed them, they remained imperfe&t. Now it is firmly believed, that
Artabalus,
King of Armenia, was the cauſe that Anthony gained not an ab-
folute Victory; for had he had with him the fixteen thouſand Horfe
armed after the manner of the Parthians, and accuſtomed to fight with
them, which that King led back out of Media, the Parthians ſo many
times overcome, could never have rallied, becauſe that after the Romans
had routed them the Armenians following the chaſe,had made it a perfect
Victory. Wherefore all men adviſed Anthony to puniſh Artabafus; but
he thought he did more prudently, not to reproach him with his perfidi-
ouſneſs. On the contrary, he remitted nothing of the Honour and Civi-
ty he uſually ſhewed him, becauſe he ſaw his Army weak, and in a tyred
condition: but making another Voyage into Armenia, he obliged him by
fair words to come and meet him; and having arreſted him, led him
Captive to Alexandria, whither he entred in Triumpli, which much dif-
pleaſed the Romans, who were vexed that he communicated the Honours
of their Cities to the Egyptians : but this happened in the time of the
Declination of the Republick. After this, the Kings of the Medes and
Parthians quarrelled about the Roman Spoils; wherefore the Median ſee-
ing himſelf the weakeſt, and fearing to looſe his Kingdom, ſent to An-
thony to engage him to begin the War afreſh, offering him to that effect
his Forces, and his Alliance. Upon theſe offers the Roman conceived
great hopes, becauſe he believed that to have fubdued the Parthians, he
wanted nothing but Archers and Horſemen, which now offered of them-
ſelves: he was therefore reſolved to paſs into Armenia, with deſign to
make-a conjunction of his Forces, with thoſe of the Mede on the Banks of
Araxes; and fo go together to make War upon the Parthians; but be-
ing prevented by the diſſentions of Octavius and Cleopatra, he referred this
Expedition to another Seaſon, though 'tis ſaid the Parthians were at this
time divided among themſelves. He notwithſtanding orice afterwards re-
turned to Media, where having contracted an Alliance and Friendſhip
with that King, he demanded one of his Daughters, whom he married
to one of his Sons he had by Cleopatra; and that done , he returned,
becauſe of the Civil Wars, which now began to break out into a
flame.
The End of the Parthian War.

APPIAN

119
A P P I AN
OF
ALEXANDRIA,
HIS
HISTORY
OF THE
Roman Wars
WITH
MITHRID ATES.

I I
PART I.
EM
Book IV.
valid
so
The Argument of this Book.

I.
He importance of this War, and the Power of Mithridates. II. The
Foundation of the Kingdom of Bithynia. III. Foundation of the
Kingdom of Cappadocia, and the cauſe or pretence of the Roman Wars
againſt Mithridates. IV. Mithridates ſends Pelopidas to the Roman
Commiſſaries to complain of Nicomedes. V. Mithridates fieles on Cap-
padocia


120
The Romans War
PART I.
padocia for bis Son, and Pelopidas in 'vain remonftrates the State of
Matters to the Roman Commisſaries. VI. The beginning of the war
by the firſt Battel between Nicomedes, and the Lieutenants of Mithri-
dates, wherein Nicomedes is defeated. VII. Sundry ſucceſſes of Mi-
thridates Arms. VIII. The Commiſſion of this War given to Sylla,
and the Maſſacre of the Italians in Aſia. IX. The Siege of Rhodes by
Mithridates, who is forced to raiſe it. X. The Siege of the Port of Pir-
um, and of Athens by Sylla. XI. The City of Athens taken and
faced,
and after it the Port of Piræum. XII. The Battel between Sylla and Arche-
laus, near Cheronea, where Sylla defeats Archclaus. XIII. Mithridates
cruelty to the Tetrarchs of Aſia, and Inhabitants of the Iſland of Chios.
XIV. The fight between Sylla and Archelaus near Orchomene , where
Archelaus is beaten. XV. The Actions of Fimbria, and the ſecond ſacking
of Troy. XVI. The firſt accommodation betwixt Mithridates and the Ro-
mans. XVII. The death of Fimbria ; Sylla's ſettlement of Aſia, and re-
turn to Rome. XVIII. The ſecond War with Mithridates by Muræna,
which foon ends with a ſecond Peace. XIX. The beginning of the third
War of the Romans againſt Mithridates, wherein he at firſt hath the ad-
vantage. XX. Lucullus being Conſul, hath Commiſſion for this War,
raiſes the Siege of Cyfica, and
beſieges Mithridates, to the loſs of his whole
Army. XXI. Many Fights between Lucullus and Mithridates, who is at
laſt forced to retire to Tigranes. XXII. Lucullus makes War on Tigra-
nes, and Mithridates together, and after many Viktories is revoked.
XXIII. Pompey's War againſt the Pirates. XXIV. Pompey's actions ab-
gainſt Mithridates, who forſakes his Kingdom. XXV. Pompey's Con-
queſts in Aſia. XXVI. Mithridates returns with new Forces, and
pares to renew the IV ar. XXVII. His Son Pharnaces confpires againſt him ;
his Death and Elogy. XXVIII. Pompey ſettles the Aſian Affairs, re-
turns to Rome, and enters in Triumph.
pre-
1.
M
Ithridates being dead, after having maintained War againſt
the Romans for two and forty years they added to their Em-
pire Bithynia, Caappdocia, and all the Neighbouring Nations
bordering on the Euxine Sea: and as the putting an end to
this War, raiſed their Courage ; ſo they ſubdued, as a con-
ſequence to it, all the reſt of Cilicia; the Provinces of Syria, which are
Phenicia, Caloſyria and Paleſtine, with all the Upland nigh the Euphrates,
which were never poffeffed by Mithridates : They impoſed Tributes pre-
ſently on ſome of theſe people,but ſubjected not others to it, till ſome time
after. As for Paphlagonia, Galatia, Phrygia, the Myſia contiguous to it,
together with Lydia, Ionia, Caria, and other parts of Aſia, which depend-
ed on the Kingdom of Pergamus, with the old Greece and Macedon, of
which Mithridates was ſeiſed, they reduced them under their obedience ,
and impoſed Tributes on ſeveral Nations, that had never before paid them
any. 'Tis for theſe Reaſons (as I imagine) they eſteemed this War of ſuch
importance to them, that they termed this Victory fo Magnificent; and
that they gave (which remains to this our age) that General, under whoſe
Conduct they had performed all theſe brave Actions, the firname of Great,
becauſe of the great numbers of Provinces, he either reſtored to their Empire,
or added by Conqueft: beſides,alſo for the length of this War,andthe Gene-
roſity of Mithridates, who was both powerful and indefatigable, (as he fuf-
ficiently made appear) for he had more than four hundred Ships of his own,
Boobs
and

Book IV.
121
with Mithridates.
11
and hath ſomreimes had in Arms fifty thouſand Horſe, and two hundred
and fifty thouſand Foot, with all Engines of War, and Arms neceſſary for
ſo great a Multitude. He was likewiſe ſupported by the Kings and So-
veraigns of Armenia, Scythia, and all thoſe Nations inhabiting from Pon-
tus, and the Palus Mæotis to the Thracian Boſphorus. He was ſent
likewiſe to make Alliance with ſome of the principal men of Rome, who
were then engaged in a troubleſome Civil War, and ſome of which had
fieſed on Spain, he treated with the Gauls, that on that ſide he might de-
Iturb Italy. He likewiſe filled the Sea from Gallicia to the Pillars of Her
cules with Pyrates, who diſturbing Navigation, and hindring Traffick be
tween the Cities, cauſed for a long time great ſcarcity of Proviſions. Til
ſhort, he did and attempted all that was poſſible. Inſomuch, that all the
people, from the Eaſt to the Weſt, found themſelves concerned in theſe
Commotions; for either they were in Arms themſelves, or ſent Auxilia-
ry Troops, or were tormented by the Corſaires; or by their Neighbours,
or elſe for their Neighbours fakes : So many different intereſts there were
in this War. The Romans alone gain'd advantage by it : For after it was
finiſhed, they extended their Empire from the Weſt, as far as Euphrates:
I could not poſſibly divide by Provinces what paſſed in each, be-
cauſe the moſt conſiderable Actions were done at the ſame time, and are
link'd one within another: But I have treated of them apart where ever
they would admit of a ſeparation.
The Greeks are of opinion, that the Thracians, who went to the Wars
of Troy under Rheſus (their Captain being by night ſlain by Diomedes, as
Homer ſays) retired themſelves to the Mouth of the Euxine Sea, where
there is but a ſmall ſtrait to paſs over into Thrace; but for want of Ship-
ing, a part of them ſtaid there, and called the Country Bebrycia; and the
reſt paſs’d over above Byzantium, to the place where the Bithynian Thra-
cians inhabit, near the River Bithyas ; from whence being forced by Fa-
mine, they returned to Bebricia, whoſe name they changed, and called it
Bithynia, from the name of the River they had left, and that name did
perpetuate in their Deſcendants, there not being very great difference be-
tween Bithynia and Bebricia. This is the opinion of ſome : Others ſay
that Bithys, the Son of Fupiter and Thrace, was the firſt King of Thrace
and Bithynia, who gave names to theſe Regions. I was willing to ſay
thus much of Bithynia, by way of Preface; and I believe it likewiſe ne
ceſſary, being writing the Roman Hiſtory, to ſay ſomewhat of the nine
and forty Kings that Reigned in this Kingdom, before the Romans became
Maſters of it. Prufias, ſirnamed the Hunter, had married the Siſter of
Perſeus King of Macedon. However, when the War happened between the
Romans, and his Wives Brother, he remained Neuter ; and yet after Per-
ſeus was taken Priſoner, he went and preſented himſelf before the Romani
Captains, (in his Gown and Slippers, with a Hat on, and his Head ſhaven,
juſt like thoſe Slaves, to whom their Maſters had given liberty by will ;
and to all this ridiculous dreſs, he had a villanous aſpect, and was very low
of ſtature) when he came near the Captains, he told them in Latin, I am
the freed man of the people of Rome: at which they burſt out in a laughter;
and ſent him to the City, and he appearing the ſame ridiculous Creature
at Rome, obtained favour. Not long after, being fallen at variance with
Attalus, King of that part of Aſia, which lyes about Perg ainus, he in ho-
ſtile manner invaded his Country ; which being come to the Senates
knowledge, Deputies were ſent to him, forbidding him to proceed any
R
fara

122
PARTI:
The Romans War
farther in a War againſt Attalss, Friend and Allie of the people of Rome;
and when he ſeemed fomewhat unwilling to obey the Deputies, vigorouſly
charged him, either to comply with the Orders of the Senate, or come
only with a thouſand Horſe upon the Frontier, where Attalus expected
him with a like number to decide the difference by Combat; he deſpiſing
the ſmall numbers that were with Attalus, and hoping by this means
eaſily to defeat him, fent ſome of his before to give notice, that he would
be ſuddenly at the place appointed with his thouſand Horſe: but he came
with his whole Army, as if he were to give Battel. Attalus; and the Ro-
man Commiſſaries, who had intelligence of it, eſcaping ſeveral ways, he
came and took their Baggage, which they were forced to leave behind,
and went and beſieged a City, called Nicephoria, took it, raſed it, and
ſet fire on their Temples. After which he purſued Attalus ſo cloſe, that
he block'd him up in Pergamus. Hereupon the Senate ſent other Commiſ-
faries, who ordered him to pay all the damages Attalus had ſuſtained in this
War, which ſo terrified him, that he obeyed , retired, and for intereſt
delivered up immediately to Attalus twenty Ships with Decks, and agreed
to pay him at a certain day, five hundred Talents of Silver, according
to the Order of the Commiſſaries. He was very cruel, and therefore
hated by his Subjects; but his Son Nicomede was extremely beloved, where-
fore his Father growing jealous , ſent him to ſojourn at Rome ; from
whence, hearing that he was there likewiſe in good eſteem, he gave him
Commiſſion to demand of the Senate a releaſe of the money he ſtill owed to
Attalus. He had fènt Menas to aſſiſt him in the foliciting the Affair,
with private Order to ſay nothing to his Son, if it were granted; but if
it were denyed, to kill him in the City; and to favour his retreat, after
the Murder, he cauſed to lye ready near unto Rome ſome Ships with two
thouſand Soldiers. Menas ſeeing the releaſe would not be granted, (be-
cauſe Andronicus fent by Attalus to oppoſe the Demand, had made it ap-
pear that the ſum adjudged came far ſhort of the damages he had ſuſtain-
ed) and that on the other ſide Nicomedes was much eſteemed at Rome,
knew not what to reſolve on. He durſt neither undertake to kill him,
nor to return into Bithynia. In ſhort, he ſtaying at Rome after his Com-
miſſion was expired, the young Prince came to ſee him, at which he was
not at all diſpleaſed. They conſpired againſt Prufias, and aſſociated in
the conſpiracy Andronicus , the Envoy of Attalus, to the end he might
perſwade his Maſter to alliſt Nicomedes, and to put him in poffeffion of
the Kingdom of Bithynia. They came to this end together to Bernice ,
a little City of Epire,where meeting together on board by night to conſult
what they had to do, after the Conference they parted every one to
his own Ship. Morning being come, Nicomede appeared on the Hatches,
in a Purple Robe, with a Diadem round his Head, after the manner of
Kings. Andronicns goes to him, and falutes him in the Quality of King,
and with five hundred Soldiers he had there, joyns himſelf to his Train.
Menas ſeems ſurpriſed, as if he had not known of Nicomedes being there,
and conferring with his two thouſand Soldiers, ſeems at firſt extremely en-
raged; but after ſome diſcourſe, Of two Kings which we have (ſaid he) the
one is at home, the other is abroad, wherefore conſider what you are to do for
the future and conſider well, ſince on this opportunity depends your ſafety. I am
of the opinion we ought to ſtick to him, who is likelieſt to become Maſter ; one
is old, the other young; one is hated by the Bithynians, they deſire the other ;
the moſt confiderable perſoins of Rome love the young Man; Andronicus, who
has joyned with him, promiſes the aſſiſtance of King Attalus, the next Neigh.
bour

Book IV. with Mithridates
123
bour to Bithynia; a powerful and ancient Enemy of Pruſias. To this he
added the cruelty of the old King , the violences he had committed, the
indignities he had done to an infinite number of people : and in hort, the
publick hatred. And perceiving that the Soldiers did, as well as himſelf,
abhorr his Crimes, he led them to Nicomedes, and was the next after Ans
dronicus that ſaluted him King, and ſubmitted to him with his two thou-
ſand Men. Attalus gladly received this young Prince, who went forth-
with to him, and ſent to ſummon Pruſias to give his Son ſome Cities for
his Reſidence, and ſome Lands for his Maintenance. He made anſwer,
That he would e’er long give him all Attalus his Kingdom, to the Con
queſt of which, he was already come into Afia: And therewithal ſends
to Rome, to make complaint of Nicomedes and Attalus, and to cite them
to judgement. But Attalus entred immediately into Bithynia, with thoſe
Forces he had in readineſs, where by little and little, all the people de-
clared for Nicomedes. As for Prufias , not truſting in any perſon, and
hoping the Romans would diſingage him of this Afair, he obtained from
Digilles the Thracian, his Father-in-law , five hundred Soldiers, with
whom he confided the guard of his perſon, and ſhut himſelf up in the
Fortreſs of Nicea. The Deputies of Prufias being come to Rome, the
Pretor of the City, for ſome time, delay'd their Audience, becauſe he fa-
voured Attalus his concerns. At length having introduced them into the
Senate, he had Orders to make choice of three Commiſſioners to put an
end to this War. He choſe three, of which one having formerly received
a blow on the Head with a Stone, the Scars ſtill remained, which made
his Viſage deformed; the ſecond was lame of his Feet; and the third was lit-
tle better than a Fool ; which made Cato, ſcoffing at this Deputation, ſay,
That it had neither Head, Feet, nor Soul. The Commiſſaries being gone
to Bithynia, ordered the Kings to lay down their Arms, upon which Nis
comedes and Attalus made a ſhew of yielding to the Authority of the Se-
nate : but the Bithynians, whom they had ſuborned, loudly declared, That
they ſhould never be able to undergo the cruelty of Prufias, eſpecially now
he had known their averſion to him: wherefore, becauſe the Senate had
yet heard nothing of theſe complaints, and ſo the Commiſſaries could
have no Orders concerning them, they returned without doing any thing.
Pruſias ſeeing himſelf fruſtrated of the Romans aſſiſtance, on the reliance
of which he had made no preparations,retired to Nicomedia, a very ſtrong
place, where he reſolved to ſuſtain a Siege ; but the Inhabitants be-
trayed their King, opening the Gates, and letting in Nicomedes and his
Army; and Pruſias taking Sanctuary in the Temple of Fupiter,was ſlain
by orders of his Son. Thus Nicomedes began to Reign in Bithynia, in-
ſtead of his Father. After him his Son Nicomedes, ſirnamed Philopator
ſucceeded, and was confirmed in his Kingdom by Decree of the Senate.
Such was the State of Affairs in Bithynia; and if any deſire to know
more, the Grand-child of this laſt, called likewiſe Nicomedes, by his
laſt Will and Teſtament, appointed the people of Rome Heir to this
Kingdom.
As for what concerns Cappadocia, I cannot certainly ſay upon whom 111
it depended before the time of the Macedonians, whether it had particu-
lar Kings, or were a Province of Darius his Kingdom : But it is like-
ly that Alexander, going to War againit Darius, left theſe people Tri-
butary under their own Princes, becauſe we find that he reſtored Amiſa,
a City which had been a Colony of the Athenians, to a popular admini-
R 2
ſtration

124
The Romans War
PARTI.
ftration, according to the Cuſtom of the Anceſtors. The Hiſtorian Hie-
ronymus ſays, He did not ſo much as come near theſe Nations; and that
to encounter Darius, he took his March nearer the Sea by Pamphilis and
Cilicia. Perdiccas, who commanded the Macedonians after Alexander
took Ariarathes, Governour of Cappadocia, and hanged him; whether it
were for revolting, or to reduce that Country under the Macedonian
Dominion, I know not. He gave to Eumenes of Cardis the Government
of that Province, who having been ſlain for ſhaking off the Macedonian
Yoke; Antipater, who had the Adminiſtration of the Affairs of Macedon af
ter Perdiccas , ſent Nicanor Satrapas into Cappadocia. Some time after
diſſenſion happening among the Macedonians themſelves , Antigonus
drove Laomedon out of his Government of Syria, and ſeiſed it. Now he
had for his particular Friend,Mithridates of the Blood Royal of Perſia,and
once ſleeping, he dream'd that he ſowed Gold in a Field, and Mithrida-
tes gathered it, and carryed it to Pontus, upon which he made him
Priſoner, and would have put him to death, but he eſcaped, accompani-
ed only with ſix Horſemen,and fortifying himſelf in a certain Village of Cap-
padocia, many others came in to him, and whilſt the Macedonians
were en-
gaged in other Affairs, made himſelf Maſter of Cappadocia, and all the Nati-
ons neighbouring on Pontus. At length having mightily extended his Do-
minion, he left to his Children a great ſcope of Country, over which they
Reigned one after another, till this Mithridates, who had War with the
Romans. But both the Kingdoms of Pontus and Cappadocia, having been
joyntly poſſeſſed by the Succeſſors of the firſt Mithridates ; it is of im
portance to know how they came divided, and who were Kings of Pon-
tus, and who of Cappadocia. The firſt, under whom the change began,was
Mithridates Euergetes , who only ſtiled himſelf King of Pontus, hating
the Cappadocians, and treating them like a conquered Country. He had
made an Alliance with the people of Rome, and did effectually ſend them
Auxiliary Shipping againſt the Carthaginians. There ſucceeded him hiš
Son of the ſame name, with two firnames, Eupator and Dionyfius, whom
the Romaņs commanded to quit Cappadocia to Ariobarzanes, who had put
himſelf under the protection of the people of Rome, and ſeemed to have
more right to that Kingdom than the other. It's poſſible too, that being
jealous of the greatneſs of Mithridates Monarchy, they were glad of this
pretence to divide it. However it were, the King obey’d. But Socrates,
firnamed Chreſtus (Brother of Nicomedes, the Son of the firſt Nicomedes,
and Grandchild to Pruſias, the ſame that had been confirmed in his King-
dom of Bithynia by the Decree of the Senate ) having ſome controver-
fie with his Brother, was aſſiſted by Mithridates, who ſent him with an
Army into Bithynia, where he feiſed on the Kingdom, and at the ſame
time Mithraas and Bagoas, having driven Ariobar zanes out of the King-
dom of Cappadocia, wherein the Romans had eſtabliſhed him, placed A-
riarathes in his ſtead. So that the Romans found themſelves obliged to
reſtore Nicomedes and Ariobarzanes each to his Kingdom. To this pur-
poſe they ſent their Commiſſaries, of whom Manius Aquilius was the
Chief, and gave Orders to L. Caſſius, who commanded in that part of Aſian
with a little Army to aſſiſt them; and likewiſe gave the ſame commands
to Eupator himſelf: but he, who had ſtill a pretence to Cappadocia, and re-
membred that not long ſince the Romans had deſpoiled him of Phrygia (as
we have faid in our Hiſtory of the Affairs of Greece) would not concern
himſelf. However, Caffius and Manius with thoſe Forces Caffius had, and
what they could raiſe in Phrygia, re-eſtablifhed Nicomedes in Bithynia, and
Ariobar-

Book IV.
125
mitb Mithridates.
Ariobar zanes in Cappadocia, and afterwards counſelled them both to make in-
curſions into Mithridates his Country, and to pick with himn any occafi-
on of War, aſſuring them that the Romans aſſiſtance ſhould not be want-
ing:yet neither of them durft attempt ſo powerful an Enemy: but when the
Commiſſaries again preſſed them to it; Nicomedes who owed a great ſum
of Money to the Commiffaries, and the Captains, by the agreement made
for his re-eſtabliſhment; and had likewiſe formerly taken
up great
fums
at intereſt from the Romans ſetled in Afia, who now called them in, in-
vaded (as it were whether he would or no) the Territories of Mithridates',
pillaging all as far as the Gates of the City of Ameſtris, without any op-
poſition. For though the King of Pontus had very good Forces reaa
dy , yet he ſtill gave ground, that he might make his tale the
better.
IVS
But Nicomedes being returned with a booty of ineſtimable value, -Mi-
thridates fent Pelopidas to the Roman Captains and Commiffaries, and
though he knew they wiſhed for the War, and had been the cauſe of this
invaſion, he took no notice of it, expecting greater and more worthy
cauſes of the War that was preparing. He gave him in charge only to
ſpeak of that Friendſhip and Alliance he and his Father had with the Peo-
ple of Rome. But (ſaid Pelopidas ) inſtead of Protecting him, you have
taken from him Phrygia and Cappadocia, of which this laſt was the inherin
tance of his predeceſſors, and left to bin by ſucceſſion from his Father; and the
other the recompenſe of his Victory over Ariſtonicus, a recompenſe he received
from your General
, or rather which he bought with his mony; and now you
Tuffer Nicomedes to ſtop up his paſſage from Pontus, and ſpoil all his Country
as far as the Gates of Ameſtris. Not but that the King was as you know ſuf-
ficiently powerful, and too well prepared to reſiſt him, but he would have you
eye witneſſes of what has paſſed. And now you havë ſeen it, Mithridates your
Friend and Allie, begs you in quality of his Friends and Allies (for thoſe
are the Terms of the Treaty ) to fuccour thoſe Nicomedes thus wrong's; or at
leaſt impeach his farther violence. To this the Deputies from Nicomedes
made Anſwer. That it was not at this inſtant only, that Mithridates had
laid Ambuſhes for him, that he had made Socrates his Brother to enter in
Hoſtile manner into his Kingdom, who but for him had been quiet, and yielded
to the right of Primogeniture in his Elder Brother. 'Tis moſt true Gentlemen
(faid the Chief of this deputation) Mithridates alone ftirr'd up that young
Man to make War againſt him, whom the Senate and People of Rome bad
made King of Bithynia ; Towhom do you think this injury was meant more
than to you?' and though by your Edict the Kings of Aſia are forbid to meddle
with Europe, be with the ſame injuſtice has feiſed ſeveral places in the Cher-
ſoneſus; all theſe Ations are bust Signals of the violence he intends to you. You
may if you pleaſe wait for the effects, for what meán his great preparations
as if the War were already Declared? Why ſo many Auxiliary Troops of
Thracians, Scythians, and ſo many other Neighboring Nations ? He'allies
himſelf with the King of Armenia, ſends Agents into Egypt and Syria to fo-
licite the Alliance of thoſe Kings, has already three hundred Ships of War
fitted, and is ſtill building more, having fetcht from Phoenicia and Egypt
Mariners and Pilots ; ſuch mighty preparations are never made againſt
Nicomede, but againſt you. He is exceeding angry too, that having bought
Phrygia of one of your Generals, that ſuffered himſelf to be over-reacht, you
have commanded him to reſtore it as goods unjuſtly got. And as much vexed he
is that you have given Cappadocia to Ariobarzanes, and fearing left pour
power ſhould encreaſe from day to day, the complaints he makes to you, ſerve
him

126
Part I.
The Romans War
him only for å pretence to Arm, and aſſault you as ſoon as he ſhall find an occa-
fron, but it will be your wiſdom not to ſtay till he openly declares himſelf your
Enemy. Conſider more his actions, than his words; and
for pretences of feigned.
friendſhip, do not forſake your true friends, nor ſuffer thoſe ordinances you have
made concerning our Kingdoms to be ſcorned, and made invalid by one that is a
common Enemy to us both.
After the Deputy had thus ſpoken, Pelopidas again deſired the Romans to
be judges of the complaints made by Nicomedes. And for what remains ( faid
he) you ſee the preſent State of Affairs, how Mithridates Dominion is
leſſened, the entrance of the Sea ſtopt againſt him, infinite Spoils carried off
his Lands. But we intreat you a ſecond time Gentlemen, either binder Mi-
thridates from being thus wrong’d, either defend him from oppreſſion, or ſuffer
him to defend himſelf without perplexing your affairs. Pelopidas ſpoke this
fo ſternly, that though before they had reſolved to ſupport Nicomedes, yet
now they would heark to them both as Judges, and becauſe they had
ſome reſpect for Pelopidas words, and could not reproach Mithridates
with any breach of Alliance, they ſtuck at it a little, but after long Conſul-
tation they at laſt Anſwered in theſe terms; We will neither have
Nicomedes to offend Mithridates, nor ſuffer any to make War upon Nico-
medes, for we judge it the intereſt of the Comuzonwealth not to ſuffer him to be
wronged.
After they had pronounced this ſentence, Pelopidas would have rejoyned,
as not thinking it reaſonable ; but they made him depart the Aſſembly,
Wherefore Mithridates manifeſtly wrong’d by the Romans ſent his Son
Ariarathes with a Powerful Army to ſeife upon the Kingdom of Cappadocia,
who preſently drove thence Ariobarzanes, and ſetled himſelf in his place.
Whereupon Pelopidas going once more to the Commiffaries, ſpoke to them
in this manner.
V.

The Oration of Pelopidas.
V da
ou have lately been told, Gentlemen, with what patience Mithri-
dates ſuffered Phrygia and Cappadocia to be taken from him contrary
to all Reaſon: You made no account of the injuries done by Nicomedes, even in
your ſight; and when we had recourſe to your Friendſhip and Alliance, you An-
fwered us rather like Men accuſed than Accuſers, That your Republique would
not have any injury done to Nicomedes, as if any one had done it. You then
are the cauſe, if there hath lately paſſed any thing in Cappadocia to the pre-
judice of your Republique; for the diſdain wherewith you treated us, and your
ſcornful Anſwers obliged Mithridates to what he has done, and he is now ſend-
ing Deputies to your Senate to complain of you. Therefore if you pleaſe, find
ſome body to plead your cauſe; but he conjures you not to attempt any thing
which is not reſolved on by the common conſent of the Senate and People of
Rome, and to think of the importance of this War. Conſider theat the King-
dom he holds by Succeſſion from his Father, is * twenty thouſand Furlongs in
length, and that he hath added to it, many Neighboring Nations, and among
others Colchis full of Warlike people, of Greeks that inhabit on the Euxine
Sea, and of Barbarians confining on them. That he has Friends ready at his
Service, Scythians, I aures, Baſternes, Thracians, Sarmatians, and in ſhort
2500 miles.

Book IV. with Mithridates.
127
all the people near Tanais, Iſter, and the Palus Mæotis ; that Tigranes King of
Armenia is his Son in Lam,and Arſaces King of the Parthians, his Friend:
in concluſion, that he has a mighty power of Shippingz all either fitted or all
moſt ready with all their Gang. Beſides, the Bithynians told you no lie in what
they ſaid of the Kings of Egypt and Syria, for it's very likely if the War
once begin they will declare for us, and not only they, but your Provinces of
Aſia, Greece and Africa. As for Italy, the moſt part of it not able to ſuffer
your boundleſ Avarice is already revolted: and certainly it is matter of amaze-
ment to all the World, that not being yet able to ſuppreß that War, you un-
dertake Mithridates by ſetting on Foot intrigues, ſometimes with Nicomedes
ſometimes with Ariobarzanes, whilſt yet you make profeſſion to be our Friends
and Allies; but it is only in appearance you are ſo, for in effect you treat us like
Enemies. And if what has paft difpleaſe you, give better Orders for the fut
ture, prevent Nicomedes from farther offending your Friends ; which if you
do, I promiſe you on the behalf of King Mithridates, his Arms and Aſiſtance
againſt your Allies in Italy which have revolied. If not, break off that ſpecia
ous and vain Friendſhip, or let us go to Rome and plead our Cauſe.
a bu
ܕܕܘܪ ܕܐܘܘ ܕܠܐ
After Pelopidas had finiſhed this Diſcourſe, the Romans thinking it too
infolent, Replyed,That they forbad Mithridates from attempting any thing
againſt Nicomedes, and ordained him to quit Cappadocia in which they would
take care to reeſtabliſh Ariobarzanes. As for Pelopidas,they enjoyned him a
ſpeedy departure, no more to return unleſs the King diſpoſed himſelf to do
what they deſired. Sto
With this Anſwer he was ſent away, but under a good guard, that by
the way he might not corrupt any Perſon; and forthwith without expecting
from the Senate and People of Rome; their advice upon a War of ſuch
Importance, the Romans aſſembled all the Forces they could draw toge-
ther in Bithynia, Cappadocia, Paphlagonia, and * Gallogrecia of Aſia. The *Galatidi
Army which P. Craffus commanded and deſigned for the guard of Afor
being in a readineſs, and all the Auxiliary Troops drawn to a head, they
divided themſelves into three bodies. Caffius went and encamped on the
Confines of Bithynia and Galatia; Manius in the paſſage by which Min
thridates might enter Bithynia; and Q.Oppius on the Frontiers of Cappado-
cia: being all together about forty thouſand Men Foot and Horſe. They
had likewiſe a Fleet commanded by Minucius Rufus and C. Popilius to
guard the mouth of the Pontus. Beſides,Nicomedes was likewiſe in Arms,
to ſecond them with fifty thouſand Foot, and fix thouſand Horſe, all in
good order. As for Mithridates, his Army alone conſiſted of two hundred
and fifty thouſand Foot, and forty thouſand Horſe. He had three hundred
Ships of War, and three hundred Gallies, with all Stores, and Ammuni-
tion neceſſary for ſo great a Fleet and Army. Two brothers called Ne-
optolemus and Archelaus had the Command of all theſe Forces in quality of
his Lieutenant Generals, but the King had his eye upon all
, and did many
things himſelf. As for the Auxiliary Troops, Archathias his Son brought
him ten thouſand Horſe out of Armenia the Leſs. Dorilaus Commanded
the Phalanxes, and Craterus one hundred and thirty Chariots armed with
Scythes. Such were the preparations on both ſides, when at firſt Mithri.
dates and the Romans Armed againſt each other, which was about the
hundred fixty fixth Olympiad. The firſt Engagement was near the River
Amnie, in a ſpacious plain,where Nicomedes, and Mithridates Generals
met,

128
Part I.
The Romans War
met.
As ſoon as they diſcovered one the other, they drew into Battalia.
Nicomedes had all his Forces; but Neoptolemus and Archelaus had only their
light Armed Souldiers, and Arcathias Horſe, with ſome Chariots: for the
groſs of the Army was a great way diſtant, wherefore they eſpying a Rock
in the middle of the plain, ſent to poffefs it, that they might not be incloſed
by the Bithynians, who were much the greater number. Thoſe they
ſent being driven back, Neoptolemus was more then ever in fear of being
encompaſſed; wherefore he poſted in with all ſpeed poſſible making
Arcathias do the like. Nicomedes who knew him came to meet him, and
now began a bloody battel, wherein the Bithynians proved the ſtronger,
and put their Enemies to the Rout'; but as they preſſed home upon them,
Archelaus wheeling about from the left Wing, came and charged thoſe in
the Rear, who thought they had been Victorious, and as ſoon as he had
made them face about, gave ground that Neoptolemus might have time to
Rally, as ſoon as he knew he was again in a Poſture, he renewed the
charge, and the Chariots Armed with Scythes being violently driven in-
to the Enemies ſquadrons, cauſed a ſtrange diſorder, fome they cut through
the middle of the body, and tore others in quarters, which extreamly ter-
rified the Bithynians: for they ſaw the one half of Men ſtill breathing, the
trunks of bodies and other members hooked faſt, and drawn along by the
Chariots, ſo that the horrour of theſe ſpectacles daunting them more then
the fight it felf, fear fiefed them, and begot a wonderful hurly-burly in
the Ranks. However though Archelaus preſſed upon them on one ſide, and
Neoptolemus and Arcathias were rallied on the other, they took heart, and
facing both ways defended themſelves generouſly for a good fpace, till fuch
time as Nicomedes after a dreadful ſlaughter of his Men fied with the reſt
to Paphlagonia. After this Victory (in which Mithridates Phalanx was
not concern’d) Nicomedes Camp fell into the Victors power who found
therein good ſtore of Silver, and took a great Number of Priſoners, whom
the King treated kindly, ſending them home to their houſes, and giving
them Money to bear their charges that he might make his Clemency
known to his Enemies themſelves. But if Mithridates rejoyced at this firſt
ſucceſs, the Roman Generals were no leſs ſtartled at it. They began to
perceive they had kindled this important War without the Senates Or-
ders, with more Raſhneſs then Prudence; They obſerved how great Num-
bers of theirs had been defeated by a handful of Men, who had neither
affiſtance from any advantage of ground, or any miſcarriage in the
Bithynians, but only by the vertue of the Leaders and Valour of the
Soldiers.
VII.
After this, Nicomedes retired into Manius Camp; and Mithridates en-
camped on Mount Scoroba, which ſeparates Pontus and Bithynia. One day
his Scouts which were a hundred Sarmatian Horſe, met with eight hun-
dred of Nicomedes Men,of whom they took many Prifoners,whom Mithri-
dates fent likewiſe into their Country, after furnishing them with where
withal to live by the way. Another time as Manius retreated, Nicomedes
being gone to find out Caffius, Neoptolemus and Nemanes the Armenian
* One a clock. purſued him, and about the * ſeventh hour overtook him at a Village
called Pachia,and forced him to fight: he had four thouſand Horſe,and ten
times as many Foot of whom they killed ten thoufand, and took three hun-
dred prifoners whom Mithridates cauſed to be brought before him, and
then diſmiſſed as he had done the others, that he might gain the hearts of
his Enemies. Manius loft all his Baggage, and flying along the fide of the
River

BookIV.
with Mithridatés.
129
River Sangara paſſed over it by night, and eſcaped to Pergamus. Caffius;
Nicomedes, and all the Roman Commiſſaries, ſeeing themſelves every
where thus ill-handled, went and poſted themſelves at Leontecephalus the
{trongeſt place in Phrygia, .where they began to make new Levies of
Souldiers, they Enrolled the Artificers, Laborers and Plough-men, and
all Men of what ſort foever that could be found in Phrygia capable to bear
Arms, whom for a while they began to exerciſe, but finding them ſo un-
handy and improper for War, that they could never be made ſerviceable,
they forbore any longer tormenting thoſe poor People, and after having
diſmiſſed them, retired, Caffius to Apamea, Nicomedes to Pergamus, and
Manius towards Rhodes. Thoſe who had the Guard of the mouth of
Pontus, hearing this News, not only quitted their Station, but likewiſe
Nicomedes his Ships as a prey to Mithridates. Thus the King of Pontus be-
ing by one only blow become Maſter of all Bithynia went through all the
Cities ſetling neceſſary Orders, from thence he paſſed into Phrygia, where
lodging his Army in the ſame place where Alexander had lodged, he took
it for a happy preſage, to have ſpent one night in the place where that
Great Conqueror had once encamped. Proceeding forward he overruri
the reſt of Phrygia, Myſia, and all the Provinces which the Romans had
newly Conquered in Afia, and ſending abroad his Captains ſeveral ways
he ſubdued Zycia, Pamphilia, and all that ſtood in his way as far as Ionia.
There was only Laodicea near the River Licus that oppoſed him, becauſe
that Q. Oppius was retired thither with his Horſe, and the Mercenary
Soldiers. But when a Herald ſent from the King told the inhabitants that
the King promiſed Indempnity to all thoſe of Laodicea, provided they
would deliver Oppius into his hands, they fent away the Mercenary Sol-
diers, and carried Oppius to Mithridates with Liĉtors marching before him
in deriſion. The King did him no injury, but cauſing him to be unbound,
carried him every where along with him, well-pleaſed to ſee a Roman Ge
neral his Priſoner. Sometime after Manius Aquilius, Chief of the Com-
miſſion and Principal Author of the War, was taken, but he was not treat-
ed fo kindly, they carried him about mounted on an Als, from City to
City, and forced him to proclaim aloud as he went that he was Manius,
and at laſt at Pergamus, poured melted Gold into his mouth to reproachi
the Romans of Corruption and Covetouſneſs. Mithridates having placed
Governors in all places, as he went, paſſed along to Magneſia, Epheſus and
Mitylene, where he was received with ſo great applauſe, that the Epheſi-
ans threw down the Roman Statues that were in their City, for which they
were not long after chaſtized. Then returning into Ionia he took Stra-
tonicea, where he made the inhabitants pay a great Sum of Money, and
placed a Garriſon. Here he fell in love with a very beauteous Virgin whom
he took into the Number of his Wives, if any deſire to know her name, ſhe
was called Monima the Daughter of Philopæinen, he likewiſe by his Lieu-
tenants made War againſt the Magneſians, Paphlagonians and Lycians
who would not yet wholly ſubmit.
20 do
Whilft Mithridates was doing theſe things, the Senate and People of Villa
Rome having intelligence of the firſt Irruption into Afía, decreed that an
Army ſhould be ſent againſt him, though they were embroiled with in-
teſtine feditions,and had then a War with their Allies, which lay heavy up-
on them by reafon that almoſt all the People of Italy revolted againſt them
one after another. The Conſuls drawing the Provinces by lot; Aſia fell to
Cornelius Sylla, together with the Commiſſion of the War againſt Mithri-
S
dates,

130
PART I.
The Romans War
dates, and becauſe there was no Mony in the Treaſury, it was Decreed by
the Senate that all which Nima Pompilis had conſecrated to the Gods to
make Publick Sacrifices, ſhould be ſold. So much was the publick ho-
nour conſidered in this neceſſity. However they fold but a part, from
which they raiſed nine thouſand pound weight of Gold, which ſufficed
for the expence of this War, for as great as it was they made uſe of no
more. Sylla was detained a long time by the ſeditious, as we have related
in the Hiſtory of the Civil War. Mean while Mithridates ſlept not. He
made ready a great Number of Ships to ſend againſt thoſe of Rhodes. He
wrote private Letters to all the Governours of his Provinces, and the
Magiſtrates of all his Cities,by which he ordained that on the thirtieth day
from the date the whole multitude ſhould fall upon all the Italians they
could find, with their Wives, Children and Houlhold-ſervants that were
Italians, and after having cut their throats, throw them out upon the
Dunghils without Burial, Confiſcating their goods, one half for the King,
and the other for thoſe that ſlew them. He likewiſe commanded at the
ſame time to publiſh by found of Trumpet, ſtrict prohibitions to all per
ſons,under the penalty of a great fine, either to bury the dead or conceal the
living, with a recompence to ſuch as ſhould diſcover any that were hid, that
the ſlave who ſlew his Maſter ſhould be free, and the Debtor that ſlew his
Creditor releaſed of one half of his Debt. This Private Order being di-
ſpatched to all parts, and the day appointed come, all Aſia was filled with
infinite Examples of horrible Cruelty, ſome of which we will relate, The
Epheſians after having pulled by force from the Statues on which they
hung thoſe that had fled for Sanctuary into the Temple of Diana, flew them
upon the very Altars. Thoſe of Pergamus when they could not make thoſe
wretches, fled into the Temple of Eſculapius, quit the place, ſhot them
with Arrows as they hung upon the Statues. The Adrumetans purſued in-
to the Sea, thoſe who thought to ſave themſelves by Swimming, and fent
thoſe miſerable people with their Children to the Bottom. The Caunians,
whom the Romans after having vanquiſhed Antiochus had put under the
Dominion of Rhodes, and whom the Senate foon after had releaſed and
made free, pluckt from the Altars thoſe Italians which had fled for refuge
into the Sacred Palace of their City, firſt cut the Childrens throats before.
their Mothers Faces, then Maſſacred the Mothers in the fight of their Huf
bånds, and threw the Mens dead bodies upon thoſe of their Wives and
Children. Thoſe of Tralles that they might not defile themſelves with the
blood of their Gueſts employed a certain cruel fellow a Paphlagonian called
Theophilus, whom they hired to that purpoſe, who having ſhut up the Ita-
Jians in the Temple of Concord, made fo cruel, and horrible a Butchery,
that he cut of the hands of thoſe that hung upon the Images. In ſhort, all
the Romans and Italians that could be found in Afia, Men, Women and
Children, even to the very Freedmen and Slaves were all involved in this
General Maſſacre; which was ſufficient evidence that the People of Aſia
were tranſported to theſe Cruelties, not out of fear of Mithridates, but
out of hate to the Romans; But however, they were doubly chaſti-
fed, firſt by Mithridates, who treated them with all ſorts of indigni-
ties, and afterwards by Cornelius Sylla, who put them to exemplary
puniſhment.
vo
Barbie
After this the King went into the Idle of Coos, where being willingly
received he found there the Son of that Alexander, who had reigned in
Egypt, him he took and cauſed to be Royally brought up, ſending to the
Kingdom
IX.

Book IV.
131
with Mithridates.
Kingdom of Portus, vaft Riches taken out of the Treaſures of Cleopatra's
precious moveables, Jewels and magnificent Hàbits , together with great
ſtore of Silver Money: Mean while the Rhodians repaired their Walls
and Gates, fortifying them with Engines, by the Aſiſtance of lome Tel-
miſſians, Lycians, and all the Italians, who eſcaping out of Afva, had fled for
refuge to Rhodes, among whom was L. Caſſius Proconſul of Aſia. Mithri-
dates being come to beliege them, they deſtroyed their Suburbs for fear
the Enemy ſhould poſſeſs them, they likewiſe drew up their Ships in Or-
der of Battel, one part to Fight in Front, and the other to defend the
Flanks. Whereupon Mithridatos Rowing round his Fleet in a Galley of
five Banks gave Orders to his Fleet to extend themſelves as much as they
could in form of a Creſcent, that ſo by force of Oars they might encom-
paſs in their Enemies Ships, who were much fewer in Number. The
Rhodians who were fearful of it, began by little and little to give way, and
at length turning their Prows fled and got into their Port, whoſe Booms
having ſhut, ſo that the King could not enter, he was forced to retreat
becauſe of the Shot made at him from the Walls. He came to an Anchor
hard by, and after having ſeveral times in vain attempted the Port, reſol-
ved to ſtay till his Army came out of Aſia. Mean while they were perpe-
tually skirmiſhing, in which the Rhodians always had the better, which
much heightned their Courage. On a time as all their Ships were in a
readineſs, and they wanted but an opportunity to go and charge the Ene-
my, a loaden Ship of the Kings paſſing by the Port was Boarded by a Rho-
dian Gally of two Banks, which being on each ſide aſſiſted by thoſe of
their party who Rowed in, in great Numbers, there happened a conſider-
able Engagement, Mithridates tranſported with anger, and peſtered with
too great a Number of Ships, could not give Orders Neceſſary. But the
Rhodians more experienced in Sea affairs, made nimble turns about the
Kings Ships, whom charging on the broad-ſide, they bilg’d many of
them, and took and brought into the Port a Galley of three banks
(boarded on the quarter by one of theirs ) with all the Gang, and great
quantity of Arms and Plunder. However they miſt one of their Gallies of
five Banks, and not knowing any thing of it's being taken by the Enemies,
they ſent their Admiral Demagoras with fix of their nimbleft Veſſels out to
Sea in ſearch of it. Mithridates ſent five and twenty after him, Demagoras
got into the open Sea without their being able to reach himn, but when
night drew on, ſeeing the Kings Galley's were about to make their re-
treat, he fell on and ſinking two purſued two others into Lycia, and after
having ſpent that night at Sea, came and joyned the reſt of the Fleet.
This was the ſucceſs to that Sea-fight, as much unhoped for by the Rhodi-
ans by reaſon of their few Ships, as unlooked for by Mithridates, becauſe
of his great Numbers, and indeed it was all but a confuſion. In the heat
of the Engagement, an Auxiliary Ship of the Iſle of Chios, run ſo full on
Board the Ship the King Commanded, that it broke her to pieces, at
which he was to offended that he put the Pilot and the Mate to death, and
ever after bore a ſecret Malice to the Inhabitants of that Iſland. Sometime
after as Mithridates Land Army came upon Loaden Ships and Gallies, à
ſudden Storm aroſe which brought all the Fleet towards Rhodes. The
Rhodians preſently came out with their whole Force, and finding the Ene-
mies Ships, ſtill in diſorder, funk ſome, burnt others, and brought in four
hundred Priſoners. Wherefore the King prepared once again to Fight
them by Sea, and withal to ſtorm their City : cauſing to that intent a
Harpe to be built, which is a great Engine, raiſed upon two Ships. And
having
S2

132
The Romans War
Part I.
having underſtood by the Runaways that it was eaſie to take the Town
on that ſide where ſtood the Temple of Fupiter Tabyrius by Scaling the
Wall, which was in that part very low, he cauſed ſome of his Soldiers to
Embarque on the Ships, and giving Scaling Ladders to others, ordered
them all to keep filence, till they ſaw a ſignal of fire given them from the
place, and that then raiſing as great a ſhout as they could, ſome ſhould
fall in at the Port, others at the Wall. As they were going to put this
deſign in execution, without making the leaſt noiſe, the Guards of the
City who had notice of it, ſhewed a fire, which they taking for the ſignal
to be given from the place called Tabyria broke ſilence; and both Soldiers
and Mariners began to make the Air ring with Shouts of Joy; but being
anſwered with the ſame Notes, by thoſe of the City that ſtood upon the
Walls, the Royaliſts attempted nothing all that Night, and in the Morn-
ing were forced to retreat; It is true that the Harpe which they drew nigh
unto the Wall oppofite to the Temple of Iſis, extreamly terrified the in-
habitants, for it caft at the fame time mighty quantities of Darts and Ar-
rows, there were likewiſe upon it Rams which battered the Walls, and
beſides multitudes of Soldiers ran out of the Ships with their Scaling Lad-
ders to mount the Walls, but the Rhodians made a reſolute reſiſtance, till
the Engine broke with its own weight, and the Statue of the Goddeſs Iſis,
was ſeen to dart flames of fire againſt it. Whereupon the King after this
laft trial, loſing all hopes of taking the Town,raiſed his Siege. After this
he went and beſieged Patoria, where as he was about to cut down a Foreſt
(confecrated to Latona) for building of Machines, he was frightned by a
dream from touching thoſe facred trees. Whereupon leaving Pelopidas
in Lycia, to continue the War, he ſent Archelaus into Greece, to draw
what Cities he could to his fide either by good will or conſtraint. And
henceforward eaſing himſelf of the Labors and Toils of War, which he
committed to his Generals, he did nothing but leavy Soldiers, and make
proviſion of Arms, paſſing away his time with that Woman of Strato-
nicea, and in giving judgment upon thoſe who were accuſed of having
plotted againſt his life, done any thing againſt his Service, or favored in
any kind whatſoever the Roman party. Whilft he buſied himſelf in theſe
marters, affairs in Greece paſſed in this manner. Archelaus going with a
Fleet, well appointed took by force the Iſland of Delos, which had revolted
from the Athenians, together with ſome places which he gave to that
Republick after the flaughter of twenty thouſand Men the moſt part Ita-
lians, and rendring by theſe Actions the Power of Mithridates formidable
in thoſe parts, he gained him the Friendſhip and Alliance of that people;
he ſent to them, likewiſe the confecrated Treaſure at Delos by Ariſtion
one of their City, to whom he gave two thouſand Men for a Guard of that
Mony; but he imploy'd them to another purpoſe, for ſeeing two thous
fand Men at his Command he lived like a Tyrant in his Country, putting
to death many of his Fellow Citizens, and delivering up others to Mithri-
dates, under pretence they were of the Roman Faction. Yet he made
Profeſſion of being a Philoſopher of the Sect of Epicurus, but he was not
the only Philoſopher that has tyrannized in Athens, Critias and his Com
panions who profeſſed the fame Philoſophy, plaid the Tyrants before
him. The followers of Pythagaras did the ſame in Italy. Nor were there
any
of thoſe who were called the ſeven Wiſe-men of Greece, and had any
hand in the Government of the Commonwealth but exerciſed their Au-
thority with more Tyranny then an unlearned Man would have done. So
that it is not without reaſon that ſome have doubted whether the other
Philoſophers

Book IV.
133
with Mithridates.
Philoſophers followed the Study of Wiſdom ſo much, out of the pure Love
of Virtue, as to be a comfort to their Poverty,and an excuſe for their Sloath.
Since even to this Day we ſee many leading a cloſe and neceſſitous Life,
who cloak their Poverty under a pretence of Wiſdom, furious by railing at
all rich men and Magiſtrates, which they do not ſo much out of
contempt
of Riches, 'as out of envy to thoſe which poſſeſs them, wherefore I think
thoſe much wiſer then, who know how to flight and contemn their Inve-
ctives. Thus much by the way againſt Ariftion, who gave occafion to this
ſhort digreſſion. To proceed, Archelaus drew to his Party the Acheans, La-
cedemonians
and Beotians,all but the City of Theſpia,to which he laid Siege:
At the ſame time as Metrophanes whom Mithridates had likewiſe fent into
Greece with another Army,made havock in the Iſle of Eubea, Demetriada and
Magneſia, who had refuſed to declare for the King, Brittius came out of Ma.
cedon and falling upon his Fleet, with a very ſmall force beat them, funk a
great Ship anda Foift, and flew all the Mariners, and this in the very face of
Metrophanes, which put him in ſuch a fear that he fled. Brittius when he
could not overtake him, went and beſieged Sciatha a neſt of barbarous Py-
rates, and having taken it hanged the Slave, and cut of the Maſters hands,
from thence he went to Bæotia, whither a recruit of a Thouſand
well Horſe as Foot being come to him out of Macedon, he gave Battel tơ
Ariſtion and Archelaus, which laſted three days without knowing which
had the better,till ſuch time as the Lacedemonians and Acheans having ſent
relief to the Enemy finding himſelf then two weak he went and encamped
neer Pyræum, which Archelaus coming afterwards with his Fleet to ſeiſe,
took him there Priſoner.
men,
as
Sylla, to whom the Senate had given the Commiſſion for the War a-
gainſt Mithridates, not able before to leave Italy, now paſſed over into
Greece, with five Legions, ſome * Cohorts, and a few Horſe; whither * Or Regiment:
Money being ſent him, and Auxiliary Troops come together, with Provi- of Guards:
fions of Victuals out of Etolia and Theffaly, finding himſelf fufficiently pre-
pared, he advariced into Attica againſt Archelaus. He took his march
through Bæotia, which almost all yielded to him, not the great City of
Thebes which out of giddineſs of temper had before preferred Mithridates
to the Romans, durſt now make Tryal of his Arms, but in its turn defert-
ing Archelaus and his Party, declared for the Romans. The Coriful being
arrived in Attica, divided his Forces into two Bodies, one he ſent to Be-
fiege Ariflion in the City, and with the other marched directly to the Port
of Pyræum where Archelaus had engarriſoned himſelf, confident in the
ſtrength of the place, the Walls of which were near forty Cubits high and
all of hewn ſtone. It was indeed a mighty work which had been raiſed by
Pericles in the time of the War of Peloponnefus ; who when all the hopes
of Victory conſiſted only in this Port, had fortifyed all he could. Yet the
height of the Walls amuſed not Sylla, who prefently clapt to his ſcaling
Ladders; but the Cappadocians bravely defending tliemſelves, after
giving and receiving many Wounds he gave over and retreated to Eleuſina
and Megara,where he fell to building Engines,reſolved to take the Pyraum by
raiſing Platforms or Terraſes higher then the Walls. Thebes furniſhed him
with Workmen and Materials, as Iron Inſtruments for Battery and ſuch
like things he cut down Timber in the Academy to frame his great Engines,
and beat down all thoſe long Walls which joyned the Port with the City,
that their Ruins might ſerve to raiſe his Platforms. There were in Pyræum
two Athenian Slaves,who whether they were affectionate to the Romans or

134
The Romans War
PART I.
to provide for their own ſecurity,in caſe they ſuccceded, writ on Bullets of
Lead what paſſed within,and threw them with Slings into the Roman Camp.
Sylla obſerving that they continually ſlung them, and examining the mat-
ter more narrowly found writon one of the Bullets. Tomorrow the foot will
ſally out on the Labourers in Front, while the Horſe charge the Roman Army in
Flank. Whereupon he laid an Ambuſh for them and when they thought to
ſurprize the Romans they were themſelves ſurprized by the Romans, who
after a great Slaughter drove the reſt into the very Sea. Archelaus ſeeing
the Platforms advanced in height, cauſed towers to be erected directly oppo-
ſite to them, from whence with Darts he forely vexed the Workmen, and
having cauſed Forces to come from Chalcis and other Iſles,he arrived not on-
ly the Marriners but the Galley-Slaves, feeing himſelf in fuch an extremity
of danger. Thus he who before much exceeded the Beſiegers in Numbers,
ſeeing his Forces encreaſed by theſe new Recruits, made the Night follow-
ing about the ſecond Watch a vigorous Sally, wherein carrying lighted
Torches he burnt one of the Teſtudo's with all its Engines. The Conſul
foon repaired the loſs, and in ten day's rebuilt and planted others in their
ſtead, againſt which Archelaus oppoſed a Tower he erected on the Wall.
After this Dromichetes whom Mithridates had ſent with new Recruits
being arrived, Archelaus drew out the Kings Army in Battel, intermixing
the Slingers and Archers and drawing them all up ſo cloſe under the Wall,
that thoſe who had Guard might from thence annoy the Enemies at diſtance
with their Bows and Slings, whilft a Party he had placed near the Gates fal-
lyed out upon a ſignal given, with Torches in their hands, to ſet fire on the
Machins. The Fight was fierce and continued a long time doubtful, fome-
times one giving Ground, and ſometimes the other, the Barbarians were
the firſt that turned their Backs, but Archelaus ſoon forced them to ſtay and
return to the Charge, which ſo ſtartled the Romans that they themſelves
fled, till Murena coming to the head of them forced them to turn again up-
on the Enemy. At length fome Companies of Souldiers returning from
the Wood (to whom thoſe who had been branded with Infamy for their
flightjoyned themſelves) and arriving in the heat of the Fight, they char-
ged fo furiouſly upon Mithridates Battel,that after liaving ſaintwo thouſand,
they forced the reſt to ſave themſelves in the Port, in ſpite of all the reſift-
ance of Archelaus, who did all he could to ſtop them, and was ſo obſtinate
in it, that the Gates being ſhut before he could get in, they were forced to
draw him up the Walls with Ropes. Thus Sylla had the honour of keep-
ing the Field, who diſcharged of the Infamy thofe had been noted for it,
becauſe of their good ſervice upon this occaſion, and honoured the other
with military Recompences. And becauſe Winter was coming on, lie went
and encamped near Eleuſina, and that he might not be annoyed by the Ex-
curſions of the Enemys Horfe, he cauſed a deep Trench to be dug from the
Mountains to the Sea. Whilſt they wrought at it, there happened daily
Skirmiſhes, ſome or other continually either going from the Trench or co-
ming from the Wall, and throwing Darts or ſhooting Arrows, Stones or
Bullets of Led. This Work finiſhed, Sylla who ſtood in need of Shipping,
fent to Rhodes to furniſh himſelf, but the Rhodians who could not pals the
Seas, which were covered with Mithridates his Fleets, adviſed Lucullus a
man very conſiderable among the Romans and one of Sylla’s Lieutenants,
to embarque privately for Syria and Alexandria, to demand of the Kings
and the Maritime Cities Ships to joyn with the Rhodian Fleet. He took
their advice,and fearleſs of any thing embarqued himſelf on a pitciful paſſage
Boat, and often changing Boats that he might not be known, came to Alexa
endrix

Book IV. with Mithridates
135
andria. About this time the two Slaves caſt from the Walls Bullets of Lead
on which they had written, that the next Night Arcbelaus ſent to Athens
(where the people were very much oppreffed with Famine ) fome Souldi-
ers laden with Corn, upon which advice Sylla laying an Ambuſh for them,
took both the men and the Corn. The ſame day Munatius engaging with
Neoptolemus the other of Mithridates his Generals,wounded him, killed him
fifteen hundred of his men and took a far greater number Priſoners : Some
time after, whilſt the Guards of the Port yet ſlept, ſome Romans caſt Lad-
ders from their Engines upon the Walls, and being got up flew the firſt
they met with, which ſo ſurpriſed the Barbarians that ſome believing all was
taken by the Enemy,leaped from the Top of the Walls, but others more re-
ſolute put themſelves upon their defence, flew the Captain of thoſe were
got up, and threw the reſt headlong down. And ſome of them were ſo
bold as to fally out of the Gate with Torches in their hands, with intent to
ſet fire to one of the Romans Towers; And they had done it, had they not
been prevented by Sylla who after a Fight which laſted all Night and next
Day,forced them to retreat within their Walls. After this, Archelaus cauſed
to be raiſed on the Wall a great Tower oppoſite to the greateſt of the Ro-
mans, where they fought without interiniſſion with ſhot from their Arba-
lifts or Croſs-bow'sstill ſuch time as Sylla diſcharging from his greateſtCroſs-
bow's twenty large leaden Blluets at a time againſt the Enemies,flew a great
Number of them,and ſhook the Tower in ſuch manner, that it cleaving al-
moſt aſunder, they were forced to draw it under their Walls, that they
might not have the diſcouragement to ſee it tumble down in pieces. Mean
while Famine from day to day increaſing in Athens, Archelaus was deſign-
ing to ſend them Proviſions by night, of which the leaden Bullets foon
gave notice. But that General doubting that ſome one advertiſed the Ro-
mans of his deſigns gave order that at the time when the Corn was to be ſent,
there ſhould be a Party ready at the Gates to Sally out with Torches in their
hands upon the Romans at the ſame inſtant that Sylla aſſaulted thoſe which
carried it, and indeed it happened that Sylla took the Souldiers that carried
the Corn, and Archelaus burnt fome Engines. Whilft theſe things paſſed
Arcathias the Son of Mithridates being entred Macedon with another Army
defeated ſome Roman Forces, left for the Guard of that Province, became
Maſter of all Macedon, dividing it into Satrapies, and being on his March
towards Sylla, to cauſe him raiſe his Siege, dyed of Sickneſs near Tidea.
The news of his death being come to the Conſuls he cauſed Forts to be rai-
ſed quite round the City of Athens, which was heavily oppreſſed with Fa-
inine, to the end that no perſon being able to get out, the Famine ſhould
encreaſe ſo much the more among ſo vaft a Multitude. That done, he be-
gan to batter the Walls of Pyræum with his Engines, raiſed on the Plat-
forms, but Archelans had with long labour privately undermined them, fo
that they beginning to fink; the Romans diſcovering the Mine,readily drew
off their Engines, and filled up the Hollows with Earth and other Rubbiſh.
Then in imitation of the Barbarians they began to undermine the Wall, till
their Mines coming to meet, there happened a Skirmiſh between the Mi-
ners underground, ſuch a one as could be maintained in the Dark. Allthis
while they battered the Wall more then ever with their Rams plarited on
the Terraſſes, till ſuch time as one part being beaten down, Sylla cauſed fire
to be caſt into a Tower hard by, with iritent to burn it, at the ſame time
commanding all the brave men he had to ſtorm the place, both parties
fought valiantly, but the Tower was at laſt burnt, and the Romans be-
came Maſters of one part of the Wall upon which they lodged themſelves.
Almond

136
The Romans War
Part I.
Almoſt at the ſame inſtant, another part of the Wall undermined by the
Roinans, the Foundations of which they had underpropped as they went,
after that the ſtanchions which they had ſet on fire with ſtore of Pitch,
Flax, and Brimſtone, were burnt, began to tumble with all thoſe that de-
fended it, making the Craſh the more terrible, becauſe ſo unexpected. In
ſomuch that thoſe who had the Guard of the Walls were utterly daunted,
every one trembling for himſelf, as if he were preſently to be cruſhed in pie
ces by a like ruine,
wherefore thoſe who where planted in any ſuſpected
places, ran fearfully down in Crouds, taking more care to preſerve
their own lives, then repulſe the Enemy. Sylla the more fiercely purſued
the aſſault, relieving his wearied Souldiers with freſh men, continually
encouraging them and mingling Threats with Prayers, aſſuring them that
upon this Brunt which could not laſt long, depended the whole Victory.
Archelaus ſhowed no leſs courage: He oppoſed Sylla with freſh men in the
place of thoſe whoſe fears had made them uſeleſs, renewed the heat of the
fight, preſſing forward and heartning all his people; by telling them they
had but this ſhock to ſuſtain, and after it there was nothing to be feared.
Thus both Partyes returned to the Charge with wonderful Alacrity, they
fought and flew on both ſides, with equal loſs. Yet at laſt Syllä taking
Compaſſion of his Soldiers, ſo tyred that they were able to do no more, and
admiring their bravery cauſed the retreat to be founded. The night fol-
lowing Archelaus ſet to work to repair the two ruined places, making re-
trenchments within in form of a half Moon. Sylla thinking theſe fortifi-
cations yet moiſt would eaſily be beaten down, went preſently to aſſault
them with all his Forces, but he was foon forced to give it over, for being
lock'd up in that half Circle very clofe together,his men could not fight,but
were both in Front and Flank expoſed to the Enemys ſhot, which indeed
annoyed them on all ſides.
XI. Therefore he reſolved no more to attempt Pyræum by ſtorm, hoping at
laft to reduce the beſieged by Famine. But firſt underſtanding that the City
was at the laſt gaſp,that they had eaten all their Horſes,and after having boylu
ed the very Hides for ſuſtenance, had been forced at laſt feed on dead Car-
caſes, he cauſed a Trench to be drawn round about it, to the end that mone
might previly eſcape. And having finiſhed that work, he raiſed his Bat-
teries and planted his ſcalnig Ladders, upon which the Souldiers mounted
with ſuch a furious violence that thoſe weak and feeble people betaking
themſelves preſently to flight he became maſter of the Walls. The whole
City was preſently filled with Slaughter, for there was none had ſtrength
enough to eſcape, and no quarter was given,nor either Sex or Age fpared.
For Sylla incenſed that ſo readily and without any cauſe they had taken part
with the Barbarians, and ſo obſtinately defended themſelves againſt him,
had given Orders to put all to the Sword, which made many who had heard
his voice, that proclaimed this Ordinance, come and offer themſelves vo-
luntarily to death. As many as could, made their retreat into the Caſtle,
among whom was Ariſtion, having firſt of all ſet on fire the Theatre for
Muſick, for fear leaſt Sylla ſhould make uſe of the Wood, in the aſſault of
the Fortreſs. The Conſul having taken the City, would not let it be ſet on
fire, but he gave the Plunder to the Souldiers, who ranſaking every where,
found in many Houſes Humane Fleſh ready dreft to eat. On the mor-
row he fold all the Slaves at outcry, and declared that he left at liberty all
the free people, who had eſcaped the nights ſlaughter, of whom but few
were found, yet thoſe he deprived of any fuffrage or jurisdiction, as be-
ing

Book IV.
with Mithridates.
137
being Enemies, but promiſed to reſtore it to their poſterity. This done
Sylla beſieged the Fortreſs
, wherein Ariſtion and thoſe fled for Refuge
with him, were ſo fore oppreſſed with hunger and thirſt that they were
conſtrained to ſurrender, of whom he put to death Ariſtion with his
Guards, and all that had born Commiſſion under him during his Tyranny,
or in any manner whatſoever had a cted contrary to the Ordinances left
them by the Romans ſince they firſt became Maſters of Greece; He par-
doned all the reſt, and left them under almoſt the ſame Laws they had
received from the Romans, and in concluſion carried out of the Citadel
forty pound weight of Gold, and fix hundred of Silver. The City thus
taken, Sylla believed that holding only the Port of Pyrdum inveſted, it
would be a long time before he ſhould ſtarve the Barbarians. Wherefore
he again applied himſelf to his Batteries and Engines, and cauſed to be
made Galleries and Mantelets, to go under Covert up to the Walls, and
undermine them. But Archelaus had made proviſion againſt him, for he
had raiſed many Walls, one behind another, all after the ſame manner,
ſo that Sylla faw no end of his labor, having no ſooner
taken in one Wall,
but he found another of the fame Fabrick, yet he indefatigably attempted
all the Walls he met with, cauſing his Soldiers to relieve each other by
turns, and going ſometimes to one party, and ſometimes to another en-
couraging them to labor, and aſſuring them of the great recompences pre-
pared for them, when they had overcome theſe difficulties. And indeed
the Soldiers promiſed themſelves an end of their labors, after this Victory,
and hoped to gain ſo much the more praiſe, the more they incountred with
danger and difficulty, wherefore they did all they could to gain theſe laſt
Walls, till ſuch time as Archelaus aſtoniſhed at their obſtinacy deſerting
them, retired into the ſtrongeſt part of the Pyreum, which being on all
ſides begirt with the Sea, the Conſul who had no Ships could attempt no-
thing againſt him. From thence he took his march by Bæotia to go into
Thell aly, and being got to Thermopyle, he rallyed the remains as well of
thoſe Troops which himſelf had brought into Greece, as of thoſe which
came under the Conduct of Dromicheſes, He ſent likewiſe for all that Army
which had followed Arcathias the Kings Son into Macedon, which were
all freſh Men that wanted nothing, and beſides all theſe Mithridates had
ſent him ſome new Recruits, for he was continually ſending. Sylla in
the mean time burnt the Pyræum which had given him ſo much
more trouble then the City, ſparing neither Arſenal nor Dock, nor in ſhort
any thing that was conſiderable.
This done he took the Field to follow Archelaus, taking as well as he XIT.
the Road of Bæotia. As he was upon his March, thoſe Troops lately aſſem-
bled at Thermopyle came forward to meet him as far as Phocida; Thraci-
ans, Pontique Scythians, Cappadocians, Bithynians, Galatians, Phry-
gians and others came from the Provinces, newly Conquered by Mix
thridates, amounting in all to fixſcore thouſand Men, under ſeveral Gene-
rals, over whom Archelaus was Generaliſſimo. Sylla’s Forces were com-
poſed of Romans and Italian Allies, together with ſuch Greeks and Mace-
donians as had come over from Archelaus to him: And poſſibly fome
Auxiliary Troops of the Neighboring Countries, but all thefe amounted
not to a third of his Enemies; when they were encamped cloſe by each
other, Archelaus every day drew out his Army to invite Sylla to a battel,
but he conſidering the Nature of the place, and the great Number of his
Enemies, thought it beſt to temporize; At length they retreated towards
T
Chaletsy

138
Part I.
The Romans War
Chalcis, whither he followed them waiting for a favorable opportunity,
and a convenient place. And at laſt perceiving that near to Cheronea,
they were encamped in a place environed with Cragged Rocks, which
were very difficult to paſs, he poſted himſelf hard by in a ſpacious plain,
and drawing up his Army reſolved to force Archelaus to a Battel, whether
he would or no: He found the place was advantagious for him, either to
charge or retreat in, whereas Archelaus was ſhut up among the Rocks,
which would not permit him to fight with all his Forces together, nor
could he well form his Bodies or draw in Battel among thoſe uneven Crag-
ged Stones, where if any misfortune happened, thole Rocks themſelves
would hinder his Eſcape. In ſhort having according to his defire met
him in a place where Numbers would be uſeleſs, he advanced to engage
him ; He who thought of nothing leſs then Fighting had fortified his Camp
with Negligence enough, nor had he taken notice of the diſadvantage of
the place till the Romans furiouſly advanced to the Charge. He then com-
manded a party of his Horſe to make head againſt them, but they being
defeated and driven into the Precipices, he ſent next ſixty Chariots to
endeavor to break the Ranks of the Legions, who opening to the Right
and Left, gave them way quite through, till they had paſt the Rearguard,
where before they could turn, the Horſes and Drivers were all ſlain by the
Darts thrown at them from all ſides. Archelaus defended as he was by the
Rocks, might have ſtaid in his Poſt, but receiving Intelligence that Sylla
was at hand, he choſe rather with all ſpeed poſſible to draw up thoſe vaſt
Multitudes into Battel in thoſe ſtraits: and then preſſing forward with the
Horſe of his Vanguard he broke quite through the Battel of the Romans,
dividing it into two, and then eaſily ſurrounding each part becaufe of their
fimall Number, theſe two half-bodies feeing themſelves incloſed caſt them-
ſelves into an Orb and bravely defended themſelves, but that where Galba
and Hortenfus commanded was forely put to it, becauſe Archelaus himſelf
being at the head of his Men preſſed on them extreamly, and all the Bar-
barians Fighting in his prelence ftrove to ſhow their General fome fignal
Marks of their Valor. At last Sylla coming with a Groſs of Horſe, Arche-
laus who gueſſed by the Cornets, and by the duſt ariſing from the Horſe-
feet, that it was he, gave over this manner of Fighting to regain his Or-
der of Battel,but the Roman Charging home (with all the Flower of his
Cavalry and two Regiments of Foot, which he had laid in Ambuſh)
amongſt the thickeſt of the Enemies, yet aſtoniſhed, and not able to re-
cover any Order, over-preſſed them, broke them, put them to the Rout,
and gave them Chaſe. The Victory thus begun on this part, Murena did
wonders to advance it on the Left, for after having pricked forward thoſe
about him by reproaches, he violently led them on upon the Enemy, and
put them likewiſe to the Rout; Thus Archelaus two Wings being defeated
his Main Body ſtood not long, but all equally took their Flight, nor was
Sylla deceived in the Judgment made of the Succeſs of this Enterprize, for
the Enemies intangled in thoſe ſtreits, could not fly, or if they did, threw
one another down the Precipices, and if they turned head fell into the
hands of the Romans, wherefore the wiſeſt of them returned to their
Camp, but Archelaus who could not believe the diſcomfiture ſo great,
ſtopt their entrance, and ſent them back upon the Enemy, which they
obeyed though they had no Captains to put them in order, nor ſaw na
Enſigns, which every one in the Rout had thrown here and there, and be
fides they had neither Room to Fight, nor to Retreat. Thus in this ex-
tremity they were ſlaughtred like Sheep, either by their Enemies on whom
they

Book IV.
139
with Mithridatés.
they could not revenge themſelves, being too cloſe crouded, or by their
own Comerades, as it often happens in a too cloſe and diſordered Battle;
wherefore they returned in throngs to the Gates of the Camp, complain-
ing to thoſe had ſhut them
out and reviling them, that adoring the ſame
Gods, and being tyed by ſo many bonds one to the other they contribu-
ted more to their deſtruction, then the Enemies themſelves. At laſt Arche-
laus opened the Gates, but too late. They entred in confuſion and diſor-
der, and the Romans encouraging one another threw themſelves Pell Mell
among the Flyers, where they gave the laſt puſh to the Victory. Arche-
laus and all thoſe that eſcaped from the Slaughter inet together at Chalcis;
where of one hundred and twenty thouſand Men, they found but ten thou-
fand. The Romans believed they had loſt fifteen Men, but two of them
afterwards returned. Thus ended this battel fought between Sylla and
Archelaus General under Mithridates near to Cheronea, the Succeſs whereof
was as well deſerving of the Prudence of Sylla, as of the fooliſh raſhneſs of
Archelaus.
Sylla ſeeing himſelf Maſter of a great Number of Priſoners, of great XIII.
Booty and vaſt quantity of Spoils, cauſed to be heaped together, all that
was uſeleſs in one place, and having made due preparation according to
the Cuſtom of the Romans, offered them in Sacrifice to thoſe Divinities
that preſide ore War, he himſelf firſt kindling the fire. Soon after, ha-
ving refreſhed his Forces with a little reſt, he marched with his Light
Armed Foot towards Euripus, hoping, he might there meet with Arche-
laus ; But he had made no ſtay there, but becauſe the Romans had no
Fleet at Sea, went about overrunning the Iſlands and plundring the Sea-
coaſts. He was likewiſe ſo bold as to land upon Zant, and to beſiege the
City, but ſome Romans that came againſt him, having ſet upon him in
an Ambuſh by Night, he haſtily reembarked his Men, got out to Sea,
and returned to Chalcis, doing things all along rather becoming a Pyrate
then a Man of War. Mithridates hearing of this great defeat was ama-
zed as indeed he had reaſon, however he began to make new Levies of
Soldiers in all the Countries under his obedience, and growing jealous,
that after his being thus beaten, there would be ſome People, that either
at preſent, or as ſoon as they had opportunity would make attempt upon
his Perſon, before he would renew the War he aſſembled all that he had
the leaſt fufpicion of, ſuch were the Tetrarchs of Galatia, and all thoſe
who attended on his Perſon as Friends, but yet owned him not as Sub-
jects. All theſe he put to death with their Wives and Children, fome by
ſurprize, others at a feaſt by night, only three eſcaped and fled, for he
thought that if Sylla came nearer, none of them would continue faithful
to him. After this he fiefed upon their goods, placed Garriſons in their
Cities, and ſent Eumachus Satrap or Governor into Galatia, whom the
Tetrarchs that had eſcaped, aſſiſted with ſome Forces of their Vaſſals
raiſed in the Courtry,drove thence with his Garriſons ; fo that of all the
Goods of that Nation, Mithridates enjoyed only the Mony. Having like-
wiſe born a ſecret hate to the Inhabitants of Chios, ſince one of their Gal-
lies unawares ran aboard the Admiral at the Fight of Rhodes, he firſt con-
fiſcated all their Eſtates, who were gone into Sylle's Army,then he ſent
Commiſſioners to inform themſelves of all thoſe who were of the Ro“
man Faction, and at laſt Zenobius landing there as it were in his paſſage
for Greece fieſed by night on the Walls, and moſt advantagious places of
the City, and after having placed Guards at the Gates he cauſed Procla-
T 2
mation

140
PART I.
The Romans War
mation to be made that all the gueſts and Inmates ſhould take their re-
poſe,and that all the Inhabitants ſhould aſſemble themſelves to know the
Kings Pleaſure. That done, he told them that the King was Jealous of
their City, becauſe ſome of their Inhabitants took part with the Romans,
and that there was no way to remove that ſuſpicion, but by ſurrendring
up their Arms and delivering fuch Children, as ſhould be choſen out of
their beſt Families for Hoſtages. They ſeeing their City in his hands,
yielded both to one and the other, whom Zenobius ſent immediately to
Erythrea, telling them, that as to what was farther to be done the King
would write. And indeed his Letter came containing matters to this
purpoſe.
Mithridates Letter to the Inhabitants of
Chios.
YO
ou Favor the Romans, many of your Citi zens being at this preſent in
their Army, and your ſelves enjoy Lands they have given you in Fee,
without paying any Tribute to us. Your Galley likewiſe ran on Board mine in
the Fight at Rhodes, which fault I had only imputed to thoſe had the Go-
vernment of it, could my Clemency have made you wiſe, but you have pri-
vately ſent the Chief Men of your City to Sylla, and have not diſcovered to
me any of thoſe who without the conſent of the whole City were guilty of this
erime, which you ought to have done, had you not all been complices. I might
according to the advice of my Friends puntſ, you with death as Enemies to my
ſelf and my Eſtates. However I have choſen rather in reparation of theſe
crimes to condemn you in a Fine of two thouſand I alents.
After having heard this Letter read, they deſired Zenobius's permiſſion
to ſend Deputies to the King, which being refuſed them, difarmed as
they were, and tyed up by thoſe Hoſtages they had given, and beſides
ſeeing a great Army of Barbarians, ready to cut them in pieces, they be-
gan to weep, and were forced to ſell the Ornaments of their Temples, and
their Wives Jewels to raiſe the two thouſand Talents. When they had
paid it in, Zenobius under pretence that it wanted weight, caufed them
to Aſſemble in the Theater, and there encompaſſing them with Soldiers,
and lining the Streets leading to the Sea-ſide with Guards, all with drawn
Swords, he cauſed them to be led out of the Theater, one after another,
and put them on Shipboard, the Men on one ſide, and the Women and
Children, on the other, whilſt the Barbarians, as they paſt affronted them
with a thouſand indignities ; thus he took them all out of their Country,
and fent them to Mithridates in the Euxine Sea. Thoſe of Chios being
treated in this manner, Zenobius came before Ephefas with all his Forces,
but the Epheſians made him leave his Arms at the Port, and would not let
him enter the City but with a very ſmall train. He ſubmitted to it, and
went and lodged at Philopæmens (Father of Monima, Mithridates Mi-
ſtreſs, to whom the King had given the Government of that place) and
ſoon after proclaimed an Aſſembly off the City, but the Epheſians, who
expected nothing but miſchief from him, put off the bulineſs till next
morning. Mean while they aſſembled in the night, and mutually encoura-
ging

Book IV. with Mithridates
141
ging each other, clapt Zenobius in Priſon, where they put him to death
At the ſame time they planted good Guards on their Walls, armed the
people, made Proviſion of Victuals, and became Maſters of their Citty.
Thoſe of Tralles, Hypapa and Mefopolis and others, whom the Calamity
of the Inhabitants of Chios had terrifyed, hearing the news, follow the
Example of the Epheſians : So that Mithridates was forced to ſend an Army
againſt theſe Rebels, ſeverely puniſhing thoſe who returned not to their
obedience till they were forced. And to hinder others from revolting, he
declared all the Grecian Cities free, and all Debtors releaſed from their
Creditors, and gave the Inmates freedom of Burgeſſes in all places where
they inhabited, and ſet the Slaves at liberty. Hoping (as it happened)
that the Debtors, Inmates and Slaves engaged by theſe benefits, would
employ all their force to maintain the Royal Power. Mean while Minio
and Philotirus, Natives of Smyrna, and Clyfthenes, and Afclepiodorus of
Lesbos, all well known to the King, Aſclepiodorus himſelf having fome-
time commanded his Mercenary Troops, conſpired againſt him, but the
conſpiracy being diſcovered by Aſclepiodorus, (who to give a manifest
Proof of it ordered matters, ſo that the King hid behind a bed heard it
from Minio's one mouth) the conſpirators ended their lives in torments.
Many were afterwards ſuſpected of the ſame crime, fourfcore of the In-
habitants of Pergamus, being thereupon arreſted, beſides many others in
other Cities, the King fending Spies into all parts, under his obedience,
to find out the Criminals, every one of which making diſcovery of his
Enemy, there periſhed about fixteen hundred men; but the Accuſers ſoon
received their Chaſtiſement: for of them, ſome were puniſhed by Sylla,
others flew themſelves, and others fled with Mithridates, to the Kingdom
of Pontus.
Whilft theſe things paſſed in Afia, the King had raiſed an Army of XIV
fourſcore thouſand men, which Dorilaus carried into Greece to Archelaus,
who had ſtill ten thouſand men, the remainder of his former Forces.
When Sylla who now lay encamped within fight of him, near to Orchome-
ne beheld ſo vaſta Multitude of Horſe arrive, he cauſed ſeveral Ditches to
be dug through the Plain, ten foot wide, and when Archelaus advanced
towards him, put his Army in a poſture to receive him, but perceiving the
Romans fought but coldly, againſt ſuch numbers of Horſemen, he rid him-
ſelf through the Ranks, ſtirred them up, threatned them, and at length
not being able to provoke them, leaps from his Horfe, takes a Colours in
his hands, and advancing with his Guards in the midſt between two Battels,
cryes out. If any asked you fellow Soldiers, where you left your General Syl-
la, tell them it was fighting near Orchomene. Hereupon the Officers mo-
ved by the danger in which they ſaw him, advanced from their ſtanding,
and ran to his aſſiſtance, the Soldiers urged with ſhame followed, and all
together made the Enemy give ground who before put them hard to it: Syl-
la perceiving this entrance towards Victory, mounts again on Horſe back,
ſhows himſelf every where, prayſes his Soldiers, encourages them,and at
laſt remains Maſter of the Field; After having flain fifteen thouſand men,
the moſt part Horſemen ( among whom was Diogenes, the Son of Arche-
laus, ) and driven the Foot into the very Camp of the Barbarians : At the
fame inſtant for fearleſt Archelaus ſhould ſave himſelf at Chalcis, as he had
done the time before, he diſpoſed Guards throughout the wholé Plain, to
keep Watch that night, and in the morning cauſed to be drawn before the
Camp a Trench not above a Furlong diſtant from it. Archelans in the
mean

142
PARTI
The Romans War
ans.
mean time kept within his Trenches, but Sylla after having exhorted his
Soldiers to make an end of the remain of this War, ſince the Enemies
durſt not appear, undertook to force them, and marched directly to the AG
fault. Upon this great change, and in this preſſing neceſſity, the Ene-
mies began by Speeches, to encourage their Troops: Each Captain ſhow-
ed his Solders the danger they were in, if they did not defend themſelves,
repreſenting to them how cowardly a thing it would be, if they ſhould not
have Heart enough, to drive from their Trenches an Enemy, they far ſur-
paſſed in number. Whereupon there preſently aroſe a great noiſe, on both
fides, each Party was ſet on fire, and did actions wonderful. At laſt the
Romans leaped into the Ditch and ſtormed an Angle of the Camp, out of
which they plucked the Paliſado's. The Barbarians who perceived it, lined
the Angle cloſe, with their Swords drawn ready to fight nearer at hand,in-
ſo much that no perſon durſt enter, till Bafilius the firſt Tribune of a Legi-
on, leaped up and overturning him he firſt encountred with, the whole
Army thereupon followed, and made a mighty ſlaughter of the Barbari-
Some they ſlew in the Chaſe, others they drove into a Lake hard by,
and ſome who could not ſwim, cryed out for Quarter, buc in vain, for their
Language not being underſtood, they were cut in pieces, Archelaus hid
himſelf in a certain Marſh, and having there found a little Boat, eſcaped
to Chalcis, where he ſpeedily drew together all the remains of Mithridates
Forces. Next Morning Sylla gave a Crown to the Tribune, and diſtribu-
ted Military Recompences to the others. After which he went and ſpoil-
ed Bæotia, becauſe thoſe people were perpetually changing Parties, and
from thence paſſed into Theſſaly where he took up his Winter Quarters,
expecting Lucullus with the Shipping, of whom receiving no certain intelli-
gence, he ſet to building of others.
Whilſt he was doing all theſe things, Cornelius Cinna, and Cajus Marius
his particular Enemies declared him at Rome Enemy of the Common-
Wealth, pulled down his Houſes, feiſed his Lands, and put to death his
Friends. Yet ceaſed not he to do all he could, having a moſt obedient Ar-
my, compoſed all of valiant Soldiers. Now Cinna having drawn to his
Party, his Collegue Flaccus ſent him into Aſia, with two Legions, to
Command in the Province, and make War on Mithridates, in the place of
Sylla, who was declared Enemy, and becauſe he was not very expert in
War, Fimbria one of the Senate in good eſteem with the Soldiers, went
aiong with him. They embarked at Brundufium, to crofs the Sea, a good
part of their Ships were loſt by Storm, and thoſe who gained the other ſide
were taken and burnt by the new Army, ſent by Mithridates
. Flaccus
was proud , covetous, cruel in puniſhing, and therefore hated by the
Soldiers, which made ſome Troops that were ſent before into Theſſaly, to
go over into Sylla's Camp, and it was only Fimbria, (whom they eſteem-
ed the better Captain, and more merciful then Flaccus ) that prevented the
others from doing the like. There happened by chance ſome difference be-
tween the Queſtor and he about encamping, wherein Flaccus who was
Judge, not having duly conſidered the Quality of Fimbria, he threatned
him to return to the City. Flaceus preſently named a ſucceſſor in his
charge, and forthwith embarked for Chalcedon: Whereupon Fimbria tak-
ing the opportunity of his abſence, took away the Rods from Therinus,
whom he had made Propretor, ſaying the Army had given him that Digni-
ty, and Flaccus thereat offended, returning to puniſh him, he put him to
flight, and forced him to hide himſelf in a private Houſe, from whence
eſcaping
XV.

Book IV.
with Mithridates.
143
eſcaping by night over the Walls, he got to Chalcedon, and from thence to
Nicomedia where he cauſed the Gates to be ſhut. But Fimbria was pre-
fently there, and drawing him out of a Well where he had hid himſelf
,
flew him though a Roman Conſul, and more then that his General, whilft
he was but a private man, who had followed his friend of greater Quality
then he, at his coming into the Province. He cut of his Head, which he
threw into the Sea, leaving the reſt of the Body unburied, and having
made himſelf General of the Army, fought afterwards ſuccesfully, in fe-
veral Engagements with Mithridates Son. At length having to deal with
the King himſelf, he drove him to the very Gates of Pergamus, whence he
flying to Pilane, had been there beſieged had he not taken ſhipping and ef
caped to Mitylene. After this Fimbria going through the Province, ill in-
treated thoſe who favoured the Party of the Cappadocians, and ſpoiled their
Lands, who refuſed to open their Gates to him. The City of Ilium he be-
ſieged, whoſe Inhabitants having recourſe to Sylla he promiſed to come and
ſent to Fimbria not to do any injury to thoſe who had yielded to him, prai-
fing them for being returned into the friendſhip and alliance of the Roman
people. Notwithſtanding he required to be likewiſe received into their
City, being likewiſe of Roine, and telling them I know not what of that
ancient Kindred of which the Ilians boaſt. At laſt he entred by force,
flew all he met with, ſet on fire the City, and particularly put to ſeveral
forts of death, thoſe who went to Sylla, on the behalf of the City. He
had neither reſpect to the ſacred places nor to thoſe had fled thither for re-
fuge, but burnt the Temple of Minerva, with a great multitude of people,
who had retired thither, as to a Sanctuary. He raſed the very Walls, whichi
he went round about next day, to ſee if any part were left ſtanding. Thus
was that City worſe treated, by a Man who took thence his Original, then
it had formerly been, by Aganzemnon, for he left not a houſe, nor a Tem-
ple, nor a Statue ſtanding. Some there are that believe, that the Image of
the Goddeſs, which is called Palladium, was now found whole, after the re-
moval of the Rubbiſh, wherewith it was covered, but there is more reaſon
to believe it was taken away by Diomedes and Ulyſſes in the time of the Tro-
jan War. This Maſſacre of the Ilians, happened about the end of the hun-
dred and third Olympaid, and it is thought to be about one thouſand and
fifty Years between this ſack of Troy and that of Agamemnon.
Pober
Now Mithridates receiving advice of the defeat at Orchomene, and con- XVI
ſidering that, ſince his firſt ſending an Army into Greece, he had loſt
ſuch valt Multitudes in ſo ſhort a time, wrote to Archelaus,that he ſhould
conclude a Peace, upon the faireft terms he could get. He therefore
demanded a conference with Sylla, which being granted, he told him ;
Sylla, the King Mithridates your Father's friend, and yours, was forced by
the avarice of thoſe who had the Command before you, to make the War: But
having now experienced your Valour, be demands a Peace, provided what you
ſhall de fire of him, be jut. Whereupon Sylla, who had neither Fleet nor
Money, receiving nothing from Rome, ſince his Enemies had declared
him Enemy of the State, and having already ſpent all the Silver of the
Temples of Pythia, Olympia and * Epidaurum, for which he had engaged * Raguilty
half the Lands confiſcated from the Thebans, beeauſe of their continual
Rebellions, and wlio beſides all this, was impatient, to tranſport that Ar-
my freſh and every way compleat to Rome againſt his Enemies, confented
to his Peace, by telling him; Archelaus, Mithridates ſhould have ſent
Ambaſſadors to Rome, to complain of the injuries he had received, but in
stead

144
PART 1
Tbe Romans War
ftead of that he himſelf injured others, entring in hoftile manner into their
Territories, plundring their Treaſures as well Publick as Sacred, ſeiſing on the
Goods of thoſe he had put to death, and ſhowing no more faith nor goodneſs to
his own friends then to us, deſtroying many of them, and murdering the Te-
trarchi, his familiars who had all their throats cut in one night, with their
Wives and Children, though they were not guilty ſo much as of a deſign. As
for what regards us, he rather made appear his inveterate hatred, then any ne-
ceſſity he had to make War, when he let looſe his rage againſt the Italians in Aſia,
by a thouſand ſorts of Torments, ſparing neither Age, Sex nor Quality. So much
hate does this man bear to the Latin Name, who calls himſelf my Fathers
Friend, but never remembred that friendſhip till I had ſain him a hundred and
fixtythouſand men. Wherefore we have no reaſon to truſt you any more. How-
ever for your ſake I promiſe he ſhall obtain favour from the Senate and People
of Rome, if it be in good earneſt that he ask it, but if he ſtill feign, I adviſe
you Archelaus, to conſider the preſent eſtate of his affairs and your own, how he
treats his Friends, and how we have dealt with Eumenes and Maſſa-
niſſa. At theſe words Archelaus interrupted him, angry that he ſhould
tempthim, and telling him he was not a man to betray Forces intruſted to
his charge, but that he really hoped for peace if Sylla demanded only juſt
things. Whereupon Sylla,after ſome moments Silence: Provided (faid he)
Archelaus, that Mithridates pilt into our hands all the Fleet he has, reſtore
the Generals Deputies, and other Priſoners, deliver up the Runaway's and fu-
gitive Slaves, ſend back to their Cities thoſe of Chios, and others tranſported
to the Euxine Sea, withdraw his Garriſons from all places where he has planted
them, ſave only thoſe he had before the Peace was broke, pay the Expence of this
War, which he has been the cauſe of, and content himſelf with the Kingdom of
his Anceſtors. I hope to prevail
ſo far that the Roman people ſhall forget the
Offences they have received. Archelaus hearing theſe conditions, began
preſently to withdraw his Garriſons, and about the reſt wrote to the King.
Sylla, that he might not in the mean while looſe any time; went and ſpoil.
ed the Countries of the Henetians, Dardanians, and other Neighbouring
Nations, who made delay incurſions into Macedon, by that means exerci-
fing his Soldiers. Mithridates Deputies returning ſome time after, agreed
to all, ſave only about Paphlagonia, but added that they could have had
better terms from the other General Fimbria. Whereupon Sylla offended
at that compariſon, made anſwer, that that word ſhould coſt fimbria dear,
and that as ſoon as he came into Aſia, he would ſee whether Mithridates ſtood
in need of Peace or War. Whereupon he cauſed his Army to take their
March through Thrace, that he might bring them to Cypſela, having ſent
Liscullus before to Abydos, for he was now returned, having often very
narrowly eſcaped falling into the hands of Pyrates. However he had
brought with him a kind of Fleet of Ships, which he had been furniſhed
with at Cyprus, Phænicia, Rhodes, and in Pamphilia, with which he had
pillaged all the Coaſt as he came along, and skirmiſhed with Mithridates
his Fleet: Sylla therefore parting from Cypſela,and Mithridates from Pergam
mus,met together, and began a new conference, being drawn out into the
Field, with few followers in the ſight of both Armies. Mithridates began
his diſcourſe with the alliance which he and his Father had with the people
of Rome, complained of the injuries he had received from the Roman Ge-
nerals and Commiſſaries, who had eſtabliſhed Ariobarzanes in Cappadocia,
taken from him Phrigia, and favored by their diſſimulation the Violences of
Nicomedes. And all this (ſaid he) for Money which they received ſometimes
from me, and ſometimes from my Enemies, for there is nothing, you Gentle-
mien

Book IV
with Mithridates.
145
it
men of Rome may ſo juſtly be reproached with as love of Money. In foort,
jour Generals being come to make War againſt me, whatever I have done in my
own defence, ought rather to be attributed to neceſſity then to any deliberate pura
poſe. Mithridates having only ſaid thus much, Sylla anſwered in this man-
ner. Though this be not the buſineſ, we are met for, but only to conclude a
Peace on the conditions by me already propoſed, yet I will likewiſe in few words
fatisfy you in what you reproach us with. When I commanded in Cilicia, I
reeſtabliſhed Ariobarzanes in Cappadocia,by the Senates order, and I did it be-
cauſe you yielded to the Authority of the People, for you ought either to have
oppoſed it and ſhewed your reaſons in Fudgments, or after having ſuffered itz
acquieſce in the Decree of the Senate. As for Phrygia, Manius gave young
corrupted by your gifts, which made it a common crime betwixt you, and by fay-
ing you got it by corruption, you own the poſeſfion unlawful, and indeed Mani-
us being conviited of having done many things of like nature for Money, the
Senate declared them all null. Wherefore Phrygia being granted to you un-
juſtly, they would not make it tributary to Rome, but ſet it at liberty. And
when we diſpenſe with our dominion, over a Country which by right of War bea
longed to us, as Conquerour's of it, what reaſon have you to fieſe on it? As for
Nicomedes, he complains that by your perfwaſion Alexander who deſigned to
kill him, wounded him, and Socrates Chreſtus invaded his Kingdom. He
confeſſes that thus injured, he entered armed into your Territories, but if you
thought your ſelf injured without cauſe you ſhould have ſent your Deputies to
Rome, and expected the anſwer of the Senate. Pet granting that in the aſſault
of Nicomede, you only repelled force by force, what had Ariobarzanes done,
that you ſhould drive him out of his ſtates? Therefore the Roman Generals
that were upon the place, were obliged to reeſtabliſh him, and by refifting them,
you kindled a War long time premeditated, and to begin which, you fought only
an opportunity, out of the hopes to become Mafters of all the World, if you
could overcome the Romans. We have manifeſt Proofs of this, ſince before
any War was begun, you entred into alliance with the Thracians, Scythians, and
Sarmatians, ſolicited the Rings your Neighbours by your Embaſſadors, cauſed
Shipping to be built, provided your ſelf with Pilots and men of War ; but above
all, the Time you choſe for the Execution of your Deſigns is your conviction,
for as ſoon as you knew that our Allies in Italy were reſolved againſt us, you
made uſe of that opportunity while we thus were embroyled to aſſail Nicomedes,
and Ariobarzanes, and one after another, Galatia, Paphlagonia, and our owz
province of Aſia. What cruelties have you not alted? Whether to the Ci-
ties which you have ſubmitted to Slaves and Debtors, the firſt of which
you freed from Servitude, and the laſt from the Power of their Creditors:
Whether to the Greeks of whom you put to death ſixteen hundred for one ſole
crime. Whether to the Tetrarchs of Gallogrecia, whom yoll murdered eating
at your table. Or whether to the Italians, whom in the ſame day you put all to
the Sword, or drowned them in Water with their Wives and Children, without
reſpect to the ſacred places, or the Temples, whither they had fled for Samituary:
What Inhumanity did you not manifeſt in this occaſion? What Impiety, what
furious hate againſt us? In concluſion, after having feiſed the Treaſures of all
theſe people, you ſent over great Armies into Europe, contrary to our Edith, by
which it is expreſly forbid all Kings of Aſia, to enter there. That done you fora
raged Macedonia, one of our Provinces, deprived the Greeks of their liber-
ty, and never repented of all this, nor made any uſe of the Interceffion of Ar-
chelaus till after I had recovered Macedonia, and delivered the Greeks from
your violence by paying one hundred and fixty thouſand of your men, and taking
two of your Camps, with all their Munition. And now I cannot but wonder,
V
thai

146
PARTI
The Romans War
XVII.
that jou ſhould excuſe your ſelf of the ſame matters for which you
asked
par-
don by Archelaus, unleß it be that when I was far off
, you were afraid of me, and
now ſeeing me near, you think I am come to plead; but pleadings are in vain when
Arms are once taken in hand. We do make War upon you, and have defended
öur felves bravely hitherto,and will defend our ſelves to the end.
Sylla pronouncing theſe words in Anger, the King was afraid, accepted
the conditions propoſed to Archelaus, and after having ſurrendred up his
Shipping, and executed all that was contained in the Articles of Peace, he
returned into Pontus, reduced to the Kingdoms of his Father only. Thus
was the firſt War againſt Mithridates appeaſed.
Sylla after this went and encamped within two Furlongs of Fimbria, and
ſent to ſummon him to deliver into his hands, the Army which he com-
manded contrary to the Laws, to which he in raillery returned anſwer, that
Sylla himſelf had no very legitimate command. Sylla thereupon beſieged
him in his Trenches, and many publickly forſaking him, he aſſembled
the reſt to beſeech them to ſtay, but they told him they would not fight a-
gainſt Roman Citizens: He thereupon rent his Robe, addreſſes himſelf to
every one in particular, begging with Tears in his eyes, but they having
an averſion for ſuch a meanneſs of Spirit, the greateſt part went over into
Sylla's Army. Then he ran from Tent to Tent to ſolicite the Tribunes, part
of whom having gained by Money, he once again aſſembles the Soldiers to
renew the Oath. Upon which the Henetians crying out all with one voice,
that the Soldiers ſhould be called out and ſworn man by man, he gave Or-
ders firſt to call out thoſe who had received kindneſſes from him, and parti-
cularly Nonius the Companion of all his Crimes, who refuſed to ſwear, he
drew his Sword, and had thruſt it into his belly, had not a great fhout fud-
denly raiſed throughout the whole Army, ſtopt his proceeding farther. Af-
ter this he ſuborned a Slave with Money and promiſes, to go into Sylli's
Camp as a Runaway and to kill him, but he not having been able to bear up
with conſtancy enough, his trembling made him ſuſpected, ſo that being
taken, he confeſſed the whole matter. This attempt inflamed all Sylla's Ar-
my with juſt anger, and made Fimbria fo deſpiſable, that the Soldiers
going to the Ditch of his Camp, reviled him, calling him Ariſtion, after the
name of one of thoſe fugitive Slaves in Sicily, who for a few daies was
King. Wherefore Fimbria loſt to all hopes,advanced to his Rampart, and
demanded to ſpeak with Sylla, who ſending Rutilius in his ſtead, put Fim-
bria quite in deſpair, ſeeing a conference would not be granted to him,
which had not uſually been denied even to Enemies. Yet he ſpoke to Rt-
tilius, and told him he deſired pardon for the faults he might have commit-
ted, through the imprudence of his Age. To which Rutilius anfwered,
that if he would depart out of Afia, where Sylla was Proconful, he would
give him paff-port as far as the Sea, he replied he knew a way more conve-
nient, and at the ſame time returning to Pergamus, and entring the Tem-
ple of Æſculapius, he thruſt himſelf quite through the body with his
Sword, but the wound not being mortal, he deſired the aſſiſtance of one
of his Slaves, who diſpatched him, and afterward flew himſelf. Thus
ended Fimbria, the ſecond Plague of Aſia,next to Mithridates. Sylla gave
his body to his freed men to bury it, ſaying he would not imitate Cinna and
Marius, who had deprived many in the City, not only of life, but Buri-
als; he received likewiſe the Army of the defunct, which came to yield
themſelves up to him, and joyned them with his own. After this he com-
manded Curio to reconduct Nicomedes and Ariobarzanes into their King-
doms

Book IV.
with Mithridates.
147
doms, and wrote to the Senate of all that he had done, without taking
the leaſt notice of his having heard that he was declared Enemy of the
State, then he proceeded to ſettle Neceſſary Orders in the Province, he
enfranchized and placed in the Number of the Allies of the people of Rome
thoſe of Ilion, Chios, Lycia, Rhodes, Magneſia, and ſome other people in
acknowledgement of the good ſervices they had done the Common-wealth
of Rome, or the better to comfort them for the miſeries they had under-
gone for taking part with the Romans. And after having ſent Parties of
Soldiers to all the other Cities,he cauſed an Ordinance to be proclaimed by
which all Slaves were enjoyned to return under the Power of their Ma-
ſters, but becauſe that many would not obey, and that many Cities like-
wiſe revolted, the publiſhing of this ordinance cauſed a multitude of diſor-
ders, and was followed by ſtrange Slaughters, as well of Slaves, as free
people, beſides the ruine of ſeveral Cities whoſe Inhabitants were ſold at
outcry. He likewiſe ſeverely chaſtiſed all thoſe who had taken part with
the Cappadocian as well in general as particular, eſpecially the Epheſians;
who out of a baſe complacence for Mithridates, had ſhamefully taken out
of their Temple, the gifts preſented by the Romans. After this Heralds
were ſent to all the Cities, to give notice to the principal Inhabitans, to
appear upon a certain day before Sylla at Epheſus. Where being aſſem-
bled he took his ſeat on the Tribunal, and ſpoke to them in this man-
ner.
The Oration of Sylla. loto kun
Gdy yor's in
He
TH
mi
firſt time we paſſed with an Army into Aſia was when Antiochus King
of Syria ſpoiled your Province, whoin we drove beyond the Tanais and
Mount Taurus, and though after that we might have kept you under our Do-
minion, we left all at liberty, ſave ſome few people, whom we gave to Eumenes
and the Rhodians, our Allies, rather as Subjects then as Tributaries, which is
manifeſt becauſe when the Lycians complained againſt thoſe of Rhodes, we freed
them from their obedience. Theſe benefits we have done, you obſerve now your
acknowledgment. After that Attalus Philometor had left us his Kingdom by
Will and Teſtament, you affifted Ariſtonicus againſt us for the ſpace of four
Years, till ſuch time as he being taken Priſoner, ſome of you returned to your
duty either through neceſſity or fear. After which remaining in Peace four and
tnenty Years together, you in that time became ſo prodigiouſly rich, as well Com
monálties at private perſons, that the repoſe and delights which you enjoyed re-
vived in your Spirits your animofities and averfion againſt us, and taking oc-
cafion from the differences we had with our Allies, fome invited Mithridates to
make War againſt us, and others joyned with him, as ſoon as they ſaw him in the
Field. But that which is moſt heynous, you conceived no horror to murder, by
his order on the ſame day all the Italians with their Wives and Children, not
ſparing thoſe who had fled for refuge into the Temples, conſecrated to your
Gods. 'Tis true you have in ſome meaſure been ahalliſed by Mithridates bim-
ſelf, who violating the Promiſes he had made you, gave you over to the Plun-
der of his Soldiers, and filling your Province with Blood and Slaughter, def
poiled you of your Lands, diſcharged your Creditors of the Money they ought
you, gave liberty to your Slaves, and ſet Tyrants in many places over you, and
encouraged the Retreats of Thieves, and Pyrates in all places, both by Sea and
V 2
Landa

148
Part I.
The Romans War
Land. So that it was long ere you made tryal of the difference between the
Protectors you had caſt off, and thoſe you had choſen; We have likewiſe in
flicted ſome puniſhment on the Perſons of the Authors of theſe diforders, but
that is not enough; It is but juſt to impoſe ſome publick penalty that may be
agreeable to your crime; But fear not from the Roman Clemency Maſſacre),
rah confiſcations, inſurrections of ſlaves, or other barbarous actions of that
Nature. We allow fomething to the Grecian Name, to the glory of Aſia,
and to our Ancient Friendſhip. I therefore condemn you only in the advance
of five years tribute which you owe,together with the mony expended in this War,
and a certain Sum to be imployed in the affairs of the Province
. I my felf
will appoint the contribution of each City, and the time of payment, and take
notice whoever will not obey Iſball treat them as Enemies.
Having ſaid theſe words he Aſſeſſed the ſeveral Sums, ſent the Rolls
to the Deputies, and appointed Commiſſioners for Collecting of the
Moneys. Now they being Poor and already very much in Debt, and be-
fides forely oppreffed with
the quartering of Soldiers, were conſtrained to
Mortgage to the Ufurers, fome their Theaters, others their places for
Excerciſes, others their Forts or Gates or ſome Publick Building; Thus
great Sums of Mony were brought in to Sylla,and Aſia groaned under its
Calamities; for beſides all this the Pyrates kept the Sea with ſuch great
Fleets, that they might almoſt compoſe ſo many perfect Armies, with
which they publickly pillaged the Sea Coaſts. Mithridates ſent them
firſt to ſpoil thoſe places, the Dominion of which he was like to looſe,
but they were extreamly increaſed and grown formidable, not only to
thoſe that ſailed on the Sea, but likewiſe to the Ports, Caſtles and Mari-
time Cities. So that Faſſos, Samos, Clazomene and Samothracia were ta-
ken and fackt before Syllä's face, and 'tis ſaid they took out of the Temple
of Samothrace, Riches to the value of a thouſand Talents. He would not re-
lieve them, whether he thought them unworthy becaufe of their infideli-
ty, or becauſe he haſtned his return to Rome, by reaſon of the feditious,
wherefore he paſſed into Greece, and from thence into Italy, with the
greateſt part of his Army. We have writ, what he did there in the Hi-
ſtory of the Civil Wars, proceed we now to ſet forth how the ſecond War
began between Mithridates and the Romans.
XVIII.
Murena whom Sylla had left with Fimbrias two Legions to ſettle the re-
maining orders neceſſary in the province, fought only fome occaſion of war,
out of a Paſſion to obtain the Honor of Triumph, and Mithridates being rea
turned into his Kingdom made War upon the Colches, and the Boſpho-
fans who had revolted againſt him. As for the Colches they only demand-
ed Mithridates Son for their King, and having obtained it returned to
their obedience. But the King having a fufpicion that what they had
done was by his Sons ſolicitation, ſent for him, fettered him in chains of
Gold, and ſoon after made him away, though he had ſerved him well in
Alia againſt Fimbria. As for thoſe of Boſphorus, Mithridates ſet forth a
Fleet and raiſed ſo powerful an Army, that ſuch great preparations gave
occaſion to believe they were not made againſt the Boſphorans but againſt
the Romans. For the King had not yet to abſolutely
quitted the poffeffion
of Cappadocia to Ariobarzanes, but that it was with the reſerve of ſome
places. He had moreover entertained a fufpicion that Archelaus, when he
was in Greece had granted to Sylla conditions beyond what was reaſonable,
whicly

Book IV.
with Mithridates.
149
which that Captain perceiving was afraid, and fled to Murena for pro-
tection. He animated him ſo far againſt Mithridates that he preſently
took the field to be beforehand with him, and entring his Country by the
way of Cappadocia, forraged as far as the Gates of Comanes the greateſt
City of the Kingdom, Celebrated for a famous and rich Temple, where
having defeated ſome Horſe of the Kings, the Deputies on his behalf
came to him, remonſtrating that by this
Action he broke the Articles of
Peace, to which he anſwered that he ſaw no Articles, and indeed, Sylla
had drawn no writings, but only contenting himſelf with the Execution of
the conditions, was departed out of the Province. Murena giving only this
Short Anſwer, purſued his Enterpriſe, and after having pillaged even the
Conſecrated Monies, returned to take his Winter quarters in Cappadocia.
The King fent Ambaſſadors to the Senate, and to Sylla to make his com-
plaint of Murena, who in the mean time forbore not croſſing the River
Halis (though very broad,and at that time extreamly fwoln by reaſon of the
Rains) and facking four hundred Villages of Mithridates Kingdom, with-
out receiving any oppoſition from the King, who expected the return of
his Ambaſſadors. So that the Roman General returned into Phrygia and
Galatia with a great booty, where Callidius ſent from Róme becauſe of
Mithridates complaints, came to meet him. He ſhowed him no Ordi-
nance of the Senate, but only told him before a great company there pre-
fent that the Senate forbad him to do any injury to a King, with whom
they had contracted a Peace, and after having ſaid thoſe words in pub-
lick, he entertained him a good while in private. Murena forbore no-
thing of his former Violence, but on the contrary preſently cauſed his
Army to March towards the Frontiers of Mithridates Kingdom, who ſeeing
now it muſt of force come to an open War, commanded Gordius to poſſeſs
himſelf of the Neighboring Villages. That General forthwith made pro
viſions of beaſts for burthen and munitions, and gathering together all the
Country, and as many Soldiers as he could, went and encamped on the
River, directly oppoſite to Murena, but neither one nor the other put
themſelves in a poſture to fight, till ſuch time as the King being come with
a more powerful Army,there hapned a great Engagement: For the King
having paſſed the River, notwithſtanding all the Reſiſtance of the Enemy
forced Murena to give ground, and to ſecure himſelf on an eminence na-
turally, fortified, from whence taking the byways of the Mountains, he re-
covered Phrygia, after having loſt many of his people, either in the flight
or in the Battel. The Fame of this great Victory, gained ſo ſuddenly; and
as it were in paſſing, being ſoon ſpread abroad in all places drew Multi-
tudes of people to Mithridates
. And he to return his thanks to Fupiter
Militaris, after having driven out all the Garriſons Murena had left in
Cappadocia,facrificed to him according to the cuſtom of the Country. The
place where this Sacrifice is made is on a high niountain; on thie top of
which they raiſe a mighty pile for the victims, to which the Kings bring
the firſt Wood, then they raiſe another ſmaller Pile on thie top of that,
whereon they pour Milk, Hony, Oyl and Wine, and all ſorts of Odori-
ferous Drugs. At the foot of the Pile is a Feaſt made for the Affiſtants,
like to thoſe the Kings of Perſia were accuſtomed to make at Paſargada,
and after all they ſet fire to the Pile, the flame of which riſes fo high that it
is ordinarily ſeen a * thouſand Furlongs, and the fire fo heats the Air * An hundred
thereabout, that the place is not to be approached for ſome days after.
twenty and five
Thus Sacrificed Mithridates. But Sylla judging that it was a blemiſh to
his Honor to have the War ftill continued againſt a King, with whom he
Miles.
him

150
PART I
The Romans War
he had noc?
himſelf had concluded a peace, prevailed to have Gabinius fent to Murena,
to order liim poſitively to give over this War,and to reconcile Mitbridates
with Ariobarzanes. They met therefore together in a place where Mithri-
dates delivered to Ariobarzanes in Hoſtage one of his Sons of four years
old, to the end, that part of Cappadocia where he had placed Garriſons,
might remain to him with ſome augmentation, and that being agreed he
made a feaſt for all the company, where he propoſed a reward for thoſe who
excelled either in Drinking, Eating, Jeſting or Singing, and in fhort all
forts of Divertiſements, from whieh only Gabinius excuſed himſelf. Thus
ended the ſecond War between Mithridates and the Romans, after ha-
ving laſted three years. Sometime after the King finding himſelf at peace,
ſubdued the Bofphorans. And made King of that Nation one of his Sons
called Machares. After that, he invaded the Acheans, which are on the
Frontiers of the Colches, and who as ſome ſay, are the remainder of thoſe
who returning from the Wars of Troy, were brought by chance to that
Coaſt. But having loſt one half of his Army partly by Ambuſhes, partly
in ſet battel, or by the Extremity of the Cold, he returned into his King-
dom, from whence he ſent Ambaſſadors to Rome, to ratifie by writing the
Articles of the Peace. Ariobar zanes for his part whether of his own mo-
tion, or ſet on by ſome other, ſent likewiſe to complain againſt him, that
part. Whereupon Sylla ordained that Mithridates ſhould abfolutely quit
Cappadocia, which he did, and then again fent Ambaſſadors to Rome to de-
mand a Ratification of the Treaties. But becauſe Sylla being dead, no per-
ſon would move it in the Senate, he underhand engaged his Son in Law
Tigranes to make an irruption into Cappadocia, as done of himſelf, which
yet was not ſo cloſely carried, but the Romans had knowledge of it. The
Armenian however entred violently into Cappadocia, and carried away into
Armenia three hundred thouſand men whom he imployed with other
Country People in Tilling the Land. He had not yet taken the title of
Armenia, but now he aſſumed it, and cauſed' Tigranocerta to be
called by his own Name, that is to ſay the City of Tigranes, theſe things
paſſed in Afra.
XIX. But Sertorius having fieſed upon Spain, not only made an inſurrection
in that Province, but among all the Neighboring People, againſt the Ro-
mans, and compoſed a kind of Senate of thoſe of his Faction; of the
Nurnber of his Senators, there were two of the name of Lucius, the one
Manius the other Fanius, who gave advice to Mithridates, that if he
he made an Alliance with Sertorius, he might ſoon become Maſter of the
greateſt part of Aſia, and the Nations thereunto confining. The King
ſuffered himſelf to be perſwaded, and ſent Ambaſſadors to him, whom he
cauſed to be brought into his Senate: to receive Audience, and after ha-
ving ſpoken advantagioufly of his own glory, the regulation of which had
reached even to the Kingdom of Pontus, ſo that he beheld himſelf in a
Condition to make War upon the Romans, both in the Eaſt and Weſt, he
made an Alliance with Mithridates in favor of which he gave him in Aſia,
Bithynia, Paphlagonia, Cappadocia, and Galatia, and ſent M. Varius to be
his General, and the two Lucii to ſerve him as Counſellors. And in-
deed they counſelled him to undertake this third War, wherein he loſt all
his Empire, Sertorius being dead in Spain, and the Romans having fent
againſt him two Generals, firſt Lucullus, who commanded the fleet under
Sylla, and after him Pompey under whoſe Conduct all the Eſtates of Mi-
thridates

Book IV.
ivith Mithridates.
151
thridates fell under the Roman Power, and with them all the Neighboring
Nations as far as Euphrates; Pompey taking from this way opportunity to
reduce them. Mithridates then who had already made trial of the Ro-
man Arms, and hoped for no favor, began this War, with great Gaiety
and Courage, laboring might and main in his preparations, as one reſol-
ved to overcome or periſh. He employ'd the reſt of that Summer, and
all Winter in cutting down Materials, and building of Shipping, and forging
of Arms,and fent into his Sea Ports two Millions of Mina's of * Wheat; be * An uncertaita
fides his old Troops he had prefently great Numbers of Auxiliaries. Thoſe meaſures
he raiſed in Aſia, were compoſed of Chalybes, Armenians, Scythians,
Taurians, Achæans, Heniochiens, Leucoſyrians and thoſe people inhabiting
on the banks of the River Thermodoon called Amazones. Thoſe he leavied
in Europe were Sarmatians, Bafilides, Jaziges, Coralles, of all the People
of Thrace, near the River Iſter, and the Mountains Rhodope and Hemus,
and likewiſe the Bafternes the moſt Valiant Nation of all. Thus compri-
zing the Europeans,his whole force was found to amount to one hundred
and forty thouſand Foot, and ſixteen thouſand Horſe, beſides Multitudes of
Pioneers, Sutlers, and Merchants that followed the Army: Spring being
come he took a review of his Fleet, facrificed to Fupiter Militaris ac-
cording to Cuſtom, and cauſed to be caſt into the Sea a ſet of white
Horſes Harnaſſed, as an offering to Neptune, and after all that marched
into Paphlagonia with his Forces, under the command of Taxiles and
Eumocrates his Lieutenant Generals; being arrived there he made an Ora-
tion to his Army, ſpeaking proudly of his Predeceſſors and of himſelf, how
from a little Kingdom he had made it a mighty Empire, without ever ha-
ving been overcome by the Romans, where himſelf was in Perſon. In
conclufion he declared againſt their unſatiable and unlimitted ambition,
which had even reduced Italy it felf, their Native Country to Slavery.
Then he began to ſpeak of their Infidelity towards him,refuſing to ratifie
the Peace by writing, that they might be at liberty upon the firſt oppor-
tunity to renew the War; and then after having laid down the reaſons
that induced him to the War, he began to talk wonders of his own prepa-
parations, and to ſpeak with contempt of the Roman affairs, whom Serto-
rius overpreſſed in Spain, and which in Italy were become deplorable by
domeſtick Seditions. 'Tis for theſe reaſons, ſaid he, that though the Py-
rates have ſo long reigned at Sea, they have not been able to take any Courſe
with them, for they have no Allies that alift them, nor no Subjects but thoſe
they keep in awe by force of Arms. See you not here ſaid he (pointing to the
two Lucii) their moſt conſiderable Citizens, who have declared themſelves
Enemies of their Country to make an Alliance with us. Having encouraged
his Army by theſe words, he made an Irruption into Bithynia, which Ni-
comedes lately deceaſed without Iſſue had given by will to the Roman peo-
ple. Cotta was at preſent Governor, but being a heartleſs Man he fled
to Chalcedon with all his Forces. Thus Bithynia fell once more under the
power of Mithridates, the Romans being all retired with Cotta to Chalce-
don. The King advancing to aſſault that City, Cotta who was nothing of
a Soldier durſt not come to an incounter with him, but his Admiral cal-
led Nudus, drew into the field with one half of the Army, and poſted
himſelf in an advantagious place; yet he was driven thence, and forced
to fly towards one of the Gates of the City, where every one preſſing to
enter, the Enemies that purſued them, threw no dart in vain upon a
Multitude ſo crouded together, thofe which guarded the Walls being in
fear for themſelves, let down the Portcullis, and drawing up Nudus and
foine

IS2
PART I.
The Romans War
ſome other Officers by ropes, left the reſt to mercy, who were ſlain in the
midſt, between Friends and Enemies, ſtretching out their hands in vain to
one and the other. Mithridates thinking it beſt to purſue his good for-
tune,cauſed his Fleet the ſame day to come about to the mouth of the Port,
and having broken the Iron Chain, that croſſed it, burnt four of the
Enemies Ships, and Tow'd out the reſt, about fixty in Number, at their
Sterns, whilſt neither Nudus nor Cotta endeavored to prevent them,
not daring to ſtir out of the Circuit of their Walls. There died three
thouſand Romans amongſt whom was L. Manlius a Senator, Mithridates
loft only twenty Soldiers of his Baſternes, who were moſt forward in the
aſſault of the Port.
YX
Soon after Lucius Lucullus ſent to this War, brought with him one Le-
gion from the City, to which thoſe two of Fimbria’s, and two others
being joyned, ſo that he might have about thirty thouſand Foot, and fix-
teen hundred Horſe, he went and encamped near Mithridates, who be-
fieged Cyfica, where having underſtood by the Runaway's that the King
had about three hundred thouſand Men, and that what Proviſions he had
were partly brought by Sea, and the remainder by thoſe that went out on
Forrage, he turned himſelf to his people, and ſaid he would ſoon have his
Enemies at difcretion, bidding them remember what he now told them.
He obſerved after this a mountain very proper to encamp on, of which if
he could poſſeſs himſelf he might have abundance of Victuals, and on the
contrary the Enemy would want. Wherefore he deſigned to poſt himſelf
there, thinking it of infinite importance to overcome without dariger.
There was only one very narrow avenue to it, of which Mithridates was
fieſed and had placed there a ſtrong guard, according to the advice of
Taxiles, and his other Captains, but Lucius Manius, who had been Ar-
bitrator of the Alliance betwixt Mithridates and Sertorius after the laſt was
dead, fent privately a man to Lucullies, and having got his word for him-
ſelf perſwaded the King to let the Romans paſs, and incamp where they
pleafed, becauſe Fimbria's Legions who had fought under Sertorius had a
deſign to yield themſelves to him, and would do it in few days, and that
there was no need of the expence of blood or ſweat, when they might van-
quiſh without fighting: Whereupon Mithridates doubting nothing, ac-
corded very imprudently to this advice, ſuffering the Romans to paſs in all
ſecurity by the ſtrait, and fortifie againſt himſelf
a high mountain, of which
being once Maſters, proviſions might freely be brought to them from be-
hind, whilſt a Lake, Mountains and Rivers hindring the bringing of any
by Land to Mithridates, it foon began to grow ſcarce; beſides he had no
way left to make a retreat by, nor could-he by force draw Lucullus from
his poſt, having let go his advantage, and to all this Winter approached,
when no more Proviſion could come by Sea. Now Lucullus remembred
his friends of the promiſe he had made them, ſhowing them the thing al-
moſt done. Not but that Mithridates poſſibly might, having ſuch a Multi-
tude of Men, have forced his paſſage through the midſt of his Enemies:
but he choſe rather to employ his power againſt Cyfica, believing that the
taking of that City would prove a remedy both againſt the difficulty of the
way qut, and the ſcarcity of Proviſion; And becauſe his Army was ſo
vaſtly numerous he undertook at the ſame time all manner of ways to ſtorm
it. He inclofed the Port where Ships were with a double Wall, drew
Lines of Circumvallation about the reſt of the City, raiſed a great Number
of Platforms, Built Towers of Wood, and Batteries covered with Teſtudoes
and

Book IV.
with Mithridates.
153
and other Engins, of which one which was the greateſt was called Hellepon
lis, one hundred Cubits large, on which was a tower furniſhed with in-
ſtruments to caſt ſtones, and darts of all ſorts. He likewiſe drew up cloſe
to the Port, two Gallies joyned together, which bore a tower from which
they might lay a bridge to the wall. Things thus prepared he cauſed three
thouſand Cyſicenian priſoners, to be imbarked upon Veſſels, and ſent un-
der the walls, who when they came near, ſtretched forth their hands to
their fellow Citizens, beſeeching them to have compaſſion of them in the
danger wherein they were. But Pififtratus Governor of the place cauſed
them to be told from the wall, that being now reduced under anothers
power, they ought to reſolve with themſelves, and with conſtancy under-
go their misfortune. This way not fucceeding, Mithridates cauſed to
advance towards the wall, the Engine built on the two Gallies, and having
preſently let fall the Bridge; four Soldiers leaped upon it and gained the
wall. The Cyſicenians ſurpriſed at this Novelty, ſeemed at firſt to give a
little ground, but ſeeing no more haftned to follow them, they took heart,
and made thoſe four leap from the top to the bottom. Then pouring pitch
on the Gallies, and caſting fire on it, they forced the beſiegers to retire;
and get off their Engine. Thus the aſſault from the Seaward proved un-
ſucceſsful
. The ſame day a third attempt was made, they brought at the
ſame time, all the Batteries up to the Wall on the Land ſide, but the in-
habitants bravely defended themſelves running from ſide to ſide, and from
one place to another, ſo wherever the Aſſault was moſt violent, they craſh-
ed in pieces the Engines with great Stones which they let fall upon them,
or turned off their blow with Cords, wherewith they intangled them, or
rendred them ineffectual by placing before them Sacks of Wool hung over
the wall, quenching their flaming Darts with Water and Vinegar, and
breaking off the force of the others by placing before them bundles of
Cloths, and Coverlids. In ſhort, they put in practice all that the wit of
Man could invent to defend themſelves; yet all the pains they took could
not prevent one part of the Wall, to which the beſiegers had applied fire,
from falling before night, but the fury of the flame being then ſo great
that they durſt not atrempt to enter, and the beſieged the ſame night built
up another Rampart from which they defended themſelves, till ſuch time
as there aroſe a mighty tempeſt,which utterly broke to pieces all the Kings
Enginis, and made them uſeleſs. 'Tis ſaid that Fupiter gave this City in
Dower to Proſerpina, whom the Cyficenians adore above all other Divi-
nities, and that during the ſiege, her Feaſt day on which they uſed to Sa-
crifice to her a Black Cow being come, and they having none of that hair
had made one of Paſte to offer in Sacrifice to her, when behold at the
ſame time a Black Cow coming from the Sea, and cutting through the
waters, paſſed over the booms that were drawn croſs the Port, and en-
tring into it, ran through the City directly to the Temple, and ſtopt be-
fore the Altar, on which the Inhabitants facrificed it with hopes of Re-
lief. Mithridates Friends upon this, adviſed him to raiſe his ſiege from
before this Sacred City, but he would not be moved. He got up to
Mount Dindymus which is above the City, from whence he cauſed to be
continued a Terraſs or Platform direčtly to the Walls, upon which he
made Towers to be erected, he likewiſe wrought hard to undermine the
Walls, and having many uſeleſs Horſes, ſome too lean for want of For-
rage, and others lame for want of Shoo's, he ſent them back to Bithynia.
Lucullus purſued them, and overtaking them at a paſſage of the River
Rhyndace made a great ſlaughter, took fifteen thouſand Prifoners, fix thou-
fand

154
The Romans War
PART I.
fand Horſes for Service, and a great Number of Beaſts for Burthen.
Whilſt theſe things paſſed at Cifica, Eumachus one of Mithridate's Gene-
rals making inroads into Phrygia, with a flying Army, flew a great Num-
ber of Romans with their Wives and Children, fubdued the Piſidians the
Iſaurians and Cilicia, till ſuch time as Deiotarus one of the Tetrarchs of
Galatia drawing into the Field to purſue him,at laſt overtook him, defeated
him, and flew a great quantity of his people. Mean while Winter being
come, Mithridates found himſelf deprived of thoſe few Proviſions that
came by Sea, ſo that Famine ſurpriſed his Army, fome dyed, and others
lived on dead Carkaſes, after the manner of the Barbarians, others again
feeding on nothing but Herbs, contracted mortal diſtempers, beſides the
ftink of the Corps that lay in the Fields unburied brought the Plague a-
mongſt them. Yet for all this Mithridates courage failed not, for he hoped
at laſt to take the City by the Terraſs he was rayling from Mount Dindy-
mus. But when the Inhabitants had undermined that and burnt all his En-
gines, and that knowing his Soldiers were weakned by Famine, they be-
gan to vex him with continual Sallies, he reſolved to raiſe his Siege, he
therefore embarqued by night to go with his Fleet to Para, and his Land
Army took their march towards Lampſacus, but becauſe the River Æfopus
was more ſwoln then ordinary, Lucullus overtook them at the Paſſage, ſlew
a great Number, and purſued the reſt as far as that Town, to which ha-
ving laid Siege, Mithridates fent Shipping thither, and brought away both
Soldiers and Inliabitants by Sea. After this he left in one part of his Ships,
ten thouſand choſen men, commanded by that Varius whom Sertorius
had ſent to him. Alexander the Paphlagonian,and Dionyfius the Eunuch, and
himſelf went towards Nicomedia, with the reſt which where the greateſt
Number, but the greateſt part of the one and other, periſhed by ſtorm :
Thus the Cificenians fo powerfully aſſailed ſaved themſelves, by their
own Valour, and by the aſſiſtance of Lucullies, who ſtarved the Enemies
Army. Wherefore to this day they exhibit folemn Plays in memory of him
which they call Lucullians.
XXI,
Now the Conful after having ſo well fucceeded by Land, by means of the
Famine, diſtributed thoſe Ships he had cauſed to come from Afia, to his
Lieutenants, of whom one called Triarius made a deſcent at Apamia, forced
the City, and made a horrible Slaughter of the Inhabitants who had taken
Sanctuary in the Temples. The other called Barba made himſelf Maſter of
Nicea, and Prutiade ſeated on a Mountain, both deſerted by Mithridates
Garriſons, and then keeping the Sea, went and took thirteen of the Ene-
mies Ships out of the very port of the Achæans.And having met near Lemnos
with varius, Alexander and Dionyſius in a deſert Iſle, where is to be ſeen the
Altar of PhiloEtetes, tyed about with a brazen Serpent, a Bow and a Corf-
let, tyed about with Bands, which are the Monuments of his misfortune.
He made directly towards them, without knowing who they were, but
feeing they ſtood firm, he ſent offonly two Ships to draw the Enemies to
a Battel, who would not quit the road, but were content to defend them-
ſelves from the Land, he therefore fent other Ships about,who putting a-
fhore ſome foot on the other ſide of the Iſland, he by that means forced
them again to betake themſelves to their Ships, but they not daring to ven-
ter out to Sea, for fear of Lucullus, but coaſting along, were beaten both by
Sea and Land, with a great ſlaughter, and a ſtrange diſcomfiture. The
three Commanders were taken, hid in a Cave. Dionyſius having drunk
poiſon he had with him dyed inſtantly. Varius was ſlain by Lucullus his
order,


Book IV. with Mithridates.
155
order, who thought it improper
to lead a Roman Senator in Triumph, but
Alexander was reſerved for that Pomp. This done Lucullus gave advice to
the Senate by letter, which he ſent with Laurels, according to the cuſtome
of the Victorious, and took his march towards Bithynia. As for Mithria
ddates as he ſailed towards Pontus, he was twice battered by Tempeſt,
whereby he loſt ten thouſand men, and fixty Ships, the reſt being diſperſ-
ed as the Wind carried them, and he, the Admiral being ſplit, contrary
to the advice of his Friends, embarked in a Pyrates Veſſel, which brought
him to Sinope, from thence he went to Amiſa, and there diſpatched away
into Armenia to his Son in law Tigranes and into Bofphorus to Machares, his
Son, to leavy ſpeedily Auxiliary Forces; and deputed Diocles to the Neigh
bouring Scythians with preſents and a great Sum of Money. But he
went both with Preſents and Money, and ſurrendred himſelf to Lucullus,
who in the mean time purſuing his Victory ſtill
, advanced with his Army,
fubduing and plundring all as he went, ſo that being entred into a rich
Country, and which for a long time had known no War, he found every
thing ſo extraordinary cheap, that a Slave was fold for four Drachms, an
Ox for a Drachm, and Goats, Sheep and Cloths at a proportionable rate.
At length he beſieged Aniſa and Eupatoria,which Mithridates cauſed to be
built near Amiſa, calling it by his own Name, and deſigning it for the reſi-
dence of the Kings. He aſſaulted it with Towers, Terraſſes, and Mines ſo
vaſt, that they oftimes fought underground, beſides the beſieged having
met with their Works, and opened them from the City ſide, did with
Hives of Bees drive againſt the Labourers, Bears, and other Wild Beaſts :
But yet he found more difficulty at the fiege of Amiſa, for the Inhabitants
defended themſelves gallantly, making frequent Sallies, and provoking the
Beſiegers to fight man to man. Beſides Mithriáates ſupplied them with as
much Proviſion,
Arms and Soldiers as he pleaſed, which he ſent from Cabis
res, where he ſpent the Winter, in gathering together another Army,
which he ſoon found to amount to forty thouſand foot and four thouſand
Horfe. About the beginning of the Spring Lucullus took the field, and
took up towards the Mountains to march againſt the King, who to hinder
the Confuls paſſage had placed there very good Troops, with orders to
give him notice by fires of whatever paſſed. They were commanded by
Phænix, a man of reputation, and of the Blood Royal, who foon gave the
Signal of Lucullus coming according to appointment, but went and delive-
erd up himſelf and his Forces to him, ſo that having ſecurely paſſed the
Mountains he deſcended to Cabires, where being defeated in a Battel of
the Hörle, he again recovered the Mountain, Pompey Colonel of his Ca-
valry was wounded and brought before the King, who asking him what he
would do for him, if he gave him his life. Much (ſaid he) provided you
become a Friend to Lucullus, but as long as you are his Enemy, I have nothing
to ſay. Upon this anſwer the Barbarians would have killed him: but the
King prevented them ſaying he would never injure Valour forſaken by For-
tune. After this he ſeveral times drew up his Army in Battel in the
Plain, and ſeeing that Lucullis would not deſcend, he obſerved on all ſides
how he might gain the Mountain. Mean while a certain Scythian called
Olcaba, who had ſometime before fled out of the Kings Army to Lucullus,
and had ſaved a great part of his Forces in the laſt Battel of the Horſe,and
therefore eat at the Generals Table,and was of his Counſel, and had know-
ledge of his ſecrets, came to his Tent, as he repoſed in the heat of the
day, and would needs enter, having no Arms about him, but a little Dag-
ger which he uſually wore; But when the Guards ſtopped him he grew
angry
X2

156
The Romans War
Part I.
angry telling them that there was a neceſſity to wake Lucullus, but they
told him again, that nothing was more neceſſary for Lucullus as life.
Whereupon he mounted on horſeback, and went and ſurrendred himſelf
to Mithridates, whether it were that he believed himſelf ſuſpected, or
that he was angry at the injury he imagined he had received, he preſently
diſcovered to the King another Scythian called Sobadacus, who being ar-
reſted, was accuſed of a deſign of going over to Lucullus, who ſtayed ſtill
on the Mountain ; for he would not deſcend into the plain, becauſe the
Enemies were ſtronger in Horſe, ſo that ſeeing no other way to go to
Mithridates he found in a Cave a Huntſman, who knew all the ways, un-
der whoſe Conduct he came, by unknown paſſages juſt over the head of
Mithridates, from whence he deſcended, and without entring the plain
where the Enemies Horſe lay, he went and pitched his Camp, behind a
certain Channel full of Water; being there encamped he would ſoon have
been in want of Proviſion, but he ſent for Corn as far as Cappadocia, and
was continually skirmiſhing with the Enemy, till Mithridates one day, as
thoſe of his party fled iſſuing out of his Camp, ran to meet them, and after
having reviled them with reproachful words, forced them to turn head
again, which ſtruck ſuch a terror into the Romans that they fled, and all in
a breath run up to the Mountain, continuing their flight a long time after
the Kings party had given over the chaſe of them, for every one took the
companion of his flight for an Enemy, ſo much had fear diſtracted them.
Mithridates puft up with this ſucceſs
ſent through all the Territories un-
der his Dominion, news of that Victory, and drew off the greateſt and
beſt part of his Horſe, giving them Order to Ranſack Lucullus his For-
ragers, as they brought Corn from Cappadocia, hoping to reduce him to as
great neceſſity of Victuals as himſelf had been at Cyfica. And indeed it
was a plauſible Deſign to cut of Lucullus Proviſions which could be brought
to him from no other part but Cappadocia, but the Kings Horſemen meet-
ing with the Vanguard of the Forragers in certain ſtraits, where their Hor-
fes could hardly do any ſervice, had not the patience to ſtay till they were
come into the open plain. The Romans preſently put themſelves into or-
der, and favored as they were by the advantage of the place, killed a great
many of their Enemies, drove others down the Precipices, and put all the
reſt to the Rout. Some ſaved themſelves by night in the Camp, and be-
lieving they only were eſcaped made the noiſe of this defeat, though truly
it
were great, much greater then indeed it was.
And becauſe this news
came ſooner to Mithridates then to Lucullus, the King judging that after
the loſs of his Cavalry, the Enemy would not fail to fall upon him, grew
fearful, and diſpoſed himſelf to remove thence, of which at the fame in-
ſtant he gave notice to his friends, that were in his Tent ;
But they
without ſtaying till he publiſhed the march, ſent every one out of the
Camp before day, his Equipage, with ſuch haft that at the Gate the Bag-
gage-horſes overthrew one another. This being obſerved by the Soldiers
who knew thoſe that led the Horſes, their fear increafed their ſuſpicion,
and the whole Army thinking themſelves wronged, that they had not
all notice of it, in a fury flew to the Paliſade, broke it down, and ſpread
themſelves in diforder through the plain, every one flying what way he
thought beft, notwithſtanding all their Generals and officers could do
to prevent it. The King himſelf could not appeaſe this Tumult and
Rage; for when he perceived it, he went out of his Tent to ſay ſome-
thing, but not being liſtned to by any one, he threw himſelf on the ground
in the midſt of the croud, from whence being taken up, and ſet on Horſe-
back

Book IV
157
with Mithridates.
back, he fled by the way of the Mountains, with very few in his Train
Lucullus having intelligence of the Victory of the Forragers, and ſeeing
the flight of his Enemies, ſent the greateſt part of his Horſe to give them
chaſe, and incompaſſed with his foot thoſe who remained in the Camp
prepared to receive the aſſault. He had before ſtrictly forbid the Soldiers
to plunder, till the Enemy were utterly defeated : but when they beheld
ſo many Veſſels of Gold and Silver, and ſo much coſtly Rayment, they
quite forgot his Orders. Mithridates himſelf had been taken, had they
not cut open, and ſtraw'd abroad fome Males full of Gold, wherewith a
Mule was loaden, which while thoſe that followed him, buſied them-
ſelves to gather up; he eſcaped to Comanes, from whence he went withi
two thouſand Horſe towards Tigranes, who would not ſee him, but gave
him fome Caſtles for his abode, and cauſed him to be treated and ſerved
like a King. Infomuch, that deſpairing of ever entring again into his
Kingdom, he ſent an Eunuch , called Bacchus, to his Seraglio, to put to
death in any manner whatever, his Siſters, his Wives, and his Concu-
bines. They became their own Executioniers, and either by Steel, Poy-
ſon or a Halter ended their Lives, of which the Governours of the Gar-
riſons left by Mithridates having advice, ſurrendred (all but a very few)
to Lucullus.
Lucullus after this ſeeing himſelf Maſter of the Province, went about to
Xxii.
all the Cities ſetling his orders. And cauſing his Fleet to come before the
maritime places, he ſoon took Amaſtris, Heraclea, and all the reſt except
Sinope, which for ſome time generouſly defended it ſelf, and got the better
of him in a Sea fiight. But when the Inhabitants ſaw they muſt be taken,
they ſet on fire their largeſt Ships, and going on board their lighter Veſſels,
fled.Sometime after he reitored them their liberty, being thereto advertiſed
by his Dream. 'Tis ſaid that Autolycus the Companion of Hercules, in his
expedition againſt the Amazones being driven by tempeſt into Sinope,reign-
ed there, and that after his death, his Statue was reverenced as a God, and
uttered Oracles. Thoſe of Sinope willing to have their God along with
them, when they fled, wrapt it up in Linnen, and tyed it round with Cords,
to carry it away the more ſecretly, but though Lucullus knew nothing of
it, nor no one living had given him notice, he thought he ſaw that God
calling to him, and on the morrow as ſome paſſed by him, carrying that
Statua fo bound up, he commanded them to unfold the Linnen that cove-
red it, and beheld the fame Image that had appeared to him. So this
Dream proved advantagious to the Cittizens of Sinope. Lucullus likewiſe
reſtored to liberty the Citizens of Amiſa, who like the others had eſcaped
away by Sea. He had heard tell that in the ſame time when the Åthe-
nians were Maſters of the Sea, they had ſent thither a Colony, and eſta-
bliſhed a Government of which the people had the Adminiſtration, that
afterwards that City falling under the Dominion of the Kings of Perſiaz
Alexander firſt reſtored them to that liberty which afterwards the Kings of
Pontus had deprived them of. Whereupon he took pity on them and imi-
tating the goodneſs of Alexander, and in favour of the Attick people, he
made it free, and gave order that the Inhabitants as well of Amiſa as Sino-
pe, ſhould forthwith return to their dwellings. After theſe two places were
thus taken by Lucullus, and reſtored to liberty, one of the Sons of Mithri-
dates, called Machares King of the Boſphorus, having ſent him a Crown of
Gold, he received him into the friendſhip of the people of Rome. After-
ward hic difpatched Meſſengers to Tigranes, to demand Mithridates, and
thert

158
Part I.
The Romans War
then marching towards Aſia, which ſtill owed one fourth part of their fruits
of the fine adjudged by Sylla, he impoſed a Tribute upon them according to
the Value of their houſes, and the number of their Slaves, withal ſacra
ficing to the Gods of Victory, as if his Enemies had been already totally
overcome. The Sacrifices performed, he marched forward with two
choſen Legions, and five hundred Horſe, to make War upon Tigranes, be-
cauſe he would not deliver up Mithridates to him. As ſoon as his Army had
paſſed the Euphrates he went on without doing any injury to the Barbari-
ans, fave only making them pay contribution, for the people of theſe
Countries were Enemies to War, and would not engage themſelves in the
differences between Tigranes and Lucullus. No one durſt give advice to Ti-
granes of Lucullus deſign, for one unhappy man that adventured but to
ſpeak of it, was hanged up as a diſturber of the publick Peace, but at laſt
when he ſaw he came on, he ſent Mithrobar zanes before with two thou-
ſand Horſe, to oppoſe his march, and gave orders to Manceus to make
haft to Tigranocerta to defend that place. This King (as we have faid be-
fore) had cauſed this City to be built for the Glory of his Name, and to the
intent that he might people it with Perſons of Quality and Condition, had
by Edict declared that all moveables were not brought thither, ſhould be
confiſcated. The Walls were fifty Cubits high, at the foot of which there
were Stables quite round. He had likewiſe in the Suburbs built a moſt ſtately
Palace, with magnificent Gardens, and a great number of Channels full
of Fiſh, with Parks for Beaſts, and ſome diſtance from thence a ſtrong
and beautiful Citadel : All theſe things he committed to Manceus Guards,
whilſt hr on all ſides levyed Forces to compoſe an Army. Mean while
Lucullus meeting with Mithrobarzanes, foon defeated him, and gave him
chafe; and Sextilius having ſhut up Manceus in Tigranocerta, pillaged the
Royal Palace without the Walls, beſieged the City, planted his Batte-
ries, and ſet the Miners to work. Whilſt Sextilius was buſied at this
fiege, Tigranes had gathered together two hundred and fifty thouſand
Foot, and fifty thouſand Horſe; about ſix thouſand of which he ſent to
Tigranocerta, who opening a paſſage through the midſt of the Roman
Army , reſcued from thence the Kings Concubines, and carried them
away with them. For his part he marched againſt Lucullus , with the
reſt of his Forces, where Mithridates came to him, and adviſed him not
to come to a ſet battel with the Romans, but to keep the Field with his
Horſe, and waſt all the Country round about their Army : fo that, if
poſſible he might ſerve him in the ſame manner, as Lucullus had done
his Army before Cyfica , and deſtroy them without fighting. But the
Barbarian laughing at this advice, continued his March always in order
of Battel, and ſeeing the ſmall number of the Romans, ſaid in a Jeer:
If they be Ambaſſadors, they are a great many, but if they be Enemies they
are very few. Lucullus having taken notice of a Hill behind Tigranes Ar-
my, gave order to his Cavalry to go charge the Enemy in Front, and to
betake themſelves to flight, as ſoon as they had drawn them on to a Bat-
tel, to the end, the Barbarians might break their Ranks to purſue themı,
whilſt he with the Infantry, taking a compaſs, went and gained the Hill,
without being perceived by the Enemy: When he ſaw thein ſcattered
and in diſorder, in chaſe of his Horſe, as if they had already been victo-
rious; and their Baggage remaining at the foot of the Hill, he crying out
the Victory is ours fellow Soldiers, went down, and firſt of all charged up-
on the Train and Baggage Horſes, who forthwith betaking themſelves to
flight, preſſed upon the Foot, and the Foot did the like upon the Horſe ;
fo

Book IV.
with Mithridates.
159
0-
ſo that the whole Army was immediately in a rout; for on one ſide the
Roman Horſe turning head againſt thofe, who had ſeparated themſelves
from the main Body to purſue them, cut them in pieces ; and on the
ther ſide, the Baggage Horſes, as if they had been thruſt forward, over-
threw all they met with; and the whole multitude preſſing one upon ano-
ther, by reaſon of their great number, without knowing the reaſon of
the diſorder, the Romans made a wonderful ſlaughter. Not a man ſtopt
now to plunder, for Lucullus had expreſly forbid it, with ſevere threats
on the tranſgreſſors. Wherefore trampling under foot Collars and Chains
of Gold, they followed the Maſſacre for the ſpace of* fixſcore Furlongs, Fifteen milesa
till night coming on, they returned back, and ſpoiled the dead, by per-
miſſion then given them by Lucullus. After this defeat, Manceus, Gover-
nour of Tigranocerta, difarmed all the Mercenary Greek Soldiers in the
City, having entertained ſome ſuſpicion of them : Wherefore they fear-
ing to be likewiſe made Priſoners, got them Clubs, and trooped together;
ſo that they parted not one from another, either marching or ſtanding ſtill
.
And when Mancers came to charge them with ſome armed Barbarians ,
they wrapt their left Arm in their Coats inſtead of Bucklers; and running
deſperately into the midſt of their Enemies, ſlew a great number, whole
Arms they divided amongſt them; when they thought they had Arms
enough to ſerve their turn, they went and feiſed upon ſome Towers that
flanked the Walls, from whence they called to the beſiegers, and helping
them to mount upon the Wall, made them Maſters of the City. Thus
Tigranocerta newly built, whither out of meer vanity Inhabitants were
forced to come from all parts, became a prize, and enriched the Army
with a moſt prodigious booty. Tigranes and Mithridates , in the mean
time, gave orders to ſet on foot another Army, of which Mithridates had
the command; becauſe the other thought him more capable, being in-
ſtructed by the experience of ſo many loſſes; they fent likewiſe to demand
aſſiſtance from the Parthians; but Lecullus having likewiſe diſpatched to
that King, to requeſt him to aſſiſt him with his Forces, rather than the
others, or at leaſt to be but a looker on; he in particular promiſed both
parties, but kept his word neither with one nor the other. There was
no City but Mithridates ſet on work to forge Arms, nor ſcarce a perſon
in Armenia capable to bear them, but came and enrolled himſelf in theſe
new Levies. But he thought it not beſt to employ ſuch a multitude, he
choſe only ſeventy thouland Foot, and half as many Horſe of the ableft
Men, and diſmiſſed the reſt: And after having diſtributed them into Com-
panies and Regiments, almoſt according to the Italian Diſcipline ; he gave
it in charge to the old Pontick Soldiers to exerciſe them. They were no
ſooner in the field, but Lucullus appeared reſolved to fight: but Mithri-
dates kept "firm upon an Eminence, where he had poſted himſelf with all
his Foot, and the greateſt part of his Horfe ; and Tigranes being gone
with the reſt to charge the Romans, who were forraging abroad was de-
feated, which gave liberty to the Romans, for the future, to fetch Corn
without any fear, to forrage in the very face of Mithridates, and to draw
nearer to his Camp. At laſt the Kings were reſolved to block
ир
Lucullus
in the midſt between them; to this end Tigranes took the Field, but the
duſt diſcovering his March, the General, who knew their deſign, drew of
the flower of his Horſe, with Orders to go as far as they could to meet the
Armenian, and to charge him before he could put his people in order.
Mean while he did all he could to draw Mithridates to a battel, he at-
tempted the making a Ditch round about the Hill, but he could not oblige
hun

160
The Romans War
PART I:
him to defcend, till Famine beginning to afflict both Armies, they all re-
treated without doing any thing. Tigranes into the heart of Armenia,and
Mithridates into what was left him of the Kingdom of Pontus, with four
thouſand Men of his own, and as many of Tigranes. Lucullis followed
them in the Rear; but being himſelf oppreſſed with want. of Proviſion,
he returned back again : and Mithridates having made a ſwifter March
than could be imagined , ſurpriſed Fabius, whom the Conſul had left to
command there, and forced him to betake himſelf to flight, after having
five hundred of his Men flain; yet he returned to the charge, ſtrengthed
with the aſſiſtance of all the Slaves that followed the Army, to whom he
gave their liberty, and held out the fight all that day, till ſuch time as
Mithridates wounded with the blow of a Stone on the Knee, and with an
Arrow below the Eye, was ſuddenly carried out of the Battel. This oc-
caſioned the paſſing away of ſome days without fighting, whether the
Enemies were in pain for the Kings health, or whether their wounds re-
quired reſt. However it were,the King was ſoon cured, being dreſt with
medicaments compoſed of the Poyfon of Serpents, by the Agbares, Scythi-
ans by Nation, who for this purpoſe always followed the Court. To Ft-
bius fucceeded Triarius, who brought a new Army of Lucullus his Forces,
with which he preſently marched againſt Mithridates ; but as they were
ready to engage, both ſides were forced to part, there ariſing ſuch a furi-
ous Tempeſt, as had never being ſeen in the memory of man; it threw
down the Tents of both Camps, carryed the Beaſts of Burthen out of the
way, and likewiſe took up ſome Soldiers and threw them among the Preci-
pices. Upon the Rumour of Lucullus his coming, Triarius defirous to do
ſome memorable action whilſt he commanded, went about break of day to
make an aſſault upon Mithridates Out-guards. They fought a long time
with equal Fortune, but at laſt the King making an onſet with the Wing in
which he was, began to overcome, broke the Romans and drove their in-
fantry into a miry Valley, where the Soldiers not able to ſtand upright, fuf-
fered themſelves to be killed without any reſiſtance. After which purſu-
ing his advantage he fell into the Rear of the Cavalry, to whom he gave
* Captain of an
chaſe with much eagernefs, when a Roman * Centurion Galloping by his
hundred mento ſide as if he had been one of his Train, gave him a great wound with his
Sword in the thigh, for he was doubtful if he ſhould have ſtruck him in the
Reins he ſhould not have pierced his Armour. The Roman was preſent-
ly cut in pieces by the Guards, and Mithridates carried into the Rear of his
Army. However they ceaſed not purſuing the Victory, which had been
much greater,. had not thoſe
who were about the King, cauſed the retreat
to be founded. This ſurpriſed thoſe who followed the Chaſe, and trou-
bled them ftrangely; for they were fearful, leit fome misfortune were hap-
pened elſewere, till ſuch time as the thing being known, they came and
gathered in Throngs about the wounded King, in the midſt of the Plain,
where Timotheus his Chirurgion having ſtopt the blood, ſhowed them
him ſtanding,as Alexander was in the Indies ſhown to the Macedonians,who
were in fear for his ſafety. Mithridates himſelf would needs be dreſt
up-
on the Arlop of a Ship, to the end every one might ſee him, where being
ſomewhat recovered, he reproved thoſe who had cauſed the Retreat to be
founded, and the ſame day cauſed his Army to march towards the Roman
Camp, which they for fear had already deſerted, there were found among
the dead, four and twentyal Tribunes, and one hundred and fifty Centuri-
ons, nor ever did the Romans in one only defeat looſe ſo many Officers.
After this Victory, the King ietired into Armenia called the lefs, carrying
along

Book IV.
161
with Mithridates.
along with him all Proviſions that he could tranſport, and corrupting what
he left, left if Lucullus came into that Country, he ſhould make uſe of
them. At the ſame time a certain Roman Senator called Attilius who for
fear left proceſs ſhould be made againſt him, had eſcaped to Mithridates,
and had by him been received with all poſſible demonſtrations of friendſhip
was convict of a plot againſt his perſon. Yet he would not out of reſpect
to his former Dignity, let him be put to the Torture, but was content to
let him ſuffer an ordinary death: but his accomplices were cruelly torment-
ed, ſave only thoſe of his freed man, to whom he had communicated his de-
fign, whom the King let go becauſe they had only obeyed their Maſter. As
for Lucullies he ſoon was come upto Michridates, and was now upon the
point to engage with hin, when the Proconful of Aſia ſent to proclaim
through all
the Province, that
the Senate blamed Lucullus for having ſpun
out the War ſo long and therefore diſmiſſed the Army, injoyning the Sol-
diers not to ſtay any longer upon pain of confiſcation of their Goods. The
news of this Ordinance being come to the Camp, moſt began to file off,
there remaining only with Lucullus ſome poor Wretches who having no-
thing to looſe, feared no confiſcations. Thus Lucullus no more then thoſe
before him, could not make an end of this War, for the Allies being revolt-
ed in Italy, and the City afflicted with Famine, by reaſon that the Pyrates
were Maſters of the Sea, it was not thought proper to embroyl themſelves
in ſo great a War, till they were delivered from the preſent Inconveni-
ences.
Mithridates having advice hereof entred into Cappadocia, and began to XXIII.
reeſtabliſh himſelf in his own Kingdom, which the Romans diſſembled till
ſuch time as the Sea was cleared of Py.rates : but after the Pyrates were de-
feated by Pompey, and that he was come into Aſia, they renewed the War
againſt Mithridates, giving that great Captain Commiſſion to be their Ge-
neral. Wherefore what this great man acted on the Sea before he bore
Arms againſt Mithridates, making a part of that expedition, and not re-
lating to another Hiſtory, Iam of the mind to make a Summary recital of
it in the place. Mithridates at the beginning of his firſt War againſt the
Romans having made himſelf Maſter of Aſia, becaufe Sylla was then im-
ployed in Greece about Affairs of importance, believing that his Dominion
there would be of no long durance, ſpoiled all that Country, and continu-
ed all thoſe Cruelties we have related. He likewiſe at the ſame time ſent
forth Pyrates who at firſt coaſting up and down with a few ſmall Barques,
only got ſome booty, but the War growing hot, they encreaſed in Num
ber, and fitted out great Ships, and afterwards finding a ſweetneſs in the
vaſtneſs of their gain, whether the King were overcome, or whether he
had made Peace, or whether he were in flight they continued their Robbe-
ries; for they ſaid that having loſt their Goods, and abarıdoned their Coun-
tries by reaſon of the War, neceſſity had driven them from the Land, to
ſeek their Fortune for the future by Sea. They elected among themſelves
Arch-pyrates, who commanded a certain Number, as if it had been a law-
ful War. They aſſaulted weak Cities, and ſometimes very ſtrong ones too,
whoſe Walls they either ſcaled or threw down. They pillaged them after
they had taken them, carrying to their places of retreat all the rich men
they took, to make them pay their ranſome, and giving their Crimes ho-
nourable names they ſhook off the name of Pyrates, and called themſelves
Soldiers adventurers. They had likewiſe Artificers whom they kept in Fet-
ters, and continually ſtored up Wood, Iron, Braſs, and other Materials.
Y
For

162
Part I.
The Romans War
For their vaft booty had ſo heightned their courages, that preferring that
kind of life before any other, they imagined themſelves Soveraigns, and
Kings, comparing their Power to that of Armies, and eſteeming them-
ſelves invincible, when ever they pleaſed to unite together, they built Ships
and forged Arms eſpecially in Cilicia called the Rough, which was the com-
mon retreat of all theſe Corſairs, or as we may ſaw the principal Seat of
War. Not but that they had in other places Caſtles and Forts in deſart Illands
and cunning Harbours, but they uſually retired to that Coaſt of Cilicia the
Rough, which was inacceſſible, and bounded with Rocks reaching almoſt
out of fight, and therefore all the World commonly called them Cilicians.
This miſchief which was begun in Cilicia infected likewiſe the Syrians,
Ciprians, Pamphilians, Pontick Nations, and almoſt all the Oriental peo-
ple, who tyred with the length of the Mithridatick War, and chooſing
rather to do ill then ſuffer it, changed their dwellings on Land for the Sea,
ſo that in a ſhort time they amounted to many thouſands, and not only be-
come Maſters of the Sea that wets the Oriental Coaſts, but ſpread them-
felves throughout all the Seas as far as the Pillars of Hercules, for they de-
feated ſome Roman Pretors in Sea Fights, and among others the Pretor of
Sicily. No Ship durſt appear about that Iſland, the very Husband-man had
abandoned the Fields, becauſe of the continual deſcents they made, which
very much annoyed he Romans, for beſides that they beheld their Provin-
ces pillaged, want of Corn brought a Famine into the Citie. Beſides it was
not eaſie to defeat ſuch great Forces, that ſpread themſelves over all parts
both of the Sea and Land. Who were alwaies ready either to fly or fight,
whilſt none knew their Country or place of retreat, nor indeed had they
any reſidence or propriety, but what fell in their hands. Wherefore theſe
extraordinary kind of Enemies who gave themſelves a diſpenſation againſt
all the Laws of War, of whom nothing clear or certain could be made
out, were very formidable, and few would have accepted a Commiſſion
for this War. For Muren, having undertaken theſe Pyrates did nothing
memorable, no more did after him Servilius Ifauricus. They were grown
ſo bold as to Land upon the Coaſts of Brundufium and * Hetruria, from
whence they carried away ſome Women of Quality whom they found in
the Country. And defeated two Bodies of an Army, whoſe Eagles they
carried away. The Romans no longer able to ſuffer theſe Loſſes and Af-
fronts, by Decree of the Senate, gave to Pompey the greateſt man of that
time Command of their Armies for three Years, with Authority over all
the Seas, as far as the Pillars of Hercules, and within all the Maritime
Provinces for* four hundred Furlongs from the Sea, and to Command all
Kings, Governours and Cities, to furniſh him with neceſſaries. They per-
mitted him likewiſe to make new Leavies, both of men and Monies, and
in the mean time gave him an Army compoſed of ſtanding Legions, all
the Ships they had, and fix thouſand Attick Talents in ready Money. So
difficult a thing they believed it to overcome ſo many Naval Armies, to
purſue them in ſo valt an extent of Seas, and to ſeek them out in ſo many
holes, having to do with Enemies, they could not get within reach of
except they pleaſed, and who were ready to fall on, when they were leaſt
thought of. Nor indeed did ever any Roman General go to War with ſo
large a Commiſſion as Pompey's. Soon after they furniſhed him with ſix-
ſcore thouſand foot, four thouſand Horſe, and two hundred and ſeventy
Ships, comprizing the Brigantines, and for his Lieutenants, they gave
him five and twenty Senators, among whom he divided the Seas, giving
them Horſe and Foot and Shipping, with the Enfigns of Pretor. Every
Lieutenant
Tuſcany.
Fifty Miles


Book IV.
with Mithridates
163
* Genova
Lieutenant had abſolute power in the Quarter lie Commanded, and he
like a King of Kings, went from one part to another, to diſperſe his Or-
ders, and to ſee that every one kept in his Poſt without quitting it, or pur-
fuing the Enemy far from it, if he could not gain the Victory upon the
place, to the end that there being alwaies people in a readineſs in all places;
to take up what others had not fully done, the Pyrates might find no ſecu-
rity in flying from place to place. After having diſpoſed things in this
manner, he gave the Commiſſion of Spain, and the Streit to Tib. Nero
and Manlius Torquatus joyntly, of the Celtick and * Liguſtique Sea, td * Gaul.
Marius Pomponius ; of Affrica with Sardinia, Corſica and the Circumadja-
cent Iſlands to Lentulus Marcellinus, and P. Attilius ; of the Coaſt of Italy
from Sicily to Acarnania to L. Gellius and Cn. Lentulus ; of the Ionian Sea
to Plotius Varis and Terentius Varro ; of Peloponeſus, Attica, Eubæa, Thef
faly, Macedon and Bæotia to L. Cinna; of all the Ægean Sea, and the Hel-
le pont to L. Cullius. Of Bithynia; Thrace the Propontick, and the mouth of
Pontus to L. Piſo, of Lycia, Pamphilia, Cyprus and Phænicia to Metellus
Nepos. *Theſe were the Quarters he aſſigned every Lieutenant, where Note, there were
they were to fight, and to give them their Chaſe, ſo that ſaving themſelves 25 Lieutenants,
from one, they might fall into the hands of another, forbidding them to commilions but
purſue beyond their Bounds, for fear leſt thoſe long Chaſes might be a for 1,3,
means to delay the Wår, for his own part he flew (if one may fo ſay )
from one part to another, to ſee what paſſed, and laying in forty days
gone the Circuit of the Weſtern part of the Sea, he returned to Rome
from whence he went to Brundufium, where again taking Shipping, and
running over all thoſe vaſt Oriental Seas, he brought every where a dread
of his Name, by the ſwiftneſs of his motion, the greatneſs of his Force
and Power, and the opinion had of a Captain of ſuch high reputation. So
that the Pyrates who as it was thought would have aſſaulted him, or at
leaſt would have found ways to have made his Victory difficult, preſently
raiſed their Siegė, before thoſe Towns they had blocked up, and out of
the fear they had of him, retired into their Forts, and ſheltring places.
Thus Pompey cleared the Seas without fighting, and his Lieutenants every
one in their Quarter took all the Corſairs that haunted there: After this
he went into Cilicia with a great number of Soldiers and Workmen, and
ſtore of Engines, believing he ſhould be put to the aſſaulting after ſundry
manners thofe Forts built upon ſuch high Rocks. But the renown of his
name alone and the vaſtneſs of his preparations ſtruck ſuch a terror into the
Pyrates, that they believed they ſhould make the better compoſition if
they yielded without fighting. Thoſe who were in the two largeſt Forts,
called Crague and Anticrague were the firſt who ſubmitted at difcretion, and
after them all thoſe who held the Mountains of Cilicia one after another,
yielded themſelves with great quantities of Arms, either already furniſh-
ed, or elſe only begun in the Shops, beſides a great number of Ships, fome
half built, others ready to fail, with Copper, Iron, Canvas, Cordage, and
divers others Materials, which they had gathered together for their uſe.
There were found alſo many Captives which they kept there, fome for
Ranſome, others to labour in tlieir works. Pompey burnt all their unwrought
Materials, carried the Ships along with him and ſent the Captives home,
many of whom found that their Funerals had been performed, their friends
believing them dead. As for the Pyrates who appeared not to have enga-
ged themſelves in this kind of life, but becaufe they had loſt their ſubſtance
by the War, he aſſigned them for their dwellings, Malle, Adane, Epi-
phania and ſuch other Cities as were but thinly inhabited in the upper C-

V 2

164
PARTI.
The Romans War
licia, Tome of them likewiſe he ſent to Dima in Achaia. Thus the War
againſt the Pyrates, which all Men thought would have been long, was
ended in a few days by Pompey. There were ſeventy two Ships taken three
hundred yielded up, with fixſcore Towers, Forts and others places of
retreat, and about ten thouſand ſlain of thoſe who ſtood out upon their
Defence.
XXIV.
After this ſo expeditious victory, the ſucceſs of which exceeded all Mens
hopes, the Senate and People of Rome, in acknowledgement of the
great Service done by Pompey conferred on him ſignal Honors. They gave
him the Commiſſion of the War againſt Mithridates, continued to him the
ſame Power to make Peace and War, and at his own Arbitrement to de-
clare Friends and Enemies to the People of Rome, thoſe whom he ſhould
think Worthy, and over and above all this made him Generaliſſimo of all
their Forces out of Italy. Never before had the People of Rome given fo
much Power to one Man at once, which poſſibly was the Reaſon, why
they called him GREAT, for as to any thing elſe, the other Ge-
nerals had before left but little to do in this War. Pompey then having
Aſſembled the Forces of Aſia, went and encamped on the Frontiers of
Mithridates Eſtates, who had at preſent a very gallant Army, compoſed
of thirty thouſand Foot, and three thouſand Horſe all choſen Men, raiſed
upon his own Lands for the defence of his Kingdom. Lucullus had not
long before ſpoiled all that Country, ſo that vi&tuals were ſtill fcarce,
which made many of Mithridates Soldiers run into the Roman Army, and
though the King inflicted cruel puniſhment upon thoſe, were ſurpriſed in
the attempt, throwing ſome headlong down the Rocks, ſqueezing out
others eyes, and burning ſome alive, ſo that fear kept many of them in
their duty; yet did his Army by little and little waſt, by reafon of the
ſcarcity. Which occaſioned his ſending Ambaſſadors to Pompey, to de
mand upon what conditions he might have peace, to which the Roman
anſwered; by delivering up the Runaways and yielding himſelf at diſcretion.
The King having reported this anſwer to the Revolters, and ſeeing them
terrified at it, fwore he never would have peace with the Romans, be-
cauſe of their cruelty, Nor would conſent to any thing but what ſhould be
for the Common good of thoſe had done him Service. Whereupon Pom-
pey having laid a party of Horſe in Ambuſh, ſent the reſt to skirmiſh with
Mithridates Camp, with Orders to give ground after the firſt charge, as if
they had been ſurpriſed with fear,till ſuch time as having drawn the Enemy
into the Ambuſh they charged them both together. And indeed the Ro-
mans put them to the Rout, and might poſſibly have entred the Camp in
the Rear of thoſe that fled, if Mithridates fearing the diſorder had not
drawn out his Foot, and placed them in Order before the Camp which
forced them to a retreat. This was the firſt Engagement of Horſe be-
tween the two parties. At length the King oppreſſed for want of provi-
fions returned into the heart of his Kingdom, in hopes that the Enemy
could not ſubſiſt in that ruined Country, at leaſt without much inconve-
niency. But Pompey preſently diſcamped, and bringing in proviſions
along with him marched as far as the Eaſtern parts of the Kingdom where
he cauſed a Line to be drawn of *one hundred and fifty furlongs in length
Mil.s in length. fortified with many Forts, to incloſe the King and cut of his paſſage to fetch
in Corn and Forrage. Mithridates gave no hindrance to this work, either
out of fear or out of imprudence which ordinarily precedes Calamity, and
foon found himſelf once more reduced to ſuch want that he was forced to

* Eighteen

Book IV.
with Mithridates.
165
kill all the beaſts of burthen, to ſuſtain his Army, keeping only the Horſes
of Service. With infinite trouble he made a ſhift to ſublift thus for fifty
days, and afterwards with great filence made his eſcape by night through
difficult ways. On the morrow Pompey overtaking him fell upon his Rear-
guard, but the King notwithſtanding all the Counſel of Friends, would
not give Battel, but contenting himſelf to oppoſe the Romans, with ſome
Horſe to keep him off, gained towards Evening, the Forreſts which ſer-
ved him for Retreat. The next day he poſſeſſed himſelf of a Village for-
tified with Rocks on all fides, to which there was but one Avenue in
which he placed four Regiments for Guard, directly oppoſite to which the
Romans went and pitched their Camp, that ſo the King might have no
way to eſcape. On the morrow the two Armies betook themſelves to
their Arms very early, and thoſe which had the Guard on one Party and
the other, began the skirmiſh. Some of the Kings Horſemen alighting
from their Horſes, without Command went to aſlift their Infantry, but
ſeeing a great party of the Roman Cavalry, come forward to the charge,
they all at once ſet a running towards the Camp to take their Horſes, that
they might return to fight againſt the Romans on equal terms. But thoſe
who were ſtill above, and ready to deſcend in a poſture of fighting, ſeeing
theſe People run with great cries and in diſorder, and not knowing the
reaſon, believing that the Camp being taken on the other ſide, they fed;
themſelves likewiſe threw down their Arms, and betook themſelves to
flight, and becauſe the way was narrow, the croud was ſo great, that they
overthrew,and tumbled one another down the Precipices. Thus the Army
of Mithridates was defeated by thoſe who going to aſſiſt their Compa
nions without any Orders, occaſioned the Rout. It was an ealiy Victory
to Pompey, for he had nothing to do but to kill, or to take Priſoners thoſe
unhappy diſarmed wretches, engaged among the Rocks, there were about
ten thouſand ſlain, the Camp was taken, and all Mithridates Baggage and
Munitions, who eſcaping himſelf behind his Camp accompanied only
with his Guards, found by chance fome Mercenary Horſe, and about three
thouſand Foot, with whom with all ſpeed he got to the Fort of Synorega
where he had abundance of Mony. And having given both a largeſs,
and a whole years Pay to the Companions of his flight, he carried with
him about fix thouſand talents, taking his way towards the ſprings of Eu-
phrates, that from thence he might get to Colchis, he made fuch haft that
in four day march he paſſed the Euphrates, where he ſtayed three days to
refreſh his Men, and Arm thoſe other Troops he had gathered together,
he thence entred into the Country of Cotenea, which is a Province of Ar-
menia where he defeated the Coteneans and Iberians who would have ſtopt
his paſſage, and from thence gained the River Apara. Some ſay that the
Afiatick Iberians, are deſcended from the Europeari, that is to ſay, the
Spaniards, others on the contrary, ſay the Spaniatds came from theſe
Aſiatiques, others again, that there is nothing common between the one
and the other but the name, there not being the leaſt conformity either in
their Language or Manners. Now Mithridates having taken up his Win-
ter quarters at* Dioſcuriade (which is a City ſaid to be founded by the Ar-* A city of
gonautes and Caſtors in the voyage they made) began no more to have by Caftor and
mean thoughts, nor that favored of the fugitive, he laid a deſign to march Pollux,who are
along the banks of the Euxine Sea, and by the Scythians, neighboring on of Jupiter,
Die. .
that Sea, and the Palus Mæotis, that ſo he might this way arrive at Bo-ſcuri in Greek
sphorus, and after liaving driven thence his ingrateful Son Machares, he fignifying som
.
might thence renew the War againſt the Romans, and from Europe tran-
ſport

166
PART I.
The Romans War
* Bous in
ſport his Arms into Aſia, which are only divided by a ſtrait which ſowie
believe to have taken its name from B&S * becaufe lo transformed to a Cow
fies Exile com, pafled there flying from the jealous Funo. Though thele deſigns were ex-
traordinary and ſcarce.credible Mithridates attempted to put them in Exe-
cution, he marched through all the Scythian Nations, whether Enemies or
unknown, partly by force and partly by ſufferance: He was ſtill both re-
ſpected and feared,fugitive and miſerable though he were. The Henio-
chians willingly gave him paſſage, but the Acheans endeavoring to oppoſe
his march he forced it. It is ſaid that theſe people being caſt by Tempeſt
on the Coaſts of the Euxine Şea, as they returned from Trcy, were ill treat-
ed by the Barbarians, becauſe they were Greeks, and that having de-
manded fome Ships from the Cities of their Country and being refuſed
them, they conceived ſuch an indignation or rather ſuch a rage, that all the
Greeks they could catch they made Sacrifice off, at firſt, without any di
ftinction; ſometime after chuſing out the faireſt, and at laſt drawing them
by lot. But let thus much ſuffice concerning the Scythian Achæans. Now
Mithridates being entred into the Country bordering upon the Palus Meo-
tis which is divided among many petty Kings, there was not one but out
of reſpect to the great reputation of his actions, and of his Kingdom re-
ceived him favorably, and gave him paſſage through their Lands, they
likewiſe made him preſents, and he ordered things fo, that having drawn
them into alliance with him,and given ſome of his Daughters in Marriage to
the moſt powerful of them there entred into his thoughts a wonderfal Ex-
pedition. He forined a deſign to March through Thrace and fo througlı
Macedon, and thence by the way of Pannonia to paſs the Alpes, and enter
into Italy. Machares his Son underſtanding that in ſo ſhert a time he had
traverſed all thoſe Salvage Nations, and thoſe which are called the Straits
of Scythia, where never Man before him had paſſed, ſent Ambaſſadors to
inake his excuſe, that out of fear he had made an accommodation with the
Romans, but knowing him implacable, he fled towards the Pontique Cher-
foneſis, after having burnt all the Ships he had to hinder his father from
purſuing him, but his Father ſending a Fleet after him he flew himſelf.
As for Pompey he purſued Mithridates as far as Colchis,but never imagining
that he would take the way we have ſpoken of, or that a fugitive Prince
'would attempt any thing Great, he went through all that Province well-
pleaſed to ſee the Country whither the Argonautes, and Caſtor and Pollux,
had made their Voyage; and particularly the Rock, where they ſay Pro-
metheus was chained on Mount Caucaſus. There are in this Mountain ſeve-
ral ſprings, that caſt forth Grains of Gold, but fo finall, that they are
ſcarce perceivable. Wherefore thoſe of the Country, pur into the ſtreams
skins covered with wooll, by which means they get the golden fands,
which gather in the fleece. And poſſibly that famous golden fleece of
Aete is nothing elſe. As Pompey paſſed through the Country to ſee theſe
rarities, all the neighboring Nations came to wait on him, and be his
Conductors. Only Orefes and Artocus Kings of the Albanians, and Ibe-
rians laid an Ambuſh for him with ſeventy thouſand men near the River
Cyrus, which diſcharges it felf into the Capian Sea by nine Navigable
Channels, and into which a Multitude of other Rivers looſe themſelves
among which the Araxes is the greateſt of all. The Roman General ha-
ving intelligence hereof cauſed a Bridge to be laid over the River croſſed it,
and drove the Barbarians into the Wood, from whence they being accu-
ſtomed to fight ſallying out as from a fortreſs, and when they were leaſt
thought of renewing the charge, Pompey having placed People round
about

Book IV..
167
with Mithridates.
about the wood, ſet fire to it, and as they came forth gave them chaſe, till
ſuch time as coming to give him preſents and hoſtages, they ſerved likewiſe
as matter for his Triumph. He found among the Hoſtages and Priſoners
many Women who had received no leſs wounds then the Men.They deemed
them to be Amazons, whether the Nation of the Amazons, who are not
far off, had ſent aſſiſtance to thoſe Kings, or whether the Barbarians by a ge-
neral name call all Warlike Women Amazons.
Pompey returning after this Victory. marched his Army into Armenia XXV:
againſt Tigranes, as the Allie of Mithridates taking the way of Artaxat a
the ordinary Reſidence of thoſe Kings. But Tigranes was not for War.
He had had three Sons by Mithridates Daughter, two of which he had
Nain with his own hand, one for turning his back in the fight, and the.
other as he was hunting, becauſe he happening to fall, his Son had not vouch-
ſafed to help him up, but on the contrary had taken off his Diadem as he
lay upon the ground, and put it on his own head. As for his third Son Ti-
granes, becauſe he ſeemed grieved for his fathers fall
, he gave him the
Crown, yet he ſoon after raiſed War againſt Tigranes, but being defeated
in a Battel eſcaped to Phraates King of the Parthians, who had newly
fucceeded in that Kingdom to his father Syntricus. Upon Porspey's ap
proach the Fugitive Armenian by the Advice of his Hoſt; who for his own
particular fought the favor of the General, came and ſubmitted himſelf
to the Romans in the poſture of a Suppliant, though he were Grandchild
to Mithridates, being the Son of his Daughter, but the reputation of the
Juſtice, and uprightneſs of Pompey was ſo great among the Barbarians,
that Tigranes himſelf relying upon it, without ſo much as ſending a He-
fauld before came to meet him, to put his cauſe into his hands and to
complain of his Son as to a Judge. Pompey having ſent fome Officers be-
fore to receive the King in Honor of him, thoſe who accompanied himi
not thinking themſelves in ſecurity, becauſe he liad not ſent a Herauld be.
fore turned tail, but Tigranes continued on his way, and being come near
unto Pompey, paid him his reſpects as to his Superior, after the manner of
the Barbarians. Yet there are ſome ſay the Lictors brought him to Pom-
pey by his Command. However it were,he came, gave an account of his
Actions, made a preſent to Pompey of fix thouſand Talents, fifty drams to
every Soldier, a thouſand to every Centurion, and ten thouſand to every
Tribune. Pompey pardoned what was paſt, reconciled the Son with the
Father, ordained that the Son ſhould enjoy as King the Province of Sophens
and Gordiana, which are at this day compriſed under the name of Arme-
nia the leſs, and adjudged to the Father the reſt of Armenia, on condition
that he left it by ſucceſſion to his Son, and that he quitted to the Romans
the Provinces he had conquered, and indeed he quitted all Syria, from the
Euphrates to the Sea, with part of Cilicia which he had poſſeſſed himſelf
of,' after having driven out Antiochus the Pious. The two Kings were not
yet parted from the Roman Camp, when the Son by perfwaſion of thoſe
Armenians, wlio for fear had abandoned his Father, when he came to
meet Pompey, deſigned an attempt on his life, but he was diſcovered and
Arreſted, and being afterwards Convicted, that though Priſoner as he
was, he had ſolicited the Parthians to make War upon the Romans, he
was led in Triumph, and afterwards put to death in Priſon. Pompey be-
lieving the War was ended built a City in Armenia the leſs, in the fame
place where he had overcome Mithridates, which becauſe of his Victory
he called Nicopolis. He gave likewiſe the Kingdom of Cappadocia to Arion-
bar zanes

168
PARTI:
The Romans War
barzanes and joyned to it Sophena and Gordiana which he had before given
to the young Tigranes, and which at preſent belong to the Province of
Cappadocia: He gave him likewiſe Cabala a City of Cilicia, and ſome
others, ſo that Ariobar zanes left to a Son that ſucceeded him all that King-
dom, ſubject to many changes, till the time of Auguftus Ceſar, under whole
Empire it was, with many others, reduced into the form of a Province.
Pompey after this paſſed Mount Taurus, and went to make War upon An-
tiochus Commagenes, to whom he afterwards granted Peace with the Title
of Friend to the People of Rome, he defeated likewiſe the Mede Darius,
becauſe he had aſſiſted Antiochus, or poſſibly Tigranes before him. After-
wards he led his Army againſt Areta King of the Arabian Nabathæan, and
at length againſt the Fews, who were revolted againſt their King Ariſto-
bulus, from whom he took by force their holy City Feruſalem, beſides all
this he reduced under the Roman obedience without fighting, and as it
were only in paſſing by, the remainder of Cilicia, which yet acknowledged
not the Roman Empire, together with all the habitable Syria on this ſide
Euphrates, Cæloſyria, Phænicia, Paleſtine, Idumea, Ituria and all the
other members of Syria. Not that the Romans had any cauſe of com-
plaint againſt Antiochus the Pious, who was preſent at all this, endeavoring
to obtain the Kingdom of his Fathers by force of Prayers; but the Roman
General believed that having driven Tigranes out of thefe Provinces which
he had conquered, they by right of War belonged to the People of Rome.
As he was ſetling neceſſary Orders in his Conqueſts, there came to him
Ambaſſadors on the behalf of Phraates and Tigranes who began to make
War on each other. The Armenian demanded his aſſiſtance as his friend,
and the Parthians deſired to be received into the friendſhip of the People
of Rome, and he unwilling to enter upon a War with the Parthians, with-
out a particular Order of the Senate, ſent Commiſſioners who made Peace
between the two Kings.
XXVI. Whilft he was employed in all theſe affairs, Mithridates had taken the
whole compaſs of the Euxine Sea, and having fieſed upon Panticapea a
Merchant City ſituate in Europe on the mouth of Pontus, very near the
Strait, he flew his Son Xiphares for a fault committed by his Mother, in
this manner. Mithridates had great quantity of Veſſels of Braſs bound
about with Iron, and filled with Silver, hid under ground in a certain Ca-
ſtle, the Guard of which he had entruſted to Stratonice one of his Concu-
bines or of his Wives. She only knew of it, and yet whilſt the King
was making the Circuit of Pontus, ſhe delivered to Pompey the Caſtle, and
all the Treaſures, only on this condition, that if her Son Xiphares fell into
his power he ſhould ſave his life in favor of his mother, he took the Mony,
promiſed to preſerve her Son, and permitted him to retire whither he
pleaſed with his Equipage. The King coming to know this, ſlew X'ipha-
res on the Sea-ſide in the ſight of his Mother, who ſtood on the other ſide
the Strait, and threw the body into the water, not permitting it burial, fo
ſmall account he made of paternal piety, that he might revenge himſelf
of the Mother, who had committed the fault. After
this he ſent Ambaſ-
ſadors to Pompey who was in Syria, and knew not that he was yet living,
offering to pay Tribute to the Romans if he would leave him the Kingdom
of his Fathers, to which Pompey ſending him word that he ſhould come
and meet him as Tigranes had done, he anſwered that he could not do it,
for that it would be unbecoming the Perſon of Mithridates; yet offering
to ſend his Sons, and ſome of his Friends. Upon this anſwer he began to
make

Book IV:
mitb Mithridates.
159
make new Leavies of all Men of all ſorts and conditions indifferently, to
caufe to be made great quantity of Arms, Bows and Engins without ſpa-
ring any thing whatſoever, the very Oxen uſed to Labour, being killed
only for their Nervés, he impoſed likewiſe new Tributes from which
the very pooreſt were not exempt, whilſt thoſe who had the charge of
Collecting them, committed a thouſand Extortions unknown to Mithri-
dates. For he had got an Ulcer in his face, which fo disfigured him that
he let no perſon ſee him but three Eunuchs that dreſſed him; being re-
covered he found all his Forces in a condition to march being compoſed of
fixty Regiments of ſix hundred Men each, beſides multitudes of all ſorts of
People with quantity of Ships, and ſtrong places which his Captains had
fieiſed upon during his diſtemper. He therefore paſſed over a part of his
Army to Phanagoria, another Merchant City ſituate on the other ſide of
the Strait, to the end he might on both ſides be Maſter of the paſſage:
Pompey was ſtill in Syria, but a certain Inhabitant of Phanagoria called Ca-
stor, whom Tryphon the Kings Eunuch had formerly put to the Torture,
killed the Eunuch as he entred, and began to cry out Liberty. The people
preſently rofe upon it,and though the Fortreſs was guarded by Artaphernes
and other Children of Mithridates; yet they brought Wood round about
it, and ſet it on fire, which ſo affrighted Artaphernes, Darius, Xerxes, Oxa-
thres and Eupator the Kings Sons, that they yielded themſelves. They
were all very beautiful, but they were all but Children, except only Ar-
taphernes, who might be forty years old; there ftaid in the Fortreſs only
one of their Siſters called Cleopatra, who would not go out, and whoſe ge-
neroſity ſo much pleaſed the King that he ſent Brigantines which brought
her off. All the Caſtles thereabouts, which Mithridates had lately ſur-
frized, followed the Example of Phanagoria, Cherſoneſes, Theodozia.
Nymphea, and other fortified Cities above in the Pontick Sea, did the like,
inſomuch that the King ſeeing ſo many revolts, and not placing any con-
fidence in the Fidelity of an Army, moſt of whom went to the War by
Conſtraint, beſides the great Exactions he had made to bring this Army
on foot, and his own unfortunate condition, in which Eftate a Prince can
have no reliance on the Faith of his Subjects, he fent ſome Eunuchs into
Scythia with his daughters to give them in Marriage to the Kings of that
Country, entreating them to come to his ſuccour with all the Force they
had. He had appointed theſe Eunuchs a guard of five hundred Soldiers,
for the Conduct of theſe Princeſſes, but Icarce had they loſt ſight of Mi-
thridates but they flew the Eunuchs, who by virtue of the power they had
over the Kings Spirit, had always tyrannized over them, and carried the
Ladies to Pompey. The King though he had loſt ſo many Children, ſo
many ſtrong places, nay indeed his whole Kingdom, nor had now any
hopes of aid from the Scythians, abated not at all the fierceneſs of his
courage, nor entertained any thoughts that were mean or ſuitable to his
preſent Calamity; He formed a deſign to march into Gaul and ſtir up that
people to Arms, with whom he had to that purpoſe before hand made a
league and entred into alliance, thinking with them to croſs the Alps; and
fall upon Italy, where he had hopes many people would joyn with him; out
of the hate they bore the Romans; for he had heard tell how Hannibal ma-
king Wars within Spain had laid the ſame deſign and fucceeded, and after
ſo daring an attempt made himſelf formidable to his Enemies; beſides he
had intelligence that almoſt all their allies in Italy were revolted againſt
them, out of a general hate, and had a long time bore Arms againſt
them, and likewiſe favored to their prejudice the Gladiator Spartacus a
vile fellow. Upon theſe hopes he was ready to take his marchi towards
Z
Gaul

170
The Romans War
PART I.
Gaul, if the Army terrifyed with ſuch prodigious boldneſs, had not made
abortive theſe magnificent Deſigns. The Soldiers feeing he had a mind
to lead them ſo far off, to encounter people, they could not defend them-
ſelves from, in their own Countrey, thought that Mithridates deſpairing
of his own Affairs, thought it more honourable to die generouſly like a
King, then to lie idle and do nothing. However they ſaid nothing but re-
ceived his orders without any murmuring, for this King was a man of no
mean Soul, nor deſpiſable in the very midſt of Calamity.
XXVII. Things being in this Eſtate, Pharnaces the moſt beloved of all his Sons
and whom he had often deſigned his Succeſſor in the Kingdom, laid a de-
ſign againſt his life; whether it were that he thought this expedition might
prove prejudicial to his Affairs, and blaſt the hopes heyet had, the Romans
would grant him pardon, which he was ſure they would abſolutely refuſe,
if his Father went to ravage Italy, or whether it were for other reaſons, or
elſe out of an impatient deſire to reign. His Complices being taken and
put to torture, Monophanes perſwaded Mithridates that being ready to
march, it was not convenient to put to death a Son he had ſo tenderly loved,
that ſuch diſorders would happen during the War, and would end with
the War, inſomuch that he ſuffered himſelf to yield and pardoned his Son.
But Pharnaces being affrighted with ſome private intelligence given him,
and knowing that the Army had an averſion for this Expedition, went by
night, and conferred with the Principal of the Roman Fugitives, whoſe
Tents were not far from the Kings, aggravating to them the danger they
ran into (which was not unknown to them) if they went into Italy; and
making them great Promiſes if they would ſtay with him, he prevailed
with them to forſake Mithridates. At the ſame time he ſent ſome of his
people to the neighbouring Tents to make the ſame Propoſition to the Offi-
cers, who likewiſe gave him their word. Morning being come,the Runa-
wayes began to ſhout all together, to which thoſe who were encamped
next them, anſwered in the ſame tone, after them all the Army, even to
the very Fleet did the like. It's poſſible they were not all of theConſpiracy,
but thoſe who were not engaged followed the others, out of a natural faci-
lity men have to defpife the miſerable, and to affect Novelty. And ſome
too not knowing the number of the Conſpirators, believed the whole Army
concerned, and believing themſelves alone unable to reſiſt fuch a Multitude,
ſhouted with the reſt more for fear then good will. Mithridates wakened
by theſe cries, fent fome to them to know what they deſired, to whom
they returned anſwer, they demanded his Son for their King, a young man
for an old one, overſwayed by his Eunuchs, and a Murderer of many of his
Children, Captains and Friends. Having heard this return, He came out
to ſpeak to them, and in the mean time a Troop of his Guards going to
joyn with the Runawayes, they told them they would not receive them,un-
leſs to gain belief amongſt them, they would do fome notable action, and
at the ſame time ſhowed them the King. They then killed his Horſe, ſee-
ing him diſpoſe himſelf to flight, and then as if they had done what was
deſired of them, called Pharnaces King, and ſome one having taken out of
a Temple a certain Band of Parchment tyed it about his head inſtead of a
Diadem ; the Old man ſeeing all this from a high Gallery whither he had
eſcaped, ſent ſeveral Meſſengers one after another, to his Son, to deſire ſe-
curity for his retreat, but none returning, he was afraid left they would
deliver him up to the Romans. Wherefore having given orders to his
Friends and thoſe of his Guards, who had not yet forſaken him, to go and
ſubmit themſelves to the new King, after having extolled their fidelity, he
took

Book IV.
anith Mithridates.
171
took out ſome Poiſon which he alwaies carried hid in the Belt of his Sword,
and began to diſſolve it, but two of his Daughters lately brought to him,
Mithridatis and Niſſa,promiſed in marriage to the Kings of Ægypt and Cy-
prus,earneſtly befought him to permit them to drink before him, and hin-
dred him from taking it, till they had firſt ſwallowed it. The violence of the
Poiſon ſoon gave them their death, but on Mithridates, though he walk-
ed up and down a great place on purpoſe to heat himelf, the Poylori
had no effe&t, becauſe of the Preſervative he had uſed dayly to take for
fear of being poiſoned, which to this day is called Mithridate
, feeing there
fore near him a certain Captain of the Gauls, called Bituitus. Your hand
( ſaid he ) has done me many excellent Services in War, but the moſt excellent
of all would be to kill me now, left I ſhould be led in Triumph, after having
ſo long reigned in ſogreat a Kingdom. I cannot die by Poyfon, becauſe I have
been too cautious againſt it, inſenſible that I was to have taken fo much care of
what I eat, and not to foreſee that cruel and domeſtick Venome to all Ring's,
the Treaſon of my Children, my Friends and my Armies. Bituitus moved with
this diſcourſe performed for the King this laſt Office he deſired of him.
Thus dyed the ſixteenth Deſcendant from Darius the laſt King of the Perfi-
ans, and the eighth Succeſſor to that Mithridates, who ſhaking of the
Macedonian Yoak, made himſelf King of Pontus, the fixty eighth or fixty
ninth Year of his Age, and the fifty ſeventh of his Reign, for he was but
an Infant when he took Poſſeſſion of the Kingdom. He ſubdued all the
neighbouring Barbarians, and a great part of Scythia, he maintained War
againſt the Romans forty Years ſpace, during which he ſeveral times made
himſelf Maſter of Bithynia and Cappadocia,made ſeveral Inroads into Aſia,
Phrygia, Paphlagonis, Galatia, Macedon, beſides many memorable Aéci
ons in Greece. He had likewiſe the Empire of the Seafrom Cilicia as far as
Ionia, but he quitted it when Sylla forced him to confine himſelf with the
Bounds of the Kingdom of his father, after the loſs of one hundred
and fixty thouſand men. Yet after that mighty lofs, he forbore not to re-
new the War, and did it without much difficulty, having beſides always
had to do with great Captains. ?Tis true that Sylla, Lucullus and Pompey o-
vercame him, but he had likewiſe the advantage ore them in many Encoun-
ters, and withal he took Priſoners L. Caffius, Q. Oppius and Manius Aqui-
lius, carrying them about Captives with him, till he put one of them to
death, as the Principal Author of the War, and delivered up the others to
Sylla. He defeated likewiſe Fimbria, Murena, Cotta Proconſul, Fabius and
Triarius. He appeared always grear, always conſtant, even in the midſt
of Calamities, and vanquiſhed though he were,omitted nothing that might
be attempted againſt the Romans, even to the allying himſelf with the
Mæotiques and Gauls, ſending Ambaſſadors to Sertorius into Spain. Not-
withſtanding all the wounds he received from Enemies or from Traytors,
he never gave himſelfany reſt, no not in his Age, nor ever was there any
conſpiracy againſt him, but was difcovered, fave only the laſt, and poſſibly
he now periſhed for ſuffering himſelf willingly to be deceived; fo ungrate-
ful is the rnalice of thoſe to whom we grant pardon. He was yet fo cru-
el and bloody that he flew his mother, his Brother, three of his Sons and
as many Daughters, he was of great Stature, as his Arms ſent to Delphos,
and Nemea make appear, and ſo ſtrong that even to his laſt end, he was one
of the luſtieſt Horſemen and moſt vigorous thrower of a Javelin in his
whole Kingdom, he had travelled in one day a* thouſand Furlongs drawIT * one hundred
by a Chariot with eight Horſes, and having freſh ones led. He had lear- twenty and five
ned the Greek Tongue, and was well inſtructed in the Ceremonies of Re Miles
.
Z 2
ligion

172
The Romans War
PART I
ligion of the Greeks. He was likewiſe a lover of Muſick, was patient in
labour, ſober in diet, but intemperate in the love of Women. Such was
the end of Mithridates, ſurnamed Eupator Dyonfiuis,whoſe death delivered
the Romans from a troubleſome War, which they teſtifyed by their joy
when they heard the News.
XXVII.
Pharnaces ſent to Pompey to Sinope Mithridates body in a Galley, and
with it thoſe who had arreſted Manius, with a great number of Hoſtages,
as well Greeks as Barbarians, ſupplicating him to continue him in the King-
doms of his Father, or at leaſt in that of Bofphorus which Mithridates had
given to his Brother Machares. Pompey delivered the Kings body to thoſe
that brought it to be Royally interred and would himſelf be at the expence,
giving orders it ſhould be laid in the uſual Sepulcre of the Kings at Sinope,
prayſing him as the greateſt King of his time, and who had done the no-
blcft actions. As for Pharnaces in acknowledgement of his having freed
Italy from many difficulties, he gave him the Kingdom of Bofphorus, ex-
cept only Phanagoria whoſe Citizens he would have remain free, becauſe
they firſt forſaking Mithridates, who again levied Forces, and had alrea-
dy a Fleet and Army, and itrong places of retreat, had put a ſtop to him,
and by the Example they had given others, been the cauſe of his death;
As for Pompey himſelf having in this War alone cleared the Sea of Pyrates,
overcome the greateſt of Kings, waged War ſuccesfully (beſides the
Pontick Nations with the Colches, Albanians, Iberians, Armenians,
Medes, Arabs, Jews, and all other Oriental People, he extended the Ro-
man Empire from the Eaſt as far as Ægypt, whither he would not go,
though Ptolemy called him to his aſſiſtance againſt his feditious people, and
to that end ſent him Preſents of Silver, and Cloths for all his Army, whe-
ther he feared to give occaſion of envy to his Enemies, by attempting
what the Oracle had forbid, or for other reaſons, we ſhall ſpecify when we
come to treat of the affairs of Ægypt. As for what concerns the Nations
which he had ſubdued, he gave fome their liberty, becauſe they had fent
him Succors, others he reduced into the form of a Province, and to o-
thers gave Kings. To Tigranes Armenia, to Pharnaces Boſphorus, to Ario-
barzanes Cappadocia and its dependances, as we ſaid, to Antiochus Com-
magenes what he Conquered in Meſopotamia, dividing Gallogrecia, inha-
bited by the Galatians Neighbours of the Cappadocians, among four Te-
trarchs, of whom Deiotarus was one. He gave Attalus the Soveraignty of
Paphlagonia, and Ariſtarchus that of Colchis. He made Archelaus High-
prieſt to the Goddeſs adored by the Commaniens, a dignity comparable to
any Principality whatſoever. He honoured Caſtor of Phanagoria, with
the Title of Friend of the people of Rome, and in ſhort gratifyed a multi-
tude of other Perſons with Governments, and likewiſe with great Sums of
Money. He built alſo Cities, Nicopolis in Armenia the leſs, as a Monu-
ment of his Victory. Eupatoria in the Kingdom of Pontus, which Mi-
thridates Eupator had called by his name, when he founded it, and after-
wards had raſed it for opening its Gates to the Romans, which Pompey af-
terwards rebuilding from the ground called Magnopolis. He reedifyed like-
wife Mazaca, a Citie of Cappadocia, which had been demoliſhed during the
War, and repaired divers others which were ruined or decaying in divers
places of Pontus,Paleſtine the lower, Syria and Cilicia,in which laſt is ſcitu-
ated that City formerly called Soly, and at preſent Pompeiopolis, which he
* A certain
peopled for the moſt part with Pyrates. He found in the City of Talauris
kind of Marble. where Mithridates Magazines were, two thouſand Veſſels of * Onichitis
bound


Book IV
with Mithridates,
173
bound about with Gold, quantity of Flagons; Cups, * Tables, and Seats,
* Or beds, for
all perfe&tly beautiful. There were likewiſe ſuch vaſt numbers of Bridles
they then eat 07
and Saddles, enriched with Gold and precious Stons, that the Queſtor was beds.
thirty daies in receiving and counting them. One part of theſe precious
moveables came to Mithridates by ſucceſſion from Darius the Son of Hiſta-
Spes having paſſed from hand to hand, to the ſeveral Succeſſors of
the Kings
of Perſia unto him; Cleopatra had taken another part out of the Treaſures
of the Ptolemies, and given them in keeping to the Inhabitants of the Iſle
of Coos, from whence Mithridates had brought them, and the reſt that
King had bought and ſtored together himſelf, being very curious of rich
moveables. Towards the end of Winter Pompey diſtributed rewards to
his Victorious Soldiers,fifteen hundred Attick Drains to every Soldier. And
to the Tribunes and Centurions proportionably, ſo that it is ſaid the whole
Sum of this diſtribution amounted to ſixteen thouſand Talents. After this
he went from Epheſus to Italy by Sea, and diſmiſſing his Army at Brunduf-
um returned to Rome. And by this popular action, aſtoniſhed the Romans
as if they had ſeen a Miracle. The whole City went forth to meet him,
the youngeſt a great way, and others according to their Age ; and after
all came the Senate themſelves admiring the prodigious greatneſs of the
a&tions he had done. For never before him had any perſon defeated ſo
powerful an Enemy, nor added ſo many Provinces to the Roman Empire,
or extended their Dominion to the Euphrates. And in like manner he en-
tred in Triumph in in a more Magnificent manner then ever any had done
before in the five and thirtieth year of his age. The Pomp laſted two days,
for it required a great deal of time for the paſſing by of ſo many different
People, Ponticks, Armenians, Cappadocians, Cilicians, the ſeveral Na-
tions of all Syria, Albanians, Heniochians, Acheans, Scythians, and Ibe-
rians. He brought likewiſe into the Ports ſeven hundred Ships compleat-
ly fitted, and ſent into the City Chariots laden with Gold, and Rarities of
i neſtimable price, among which was the * Table of Darius the Son of Hiſ
tafpes, the Chair and Scepter of Eupator, with his Figure of Maffie Gold
eight foot high, and yet was only the Breaſt and Head, and ſeven hundred
thouſand five hundred and ten Talents of Silver Money. There were like-
wiſe a great number of Waggons laden with Arms, and ſome with Ship
Beaks. After followed a multitude of Captives and Pyrates, chained and
habited every one according to the faſhion of his Country, before the Tri-
umphal Chariot marched the Satrapes, Captains, and Sons of Kings, fome
Captives, others Hoſtages, to the number of four hundred twenty four:
Among whom was Tigranes the Son of Tigranes, five Sons of Mithridates,
Artaphernes, Cyrus, Oxathres, Darius and Xerxes, and two Daughters Or-
fabaris and Eupatra, and among the reſt Olthalces, and Ariftobulus King of
Colchis and the Jews, the Tyrants of Cilicia and the Queens of Scythia.
Three Iberian Generals, two of the Albanians, with Menander of Laodicei
who commanded Mithridates Horſe. Thoſe abſent were carried in Picture.
Tigranes and Mithridates fighting, giving ground and flying. Mithrida-
tes beſieged,his ſecret flight by night, his death and with him his two Daugh-
ters companions of his misfortune, there were ſhown likewiſe the Pictures
of his Children of both Sexes that dyed before him, and the Figures of the
Gods adored by the Barbarians adorned after the manner of their Country,
and neer to them a fair Table with this Inſcription. Ships of War taken,
eight hundred; Cities built in Cappadocia, eight; in Cilicia and Celoſyria,
twenty; in Paleſtine Seleucia. Kings overcome,Tigranes of Armenia, Arto-
ces of Iberid, Oreſes of Abania, Darius of the Medes. Areta of the Na-
bathæans;

174
PARTI:
The Romans War
bathæans, and Antiochus Commagenes. Then appeared Pompey on a Cha-
riot all glittering with precious Stones, clad ( as ſome ſay ) in the Coat of
Alexander of Macedon, but if that may be believed, 'tis likely it was found
among Cleopatra's Movables, which the Inhabitants of the Idle of Coos de
livered to Mithridates. At laſt after the Chariot marched the Officers of
the Army who had ſerved him in this expedition ſome on Horſeback others
on foot, who all together conducted their General to the Capitol. When
he was arrived there, he put not to death any of the Captives, as all who
triumphed before him had done, but fent them back into their own Coun-
tries at the publique charge,except only the Kings and Kings Children, of
whom he not long after put to death Ariſtobulus, and affer him Tigranes.
As for Pharnaces he in the mean time kept the Inhabitants of Phanagoria
blockt up, till ſuch time as Famine made them reſolve to give him Battel,
however the King granted their pardon, and without injuring any of them
was content to take Hoſtages. Sometime after he took Sinope, and deſirous
to make himſelf Maſter of Amiſa, he made War upon Calviſius, who then
Commanded the Roman Forces in the Country, in the time that Cæfar and
Pompey were engaged againſt each other, and at laſt the Romans being elſe-
where buſied he was driven out of Aaby Afander upon a particular Quar-
rel. He had likewiſe to do with Fulius Cæfar, as he returned from Ægypt
after the Rout of Pompey (which happened about that Mount where his Fa-
ther had beaten Triarius) and being beaten eſcaped to Sinope, with a thou-
fand Horſe, whither Cæſar wanting leaſure to follow him, fent Domitius to
whom he yielded the City, who after he was come out with his Cavalry ac-
cording to the Articles of Peace, agreed between them, cauſed all the
Horſes to be killed, which did not well pleaſe the Horſmen, with whom
Shipping himſelf he retired by Sea to the Kingdom of Pontus. As ſoon as
he came there he aſſembled a great number of Scythians, and Sarmatians
and made himſelf Maſter of Theodotia and Panticapea, but Afander renew-
ing the War with him, his Horſemen being diſmounted and not uſed to fight
on foot,were beaten, and Pharnaces ſhowing himſelf the only man of Valour
was ſlain, after having received many wounds, the fiftieth year of his Age,
and fifteenth of his Reign in Boſphorus. C.Cafar gave his Kingdom to Mi-
thridates of Pergamus who had ſerved him well in Ægypt, but at this day
all thoſe people are free, and there are yearly Prætors ſent into the King-
doms of Pontis and Bithynia, Cæfar confirmed all thoſe who had received
favours from Pompey in the Eſtates and Governments he had given them,
though he complained they had taken part with their Benefactor to his Pre-
judice, fave only the prieſt-hood of Commanes, which he took from Ar-
chelaris to give to Nicomedes. But ſome time after not only theſe Eſtates,
but alſo all that C. Cæſar and M. Anthony had given to others, were reuni-
ted to the Roman Empire, after that Auguſtus became Maſter of Ægypt,
for the Romans let flip no opportunity to enlarge their Empire. Where-
fore having extended it by the Mithridatick War, from the Euxine Sea, to
the ſandy Deſarts of Ægypt, and from the Pillars of Hercules, which are
in Spain,to the Euphrates. It was not without reaſon they called this Victo-
ry great, or gave to Pompey who made all theſe Conqueſts the Title of Great,
they poſſeſſed likewiſe all Africa, as far as Cyrene it ſelf, which was given
them by the Teſtament of Appion, the laſt King of that Countrey,who was a
Baſtard of the Race of the Lagides, fothat to have the whole Circuit of
the Mediterranian Sea, they wanted only Agypt, which was their laſt
Conqueſt.
The end of the fourth Book of the Romans War with Mithridates.


APPIAN

175
Α Ρ Ρ Ι Α Ν
OF
ALE XANDRIA,
HIS
HISTORY
OF THE
Roman Wars
IN
ILLYRIA
PART I.
to be
uch boho
is the Book
mit bad works ole
Roniliwi 500
V.

The Argument of this Book.
I.
D
Eſcription of Illyria, and thoſe who firſt inhabited it. II. Apollo's
Chaſtiſement of the Illyrians Sacriledge. III. The Romans War
with Agron King of Illyria. IV. Their Wars againſt Demetrius, and
againſt Genthius
. V. Againſt the Ardians, Palarians, F apodes, Segen
ftians and Dalmatians. VI. The affairs of C. Cæfar with the Dalmau
fians

176
PART I
The Romans War
tians and other Nations of Illyria. VII. Beginning of Auguſtus Con-
queſts in Illyria. VIII. His War againſt the Fapodes and the Siege of
Metulia. fx. His Wars againſt the Segeftians and Peonians. X. His
Expedition againſt the Dalmatians, and the frege of Promona. XI. The
Concluſion of this Hiſtory.
* Sclavonians.
T
* Seven hun-
Miles.
*
One hun-
* Gauls.
HÉ * Illyrians according to the opinion of the Greeks, are
1.
the People that inhabit above Macedon and Thrace, from the
Charnians and the Theſprotes as far as the Iſter, and this is
the Length of Illyria, its breadth extends from Macedon,and
the Mountains of Thrace, as far as the Pæonians, and the
Ionian Sea, and the end of the Alps. It contains five days Journey in
breadth, and its length is thrice as much as the Greeks report
, the Romans
dred and fifty
Seven better after meaſuring it found it* fix thoufand Furlongs long, and * twelve hund
red broad, and aſſure us that it took its name from Illyrius Polyphemus, and
that Polyphemus the Cyclops had three Sons by Galatea; Celtus, Illyrius
ered and fifty and Gallus, who going out of Sicily gave their Names to the * Celtes,
Illyrians and Galatians, of which Nation they made themſelves Kings; and
indeed this opinion ſeems to me the moſt probable of all. They ſay like-
wiſe that Illyrius had ſons Achilles, Autarius, Dardanus, Medus, Taulantius
and Perhebius, and Daughters Partha, Daorta, Dazera and others, from
whom are deſcended the Taulantians, Perhebians, Achilleians, Autarians,
Dazeretians and Darſians. That Autarius had two Sons Pannonius or ra-
ther Peonius and Scordiſchs,from which Peonius came Triballius, who all
three gave their names to three Nations as we learn in Ancient Records.
Illyria therefore (as we find to this day by ſeveral Publick Teſti-
monies in that great Countrey) was formerly poſſeſſed by the
Scordisks and Triballians, who continually made War, till ſuch time as
thoſe that remained of the Triballians went away to the Getes above the
Iſter. And this Nation which to the time of Philip and Alexander, had a
great reputation is at this day ſo utterly decayed that there ſcarce remains to
us the memory of its name. The Scordicks are likewiſe much weakned,
for being ſubdued by the Romans they retreated within the Iſles of the Ri-
ver Iſter. However ſometime after a party returned and inhabited a Cor-
ner of Pæonia. Wherefore the Scordisks are to this day reckoned among
the Peonians. The Autarians who likewiſe poſſeſſed a good tract on the
Sea Coaſt, were likewiſe driven out by the Ardians. After that the
* Liburnians who were eſteemed excellent Seamen, came and ſetled them-
ſelves in a part of Illyria, from whence they ſcoured all the Ionian Sea,
thoſe of the
County of Zara. plundring all the Ships they met with, and
becauſe they had Ships very
ſwift and extreamly light, the Romans call Veſſels that excel in ſwiftneſs
Liburnicks.
* Croats or

II.
'Tis ſaid that Apollo's anger was the cauſe of the utter deſtruction of
the Autarians, and that they going with thoſe Celtes that are called Cim-
brians to beſiege the City of Delphos, were forthwith defeated and took
their flight in diſorder, ſome of them not ſtaying till the battel began, by
reaſon of the Rain, Tempeſt and Thunder which terrified them. Thoſe
who returned found their whole Country covered with infinite multitudes
of Frogs who ſtinking poiſoned the Rivers with their putrefaction, and
that at laſt the Earth caſting forth Malignant Vapors, bred a cruel Plague
in Illyria. This Malady fiefed chiefly on the Autarians, who leaving their
Country:

Book V.
I be Illyrian War.
177
Country carried the Contagion along with them, ſo that no perſon durft
receive them, after three and twenty days travel they ſtopt in a marſhy
and unhabited Country, and built Cities on the Confines of the Baſterhes:
As for the Celtes Apollo ſent into their Country ſuch Earthquakes as ſwal-
lowed up whole Cities at once, and that this Calamity ceaſed not till they
as well as the others had quitted their habitations and come into Illyria,
where finding the Aſſociates of their crime extreamly weakned by the
Plague,which had ſwept away the greateſt part of them, they eaſily over-
came them, but the Contagion fiefing likewiſe upon them by their touch-
ing of infected Cloths, they departed thence, and for cliange of air went as
far as the Pyrenæans. Afterwards taking their way towards the Eaſt, the
Romans who were fearful left the Celtes with whom they had ſeveral
times been engaged ſhould once more paſs the Alps and fall into Italy, fent
againſt them their Conſuls, who were defeated, with their whole Army.
This defeat of the Conſuls, and the dreadful name of the Celtes ſtruck a
terror throughout all Italy, till ſuch time as having chofen Marius Gene-
ral who had lately gained a great Victory againſt the Lybians, Numidians
and Maruſians, they overcame the Cimbrians, and afterwards had the
better of them in ſeveral Engagements (as we have ſet down in the reci-
tal of the Roman Wars againſt the Gauls.) So that weakned by ſuch vaſt
effufion of blood, and grown hopeleſs of ſettling themſelves in any other
place, they again recovered their Ancient Seat after having done much
miſchief, and ſuffered innumerable loſſes. And here ended Apollo's pu-
niſhment of the impiety of the Illyrians and Celtes. Yet this deterred
them not from afterwards committing other Sacriledges, for at another
time part of thoſe two * Nations, and eſpecially the Scordisks, Medes Illyrians and
and Dardanians made inroads into Macedonia, and likewiſe into Greece,
robbing many Temples and aſſaulting that of Delphos, where they again
loſt a great Number of their People. Two and thirty years after the firſt
Battel between the Romans and the Celtes, during which they had ſeve-
ral Engagements, the Romans who had already conquered Greece and
Macedon, declared War againſt them for the like Sacriledge, and gave
L. Scipio the Command of their Armies. The Fame has reached even to
our times that their Neighbors were the Companions of their Impiety, but
remembring the puniſhment of the Autarians of whom not one was left
alive in Illyria, left them to Scipio's mercy without giving them any
aſſiſtance. And that Scipio having cut in pieces all the Scordisks, except
a ſmall Number who ſaved themſelves on the other ſide of Iſter, and on
the Iſles of that River, ſuffered himſelf to be bribed with the Sacred
Gold, and for it made an Alliance with the Medes and Dardanians, which
gave occaſion to ſome Hiſtorians of Italy, to write that this corruption
was the cauſe of all the Civil Wars, wherewith the Romans were tor-
mented from Scipio's time till the Eſtabliſhing of the Monarchy. Theſe
were the Greeks opinions of the Illyrians, on which I was willing to en-
large my ſelf. As for the Romans they reckon with them not only the
* Auſtria and
People we have ſpoken of but likewiſe the * Peonians which are beyond
Hungaria.
them, and the Rhetians, the Naricks, and the * Myſians which inhabit in * The Northerri
Europe ; and alſo all the Neighboring People which lie on the right hand Bavaria.
of Iſter, whom they diſtinguiſh (as the Hellens and the Greeks) by par-
ticular Names, but in General call them all Illyrians : This opinion
which they have held from the beginning, and perſiſt in it till our times,
hath been the cauſe that they have not yet found out the limits of thoſe
Nations, and that they ſet the bounds of Illyria from the Springs of Iſter as
A a
far
Celtesi

178
I be Illyrian War.
PART I.
far as the people upon the Pontick Séa, where they levy Tribute. I know
not well in what manner the Romans ſubdued them. Soin writing the
affairs of Gaul I have declared that I could not gain a ſufficient and ample
knowledge of the beginnings and occafions of theſe Wars; wherefore I
have exhorted thoſe who had the better knowledge of the Affairs of Illyria
to write the Hiſtory of them. In the mean time I ſhall preſent the publick
with ſuch things as are come to my knowledge.
III. Agron, King of that part of Illyria ſituate on the Gulf of the Ionian
Sea, once poffeffed by Pyrrhus and his Succeffors, became likewiſe Maſter
of a Corner of Epyrus, and with that of Corcyra, Epidamnum, and Pharos,
under pretence of protecting them. And being at Sea to fieze upon the
reſt of Ionia, a certain Iſland called [ja, revolted from him, to ſubmit to
the Romans, and at the ſame time fent Deputies to Rome to complain of
the oppreſſions they had ſuffered under Agron. As they returned they
were aſſaulted by the Illyrians, who flew their Deputy called Calemporus,
and a Roman Commiſſary, who according to the opinion of ſome was
Carnicanus, which
ſtruck ſuch deſpair into the reſt of their Company that
they all ſlew themſelves. The Romans (as it ſaid) took this occaſion to
declare War againſt the Illyrians, and allaulted the Illyrians both by Sea
and Land. Mean while Agron died leaving only a Son; yet under age
called Pina, and to oblige his Wife to take care of the Child though ſhe
were not his Mother, left her Regent of the Kingdom. Demetrius to whom
Agron had given the Government of Pharos having likewiſe ſiezed upon
* Corcyra delivered both to the Romans, who then kept the Sea with a
*Dyrrhachium Fleet: they afterwards drew * Epidamnum to their party, and the Ilians
and Epidamnians being beſieged by the Illyrians, they ſent an Army to
their relief who made the Illyrian forces raiſe their ſieges and return home,
but ſome of them called the Atintanes, went and ſubmitted to the Romans.
This occaſioned Agrons Wife to ſend Ambaſſadors to Rome, reſtoring the
Captives and Fugitives, and demanding pardon, by remonſtrating that
what was paſt, ought to be imputed to Agron and not to her, to which the
Senate anſwered, that Corcyra, Pharos, I1, and Epidamnum, as alſo thoſe
Illyrians called Atintanes, belonged now to the Roman Empire. That
they would leave to Pina all the remainder of that Country poſſeſſed by
his Father, and receive him into the Alliance of the Roman People, on con-
dition, he medled not with any of the reſt, nor ſuffered the Illyrians to ſail
to the Iland of Ija, ſave only with two boats unarmed. Theſe conditions
the Ambaſſadors accepted, and this was the firſt War, and the firſt Peace
between the Romans and thoſe of Illyria.
* Carfu.

#PO.
IV. After this the Romans ſet at liberty Corcyra and Apollonia, and rewarded
Demetrius for his treaſon, becauſe of the advantage they had gained by it,
not but that they hated his Infidelity, of which they themſelves foon after
found the effe&ts. For when the Romans and the Celtes were engaged one
againſt the other about the River * Eridanus, Demetrius who thought they
had their hands full,beginning not to be ſo much afraid of them as before,
* Iſtria a penin- went about to lord it at Sea, and made himſelf Maſter of the * Iftrians,
ſula in the gulf, and forced the Atintanes to revolt againſt the Romans, but they as ſoon as
of
they had made Peace with the Celtes, fet out a Fleet to Sea, and took the
Corfairs, who were joyned with Demetrius, and the revolted Illyrians ;
As for Demetrius he at firſt eſcaping to Philip King of Macedon, and after-
wards retreating into the Country, and committing Pyracies on the
lonian

Book V. The Illyrian War.
179
Ionian Sea's with ſome few Ships, they flew him at laſt, and utterly ruined
Pharos his Country as an Abettor of his miſchiefs. But for the Illyrians
they pardoned them for Pina's fake, who had kindly received then'.
This was the ſecond War and ſecond Peace ith the Illyrians. Now in
the purſuit of this Hiſtory I ſhall neither retpect time nor order, but con-
tent my ſelf to write the affairs of every particular Illyrian Nation, as far
as I have learnt them. The Romans having ſent their Armies into Mace-
don againſt Perſeus, who then poſſeſſed that Kingdom by ſucceſſion from
Philip, Genthius another King of Illyria, prevailed with by the Macedo-
nians Money entred into an Alliance with him, and engaged himſelf in
this War. He forth with ſtirred up the Illyrians againſt the Romans, and
laid in Irons thoſe Ambaſſadors they ſent, under pretence they were not
come within his Lands as Ambaſſadors but as Spies. Wherefore Anitius
the Roman Prætor being then at Sea, took ſome of that Kings Ships, and af-
terwards Landing in his Country, defeated him and afterwards ſo cloſely
beſieged in a place that he only asked for quarter. Upon which the Præ-
tor returning anſwer that he could grant him no other terms then ſurren-
dring at diſcretion, he deſired three days to conſider of it, which being
granted, and the mean while finding that his Subjects ran away to Anitius,
he only deſired ſecurity to come to him himſelf. When he came before
him he fell upon his knees, and with abafance inſupportable in a man of
courage befought the Roman to grant him his life. Anitius ſeeing him
tremble, bid him take courage, raiſed him up with his own hand, and
made him eat at his Table, but when Dinner was done, gave Order to his
Officers to keep him Priſoner, and afterwards led him and his Son in Tri-
umph to Rome. The War with Genthius was ended in twenty days, after
which, Amulius Paulus pillaged ſeventy Cities in this manner. After ha-
ving defeated King Perfeus, whom he ſent to the Senate going himſelf
privately to Rome, and returning with all ſpeed, he cauſed it to be pub-
liſhed in the name of the Senate, throughout all the Cities, that they pro-
mifed pardon for all the faults yet committed, on condition they brought
in what Gold and Silver they had, which being agreed to, he ſent his Armº
divided into ſo many parties, into every City, and gave Order to the Com-
manders to cauſe it to be proclaimed upon the break of the ap-
pointed day, that every Burgeſs ſhould within three hours, bring
his Mony into the Publick place,
which being performed he gave
up
the reſt of the City to plunder. Thus Paulus deſpoiled ſeventy Cities
of all their goods.
V
Another time the Ardians, and another of the Neighboring Nations
called the Palarians, being entred in hoſtile manner into the Lands pof-
ſeſſed by the Romans in Illyria, becauſe they were buſied elſewhere, they
ſent Ambaſſadors to forbid them to paſs any farther, whom when they
would not obey they took a reſolution to ſend an Army of ten thouſand
Foot, and fix hundred Horſe. The Illyrians who were yet fcarce fuffici-
ently prepared for ſuch a War,diſpatched to Rome, and as if they had fe-
riouſly repented of what they had done, demanded Pardon. Upon
which the Senate condemned them to pay to them that they had opprefled,
the full value of the damage they had ſuſtained, but when yet they per-
formed not this Decree, Flaccus was ſent with a powerful Army. Yet
all his exploits amounted to no more then fome Inrodes and Skirmiſhes, for
he could not fo ſuddenly end this War. I find likewiſe in Hiſtory, that
Sempronius furnamed Tuditamus and Tiberius Pandufins defeated the
Ja podes
Аа 2

180
PART I:
The Illyrian War.
Japodes which inhabit the Alpes, and that they ſubmitted to both at a time,
in the ſame manner, as the Sagiſtains yielded to L. Cotta and to Metellus.
As for the Dalmatians who are likewiſe a Nation of Illyria, but on the o-
ther ſide, it is certain that they made War upon the Illyrians, ſubject to
the Romans, and that they would not receive the Deputies that came from
Rome to confer about this Affair. Wherefore there is ſome likelyhood that
the Romans fent Forces againſt them. They diſpatched (fay fome) an Army
Commanded by Marcus Figulus then Conſul, but as ſoon as he was entred
the Country they fell upon his Vanguard, put the whole Army to a rout,
and purſued them as far as the River Naro,from whence they returned home
becauſe of the approaching Winter. Then Figulus judging he might ſur-
prize them as they retired in diſorder, followed them in the Rear, de-
feåted and purſued them as far as the City of Dalminium which gives
Name to the Dalmatians, and that not being able to take this City,foftrong-
ly was it fortifyed, by aſſault, nor to make uſe of any Engines by reaſon of
the vaſt height of the Wall, and beſides wanting many things and not being
ſecure becauſe of the frequent Sallies made by the Beſieged, he had re-
courſe to another Artifice : He took Stakes two foot long and wrapping
them about with Tow dipt in Pitch and Brimſtone, and ſetting them on
fire, ſhot them from his Engines into the Town, the violence wherewith
they were darted, making them burn more vehemently,they flew through
the Air like ſo many flaming Torches, ſetting on fire all that they fell up-
on, in fomuch that the greateſt part of the City being burnt, Figulus return-
ed to Rome Victorious. Some time after Cecilius Metellus having obtain-
ed the Conſulate, went by Decree of the Senate to make War upon the
Dalmatians, who had given no occaſion, but he had only ſet this deſign on
Foot, out of a deſire to Triumph. But thoſe people receiving him as a
Friend, he ſpent the Winter at Salone one of their Cities, and at laſt re-
turned to Rome in Triumph, though he had done nothing to deſerve it.
VI.
Afterwards Cæfar marching againſt the Gauls who lay not far diſtant
from Illyria,found that the Dalmatians with other people of Illyria had ſome
advantage over the Liburnians, another Nation of the ſame Country, and
took from them the City of Promona, wherefore the Liburnians ſubmit-
ting themſelves to the Romans, fled towards Cæfar, then not far off, and
Celar ſent to thoſe who had taken Promona, to exhort them to reſtore it, but
they having no reſpect to this advertiſement he fent a great Army which
being defeated by the Illyrians, Cafar diverted by other Affairs, for Pom-
pey's Party was now forming, and he who ſaw it of neceſſity to come to
Arms with him, would attempt nothing more at that time againſt them:
But though the Seaſon was troublefonie and inconvenient, paſſed from Brun-
dufium into Ionia, with the greateſt part of his Army to go thence into Ma-
cedonia to War with Pompey, leaving Anthony to bring the remainder. But
afterwards Gabinius having likewiſe fifteen Cohorts and three thouſand
Horſe to carry to him,attempted to go through Illyria, at which the Illyri-
ans being alların'd becauſe of thoſe things lately happened,and judging that
Cafar's Victory would be their Ruine, ſlew them all; except only Gabinius
and ſome Horſemen of his Guard, who eſcaped with him, gaining by this
defeat vaſt Spoils and Treaſure. The Importance of this War wherein Ce-
far was engaged with Pompey, obliged him at preſent to diſſemble this Af
front. But after that Pompey was defeated, and that Cefar had purſued the
remains of his Party into divers places, and ſetled all things in good order
and returned to Rome, he made preparations for an expedition he had de-
termined

Book V.
I be Illyrian War.
181
termined againſt the Getes and Parthians. Whereupon the Illyrians fear-
ing, left Cafar in his way ſhould revenge himſelf of the injury he had re-
ceived, fent Deputies to Rome, to ask pardon for what they had done, offe-
ring C«far their allyance and Friendſhip, which might be of great concern
to him in his expedition againſt the Parthians, becauſe of the valour of
the Illyrians, the reputation of which was ſpread through the whole Earth,
but he anſwered them very ſharply that he would not entertain any cor-
reſpondence or friendſhip with people had ſo highly offended him, how-
ever he was content to pardon them if they ſubmitted to pay Tribute, and
deliver up Hoſtages. After they had promiſed both the one and the other,
he ſent Atinius with three Legions to impoſe ſome ſmall Tribute, and re-
ceive the promiſed Hoſtages. But Ceſar being in the mean time murdered,
they thought the Roman Power muſt by his death, that was its chief ſup-
port, fall to ruine, wherefore they would no more obey Atinius's orders
nor either pay Tribute, or deliver up Hoſtages, and as he waſted the Coun-
try with five Cohorts, they ſurprized them, put them to rout, and flew
Bebius who commanded the Party, and Asinius himſelf eſcaped hardly to
Epidamnum, with his ſcattered Forces. After which the Senate gave
that Army with all Macedon and Illyria, of which he was Governour, to
Marcus Brutus who flew Cæfar, and Syria to Caffius an aſſociate i that tra-
gick action, ſo that during the War they maintained agai Anthony
and Cæfar ſurnamed Auguftus, the Illyrians enjoyed not much re-
pole.
VII.
# Hunso
As for the Peonians they are a great Nation inhabiting along the * Iſter,
and extending themſelves from the Japodes to the Dardanians. The Greeks Danube
call them Peonians, but the Romans name them * Pannonians, and reckon
them among the people of Illyria. Wherefore being writing the Hiſtory
of Illyria, I think it now yery appoſite to ſpeak of their Affairs. They
were already grown famous by the mighty actions done by the Agrians
under Philipand Alexander, for the Agrians were Peonians, and inhabited
the lower part of Peonia, but after they had ſo ſhamefully driven back
Cornelius, who came with an Army to make War upon them, the migh-
ty reputation of the Peonians filled all Italy with fear, and for a long time
there was not any Roman Conſul found ſo brave as to attack them. And
this is all I can find, great or memorable, concerning the Peonians and Il-
lyrians, in any Hiſtory after diligent ſearch made, nor have in peruſal of
the Commentaries of Auguſtus Cæfar ſeen any thing of more Antiquity con-
cerning the Peonian Nation. Indeed I find there was a certain other Nati-
on of Illyria, beſides thoſe by me mentioned that paid obedience to the Ro-
mans, but I can neither tell wliere it is ſituate or how it is called, for Au-
guftus writ not the Actions of others, but thoſe properly his own. In what
manner he made the revolted Nations pay Tribute, ſubdued thoſe that
were independent, and at laſt by force of Arms brouglit under ſubjection
thoſe warlike people, who dwelling on the the tops of the Alps, becauſe of
their bordering upon Italy, committed often Robberies, and made frequent
inroads. And really it ſomewhat amazes me, that ſo many Roman Ar-
mies having paſſed the Alpes, to make War in France and Spain, ſhould
take no notice of theſe people; and that Cæfar himſelf, who was ſo fuccef-
ful in War, and who for almoſt ten years together wintred about this Coun-
try whilſt he was reducing the Gauls, ſhould make ſo ſmall account of thoſe
that lay behind him. But I believe theſe Generals principally intent upon
thoſe places, whither they were deſigned, thought no farther then of paſ-
fing

182
The Illyrian War.
Part I.
ſing the Alpes, and that Ceſar whilft he was lodged on the Frontiers of Gaul,
applyed himſelf wholly to the ruine of Pompey's Party, who would have
made his Conqueſts his own; beſides ʼtis probable that when he took the Go-
vernment of Illyria and the Gauls; it was meant only of what depended on
the Romans. But Auguftus at laft made himſelf Maſter of all. Though
not without great labour ; for he that had formerly ſaid in the Senate that
Anthonies eaſineſs had made the Illyrians tame and ſupple (though ſo war-
like they were, they had often put him hard to it,) was forced to make
uſe of all the experience he had, to bring under the Oxeans, the Perthe-
netes, the Bathiares, the Taulantians, the Cambians, the Cinambres, the
Merromenians and the Pyriſſians: and found yet more difficulty in reducing
the Docleates,the Carinians, the Interfrurians, the Nariſians,the Clintidiones
and the Tauriſques, and obliging them by force to pay that Tribute they had
for ſometime been exempted from. It's true the Victories he gained ſerved
for Example to their Neighbours, and that the Hippaſſians and the Beflians,
fearful of his power ſubmitted. But the Melitinians and the Corcyrians,
which inhabited the Ifes being revolted, he was conſtrained to imploy a
great part of his Forces to reduce them, for they made Courſes, and commit-
tedRobberies on the Sea with their Ships,of which they had a great number.
Wherefore Cafar put to the Sword all he took above fourteen years of Age,
and fold the reſt at Outcry, he alſo took from the Liburnians their Ships,
becauſe they likewiſe drove a trade of Pyracy. Of the Nation of the Ja-
podes which inhabit in the Alpes, the Moentines and Edeates yielded them-
ſelves upon the news of his coming, but the Aurupins who are eſteemed the
moſt warlike of thoſe people as well as the moſt numerous, retired out of
the Country into the City, and hearing he was at hand quitted it, and fled
to the Woods for ſhelter. Cæfar having taken the City, would not let it be
burnt, judging they would ſubmit themſelves to him as well as the others,
and therefore not long after left it and permitted their return. But they of
all theſe people that moft perplexed Cefar were the Salaifians, the Japodes
dwelling beyond the Alpes, the Segeftains, the Dalmatians, the Daiffans
and the Peonians, who voluntarily engaged on the Salaſſians Party. Theſe
laſt inhabited on the tops of the Alpes, in a place almoſt inacceſſible, and
not to be approached but by one difficult and narrow paſſage. Veterius
fallingon them unawares, ſeifed upon the Avenue, and belieged them. The
Siege laſted two Years,at the end of which for want of Salt, of which they
ſtood moft in need of, they received a Garriſon. At laſt being revolted
they demoliſhed thoſe Fortifications raiſed by Veterius to keep them in awe,
and poffefling themſelves of the Crags and Streits, made a mock of
thoſe ſent by Cæfar againſt them, who could not come to do them
any
hurt.
Wherefore Ceſar being then upon the point to make War againſt Anthony,
let them live at liberty, pardoning the attempt they had made upon Ve-
terius. But they conceiving a wrong opinion of Cæſar's facility, began to
draw other Cities to their Party, and to ſpoil the Lands under the Ro-
mans obedience,till Meffala Carvinus fent by the Emperour to beſiege them,
reduced them by Famine, and thus the Salaſſians fell under the Roman
Empire.
VII.
As for the Japodes beyond the Alps, who are a fierce and almoſt Salvage
people, they repulſed twice in twenty years, the Romans that came to
make War upon them,made inroads as far as Aquileia, and fackt Targia a
Roman Colony. Cafar going in perſon againſt them, by rough and diffi-
cult Paſſages, they grew but the more furious, and to hinder his Paſſage,
cut

Book V. The Illyrian War.
183
fall
cut down the Trees that grew by the way ſide, ſo as they fell acroſs the
way. After which Auguftus taking his march through another Forreſt they
ſeemed to fly, but went and lay in Ambuſh for him, but he being doubtful
of it, ſent ſome of his people over the tops of the Mountains to come and
upon them on all ſides, and continued his march by the Vallies, cau-
ſing the Wood to be cut down before him. The Japodes all upon a ſud-
dain fallyed out of their Ambuſh, and wounded many of his men, but
the moſt part of their Forces were cut in pieces by the Romans, who came
down from the Mountains and the reſt choſe råther to retreat in the Woods,
than into one of their Cities called Terpona, which they had abandoned.
Cefar having taken it, would not burn it, for he thought as he had made
trial in others, that would engage them to ſubmit,which they did; after
which he marched towards another of their Cities called by the Ínhabi-
tants Metulia, and is eſteemed the Capital of the Country of the Japodes.
It is fcituate on a high Mountain covered with Wood, and built upon two
Eminencies divided by a ſmall Valley. The beſt armed and braveſt young mer
that any one can imagine ever to have ſeen defended it, and with eaſe re-
pulſed the Romans, as often as they approached the Wall. The Beſiegers
would have raiſed Terraſſes, but the Metulians day and night ſallying out
on all ſides upon the Labourers, hindred the Work, and by the means of
certain Engines which they had taken, in the Battel fought not far from
thence by Brutus againſt Anthony, and the fame Cefar, and now planted
upon the Walls, forced the Beſiegers to fall off, yet the Romans made a
breach in the Wall, but whilſt they fought, the Befieged had raiſed other
Fortifications within, over which they, though tyred with defending the
breach, leaped into the City. The Beſiegers thus become Maſters
of the Wall which the Inhabitants had quitted, ſet * fire on it, and to gain * Theſe Walls
the reſt raiſed two Terraſes from which they laid over four Planks to the were part of
Wood, and part
Rampart newly raiſed. Things thus diſpoſed,Cæſar gave order to one par- of stone.
ty of his men to aſſault the other ſide of the City to draw the Inhabitants
that way, whilſt the others forced their entrance over the Planks, and he
in the mean time took a view of the Action from a high Tower. The Bar-
barians ran upon the Wall to oppoſe thoſe that paſſed, whilſt another Party
behind them Itrove to heave up the Planks with their Pikes, which much
heightned their courage, for one Plank being overturned, and then ario-
ther, and after it a third, fear fo feiſed on the Romans that not a man durſt
engage upon the fourth. Cæfar from the Tower ſharply reproves them,
but ſeeing that all he could ſay, would not move them, he takes his Buck-
ler and began himſelf to run upon the Plank. Agrippa, Hieron and Lucias,
three of his Captains and Folas one of his Guards followed him with ſome
Targetiers and got likewiſe on the Plank. Cæfar thus deeply engaged,
ſhame made the Soldiers run on in fuchi Crouds that the Plank overcharged
broke in the middle, and a great Number of people that were upon it fell
one upon another, ſome were ſlain, others brought of forely bruiſed, and
the Emperour himſelf was wounded in the Thigh and both the Arms. He
again afcended the Tower with ſome followers of Conſular dignity, that
all might ſee he was well, left a rumour of his death might beget fome
Tumult, or the Enemy ſhould think he fled, and at the fame inſtant ſet on
work the laying of another Plank. This more daunted the Metulians then
any thing before, feeing they had undertaken War againſt a man whoſe
courage was invincible, whereupon on the morrow they fent Deputies
to treat with him, delivered him the fifty Hoſtages he demanded, and pro-
miſed to receive a Garriſon,to whom they left the higher Eminence, reti-
ring

184
PART I.
I be Illyrian War.
ring themſelves into the other. But when the Garriſon being entred re-
quired them to yield up their Arms, they entred into ſuch a fury,that ſhut-
ting up their Wives and Children in the Town-houſe, and having likewiſe
cauſed the Officers of the Garriſon to enter there, they told them that if
they were ſo hardy to attempt againſt them any thing extraordinary, they
would ſet fire on that building, and by one act of diſpair endeavor to
wreak themſelves on the Romans. After this diſcourſe they drew toge-
ther at the foot of the higher eminence, as if they had a deſign to mount
up. The Garriſon ſet the Town-houſe on fire, many of the women kill'd
themſelves with their Children, and ſome threw themſelves alive into the
flames. Thus almoſt all the youth of Metulia being ſlain in the conflict,
and moſt of the uſeleſs perfons burnt, all the buildings were likewiſe
conſumed in the flames, ſo that there ſcarcely remained any mark of ſo
great a City. The Metulians thus totally ruined, all the reſt of that Na-
tion ſubmitted to Cæfar for fear of a like misfortune, and thus fell the
Japodes under the Roman power. Cæſar being gone, the Poffenians ſhook
off their yoak: but Marcus Elbius being ſent againſt them, reduced them
by force, puniſhed with death the authors of the Rebellion, and ſold the reſt
by Outcry.
IX.
The Romans having already made two Voyages into the Country of the
Segeſtains, without taking Hoftages or doing ought elſe to ſubject them,
they grew infolent and preſumptuous; Wherefore Cæſar reſolved to make
war upon them, and to take his paſſage through the Territories of the
Peonians not depending on the Roman Empire. Peonia is a woody Coun-
try, whoſe length extends from the Japodes to the Dardanians. The peo-
ple inhabiting it have no Cities, but live in the Fields, and have Villages
leparate, according to their Families; They have not among them either
Judge or Prince that has Superiority over others. They had at preſent a
hundred thouſand Men, but becauſe they knew no Command could never
form a Body. So when Cæſar came amongſt them they preſently fled into
the woods, where if they found any Roman ftragling from the reſt they cut
him in pieces. “As long as Caſar thought they would could come in, he
neither touched their Villages nor Towns, but when he ſaw they kept
themſelves cloſe in the woods, he ſet all on fire making an ineſtimable
ſpoil for eight days together, as he croſs’d the Country of the Segeſtains
and Peonians as far as the Sava. Caſar on the banks of this River found a
City fortified on one ſide with the River which was very broad, and on the
reſt with a large Ditch, deep and dug downright, ſo that it was as broad
at bottom as top. Wherefore he made an attempt upon it as a place very
convenient for his Stores in the War he deſigned againſt the Dacians and
Baſternes, which inhabit beyond the Iſter, which in theſe places is called
the Danube. But when a little lower it is enlarged with great quantity of
waters, it takes the name of Iſter, inſtead of that of Danube. Now the
Sava diſcharges it ſelf into the Iſter, and Cafar had Veſſels upon that River,
which might bring proviſions up the Danube, for the ſubſiſtance of his
Army.He therefore inveſted this City, but ſcarce had made his firſt ap-
proaches when the inhabitants of Segeſta, for that was the name of the
place', ſent Meſſengers to him to know what he demanded of them.
Whereupon he ordered them to receive a Garriſon, and to deliver him one
hundred Hoſtages for ſecurity of ſuch Proviſion and Ammunition as he
ſhould ſtore up in that City for his Service in the War againſt the Dacians;
and that they ſhould bring him in ſo much Corn; The Chief Men of the
Town

Book V.
I be Illyrian War.
185
X
Town thought not theſe conditions unreaſonable, and had certainly gran-
ted them had not the People hindred them. The Commons were not
troubled about the delivering the Hoſtages, for they were well aſſured
none of their Children would be accepted but only thoſe of the beſt Fa-
milies of the City; but when they ſaw the Garriſon approach, they could
not endure to look on them, but in a fury ran to the Gates, ſhut them, and
mounted afreſh upon the Walls to defend them. Wherefore Cæfar cauſed
a Bridge to be built over the River, and began his Lines of Circumvalla-
tion. After which keeping the inhabitants incloſed, he began to raiſe two
terraſſes, to hinder which the beſieged made ſeveral Sallies, which not
fucceeding they threw down abundance of firebrands; Exſpecting relief to
come from Peonid. And indeed the Peonians came; but Cafar having
laid an Ambuſh in their way, kill'd a great party of them, and put the reſt
to flight, ſo that they no more concerned themſelves in the relief of Se-
gefta. However the Segeftains bravely ſuſtained the fiege till the thirtieth
day; but at length after a long and obſtinate reſiſtance their hearts failed,
and they learnt to ask pardon. Cafar admiring their Valour, and moved
to compaſſion at their Prayers, would not put them to death, nor make
them fuffer any thing in their Perſons, but contenting himſelf to make
them pay a ſum of Mony, ordered then to retire into one quarter of the
City and placed there five and twenty Cohorts in Garriſon.
That done he went back to Rome with deſign to return into Illyria, And
accordingly upon a Rumor that the Segeftains had already defeated the
Garriſon that was in their City, made haft thither, though it was the
Winter ſeaſon: he found the report was falſe, but that indeed ſomething
had paſſed which gave occaſion to this diſcourſe, that the Garriſon had
been in danger, having been aſſaulted at unawares by the Inhabitants, and
ſome of them ſlain, but that the Roman Soldiers falling the next day upon
the Citizens had made themſelves ſecure of the City. Wherefore he
thence marched his Army againſt the Dalmatians another Nation Neigh
boring on the Taulantians; For ſince that in the time of Gabinius they had
defeated five Roman Cohorts, whoſe Enſigns they had taken, their hearts
were ſo puft up, that for ten years together they had not laid down Arms,
but were reſolved to come with the Segeftains to Encounter Ceſar. They
were in Number more then twelve thouſand, all men of courage, Com-
manded by a chofen General called Verſus, who aſſaulting once more the
City of Promona in Liburnia, liad Entrenched himſelf with a large ditchi
and a good Paliſado, and had fiefed likewiſe on ſome places very ſtrongly
ſituate, for it is a Mountainous Country full of ſharp and pointed Rocks.
He therefore continued his ſiege of that City with the greater part of his
Forces, the reſt he poſted on the Mountain tops, from whence they might
with eaſe diſcover the Roman Camp. Cæſar made a ſhow as if he would
incloſe them with a wall, but indeed ſent privately the moſt daring of his
men to diſcover the paths that led up to the mountain tops. They marched
through the woods and having without any noiſe gained the top of the
Rocks, they fell upon thoſe that guarded them by night, while they yet
ſlept, and made a great ſlaughter. At the fame time they ſent to tell
Ceſar that they had found the end of the way, but wanted more forces to
perfect the reſt. In the mean time they let go from thoſe Rocks they had
ſurpriſed by force, fome Priſoners one after another, whoſe report fo
terrified thoſe were poſted on the other heights that they thought them-
ſelves incloſed on all ſides, and eſpecially fome who wanting water, in
Bb
fome

186
The Illyrian War.
Part I.
ſome of the higheſt places fearing leſt all the retreats ſhould be fieſed on,
that they forthwith deſcended to Promona, Cafar cauſed the City and two
hills which the Enemy yet held to be environed with a wall of forty fur-
longs about, and in the mean time went to encounter Teutinius who was
coming with another Army, to relieve the beſieged, defeats him, chaſes
him among the Mountains, and in the very teeth of him takes Promona;
for before the Circumvallation was finiſhed, the beſieged making a Salley
were fo vigorouſly beaten back by the Romans, that they entred Pell Meil
with them
into the City, where having ſlain one part of the Inhabitants, the
reſt ſaved themſelves in the Cittadel, he preſently fiezed on the Town
Gates, and gave the Guard of one to a Roman Cohort
, which was the
fourth night aſſailed by the Barbarians and ſurpriſed with the ſudden fright
quitted their Poſt, but Cæfar coming in encloſed the beſieged, who the
next morning yielded to diſcretion, he pardoned them, but for the Regi-
ment that had quitted their Poſt, he made them draw Lots, and put to
death every tenth Soldier with two Captains, and for the reſt of that Com-
pany gave them only Barly, while the others had Wheat. Thus was
Promona taken. As for Tentinius he had in his flight diſperſed his Army
into ſeveral parties, wherefore the Romans purſued him not very far, for
not knowing the Country, and ſeeing in the woods ſo many different paths,
which anſwered not one to the other, they were fearful of dividing their
Army into ſo many ſeveral bodies. There was in this wood a deep valley
of a long extent between two Mountains, where formerly the Dalmatians
had lain hid to ſurpriſe Gabinius. Here likewiſe they laid an Ambuſh for
Cæfar, but he ſet the wood on fire, where the ways met, and dividing his
Army into three parts,of which two took their march on both ſides, along
the skirts of the Mountains, that they might at any time come in to his re-
lief, and he with the third marched through the valley, cauſing the wood
to be cut down before him, or ſetting all on fire, and fforming the Towns.
He beſieged one called Setovia, whither the Barbarians flocked in great
Numbers to caft in ſome relief, but he being ready to receive them routed
them, ſo that none could get into the City. Yet he was wounded in the
Knee with a blow of a Stone, which made him for ſome time keep his Bed.
Being ſomewhat recovered he returned to Rome to make himſelf Conſul.
with Barbatius Tullus, whom he took for Colleague, and in the mean time
left Statilius Taurus to command the Army. After he had taken poffeffi-
on of the Conſulate in the beginning of the Month, he quitted the ſame
day the Government of the Commonwealth to Anthony, and de-
parted to Dalmatia aſſuming again the quality of Triumvir though the
laſt five years time was expired ſince Auguftus, Anthony and Lepidus had
uſurped the Sovereign Authority which was afterwards confirmed to them
by the People. The Dalmatians therefore oppreſſed with famine, becauſe
all paſſages for bringing them Proviſion were cut off, yielded at diſcretion,
and delivered ſeven hundred Hoſtages of their own Children. He deman-
ded of them the Roman Enſigns which Gabinius had loſt, and ordered them
to pay the tributes formerly agreed upon by C.Cefar, of which till
now they had defer'd the payment. Thus for the future they became
more obedient, and Cafar ſent away the Enſigns in the Galley called the
Octavian.
XI.
The Dalmatians brought under ſubje£tion. The Derbains upon the
News that Ceſar marched towards them, ſent him likewiſe Deputies to
implore his favor with offers to give Hoſtages, and pay thofe tributes, they
had

Book V. The Illyrian War.
187
had for ſome time neglected, ſo that when he came nearer they delivered
up their Hoftages, and confirmed the Ancient Treaty, which they had re-
fuſed to do whilſt he was farther from them, by reaſon of his wound. It
ſeems to me that of all the people of Illyria, they were the laſt reduced by
Cæfar under his obedience,either of thoſe revolted againſt the Romans or
which had never been under their Dominion. Wherefore the Senate
granted him the Honor of Triumph over the Illyrians, though he triumphed
not till after the Defeat of Anthony. The reſt of the People of Illyria ac-
cording to the opinion of the Romans, are the Rhetians ſituate before the
Peonians, and after the Peonians the Noricks and the Myſians, who ex-
tend themſelves to the Euxine Sea, and I am of opinion that the Rhetians
and the Noricks were either ſubdued by C. Cæſar, when he made War
upon the Celtes,or by Auguftus in his Expedition againſt the Peonians, for
I find not that any Roman did particularly make War upon theſe Nations,
which makes me the rather think they were made ſubject at the ſame time
with their Neighbors. True it is that Marcus Lucullus brother to Lucius
Lucullus that defeated Mithridates , overran all Myſia as far as the Iſter,
near which there are four Greek Cities Iſtros, Dionyſopolis, Odyſa and
Meſembria, and that he brought out of Gaul that great Statue of Apollo
which is to be ſeen in the Palace; but I do not remember to have read, that
ever any Roman that had Command in the Commonwealth, ever had any
thing farther to do with the Myfians,or ever forced them to pay tribute,no
not Auguftus himſelf. As for Tiberius,who was Emperor after Auguſtus, cerá
tain it is that the Myſians were under his obedience, but I have ſpoken of all
theſe things in writing the actions of the Roman People before the Conqueſt
of Ægypt. And as for the Countries poffeffed by the Emperors after the
fubduing of Ægypt as they relate to their particular Actions, fo after ha-
ving treated of general Affairs, I have wrote a particular. Book wherein
mention is made of the Myſians in divers places. But ſince the Romans
reckon the Myſians among the people of Illyria, I was willing to make this
mention of them in this Volume, Entitled the wars of Illyria, which I ſhould
not have thought perfect, if I had not ſet down that a long time before
Lucullus commanding under the authority of the People, had made
incurſions into Myſia, and that Tiberius had re-united it to the
Empire.
The End of the Illyrian War:

Bb 2
APPIAN

188
PART I.
A P P I A N
OF
ALEXANDRIA,
HIS
HISTORY
OF THE
Vas
Roman Wars
AGAINST THE
GAU LS.
PART 1.
1
Book VI.
The Argument of this Book.
IT
TH
*HE Gauls coming to invade Italy, are ſeveral times defeated. II. Cæ-
ſar going againſt the Gauls conquers them, and is the firſt of all the
Roman Generals that paffed into England or croſſed the Rhine.
THE

Book VI.
189
The Gallick War.
T
HE Gauls were the firſt of any people in the World, that 1
came to make War upon the Romans, they ſet the whole
City on fire after they had taken it, ſaving only the Capitol.
Camillus defeated them, and chaſed them from Rome, and
ſometime after being returned in Arms to the Gates of the
City, the ſame Camillus again defeated them, and triumphed at the age
of fourſcore Years. They undertook a third expedition into Italy, but
the Roman Army commanded by T. Quintus, encloſed them round, and
made a horrible ſlaughter. After that the * Boiens the moſt valiant of all * Burbonoita
the Gauls, being entred in Arms into the Roman Territories, Sulpitius the
Dictator, went againſt them and overcame them, by this way of fighting,
he divided his Forces into four Battalions, of which the firſt went and dif-
charged their piles upon the Enemy, and preſently retired; the ſecond did
the like, and ſo the third, and fourth in their order, avoyding by this means
the Darts thrown at them by the Enemy. And after they had all diſcharged
they joyned their Bodies, and with terrible fhouts ran deſperately withi
their Swords in their hands upon the grofs of their Enemies, for they
thought the Gauls already maimed with ſhowers of Piles, would be abſo-
lutely daunted, when they ſaw themſelves ſo furiouſly charged, by ſo ma-
ny men togetherAnd indeed all the Army of the Boiens were cut in pie-
ces by the Romans, who with much bravery, put the Orders into Execu-
tion; now the Pile is a ſort of Arms differing from the Javelin ; for the
Shaft is ſquare, and the Iron of the ſame length with the Shaft, ſquare in
like manner and only ſharp at the point. Popilius defeated likewiſe ano-
ther Army of the Gauls, and after him Camillus, the Son of the firſt Camil-
lus another. Æmilius Probus likewiſe erected Trophies for a Victory gain-
ed ore the ſame Nation, but ſometime before the conſulate of Marius, a
prodigious multitude of Gauls, all valiant men, and in the Flower of their
Age, made an Irruption into Italy,and into the Narboneſe Province; where
having beaten fome Roman Conſuls, and pillaged their very Camps, Ma-
rius was ſent againſt them,who cut them all in pieces.
The laſt and greateſt of all the Wars the Romans had againſt the Gauls,
11.
was under Cafar, for in ten Years that he commanded in Gallia, he de:
feated four Millions of men, of which one Million were taken Priſoners in
Fight, and as many ſlain, he reduced under his obedience four hundred
Nations, and eight hundred Cities, reckoning as well thoſe who being
revolted he forced to return to their duty, as thoſe he conquered. It is
true that before Marins, Fabius Maximus Æmilianus, having with a
ſmall Power aſſailed a vaſt Army of Gauls, killed ſixſcore thouſand of them,
in one only Battel ; and though he was then afflicted with a Wound new-
ly received, yet he performed this noble Action by going through the
Ranks fometimes in his Litter, and ſometimes on foot, ſuſtained only by
two men on each ſide of him, encouraging his men, and teaching them
how to deal with the Barbarians.
To proceed. Cæfar having began his War by the * Helvetians and * Ti- * Suiſſes.
gurians put two hundred thouſand of them to the Rout ; of whom the Cantör of
firſt were defeated by Labienus his Lieutenant, and the other with the Tri-
courians that alliſted them, by himſelf (theſe were the ſame · Tigurians
who formerly had cauſed the Army of Pifo and Caffius, to paſs under the
Yoak, as we read in the Chronicle of Claudius Paulus ) After which he
made
Zurick.

190
The Gallick War.
Part I.
made War upon Arioviſt us and the Germans, the loweſt of whom was tal-
ler then the talleſt Roman. They were fierce and ſalyage, deſpiſers of
death (being perſwaded they ſhould one day riſe again) equally patient of
heat and cold, and upon a need could live themſelves on raw Herbs, and
feed their Horſes with the green Sprouts of Trees. Yet they ſeemed
to be people not addicted to labour, and who fought not ſo much with
Reaſon and Diſcipline, as with fierce and brutiſh Violence, in which the Ro-
mans had the advantage of them, for they for their parts ran on all toge-
ther with ſuch a fury that they made whole Legions recoyl, whilſt the
Romans eaſily giving ground without breaking their Ranks, got the day
by their Conduct, and at laſt cut in pieces fourſcore thouſand of them.
* Hollanders. After this Victory Cæfar having affailed the * Belgians at the Paſſage of a
certain River, and killed ſuch numbers, that the heaps of dead Bodies
ſerved for a Bridge to pafs over his Army, but he was hard put to
* Thoſe of the it by the * Nervians who ſurpriſing him in his March, before he could put
Dioceſs of
Cambray.
his Army in order, made a horrible ſlaughter. Moſt of his Tribunes and
Centurions were ſlain in this conflict, and himſelf forced to retreat to a
Hill with his Guards, where the Enemies kept him beſieged, till the tenth
Legion falling into the Befiegers Rear cut them all in pieces, though they
were no leſs then ſixty thouſand men deſcended of the Cimbrians and the
Savoyards. Teutons. The ſame Cæfar defeated the * Allobroges, and flew four hun-
* Dutchies of dred thouſand * Uſipetes and Tendterians, as well armed as diſarmed,
Zupthen but the Sicambres affaulting at unawares five thouſand of his Horſe only
with five hundred put them to flight, yet they were afterwards defeated,
and paid dear for their boldneſs. Cæſar was likewiſe the firſt of the Ro-
mans that croſſed the Rhine, or paſſed over into Brittain, an Iſland ſo great
that it feems another Continent, and of which till then the Romans had no
knowledge, He took his time when the Sea was low to embarque his
men, and the Flood coming in, his Fleet was rayſed up by the Waves, at
firſt inſenſibly, then a little faſter, till at laſt having Wind and Tide, he
came over into Brittain.
Cleves and
Berg,
la The end of the Gallick War.

APPIAN

191
APPIAN
OF
ALEXANDRIA,
HIS
OF THE
HISTORY
IBERIAN,
OR
Spaniſh War.
PART 1.
BOOK VII.
The Argument of this Book.
I.
ID
Eſcription of Spain. II. The occaſions of the Wars in Spain, between
the Romans and Carthaginians. III. Hannibal made General befseges
Saguntum. IV. War declared, and Hannibal marches to Italy. V. Pub.
and Cn. Scipio Nain in Spain. VI. Scipia the Son of Publius Proconſul
into Spain, takes Carthagena by ſtorm. VII. He defeats Afdrubal Son
of

192
PART 1
The Spaniſh War.
of Giſco at Lerfa, and at Careo totally routs him, Mago and Maſſaniſſa.
VIII. Afdrubal Son of Amilcar marches with his Army into Italy and
Scipio goes himſelf to King Syphax in Africa. IX. Scipio and his Lien-
tenants take feveral Cities, the deſperate Courage of the Alt apians. X. Mx-
tiny in Scipio's Army puniſhed : Indibilis fuppreſſed: Maſſaniſſa ſeeks Sci-
pio's friendſhip. Mago goes for Liguria, and Scipio for Rome, where he
triumphs. XI. Cato ſent into Spain defeats the Confederate Cities, his
ро-
licy to diſmantle the Cities of Spain. XII
. The ſucceſſes of Flaccus and
Gracchus in Spain. XIII. A General Revolt of the Spaniards. Nobilior
Wars againſt them with ill ſucceß. XIV. Marcellus makes a peace with the
Spaniards which is diſallowed by the Senate. XV. Lucullus Treachery,Cruelty
and Covetoufneſ: Cornelius Scipio's fingle Combat. XVI. The War
carried into Portugal, Manlius proſecutes it firſt with ill, but afterwards
with good ſucceß. XVII
. Attilius and Galba carry on the War: Galba's
cruelty and covetoufneß: Viriatus choſen General of the Barbarians.
XVIII. The Viriatick War. XIX. The continuation of that War and Vi-
riatus death. XX. The beginning of the Numantine War, with ill fucceßto
the Romans. XXI. Scipio made Conful and ſent into Spain, reforms and
diſciplines the Army. XXII. He lays cloſe fiege to Numantia. XXIII. The
unexpreſſible miſeries endured by the Numantines; they ſurrender to Sci-
pio. XXIV. The Aitions of ſeveral other Generals in Spain, and the con-
cluſion of this Hiſtory,
T T
* One thouſand
1.
HE Pyrenæan hills extend themſelves from the Tyrrhene Sea,
to the Northern Ocean. On the Eaſt of which inhabit the
Celte ſurnamed Galatians, or Gauls, and to the Weſt the
Celtiberi, poſſeſſing all that circuit of ground, which is
waſhed by the Tyrrhene Sea, and foround about by the Pillars
of Hercules to the vaſt Septentrional Ocean; for all Spain fave only what is
incloſed by the Pyrenæan Mountains, which with a mighty and almoſt
ſtreight line ſeparate it from the reſt of Europe, is embraced by the Sea.
But though it may be failed round, yet the inhabitants only navigate the
Tyrrhene Sea, as far as Hercules Pillars, forbearing the Weſt and Nor-
thern parts, unleſs when they are carried to Brittain
with the tide which
fets that way only half the day. Beyond, neither the Romans, nor any of
the Romans Subjects ever adventured. But Iberia, or (as ſome call it)
Spain, is' of too vaft an extent to be imagined only one Region, for as
well in length as breadth it reaches near * ten thouſand Furlongs, abound-
two bundred ing with divers and fundry Nations, and many Navigable Rivers. Who
and fifty miles. were the firſt and moſt ancient Inhabitants of Spain (being only to write
a Roman Hiſtory) I think not very neceſſary to make any ſtridt inquiry
into, but certainly the Celta at ſome time or other climbing over the Pyre-
nxans, and mixing their habitations with the Iberians, from thence
them the Name of Celtiberians. 'Tis my Opinion likewiſe, that from
very Ancient time, the Phenicians for Traffick fake failing to and fro,
poffeſſed themſelves of ſome parts of Spain. As alſo fome Greeks brought
to Tarteſfus, to King Arganthonius by Sea, might very probably ſeat
themſelves in thoſe places (for Arganthonius then Reigned in Spain, and
Tarteſus was a Maritime Town which is now called Carpeſſus). But that
Temple of Hercules which at this day ſtands near the Pillars, ſeems to be
built by the Phenicians; from this fole Argument, that even with in our
memory, that God was there worſhipped with Phenician Ceremonies,
and
gave

Book VII. The Spaniſh War.
193
IL
and called the Tyrian,and not the Theban Hercules. But I willingly forbear
writing of thoſe Antiquities. This fruitful Country abundant in all good
things, the Carthaginians before the Romans attempted and invaded, and
already were poſſeſſed of ſome parts, and ſpoiled and robbed others, un-
til the Romans driving them out,foon became Maſters of all they poſſeſſed,
and the Remainder likewiſe, after long time, much labour and frequent
revolts; being by them brought under, they divided into three parts
, to
each of which they ſent Pretors. Now how they ſubdued them, and how
firſt with the Carthaginians, and afterwards with the Celtiberians they
waged War,ſhall be the ſubject of this Book;the firſt part of which contains
the Carthaginian Affairs : For their concerns in Spain, it was neceſſary
for me to transfer to the Spaniſh Hiſtory, for the ſame Reaſons as I have
in the Sicilian Hiſtory treated of ſuch things, as were acted between the
Romans and Carthaginians in Sicily, from the time that the Romans firſt
croſſed over into that Iſland, and began to uſurp the Dominion of it; for
the Romans firit waged a tedious War with the Carthaginians, in Sicily
for Sicily it ſelf, and another in Spain for Spain, whilſt at the ſame both led
mighty Forces into other of their Enemies Territories, and theſe waſted
Italy and thoſe Lybia.
Now this War began in the hundred and fortieth Olympiad, princi-
pally after the breach of the League, made in the Sicilian War, upon this
occaſion. Amilcar , ſirnamed Barcas', at ſuch time when he command-
ed as General the Cárthaginian Army, had made promiſe of great re-
wards to the Mercenary Gauls, and Auxiliary Africans, which when they
at his return into Lybia laid claim to, kindled the African War. In which
beſides many damages ſuffered by the Carthaginians from the Africans
themſelves, they yielded up Sardinia to the Romans, as a reprizal of thoſe
loſſes the Roman Merchants had in this African War ſuſtained. Where-
fore Barcas ſummoned by his Adverſaries to Judgement, as the Inſtru-
ment of inflicting all theſe calamities upon his Country, having drawn to
his party the Heads of the Commonwealth (by the means eſpecially of
Aſdrubal his Son-in-law, who was very popular) not only evaded a Trial,
but a War then happening with the Numidians , prevailed to be choſen
General with Hanno, ſirnamed the Great, before he had given any account
of former adminiſtration. This War ended, and Hanno for ſome Crimes
recalled, he remaining fole Commander of the Army, with his Son-in-
Law Aſdrubal, croſſing the Strait, comes to Cadiz, and though he had
received no injury from the Spaniards, waſts their Confines, ſeeking on-
ly an opportunity to continue abroad, do ſome great Actions, and be a
ble to exerciſe his liberality to the people : For whatever he took by War
he fo divided, that the Soldier had one part, to oblige them to be the tru-
ſtier Aſſociates of his Rapines, one part he ſent to Carthage, and another
diſtributed into Gifts, to ſuch of the Heads of the Commonwealth as fa-
voured him ; and this courſe he held till ſeveral petty Spaniſh Kings, and
other powerful men, conſpiring againſt him by this means, cut him off.
They yoked Oxen into Carts loaden with Wood, and driving them towards
the Enemy, marched themſelves armed behind, which when the Afri-
cans perceived, not dreaming of any fuch daring deceitful deſign, they
burſt out into a laughter ; but when they came fo near as to engage, the
Spaniards ſetting fire to the Wood, drove their Carts amongſt the Ene-
my, and the flame growing violent, the Oxen hurrying them hither and
thither, diſordered the Africans, and breaking their main Body, the
Spaniards
Сс

194
PARTI
The Spaniſh War.
Spaniards flew Barcas himſelf, and many others coming in to their relief
But the Carthaginians having already taſted the ſweetneſs of Spaniſh plun-
der, would not ſo give over, but fent again freſh Forces into Spain, whom
they gave Commiſſion to Aſdrubal , Amilcars Son-in-Law, to Com-
mand: And he choſe Hannibal (ſoon after famous for warlike exploits)
though now but a young man, yet very daring, and well beloved by the
Soldiery, for his Lieutenant General. By whofe labour and diligence in
Warlike Affairs, together with his Curtefie and Eloquence (in which he
excelled) he added to his Command a great part of Spain, extending the
power of his Arms from the Weſtern Ocean to the River Iberus, which di-
vides Spain in the midſt, and about five days journey from the Pyrenean
Mountains runs into the SeptentrionalOcean But the Saguntines, which were
a Colony of the people of Zant, and other Greeks, who inhabited the
Mart-towns, and other places of Spain, growing jealous of their own fafe-
ty, fent Ambaſſadors to Rome. The Senate, who were unwilling to have
the power of the Carthaginians advanced or enlarged, diſpatched an Em-
baſſie to Carthage, where it was agreed, that the limits of the Carthagini-
an Empire ſhould be the River Iberus, beyond which neither ſhould it be
lawful for the Carthaginians by Arms to provoke their Allies, nor for them
to paſs over to make War upon the Carthaginians, but the Saguntines,
and other Greeks ſhould enjoy their liberty. And to this end a ſolemn In-
ftrument was ſigned on both ſides. In the mean time, while Afdrubal
governed that part of Spain, ſubject to the Carthaginians, a Slave (that he
might offer an acceptable Sacrifice to the Ghost of his dead Maſter, cru-
elly murdered by Aſdrubal's command) ſuddenly and privately aſſaulting
him, as he was careleſly hunting, flew him, and being ſoon after con
victed of the Fact, was with dreadful Torments put to death by Hannibal ;
who forthwith, though very young, yet dearly beloved by the Soldiers
was by the Army ſaluted General, and their Military Grant confirmed
by conſent of the Senate. When the death of Amilcar and Aſdrubal was
known among thoſe, who in ſeveral parts of the Commonwealth ſtood in
fear of their Power,they began to deſpiſe Hannibal's youth, and to tranſport
the crimes of the dead on their Clients and Friends; the people conſent-
ing with the Accuſers, and mindful of paſt injuries, making others guil-
ty of the forrows they had under Amilcar and Afdrubal patiently en-
dured: even to the compelling thoſe that from them had received great
preſents to reſtore them to the Publick, as part of the Prey gotten from
the Enemy. They therefore fent Letters to Hannibal, defiring his aſſiſtance
and ſupport, and warily adviſing him, that if he neglected thoſe , who
ſhould be his aſſiſtants at home, he would become contemptible to all his
Fathers Enemies : But he of himſelf fore-ſeeing all theſe things, and not
being ignorant, but that by endangering his Friends, they laid Snares for
him, as formerly they had done for his Father and Brother-in-Law,
though it behoved him to be very careful of his Conduct, left always fear-
fully delaying and diſſembling his hate, he ſhould be tormented with con-
tinual debate, and perpetually expofed to the luft and will of the Cartha-
ginian people, light and inconſtant, and ever ingrateful to thoſe deſerved
beſt of them. Beſides Fame reported, that when yet a Boy, his Father
had at the flaming Altars made him ſwear, That when ever he ſhould be
called to Office in the Commonwealth, he ſhould be an eternal Enemy to
the Romans.For this reaſon he imagined that if he could involve his Coun-
try in laſting and difficult troubles, and diſtract them with high and doubt-
ful undertakings, his Friends would be fafe; He now beheld not only A.
frica

Book VII. The Spaniſh War.
195
fifa
frica in Peace, but likewiſe the Carthaginian Dominion in Spain, but if
he could ſtir up War with Rome (which he vehemently deſired) he thoughit
his fellow Citizens would have their Heads filled with cares and fears,
whilſt he, if this Warhad happy ſucceſs, ſhould gain immortal glory,having
added to his Country the Empire of the World, which if taken from the
Romans there were no other Competitors for it : Or if his hopes failed
him, future Ages would at leaſt applaud his noble attempts.
To give a brave beginning to theſe Deſigns, he conſulted how to croſs
the Iberus; and having commanded the Torboleta, Neighbours to the Sa-
guntines; whoſe Fields the Saguntines had waſted to come to him, ſends
them to Carthage, and among other ſecrets, writes that the Roman Spani-
ards ſollicited the Carthaginian allies to revolt, charging herewith thoſe
of Saguntum,and weaving all he did with craft, ſo often writes this, that at
length the Senate decreed he ſhould deal with the Saguntines, as he thought
fit. Laying hold on this occaſion, he contrived that the Torboleté ſhould
again come to him to complain againſt the Saguntines, who fummoned
to ſend to him their Deputies; when they were come, he commanding
all matters of Controverſie, between both parties, ſhould be diſputed be
fore himn , they anſwered, That they referred all things to the Romans ;
whereat Hannibal enraged, commanded them forthwith to depart the
Camp, and himſelf the ſame night, with all his Forces, croſſing the Iberus,
began to waſte their Territories, and to bring his Engines before the City,
which becauſe he ſaw he could not take by force, he begirt with a Trench
and Palliſado, raiſing Towers at convenient diſtances, and reſolving to re-
duce it by Siege. The Saguntines oppreſſed with this ſudden and unex-
pected invaſion, ſent Ambaſſadors to Rome, and the Senate with them dif-
patched away others: Firſt, to admoniſh Hannibal of the League ; and if
he would not obey, then to go to Carthage to complain of him. Theſe
arriving in Spain by Sea, were coming towards the Camp, when Hanni-
bal forbid them to advance any farther. Wherefore they bent their
courſe dire@ly towards Carthage, where being arrived, and pleading the
Solemn League and Contract, the Carthaginians accuſed the Saguntines
of having wronged their Subjects: the Ambaſſadors propoſed, That the
difference ſhould be decided by Roman Judges : they replyed, They uſed
not to refer wrongs to judgement,which they could revenge themſelves of.
This being reported at Rome, fome voted the fending preſent aſſiſtance to
the Saguntines, but others judged it better to delay it, becauſe in the Ar-
ticles of Peace they were not written Allies to the people of Rome, but
free, and to enjoy their Liberty. This laſt opinion carried it: So that the
Saguntines deſpairing of the Roman aid, all things growing ſcarce, by
reaſon of the long Siege (for Hannibal finding it at firſt well ſtored, and
abounding in all things, was the more induſtrious to ſtraiten them)
they by Publick Proclamation commanded all the Gold and Silver, both
Publick and Private, to be brought into the Market place, and there that
it might be of no uſe to Hannibal, melted it down with Lead, Braſs, and
other baſer Metals
. Then thinking it more honourable to dye fighting,
than be ſtarved with hunger ; made a Sally by night, and with great fu-
ry fell into the Africans Quarters, yet ſleeping, and fufpeeting no ſuch
thing, killing ſome, as they roſe out of their Beds, and trembling, ſnatch'd
at their Arms, and others, as they oppoſed them: but after a tedious con-
flict, many Africans, and all the Saguntines were ſlain. The Women
from the Walls beholding the death of their Husbands, fome threw them-
ſelves
CC 2

196
The Spaniſh War.
PARTI.
ſelves from the Roofs of their Houſes, others hanged themſelves, and o-
thers cut their Childrens Throars. This was the ſad end of a City, once
rich and potent. Hannibal finding how they had cheated him of his Gold,
in a rage cauſed all the Captives, and Youth remaining, to be ſlain. But
the City being ſeated near the Sea, and not far from Carthage, in a fruit-
ful Soil, he reſtored and repleniſhed with new Inhabitants, making it
* Cartagena. a Carthaginian Colony, which is now, as I think the fame called * Čar-
thago Spartagena.
IV. The Romans hereupon ſent Ambaſſadors to Carthage, whom they de
manded to deliver up Hannibal, as having broken the League, unleſs they
would by publick aſſent own whatever he had done, and if they refuſed
to deliver him, forthwith to declare War. The Demand being made,
becauſe they would not deliver up Hannibal, the War was in this man-
ner denounced. The Ambaſſador ſmiling, and putting his hand into his bo-
fom, told them, I bring you here, O Carthaginians, either War or Peace
chuſe which
you will have. : They cryed out, Do thou then give us which
thou pleaſe : Whereupon he profering War, they all ſaid they accepted
it, and forthwith ſent commands to Hannibal, that freely the League be-
ing now broken, he ſhould now overcome all Spain. He marching to
the neighbouring people, either by perfwaſions, force or fear gained them,
gathered together mighty Forces, but revealing to none the deſign he had,
though his ſtrength were bent to the War in Italy, he had already fent
Agents into Gaul, and ſome to make diſcovery of the paſſages of the Alpes,
and how he might beſt carry his Forces to Italy, leaving his Brother Afdru-
bal in Spain, whilſt the Romans ſuppoſed they had only a War to manage
againſt the Carthaginians in Spain and Africa, without the leaſt ſuſpici-
on that ever they would enter Italy: For they had ſent Tiberius Semproni-
us Longus with one hundred and fixty Ships, and two Legions into Africa.
But what Longus, or other Roman Generals did in Africa, is ſet down in
the Punick War. Moreover, into Spain they ſent P. Cornelius Scipio with
threeſcore Ship, ten thouſand Foot and ſeven hundred Morſe,and gave him
Cn. Cornelius Scipio for Lieutenant. Of theſe Publius more certainly in-
formed, by the Marſilian Merchants, that Hannibal had already paſſed
the Alpes into Italy , fearful left finding the Italians prepared, he
fhould oppreſs them, leaving the Army he had in Spain with Cneus his
* Toſcany. Brother, and embarking on a Galley, he landed in * Hetruria. But what
as well he, as other Generals commanding in this War did , till ſuch
time as after the expiration of fixteen years, they then hardly forced Han-
nibal out of Italy, the next Book ſhall declare, wherein all Hannibals ex-
ploits performed in Italy are contained, wherefore it is intituled, The Ro-
man Wars with Hannibal.
v
Cneus did nothing memorable in Spain, before his Brothers coming ;
But the time of his Magiſtracy expired, the Romans gave Commiſſion to
the new Conſuls to proſecute the War in Italy, and againſt Hannibal in the
room of Publius ; and commanded him to go Proconſul into Spain: from
which time both of the Brothers joyntly maintained the War againſt A-
drubal, the African General till ſuch time as Syphax King of the Numidi-
ans making War upon the Carthaginians, they called him home with the
greateſt part of his Forces, and in his abſence they eaſily overpowred the
reſt, and as they were no leſs expert in the Duty of Generals then skilful
in alluring, and pacifying the minds of men, they drew many Cities to
their

Book VII. I be Spaniſh War.
197
VI
their Party. But after Peace concluded with the Numidian King, the
Carthaginians fending Afdrabal with a more powerful Army and thirty E-
lephants, joyning in Commiſſion with him two Colleagues, Mago, and a-
nother Afdrubal the Son of Gilco, War lay heavier upon the Scipio's, who
yet oftentimes retired victorious with the ſlaughter of many Africans and
Elephants. Till Winter coming on, the Africans retired among the Tur-
ditani and for the Scipio's, Cneus went and wintred among the Or-
fonenſes, and Publius among the Caſtulovenſes; which laſt having advice
of Aſdrúbal's advancing that way, going out of the City with a ſmall Par-
ty, only to diſcover the Enemies Camp, imprudently fell in with Afdru-
bal and his Horſe, by whom both he and all that were with him were over-
powred and cut in pieces. In the mean time Cneus Ignorant of this Cala-
mity, had ſent ſome Soldiers to his Brother to receive Corn, who joyning
Battel with another Party of Africans they unexpectedly met upon the way:
news of it being brought to Cneus, he made haſt to their relief, with ſuch
Soldiers as he had in readineſs, but the Cartliaginians having before cut in
pieces the other Party, fell upon Cneus likewiſe, and forced him to fly for
Thelter to a certain Tower, which ſetting on fire they burnt him and all his
people. This misfortunate end had thoſe two brave men the Scipio's, lea-
ving the Spaniards, eſpecially thoſe gained by their Conduct, to the Roman
alliance, in no ſmall regret for their loſs.
The Fathers at Rome grievouſly afflicted at this diſtaſter, fent Marcellus
(newly come from Sicily) and with him Claudius into Spain with a thou-
fand Horſe, ten thouſand Foot, and ſtore of Proviſion, who whilſt they
floathfully manage Affairs, the Carthaginian Power mightily increaſed in
Spain, almoſt all the Province being poffefſed by them, and the Romans ſhut
in the Pyrenean Mountains, which
reported at Rome, more fadly diſquieted
the Fathers, fearful left whilſt Hannibal waſted thoſe parts of Italy next
the Alpes, the Africans ſhould make a deſcent at the other end, wherefore
though they willingly would have given over this Spaniſh War, yet they
thought it not ſafe,apprehenfive left it likewiſe might be transferred to Italy,
and therefore appointed a day of aſſembly, for the nominating a Proconful for
· Spain, but when no man then ſtood for it,their fears revived, and a fad ſi-
lence ſeized all the aſſembly. Till Cornelius Scipio (the Son of Publius ſlain
in Spain ) a very young man (being not yet twenty four years of Age) but
prudent and valiant, and of a ſtrong conſtitution ſtept forth in the midſt of
the people, and with a brave and noble boldneſs, diſcourſing firſt of his
Father, and then of his Llncle, deploring both their misfortune, added
that he alone was left of that Family to be the revenger of his Father, his
Uncle, and his Country, and copiouſly and magnificently ſubjoyning ma-
ny other things, as if inſpired by ſome Divine Spirit promiſing not only
the recovery of Spain, but the Conqueſt of Africa and Carthage it felf, lo
that his diſcourſe ſeemed to ſome to proceed only from youthful Levity, but
becauſe he cheared the peoples fainting minds with hope (for promiſes
are Cordials to any that are in fear) thinking he had a heart fit for theſe
great things, they choſe him General for Spain, but the Old men interpre-
ted this rather a confident raſhneſs in him, then a fetled bravery of mind;
which when Scipio perceived he recalled the people to the Aſſembly, and
with the fame Gravity as before, ſpeaking of his
Age, faid that it ought to
beno objection to his undertakings, yet if any one of riper Years, would
accept the command, he was ready to yield it to him. But none taking up
the offer, he went with greater admiration and applauſe to this War, withi
ten thouſand Foot, and five hundred Horſe (for he was not permitted to
earfy

198
The Spaniſh War.
PART I
carry greater Forces, whilſt Hannibal waſted Italy) with Mony and other
warlike Proviſion, and twenty eight Ships, which carried him into Spain,
where joyning the Remain of the old Spaniſh Army to thoſe he brought,
and calling a Counſel
, he confirmed the Soldiers minds, with a noble and
eloquent Oration. And already the Fame was ſpread throughout all
Spain, weary of the Carthaginian Government, and deſirous of Scipio's
Vertue, that Scipio the Son of Scipio was come, a General ſent to them by
the Counſel of the Gods. And Scipio himſelf knowing the opinion con-
ceived of him, much improved it, by pretending to do nothing but by ad-
vice from above. But when he had certain knowledge that the Enemy
had four ſtanding Camps, at good diſtance from each other, and that
their numbers were five and twenty thouſand Foot, and two thouſand five
hundred Horſe, and that all their Stores, Money, Corn, Arms, Darts,
Ships, Captives and Hoſtages for all Spain, were laid up in the City, called
formerly Saguntum ; but now Carthagena, where Mago commanded with
ten thouſand Carthaginians; he reſolved, as thinking the Garriſon of no
great ſtrength, firſt to inveſt this place, both becauſe he was deſirous to
poſſeſs himſelf of ſuch Stores, and becauſe he underſtood, if he took this
City, abounding in Silver, Gold, and all Riches, and whence it was but a
ſhort paſſage into Africa, it would be a ſecure retreat for him both from
Sea and Land. Encouraged by theſe hopes, all men knowing whither he
deſigned, about Sun-fet he Diſcamped, and all night long marched to-
wards Carthagena, and about break of day, began to open
his Trenches,
to the great terrour of the Enemy, who dream'd not of his coming; the
next day he prepared for the affault, and diſpoſed his Engines and Scaling
Ladders, about all parts of the Town, fave only in that place, where the
Walls are low, by reaſon of the Seas waſhing them, for which reaſon
likewiſe they are the leſs vigilantly defended. Then at night, when all
were armed with Darts and Stones, the Fleet likewiſe lying before the
Haven, left the Enemies Ships ſhould ſlip out (for this brave ſpirited
man had conceived a certain hope of taking the Town) before day he
advanced with his Machines, commanding thoſe on the Machines to
charge: Mago at the Gates inſtructs his ten thouſand, that when they ſaw
it convenient , they ſhould ruſh forth only with their Swords, for that
Spears would be of little uſe in thoſe narrow places; the reſt of his Sol-
diers he poſted upon Towers, diſpoſing many Engines, Stones, Darts, and
Catapults upon the Walls, and with great diligence attending the Affair :
At length the ſhot being given, the charge was ſtoutly made and received,
Stones , Darts, aud other forts of miſſile Arms, flew about with great
violence, fome from hands, ſome from Machines, and ſome from Slings;
and if there were any other device, it was made uſe off. But Scipio's men
were hard put to it, for thoſe ten thouſand men that were at the Gates ,
ruſhing out with their Swords in their hands, upon thoſe that thruſt for-
ward the Engines, and giving and taking many wounds, the diſpute was
a long time equał: till at length by unwearied courage, and fixed reſo-
lution, the Romans got the the better; and then Fortune changing, thoſe
who ſtood upon the Walls began to be afflicted: but when the Scaling
Ladders were applied; the Carthaginians, who had fallied only with their
fhort Swords fpeedily returning into the City, ſhut the Gates, and leap'd
upon the Walls: So that now new work and labour was cut out for the
Romans.. Whilſt theſe things were doing, Scipio, who was no where
abſent, encouraging and chearing up his men; obſerving about noon that
the water was fallen away, from that part where the Bay waſhed the
lower

Book VII. The Spaniſh War.
199
ower Wall(for at certain hours the Sea Eb'd and Flow'd) and was now ſo
ſhoal, ſome places it was not above breſt
, and in others ſcarce midleg
high; and knowing the Nature of the Bay, that it would continue thus
Shallow all the remainder of the day, until the accuſtomed return of the
Tide, he cryed out with a loud voice, Now Soldiers, now is the time, nom
God our helper comes, now ſtorm that Wall, where the Sea of its owin accord
withdrawing opens you a way : Now with ſpeed bring your Ladders , I my ſelf
will ſhow yon the way. This faid, fratching a Ladder, he fets it to the Wall,
and would himſelf firſt have mounted, if his Eſquires and other Soldiers
had not hindred him ; but they therewith clapping many Ladders at once
to the Wall, and both ſides meeting with great noiſe and fury, made a
mighty flaughter of each other, till the Romans having poffeffed them-
ſelves of ſome of the higher Towers. Scipio filling them with Trumpets
and Cornets, commanded them to ſound as loud as poſſibly they could, ac-
cording to the cuſtom when a City is taken; whilſt in the mean time others
running about, fill'd all places with tumult and confuſion; and ſome in
this diſorder of their Enemies leaping over the Walls, and let in Scipio's
whole Army, whereupon the Townſmen run to their Houſes, and Mago
with his ten thouſand drew up into the Market place, where being moft
at the firſt charge flain, and he only with a few fled to the Caſtle; Scipio
preſently following, and Mago perceiving no hopes of ſafety left, his sol-
diers being all utterly diſmay’d and aſtoniſhed, yielded himſelf. Thus by
his Gallantry and good Fortune, a rich and powerful City in one day (the
fourth of his ſetting down before it) reduced under Scipio's power, he
began to conceive hopes of mighty things, and iiew the common Fame
ſpread concerning him, that he acted nothing but by Divine Counſel,
was more and more confirmed, and himſelf had the fame opinion, believing
henceforward all his undertakings directed from above; and whenever
he went into the Capitol, having cauſed the Gates to be fhut, he often
ſtaid there a long time,as if he had been conferring with ſome God : whence
now in folemn Pomps a Statue of Scipio’s is only brought out of the Capitol,
and all the reſt out of the place of Aſſemblies. This City thus taken, fur-
niſhed with all things neceſſary for Peace or War: Scipio found there vaſt
quantities of all ſorts of ſpoil, ſtore of Arms, Darts, Engines, Rigging,
and thirty three Gallies, Corn and fundry forts of Proviſions; Ivory, Gold
and Silver, as well wrought into Veſſels and coined, as uncoined in a-
bundance, together with all the Spaniſh Hoſtages and Priſoners, and
ſuch as had before been taken from the Romans. The next day having
ſacrificed, celebrated the Victory, and applauded the Soldiers Valour
he likewiſe aſſembled the Townſmen, and in an Oration admoniſhed them
to keep in memory the Name of the Scipio’s. Then he ſent the Captives
every one to their homes, hoping by this kindneſs to bring over their Cities
to his party. He likewiſe diſtributed rewards to the Soldiers; to him who
firſt mounted the Walls, a very large one, to the fecond half ſo much
to the third a third part, and to the reſt according to their Deſerts and
Valour. What Gold, Silver or Ivory he found, he ſent upon the Enemies
Ships to Rome, where they decreed three days Supplication, becauſe af-
ter ſo many Miſeries the Publick Happineſs began to take breath : but the
greatneſs and celerity of this bold attempt, forely terrified both the Spa-
niards, and the Carthaginians that were in Spain. Scipio leaving a Garri-
fon in Carthagena, and giving orders for raiſing higher the Wall
to the Sea
ſide, went himſelf about the reſt of the Province,
or ſent Friends into fe-
veral parts to renew an alliance with them, and thoſe who would not
comply, he reduced by force of Arms.
Afdrubal

200
PART I.
The Spaniſha War.
VII.
Aſdrubal , the Son of Amilcar, one of the Carthaginian Generals had
far diſtant in Celtiberia, a choſen Army of Mercenary Soldiers, and the o-
ther the Son of Giſco, ſending Agents to thoſe Cities, who had hitherto
continued faithful to the Carthaginians, to perſwade them ſtill to continue
their fidelity, in a ſhort time hoped to ſee innumerable Forces in Spain ;
and Mago he ſent into all the adjacent parts to liſt men under pay, whilſt
in the mean time himſelf in Lerſa entring in hoſtile manner into their Ter-
ritories, who had fallen off ; prepared to lay Siege to fome Towns, but
frightned with Scipio's ſudden approach, he retreated to Betica, and forti-
fied both the City and his Camp, where few days after he was over-
come by Scipio, who poſſeſſed himſelf both of Camp and City : where-
upon he iſſued out Orders for all the Carthaginian Forces through-
out Spain, to come to the City of Careo, reſolving with his whole united
Power to fall upon Scipio. And already, there were come in to him no
ſmall number of Spaniards under Mago's Conduct, and Numidians under
the Command of Maſſaniſſa. Afdrubal with his Foot lay entrenched ,
Maſſaniſſa and Mago with his Horſe in Quarters: Scipio had ſo divided
his Foot as to ſend Lalius with one part'againſt Mago, whilſt himſelf with
the other fell upon Mafſaniſſa. This fight was ſomewhat doubtful and
dangerous to the Romans; for the Numidians at a diſtance threw their
Darts, and ſo wheeling off, returned again to the charge at pleafure ; but
when Scipio commanded his men, that after throwing their Piles with all
their force, they ſhould preſs in as hard as they could upon the Enemy, then
the Numidians not having room to wheel, were worſted, and fled away to
their Camp: Scipio in a ſtrong and ſafe place, as he could wiſh for, pitch-
ed his Camp, within ten furlongs of his Enemy. In the Carthaginian
Army were ſeventy thouſand Foot, fifteen hundred Horſe, and thirty fix
Elephants. Scipio had not a part of that number, wherefore he for ſome
time forbore fighting, fave only for ſome light skirmiſhes; but when through
want of Proviſions, hunger began to affiat his Army, thinking it difho-
nourable to retreat, having firſt facrificed; ſuddenly (though otherwiſe
his Army were both willing and ready enough) he affirmed, God had ac-
cording to cuſtom appeared to him, and exhorted him to engage the E-
nemy, that they ſhould rather relye upon the Divine Conduct, then upon
force and multitude ; for the greateſt Victories were not gained by num-
bers of Men, but by the grace and favour of the Gods. And whilſt they
gave credit to his words, he commanded the Diviners to bring forth the
Entrails; and as he was ſpeaking, ſeeing fome Birds fly to and again,
with great rejoycing and earneſtneſs he ſhowed them, as a certain fign
of Victory, given him from above; and as if at the ſight of them, he had
been poſſeſſed by ſome ſpirit, now viewing them, and now crying out ,
turned about after them, the whole Army imitating their General in his
ſeveral poſtures ; and he turning this and that way towards the Soldiers,
ſtirred them up as to a Victory already prepared for then, till now having
wrought them up to his wiſhes, he thought not convenient to let their
Courage cool by any delay; but whilſt they were perſwaded, all he yet
fpoke was by Divine Ieftina, not in the heat of that perfwafion, after fuch
lucky ſigns, protract the fight: Wherefore, as ſoon as they had eaten, he
commanded his Soldiers to Arms, and giving the charge of the Horſe to
Syllanus, and of the Foot to Lelius , and Martius ruſhed unexſpectedly
upon the Enemy, for the Camps being but ten furlongs diſtant from each
other, Scipio was upon them before Afdrubal's, Mago's or Malaniffa's
men
8

Book VII. I be Spaniſh War.
201
men could take any food to refreſh them, forcing them haſtily to ſnatch
up their Arms, not without great Confternation and Tumult. Both Horſe
and Foot being then engaged, the Roman Horſe got the better; for as
they had done in the former fight, charging home, and with great fury
upon the Numidians, ſo that they could not make a retreat, and then a-
gain wheel about upon the Enemy, they foon made their Darts ineffectu-
al. But the Foot much inferiour in number, were oppreſſed by the A-
fricans, and were now yielding up the honour of the day, nor would by
any of Scipio's encouragements or exhortations be perſwaded to ſtand, till
the General himſelf giving his Horſe to his Boy, and ſnatching a Shield,
runs alone between both Battels, and with a loud voice crying out, «Now
or never Romans reſcue your Scipio from danger. At that voice, both thoſe
thoſe who ſtood next and ſaw, and thoſe farther off who heard what dan-
ger he was in, altogether moved, as well with reſpect as fear for their
General, with great outcrys ran violently upon the Enemy, whoſe charge
the Africans not able to ſuſtain, (for towards evening their ſtrength failed
them for want of Food) began to give ground. Then in a ſhort time
was made a moſt horrible ſlaughter; ſuch ſucceſs had Scipio at the Battel
of Careo, which long time ſeemed doubtful and dangerous, there were
ſlain about eight hundred of the Romans, and about fifteen thouſand of
the Enemy. Scipio purſued the Africans, who made a haſty retreat, in-
feſting and charging them in Flank or Rear, where ever he could reach
them, till they having gained a certain Poſt, fortificd by Nature, com-
modious for Water and Proviſions, and inexpugnable by any means, but
a tedious Siege, called upon by other Affairs, he left Syllanus to block theni
up, and went himſelf through the reſt of Spain, reducing the Cities to
obedience. The Africans beſieged by Syllanus, by little and little made
their retreat towards the Sea fide, that they might get over into Cadiz,
followed in their March by Syllanus, who incommoded them to the utmoſt
of his power, and returned to Scipio to Carthagena.
Now Aſdrubal, the Son of Amilcar , having towards the Northern VIII:
Ocean leavied new Forces, being called by his Brother Hannibal into Italy,
taking his March along the Coaſts of the North Sea, that he might ſecure
himſelf from Scipio ; and croſſing over the Pyrenean Mountains, he got
down in Gaul with a numerous Army of Celtiberian Mercenaries; and
thus unknown to the Romans made haſte into Italy. Mean while Lucius re-
turning from Rome, told Scipio that the Romans had ſome thoughts of ſend-
ing him to command in Africa; which being what he himſelf had often
before hoped and wiſhed for, he diſpatched away Lelius in five Ships to
Africa, with preſents to King Syphax, to put him in mind of Scipio's Friend-
fhip, and to entreat him to enter into a League offenſive and defenſive
with him, if the Romans ſhould ſend any forces into Africa: Syphax
having accepted the preſents, and returned others, promiſed to do as he
deſired; which when the Carthaginians hcard, they likewiſe ſent Ambaſ-
fadors to Syphax, to treat an Alliance with him, whereof Scipio having
certain intelligence, and judging wiſely, that if the Carthaginians ſhould
rob him of Syphax friendſhip, it wouid be a thing of no ſmall importance,
he reſolved to go in perſon to him, and accompanied with Lelius, em-
barked on two Gallies, and ſteered his courſe towards Africa, when he
came nigh the ſhore , and was upon the point of entring the Har
bour, the Carthaginian Ambaſſadors (unknown to the King) armed
out thoſe long Ships they had, and in hoſtile manner went to meet him,
but

202
PART I.
The Spaniſh War.
but Scipio ſetting his Sails was too ſwift for them,and got ſafely into Port.
Syphax invited both parties to be his gueſts but privately made a league
with Scipio, and having engaged himſelf by faithful promiſe diſmiſſed
him, and left the Carthaginians ſhould have any deſign to intercept him,
detained them ſomewhat longer with him, till he had reached ſo far off
to Sea, that he was out of danger, this hazard Scipio run both in the
Voyage and in Port. 'Tis reported that at a Banquet made by that King,
Scipio and Afdrubal being placed upon the fame bed, Aſdrubal dil-
courſed with him about many things and admiring his gravity,ſaid after-
wards among his Friends. That he was a man not only formidable in War
but even in the midſt of jollity and feaſting.
IX.
At the ſame time it hapned that not a few of the Celtiberians and Spa-
niards, whoſe Cities had revolted to the Romans, took pay under Mago
the Carthaginian, whom Martius falling upon, flew about fifteen hun-
dred of, and putting the reſt to flight, diſperſed them among the Cities,
beſides having driven another body of an Army commanded by Hanno,
conſiſting of ſeven hundred Horſe and fix thouſand Foot, to a certain
eminence,he reduced them to ſuch ſcarcity, that they ſent Agents to him
for peace, he commanded them to deliver up Hanno and the Fugitives,
and then he would treat with them; Whereupon preſently laying hold
upon Hazano (who ſtood by and heard all this ) they delivered him up
with all the Fugitives. Martius then demands the Priſoners, whom ha-
ving alſo received he orders them to bring down the ſum of mony promi-
ſed and agreed upon, into the plain and Champian Fields, for high places,
ſaid he, not well ſuit with puniſhment; when they were come into the
plain, You are the Ring-leaders, faid he, of thoſe who when their Countries
have ſubmitted to 115, yet continue to bear Arms under the Enemy againſt
them, however laying down your weapons I permit you to depart unpuniſhed.
Hereat the Celtiberians grievouſly incenſed cryed all out with one voice
they would not lay down their Arms, whereupon followed a ſharp engage-
ment: wherein ſome of them (not unrevenged) being ſain, the reſt got
ſafe to Mago who ſometime before was advancing towards Hanno's Camp,
but hearing of his loſs croſſed over into Cadiz, where he lay idle in great
want, expecting the iſſue of things. But Scipio having ſent Syllanus be-
fore to the City of Caſtace to receive them into Friendſhip, they not heark-
ning to peace he prepared to beſiege them and communicated his reſolu-
tions to Scipio, who diſpatching away ſome Engins for the aſſault, himſelf
followed, but in his march reſolved to force the City of Illyrgis. This
Town had been confederate with the Romans in the time of the former
Scipio's, who being flain, the Romans that eſcaped the ſlaughter flying hi-
ther they received them, but (though at that time in alliance with them)
delivered them up to the Carthaginians. Scipio enraged at this treachery,
in four hours time overcame them, and though himſelf received a wound
in the neck, gave not over the fight till he ſaw the Victory certain, the
Soldiers at their own inſtance, without any command, neglecting the ſpoil
and plunder (ſo much did their Generals wound, wound their very
ſpared neither Sex nor age, not ſuffering their rage to cool till they levelled
the whole City with the ground. Scipio being from thence come to Caftace,
dividing his Forces into three parts, laid ſiege to it, but forbore the aſſault
to give the inhabitants time to repent, which he had intelligence they were
already diſpoſed to, and not long after having ſlain thoſe of the Garriſon,
that oppoſed their intentions, the Conquerors yielded themſelves to Scipio,
who
ſouls)

Book VII. I be Spaniſh War.
203
who placing there a new Garriſon, and committing the care of the City to
one of the inhabitants, a man of good fame and reputation, he returned
himſelf to Carthagena, fending Syllanus and Martius towards the Sea-coaſts,
that as far as they could they might waſt and ſpoil the whole Country:
There was a certain town called Aſtapa, which had ever ſided with the
Carthaginians, the inhabitants whereof being beſieged by Martius, and
well forſeeing if they were overcome by the Romans they ſhould be ſub-
jected to perpetual ſlavery, brought all things they had of value into the
Market-place, and piling up wood about them, placed their Wives and
Children on the top of all, then fifty of their ſtouteſt men compelled by
oath promiſed, that when they ſaw the City in ſuch diſtreſs, that it muſt
needs be taken, they would firſt kill the Women and Children, and then
ſetting fire to the pile ſlay themſelves. And ſo invoking the Gods againſt
Martius, with great Noiſe and Clamor they fallied out, when nothing was
leſs feared by the Enemy, then that they durſt appear without their
Walls, wherefore they eaſily repulſed the light Armed Foot, and Horſe,
which firſt engaged them, and when an Armed Legion advanced the de-
ſperate Aſtapians ſtill fought moſt couragiouſly, but at length were forced
to fall under their multitudes, whom they did yield to in valor; being
all ſlain with their Arms in their hands, thoſe fifty left in the City flew the
Women and Children, and then ſetting fire to the Pile caſt themſelves into
it, leaving no fruits of the Victory to the Conquerors. Martius admiring
the Aſtapians, ſpared the buildings.
After theſe things Scipio fell fick, and while Martius commanded the
Army, ſome Soldiers who had ſpent their means in luxury and riot, ſup-
poſing becauſe they had nothing, they ſhould have no rewards, for all their
labors, but both the Advantage and Honor of all was done, would redound
to Scipio, openly deſerted Martius, and encamped by themſelves, to
whom many in like manner flocked from the Garriſons, Mago hereupon
ſent ſome with Mony to encourage them to a revolt: the Mony they re-
ceived, and treated among thiemlelves new Leaders and Centurions, who
managed all things as they pleaſed, and had their own Councils; when
Scipio heard hereof, he ſent Letters apart to theſe deſerters telling them,
that being prevented by ſickneſs he could not yet reward them. Others
he ſerit to thoſe not yet infected with this Contagion, adviſing them to
recal their mad fellow Souldiers to their duty, and others again, to all to-
gether, as if they were reconciled, wherein he wrote that he ſhould be
ready to pardon any that had ſlipt aſide, commanding them all to come to
Carthagena, and receive their pay; while theſe letters were reading, ſome
thought they were not to be truſted, others gave full credit to them, At
laſt they agreed among themſelves to go all together to Carthagena. In
the mean time Scipio gives directions to thoſe Senators, that were witlı
him, that as ſoon as any of the heads of this conſpiracy came, they ſhould
accoſt them in a friendly manner, pleaſantly admoniſhing them, and invi-
ting them to be their gueſts, privately ſecure them: he likewife gave
Order to his Tribunes, that at dawn of day they ſhould get together the
moſt faithful of their Souldiers, with their Swords by their ſides, and po-
ſting them in the moſt convenient places of the Aſſembly, if any tumult
ſhould begin they fhould preſently fall on, and kill without expecting a
ſignal. Not long after day light, the General getting up was brought to
the Tribunal, and the Cryers were commanded to call the Soldiers to the
Aſſembly. They not expecting the Cryers call, thinking it would be very
Dd 2
tude

204
The Spaniſh War.
PART I.
rude if they ſhould make their General, who had not yet fully recovered
his ſtrength,wait longer for them (imagining withal thatfthey were called
to come and receive rewards ) ran in haft from all parts, ſome without
Swords and others for haſt, only with a looſe Coat about them, not ſtaying
to put on other Cloaths, Scipio (the appointed guards keeping cloſe) firit
reproved them ſharply for their Villanous Action, but Yet, laid he, pul-
niſhment is only to be inflicted on thoſe were Authors of the crime, in doing
which I will uſe your help; Scarce had he ſpoke theſe words' but the
Croud dividing as if he had given them a ſign to do it, the heads of the
mutiny were by the Senators ſet forth in the midft, exclaming as they were
led along, and imploring their fellow Soldiers help, but whoever at their
Outcrys did but murmur, were preſently ſlain by the Tribunes. The reſt
of the Croud perceiving the whole place of Aſſembly beſet with Armed
Men in a ſad ſilence hung down their heads, whilſt thoſe brought into the
midſt of them, were by Scipio's command firſt ſcourged with Rods, and
then faſtned to the ſtake, had their heads ftruck off with Axes; which
done he made the Cryers to proclaim pardon to the reſt. In this Condi-
tion ſtood Scipio's Army. There wasone Indibilis a little King, and one of
thoſe who had made a League and Confederacy with Scipio, who at the ſame
time that the mutiny was in Scipio's Army, in hoſtile maner invaded the
Territories of ſome of Scipio's Allies, and when Scipio led the Army againſt
him, maintained ſo ftout a fight, that he flew twelve hundred of the Ro-
mans, but having loſt twenty thouſand of his own, he ſent Ambaſſadors
to Scipio to crave peace, which for a conſiderable ſum of Mony was gran-
ted him. Mafaniſſa likewiſe croſſing the Sea unknown to Afdrubal,
came to a conference with Scipio, and giving hiin his right hand promi-
ſed, that if he could come over into Africa, he would give him all the aſ-
fiſtance he could. This was a man in all things conſtant to his Faith, but
he for this reaſon fell off from the Carthaginians, Maſaniſſa was betrothed
to the Daughter of Afdrubal, the General under whom he now made
War, and Syphax almoſt died for this Ladies Love, wherefore the Cartha-
ginians judging of what importance it would be to them, in this preſent
War if they could joyn to their party againſt the Romans fo Potent a King,
without conſulting the Father, gave him the Daughter in Marriage, and
and this Afdrubal out of reſpect to him, kept ſecret from Maſſaniſa, but he
finding it out ſome other way, fought thereupon Scipio's friendſhip. Mago,
having ſtill a fleet to command, ſeeing the affairs of Spain grown defpe
rate,failed among the Ligurians and Gauls
, there to raiſe Mercenary Sol-
diers. After his departure thoſe of Cadiz, as if betrayed by Mago, yielded
themſelves to the Romans, from which time firſt began the Roman Cuſtom
to ſend Annual Magiſtrates into Spain as to a Conquered People, to keep in
Peace and Govern the Province, which hapned in the hundred forty fourth
Olympiad. But Scipio leaving the whole Country in Peace, with no very
ſtrong Garriſons (placed all the Soldiers weakned with wounds, together
in one City, which from Italy he called the Italian, famous for the birth
of Trajan and Adrian, who after in fucceeding times came to be Roman
Emperors ) and himſelf building a Magnificent Fleet, with a great Num-
ber of Captives, and loaden with Mony, Arms and other fpoils, returned
to Rome, where he was received with mighty Pomp to his great and incre-
dible glory, as well becauſe of his youth, as becauſe of the Expedition
wherewith he had done ſo many Noble exploits, infomuch that thoſe who
envyed him, confeſſed that his actions had far exceeded his Rich Promi-
ſes, wherefore to the admiration of all Men he received the Honor of Tri-
umpli.


Book:VII. The Spaniſh War.
205
umph. Indibilis who as ſoon as Scipio was gone rebelled, was by thoſe
who Commanded in Spain, gathering together Forces out of the Garriſons,
and Auxiliaries from their Allies, fought with and ſlain,the ſtirrers up of
the Rebellion were brought to tryal, their goods confiſcate, and they con-
dignly puniſhed. The People their confederates condemned to pay fines,
difármed, and forced to give Hoſtages, and receive ſtronger Garriſons. This
Iſſue had the Romans firſt Attempts in Spain.
xi.
.
In ſucceeding times the Romans being employed in War againſt the
Gauls, the inhabitants about Po, and Philip of Macedon, the Spaniards
laying hold of the opportunity, began to form new deſigns. To ſuppreſs
which were ſent Generals from Rome, Sempronius Tudertinus and M.Hel-
vidius, and after them Minucius, to whom, becauſe the troubles grew
greater, Cato, with larger Forces was ſent for Succeſſor, a young Man in-
deed but folid, patient in labor, and ſo fam'd for Prudence and Eloquence,
that he was among the Romans called Demoſthenes, by way of comparing
him with that moft Excellent of all the Græcian Orators, He arriving in
Spain, when he came among the Mart Towns, there gathered about him
from all parts above forty thouſand Enemies. Having taken a little time
to Exerciſe his Soldiers, when the ſignals on both ſides were hung out, and
the Armies ready to Engage, he ſent away his fleet to Marſilia, telling the
Soldiers the preſent danger was not ſo great, in their Enemies being ſư-
perior to them in Numbers ( for that nothing was difficult which ſtedfaſt
courage could not overcome ) as in their want of ſhipping, ſo that they
had no way of refuge or ſafety left but in being victorious, And having
thus ſpoken led his Soldiers to the fight, not filled with hopes according to
the cuſtom of other Generals, but with the terror of their danger. The
Battels being joyned he went every where intreating, preſſing forward,
and incouraging his Men, and when the fight had continued doubtful till
evening, not a few falling on both ſides, he with three Cohorts of the re-
ſerve went to the top of a high hill, from whence he had a clear proſpect
of the whole Action, where obſerving his Main Body muchi oppreſſed, run-
ning down with great ſhouts and fury upon the Enemy, and firſt expoſing
himſelf to danger, he gave a beginning to the Victory. All Night he gave
the Enemy chaſe ſlaying Multitudes, and poſſeſſing himſelf of their
Camp: at his return he congratulated his Soldiers embracing them as the
Authors of the Vi&tory, then giving them that time to refreſh their bo-
dies by repoſe, which their labors required, he afterwards ſold the prey.
But when Deputies came to him from all parts to crave Peace, he firſt de
manded Hoſtages, and afterwards figning Letters, fent them to all the
People ſeverally, giving order to thoſe that carried them, to take care,
that they mnight be delivered in one day, which he had appointed, having
before computed in how long time a Meſſenger might be going to the re-
moteft City, and accordingly to the reſt. By theſe Letters he Comman-
ded the Magiſtrates of every particular City, that the ſame day on which
they received his Orders, they ſhould demoliſh the Walls of their City,
which if they delayed, he denounced their ſlavery. They newly over-
come in battel, and ignorant, whether theſe Commands were ſent to the
reſt, or to them only, were tormented with great fears, for if this Com-
mand were to them alone, they knew themſelves not able to withſtand the
Romans, and if the Command were general, they were no leſs fearful
left they ſhould be the only City delay'd it's execution. Therefore, and
becaufc

206
PARTI.
The Spaniſh War.
becauſe they had not time to ſend mutual Meſſengers to each other, and
were likewiſe urged to diſpatch by thoſe who brought the Orders, every
one having their own ſafety only in proſpect, they all diligently ſet them-
ſelves about throwing down their Walls, for when they had once decreed
obedience, they thought their Celerity would prove to their advantage,
and thoſe whoſe Walls were firſt demoliſhed ſhould have the Honor of it
Thus all the Cities about the River Iberus by the policy of the General, in
one day levelled their own Walls, the conſequence of which was, that by
reaſon of their weakneſs, they continued longer in Peace.
*
XII. Some years after, about the hundred and fiftieth Olympiad the inha-
bitants about the River Iberus; and the Luſones with many Spaniſh Exiles
and Fugitives revolted from the Romans. Theſe being defeated by Ful-
vius Flaccus fled to their ſeveral Cities, but the greateſt part having no
land, and only laboring for their bread,choſe Complega for their habitation,
a City newly built, and ſtrangely and ſuddenly become powerful; from
odgov. hence ſending to Flaccus, they commanded that the * Cloaks, Horſes and
Swords of ſeveral Men by name ſlain in the late War, might be given up to
them, and that he would ſuddenly, before any thing worſe befel him, de-
part from Spain. Anſwer being returned that he would bring them
many of thoſe Cloaks, Flaccus with the Army following their Deputies,
pitcht his Camp before the City. But they having Souls too mean to
maintain ſo lofty a Command, betook themſelves to flight waſting the
lands of the Barbarians their Neighbors. Now the Spaniards went doubly
clad, their upper garment being looſe and faſtned together with buttons
which they called a Saga, or Cloak.
Tiberius Sempronius Gracchus ſucceeded Flaccus in Command at the
fame time when twenty thouſand Celtiberians beſieged Carabis a City in
Alliance with the Romans. Which becauſe ſtrong reports were raiſed of
it's being taken, Gracchus haſtned the more to relieve. But when he found
it ſo encompaſſed with Enemies that he could not give the beſieged any no-
tice of his coming. Cominius Captain of a Troop of Horſe having firſt
well weighed the matter,and acquainted Gracchus with it,puts himſelf in the
Spaniſh dreſs, and cunningly mixing with the Enemies Forragers, paſſed
through their Camp for a Spaniard, and thence by running reached the
City, telling the Townſmen, that Gracchus was at hand, whereupon they
with courage underwent all difficulties till the third day, when the Ene-
mies retreating at Gracchus approach, they were delivered from the fiege.
About the ſame time near twenty thouſand Men coming out of Complega
towards Gracchus Camp, with boughs in their hands after the manner of
fuppliants, when they drew near, as if upon a ſudden they had changed
their minds they made an aſſault, filling the whole Army with fear and
terror, but Gracchus by fingular policy diffembling a flight, deſerted his
Tents and preſently after facing about, and ſetting upon them intent on
the Plunder, flew a great number, and taking the City ſubdued likewiſe
the Confines. After which dividing the Lands among thoſe wanted, and
giving them feats to inhabit in he made a League with all the People that
inhabited thoſe quarters, chiefly on condition that they ſhould be friends
to the people of Rome, and to that end mutual Oaths being given and ta-
ken, they in future Wars proved very ſerviceable to the Romans, for theſe
things Gracchus name grew famous both in Spain and at Rome, which he
Magnificently entred in Triumph.
Not

Book VII.
207
I be Spaniſh War.
Not many years after, a new and general War was kindled in Spain XIII.
upon this occafion: Segada, a large and powerful City of thoſe Celtiberians
called Belli, received into the League by Sempronius Gracchus, inviting the
Citizens of leſſer Towns to joyn with them, began to build a Wall four
hundred furlongs about; and compelling the Tiithi, a neighbouring peo-
ple to do the ſame. The Senate having certain intelligence hereof; firſt
forbid the building of the Wall, next demanded the Tribute impoſed by
Gracchus : And laſtly, (for this was an Article in Gracchus League) com-
manded they ſhould attend the Romans in War. As to what concerned
the Wall, the Celtiberians anſwered, That indeed they were forbid by
Gracchus to build any new Cities, but about reſtoring or fortifying old
ones, there was not a word ſpoken ; and for the Tribute, and Service ,
it was ſince Gracchus time, remitted by the Romans themſelves. And in-
deed ſo it was; but when the Senate diſpenſes with any ſuch priviledges,
they always add this exception, ſo long as it ſhall be to theirs, and the
people of Romes good liking. Nobilior was therefore ſent againſt them
ith an Army of near thirty thouſand'; whoſe coming the Segedians
foreſeeing, becauſe their Wall was not yet perfe&t, fed with their Wives
and Children to the Arvacci, beſeeching them to receive them, who not
only entertained them, but choſe likewiſe Carus a Segedian, a man quali-
fied for War, for General; who the third day after entrance into his com-
mand, with twenty thouſand Foot, and five thouſand Horſe, takes his
Foft in a place fit for Ambuſhes,being quite covered over with Trees. There
as the Romans paſſed by,lie charged them,and fought a long time without
advantage : but at length, with the death of fix thouſand Roman Citi-
zens (as that time no ſmall loſs to the City) he bravely overcame them;
but after the Vi&ory, with too much eagerneſs and diſorder, purſuing
thoſe that fled; the Roman Horfe left in guard of the Carriage, falling on,
firſt flew Carus, bravely oppoſing them, and with him no fewer than ſix
thouſand men. Night coming on, ended this diſpute. This ſlaughter hap-
pened on a day by the Romans conſecrated to Vulcan, wherefore unleſs
forced to it, they will not on this day engage an Enemy.The very fame
night the Arvacci met together at Numantia,a very ſtrong City;and created
two new Generals, Ambo and Leuco. Three days after Nobilior following
them,encamps within four and twenty Furlongs of the City, whither came
to him three hundred Horſe, and ten Elephants ſent from Mafſaniſſa, with
which he advances towards the Enemy, placing the Elephants behind the
firit Battel, that they might not at firſt be diſcovered by the Enemy. The
Fight beginning, his Front falling off,the ſuddain fight of thoſe Beaſts ſo
terrified both the Celtiberians and their Horſes, who never before had ſeen
Elephants, that turning their backs they fled to the Town. The Roman
General purſuing, the Flyers turns the Elephants to the Wall, there main-
taining a ſharp conflict, one of the Elephants wounded in the head with
a great Stone, grew angry, and ſetting up a horrible roaring; turns upon
his own Party, and without diſtinguiſhing Friend from Enemy, began to
rage againſt all he met. The reſt ſet on by his roaring began to do the
fame, and in all places to trample under foot,overturn and diſorder the Ro-
mans, for it is uſual for Elephants when they are once vexed, to take all
they meet for Enemies ; for which perfidioufneſs, they are by fome call-
ed the common Enemy. A general flight hereupon began among the Ro-
mans, which the Numantines from the Walls beholding, made a ſally,
and falling in upon them, diſperſed and trampled down, flew four thou-
fand

208
PART I.
The Spaniſh War.
ſand of them, and three Elephants, and took many Arms, and ſome En-
ſigns : Of the Celtiberians there were about two thouſand ſlain: Nobilior
a little recruited after the loſs, endeavouring in vain to force the City of
Auxenium, where the Enemy had ſtored up their Proviſions, with the lofs
of no few men retreated into his Camp. Thence he ſent Biaſius, who
commanded his Horſe,to certain neighbouring people, that joyning friend-
ſhip with him, they might ailift him with ſome Horſemen. He return-
ing, and bringing ſome Horſe with him, the Celtiberians lay in Ambuſh
for him, who being diſcovered, his aſſociates fled; but Biafius, and many
of the Romans with him were ſlain : So many loſſes and diſaſters began to
turn their Allies hearts from them. Ocylis, a City in which were the Ma-
gazines of Proviſions and Treaſure, revolted to the Celtiberians. Nobilior
diſtruſting all things in the preſent neceſſity, wintred in his Tents, covered
and cloſe ſtopped: but his want of Corn (for he had his ſtore with him)
was very great ; beſides the violent hail, and bitter cold cruelly afflicted the
Soldiers, ſo that many of them going to fetch in Wood, and others in their
hard Winter Lodgings dyed with Diſtempers, cauſed by the extremity of
the weather.
XIV.
The next year Claudius Marcellus ſucceded Nobilior in his command,
bringing with him eight thouſand Foot, and five hundred Horſe. At his
firſt coming the Enemy in vain laid ambuſhes for him, for proceeding
circumſpectly and cautiouſly, he brought the Army in ſafety, and pitch'd
Camp before Ocylis, which City (being a General fortunate in War) he
preſently ſubdued, and taking Hoftages, and thirty Talents of Silver,
pardoned them. The Nergobriges hearing of this clemency, asked what
they ſhould do to obtain Peace likewiſe with him, he demanded a hundred
Horſe to go to the War with him. Thoſe they promiſed, but in the mean
fime , ſome of them falling in the skirts of the Roman Army, plundered
ſome of the Baggage; ſoon after the Horſe they had covenanted to ſend
coming, and being demanded concerning the Baggage, they made an-
fwer, that ſome ignorant of the agreement made had done it; but Mar-
cellus commanded them to be diſmounted, and their Horſes fold; and af-
terwards dividing among his Soldiers the prey he had gathered, waſting
their Fields, he beſieged the City. The Nergobriges, when they faw
that the Engines brought cloſe to the Trench, had Thaken their Walls,
ſent a Herald, who inſtead of a Caduceus, was cloathed in a Wolves skin,
to ask pardon for their faults: the General refuſed it, unleſs with them
all the Arvani, Belli and Titthi would ask it likewiſe, which when they
ſignified to them, they forthwith ſent all of them Deputies to Marcellus,
to entreat him that content with a moderate puniſhment, he would a-
gain receive them into the Conditions of Gracchus League. This Petition
ſome people a little before by them provoked to War oppoſed; wherefore
Marcellus commanded the Legates of both parties to diſpute it before the
Senate ; but by private Letters he adviſed the Fathers to decide all Con-
troverſies ; for he was very deſirous in the time of his Government, to put
an end to this War, fuppoſing he ſhould thereby get Renown and Ho-
nour. Now Ambaſſadors fent from confederate and aſſociate Cities, were
wont to be admitted into the City, and treated as Gueſts; but theſe, as
coming from Enemies, were according to Cuſtom commanded to lodge
in the Suburbs ; the Senate taking it ill that they, though Nobilior, who
was in Spain, before Marcellus had given his opinion for them, had not
permitted it to the Romans, ſo they diſallowed the Peace, and gave the
Legates


Book VII.
I be Spaniſh War.
209
Legates no other anſwer, then that Marcellus ſhould declare to them the
Senates pleaſure. Then decreeing an Army for Spain , they choſe the
Soldiers by Lot, which formerly they uſed to enrol by Centuries, but be-
cauſe many had complained to the Conſuls, that they had hard meafure ,
while others were employed and taken up for eaſier ſervice., they thought
it beſt to chuſe the Army by Lot. Licinius Lucullus Conſul was made Ge-
neral, and Cornelins Scipio his Lieutenant. Whilſt he is going to this
War, Marcellus adviſes the Celtiberians of the approaching War, and
reſtores the Hoſtages to thoſe redemanded them. After which privately
fending for the Chief of the Ambaſſadors, ſent to Rome in the name of the
Celtiberians, and keeping him a long time with him, he gave occaſion to
a ſuſpicion (which he afterwards much more increaſed) that he was in-
deavouring to perſwade the Celtiberians to leave all things to his Arbitre-
ment, he endeavouring by all means poſſible to put an end to the War, be
fore Lucullus coming : For preſently after this Conference, five thouſand
Arvacci got into the City of Nertobriga. And Marcellus leading his Army
againſt Numantia, and their Camps lying within five furlongs of the Ci-
ty, when he drove the Numantines into their Walls, Litennus their Prince
ſtopping their courſe, cryed out he deſired conference with Marcellus.
This Marcellus heard with joyful ears, and receiving the Hoſtages and
Money he demanded, ſent them all home in peace. By this means, before
Lucullus came, the War with the Belli, Arvacci and Titthi was brought to
an end.
But Lucullus , as covetous of Glory, as of adding to his private For-
tune, which was but very ſlender, preſently with his Army enters the
Confines of the Vaccæi, a Nation of the Celtiberians, bordering upon the
Arvacci, though he neither had command from the Senate, nor had they
made any War upon the Romans, or any other way offended him; and
croſſing the River, called Tagus, comes to the City. Cauca, and fets down
before it: The Citizens inquiring wherefore he came, and what occaſion
there was for War; he anſwered, He came to the aſſiſtance of the Cara
pitani, whom they had wronged, whereupon they retreated into their
City; from whence, not long after, making a ſally upon Lucullus men,
gone to provide Wood and Corn, they flew many, and drove the reſt to
their Tents, And whenever they came to an Engagement, the Caucæi,
who were almoſt all Light Armed Men, were at the firſt for a while ſu-
periours ; but when their Darts were ſpent, then they turned their backs,
unskilful, and unaccuſtomed to a ſtanding Fight; ſo that once flying to
their City, by reaſon of the croud at their Gates, near three thouſand of
them perished. The next day all the graveſt of the Citizens came out to
Lucullus, with Crowns and Olive Branches to know of him upon what
Conditions they might buy his friendſhip; they were anſwered by Ho-
ſtages, an hundred Talents in Silver, and their Horſemen going to the
Wars with the Romans; which being preſently agreed to , Lucullus de-
fired he might place a Garriſon in the City, which the Caucæi likewiſe
yielded to ; he brings in two thouſand of his choſen men, whom he com-
manded, as ſoon as they were got in to poſſeſs themſelves of the Wall.,
This done, he lets in all his Army, and at the Signal given by found of
Trumpet, commands them to fall on, and kill all the Caucæi, without any
diſtinction; who invoking the Gods, preſiding over Oaths and Covertants,
and bitterly curſing the Roman perfidiouſneſs, were cruelly murdered, of
twenty thouſand very few eſcaped, by breaking open the Gates : Lucullus
Ee
having

210
The Spaniſh War.
Part I.
having fack'd the City, caſt thereby a great infamy on the Roman Name.
The reſt of the Barbarians flying out of the plain Country, fled among the
Precipices and places inacceſſible, others carried all they could into for-
tified Towns, and what they were forced to leave they burnt, that no-
thing might be left for Lucullus to plunder. He therefore having wan-
dred long enough in that Deſert Country, came to the Town of Inter-
catia, where were drawn together twenty thouſand Foot, and two thou-
fand Horſe ; whom when Lucullus, with imprudence enough, would have
perſwaded to enter into a treaty of Peace, they reproached him with the
flaughter of the Caucai, asking whether it were not with the ſame Right
Hand, and the ſame Faith he had already pawned to the Caucæi: With
which revilings (as it is ordinary for thoſe whoſe conſeiences accuſe them
of guilt) being extreamly galled, he laid waſte their Country. And
then beſieging the City, and intrenching himſelf, he often drew out his
Army in Battel, to try if by any means he could draw the Enemy to a
Battel: but as they, by all means avoided a ſet Fight, ſo by continual skir-
miſhes of Light Armed Foot they annoyed him. But among the Barba-
rians there was often ſeen a man remarkable, for the brightneſs of his Ar-
mour, who often coming on horſeback between the two parties, dared any
of the Romans to engage him in ſingle Combat, and when none offered
themſelves, ſcoffing at the Romans with many poſtures of ſcorn and deri-
fion, he returned among his own people. When he had often done this,
Scipio, though yet but young, much amicted at it, himſelf advancing out,
and undertaking the Duel
, though
but a middly fiz’d man, overcame this
Barbarian of a Gigantick ſtature. This Victory much raiſed the Spirits of
the Romans ; but the next night fundrý terrours feiſed them , which
prung from this occaſion. The Barbarian Horſe before Lucullus approach,
being gone to Forrage, at their return, finding the City beſieged, went
about, calling out, and filling all the places with
their clamours, which be-
ing anfwered by thoſe within
the Town, the Romans were poſſeſſed with
doubtful fears, knowing their poſts not over ſtrong, and the Soldiers by
continual watchings, and unuſual food extremely weakned, and feeding
only on Wheat and Barly, with the Fleſh of Stags and Hares, boiled with-
out Salt, they fell into Fluxes, which ſwept many of them away. At
length having filled the Ditch, and by often playing their Engines, fhook
the Wall, ſo that part of it fell
, they broke into the City; whence vio-
lently repulſed, they upon their retreat, not knowing the ground, fell in-
to the Common Sewer, where many of them periſhed. The next night
the Barbarians repaired their Walls. After which neither party able any
longer to difſemble their miſeries and loſſes, the famine growing violent
upon them; Scipio freely promiſed the Barbarians, that if they would en-
ter into League, they ſhould be treated without any Fraud or Treachery.
The opinion of this mans Virtue was ſo great among the Barbarians, that
to his Faith they committed themſelves, and the War upon theſe conditi-
ons was removed, that the Intercations ſhould give Lucullus fix thouſand
Sagas or Cloaks, a certain number of Cattel , and fifty Hoſtages, for as
for Gold and Silver, (the thirſt after which, believing Spain every where
abounded with it, had begot this War) none was given, for it not being
of any eſteem among theſe people, they had it not. From hence Lucul-
lus went to Palantia, a City much renowned for the Valour of its people,
and whither many others were fled. Wherefore ſome adviſed the Gene.
ral to paſs by without making any attempt upon it; but a covetous man
could not be drawn away from a City he had been told was rich; till af-
ter

Book VII. The Spaniſh War.
74
ter being by many Excurſions of the Palantine Horſe, cut off from
going to
Forrage, through want of Proviſions he was forced to divide his Army into
four Bodies and ſo make his retreat, purſued by the Palantines in the Rear,till
he came to the River Dorium, where they gave over following him. Lu-
cullus wintred in Turdetanit : Theſe were the Actions of the War with the
Vaccæi,- which though Lucullus undertook, and carried on without
any
command from the people of Rome, yet he was never called to queſtion
for it.
Much about the ſame time the Lufitanians (another people of Spain, xvi:
and living under the ſame Laws) commanded by a Carthaginian, wafted
the Lands of the Romans aſſociates; and putting to flight the Roman Ge-
nerals, Manlius and Calphurnius, flew fix thouſand men, and among them
Terentius Varro the Queſtor; with which Victory the Carthaginians puft
up, marched as far as the Ocean, and taking with them the Vetones,
beſieged the Roman Subjects, called the Blaftophenice. Theſe as fame goes,
were brought out of Lybia by Hannibal the Carthaginian, and from thence
took that name.
Here the Punick General wounded in the head with a
ſtone dyed. In his place they ſubſtituted a man, called Caſaras, who en--
gaged in fight with Mummius (lately come from Rome with an Army)
was routed and fled ; but when Mummius's men ſcattered and diſperſed
purſued the Victory, rallying, he flew nine thouſand of them, recovered
all the plunder of his Camp, and got all that of the Romans, with many
Colours and Arms, which the Barbarians in deriſion carried throughout
all Celtiberia. Mummius with the five thouſand he had left intrenched
himſelf, not daring to take the Field, till he had ſomewhat confirmed the
minds of his Soldiers, terrified with the laſt ſlaughter. Whence obſer-
ving the Barbarians, carrying by part of their Booty, ſetting upon them
unawares, they flew many, and recovered the Spoil and the Enligns. The
Luſitanians inhabiting the other Banks of the Tagus, incenſed againſt the
Romans, of their own accord declared War, and under the Conduct of
Caucanus their General, invaded the Cunei, a people ſubject to the Romans,
taking from them the large City of Coniſtergis ; and thence croſſing over
the Straits at the Pillars of Hercules, ſome of them went to people Africa,
others went and beſieged the City of Ocylis. Theſe Mummius following with
nine thouſand Foot, and five hundred Horſe, flew fifteen thouſand of them,
thać were over-running the Country, and as many more at raiſing the
Siege of Ocylis, meeting likewiſe thoſe who were conveying away the
Spoil, he cut them off ſo clearly, that there was not a Meſſenger to tell the
Now all the prey that he could carry along with him, he divided
among the Soldiers, and the reſt, conſecrated to the Deities, preſiding
over the War) he burnt, and for theſe things at his return to Rome Tri-
umphed.
M. Attilius
, Succeſſor to Mummius making an inrode into Luſitania, xvii
.
killed ſeven hundred men, and taking from them a great City, called Ox-
thracas, ſo terrified all the neigbouring places, that they ſurrendred on
conditions, among which were ſome of the Vetones, the fartheſt people
of Luſitania. But Attilius being gone, in Winter they all revolted, and
beſieged ſome of the Roman Subjects, whom, whilft' he was haſting to
receive Seroclius Galba (who came to fucceed Attilius) marching in a day
and a night five hundred furlongs, comes within ſight of the Enemy, and
without any ſtay, or giving the Soldiers any time to refreſh themſelves ,
Еe 2
after
news.

212
PART I.
I be Spaniſh War.
>
2
after ſuch tedious travel , falls on, and after having fortunately brokeri
and put them to flight, he very imprudently purſued them; for his men
through wearineſs following floathfully, and in diſorder: The Barbarians
perceiving them thus diſperſed to lye down by the way fide to reſt them
ſelves, gathering again into a Body, fell upon them, and flew ſeven thou-
ſand. Galba, with the Horſe whom he had kept about his perſon, got by
flight to the City of Carmelis, whither many others likewiſe fied for fafety ,
whom drawing into a Body, and raiſing twenty thouſand men among the
Aſſociates, he went among the Cunæi, and there wintred.
Lucullus, who without any orders from the people of Rome, had made
War upon the Vaccæi, wintring in Turdet ania, having intelligence that
the Luſitanians had invaded the Neighbours, ſending out ſome of his beſt
Captains, flew about four thouſand of them; and they making a new ir-
ruption with other Forces, he about Cadiz killed fifteen hundred more
and purſuing the reft to a Hill, where they had poſted themſelves, be-
fieged them, and took a multitude of men, and at laſt entring Lufitania
he by parcels depopulated the Country. The ſame did Galba on the o-
ther ſide;and when Deputies came to him and defired they might again re-
new the League, which agreed upon before with Attilius, then General,
had been violated , he received them kindly, and gave them his word,
ſeeming grieved for them, that through meer want, they had been forced
to uſe Robbery, make War, and break Articles of Peace: But under me
ſaid he, be no longer in doubt, that your poverty, and the barrenneſs of your
Country fball force you to theſe things; for if you will henceforward be friends,
I will give to ſuch of you, as are in want, good Land, and dividing you into
three parts, appoint you fruitful ſeats to dwell in. Allured by theſe promiſes,
they forſook their old Seat, and aſſembled in great numbers where Galba
had commanded, whom dividing into three parties, he ordered each to
march down into the Plains he aſſigned them, and there for a while wait
till he returned to them. Then coming to the firſt, as already friends,
he commanded them to lay down their Arms, and thus difarmed, drew
a Ditch about them, and then ſending in ſome with Swords, New them
all, crying out, and invoking the Faith of Gods and Men. Thus with all
imaginable ſpeed, he ſerved the ſecond and third party, before they could
have any notice of their Companions Calamity. Thus was Treachery re-
venged, not as became Romans or Roman Clemency, but incitating the
Barbarians favegneſs and cruelty: yet ſome of them eſcaped, among
whom was Viriatus, who not long after commanded the Luſitanians, and
performing many worthy Exploits, killed a multitude of Romans ; but of
thoſe things, as done afterwards, we ſhall ſpeak in due time. Galba fur-
paſſing Lucullus for covetouſneſs, diſtributed but little of the prey to the
Soldiers, leſs to his Friends, and the reſt converted to his own uſe. And
though he were one of the richeſt of all the Romans, yet as is reported in
time of Peace, he never ſcrupled at lye nor perjury, ſo it turned to pro-
fit, hated therefore by all
, and cited to judgement; yet by force of Mo-
ney he got off.Not long after thoſe that remained after Lucullus and Galba’s
Treachery, being gathered together to about ten thoufand men, with in-
curſions waſted the Country of the Turdetani. Againſt whom C. Vetelius
come from Rome with new Forces, and joyning with thoſe before in Spaiu,
marched with about ten thouſand men, who firſt falling in among their
Forragers flew many of them, and forced the reſt to a certain place, where
if they ſtaid, they periſhed by Famine, and if they removed , were in im-
minent danger of falling under the Roman Swords. So greåt a ſtrait
they

Book VII. I be Spaniſh War.
213
they were in, wherefore ſending Legates to Vetilius with Olive Branches,
they defired a place to dwell in, promiſing thenceforward to live under the
Roman Power Vetilius gave his word to perform their requeſt, and al-
ready Conditions were agreed on, when Viriatus (who eſcaped from
Galba's wicked cruelty, and by chance at that time ſojourned among them)
began to admoniſh them of all the Romans Treachery, who after having ſo
often pawned their Faith to them, had perfidiouſly aſſaulted them, telling
them their preſent Army was only the Relicks of Lucullus and Galba's
perjury. Adding, if they would obey him, he would ſhow them a ſafe
way to retreat out of that place. By which words forewarned, and their
hearts quickned by ſome hope, they choſe him General, whereupon he
firſt of all draws them up, as if preparing them to fight, then gave orders,
that as ſoon as they ſaw him mount his Horſe, diſperſing themſelves all o-
ver the Country, they ſhould by divers ways get to the City of Tribola,
and there ſtaid for him. In the mean time a thouſand choſen Horſe he
kept with him in a Body : and things thus diſpoſed, at one inſtant Viriatus
mounts his Horſe, and they all took their flight. Vetilius afraid to purſue
men fo diſperſed; ſeeing Viriatus ſtanding, turned towards him, thinking
to provoke him to fight, who ſeemed to offer the occaſion: but Viriatus by
the ſwiftneſs of his Horſe, eluding all his endeavours, ſometimes retreat-
ing, and ſometimes advancing, but keeping in continual motion, ſpent all
that day, and the next upon the ſame ground. Till conjecturing that by
this time, his fellows fled before might be in ſafety; he ſet forward by
night, and through by-ways, and on nimble Horſe foon got to Tribola.
The Romans, both becauſe of their heavy Armour, ignorance of the ways,
and withal being mounted on other kind of Horſes, not being able to
follow him. Thus Viriatus ſaved the Army, when themſelves were in
utter deſpair, and loft to all hopes. The bravery of which Exploit being
ſpread among the Barbarians, added to him both Honour and Power
many joyning with him, by whoſe aſſiſtance he held out three whole years
againſt the Romans. I have therefore deſigned to write here at once
all this Viriatick War, which gave' no ſmall trouble to the Romans; and
if any thing happened in the mean time in Spain , to relate it after-
ward.

Vetilius therefore purſuing Viriatus, came to Tribola, but in the way as XVIII.
he was paffing over a certain woody Hill, Viriatus having got behind
with his Horſe, and an Ambuſh riſing in Front both at once, fet upon
the Romans , whereof they flew many, threw others down into the
Vallies, and many fell into their hands alive, among whom was Vetilius
whom he that took, ſeeing old and fat, thinking him good for nothing,
flew him. Of ten thouſand Romans ſcarce fix thouſand eſcaped to Car-
peſſus, which I ſuppoſe was once by the Greeks called Tarteſſus, where
King Arganthonius (who is reported to have lived one hundred and fifty
years) once reigned. The Soldiers eſcape by flight, and yet trembling,
Vetilius his Queſtor diſpoſes upon the Walls, and five thouſand aſſociates,
which he had deſired from the Belli and Titthi, he ſent out to meet Viria-
tus, who made ſuch a ſlaughter of them, that not a Meſſenger was left
to bring back the news. So thenceforward the Queſtor lay quiet in the
City, expecting aſſiſtance from Rome. In the mean time Viriatus, with-
out controul, waſtes the Country of the Carpeti, which was ſufficiently
fertile, till C. Plautius comes from Rome with ten thouſand Foot , and
thirteen hundred Horſe; when diſſembling a flight, Plamius fent four
thoufand

214.
The Spaniſh War.
PART I.
thouſand men to purſue him, whom turning upon, he cut off all but a veu
ry few; and croſſing the Tagus, went and incamped among the Olive
Mountains, upon that which is called Venus Hill, whither Plautius fol-
lowing out of an earneſt deſire to repair his former loſs, fights a ſet Battel
with him, and being with a mighty ſlaughter overcome,flees without any
order to the Towns for refuge, and in the midſt of Summer takes up his
Winter Quarters , not daring look abroad. Wherefore Viriatus freely
ranged over the whole Country, forcing the owners of the Ground to pay
a value for the Crop, then almoſt ready for their Sickle, or elſe he deſtroy-
ed or burnt it. Theſe things being underſtood at Rome, the Fathers fent
Fabius Æmilianus Maximus (Son to Æmilius Paulus, who ſubdued Per-
feus, King of Macedon) with Power to raiſe an Army; who becauſe the
ſtrength of the City was in a manner exhauſted, firſt by the ſubverſion of
Cart hage, then by ſubduing the Greeks, and laſtly by bringing to a happy
iſſue the Macedonian War, that he might ſpare thoſe had out-lived ſo ma-
ny Engagements, enrolled two Legions of raw young Men; and having
procured ſome further affiſtance from the Aſſociates, with an Army of a-
bout fifteen thouſand Foot, and two thouſand Horſe, came to Orſo, a City
of Spain; from thence that he might not throw himſelf upon the Enemy,
with an undiſciplined and unexperienced Force that had never yet feen any
fighting, he croſſed over into Cadiz, to ſacrifice to Hercules. Viriatus
met with a party of his men going to wood, flew a great many, and put
the reſt to flight; and his Lieutenant again bringing them out to engage,
Viriatus again defeated them, and took a great booty ; but when Maximus
himſelf came, bringing armed Soldiers to try if he could entice him to a
Battel, and daily provoking him, ſeeing Viriatus avoided a general En-
gagement, ſending out parties by frequent skirmiſhes, he made trial of
the Enemies ſtrength, and increaſed his own mens courage and confi-
dence : aed whenever he ſent out to Forrage, he gave a Convoy of Le-
gionary Soldiers and Horſe to the light armed Foot, for this Diſcipline he
had learn’d from his Father in the Macedonian War. Winter being paſt,
and his Army well exerciſed and confirmed, he made a ſharp War upon V -
vidtus and putting himſelf to flight took two of his Cities and burnt another,
Viriatus himſelf fying to a place called Becor, he followed, and flew many
of his men, and then went and wintred at Corduba. Viriatus being now
no longer ſecure as formerly, drew off from the Roman Alliance the Ar-
vacci, Titthi and Belli, warlike people, who waged another long and labo-
rious War by themſelves, which from Numantia,one of their Cities, was call-
ed the Numantine,which immediately after the Viriatick, we ſhall proceed
to treat of. Viriatus therefore, in another part of Spain, coming to a ſet
Battel with Quintius, another Roman General, and being overcome, re-
treated to the
Mountains of Venus; from whence turning again upon the
Enemy, he flew ſome of Quintius men , took fome Colours, and forced the
reſt into their Camp. He likewiſe by force drove out the Garriſon at
Ituca, and waſted the Country of the Bafitani, whilft Quintius, out of
weakneſs, and want of Military knowledge, lay ſhut up in Corduba (where
in the midſt of Autumn, he took up his Winter Quarters) and only now
and then fent out C. Martius, a Spaniard of the Italian City againſt the
Enemy. That year being expired fo, Quintius Æmilianus ſucceeded his
Brother Fabius Maximus Æmilianus , bringing with him two Roman
Legions, and ſome Allies , ſo that all his Forces might be about fixteen
thouſand Foot, and fixteen hundred Horfe. He wrote likewiſe to Mi-
cipla, King of Numidia, to ſend him with all ſpeed ſome Elephants: but
haſtning

Book VII. I be Spaniſh War.
215
haftning to Iruca , and leading with him only part of his Army; Viria-
tus met with fix thouſand men, coming on with great noiſe and clamour,
and with long hair, which the Barbarians uſed to wear and ſhake in time
of fight to terrifie their Enemies; yet he bore his charge with ſo much
courage, that the Enemy was repulſed without effecting any thing. But
when the other part of the Army, with ten thouſand Elephants, and three
hundred Horſe from Lybia were come to him, enlarging his Camp, he
firſt drew out his Army againſt Viriatus, and over-powring him, routed
and put him to flight : but when breaking their Ranks in the purſuit, Vi-
riatus obſerved the confuſion, rallying, he flew about three thouſand men,
and drove the reſt to the Camp: He likewiſe aſſaulted their Camp, while
ſcarce any would ſhut the Gates again the invading Enemy, but moſt
ftruck with pannick fear, hid themſelves in their Huts, and neither by
the General nor Military Tribunes could be got out to fight, yer above all
Fannius, the Brother-in-Law of Zelius, did in this Battel, in a ſingular man-
ner make his courage manifeft. Night coming on, favoured and ſaved
the Romans. But Viriatus night and day omitted no opportunity, fome-
times with light armed Foot, and ſometimes with nimble Horſe to weary
out the Romans, till at laſt he forced Servilianus to raiſe his Siege from 1-
tuca. And himſelf beginning to be pinched with hunger, and having but
flender Forces, ſetting on fire his Tents by night, marched towards Lufi-
tania, Servilianus in his going off, not being followed, tranſlated the ſeat
of War into Beturia, where he ſeiſed upon five Cities, that bore good
will to Viriatus : Thence led his Forces among the Cunei, from whence
he again marched into Lufitania againſt Viriatus himſelf. In this way
meeting with two Captains of Thieves, Curius and Apuleius, with ten thou-
ſand men, they very much vexed the Romans, acd joyning Battel wherein
Curius was killed, they yet got ſome booty, all which Servilianus not long
after recovered, and likewiſe took by force the Cities Eſcadia, Gemella and
Obolcola, in all which Viriatus had placed Garriſons, ſome of which he
made Captains, and others he let go. Of ten thouſand Priſoners he had,
five hundred he made paſs under the Ax, and ſold the reſt. After this he
went to Winter Quarters, leaving the War to him that was to Command
next year, and theſe things done, returned to Rome. Quintins Pompeius
Aulus ſucceeded him in Command.
XIX
Mean while his Brother Maximas Æmilianus, having received upon
fübmiſſion one Connoba, a Captain of Thieves, did indeed pardon him,
but cut of all his Companions hands: but when purſuing Viriatus, he was
about to incloſe Eriſane, one of his Cities, with a Trench and Paliſado.
Viriatus entring the City by night, and making a Sally by break of day,
not only drove thoſe that were working upon the Lines from their la-
bour, making them throw away their Spades and Mattocks, but likewiſe
forced all the reſt of Æmilianus Forces ready drawn up, and in a poſture
to engage him, to flee among the Rocks and Precipices, from whence there
was no way to eſcape; yet here ſucceſs made not Viriatus inſolent ;
but ſuppoſing he now might upon fair Conditions lay down Arms, and
enter into friendſhip with the Romans; he contracted a League, which
the people of Rome afterwards confirmed, and called Viriatus friend, giving
Orders his Aſſociates ſhould enjoy the Lands they poſſeſſed. Thus a War
heavy to the Romans ſeemed on eaſie Conditions quite extinct; but this
Peace proved not laſting, for Cepio, brother to Æmilianus, Author of this
League, and his Succeflor in Command, finding fault with the Conditi-
ons;

216
The Spaniſh War.
PART I.
Limia.
ons, as diſhonourable to the Roman people, prevailed with the Senate to
have leave privately to incommode Viriatus, as he thought fit, and con-
tinually urging them, and plying them with Letters, at length procured a
Decree to declare open War againſt Viriatus, fortified with which Decree
he received upon ſurrender the City of Arfa, Viriatus looking on ; and
purſued Viriatus himſelf, flying and waſting all as he went to Carpetane ,
bringing with him greater Forces than Viriatns, who by reaſon of the
paucity of his men, not thinking fit to engage, ſending away the great-
eft
part
of his Forces, by an obſcure Valley, drew up the reſt upon a cer-
tain Hill, making a ſhow, as if he were willing to fight the Enemy, but
when he thought thoſe ſent before were out of danger, he flew after
with ſo much ſcorn of the Enemy, and ſo much celerity, that thoſe who
followed him, knew not which way to take. Cepio turning his Arms
againſt the Vetones and Callaici waſted their Country: but now follow-
ing Viriatus Exâmple, many other Bands of Rovers, by their incurſions
waſted Luſitania. Againſt whom Sex. Funius Brutus being ſent, he conſi-
dering the diſtance of places (being all that ground between the four Na-
* Oblivio or vigable Rivers of Tagus, * Lethe, Dorius and Bætis gave them a hard chaſe,
they running hither and thither, after the manner of Thieves , and now
following, and then flying, diſpairing to catch them, and yet thinking
the not taking of them would be diſhonourable, though on the other ſide
the taking of them would be no great Triumph; he led his Army into
the Thieves own Country, thinking with the ſame trouble to take revenge
of them (for he thought they would all come home to defend their own)
and withal enrich his Soldiers by the ſpoil
. Led on with thefe thoughts
and imaginations, he feiſed upon all ſtood in his way. The Barbarians
coming out to oppoſe him, and the Women aſſiſting and bearing Arms
with ſuch courage and eagerneſs, that even in the midſt of ſlaughter their
voices were not to be heard. Sorne indeed there were, who taking what
they could, fled up to the Mountains, to whom, becauſe they asked par-
don, Brutus gave whatever remained of theirs. Thence croſſing the Ri-
ver Dorius, carrying Fire and Sword through all parts far and near, and
receiving Hoſtages of all that yielded, at length he came to the River of
* Lethe or Li- * Oblivion, and firſt of any Roman croſſed it. Thence going to Nimis ar
nother River, he made War upon the Bracari, becauſe they had ſtopped,
and taken the Proviſions, bringing to the Roman Camp. 'Twas the Cu-
ftom likewiſe of theſe people to bring their Women armed into the Field,
who would rather die than turn their backs, or utter any unworthy cry:
nay, theſe very Women, when led away Captives, would ſome kill them-
ſelyes, and others cut their Childrens Throats, thinking Death much bet-
ter than Slavery, yet ſome Towns yielded to Brutus, who not long after
revolting, he again reduced to obedience; among others Talabriga often
accepting Conditions; often rebelled. Thither Brutus coming,the Townſ-
men imploring mercy, and referring themſelves to diſcretion, he firſt com-
manded them to deliver all Roman Fugitives, Captives and Arms, then
that with their Wives and Children they ſhould leave the City, which
when readily they ſubmitted to, incloſing them with his Army, he began
to let them underſtand how often they had revolted, and how often renew-
ed the War; poffeſfing them with an extreme fear and opinion, how grie-
vouſly he was offended with them, and ending all in reproaches of their
Treachery ; but yet taking away their Horſes, Proviſions, and publick
Money, beyond their own hopes, he reſtored them their Town to dwell
in. After doing all theſe things, Brutus returned to Rome. Theſe at-
tempts
mia.

Book VII. I be Spaniſh War.
217
tempts of other Bands of Thieves happening in the ſame time, and after
the Example of Viriatus, I thought convenient to place with that War.
But now Viriatus fent Audax Ditalco, and Minurus, the moſt faithful of his
Friends to Cepio to make Peace. Theſe Cepio engaged by great Gifts, and
large hopes, to make him a promiſe to kill Viriatus, which at length they
in this manner performed : Viriatus was a man given little to ſleep , as
well becauſe of the ſundry cares diſtracted him, as becauſe of his conti-
nual employs, wherefore likewiſe he often ſlept in Armour, that he might
be ready upon all ſervices, and to that end by night the entrance to him
was always open to his Friends, being by this means free to be called at
all ſeaſons. Andox, and the Conſorts of his villany, obſerving his firſt
lying down, as if they had ſome earneſt buſineſs; went into his Tent ,
and wounding him in his Throat,for that part only of his Body was naked;
flew him as he lay; then without any noiſe, no one thinking they had
given him his deadly wound, they went out and fled to Cepio, and de-
manded their reward. He only granted them the enjoyment of what then
they had, and referred them to the Senate for rewards. The Day com-
ing on, Viriatus Clients, and indeed the whole Army thinking him ſtill
at reit, wondered what ſhould make him ſleep more than ordinary, till
ſome going in, let them underſtand he lay ſlain in his Arms. Then
preſently a general lamentation and mourning was heard throughout the
whole Camp, all afflicting themſelves for his death; and beginning to be
doubtful of their own ſafety, for ſo they reputed themſelves, having loft
a General, who had been converſant in, and had freed them from ſo ma-
ny dangers. But that which moſt of all tormented them was, that they
could not find the Authors of this Villany. Therefore covering the Body
with moſt magnificent Habits, they burnt it upon a very high Pile, then
Horſe and Foot marching in Troops, and Companies round about in Arms,
after a barbarous manner, celebrated Viriatus Memory ; nor departed
they from the Pile, till the fire of it ſelf went out. The Funeral Rites
performed, they ſet forth rewards for Gladiators. So great a deſire of
him did Viriatus leave behind him, a man (as among the Barbarians)
moſt worthy of Command, behind none in encountring dangers, and the
moſt exact man living in dividing the Prey, for he never took nor offered
his friends more than their ſhare, and himſelf diſtributed it to the Vali-
ant, whereof this was the conſequence (which is very rare, and I know
not whether ever it happened to any other General) that though he had
an Army compoſed of many divers Nations; yet in eight years, which
he waged War, no Mutiny every happened amongſt them, but he had
always his Soldiers in a ready obedience, and forward in the encountring
of danger. Having created Tantalus General in the room of Viriatus,
they undertook the Expedition againſt Saguntum. This City Hannibal
having ſubverſed, reſtored, and from his Countries naine, called Cartha-
gent. The Spaniards repulſed thence, as they croſſed over the River
Betis, Cepio following preſſed ſo hard upon them, that Tantalus di-
ftruſting his Affairs, delivered up himſelf and his Army, upon Conditi-
on they ſhould be treated no worſe than Subjects. So being difarmed,
that they might no more live like Thieves, they had ſufficient Lands ſet
out to them: And thus ended the Viriatick War.
Now let us return to the War with the Vaccæi, or Numantines, whom XX
Viriatus had engaged to a revolt, Cæcilius Metellus fent againſt theſe
with larger Forces, terrified and oppreſſed by his Expedition (for in the
height of their fear, he fet upon them wawares) they were foon reduced.
Ff
There

218
The Spaniſh War.
PART I.
There remained only two Towns, Termantia and Numantia, of which the
latter, by reaſon of its being ſurrounded, as it were, with two Rivers,
Valleys and extreme thick Woods, was of very difficult approach, there
was only one way to it by the Plain, and that fortified with Ditches
and Turn-pikes. The Numantines themſelves excellent Soldiers, both on
Horſeback and Foot , but not more than eight thouſand, with which
number, though ſmall, yet by reaſon of their ſignal Valour, they for a
long time vexed and tired the Romans. But Winter being paft, Metellus
delivered over the Army admirably well exerciſed to Q. Pompeiues Aulus,
being then thirty thouſand Foot, and two thouſand Horſe. Pompey raiſing
his Camp from Numantia, whither to go I know not; the Numantines
making a Sally, oppreſſed ſome of his ſtragling Horſe, whereupon he re-
turning, drew up his Army in the Plain ; the Numantines half flying, by
little and little retreated. At length Pompey ſeeing, that by reaſon of the
difficulties of the Turn-pikes, and Ditches, and the continual Execution of
light armed Numantines, his Army began to diminiſh, and waſte inſenſi-
bly, removed his Camp to Termantin, where he thought there was lefs to
do. Here likewiſe engaging with the Enemy, he loft ſeven hundred Sol-
diers, and the Military Tribunes bringing Proviſions to the Camp, were by
the Numantines put flight, the ſame day in a third conflict, many Ro-
man Footmen and Horſemen, with their Horſes being driven into rough
and craggy places, the reſt ſtood in Arms all night without any fleep,
then at break of day the Enemy ſallying out, they fought all day with
equal Fortune till night coming on parted them. Thence Pompey march-
ed towards a little Town, called Malia, held by a Garriſon of the Numan-
tines. The Malians having by treachery ſlain the Garriſon, delivered the
Town to Pompey, who difarming them, and taking their Hoftages, he
marched to Sedetania, to deliver thoſe people from the robberies of Tan-
ginus, a Captain of Thieves, him he overcame, and took many of his peo-
ple, but ſo much gallantry of Spirit was found among Thieves, that none
of the Captains would ſubmit to ſlavery, but ſome flew themſelves, others,
thoſe that bought, and ſome ſunk the Ships, in which they were tran-
ſported: Pompey returning to the Siege of Numantua, endeavoured to di-
vert the courſe of a certain River, that ſo he might ſubdue the City by
Famine; the Inhabitants making a filent Saliy without Trumpets, hin-
dred the work, and forcing the River upon thoſe would have turned its
courfe, effectually did their buſineſs, repulfing all that came without
their Lines; and in ſhort, confining the Romans to their Tents, whom a-
gain engaging as they went out to Forrage, they flew many, and a-
mong others Oppius, a Tribune of the Soldiers. And another party of the
Romans being throwing up a certain Ditch, they ſet upon them, and flew
forty with their Over-ſeer. About the ſame time came certain Counſel-
lors from Rome, and a freſh Army of new raiſed men, who the old being
diſmiſſed (for they had ſerved fix years in this War)fupplyed their places.
Pompey aſhamed of ſo many defeats, deſirous to waſh away the ſtain, lay
all Winter in his Tents. The Soldiers thus quartered under the open Fir-
mament, in a bitter cold Seaſon, and having never before experieneed
inclemency of Air and Water, fell into Fluxes, of which ſeveral dyed.
And another part going out to Forrage, the Numantines having laid an
Ambuſh cloſe to the Roman Camp, provoked the Romans to skirmiſh,
who not enduring to be dared, threw themſelves without the Lines.
Then thoſe in Ambuſh ſuddenly riſing, many both of the Commons and
Nobility fell, and the Forragers coming in at the ſame time, they laid a
good




Book VII. I be Spaniſh War.
219
and they
good parcel of them on the ground. Pompey grieved at ſo many loſſes ,
retreats with his Counſellors into Towns, there to paſs away the reſt of
the Winter, till his Succeſſor expected with the firſt of the Spring came :
but fearing to be called to account for the ill management of the War, he
had ſome private Conferences with the Numantines about putting an end
to it: The Numąntines being themſelves broken by the death of many
gallant Men, by their Fields lying fallow, by want of Proviſion, and the
unexpected durance of the War, were eaſily perſwaded to ſend Agents to
Pompey to treat of Peace. He indeed publickly adviſed them to ſubmit
themſelves to the Romans diſcretion, (nor could he contrive any other
Conditions Honourable for the Roman People) but privately he taught
them what was to be done; when they were come to terms ,
had yielded to the Romans, he demanded Hoſtages, Captives and Run-
aways, and had them delivered, and of thirty Talents of Silver, which
was agreed to be paid, the Numantines counted part to him, and part he
was to give time for. But it happened that when they had got together
the reſt of the Money, and brought it to Pompey, his Succeſſor M. Poa
pilius Læna was come. Wherefore being no more in fear of War now
he had one to ſucceed him, knowing well that he had made a diſhonou-
rable Peace, and that without any Orders from the People, he began to
deny he had any dealings with the Numantines; but they by the Teſti-
mony of many Senators, Commanders of Horſe, and Military Tribunes,
eaſily convinced him. Popilius referred them to Rome, there to come to
a Trial with Pompey; the report being made to the Senate, they left
Pompey and the Numantines to conteſt with each other. Mean while the
Senate gave Orders to continue the War, and Popilius having done no-
thing elſe (till the coming of his Succeſſor Attilius Mancinus) lave lead-
ing the Army into the Territory of the Luſones, neighbours to the Nu-
mantines, returned to Rome. Mancinus often engaging with the Numan-
tines, was always overcome; at length, with the loſs of many, flying
into his Camp, upon a falſe rumour caſt abroad, that the Cantabri and
Vaccæi were coming to the relief of the Numantines; growing fearful
in the dead
of the night (all which he had ſpent without any Fires) flees
into a Deſert place, where once was a Trench of Nobilior's, in which
place, neither prepared nor fortified, being incloſed by break of day by
the Numantines, ſtanding round about, and threatning death to all, un-
leſs he made Peace, he granted Conditions equal to the Numantines and
Romans, and bound himſelf to the performance , which when it was
brought to Rome, all men were exceedingly enraged at fo baſe and igno
minious a League, and ſent one of the Conſuls, Æmilius Lepidus intợ
Spain, recalling Mancinus (whom likewiſe the Numantine Legates fol-
lowed) to ſhow reaſons for his Conduct. Æmilius while he ſtays for
an anſwer from the City; impatient of idleneſs, (for in theſe times men
fought not after Command for the Publick good, but either out of ambi-
tion of Glory, or private gains, or hopes of the Honour of Triumph) he
falſly accuſed the Vaccæi, that in this War they had ſupplyed the Numan-
tines with Proviſions. Whereupon he ſpoiled their Country, and laid
Siege to Palantia their chief City, which had not in the leaſt title violated
their Covenants. Calling to him, and joyning with him in this work,
Brutus his Son-in-Law, who, as we have before mentioned, was ſent into
the other part of Spain. To them Cinna and Cæcilius coming Legates from
Rome, declared that the Senate was doubtful, whether after ſo many
loſſes
it was convenient for Æmilius to engage in a nevý War, and to that end
Ff 2
they

220
I be Spaniſh War.
· PART 1
they produced a Decree of the Senate, whereby Æmilins was forewarn-
ed not to make War with the Vaccai. But he having already begun the
War, thinking the Senate were ignorant of many things, as firſt, that he
had joyned Forces with Brutus, then that the Vaccæi had aſſiſted the Nu-
mantines with Men, Money and Proviſion, beſides his retreat now might
make a ſtrange alteration in Affairs, there being danger, left thereupon
the Enemy ccntemning the Romans as fearful, all Spain ſhould rebel. So
Cinna returned without doing any thing, only wrote thus much to Rome.
After theſe things, Æmilius took care in a well-fortified place, to cauſe
Machines to be built, and to lay in ſtores of Corn. Flaccus, who was
for that year Commiſſary General of Proviſions, as he brought Vidłuals
to the Camp, fell into a manifeſt Ambuſh, from whence he freed him-
ſelf by this cunning, he ſpread a rumour among the Soldiers, that Æ-
milius had taken Palantia; at the news of which his party beginning to
fhout and rejoyce, the Barbarians hearing them, and believing it to be fo
indeed, of their own accord drew off: by this policy Flaccus ſaved his
Proviſion from the Enemy. But the Siege of Palantia being ſtill prolong-
ed, and food failing, Famine began ſorely to amict the Romans, for not
only all the Cattel, but many men died. Indeed the Generals, Æmilius
and Brutus long bore out againſt theſe misfortunes, bravely and conſtant-
ly; but at length compelled to yield to them, about the laſt watch of the
night, they gave Orders to Difcamp ; and the Military Tribunes and
Primipiles running up and down, urged every one to get ready to march
by the firſt Light, ſo that doing all things in a hurry, they forſook their
ſick and wounded men, hanging upon them, and beſeeching them not to
betray them: In ſuch confuſion they marched away, that it could only
be ſaid, they did not flee; the Palantines ſeveral times falling on them,
and keeping cloſe up to them from morning till it was night, and doing
them much detriment. As ſoon as it was dark, the Romans ſpent by
hunger and travel, diſperſed themſelves by Companies about the Fields,
and the Palantines , fome Deity turning them back, went home. The
Romans, for this ill management, depriving Æmilius of his Conſulate
and Command, fined him beſides in a ſum of Money. The cauſe likewiſe
between Mancinus , and the Numantine Legates was heard in Senate
theſe alledging their League with Mancinus, he transferring the fault
upon Pompey, the former General, who had delivered over to him a
vicious and unwarlike Army, which was therefore often overcome, and
that he himſelf had likewiſe made Peace with the Numantines; he like-
wiſe added, that it was no wonder, if this War had no good ſucceſs,
which they had againſt all Juſtice decreed. Though the Fathers were
equally angry with them both , yet Pompey, againſt whom there had
been a former ſentence given, came off : But Mancinus, for being Au-
thor of fo baſe a Peace without their Orders, they condemned to be de-
livered up to the Numantines, after the Example of thoſe Fathers, who
once gave up naked to the Samnites twenty Generals, who without
their Command had concluded a League. Mancinus being brought to
Spain, was by Furius, in like manner, yielded up naked to the Numan-
tines, but they refuſed to accept him. Againſt them Calphurnius Piſo
was next choſen General, who brought not his Army againſt Numantia;
but entring the confines of the Palantines, returned thence with an incon-
fiderable booty, and the reſt of the time of his Government, ſpent in
Winters Quarters in Capertania.
The

Book VII. I be Spaniſh War.
221
The People of Rome offended at this Numantine War, which in all
XXI
Mens judgement was yet like to be more tedious, and difficult, decreed
the other Conſulate to Cornelius Scipio newly come from Carthage, for
they believed him the only Man by whom the Numantines could be ſub-
dued. But being under the Conſulary Age, appointed by the Law made
in the Carthaginian War,by the Tribunes of the People, they now repealed
that Law, and the next year again confirmed it
. Thus Scipio being
again declared Conful haſtned to Numantia with no Army, the City
Forces being waſted by ſo many Wars, and there being ſtrength enough
in Spain. Yet by the Senates permiſſion he carried ſome Voluntiers from
other Cities, and Kings, who out of particular Friendſhip went withi
him, to whom he added about five hundred Clients and Friends out of
the City, whom liſting in one Band he called pincov. i'aww, that is, the
Band of Friends, all theſe amounting to about four thouſand he commit-
ted to the leading of Buteo his Nephew, he himſelf ſlenderly accompanied
went before to the Army in Spain, whom he was informed were debau-
ched with all manner of Idleneſs, Diſcord and Luxury. Wherefore
knowing well enough he could never overcome his Enemies, unleſs he
firſt throughly purged and ſuppreſſed the Vices of his Army, as ſoon
as he came to the Camp, he thought nothing more fitting then to expel
thence all Huckſters, Whores, and Southſaying Prieſts, to which laſt the
Soldiers, diſmayed with ſo many unfortunate Engagements, were but too
much addicted, forbidding for the future, the bringing any thing not ab-
ſolutely neceffary into the Camp, and ſtrictly prohibiting all Sacrifices for
Divination, ſending away all Waggons of uſeleſs Baggage, and all Cattle,
but ſuch as they could by no means be without. Nor was any one to have
more Utenſils for dreſſing meat then a Spit, a Braſs Pot, and one Cup.
Meats likewiſe were preſcribed Boild and Roaſted, Beds forbidden, and
for Example himſelf firſt lay in a Hameck, he forbid the Riding upon
Mules upon a March, for what hopes was there of their ſervice in War
who could not walk on Foot; he likewiſe reproved thoſe had ſervants to
angint and bath them , jeſtingly telling them that Mules which had no
hands wanted others to ſcrub and ſcratch them: by theſe means he re-
claimed them all to temperance. He accuſtomed them likewiſe to a Fear
and Reverence of his Perſon, making the acceſs to him, difficult in any un-
juſt Petitions, having always theſe ſayings in his mouth, That thoſe Ĝene-
rals who were ſtrict and ſevere obſervers of Laws, were ſerviceable to their
friends, but thoſe who were eaſie and greedy of gain, only profitable to their enem
mies. That the Armies of theſe might indeed be more merry, but ignorant of
order and obedience; but thoſe more grave;and withal more dutiful and ready upor
all occaſion of ſervice. Nor would he at all engage the Enemy till he had
firft exceriſed his Soldiers in a thouſand fundry labors, daily removing about
the Country, he cauſed to be fortified new Camps, and then demoliſhed
them, deep ditches to be dug, and then filled up, mighty Walls to be
Built, and then pulled down again, himſelf from Morning till Evening,
going about and overſeeing what was done. And that none upon a march
as had formerly been uſed) might ftraggle from the Army, he alway
drew up in a ſquare body, and when it moved, kept himſelf in continual
motion from Front to Rear, nor was it lawful for any to ſhift the place af-
figned him by the General. In the midſt, as in the moſt proper place, he
poſted the fick and weak, commanding the Horſemen to diſmourit, and
ſet them upon their Horſes: the beaſts of burthen that were heavieſt la-
den he divided among the Foot: And where he intended to lodge thoſe
deſigned

222
PARTI.
The Spaniſh War.
deſigned for the guard of the Lines that night he commanded to ſtay with
out at their Arms, and kept a party of Horſe ſcouting abroad for diſco-
very, but to the reſt of the Soldiers he appointed every one their task,
theſe to dig in the Trench, thoſe to raiſe the Rampire, and others to
pitch the Tents, and ſet a certain and definitive ſpace of time, in which
every thing was to be done. And when he had brought his Army into
a due poſture of obedience, and made them patient of laborz then he re-
moved his Camp nearer to Numantia. Where, according as ſome had
uſed to do, he poſted them not in Caſtles, for he would not preſently di-
vide his Army, nor run the hazard of a loſs at firſt, thereby to make them
run more into Contempt, with the Enemy, who contemned them enough
already. Nor did he think it convenient to engage them in Battel, till he
ſaw both good reaſon and opportunity for the doing it, and had throughly
ſearched into the Numantines Counſels and Deſigns. In the mean time
he waſted all the fields behind his Camp, and from thence fetcht in all
his Forrage and cut down the ſtanding Corn, which done, and that he
was in a readineſs to proceed farther, his Friends adviſing him, that by a
nearer way through the Field he might go forward to Numantia, but I
ſaid he, fear my return, the Enemy naked, and nimble Sallying out of the
City have again into the City a retreat, but ours returning from forrage are
laden with prey, and tyred, beſides they bring with them Loaden Cattle, Car-
riages and Baggage; and that would be a hard and unequal fight, where being
overcome they muſt run much danger and being Victorious yet, but little praiſe
or profit, it being the height of madneſ to run into danger, for things of no
moment. Nor was he worth the Name of a General, who unleſ compelled
would throw the Dice of War,but he on the contrary who when neceſſity required
and opportunity offered,would undantedly throw himſelf upon all dangers; Adding
hereunto this ſimilitude, that Chirurgions uſed not to inciſe or cauterize be-
fore they applyed Medicaments. Theſe things ſaid, he Commanded his
Colonels to lead the Army the farther way about, then making ſome
Excurſions beyond the Camp, he came among the Vaccæi, from whom
the Numantines bought their Proviſions, there preying upon all whatever
was uſeful for the fubliſtence of the Camp, they gathered and brought
away, the reſt heaped together and burnt. In the Country of the Palan-
tines was a place called Caplanium ; there the Palatini, upon a certain hill
laid Ambuſh, and with ancther party openly provoked Scipio's Forragers:
Scipio Commands Rutilius Rufus, who was then Military Tribune (and
hath likewiſe writ a Hiſtory of theſe things that taking four Troops of
Horſe he ſhould break the Enemies charge. Rufus, they giving ground,
preſſed on too immoderately, ſo that mixing with the flyers, they were got
together to the hill, where when he diſcovered the Ambuſh, he gave ad-
vice to his Horſemen not to think of following or preſſing forward, but
keeping their ground and order with their Lances at full length to keep off
the Enemy: ButScipio who yet a great way off, had perceived that Rufus
had already run beyond his Orders, ſollicitous of the event, immediately
followed and found himfelf likewiſe taken in the ſnare; wherefore he
commanded they ſhould both ways charge the Enemy, and having thrown
their Javelins, make their retreat not all in a huddle, but by degrees and
keeping their Ranks, and by this means he brought his Horſe off ſafely in-
to the plain. Afterwards knowing for certain tliat near the paſſage of a
River whoſe Ford was troublefome and Muddy they had laid another trap
for him, he drew off, by a way farther indeed about, but not fo fit for
Ambuſhes. And becauſe of the heat of
the weather marching by night,
finking

Book VII. The Spaniſh War.
223
finking ſeveral Wells, he found the waters of many of them bitter, fo
that thence though very hardly the Men got ſafely off, but ſome of the
Horſes and Cattel died with thirſt. As he paſſed through the Country of
the Caucæi, whom Lucullus had with ſo much treachery abuſed, he cauſed
Proclamation to be made that the Caucei might with all fufety return to
their habitations, thence he went and wintred on the Confines of the
Numantines, whither Figurtha Nephew to Maſjaniſſa came to him out
of Africa with twelve Elephants, fitted with Archers and Slingers to gaul
the Enemy in Front. In theſe places by frequent incurſions, waſting and
forraging the Country the Enemy laid cloſe Ambuſh for him. The con-
veniency of the place prompted them to the deſign. There was a Town
almoſt quite encompaſſed round with a ſlimy Marſh, but only on one ſide
where there was a Valley, and in that Valley the Ambush lay hid; Scipio's
Soldiers were fo divided that part entred the Town, began to Plunder,
others kept about on horſe back, whom thoſe from the Ambuſh riſing up-
on eaſily routed. Scipio who by chance ſtood without the Village near
the Colours, commanded back by found of Trumpet thoſe got into the
houſes, and firſt with about a thouſand running in to the relief of the
baggage horſes, and many out of the Town coming to joyn with him,
he forced the Enemy to turn their backs but not following at all
the chaſe, retreated himſelf into his Trenches with the loſs but of few on
both ſides.
Not long after having pitched two Camps near Numantia (one of XXII.
which he committed to the care of his brother Maximus, and the other
commanded himſelf) when the Numantines drawing out, often pro-
voked the Romans to fight, he ſcorned and laughed at them, ſaying, it
would redound much to his diſhonor if he ſhould chuſe rather to fight
then reduce by famine men made furious by utter deſpair, therefore to
beſiege them the cloſer he drew ſeven Ditches round the City, and fent
Letters to his Friends fignifying how many and what forces they ſhould
ſend to him, which when they came he divided into ſeveral parts, and
ſoon after divided his whole Forces into ſeveral bodies, appointing each
their Leaders, and Commanding them to incloſe the City with a Trench
and Palliſadoes. The Circuit of Numantia was twenty four Fur-
longs, but that of his Trench above twice as much. Now every
party had their diſtinct work ſet out to them, with orders that if
the Enemy made any onſet, they ſhould give the fignal by day a red cloth
hanging on a long ſpear, and by night fire, that forthwith he or Maxi-
mus his brother might run in to their help. The work being brought to
that forwardneſs that if the Enemy attempted any thing they might repulſe
him, he dug another ditch without that, and faſtning thereon Paliſadoes,
built a Wall eight foot thick, and ten foot high below the battlements
round which he raiſed Towers, at one hundred and twenty foot diſtance
from each other, and becauſe he could not run the Wall over the marſh, he
threw up a bank in height and breadth equal to it, which ſerved inſtead
of a wall, and Scipio is in my Judgment, the firſt that ever begirt a City,
not refuſing to fight him, with a Wall. But beſides all this the River
Durius running through his Fortifications was very convenient for the
Townſmen, as well to bring them what they wanted, as for the tranſport-
ing of Men, whether by ſwimming, or in little Boats, in which they pri-
vately ſtole by the Romans, either with Sails, the wind blowing fresh;
or which Oars down the Stream. When therefore by reaſon of the larg,
nefs




.224
Part I.
The Spaniſh War.
* Scipio's
Boom.
neſs and violence of the Waters no way could be found to make a Bridge
over, inſtead thereof he built two Caſtles, from which he drew over
* Beams of Timber faſtned together with Cordage, quite athwart the
River, there were likewiſe very thick upon the Timbers, faſtned very
ſharp Irons like Spear-heads, which moved about by the force of the Water
ſuffered none to paſs, who either by Swimming or Diving, or Boat had
deſign to deceive the Enemy : For it was Scipio's chief deſire that none co-
ming to them from abroad they might be ignorant of all was done, and
want both intelligence and ſupplies. After all the works were perfected,
and the Catapults, Croſsbows and other Engins raiſed upon the Towers
and the Bulwarks, well ſtored with Stones, Darts and Javelins, and tha
Archers and Slingers placed in the Towers, he diſpoſed meſſengers quite
round the Lines, who taking the word from one another might give it
about, as any thing hapned, he gave order likewiſe, that the firſt lower
that was affaulted by the Enemy ſhould firſt ſhow their Colours, and then
others by the fame Example do the like, that by the moving of this fign,
and the word going about by the meſſengers he might know the certain
cauſe every thing; Then Muſtring his forces and finding he had fixty
thouſand men, he fo divided them, that one half had charge of the guard
of the wall, and if need were might be ready for other ſervice, twenty
thouſand upon occaſion to fight for the wall, and ten thouſand for their
reſerve, who had likewiſe their poft aſſigned them ; but none without
the Generals Command was to change his Poſt, ſo that upon any ſignal
given, every man was ready at his ſtand : with ſo much diligence did Scipio
order all things. In the mean time the Numantines made ſeveral aſſaults
upon the guards of the Wall, but then immediately, not without horror,
they beheld aſſiſtance come from all parts, the ſignals made, the meſſen-
gers running, thoſe appointed for defence of the Walls leaping up, the
Trumpets from the Towers founding a charge, fo that in an inſtant, all
that whole circuit of fifty furlongs was put into a formidable poſture.
The whole round of which Scipio continually went both day and night be-
lieving his Enemies thus incloſed and wanting both Proviſions, Arms and
Men,could not very long make oppoſition. In the mean time Retogenes a moſt
valiant Numantine, whoſe Surname was Cauraunius, taking with him five
friends whom he had wrought his parties in the enterpriſe, as many fer-
vants, and a like number of Horſes in a cloudy and very dark night paf-
ſing cloſely over the ſpace between the Town and the Trenches, with a
little Bridge to be ſet together, that he brought with him, gets with his
friends upon the Enemies Works, and having ſlain the Sentinels, drew over
the Horſes by the ſąme Bridge, and ſending back the ſervants, they forth-
with diſperſed themſelves among the Towns of the Arvacci, and in the
manner of ſuppliants with Olive-branches in their hands, befought them
to afſift their kinsfolks the Numantines; but many out of fear of the Ro-
mans, without hearing them commanded them to depart their Territories.
But the youth of Lutia (a rich Town about three hundred furlongs di-
Itant from Numantia) pittying the Numantines condition, urged their
City to ſend them aid, whereof Scipio having certain intelligence from the
Seniors of the City, taking with him a nimble party, in eight hours time
flies to Lutia, and by break of day begirting the City commanded the
heads and ringleaders of the youth to be delivered up to him, and when
they made anſwer, that they were broken out and fled, threatned by a He-
rald to Sack the City unleſs they were delivered up, wherewith terrified
they brought out about forty to him, whoſe hands having cut off he inarch-
ed


Book VII. The Spaniſh War.
225
ed away with his Forces, and by the next morning again recovered his
Camp
Hereupon the Numantines oppreſſed with hunger , fent five men to XXII.
Scipio, to try whether if they yielded, they might be received with favour
and clemency; the chief of this Deputation called Avarus, began to dif-
courſe in a brave and lofty manner, of the Inſtitutions and Valour of the
Numantines ; adding, they had not been guilty of any delinquency, ſince
only for their Wives and Childrens fakes, and the Liberty of their Coun-
try, they were fallen into theſe miſeries: Wherefore it would be an action
worthy thee, O Scipio (faid he) who art famed for a man of admirable
gene-
roſity, to ſpare a brave and worthy people like ours, and not impoſe harder
Conditions than humanity is able to bear on men, who, ſadly experienced the
change of Fortune ; for it is no more in our povers, but thine, by propoſing
moderate Conditions to ſave or City, by accepting our ſurrender, or elſe by
fighting to ſuffer us utterly to periſh. Avarus having thus ſpoken, Scipio
(before well aſſured of the Cities diſtreſs by the Captives) made no o-
ther anſwer, but that they muſt deliver up the City and their Arms ;
which being told to the Numantines,the Citizens already enough enraged
(as men that were reſolute to enjoy their Liberty, and ſubmit to no others
Empire) now by theſe provoking miſeries made more violent and fierce,
flew Avarus , and his fellow Deputies, as the Meſſengers of ill News,
and perhaps, as ſuſpecting them to have made ſome private bargain for
their own ſafety. Not long after all manner of food being ſpent, and
neither Corn, nor Cattel, nor Herbs left, firſt (as in cloſe ſieges has often
happened) they fed upon boiled Hides; which being likewiſe confumed,
they minced ſmall the fleſh of dying men, and devoured it, but their ſto-
mach ſoon loathing the fleſh of theſe fick men, the ſtronger began to lay
hands upon the weaker. In ſhort, there was no miſery to be imagined
which they did not endure; their minds made fierce and bloody by this
food, and their bodies oppreſſed with hunger and plague ; having long
time neglected themſelves, they grew rough and ſhaggy, and in all points
reſembled wild Beaſts. In this lamentable
condition they delivered them-
ſelves up to Scipio ; by whoſe Command they one day brought all their
Arms into one place, and were appointed on the next day to aſſemble
themſelves in another ; but they thought that day long; many yet out of
defire of Liberty,profeſſing they wiſhed for death,and on that day only ask-
ing for ſome kind of death to be appointed them; ſo much Love of Li-
berty was there in a ſmall and a barbarous City ; for when before the
War they were but eight thouſand, with how frequent ſlaughters did thiey
afflict the Romans ? How often upon good terms did they enter into
Leagues, which the Romans would not afterwards ratifie or maintain? How
often did they provoke to Battel this lait Roman General, beſieging them
with threeſcore thouſand men ? But he had ſo much knowledge in Military
Affairs, that he would not engage in fight with wild Beaſts, but choſe
rather to reduce them by Famine, the only way to tame thoſe creatures,
and by which they at laſt were tamed and broken. Wherefore when I
conſidered, that the Numantines with fo few Soldiers, fo conſtantly held
out fo laſting a Siege, I thought it would have been a crime to have paſt
by the particulars of it in ſilence. Surrendry being therefore made, many
of them flew themſelves in whạt manner they beſt thought fit; the reſt
aſſembled on the third day in the place appointed, with Bodies like Car-
cafes, a bruitiſh kind of Countenance, their Bcdies covered with filth and
naftine

226
The Spaniſh War.
Part I.
naſtineſs, their Hair ſhaggy, their Garments foul, tattered and loathſome
ly ſtinking ; ſo that in that condition they appeared miſerable to their ve-
ry Enemies, though the fick ſtruck horror into all that looked
upon them;
for with anger, grief and labour, and a mutual conſciouſneſs of having
fed on Humane Fleſh, their very Eyes looked fiery and bloody. Fifty
of them only reſerved for his Triumph, Scipio fold the reſt under the yoke.
The Town he levelled with the ground. Thus this Roman General ſub-
verted two famous Cities. Carthage by Decree of the Senate (left the
power and ſtrength of the City and Empire, and conveniency of its Situ-
ation, ſhould invite them to War) and Numantia, a ſmall one, and not
very populous, without ſo much as the peoples knowledge; whether he
believed it the ſenſe of the Commonwealth, whether out of a ſudden
rage
and anger againſt thoſe people; or rather (as many think) to gain him-
ſelf two Illuſtrious Sirnames from the ruines of the two Cities; for even
to this day the Romans call him, the African and the Numantine, from the
deſtruction and ruine of thoſe two Cities. Having divided the Lands of
the Numantines among the Neighbours, and gone a progreſs through
the other Cities to adminiſter Juſtice and threatned or fined thoſe
which had any way been their Affociates, he returned home.
9
XXIV. The Romans according to Cuſtom fent ten Senators to thoſe people,
whom either Scipio now, or Brutus before, had ſubdued either by ſur-
rendry, or force of Arms, to eſtabliſh Order, and ſettle all Affairs in
Peace. In ſucceeding times, new ftirs ariſing, Calphurnius Piſo was ſent
thither General, whom Servilius Galba ſucceeded. But when Italy was
oppreſſed with the Cimbrian War, and Sicily again with that of the
Slaves; they ſent no Forces into Spain, but only Lieutenants, who as far
as they were able, kept all things in quiet. The Cimbrians being driven
out of Italy, T. Didius coming thither, flew twenty thouſand of the
Vaccai, and tranſplanted the Town of Tremifim, always unfaithful to the
Romans, from a ſtrong ſituation unto the Plain, commanding the Inha-
bitants to live without any Fortifications. Then after ſeven Months Siege
he took the City Colenda by ſurrendry, and ſold all the Citizens with their
Wives and Children. Not far from Colenda dwelt a mixture of ſeveral
people of the Celtiberians, whom Marius, five years before, when he had
made uſe of them againſt the Luſitanians, had by conſent of the Senate
there appointed Habitations. Theſe through want, living on thievery ,
Didius, by conſent of the ten Commiſſioners, who were not yet gone ,
approved the ſettlement and ſignified to their Leaders, that he would to
thoſe wanted, affign the Lands of the Inhabitants of Colenda, which pro-
poſition they eagerly accepting , he prefently commanded them with
their Wives and Children to come to the diviſion of the Land: when they
were come, he commanded his Soldiers to come out of his Camp, and
them to go in, the men apart from the Women and Children, for that
he would take a Roll of their Names, to compute how much Land was to
be divided. They being all gone within the Lines; the Soldiers ſurround-
ing them, put them all to the Sword , for which things he likewiſe tri-
umphed. The Celtiberians again rebelling: Flaccus was ſent againſt
them, who with the ſlaughter of twenty thouſand ſuppreſſed them. But
in the City of Belgeda, the people inclining to a defe&tion, and the Senate
demurring upon it, and refuſing, the people burnt them all in their
Seats, of which Villany, Flaccus at his coming finding out the Authors pu-
niſhed them. Theſe are the Adions of the Romans againſt the Spaniards,
which I have found moft worthy of Memory.
In

Book VII. The Spaniſh War.
227
In latter time when Sylla and Cinna, being at variance faiſed Arms
and conſpired againſt their Country, Q. Sertorius being of Cinna's party
and choſen General of Spain, ſtirred up that whole Province againſt the
Romans, and having got together a mighty Army, and formed a kind of
a Senate out of his Friends, with great courage and confidence was about
to march towards the City. At which the Fathers terrified, they ſent two
Excellent and famous Generals of their own order Cacilius Metellus, with
one ſtrong Army, and Cn. Pompey with another,to divert him from Italy;
yet laboring for ſtrength after the late Civil War. But Perpenna one of
Sertorius party ſlew him and made himſelf General of the Faction, who
being by Pompey overcome in battel and flain, that War which had ſtruck
a great terror among the Romans, was ended : but of this we have written
more accurately in Sylla's Civil Wars. After Sylla's death, C.Cafar was
created General in Spain with power to make War as he ſhould think fit
againſt any that ſeemed to ſtagger, or were never yet ſubdued to the Ro-
man Power. After him Octavius Cæſar Son of Caius, Surnamed Auguftus,
reduced ſome people which had again rebelled, from which time the Ro-
mans (as I ſuppoſe) divided Iberia which they now call Spain into
* three parts, ſending Prætors into each of them, two of which are nomi- * Terraconen:
fis, Bætica,
nated by the Senate, and the third appointed by the Emperor.
Luſitania,
WA
The end of the ſeventh Book of the Spaniſh War.
Gg2
APPIAN

228
Α Ρ Ρ Ι Α Ν
OF
ALEXANDRIA,
HIS
HISTORY
OF THE
potrebama
Roman Wars
WITH
HANNIBAL
PART 1.
BOOK VIII.
The Argument of this Book.
I.
Т
He occaſion of this War briefly rehearſed. II. Hannibal paſſes the
Alpes, takes Turine, twice defeats Scipio, play’s Flaminius , and
deſtroys his whole Army. III. Centenius defeated by him : the City in
great fear make Fabius Dictator. IV. The Battel at Cannæ, Varro's Com-
ardiſe. V. The Peoples fear after the defeat at Cannæ : The Senates
Courage

Book VIII.
229
The Romans War with Hannibal.
· Cour age, and Hannibal's cruelty. VI. Several Roman Allies revolt to
Hannibal. Gracchus the Proconſul flain. VII. Capua beſieged by the Ro-
mans. Hannibal to divert that Siege, marches directly to Rome, the Cities
fears : Nevertheleſs he returns, having only viewed it. VIII. Hannibal's
Stratagem defeated by Claudius, Capua taken by the Romans. IX. Titia
taken and recovered : Salatia revolts from Hannibal. X. The Confuls
Fulvius and Marcellus flain ; yet Hannibal's Affairs grow worſe and worſe.
XI. Afdrubal, Hannibal's brother, with the Army he brought out of Spain
totally routed. XII. Hannibal quitting all the reſt of Italy, retires among
the Brutians, and in vain experts aid from Carthage. XII. Scipio fails
with an Army into Africa : ſeveral of the Brutians fall off from Hanni-
bal. XIII. He is recalled home, his cruelty at his departures and the end
of this War.
Í
N
COM
G
Ow what was done by Hannibal the Carthaginian, when out
of Spain he led his Forces into Italy, during the full fixteen
years that he there continued in Arms, acting, and in his
tum ſuffering all the extremities of War; till by his fellow
Citizens (his own Country being in jeopardy) he was re-
called, and by the Romans driven out of Italy, ſhall be the Subject of this
Book; and though the cauſes, both of the breaking out, and of the carry-
ing on this War into Italy, as well what in reality they were, as what was
openly pretended, be in the Spaniſh Hiſtory moſt accurately declared;
yet it will not be amiſs for the refreſhing the Readers Memory, to make
ſome ſhort rehearſal. Amilcar, firnamed Barcas, Father of this Hannibal,
in that War waged between the Romans and Carthaginians in Sicily, was
General of the Carthaginian Forces; and being for his ill Conduct accuſed
by his Enemies, and thereof doubtful, he ſo managed Affairs, that before
rendring any account of his former charge, he was created General a-
gainſt the Numidians. In which War, becauſe he much advanced the
Commonwealth, and by Gifts and Rapines pleaſed that Army, he was
firſt ſent by the Carthaginian people to Cadiz, whence croſſing over
that Strait into Spain, by ſending many rich Preſents out of the Spoil of
that Country into Carthage, he reconciled himſelf to the people, ſtriving
by all means to wipe off the Memory of the Sicilian Ignominy. At
length having ſubdued many People, and got great Glory, he drew on
the Carthaginians, with a hope and deſire of poſſeſſing all Spain, as a
thing eaſily effected; whereupon the Saguntines, and other Greeks, in
habiting Spain, fought for refuge to the Romans : Whereupon it was a-
greed between the Romans and Carthaginians, and ratified by Writings,
that the Bounds of the Carthaginian Dominion ſhould be the River Ibe-
After which Barcas ſetling in Spain the Affairs of the ſubdued Peo-
ple, was in a certain Battel ſlain; and Afdrubal , the Son-in-Law of Bar-
cas , ſubſtituted in his place, who being likewife (as he was hunting)
killed by a Slave, whoſe Maſter he had put to death ; the third from
them, who for his skill in, and love of warlike Affairs, was choſen Ge-
neral by the Army; was this Hannibal, the Son of Barcas, and Brother
to Aſdrubal's Wife, a young man indeed: but who had lived all his time
with his Father or Brother-in-Law; and having now the Command gi-
ven by the Soldiery, the Carthaginian people approved it; and ſo this
Hannibal, of whom I am about to write, was declared General for the
Carthaginians againſt the Spaniards ;-who perceiving his Fathers friends
expoſed
Yus.

230
PART I.
The Romans War
expoſed to the deſigns and malice of their Enemies, who deſpiſing his
Youth, began to ſet things on foot againſt them, not being ignorant, but
their dangers would one day fall upon his own head. That out of the
publick fear he might acquire and eſtabliſh freedom and ſecurity for
himſelf; he deviſed how to embroil his Country in a War, and think-
ing none more fit for his purpoſe, more laſting, nor likely to be more
for his Glory, than a War with the Romans; the very attempting which,
though he ſucceeded ill, would get him no ſmall Renown (to omit the
report ſpread abroad, that when a Boy, his Father made him ſwear at
the Altar, never to be at peace with the Romans ) he reſolved, notwith-
ſtanding the League, to croſs over the Iberus, which he thus found oc-
caſion to effect : He ſet on ſome to accuſe the Saguntines, and plied the
Senate with frequent Letters; alledging that the Romans ſolicited all Spain
to revolt; till at length he obtained leave to deal with the Saguntines, as
he himſelf thought fit: ſo he croſſed the Iberus, and utterly raſed the Ci-
ty of the Saguntines. Thus were all the Leagues made between the Ro-
mans and Carthaginians, ſince the Sicilian War, utterly broken.
II. But what Hannibal and others, either Carthaginian or Roman Generals,
did in Spain, the Spaniſh Hiſtory declares: He gathering together vaſt
multitudes of Africans, Celtiberians, and many other Nations,
delivering
over Spain to his Brother Afdrubal, and climbing over the Pyrenean Hills,
came into Celtica, which is now called Gallica, leading with him ninety
thouſand Footmen, twelve thouſand Horſe, and ſeven and thirty Elephants,
and joyning to him fome Gauls, partly gained by Gold, partly by Pro-
miſes , and partly by Force, lead them along with himn : whence pro-
ceeding on his March, when he came to the Alpes, though he ſaw no
afcent nor paſſage (for all before him feemed craggy and inacceſlible)
yet with a ſtrange confidence of mind, which no labour could make
bend, he fetled himſelf to go forward; and finding all the paſſages ſtop'd
with deep Snow, and Ice.congealed together,thawing it by kindling mighty
Fires, and quenching the Aſhes with Water and Vinegar, and then break-
ing the ſcorched and cleaving Rocks with Iron Hammers and Wedges,
by little and little leſſened them, and opened himſelf a way, which to
this day lyes ſo, and is called Hannibals paſſage. But when hunger be-
gan to afflict his Army, he with more ſpeed lead them on, whilſt none
yet knew of his coming into Italy. After fix Months ſpent after his de-
parture
from Spain, with great difficulty and the loſs of many men, he
in the end got down from the Mountains into the Plain ; where giving his
Army ſome ſhort reſt, he went and took Turine, a City of the Gauls, whicle
being gained by ſtorm, and the Captives (to ſtrike a terrour into the reſt
of the Gauls) all flain, he marched his Army to the Eridanus (now called
Po) whereabouts the Romans, at that time waged War againſt the Boian
Gauls. P. Cornelius Scipio, the Roman Conſul, then ſent to wage War
againſt the Carthaginians in Spain, hearing of Hannibal's being gone in-
to Italy; leaving Spain, and the Command of that Army to his Brother
* Tuſcany. Cn. Scipio, failed into * Hetruria; from whence making hafte, and ga-
thering together all the force he could, he got to the Po before Hannibal
paſſed it; and ſending Manlius and Attilius, who commanded in the War
againſt the Boians to Rome (for the Confals being preſent, their Cominiſ
fion was at an end) and joyning their Forces with his, drew up his Army
to give Battel to Hannibal. The Fight being begun by the light armed
Darters and Horſemen, the Romans circumvented by the Africans, fled
to

Book VIII.
231
with Hannibal.
$
9
to their Tents, and next night having firſt broke down the Bridge o-
ver the Po, retreated to Placentia, a place well fortified; but Hannibal
making a new Bridge, brought his Army likewife over. Theſe brave
Exploits, after his coming down from the Alpes into the Plain, ſtood him
not in little ſtead among the Tranſalpine Gauls, who thought him an
invincible Leader, and a man to all whoſe attempts Fortune ſhowed her
ſelf favourable and propitious ; which Renown to increaſe among theſe
Barbarians already aſtoniſhed, with admiration of him, and therefore
eaſily to be deceived; he often changed his Habit and Hair, which dai-
ly was by ſome new Artifice prepared and coloured, so that pafling
through their Country, he ſometimes appeared like an old , ſometimes
like a young, and ſometimes like a middle aged man; ſo that ſeeing
him continually varying from himſelf, they forth with judged Divine
Nature to be in him. Sempronius , the other Conſul, who was then in
Sicily, having certain intelligence of theſe things, came to Scipio by Sea,
and fets down within forty Furlongs of his colleague ; and now all
things were prepared for the next days Batte!. Only the River Trebia
ran between, which the Romans before it was light on a cold and mizling
Winters Morning, paſſed over almoſt up to the breaſt in Water, whilft
Hannibal till the ſecond hour refreſhed his Solders in their Tents. The
two Conſuls fo drew up their Army, that they might be on the Wings
placing the ſtouteſt of their Foot in the main Body. Hannibal oppoſed
his Elephants to the Horſe, and his Foot to the Phalanx, and command-
ed his Horſe to ſtand ſtill behind the Elephants, till he gave them the
Signal. The Bartels being joyned, the Roman Horſe affrighted with the
fight and fmell of the Elephants, to which they were unaccuſtomed ,
dilperſed all abroad and fled; but the Foot; though ſtiff with cold, foak-
ed in Water, and tired and broken with continual watchings, yet with
couragious hearts flew upon thoſe Monſters, and cutting them croſs the
Nerves, wounded them, and had doubtleſs put to flight his Foot, had
not Hannibal, giving his Signal to his Horſemen , fent them to flank
the Enemy : For then the Roman Foot left naked by their Horſe, whom
the terrour of the Elephants had ſcattered, and oppreſſed by multitudes ,
fearing to be incloſed by their Enemies, took a ſpeedy Aight towards
their Camp. Then were many of the Foot intercepted by the Horſe ,
and others that reached the River, (which was not a little ſwelld with
the Snow melted by the heat of the Sun ) were ſwallowed in the
Stream, the depth of the Water not giving them foothold , nor their
heavy Armour ſuffering them to ſwim. Scipio following them, and
ftill encouraging his Soldiers, was very near flain, and deſperately
wounded , brought with much difficulty to Cremona. Near Placespia
was a little Caſtle, which Hannibal going to ſtorm , with the loſs of
forty of his men, went off himſelf wounded. After which both Armies
betook themſelves to Winter Quarters, Scipio in Cremona and Palantia,
and Hannibat about the Po. The Romans hearing of this defeat given
near the Do (for before Hannibals coming they had been worſted by the
Boians) enrolled a new Army in the City, which accounting thoſe at the
Po, compleated thirteen Legions, and twice as many they commanded
from their Allies. Some of theſe they thought fit to ſend into Spain,
ſome to Sardinia (for there they were at War too) and ſome into Sicily
the greater part which were left behind the Conſuls Cn. Servilius, and
Flaminius (who fucceeded Scipio and Sempronius) led againſt Hannibal,
and Scipio as Proconſul ſailed into Spain. Flaminius with thirty thou-
fand

232
PARTI
The Romans War
ſand Foot, and three thouſand Horſe had the Guard of Italy, within the
Appennine, which alone is properly called Italy; for the Appennine from
the middle of the Alpes ſtretches it ſelf to the Sea ; on the right hand of
which lyes that part, which is truly called Italy; that on the left hand to-
wards the Ionian Sea now indeed is Italy (for Hetruria is now likewiſe
Italy) but part of it towards the Ionian Sea Coaſts is inhabited by Greeks,
and part by Gauls, who once making War upon the Romans, burnt the
City; and whom Camillus purſuing to the Appennine ; I am of the opinion,
that croſſing thoſe Hills, they then ſeated themſelves upon the Ionian Sea,
and made that their Country, whence part of that Region is to this day
called the Italian Gaul. But to proceed, the Romans having now at
the ſame time many powerful Armies in ſeveral places, Hannibal
having thereof intelligence, very ſecretly upon the firſt approach of the
Spring, entred Hetruria, waſting that whole Country, and drawing to
wards the City, ſtruck a mighty terrour in the Romans, who had now
no Army there to oppoſe him; yet of thoſe that remained, they levyed
eight thouſand men, whom for want of other Magiſtrates, they gave
Centenius the Command of, a private man indeed, but of the Patritian
Race, and ſent him into Umbria to the Pleſtine Marſh to guard that paſ-
ſage, which was the neareſt way to the City. In the mean time Flami-
nius, who with thirty thouſand men kept the interior Italy, hearing
of Hannibal's celerity ; and being afraid of the City, forthwith removes
his Camp; and giving his Army no reſt, being a man ignorant of War-
like Affairs; and who by pride and popular boaſting came to be choſen
to this Command, by great journies haſtens towards Hannibal, with
reſolution to fight him as ſoon as poiſible. Hannibal , who knew the
mans furious temper, and unskilfulneſs in War, pitch'd his Tents
behind a certain Mountain and Marſh , and hid all his Horſe and
Light Armed Men in the Valley. In the Morning at break of day,
Flaminius ſeeing the Enemies Tents, ſtayed there a finall while to re-
freſh his Army, and threw up a Trench; which done, he drew up his
Army in Battel, before they had yet recovered ſtrength, after ſo much
labour and watching : but when the Ambuſhes roſe upon them on all
fides, then penn'd in between the Mountains and the Lake, and on both
fides charged by their Enemies; the Conſul himſelf, and twenty thouſand
with him were ſlain. The remaining ten thouſand , who had fled to a
certain Village, fortified by Nature, Maharbal, one of Hannibal's Com-
manders, who had himſelf gained great Renown in War, ſeeing he
could not eaſily vanquiſh them by force, and thinking it not prudence to
engage with deſperate men, perſwaded them to lay down their Arms,
engaging upon his Honour, they ſhould all have free leave to go whither
they pleaſed. They having thereupon laid down their Arms, he carried
them naked to Hannibal, who denying that Maharbal had any power
without his Orders to promiſe any thing , ſuch of the Aſſociates as he
found, he treated with all kindneſs, and diſmiſſed without any ranſom,
by this Clemency, enticing and alluring the Cities to his party ,
but all the Romans he kept Priſoners. Among the Auxiliary Gauls,
that by gain he might ſweeten them, he likewiſe divided part of the prey,
and then began to march on.
The Fame of theſe things coming to Servilius the Conſul, who lay in
his ſtanding Camp near the Po, he with forty thouſand men made hafte
towards Hetruria, Centenius ſtill with his eight thouſand men kept his
Poft.
III.

Book VIII.
with Hannibal.
233
9
Poft. Hannibal viewing the Pleſtine Marſh, and the Mountain hanging
over it, and Centenius guarding the Paſſage , diligently enquired of the
Chief of his Guards , if there were any way to go about the Mountain
and though they told him they were no way paſſible, but all was rough
and craggy; yet he commanded Maharbal, with ſome Light Armed
Men to fetch a compaſs about the Mountain, and about the ſame time
that he conjectured he might have recovered the tops of the Hills, charged
Centenius in Front; and whilſt they were diſputing it, Maharbal having
ſtoutly recovered the tops of the Hills, with great ſhouts and cla-
mour ſhows himſelf. Then the flight of the Romans and the
Naughter of them was great , three thouſand were ſlain, and eight
hundred taken Priſoners, the reſt hardly eſcaping. The news of this
flaughter being brought to Rome, they were in a dreadful fear left Han-
nibal ſhould now march directly to the City, wherefore they mann’d
their Walls, and furniſhed them with Darts, and the Old Men armed,
and for want of Arms, they took out of the Temples ſuch, as being
taken in former Wars, had been there hung up for Trophies; and ac-
cording to their Cuſtom in all extremities, they created Fabius Maximus
Di&tator. But Hannibal, God averting him, turned off toward the Ioni-
an Sea, and waſting all their Coaſts, got a vaſt prey. Servilius the Con-
ſul oppoſing himſelf to Hannibal, came to Arminium, and that he might
keep thoſe Gauls, not yet alienated in their fidelity, ſtaid with his Army
one days march from thence, till Fabius the Dictator coming, ſent Ser-
vilius, who after the creation of a Dictator, had no more power either
as Conſul or General, to Rome; and himſelf followed Hannibal cloſe at
the heels; but yet forbearing to engage him, though often provoked to
it, thinking it enough, if warily watching him, he prevented him from
beſieging any Towns. Hannibal, the whole Country being wafted, be-
gan to be in want, wherefore ranging it over once more, and for many
days drawing up his Forces, he endeavoured to tempt Fabius to fight. But
the Dictator made no ſhow of having any thoughts to engage him
though Minutius Rufus, General of his Horſe, difaliowed this proceed-
ing, and wrote to his Friends at Rome, that Fabius through fear and
cowardiſe declined Battel. But it happened that Fabius going to Rome
to perform the uſual Sacrifices, Minutius fought a ſet Battel with Hana
nibal, wherein he ſeemed to have the better ; whereupon grown more
furious, he wrote to the Senate, accuſing Fabius, that he had no mind to
The Senate at Fabius return to the Army, thereupon made
the Power equal between the Dictator and Maſter of the Horſe: So they
divided the Forces between them, and pitch'd their Camps apart, each
ſtedfaſt in his own opinion. Fabius , that Hannibal was to be dealt with
by temporizing, ſtill vexing him, and taking care that he did no miſchief.
Minutius, that he was preſently to be fought with : But when he a while
after engaging Hannibal, Fabius, who lay ſtill with his Forces, well fore-
ſeeing what after hapned, received Minutius's Soldiers put to flight and
repulſed, Hannibal purſuing them, thereby ſecuring Minutius from a
very great flaughter; and being nothing leſs kind to him, notwithſtand-
ing all his falſe accuſations; then, I ſay, Minutius of his own accord
condemning his own want of knowledge, reſigning his Command, deli-
vered his part of the Army up to Fabius : Which paſſages Auguſtus in
after times often remembred, who was himſelf wary of fighting, and
choſe rather to prevail by Policy than Power. Fabius no leſs diligerit-
ly than before watch'd Hannibal's motions , hindring him from for-
Hh
Taging
overcome.

234
The Romans War
PARTI.
raging; and though declining a general Engagement, ſtill falling upon
all ſtragling parties, not doubting in a ſhort time to reduce Hannibal to
want of Proviſions. Till both Armies drawing, nigh to certain ſtraits ,
which Hannibal foreſaw not, Fabius ſent before four thouſand men, who
forthwith poſſeſſing themſelves of the ſtraits, he himſelf pitch'd his
Camp upon a certain Hill on the other ſide, where he lay ſecure. Han-
nibal feeing himſelf thus befieged, being fhut in one ſide by Fabius's Ar-
my,
and on the other by thoſe guarded the palles, was ftruck with ſuch
a violent fear, as he never had been before ; for he could perceive no
way of eſcape, all other places being craggy and inacceſſible : So that
deſpairing how to get looſe from Fabius , being ſo cloſe block'd up, in
this fear and trouble of mind , he cauſed five thouſand Priſoners (left
taking the opportunity of this preſent danger, they might raiſe fome Tu-
mult and diſorder) to be killed in cold blood. Then he commanded
Torches to be tyed to the Horns of all the Cattle he had in the Camp,
whereof there were abundance ; and the next night ſetting on flame
the Torches, and putting out all other Fires in the Camp, committed it
to the care of the ſtouteſt young men in his Army, to drive them up
the craggy ways, between the ſtraits and Fabius's Camp, with all the vi-
olence they could. The Oxen pricked forward by their Drivers, and
ſcorched with the Flame of the Torches, run up with great fury among
the Craggs and Precipices, and when any of them fell down, with
greater violence they ſtrove to clamber up again. The Romans,who were
on both ſides, when they ſaw a general ſilence and darkneſs in Hannibals
Camp, and perceived many lights ſhining in ſeveral places among the
Mountains, could not plainly, eſpecially being in the night, diſcover what
the buſineſs ſhould be. Fabius indeed ſuſpected ſome device of Hanni-
bals, but being certain of nothing, kept within his Trenches. But thoſe
ſet for the Guard of the ſtraits, thinking (which was all he wiſhed they
would do that Hannibal fled, and was making his eſcape over the tops
of the Mountains, ran to the places whither the lights guided them, ima-
gining to oppreſs Hannibal's men, labouring to get up. They were ſcarce
moved from their Poft, when Hannibal with deep ſilence, and without
any light to keep the cloſer, runs in with his ſwifteſt men, and poſſeſſing
himſelf of , and placing a good Guard in the ſtraits, by found of Trum-
pet gave notice thereof to the reſt; at the ſound of which the whole Camp
anſwered them with acclamations, and forthwith blew up their Fires.
Then the Romans knew the cheat ; ſo the reſt of Hannibals Army, and
thoſe that drove the Cattel, got ſafe to the paſſage ; and he with his whole
Army having thus beyond his own hopes got the Victory, and brought all
his men ſafe off; he marched forward till he came to Gerione , a City
of Apulia, ſtored with Corn, which making himſelf
Maſter of, he ſpent
the Winter in the midſt of plenty and abundance. Fabius with the ſame
reſolutions and conſtancy ſtill following him , pitch'd his Camp within
ten Furlongs of Gerione, the River Aufidus running between both Armies,
but the fix Months being expired (which is the time eſtabliſhed for the
Dictatorſhip at Rome) the Confuls Servilius Attilius, again entring into
their Magiſtracy, came to the Army, and Fabius returned to Rome. This
Winter many skirmiſhes and engagements of Parties happened betwixt
both Armies, in which always the Romans came off with the greater
Honour and Glory; wherefore Hannibal, who till that time writing to
his friends, uſed to adorn and ſet out his Letters with his own praiſes,
now began to diſtruſt his Affairs, and require Supplies of Men and Money.
But

Book VIII.
with Hannibal.
235
But his Enemies who from the very firſt condemned his undertakings, then
eſpecially feigned not to underſtand him, for Conquerors, ſaid they did not
uſe to ask, but freely to ſend Mony to their own Country, which Hanni-
bal proud with ſo many victories yet demands. At which words the
Carthaginians moved ſent him neither men nor money, which Hannibal
deploring fent Letters into Spain to Afdrubal his brother commanding
him, that with the firſt of the Summer with all the force he had, and what
quantity of gold he could raiſe, he ſhould make an irruption into Italy,
and waſt the utter parts thereof, that both ſides burning, the Romans
might be afflicted with a doubtful War : in this poſture ſtood Hannibals
affairs.
Bola de
Hason
The Fathers forely grieved for the defeat of Flaminius and Centenius
IV.
and ſo many other cruel miſchiefs, which they daily, as they thought
diſhonorably fuffered, not being able to endure the War to continue fo
long at their own doors, and as it were in their very Seats, once more
raiſed and ſent an Army into Apulia conſiſting of four Legions, enrolled
not without great regret in the City, and a mighty power of their Allies.
Withal they created two Conſuls one famous for Warlike Proweſs
L. Æmilius, who had made War in Illyria, the other of the Popular Fa-
&tion Terentius Varro, a man who only with lofty promiſes foothed the
minds of the Common people, whom when they ſent out armed to the
War, they beſought as ſoon as they could to engage the Enemy, and not
by longer Protracting the War exhauſt the City by ſo many recruits, of
Men, Mony, and Proviſions, and through Idleneſs ſuffer the Country to
burn. The Conſuls receiving the Army that was in Apulia, and being
now in all ſeventy thouſand Foot and ſix thouſand Horſe, pitch their Camp
in Canne a Town of Apnlia directly oppoſite to the Carthaginians. Hanni
bal who had always been deſirous to fight, and impatient of lying idle, at
this time more eſpeciaily did not decline an Engagement, being preſſed
to it by his own neceſſities, and a fear left the Mercenary Soldiers not ha-
ving their wages paid, ſhould either run away from hiin or be ſcattered
about the Country to get in Forrage. Wherefore he daily provoked the
Enemy, whilſt the Conſuls were of quite different, and diſagreeing judg-
ments, Æmilius thought that Hannibal was to be defeated by Tempori-
zing and patience, for that having only ſuch Proviſions as he day by day
fetcht in, he could not long ſubliſt; whilſt it was hazardous fighting an
Army and a General ſo long verſed in Battels and accuſtomed to Vi&tory:
but Terentius ( raiſed by the people and therefore remembring the Peo-
ples Commands ) was for preſent fight. None ſave only Servilius Con-
ſul the year preceding were of Æmilius mind, but all the Senators and
thoſe of the Order of Knights, who had any Office in the Army, were of
Terentius opinion. Whilſt the Romans lay in this manner, Hannibal who
having a party ſent out either to Wood or Forrage, fet upon by them ;
firſt overcome, about the laſt watch of the night difcamped, and feigned
a flight as if he had fought to return to his own Country; which Varro be-
holding he drew out the Army as if he had been to purſue a flying Ene-
my, Æmilius in the mean time earneſtly forbidding it, and calling them
back, which when he ſaw did nothing avail
, he went himſelf according to
the Roman Cuſtome, to take the uſual ſigns and he feing the Chicken peckt
not, Commanded to let Varro know the ill Auſpices. He indeed yielded
to Religion, but being returned into the Camp before all the Army tore
his Hair, crying out, that his Colleague had out of envy rob’d
Hh2
him

236
PART I.
The Romans War
him of the victory, the whole crcud aſſenting to what he ſaid, and ma-
king the like complaints. But when Hannibal ſaw his deceit had little
profited him, he forthwith returned into his Camp, and diſcovered his
diſſembled flight, yet all this would not prevail with Varro, thence for-
ward to ſuſpect Hannibal, but on the Contrary going into the Prætorium
before all the Senators, Centurions, and Military Tribunes, he grievouſly
inveighed againſt Æmilius, who either by falſely repreſenting the Reli-
gious
aufpices, had rob'd the City of a Certain Victory, or through Fear
and Cowardiſe, not daring to fight himſelf, had envyed him the glory
of the day; in Raving manner uttering theſe ſpeeches, the Soldiers who
ſtood about the Tent greedily receiving, and gladly hearing theſe words
with bitter reproaches blaſted Æmilius, who yet forbore not though in
vain to adviſe many uſeful things, but when all ſave only Servilius were
furiouſly carried away by Varro's perſwafion, the next day which was al-
moſt the laſt of his Command ( for he after yielded it to V arro) he drew
out his Army to fight: Hannibal perceived it, but becauſe he was not that
day fufficiently prepared, drew not out his Army. The next day both Ge-
nerals drew into the field. The Romans in a triple Battel, ſo as that the main
body conſiſted of Armed Foot and the two Wings of light Armed Foot
and Horſe. Æmilius commanded the main body, Servilius the left
Wing, and Varro the Right, and each had with them a body of about a
thouſand choſen Horſe to run up and down upon all occaſions, and give
aſſiſtance where it was needful. This was the Order of the Roman battel.
Hannibal not ignorant, that a certain ſtormy wind (which they call
Vislturnus, and is the North Eaſt) blew uſually about Noon in thoſe parts,
made it his firſt care to take poſſeſſion of the ground fo, that he might
have the wind upon his back, Then upon a certain hill covered over with
trees, and broken in ſunder by ſeveral cloſe Valleys, he placed ſome Horſe
and nimble Soldiers in Ambuſh, to whom he gave orders, that in the heat
of the battel, and when the wind was riſen they ſhould charge the Enemy
in the Rear, to theſe he added five hundred Celtiberians, who beſides
their long Swords, wherewith they were girt, had under their Coat Ar-
mors or Jacks, ſhort Daggers, to ſtand in a readineſs till he had occaſion
for them, and quietly to wait for the fignal to be given them. Then ha-
ving likewiſe drawn his Army into a Triple Battel, and extended his Horſe
as far as he could upon the Wings, to incloſe the Enemy, he gave the
right Wing to Mago his brother, the left to Hanno his Nephew, and kept
the main Battel himſelf to be oppoſite to Æmilius, who had the greateſt
Fame and knowledge in War, he had likewiſe two thouſand Horſe be-
fides a thouſand commanded by Maharbal whom he appointed to keep
continually moving, with orders upon occaſion to aſſiſt any that were op-
preſſed. And doing theſe things delay'd the battel till the ſecond hour, at
what time the wind began to riſe, when all things were put in good order,
the Generals began to incourage their reſpective Soldiers, the Romans by
putting them in mind of their Parents, Wives and Children, and withal
by remembring them of former defeats, let them know they fought this
battel for the laſt ſtake, and their own general and particular preſervation.
Hannibal on the other ſide remembring his Men of their many famous Ex-
ploits, and the ſeveral Victories they had already gained againſt this very
Enemy, told them diſhonorable it would be, ſhould they now be vanquiſh-
ed by thoſe they had ſo often overcome. And now the Trumpets ſound-
ing a charge and the Foot giving a fhout, the light Armed Men firſt be-
gan, and then forthwith the Legicns advanced to the Battel, then the
ſlaughter



Book VIII.
with Hannibal.
237
Naughter was great, and the labour mighty, both ſides couragiouſly
maintaining the ground. In the mean time Hannibal gave Orders to his
Horſe to incloſe the Enemies Wings, whom the Roman Horſe , though
far inferiour in number, yet being drawn out in length, and extended as
far as poſſible, with noble and undaunted courage received, eſpecially
thoſe in the left Wing toward the Sea. Wherefore Hannibal and Ma-
harbal taking along thoſe Horſe they had with them, with a violent ſhock;
and a ſavage and barbarous howling, fell in upon the Romans, as if by
one fierce onſet they would break through, and overſet them; but the
Romans received their charge without amazement, or giving the leaſt
ground. Hannibal ſeeing all theſe endeavours fruitleſs, lifted up the Sig-
nal for thoſe five hundred Celtiberians, who ſoon after going out of the
Body, as if they had deſerted their party, delivered up to the Enemy
their Shields, Darts and Swords, which were all the Arms that appeared
about them. Servilius praiſing them,and ſoon diſarming them, having, as
he thought no other Armour but their Coats of Male, commanded them
to ſet down behind the Army, not thinking it honourable in the Ene-
mies ſight to caſt Revolters into Bonds; and ſeeing them diſarmed all to
their Coats, he feared no hurt from them; beſides the Army being in
all parts ingaged, it was a time very unſeaſonable to do any thing more
to them. About the ſame inſtant, ſome Regiments of the Africans dif-
fembling a flight, began with great cryes to run towards the Mountains ,
that warned by the Signal (for ſo it was agreed on) thoſe who lay in the
clefts of the Hill, might fall upon ſuch as purſued them. So at one inſtant
all the Horſe and light armed Foot riſing out of their Ambuſhes, and at
the ſame time a great and violent ſtorm of wind blowing the duſt into the
Romans faces, and blinding them, beſides the force of the wind driving
back the Roman Darts, and making them flee faintly and uncertain, whilſt
the Carthaginians coming with it, flew more fure and ſtrong; the Ro-
mans not able any way to avoid theſe things, fell foul of one another, and
the whole Army began to ſtagger; when thoſe Celtiberians laying hold
of this occaſion to a& their deſign, unſheathing their Daggers, firſt few
thoſe at whoſe backs they ſtood; and fiefing on their Shields, Darts and
Swords, fell more freely upon the whole Body, and being behind them
made a horrible ſlaughter. The Romans, (having their Enemies before
them, and being incloſed by Ambuſhes, and withal flain by theſe mixed
amongſt them, upon whom they could not turn, being fo preffed by the
Carthaginians in Front, and being likewiſe deceived by the likeneſs of
the Arms, for the Celtiberians having got Roman Shields, they were
ſcarce to be diſtinguiſhed from their own men) were diſtracted with va-
rious and doubtful dangers ; but among theſe misfortunes, the duſt raiſed
by the wind, did moſt of all afflict the Romans, for they could neither un-
derſtand their own lofs; but (as is uſual in all frights and tumults) be-
lieved every thing worſe than it was, and thought the Ambuſhes greater,
and thoſe five hundred much more numerous; wherefore at length be-
lieving their Camps already encompaſſed by the Horſe and Fugitives,
they began to make a diforderly flight, firſt on the right Wing, Varro
himſelf leading the way, and afterwards on the left, whoſe Commander
Servilius running in to Æmilius, and about ten thouſaud ftout Horſe and
Foot gathering about theſe two Commanders, they firſt, and by their Ex-
ample, the reſt of the Horſemen foon after alighting, though they were
on all fides encompaſſed round, yet on foot renewed the fight againſt
Hannibal's Horſe. There might be beheld all that men skilful in War
and





238
Part I.
Tbe Romans War
and reduced to utter deſpair, could in that rage and fury act againſt an
Enemy; yet they were ſlain on all ſides, and now Hannibal himſelf in
cloſing them, encouraged his men, ſometimes with exhortations to per-
feat the relicks of the Victory, and ſometimes reproaching their cow-
ardiſe, that when the whole Army was ſcattered and fled, they could not
overcome ſo ſmall a number: Yet the Romans, as long as Servilius and
Æmilius ſtood, kept their Orders, giving and receiving multitudes of
wounds: but when thoſe two Generals fell, ftoutly forcing their way
through the midſt of their Enemies, and then diſperſing themſelves, they
fled, and many of them eſcaped to ſeveral Quarters. There were about
fifteen thouſand, who at the beginning of the rout, had fled into the two
Camps, theſe Hannibal forthwith beſieged: two thouſand that had fled
into the Town of Canna, yeilded themſelves to him, a few got ſafe to
to Canuium, and the reſt were diſperſed through the Woods. This was
the event of the Battel at Canna, begun the ſecond hour of the day, and
continuing till two hours within night, till this very time famous for the
great flaughter, there being in few hours no leſs than fifty thouſand kill-
ed, great numbers taken alive, many Senators ſlain,with all the Centurions
and Primipiles, and the two braveſt of three Generals; for as to the third
he moſt cowardly (though the Author of this Calamity) ran away at the
beginning of the rout. Thus the Romans in two years War with Hanni-
bal had loſt of their own, and their Allies, no leſs than two hundred thou-
fand men.
V.
Hannibal having gained this famous and ſignal Victory, in which by
four ſeveral Actions he demonſtrated the Excellency of his Conduct,
when he gained the wind of the Enemy, when he made the Celtiberians
feign a revolt, when he diſſembled a Flight, and when he placed his
Ambuſhes. The next thing he did was to take a view of the dead, among
- whom when he beheld many of the braveſt of his Friends; 'tis faid
that fighting he cryed out, He flood not in need of more ſuch Victories: Much
like to which is reported to have in the former Age been ſaid by Pyrrhus,
King of Epire, That by ſuch defeats he ſhould hardly vanquiſh the Ro-
mans. Thoſe who were fled into the greater Camp, under the leading
of Publius Sempronius , broke through Hannibal's Watches, tired for
want of ſleep, and fighting reſolutely, and got about ten thouſand of them
to Canufum, but the five thouſand that ſtaid in the lefſer Camp, were
the next day taken by Hannibal. The Conſul Terentius, gathering toge-
ther the relicks of the Army, and comforting them (ſad, and quite caſt
down as they were) in the beſt manner he could, and leaving the Com-
mand of them to Scipio, Tribune of the Soldiers, went his way
towards
Rome; whither when this news was brought, great multitudes promiſcu-
ouſly flocked to the Gates, lamenting their Friends, and calling them by
name, and deploring their own misfortunes, as if the Enemy were al-
ready come to feiſe upon themſelves; Mothers with their Children ran
up and down to the Temples, imploring the Gods, that at length they
would by ſome means put a ſtop to all theſe Miſeries. The Magiſtrates
likewiſe ſeeing the City thus oppreſſed by the Divine Anger, endeavour-
ed to appeaſe the Gods with Prayers and Sacrifices, beſeeching them to
Teſt fatisfied with the paſt ſlaughter. The Senate fent Q. Fabius (who
likewiſe wrote a Hiſtory of theſe things) to the Oracle at Delphos to en-
quire about the preſent ſtate of things, and manumitted eight thouſand
flaves, ſtrong young men, freely given by their Maſters; gave Orders
throughout


Book VIII.
with Hannibal.
239
throughout the City; for preparing Bows and Shields; arid Claudius Mar-
cellus, who was about to fail into Sicily, changing their minds, they decreed
to go againſt Hannibal. He dividing his Fleet with Furius his Colleague,
and ſending part of his Forces into Sicily, with the reſt conſiſting of Ci-
tizens, Aſſociates and Slaves to the numbers of about ten thouſand Foot;
and two thouſand Horſe went to Theanum, that he miglit diſcover what
Hannibal deſigned. But Hannibal permitted ſome of the Captives to go
as Deputies to Rome, to ſee if the Citizens would at his price redeem any
of them, and three among all tlie reſt being choſen to this office, of whom
Cn. Sempronius was chief, taking no other pledge but their Oath to return;
he let them go. Then the Neighbours of the Captives, ſtanding round
about the place, offered with their own private Money to redeem who-
ever they had a kindneſs for, beſeeching the Senate to give them leave ſo
to do, the people all weeping, and approving their motion; ſome of the
Senators were of the opinion, that after ſo many Battels, the Common-
wealth was not to ſuffer the loſs of ſo many men; and the Slaves were
not to be preferred before Free-men: but others argued that ſuch indul-
gence would accuſtom men to flight, who were rather to be taught how
to overcome or die. Nor was it juſt that thoſe, who fled, ſhould experi-
ence any of their Clemency or Mercy. After many Examples produced
for and againſt it, the Senate at length forbid the Neighbours to re-
deem the Captives, as judging whilit they were ſtill beſet with ſo many
dangers, their preſent Clemency would be converted into future damage,
and that though this at preſent ſeemed a doleful ſeverity, and inhumani-
ty, yet it would turn to future advantage; and indeed at that very time
the ſtrange boldneſs of this reſolution appeared dreadful to Hannibal
himſelf
. Wherefore Sempronius, and the other two Captives, returned to
the Enemy. Hannibal hereupon fold ſome of the Priſoners, and com-
manded others to be ſlain , of whoſe dead Bodies he made a Bridge,
whereon his Army marched over the River ; ſuch of the Senate and No-
bility, as he had in his Camp, he fet Father againſt Child, and Brother a-
gainſt Brother, compelling them to fight againſt each other for a divertiſe-
ment to his Africans ; in a word, he omitted no inſulting cruelty that the
pride of man could invent.
Thence he turned his Arms to the waſting the Territories of the Ro-
man Aſſociates, and brought the Engines againſt Petelia. The Petelians,
though few in number, yet ſtout of heart, bravely reſiſted him, and the
Women aſſiſting (who in courage yielded little to the Men) often ſal-
lying, and ſtoutly fighting burnt his Engines; but at length, being waſted
by often skirmiſhes, and Famine creeping upon them, as ſoon as Han-
nibal had advice of it, he begirt the City with a circumvallation, and left
Hanno to profecute the Siege. The Townſmens miſeries increaſing upon
them, they thruſt out all the croud uſeleſs for War, between the Wall and
Trench, looking on with ſtedfaſt countenances, whilft Hanno cauſed them
to be ſlain, as envying their better manners of dying ; yet almoſt all the
reſt fell not long after under the ſame fate; for being oppreſſed with ex-
treme want, they made a fally upon the Enemy, where after having per-
formed many noble exploits, not caring to return to the City there to
ſtarve, or wanting ſtrength through hunger, they were almoſt all ſlain,
and Hanno poffefſed himſelf of the Town: ſome of the ſtrongeſt, who
were able to flee, eſcaped, whom the Romans, when this War was end-
ed, for their ſingular fidelity and good will towards them, and their in-
credible
V1.

240
Part I.
The Romans War
credible Valour, cauſed to be diligently fought out (being in all about
eight hundred) and reſtored them to their Country. But when the Cel-
tiberian Horſe, who were Auxiliaries in Hannibal's Army were obſerved
to fight ſtoutly. The Roman Generals commanding in Spain, deſired of
their Subjects a like number of ſuch Horſemen, whom they ſent into Ita-
ly to oppoſe the other. Theſe by reaſon of the neighbourhood of the
Camps, found opportunities of free converſe, and every one invited his
fellow Citizen or Country man, to come over to them; whence it hap-
pened that part of them fled over to the Romans, and other part ſlip'd
away, ſo that Hannibal now thinking nothing ſafe, grew jealous of them ,
whilſt they on the other ſide grew no leſs jealous of the fall of the Car-
thaginian Affairs: yet in Arpis, a City of Apulia, built as ſome ſay by
Diomedes the Argive, one Dafias, reported to be deſcended from the ſame
Diomede, though but upon uncertain gounds, however no way worthy
of fo noble a Stock ; after that ſignal ſlaughter at Canne , revolted from
the Romans to Hannibal, and drew his Country into the ſame defe&tion ;
but when, after Hannibal began to grow leſs ſucceſsful, coming privately
to Rome; and being brought into the Senate, he offered as an amends for
his fault, to bring the City again under the Roman Power, he hardly
eſcaped being ſlain by the Romans, but moſt certainly they preſently caft
him out of their City, ſo that now fearing both them and Hannibal , he
wandred like a vagabond about the Country, whilſt Hannibal burn's his
Wife and Children alive. The Arpi betrayed by others, were taken by
Fabius Maximus, who ſlaying all the Carthaginians he found, placed there
a Garriſon. But Tarentum, which was at the ſame time kept by a Roman
Garriſon, was by this means betrayed to one Cononeus. This man being
much addicted to Hunting, and uſually preſenting ſome of his Game to
Funius , Governour of the Garriſon, began to grow very familiar with
him ; but becauſe in a Country not free from War, he pretended it much
better for the taking more Game, to go out by night, he brought it to
a Cuſtom, that what time of the night he pleaſed, the Gates were to be
opened to him; then meeting with Hannibal, and receiving Soldiers from
him (ſome whereof he hid in a Wood, not far from the Town, others
he commanded to follow him at a certain ſmall diſtance, and others car-
ried with him clad outwardly like Huntſmen, but underneath with
Coats of Male and Swords) he came to the Gates, having ſent ſome be-
fore, who carried a huge Bore upon a Pole. The Gates being opened
according to Cuſtom, thofe that entred with him preſently flew the Guards,
then thoſe that followed preſently ruſhed in , receiving with them their
Companions that were in the Wood, then they all broke open the Gates,
and let in Hannibal; he being entred, eaſily poſſeſſed himſelf of all the
City; and granting Conditions to the Tarentines , ſet himſelf to the
beſieging of the Cittadel, held out by the Romans. Thus was Tarentum
betrayed by Cononeus : but five thouſand Romans were ſtill in the Cit-
tadel, and with them a good number of the Tarentines, and to theſe the
Governour of Metapontum, brought half his Soldiers, and a great mul-
titude of Darts, and all manner of Engines, with which they eaſily drove
Hannibal from the Wall: but he abounding in all thoſe things, brought
up his Teftudo's and Catapultas to the Towers, and ſhook fome of them,
and with Hooks faftned to Ropes , pulld down the Battlements, and
laid the Wall naked. The Romans throwing down Stones broke the
Engines, and with Noofes pulled away the Hooks, and with frequent
Sallies iſſuing out upon the Enemy, feldom returned without putting theme
to

Book VIII.
241
ipith Hannibal.
to diſorder, and doing good execution. And when upon a clear day a
ſudden wind aroſe, the Romans laying hold upon the opportunity, whilſt
ſome of them from the Wall threw Fire-brands, tied about with Flax.
and Pitch upon the Carthaginian Engines, others made a ſally and put
Fire under them; fo that Hannibal deſpairing to take it by force, drew
Lines of Circumvallation quite round, ſave only towards the Sea, which
was not to be done, fo leaving the care of the Siege to Hanno, returned
into Apulia. The Port of the Tarentines looks towards the North, if a-
ny fail in by the Iſthmus ; but they cut off the Iſthmus by Bridges, which
when the Romans held, they eaſily had Corn brought to them by Sea,
and hindred any from being brought to the Tarentines: ſo that the Ta-
rentines were reduced to extreme want; wherefore Hannibal åt his re-
turn, adviſed that digging through the publick way, which leads from
the Port towards the other Sea to the Southward, they ſhould make a-
nother Iſthmus, which being performed, the want of Corn was ſoon re-
medied, and they with their Brigantines much incommoded the Romant
Garriſon, who had no Fleet, eſpecially in a ſmooth Sea, intercepting all
Proviſions brought to the Romans. The Romans therefore ſtrugling with
the want of all neceſſities, the Thurini fent them by night ſome Ships
laden with Corn, accompained with ſome Triremes, whom the Taren:
tines, who now were all one with the Carthaginians, having notice of, laid
wait for, and took with all their Corn and Men, but they ſending often
about redeeming the Captives, the Tarentines enticed their Deputies to
Hannibals party, fo Hannibal releaſed all the Thürini that were taken, who
returning home againſt the will of the reſt, opened their Gates to Hanno,
ſo the Thurini endeavouring to preſerve Tarentum for the Romans, moſt
imprudently fell themſelves under the Carthaginian power: The Garri-
ſon that was in the City, rctreated privately to Brundufi im. The Meta-
pontines, after part of their Garriſon was drawn off to Tarentum, ſlaying
thoſe few that remained, delivered themſelves up to Hannibal; whoſe ex-
ample, out of fear rather than good will, Heraclea, which is ſituate be-
tween Metapontum and Tarentum followed ; and now Hinnibal's Affairs
appeared again very glorious. The year following, ſome Lucanians, who
had fallen off from the Romans, Gracchus chaſtiſed by War. Butone Flac-
cus, a Lucanian of that party, which yet ſtood for the Romans, a friend
and hoſt to Gracchus, proveda Traytor to him. This man perſwaded him
to come to a certain place, where the Lucanian Pretors (who repenting
their fault, deſired to be again received into the Roman friendſhip) would
mutually give and receive their Faith, he not imagining any deceit in the
matter, followed only with thirty Horſe : But when the Numidian Enemy
roſe and encompaſſed him about, and Flaccus joyned himſelf with them,
Gracchus diſcovering the Treaſon, with many others leap'd from their
Horſes, and bravely fighting in the midſt of his Enemies, was with all
his men ſlain. Three only Hannibal could take alive, though he endea-
voured all he could to make the Roman Proconſul his Priſoner ; whom
though thus baſely overcome by treachery , yet admiring him for the ex-
treme valour ſhowed at his death, he honoured with Funeral Rites, and
ſent his bones to Rome. Thence marching into Apulia, made it his buſi-
nefs to fetch in Corn from all parts.

But when the Romans had determined to march towards Capua, Hanno VIL
li
being

242
The Romans War
Part I.
being ſent before by Hannibal, with a thouſand Foot, and as many Horſe;
he unknown to the Enemy, got into the City; day breaking, when the
Romans beheld many of them upon the Walls, and knew the matter, they
forthwith drew off their Army from thence, and ſet themſelves to reaping
all the Capuans, and the reſt of the Corn of Campania, which the Cam-
panians being much troubled at, Hannibal fent them word he had Corn
enough in Apulia, whither they might ſend for it, as often as they pleaſed;
they ſent not only their Men and Cattle, but even their Wives and Chil-
dren to fetch in Corn, fearing no danger in the journey; Hannibal be-
ing upon return out of Apulia into Campania, and lying encamped near
the River Alor, not far from the Beneventines, whom only becauſe they
continued faithful to the Romans, they were afraid of; but now becauſe
of Hannibal’s preſence they deſpiſed. But it happened that about the
ſame time Hannibal being called by Hanno among the Lucanians went thi-
ther, leaving the moſt troubleſome part of his Baggage in the Camp, near
Beneventum , with an indifferent Guard, of which the Roman Generals
(for they were two, Claudius and Annius) having certain advice, fell up-
on the Campanians, that were gone to fetch Corn, and finding them a dif-
armed and undiſciplined multitude, ſlew many, and gave their Corn to
the Beneventines, then plundering Hannibal's Camp took thence all that
he had there left. Then the two Roman Generals joyning together,
whilft Hannibal ſtaid in Lucania, begirt Capua, with a Trench and a Wall;
and drawing other Lines without; pitch'd their Camp between both, raiſing
Bulwarks both towards the City, and towards the Country, to oppoſe the
aſſaults of the Enemy: ſo that the face of their Camp was like a great
Town, incloſing a little City, and the ſpace between their Lines and the
Town, being about two Furlongs like a Theater, where daily Combats
were to be ſeen (the ſtouteſt men on both ſides continually challenging
and provoking one another) arnong which, that of Claudius Atellus was
very memorable, he was challenged by one Taureas, a Campanian, whom
having overcome, the vanquished fled towards the City: Claudius pur-
fuing him to the very Walls, not being able to turn his Horſe, the Gate
ſtanding to receive his Enemy, he was carried in, and running through
the whole Town, got out at the other Gate, and came ſafe to his own
party, a ſtrange ſucceſs of undefigned boldneſs. Hannibal without do-
ing the buſineſs, which he was ſent for into Lucania returned to Capua, to
undertake the defence of that City, which he knew for ſo many, and ſo
great things commodious for the Romans, wherefore he aſſaulted their
Works: but when he could by no manner of means prevail to ſend in any
fupply of Men, or Proviſions into the Town, (for the Siege was ſo cloſe,
that he could neither ſenid in, nor get any intelligence out of the City) he
with all his Army marched directly towards Rome, moved thereunto, ben
cauſe he heard that Famine was in the City, and out of hopes, either to
draw the Romans from the Siege of Capua, or act ſomething greater
than the relief of that place. Wherefore continuing his March with a
great confluence of Warlike People (wherefore fome perſwaded them
ſelves, that forwant of ſtrength, they would not ſo much as ſtop his paf-
fage; others thought they ſhould not ſo much as fight for it) he came and
encamped by the River
Anien within thirty Furlongs of the City. Never
was Rome ſtruck with ſuch Fear and Tumult : They wanted all manner of
Forces (thoſe they had being in Campania) and unexpectedly a mighty
Army was coming towards them, led by a General, whoſe Valor and For-

tune

Book VIII.
243
with Hannibal.
tune made him unconquerable; yet with ſuch Forces as they had, who
were able to bear Arms, they ſet Guards at the Gates : The Old Men
leaped up on the Walls, and the Women and Children brought Darts
and Stones, great multitudes flocked to them out of the Country, the
whole City rung with Howlings, Lamentations, Prayers, and mutual
Exhortations, ſome going out of the City broke down the Bride that was
over the Anien. The Romans had built a very little Town among the Æqui
and called it Alba, after the name of their Metropolis or mother City; but
in Proceſs of time whether by lengthning or corrupting the word, or to
diſtinguiſh them from the Albans, they were called Älbenies, two thou-
ſand of theſe coming to participate in the danger of Rome were preſently
armed, and placed at the guard of the Gates. So much faith and kind-
neſs at that time one only Colony among ſo many ſhowed towards the
Romans, imitating the Example of the Plateans, who with a ſmall Number
joyned with the Athenians at the fight at Marathon, that by united force
they might repulſe the preſent danger. The Roman General Annius
ftay’d at Capua not doubting to reduce that City, the other Claudius
Flaccus by another way, with incredible expedition came and pitcht his
Camp oppoſite to Hannibal on the other ſide of the Anien. Who when
Hannibal ſaw the bridge broken down, and found Claudius encamped on
the other ſide, he reſolved to march round by the ſprings of the River,
and Claudius likewiſe thereupon removed his Camp. Here Hannibal
made uſe of his wonted ftratagems he left fome Horſe, who when the
Armies were retired, Fording the River waſted the Roman Territory, and
when they had terrified the City, according to orders returned to Hanni-
bal. When he had got round the ſprings, 'tis reported that he came by
night with three ſpies to the City not far diſtant and privately taking a view
of the ſite of it, obſerved the great fear and ſolitude within the walls, yet
after all this he returned to Capua, whether ſome God or any other acci-
dent at that time averted him, whether he dreaded the Valor and Fortune
of the City, or whether (as he uſed often to ſay to his Friends exhorting
him to the Conqueſt of it) that he would not ruine it, leaſt when that was
done the Carthaginians ſhould take from him the Command, and reduce
him to the quality of a private Man; for as for the Claudian Army it was
no way to be compared with Hannibal's. Yet Claudius at Hannibal's re-
turn followed him at the heels, thinking he did enough if he hindred him
from Forraging, and took care that by Ambuſhes he did not damnifie
him
ha
Yet Hannibal in a dark and moonleſs night having diſcovered the place VIII
whither Claudius Army tended, built indeed no wall, but throwing up a
trench, and leaving ſome intervals for Gates, and laſtly raiſing a Rampire
(which might ſerve inſtead of a Wall) oppoſite to it, there continued
himſelf, and ſending his Horſe to a certain eminence fortified by Nature
charged them there to ſtand quiet, and not move from the place till the
Romans ſhould poſſeſs themſelves of that place he hoped they would be-
lieve to be void. Then he gave Command to his Indians that getting upon
their Elephants, they ſhould by any mearts between the intervals or over
the Rampire get into Claudius Camp. At a little diſtance from theſe he
commanded ſome Trumpets and Corncts to follow, with Orders as they
entred to make the greateſt noiſe they could poſſible, that their Numbers
might
Ii 2

244
The Romans War
Part I.
might ſeem the greater ; ſending along with them ſome that could ſpeak
the Latine Tongue, who were to call out aloud to the Soldiers by Claudius
Orders to deſert their Tents, and eſcape to the next hill. This ſtratagem
of Hannibal's ſucceeded at firft to his mind, and according as he had de-
figned it, for Elephants trod down the Rampire, and the Trumpets fol-
lowed them, whoſe noiſe filling the ears of the Roman Soldiers ftarting
out of their beds in a dark night, and ſo unexpectedly, ſtruck a mighty
terror into them. Beſides hearing in the Latine Tongue, Command gi-
ven about poſſeſſing the other Hill; they already addreſſed themſelves to
flight. But Claudius to whom all Hannibal's devices (as full of deceit and
treachery) were fufpected, immediately out of his own prudence, or by
inſtinct from ſome God, or elſe being by ſome Captive informed of the
whole project, diſpatched away the Military Tribunes into the way leading
to the hill, to ſtop ſuch as ruſhed out, and tell them, that thoſe Orders
were Proclaimed not by their Generals Command, but by Hannibal's, and
therewithal himſelf drawing firſt ſtrong guards to the Rampire, to repulſe
the Enemy if perhaps any aſſault ſhould be made, ran through the tents,
crying out, that there was no danger, that only a few were broke in with
the Elephants, whoſe ſmall Number indeed when it appeared (for by this
time by Claudius command Torches were lighted, and fires blown up)
the Romans fear was turned into anger, and falling upon them being but
light armed men they eaſily flew them. As for the Elephants there wan-
ting room to receive them, they ran confuſedly among the Tents and
Huts, and no Darts (becauſe of the narrowneſs of the place and the vaſt-
neſs of their bodies being thrown in vain) they were every where wound-
ed till with anguiſh they grew fo enraged, that tumbling down and tread-
ing under foot their riders (for they could not govern nor turn them upon
the Enemy) with rage and horrid yellings they broke out of the Camp.
Thus Claudius Flaccus by ſtedfaſt courage and diligence circumvented
Hannibal in an unexpected ſtratagem, and by defeating him of his pur-
*poſe both overcame him, and by his prudence preſerved his trembling
Army. Hannibal failing in this enterpriſe drew his forces into Lucania to
their Winter quarters, where this fierce man never before accuſtomed to
delights gave himſelf over to Luft and Luxury. By which means by de-
grees, and not long after he brought a ſtrange change upon all his affairs.
Claudius returned to his Colleague to Capua, and now both of them ſtrove
their utmoſt to reduce this Town, hoping to force it whilſt Hannibal lay
quiet in his Winter-quarters. The Campanians in want of all things (for
nothing could be brought them from abroad) and ready to periſh for
hunger yielded themſelves up to the Roman Generals. And with them-
ſelves Hanno and Boſtar, who commanded the Carthaginian Garriſon
with all their Soldiers, and the Romans placing a Garriſon in the City, cut
off the hands of all the Fugitives they
there found, the African Nobility
they ſent to Rome, the reſt they ſold. Then turning upon the Campanians,
the Authors of the Defection they puniſhed with
death, the reſt only with
fines upon their Lands. The Country of Campania, becauſe a Champian,
is very Fertile. Capua thus reſtored to the Romans, the Carthaginians
were deprived of a very conſiderable place for the conveniency of their af-
fairs in Italy.
Soland
Among

Book VIII.
245
with Hannibal.
IX.
Among the Brutians (who are a part of Italy) a Man of the City of
Sifia, a Man addicted to Hunting, and accuſtomed to bring part of his
game to the Governor of the Punick garriſon had ſo wrought himſelf into
his friendſhip, that he was in a manner his Confort in Command, who
grieved in mind to ſee the Soldiers inſolencies and abuſes of his Country-
men, made a contract with the Roman General, to which they both
pledged their Faiths, and by degrees brought into the Cittadel as Priſoners
many Roman Soldiers, whoſe Arms himſelf fieſed on as his ſpoils, when
he thought his Number fufficient, he looſed their Bonds, and arming
them, overpowring the Punick Garriſon, brought in a Roman; but not
long after Hannibal paſſing that way, the Garriſon affrighted fled to Rhegi-
nis, the Tifata delivered themſelves to Hannibal, who burning the chiefs of
the Revolts, placed there another garriſon. At Salatia in Apulia, which
was then under the Punick power, there were two kinſmen, who both for
their Riches and Power,might well be eſteemed Princes,but between whom
there was perpetual diſcord. Dafius favored the Carthaginian,and Blaſius
the Roman affairs. As long as Hannibal was proſperous Blaſius lay ſtill,
when the Roman Power by recovery of moſt part of it's Empire began
to revive, Blaſius had the confidence to move his Enemy, at leaſt to con-
fent with him for the ſafety of his Countrey, leſt if the Romans ſhould
take the place by ſtorm, he ſhould become engaged in an irrecoverable
misfortune. Dalius diffembling a conſent betray'd the matter to Hannibal,
Hannibal was Arbitrator and Judge, Daſius the accuſer. Blaſius being
guilty had only this one thing to fay in his defence, that out of private
enmity, he laid falſe crimes to his charge, and indeed the knowledge that
his accuſer had long been his enemy, and bore him a ſecret grudge, procu-
red him the more freedome to argue in his own defence. Hannibal nei-
ther contemning the thing, nor giving too much Credit to an Enemy,
Commanded them both to withdraw, as if he would conſider of it by him-
felf; But the place as they went out being very narrow, and none being
nigh enough to bear witneſs, Blaſius thus whipped Dalius. And will not
you good man yet ſave your Country, Dafius crying out immediately, re-
peats it to Hannibal, upon which Blaſius making his complaint, Now, now
(faid he ) there is no man but will believe ſnares laid for my life by the cuina
ning of my Enemy, but this trick of his if I before lay under any ſuſpicion will
perfeitly clear me of it, for who pray that is not mad would truft ſuch a thing to
an Enemy? But you may object, it may be at firſt I was deceived in him, but I
beſeech you what man that is brought to his Tryal, and denying the Fact before
the Tribunal in the hearing of many, his accuſer preſent who may reveal it will
afreſh communicate ſuch a thing to him, who has already ſewed his mind to be-
tray him? But if he were a faithful friend indeed what help could he bring to
me towards the ſafety of his Country? or why ſhould I implore his help who
has no power to give any ? Theſe words Blaſius pronounced aloud, and as I
believe foreſeeing the event, and then making way to whiſper Daſius in
the ear, told him that he would leſſen his future Credit and Authority,
and fo work Hannibal, that he ſhould not believe any crime he objected
againſt him. Nor did Blaſins after he was diſmiſſed forbear to ply his ad-
verſary in this manner, as a man whom now he contemned, having taken
off all belief of what he ſaid. Therefore Dafius at length feigned himſelf
moyed by his ſolicitations with intent to get from him all the manner how
he had formed his deſign which he nothing demurring upon ; I will faid
be

245
PARTI.
The Romans War
he
go to the Roman Camp ( which the other knew to be then very remote )
and thence receiving ſome forces from the Prætor, who is my very good friend,
bring them hither. Thou ſhalt work for me here and ſtay to keep the City, and
having thus ſaid preſently without Dafius being privy to it he went from
the City directly to Rume, and not to the Camp, where leaving his Son
for Hoſtage, and receiving from the Senate a thouſand Horſe, inakes a
ſpeedy return, already in his mind preſaging the event. Dafius for ſome
days after not ſeeing his adverſary, ftrait way conjectured that having
now his word, he was gone to perfect the buſineſs, and whilſt he medi-
tated upon the great diſtance he was to find the Camp at, flowly and fe-
curely he goes to Hannibal not doubting but to return time enough to be
there before the other. And being come to the ſpeech of Hannibal, Now,
ſaid he, whilſt he is bringing an Armed Power into the City, I will in the
very Action deliver Blafius into thy hands, and ſo telling the whole matter
and receiving ſome Soldiers from Hannibal, he flies towards his Country
which he imagined Blaſius could not yet be come nigh to. But he having
already ſlain the Punick Garriſon which was but ſmall, took diligent care
that none ſhould go out of the City, and ſhutting all the reſt of the Gates,
left that only open by which Dafius was to return, he likewiſe to avoid all
ſuſpicion left the Walls every where naked; but the way withiri was ſo
broken, and block’t up with Ditches, that there was no way of breaking
out. Dalius coming and finding the Gates open, rejoycing, and thinking
he was got thither before his Enemy, entred the City triumphing, but
he and all that came in with him being incloſed, and becauſe of the Ditches,
having no way of retreat Blaſius eaſily flew them, except only a few that
leaping over the Walls eſcaped. So Blaſius catching Dafius in the ſnare at
laſt overcame him.
Now whilft Fulvius the Roman Conful beſieged Herdonia, Hannibal un-
known to him pitcht his Camp clofe by him, putting out the better to lie
hid) all fires, and Commanding a ſtrict ſilence through all the Camp.
And
the morning hapning likewiſe to be very cloudy, he ſent before ſome
Horſe to provoke the Romans, they indeed with ſome trembling at firſt
(as being raiſed out of their beds) but ſoon with better confidence (be-
cauſe they believed them only a few pickt up here and there ) repulſed the
Enemy, but Hannibal fetching a Compaſs about the other part of the
Town, that he might take a view of it, and put the Townſmen in hopes,
at length whether becauſe they had ſpied him, or elſe by chajace falls in
upon the Romans and incloſes them. Then ſet upon on both ſides they
ruſh'd on in diſorder, ſo that the Conſul Fulvius with eight thouſand men
were ſlain, the reſt making a ſpeedy retreat within a Trench before their
Camp, and bravely fighting preſerved both that and their Tents from be-
ing taken by Hannibal. After this whilſt the Romans waſted the lands of
the Apulians, becauſe they had revolted, Hannibal did the like to the
Campanians who were all but the Attellani returned to the Romans obe-
dience whom (becauſe they ſhould not be vexed with the Wars of the
Brutii, Lucanians and Apulians) he brought to Thurium, and the Ro-
mans ſent the Exiles of Nuceria to inhabit Attella, and with their Army in-
feſting Hannibals aſſociates, came to Antonia which they took, and laid waſt
all the Brutians Fields,and at the ſame time beſieged Tarentum by Sea and
Land, which then was kept by a Punick Garriſon under Carpalo the Go-
vernor

Book VIII.
with Hannibal.
247
vernor who becauſe the Carthaginians were few, had taken the Brutians
into aſſociation with him; the Commander of whoſe Forces loved a
Wench, whoſe brother was a Soldier among the Romans , who by his
Giſters means wrought the Brutian officer to betray that part of the Wall
he had the Charge of, ſo the Romans recovered Tarentum a Town very
convenient for them both to Sea and Landward. Hannibal made all the
haft he could to Tarentum, but on his march having certain intelligence of
it's being taken, being much troubled he retreated to Thurium, from
whence he went to Venufium, where Claudius Marcelluss who had ſubdued
Sicily, now the fifth time Conſul, and T. Criſpinus had their Camp: yet
they forbore fighting. But Marcellus by chance eſpying a party of Nu-
midians, going out upon the ſpoil, and thinking them but few, with
three hundred Horfe fecurely charged them, being a man of a daring
courage, and in all dangers too raſhly forward, but when the Africans
coming in from all parts fell upon him, the Rear of the Romans firſt began
to fly, but Marcellus who ſtill thought they followed him, fought valiantly
till ſtruck through with a Dart he fell, his body being brought to Hannibal
when he ſaw it wounded on all ſides, he commended him as a Soldier, but
much condemned him as a General, but taking off his Ring, he Magnifi-
cently burnt it, and ſent the bones to his Son into the Camp. And then
before the fame of his death ſhould ſpread too far, being deadly mad with
the Salatians he diſpatched away a Roman fugitive to Salatia with letters
ſealed with Marcellus Ring, fignifying that Marcellus with his Army was
coming thither, and commanding them to open their Gates. The Citi-
zens having a little before received letters from Criſpinus (for he ſent to
all the Cities Meſſengers to acquaint them that Hannibal had got Marcel-
Les Ring) left if they ſtayd the meſſenger any time they ſhould betray
their own Counſels, ſent him away with promiſe to obey the Commands.
Mean while arming and diſpoſing themſelves upon the Walls, they ex-
pected the iſſue of the deceit, Hannibal coming with his Numidians wear-
ing Roman Arms, the Port-cullis being drawn up, and the Gate opened,
they with great joy and Alacrity received them, as if it had been Mar-
cellus, but when as many were come in as they thought they were hand-
ſomely able to deal with, they let fall the Port-cullis, and ſlew all thoſe
were got within the City. Hannibal thus fruſtrated of his hopes at Salatia
retreated.

Whilſt theſe things were doing, Aſdrubal brother to Hannibal had
brought into Italy that mercenary Army leavyed by him in Spain , being
in his march kindly received by the Gauls, and in two months paſſing the
Alpes (before laid open by Hannibal, and which he very hardly effected
in fix ) he falls down into Hetruria with thirty eight thouſand Foot, eight
thouſand Horſe, and fifteen Elephants ; thence he wrote letters to his bro-
ther of his coming, which being intercepted by the Romans, who thereby
underſtood his ſtrength, Salinator and Nero gathering together all the Force
they could make, met with him at Siena, he who did not yet deſign fight-
ing, but to joyn as ſoon as he could with his brother by night, removes his
Camp, and wandring through marſhy places, and along the Banks of
Rivers that were not fordable, made no great progreſs. At the break of
day the Romans having diſcovered them, and following hard upon them
tyred with labor and watching, many Centuries being drawn up together

in

248
The Romans War Ji Part I.
in a body, and coming up with them, fell all at once upon Afdrubal's
Army, and taking many alive, routed his whole Army (which had it been
joyned with Hannibal would have made him appear invincible) thereby
freeing Italy from an unexpreſſible fear and terror. And 'tis my judga
ment that Providence thought fit to give the Romans this victory by way of
reprizal for the loſs ſuſtained at Canna, for this was equal and parallel to
that both in the death of the Commander, and the utter ruine of the whole
Army. It hapned likewiſe that in both many Captives were taken, and
the next Morning the Conquerors in both became Maſters of the ſpoil of
the vanquiſhed Camp. Of ſuch various fortune, fometimes adverſe and
ſometimes proſperous, did the Romans now make experience. The Cel-
tiberians who eſcaped from the ſlaughter, returned ſome of them to their
own Country, and ſome got to Hannibal, who not a little tormented for
this loſs of his brother, and fo great an Army, through too much haft
and ignorance of the ways, ſlighting all the reſt that in full fourteen
years he had with vaſt labours been getting in Italy, retreated among
the Brutians, who were the only people that continued in aſſociation
with him, and there quietly expected new recruits from Carthage.
And the Carthaginians did fend him an hundred Ships laden with Corn,
and ſupplies of Men and Mony, which being conveyed by three hundred
Triremes, the Prætor of Sardinia fet upon with his Gallies, and ſinking
fixty the reſt got back to Carthage; From hence the penury of all things
in Hannibals Camp much increaſed, but eſpecially the deſpair of get-
ting any help from Carthage; And to all theſe misfortunes this was
annexed that Mago, who was ſent into Gaul and Liguria to hire Soldiers,
fent no aid,but lay idle expecting the Event of things. Wherefore Hanni-
bal plainly foreſeeing that he could not long continue in thoſe parts, began
to contemn the Brutians themſelves, as men that would ere long be ſtran-
gers to him, and to oppreſs them with heavier taxes, ſeveral towns fortified
by nature as if they practiſed a revolt he forced to remove into the plain,
and many perſons whoſe Eſtates he had a defire to fiefe upon he condemned
upon falſe accuſations.
XII.
In the mean time there entred into the Conſulate Licinius Craf
fies and P. Scipio, famous for his Conqueſts in Spain. Craſſus went
into Apulia againſt Hannibal. Scipio adviſed the people that Han-
nibal and the Carthaginians, could not poſſibly be driven out of
Italy, till an Army were tranſported into Africa, and they ter-
rified with Domeſtick danger. And affiduouſly inſiſting upon it,
and daily urging them all to it, he at length got Africa decreed
for his province. Then without any delay traſporting his Army into
Sicily, when he had ſpent a little time in Rendevouzing and Ex-
erciſing his Soldiers, he was firſt carried to Locriſa a City of Ita-
ly (where Hannibal had placed a Punick Garriſon) whom having
overpowred, leaving Pleminius as his Lieutenant in that City, he
paſſed over into Africa, but Pleminius forbore not to treat the Lo-
crians with all manner of villanous and contumelious uſage and cru-
elty, inſomuch that he rob’d the very Temple of Proſerpinea
Wherefore the Romans for theſe horrible dealings with their
Friends and Kindred put him to death in Priſon, and confiſca-
ting his goods delivered them to the Locrians to be laid up in
the.




Book VIII.
249
with Hannibal.
the Treaſures of the Goddeſs, and of the Mony taken away by Sa-
criledge they recovered as much as they could, and what remained
it pleaſed them to ſupply out of the publick Exchequer. At the
fame time Craſſus drew away from Hannibal's party, Conſentis a
great City of the Brutians and many other Towns; but when at
Rome the diſmal prodigies had filled the minds of men with ſuper-
ftition, the Decemvirs commanded to bring the Sibyls Books re
lating that few days before in Peſfinuntium a City of Phrygia, where
the Mother of the Gods is Worſhipped, ſomething was fallen from
heaven which ſhould be brought to Rone, and not long after the
news of its falling came, and the image of the Goddeſs was
brought to Rome, and on the ſame day that it happened tọ come
thither was celebrated the Feaſt of the Mother of the Gods. There
is a report that the Ship which brought it ſtruck upon a Shoal in
the River Tiber, and that when by no means poſſible it could be
removed, the Southſayers foretold that it would follow, if drawn by
a woman that was pure and chaſt from any ſtrange bed. Claudia
Quintia ſuſpected but not guilty of Adultery (but her too looſe and
free way of living had got her that ill report) firſt earneſtly cal-
ling upon the Goddeſs to witneſs her innocency of that crime, and
then tying her Girdle to the Ship was followed by the Goddeſs.
So Claudia from an evil fame which ſhe before lay under, got a
moſt glorious name. But before this exploit of Claudia's, the Romans
admoniſhed by the Sibyls books, that by the beſt man of all the
City they ſhould ſend for the image out of Phrygia, preſently ſent
thither a man judged to be the beſt of thoſe times, Scipio Surna-
med Nafica Son of Cn. Scipio who died General in Spain, and Cou-
ſin Germain to that Scipio, who abating the Carthaginian" pride
firſt bore the Surname of African. Thus was the Goddeſs brought
to Rome by the beſt of Men and Women. But when the Brutians
had intelligence that the Carthaginians in Africa had in ſeveral
Battels been defeated by Scipio, they ſeemed to be at ſtrife who
firſt ſhould deſert Hannibal, and ſome of them flew the Punick Gar-
riſons, and others thruſt them out of their Cities. Thoſe who could
do neither, privately ſent Deputies to Rome, to declare their good
Will, though they wanted Power. Hannibal came with his Ar-
my to Petelia, which City was given by him to the Brutians af-
ter having expelled the former inhabitants. When therefore he
expoftulated with them that they had fent Deputies to Rome, and
they earneſtly denied it, he ſeemed to believe them, but that he
might prevent any occaſion of ſuſpicion, he gave up their Great
Men ſeparately into the keeping of his Numidians, and difarm-
ing the Citizens gave their Arms to the Slaves, and to them
committed the Charge of the City. Nor did he deal leſs ſe-
verely with other Cities to which he went in progreſs, for the Thu:
Tini's goods he exhibited to his Soldiers Rapine, and beſides three
thouſand Citizens whom he knew great lovers of the Carthaginians,
and five hundred Country people he carried away, and leaving the City
under the guard of the Prelidionary Soldiers, brought them all to Crotona,
which becauſe of it's convenient Situation, he chole both for his Granary
and Seat of War.
Kk
But
che

250
. Part I
The Romans War
XIII.
But when by his Citizens (who to haſten him ſent for him Af
drubal their Admiral) he was ſent for to come home, and bringre-
lief to his Country then in danger by Scipio's many victories, he grie-
vouſly complained of the Carthaginians, who had always been ingrate-
ful and perfidious to their Generals
, as he had fufficiently and for a
long time experienced, and becauſe he had given the firſt beginning
to this War in Spain, he began to be apprehenſive of himſelf; Yet
he reſolved ſince 'twas fit he obeyed to go, and forthwith cauſed a
great Number of Ships to be built, Italy furniſhing him abundantly
with all Materials; But before his departure he expoſed all the Al
ſociate, and ſubjected Cities, whcm now he looked upon as Enemies
to the Spoil and Plunder of his Army, that thereby enriching
them, he might by their kindneſs be fecure from his Citizens Can
lumnies. Yet aſhamed himſelf, againſt Faith and Equity, to wrong in
this manner the Aſſociates, he ſent Aſdrubal the Admiral under a
feigned pretence of viſiting the Garriſons to do it, who going into
every City and Commanding the Citizens and their Slaves to pack
up what they could carry, and march elſewhere, he gave all that
remained up to be plundered ; Which ufage being divulged, many
before Afdrubal came to them, roſe in Arms againſt the Garriſon
Soldiers, and with various fortune, ſometimes the Townſmen, fome-
times the Soldiers had the better, hence followed mighty flaughters, with
the Rapes of Matrons, and Virgins, and other villanies uſually committed
at the Sack of Towns. As for thoſe Italian Soldiers who had deſerved well
under him.Hannibal knowing them to be ſtout and well excerciſed Men,
with magnificent promiſes tried to draw them over with him into Africa.
Such as for any villanies committed were afraid to return into their own
Country condemning themſelves to voluntary baniſhment; followed him,
but thoſe who had no guilt upon their conſciences refuſed to go. Thoſe
therefore who choſe rather to ſtay, then go, having commanded to af-
ſemble all in one place (as if he either deſigned to ſpeak to them or to
reward them for paſt ſervices or command them ſomewhat for the future)
he encompaſſed with his Army, and commanded his men to chuſe out
among them as many as they liſted for Slaves. Some there were that chofe,
others were aſhamed to take into ſuch baſe ſervitude, thoſe who as fel-
low Soldiers had done ſo many brave things with them. Thoſe that re-
mained that they might never be uſeful to the Romans he cauſed to be
thruſt through with Darts: Likewiſe of four thouſand Horſes and Oxen,
no ſmall Number, he cauſed the throats to be cut, becauſe he had not the
Conveniency to carry them into Africa. After which embarking his
Army leaving only a few for a ſhow of a Garriſon in the Country of the
Brutians he ſtay’d only for a wind; but the Petelini and other Italians
riſing upon them at their departure ſlew ſome and fo retreated. Thus
Hannibal returning to Africa left Italy, which for ſixteen whole years he
had waſted, and by a thouſand miſeric's often reduced the deſolate in-
habitants to the laft Extremities, treating the Roman Subjects and Affoci-
ates with all contumelious Cruelty, and for thoſe whoſe ſervice, not ſo
much out of good will as neceſſity, he had formerly made uſe of, now
they could yield him no more help or advantage, he treated them likewiſe
as Enemies. Hannibal being gone, the Senate pardoned all thoſe Italian
people had revolted to the Carthaginians, granting a perfect act of Obli-
vion

Book VIII
251
with Hannibal.
vion for all things paſt. But the Brutians becauſe they had continued his
ready Affociates to the laſt, they condemned in part of their Land, and
took away all their Arms if they had any left after Hannibal's plundring
them. All Service in the Militia (as people who had loſt their right of
Freedom) was likewiſe forbidden them, and when the Roman Con-
ſuls went into the Provinces to overſee any publick works, they Com-
manded them to follow them like Servants. This was the Concluſion of
Hannibal's Expedition into Italy in the two and fiftiethi year of the
Punick Wars.
I he end of the Eighth Book of the Roman Wárs
with Hannibal
APPIAN


1
Book I.
Α Ρ Ρ Ι Α Ν
OF
ALEXANDRIA,
HIS
HISTORY
OF THE
Civil Wars
OF
berta VIX is
R O M E.
In Five BOOK Stebro
biti amo ako
PART II. generoa rastaavi
on STT 9to of y'ho
hiyo
BOOK I. quand on who borrgilah
od no vino bubnoqob molt
T.
"A
OIHTO cursbainos
The Argument of this Book. il avoriosis
auctobre bas zelcoag
TONIO ESO 096
biu baso nos aniod peve bo
Short Recital of the ſeveral Diffentions and Civil Wars of the Ro-
mans, and the diviſion of this Hiſtory. II. Gracchus attempts pal
fing the Law about Lands, wherein all the people are concerned; ſome for
the Law, and ſome againſt it. III
. It is at lajt paſſed. IV. Gracchus there-
upon is flain. V. Flaccus, Carbo, and young Gracchus would notwith
A a a
ftanding

2
Part II.
The Civil Wars
ſtanding put in execution : Scipio the African oppoſes it, and is found dead.
VI. Young Gracchus and Flaccus purſue their enterpriſe, and declaring
againſt the Senate , are at length ſain. VII. The Enterpriſe of Apu-
leius and Glaucia againſt Metellus, who is baniſhed. VIII. Apuleius and
Glaucia ſain, and Metellus recalled from Exile. IX. The beginning of the
War againſt the Allies, and the death of Druſus. X. The Tyranny
of the Roman Knights, occaſioned by the Revolt of the Roman Allies
who at firſt proſper in their Attempts. XI. The Romans fubdue
them, and put an end to the War. XII. Sedition of Ufurers within
the City. XIII. The beginning of the War betwixt Marius and Sylla; and
the entrance of Sylla and Q. Pompey Confuls, in Arms into the City. XIV.
Orders impoſed by the Confuls in the City: the death of Sulpitius : flight of
Marius, and death of Q. Pompey. XV. Cinna being Conſul ſtrives to paß
a Law in favour of the new Citizens, but is driven from the City, and depoſed
from his Conſulate, whom Merula fucceeds. XVI. Cinna and Marius befiege
the City. XVII
. They enter it, and make a dreadful Slaughter. XVIII. Syl-
la after his Victory over Mithridates, returns towards Italy, writes to the Se-
nate; an Accommodation is debated; and Cinna preparing for War is ſlain.
XIX. Sylla arrives at Brundufium, makes his preparations, as the Confuls
do likewiſe. XX. Many Victories of Sylla's, who comes to Rome, where he
is well received. XXI. Sylla again takes the Field, continues his Victories,
and at laſt being Maſter of Rome, after the taking of Prænefte and Norba,
War ceaſes in Italy. XXII. The cruelty exerciſed by Sylla over his Enemies
in the City. XXIII. He makes himſelf perpetual Di&ator, and reigns like a
Tyrant. XXIV. He lays down the Dictatorſhip, retires into the Country, his
Death and Funerals. XXV. The War of Sertorius, his and Perpenna's
death. XXVI. The War of Spartacus.
T
He Roman People often fell into Diſſentions with the Senate,
upon
the account of the Publication of Laws, the Abolition
of Debts, the Diviſion of Lands, and the Election of Ma-
giſtrates, but yet they came not to Blows; for theſe Diffe-
rences were decided by the ways of Juſtice, becauſe both
Orders bore to each other a mutual reſpect; ſo that though the people of-
ten faw themſelves already armed againſt ſomne Foreign
Enemy, yet they
abuſed not that power to make any Sedition. And then when they drew
* Aventine. up to the * Mount, which therefore is called Sacred, they reſtrained them-
ſelves from committing any extraordinary violence, contenting themſelves
only to create for the maintenance of their Rights a new Magiſtrate,
whom they called Tribune of the people. The creation of this Office was
deſigned only to counterpoiſe the Power of the Confuls, whoſe Election
then depended only on the Senates, and to keep them from exerciſing the
whole authority in the Adminiſtration of their Republique: yet this bred
abundance of Hate and Quarrels amonſt thefe Magiſtrates, the one ſeeing
themſelves ſupported by the Senate, and the other by the favour of the
people, and each party thought themſelves robbed of that which was ad-
ded to the other. Theſe ſame Contentions were the cauſe that Marcus
Coriolanus, being condemn’d without any deſert of his, went into Baniſh-
ment among the Volfces, and ſoon after made War upon his Country; and
this was the firſt Civil Diviſion wherein Arms were made uſe of, and which
only began by a Fugitive: yet after this they never bore Arms in the Af
ſembliess nor began any Maſſacre of their Fellow Citizens, till ſuch time
as Tiberins Gracchus raiſed a Sedition, wherein he periſhed, and with him
สองโลกเสม
fome

Book I.
of Rome.
3
ſome others, who being fled to the Capitol, were ſlain near the Templea
But after this Sacrilege, the Seditions were almoſt continual; the people
mutinying upon the leaſt occaſion, the Aſſaſſins ran up and down the Ci-
ty, ſometimes on the one ſide, and ſometimes on the other, Perſons of use
Quality were ſlain, either in ſome Temple, or in the Aſſembly, or in the
Palace, and that by order of the Tribunes, Prætors, Conſuls, or other Su-
perior Powers; inſomuch thrat theſe Reciprocal Offences increaſed by little
and little the contempt of Juſtice and the Laws. This infection at laſt
ſpreading it ſelf through all parts, open Conſpiracies were made againſt
the Common-wealth, great Armies brought into the Field, ſometimes thoſe
had been baniſhed and condemned, attempting fome Novelties, and ſome-
times the principal men of the City fighting among themſelves, as well
without as within for the Government of the State. There were likewiſe
ſome powerful and ambitious Citizens who aſpired to the Government, ei-
ther by keeping the Command of Armies entruſted to them by the people,
or levying freſh Soldiers by their own authority, to defend themſelves, as
they ſaid, againſt their Enemies : but under pretence of making War a-
gainſt their Enemies, they made War againſt their Country, each party
ſtriving who ſhould firſt ſeiſe upon the City; ſo that whilſt they treated
each other as Enemies, all places were filled with Aſſaſſinations, Proſcri-
ptions, Baniſhments, Executions and Tortures. In ſhort, there was no
cruelty left uncommitted, eſpecially then when about fifty years after the
death of Gracchus, one of the Faa'ions driving away one miſchief with a-
nother, became abſolute Maſter of the Common-wealth, and for ſome time
governed it alone under the Title of Dictator, a certain Magiſtrate among
the Romans whom they never created but in extreme danger, for fix
Months only, and whoſe uſe ſeemed to be aboliſhed when Sylla obtained
that Dignity by force. Nevertheleſs, though all men believed that he was
created Di&tator to perpetuity, yet having glutted himſelf, as one may ſay,
with power,he depoſed himſelf; and certainly he was the firſt ( at leaſt that
ever I could gain knowledge of) that was ſo bold as to change a Tyranny
for a private life. He added to this action a diſcourſe no leſs worthy of me-
mory. He declared he was ready to give an account of his Adminiſtration
to whoever ſhould demand it; and ſome time after came and walked in the
place in the habit of a private man, in the face of all the world, from
whence he returned to his Houſe without having received the leaſt affront
from any perſon ; ſo much was that reſpect to the Sovereign Authority he
had poſſeſſed, engrafted in the minds of men, whether that they were a-
ftoniſhed at his laying of it down, or that they were aſhamed to demand
an account of that man who offered himſelf to give it, or that they thought
it an inhumanity to hate that Power, how tyrannical ſoever it were, that
was joyned with the publick good. Thus the Seditions ceaſed for a time,
Sylla having applyed Remedies to the preſent Diſtempers, but they were
only fallen aſleep; for they awakened again, and continued till ſuch time
as Fulius Caefar after having for ſome years made War in Gaul, would not
diſmiſs his Army, though the Senate decreed it ; faying, it was not the Ses
nates deſire, but Pompey's, who being at preſent at the Head of the Army
in Italy, and his Enemy, had deſigned to reduce him under his power as
well as others. Yet he propoſed theſe Conditions of Accommodation, thať
either both ſhould keep their Armies, or that Pompey difarming as well as
he, ſhould live like a private man under the authority of the Laws. But
not obtaining either the one or the other, he departed from Gaul, marched
againſt Pompey and his Country, entred the City, drove thence his Enemy,
A a á 2
overtook

4
The Civil Wars
PART II.
ther and
overtook him in Theffaly, defeated him in a memorable Battel, and purſued
him as far as Egypt. Finding Pompey ſlain by the Egyptians, he returned to
Rome, after having ſettled the Egyptian Affairs, and ſettled their
Ptolomy *Kings in that Kingdom ; ſo that beholding himſelf ſecure by the death of
and Cleo- fo powerful an Enemy, the mightineſs of whoſe A&tions had gained him
patra Bro-
the Title of Great; and no perſon having thenceforth the boldneſs to op-
Sifter. pofe his will, he was created perpetual Dictator the next after Sylla. And
now again the Seditious were quieted, till ſuch time as Brutus and Caffius,
either out of envy to his Power, or out of a deſire they had to ſettle again the
Common-wealth in it's ancient form, ſlew in open Senate this man, ſoche-
riſhed by the people, and ſo knowing in the Art of Reigning. He was ſo
generally lamented, that they fought out for his Murderers, to put them
to death, that they folemnized his Funerals in the publick place, and there
where they had burnt his Body, erected a Temple, and offered Sacrifices to
him as a God. But now the Civil Diſcords began again, and in a ſhort
time grew to that height, that they were followed by the Murders, Pro-
fcriptions and Baniſhments of many as well of the Order of Senators as
Knights, the Faction interchangeably delivering up the Enemies of one a-
nother; fo that to gain their own fatisfaction, they ſpared neither Friends
nor their own Brothers, ſo much were men hurried on by their paſſion to
the prejudice of natural Piety. At laſt by a horrible boldneſs the Roman
Empire, as if it had been the Stock of fome private Citizen, was divided
between Anthony, Lepidus, and he who at firſt was called Oetavius, but af-
terwards took the name of Cæfar, having been adopted by his Uncle. Af
ter this diviſion they made War on each other, as it was but juſt they ſhould,
and Cafar more prudent and politick than the other, firſt deſpoiled Lepidus
of Africa, which had fallen to his ſhare. And in concluſion, after the Vi-
etory of Actium, which he gained over Anthony, drove him out of all the
Provinces, extending from Syria to the Adriatick Gulf. The whole world
aſtoniſhed at theſe prodigious Succeſſes, , he made himſelf likewiſe Maſter
of Egypt, the moſt ancient and richeſt Kingdom poſſeſſed by any of the
Succeſſors of Alexander, which only was wanting to complete the Roman
Empire to that height we now behold it. That done, he was placed a-
mong the number of the Gods, whilſt he was yet living, and beheld it ;
and being called Auguſtus by the people, he aſſumed an authority over his
Country, and the ſubjected Nations, greater than ever was attributed to
his Father Caius, not ſo much as in the leaſt appearance asking the votes of
the people : ſo that having ſecured his power by length of time, always
happy, and feared by all the world, he left his Succeſſors capable of ſuſtain-
ing the weight of that great Empire, and the Sovereign Power being re-
united in a ſingle perſon, Concordance once more took place of Sedition.
This will be the ſubject of this work, which will contain the wonderful
Adventures of thoſe People who aimed at Honour and Dominion through
all forts of Calamities: and I ſhall write it the more willingly, becauſe I
am obliged to treat of all theſe things before I write the Affairs of Egypt,
which are but a conſequence of them ; for thoſe diviſions wherein Cleopa-
tra took the part of Anthony, were the cauſe of the Reduction of Egypt
under the Roman Empire. And that I may ſettle fome order in ſo great a
confuſion of things, I will firſt ſpeak of what paſſed from the Gracchi to
Sylla’s time, then what was done until the death of Caius Cæſar, the follow-
ing Books ſhall treat of the Wars of the Triumvirs with the Roman Peo-
ple, and againſt one another, until the laſt and greateſt of theſe Misfor-
tunes; I mean the Battle fought by Cæfar at Actium againſt Anthony
and

Book I.
of Rome
5
5
and Cleopatra, where I intend to begin the Hiſtory of Egjpt.
The Romaris; as they now ſubdued one, and then another of the people it
of Italy were accuſtomed to make feiſure of a part of their Lands, to which
they ſent Colonies, or otherwiſe gave Cities already built, to be inhabited
by their own Nation. Theſe Colonies were placed in the conquered Pro-
vinces in the nature of Garriſons, and they either ſet out by ſhares to theſe
new Inhabitants ſuch Lands as were fit for Tillage, or otherwiſe ſold them
to them, or let thiem out to Farm. As for the unprofitable ground ( as War
often makes places deſert ) it not being qualified to bear a part in the Di-
vidend, it was proclaimed and given to the firſt that made offer to manure
it, on condition to pay an annual Tribute, the fifth part of the increaſe of
Trees, and the Tithe of the Corn, with an Impoft upon all ſorts of Cattel,
as well Flocks as Herds. Thus ſtrove they to preſerve the Italian Nationi,
eſteemed very laborious, that they might always have in a readineſs Sol-
diers of their own people to ſerve them upon occaſion, but the ſucceſs
proved contrary to their expectations ; for the rich undertaking at firſt the
unprofitable or defert Lands, and by preſcription of time, not only aſſuring
to themſelves the poffeffion of them, but likewiſe joyning to them the Di-
vidend of their poor Neighbours, either by force, or by money, became
poſſeſſed not of Villages, but of whole Countries, which their Slaves im-
proved and manured for them, that they might not take Freemen from the
profeſſion of Arms. Thus they receiving vaſt Revenues, and their Slaves
Itill multiplying, becauſe they were not obliged to go to War: the moſt
powerful among them grew prodigiouſly rich, and the Country was filled
with Slaves, whereas there remained but very few of the Italian Nation,
and thoſe few too were oppreſſed with poverty, by reaſon of the continual
Expeditions, in which they were forced to bear Arms, and the cruel
Exactions of the Tax-gatherers : and if at any time they had ſome reſpite
from their Sufferings, then Idleneſs corrupted them, having no Land of
their own to manure, nor finding any work from others, by reaſon of the
multitude of Slaves. This extremity troubled and perplexed both the Sea
nate and People of Rome, who with grief beheld that they could not as
heretofore, upon any ſudden occaſion, draw together a conſiderable Force
of Italians, and they began to fear their Government unſecure, by reaſon
of the Countries being filled with ſuch multitudes of Slaves. They fought
long time for a remedy to theſe inconveniencies ; for they neither judged
it eafie, nor indeed juſt to diſlodge men, after ſo long a poſſeſſion, from
thoſe Lands where they had habituated themſelves, and been at great ex-
pence. In concluſion, after much debate the Tribunes made a Law where-
by all perſons were prohibited from keeping more than five hundred Acřes
of Land, one hundred Head of Cattle, and five hundred Sheep; and be-
fides, they deſigned a certain number of free people to have the overſight
of the Tillage, and care of the Corn. This Law was confirmed by folemni
Oaths, and puniſhments decreed againſt the infringers of it: it was deſign-
ed likewiſe, that all thoſe Lands poſſeſſed by any above the proportion pre-
fcribed by the Law, ſhould be equally diſtributed among the poor, but
neither Oaths nor Law prevailed. Thoſe who appeared moſt zealous in
the obſervation of it; underhand made Contracts, conveying over their
advance to their Friends, and others publickly laughed at it, till fuch time
as Tiberius Gracchus of Noble Race, covetous of Glory, very eloquent, and
well known in the City for all theſe qualities, having obtained the Dignity
of Tribune, made a grave ſpeech in favour of the Italian People, much
lamenting

6
Part II
The Civil Wars
lamenting that a Nation ſo warlike, and allyed to the Roman People,
ſhould be reduced to ſo ſmall numbers, and to ſuch an opprefſive poverty,
that there ſcarce appeared any remedy, but that they muſt be utterly ex-
tinct. Then he declared againſt the vaſt numbers of Slaves, uſeleſs in
War, and treacherous to their Maſters, a freſh example of which he re-
lated of the Slaves, rebelling againſt their Patrons in Sicily, where the
Slaves being grown numerous by reaſon of their being employed in Hus-
bandry, had raiſed ſuch a War againſt the Romans, as was not ſuppreſſed
without much danger, and many bloody Engagements
. This Speech did
the work, and gained a new publication of the Law concerning Lands,
whereby it was forbid any one to be poſſeſſed of more than five hundred
Acres, adding to it, that the Children of the Family might be poſſeſſed
of two hundred and fifty; and that after reduction made, the remaining
Land ſhould be divided among the poor by Triumvirs, who were to be
changed every year, which forely grieved the rich men, who durſt no
more attempt any thing againſt the Law, nor for the future buy other mens
proportions ; for Gracchus, to prevent frauds, had by the ſame Law for-
bid all ſuch kind of Contracts, which occaſioned, that in every corner
might be ſeen people got together, reproaching the poor with the pains
they had taken in mariuring their Ground, and the charge they had been
at in building, crying out, that it was not juſt to make them loſe, not only
their Lands, but likewiſe the money they had payed to their Neigbours,
and withal deprive them of the Sepulchres of their Predeceſſors, interred
in thoſe grounds left to them by Succeſſion. Others demanded the reſto-
ring of their Wives Dowry, which they had thus employed, or that their
Children might have leave to enjoy thoſe Farms they had ſettled upon them
at their Marriage : others again ſhewed the Contracts and Statutes they
had entred into, taking up moneys at great intereſts to purchaſe thoſe
Lands. In a word, all places were filled
with murmuring and complaint.
On the other ſide, were heard the lamentings of the poor, that from rich,
that they once were, now they had reduced them to extreme poverty:
nay, even to deſpair, having nothing left to feed their Children, they re-
counted the many Expeditions wherein they had ſerved the Common-
wealth, to the end, they might maintain themſelves in the poſſeſſion of
theſe Lands, and vowed never to ſerve more, if they were not reſtored to
what belonged to them. They likewiſe accuſed the rich men, that they
diſdained to employ them in their Tillage, but rather made choice of Slaves
their Enemies, faithleſs people, and uſeleſs in War. During theſe re-
proaches, and mutual laments, the contagion of this Diſtemper ſpread it
it ſelf among the Colonies, the Municipal Cities, and in all places where
Lands were poſſeſſed by what Title foever : every one feared to loſe, and
there as well as in the City the multitude was divided into two parties, and
each relying on the number of their Faction, ſtirred them up againſt the
other; and all people being concerned in the execution of this Law: one
party diſpoſing themſelves to hinder it, and the other being ready to at-
tempt any thing to maintain it, mens minds were ſtrangely inclined to Se-
dition. So neither one nor the other party reſolving to yield, they waited
only the day appointed for the paſſing the Law in the Aſſembly.
19
Gracchus's Deſign was not ſo much to relieve the poverty of particular
men, as to repeople the Country, becauſe he believed it the intereſt of the
Common-wealth, and that hereupon depended the fortune of all Italy :
nor doubted he of the ſucceſs of the Enterpriſe, though it were as difficult
III.
as

Book I.
of Rome.
7
as it was important. When the Aſſembly was met, after having a long
time diſcourſed the buſineſs in Queſtion, he asked the Auditors, if they
believed it not juſt, that what belonged to the Publick ſhould be ſhared a
mong the People, if a Citizen were not to be preferred befor a Slave, if a
Soldier were no more ſerviceable to the State than a Ploughman, and if a
natural Inhabitant were not more affectionate to the Common-wealth than
a Stranger : and without inſiſting long upon theſe compariſons, as abſurd,
he began to diſcourſe of the hopes and fears of the City. That the Romans
had conqueeed many Countries, and been in hopes to extend their Con-
queſts to the moſt diftant Climates: but that as things now ſtood, there
was caufe enough to doubt whether they ſhould be able to complete the
Conqueſt of the reſt, with that ſmall number of Soldiers wherewith Italy
was peopled, or ſhould not rather loſe their own Country, by reaſon of the
weakneſs of their Armies, and the powerfulneſs of their Enemies, and
withal exaggerating the Glory and Riches on one ſide, and the danger and
fear on the other; he exhorted the rich men to conſider with themſelves
if it were not much more to the purpoſe willingly to quit to the unfortunate
poor who had great charge of Children the poſſeſſion of ſome Lands, out
of hopes of thoſe great advantages might thereby accrue, than to neglect
things of moſt import, by diſputing Trifles. That beſides five hundred
Acres of good Land well ſecured, and for thoſe had Children, half as
much for every Head, was no contemptible recompence of their paſt Ser-
vices. After having largely diſcourſed on this ſubject; and the minds of
the poor people, and of all ſuch as ſuffered themſelves to be rather led by
reaſon than paſſion remaining ſuſpended, he gave command to the Serjeant
to read the Law, when M.Octavius his Colleague, who was ſuborned by
the rich men to prevent the paſſing of the Law, impoſed ſilence upon the
Serjeant. Whereupon Gracchus publickly reproaching him, adjourned the
Aſſembly till the morrow; when having cauſed ſome Armed Men to be
there, as if by force he would have conſtrained Octavius to yield to him,
whether he would or no; he with threats commanded the Serjeant to read
the Law, and Octavius on the contrary forbad him. Whereupon the Col-
leagues quarrelling, and it being impoſſible to read the Law by reaſon of the
Tumult, the moſt Conſiderate of the Aſſembly befought the Tribunes to re-
fer the Difference to the Senate's judgment. Gracchus conſented;
and out
of hopes that this Law would diſpleaſe no reaſonable man, went ſtraight to
the Palace ; but not being received there with ſo great applaufe as among
the Vulgar ; nay, on the contrary, having reviling words caſt at him by the
Rich Men, he returns to the Aſſembly, and promiſes that on the morrow he
would gather their Voices both concerning the Law, and the difiniſſion of
his Colleague, who oppoſed the good of the People. He accordingly did
it : And as Octavius preſented himſelf unconcerned, he firſt put it to the
Vote concerning him, The firſt Tribe having given their Vote againſt O-
étavius, Gracchus turned to him, and deſired him to defift from his Enter-
prize; but ſeeing him obſtinate, he perſiſted to demand the advice of the
reſt; for at this time there were five and thirty, of which ſeventeen all in a
fury having voted with the firſt, if the eighteenth were joyned with them
the Law became ratified. Wherefore Gracchus Once inore publickly be-
fought his Colleague, now upon the very point of being depoſed, not ſo
ſtubbornly to diſturb a Work ſo holy and ſo beneficial to all Italians, nor a-
ny more oppoſe a thing which the people foardently defired, the Execution
whereof his Office of Tribune obliged him to ; and in fine, not to ſuffer him-
ſelf to be depoſed. After which Entreaties he called the Gods to witneſs,
that

8
PART II.
Tbe Civil Wars
that it was with regret he thus acted againſt the honour of his colleague :
but then ſeeing nothing would perſwade him, he began again to gather the
Votes. Thus Octavius being deprived of his Office and Charge, and reti-
red out of the Aſſembly, they ſubſtituted Mummius in his ſtead ; and at the
ſame time the Law was ratifyed. They created Triumvirs for dividing
the Land, Gracchus himſelf
, Čaius his Brother, and Appius Claudius his Fa-
ther in Law; for the people were fearful the Law might remain without
Execution, unleſs he that made it and his Alliance had the Support of it in
their own hands.
IV.
As for Gracchus, raviſhed with joy that this Law had paſſed, he was
carried back by the people to his Houſe, as if he had been the reſtorer not
of one City or one people, but of all the Nations of Italy. After which
the victorious Party went into the Countries from whence they were come
to this contention ; and the other in deſpair for being overcome, ſtaid ſtill
in the City, publickly declaring that Gracchus ſhould repent, asſoon as he
was out of employment, the daring to violate an authority ſo holy and fa-
cred, and be the mover of ſuch a Sedition in Italy. Summer being alrea-
dy come,the time of the Aſſembly for the Creation of Tribunes drew nigh,
and it was very likely the rich men would ſo contrive it, that the dignity
might fall upon Gracchus's enemies, which ſomewhat terrified him, and
fearful left any thing might paſs in the Aſſembly to his prejudice, he did his
endeavours to recal the people out of the Country. But all people being
now employed in their Tillage, as is uſual in Harveſt; and the day of Al
ſembly approaching, he was forced to have recourſe to the people of the
City; and with kindneſſes and ſubmiſſions folicite every one in particular,
to continue him in the Tribuneſhip, in acknowledgment of the dangers to
which he had expoſed himſelf for their ſervice. When it came to the
Vote, Gracchus had thoſe of the two firſt Tribes : Whereupon the rich men
cryed out, that it was not allowed by Law to continue the ſame dignity in
the ſame Perſon : and Rubrius, Tribune of the people, whom Lot made
Preſident of the Aſſembly, making a demur upon it, Mummius the Succef-
for of Octavius, obliged him to relign his place, and ſuffer him to gather
the Votes ; but the reſt of the Tribunes maintained that Lots ought again to
be drawn for the Preheminence, and that Rubrius Reſignation could not be
made, but in equal favour of all the Tribunes. In this conteſt Gracchus
ſeeing his Party the weakeſt, adjourned the Aſſembly till the morrow ; and
finding his Affairs grow deſperate, before he was diſmiſſed of his Charge,
he ſpent the reſt of that day in the place in mourning, having his Son with
him, whom he recommended to all he met, as foreſeeing himſelf likely to
periſh by the violence of his Enemies. The Rabble moved to compaſſion
for the man, and withal judging that there muſt be no more talk of Equali-
ty between them and the other Citizens, but they muſt reſolve to ſuffer the
Tyrannick Rule of the Rich if they forſook their Protector in the danger he
was in for their fakes, they carryed him to his houſe in the evening, and
wiſhed him to be couragious next morning. Hereupon he took heart; and
aſſembling before it was day thoſe of his Faction, gives them a word in
caſe there ſhould be occaſion to fight, and ſo feizes on the Capitol and place
of Aſſembly. The rich men, by the joyning of ſome Tribunes with them,
having hindred Votes to be taken about his Continuation, he gave to his
Party the Signal agreed upon between them: whereupon they roſe with
great clamour, and ſtraightway fell to blows, fome gathering about his
Perſon as his Guards, and others tucking up their Robes, ſnatching the Rods
out

Воок І.
of Rome.
9
out of the Lictors hands, and untying them, drave all the rich Men out of
the Aſſembly with many blows and wounds ; in ſo much; that the Tri-
bunes affrighted fled, and the Prieſts ſhut up the Temple. The terror of
thoſe who ran flying up and down, filled all the City with diſorder
and un-
certain rumors. Some ſaid Gracchus had taken the Tribuneſhip from his
Colleagues ; which ſeemed the more credible, becauſe none of them ap-
peared in publick : And others, that without expecting the people's Votes,
he had created himſelf Tribune. Mean while the Senate aſſembled in the
Temple of Faith. And ſurely it is to me a wonder, that neither now nor
afterwards it entred into the thoughts of any of the Fathers, to propoſe the
ſaving way of a Dictator, fo often tryed in the like Commotions. After à
Short Conſultation they afcended the Capitol, led by Cornelius Scipio Nafi-
ca, High Prieſt; who having cryed aloud, that all who loved the ſafety of
the Commonwealth ſhould follow him, caſt one of the Skirts of his Robe
over his ſhoulder and over his head; whether for a ſign to aſſemble the mul-
titude, or to give them Signal of Battel, or to teſtifie his reſpect to the
Gods, in concealing from them the deſign he had in his heart. Being come
to the Capitol, and Gracchus people having made way for that great Man
at the head of the Senate; thoſe that followed him ſnatcht the Clubs out of
their Enemies hands; and getting pieces of Forms which they broke, or
any thing that might ſerve for offence, they fell upon the others with ſo
much fury, that they drove the greateſt part of them down the Precipices,
and flew Gracchus himſelf near the Temple Gates before the Statues of their
Kings, with a great number of his followers; whoſe bodies were in the
night caſt into Tyber. Thus ended Gracchus, Son to a Father that had been
twice Conſul ; and to Cornelia, Daughter to Scipio the Affrican. He was
flain being Tribune, and in the Capitol, ſerving his Country but with too
much violence. And this Riot, the moſt infamous we have upon Record,
was committed in the facred place where Magiſtrates are choſen. His
death wrought two different effects in men's minds ; fome rejoyced, and
others mourned, for many lamented not leſs their own condition than his ;
calling the preſent State not the Republick, but the Infolence of the victori-
ous Party; whilſt others, believing they had nothing more to fear, found
themſelves at the top of their wiſhes
. All this happened in the time of that
War, when Ariſtonicus fought with the people of Rome for the Empire of
Aſia.
After Gracchus death, Appius being likewiſe deceaſed, Fulvius Flaccus
and Papirius Carbo, together with the young Gracchus, undertook to cauſe
the Law about Lands to be put in Execution. And when the ancient Pof-
feſſors ſtood off what they could to hinder the Arpentage or Diviſion of
Lands, they cauſed Proclamation to be made, that whoſoever would might
ſummon them before them, which gave Riſe to numberleſs difficult Law-
Suits ; for all contiguous Lands that either had been ſold or divided, fell into
diſpute, to know how they were ſold or divided : no Writing of Sale ap-
pearing, and many having loft the Poſſeſſion of what was let out to them by
Divifion; and beſides, whatever did appear done by contract, was very
doubtful. And moreover, in making a general Survey, in order to a new
Diviſion, ſome who had fowed or otherwiſe improved their Farms, were
tranſplanted to a corner that at preſent lay Fallow, and others from Arable,
to a Waſt, Clay or Marſhy Ground. For from the firſt, there had been no
very exact Diviſion made of the Lands gained from the Enemy. And be-
cauſe it was enacted that Lands fo ſet out ſhould be tilled by the Poſſeſſors,
Bbb
fome

V

10
PART II.
The Civil Wars
ſome that were more diligent had advanced upon their Neighbours, and ſo
confounded the Bounds: Beſides, time having changed the face of places,
it was no eaſie matter to diſcover the Incroachments of the rich Men, though
they were very great. In a word, by the often change of Dwellings, all
things were in confuſion and diſorder. The Italians, tired with their Law-
Suits, and feeling themſelves oppreſſed with the Execution of Judgments;
that they might be no longer ſubject to theſe Injuſtices, befought Cornelius
Scipio the African to undertake their Protection. They had lerved him ſo
well in many occaſions of War, that he could not refuſe them his Affiſtance :
He therefore went to the Senate ; where at firſt daſh he ſtruck not direaly
at the Law for fear to offend the people; but having touched ſomewhat up-
on the difficulty of the Affair, he moved that the cognizance of ſuch Cauſes
as ſhould happen might be taken from the Tribunes as Men ſuſpected, and
others be ſent in their ſtead. His Opinion being found very juſt, the Senate
confirmed it by Decree, and gave the Commiſſion to Tiditanus,then Conful.
But he having undertaken a buſineſs which he found very difficult
, taking
for a prétence the War of Illyria, went into that Province ; and no man
longer acknowledging the Triumvirs for Judges, all matters were at a ſtand.
This loft Scipio in the hearts of the Common People; who believed that this
Man, for whoſe fake they had often offended the prime Men of the City, and
without conſideration of the Law, twice made Conſul, now ferved the Ita-
lian Allies to their prejudice. Which coming to the knowledge of Scipio's
Enemies, they ran up and down the Streets, exclaiming that he was reſolved
to aboliſh the Law by Arms, and by the Maſſacre of the Citizens ; and thus
they terrified the multitude. In ſhort, Scipio being one evening retired into
his Chamber, with Table-Books to write, during the night, an Oration he
was to make to the Aſſembly, was found dead without the appearance of a-
ny Wound: Whether he were poyſoned by Cornelia, the Mother of the
Gracchi (who feared left this Law ſhould be abrogated) having for an Ac-
complice Sempronia her Daughter, Scipio's Wife; who being ugly and bar-
ren, was neither beloved, nor loved him: Or whether (as fome believed)
he
gave himſelf this death, becauſe he ſaw he could not perform what he
promiſed. Though there be others ſay that his Slaves under Torment con-
feſſed that ſome unknown men they had let in at the back door, had ſtrangl-
ed him ; and that they durft not diſcover the Murther, becauſe they knew
the people hating Scipio, rejoyced at his death. Thus died that man, fo fer-
viceable to the Roman Empire, for whom no publick Funerals were celebra-
ted; ſo much did preſent Indignation tranſcend the power of thoſe Acknow-
ledgments the people owed to his paft Services. And this gave occaſion of
encreaſe to the Seditions about the Law concerning Lands.
VI.
Mean while the Diviſion of Lands was delayed by reaſon of ſeveral In-
treagues practiſed by thoſe in Poſſeſſion : And ſome were of opinion that
the Freedom of the City ſhould be given to all thoſe Allies principally con-
cerned, to make them by that favour quit all other pretences. The Italians
were herewith well content; and much rather would have choſe the Free-
dom offered, than the new Diviſion they demanded. Fulvius Flaccus, now
Conful, and likewiſe Triumvir for the Execution of the Law, ſtood ſtiffy
to this Propoſition. But the Senate could not endure that the Subjects of
Rome ſhould be made equal to her Citizens : So there it ſtopped to the great
diſpleaſure of thoſe people, troubled to ſee their hopes fruſtrate. Matters
ſtanding thus ; Caius, Brother to the Elder Gracchus, and heretofore his Col-
league in the Triumvirate, offered himſelf very ſeaſonably to be Tribune.

Book I.
of Rome.
He had layen ſtill ſome time after his Brother's death, contemned by the Fa-
thers; againſt whom he could not defend his Authority. But having put
himſelf in the number of thoſe who ſtood for the Tribuneſhip, he carried it
roundly to the general ſatisfaction of the people ; and forthwith began to
put in practice all ways poſſible to revenge himſelf of the Senate : For he
made a Law, that every Montha certain quantity of Wheat ſhould be deli-
vered to the people by head, at the publick Expence. This had never be-
fore been pra&tiſed. So that having ſuddainly gained the people by this
new Eſtabliſhment ; and withal, being ſupported by Fulvius Flaccus, he
was again choſen Tribune for the Year following. For it was already en-
acted by an expreſs Law, that if it were neceſſary for a Tribune to be conti-
nued in order to the perfe&ting of ſomething begun, he ouglit to be prefer-
red before any of the Competitors in the next Aſſembly. This Dignity be-
ing then prolonged to him for the following Year, and the people already
engaged to him for the fore-cited favour, he caſt about, how to gratifie the
Knights the next Order after the Supreme, and propoſed the Transferring
to this Order, the Cognizance of all Concuſſion, publick Extortion, or e-
vil Management of Offices and Charges; reproaching them with the freſh
Examples of Aurelius, Cotta, Salinator and Manlius Aquilius, Conqueror of
Aſia : All which being accuſed of mif-employing the publick Treaſure, had
been cleared by the Corruption of their Judges ; which was likewiſe atteſt-
ed by the Deputies of the Provinces ſtill in the City, and loudly complain-
ing of the Injuſtice done them. The Senators were ſo aſhamed to hear theſe
diſcourſes, that they never oppoſed the publick Decree ; fo that the cogni-
zance of thoſe Crimes was conſigned over to the Knights : And it is repor-
ted that at the ratifying this Law Gracchus was heard ſay, That the power of
the Senate was throughly quaſhed. And indeed the conſequences proved the
ſaying true : for another Order being henceforward Judges, both of the
Affairs of the City, and of Italy ; nay, even of the Senators themſelves :
whether the Queſtion were concerning a Pecuniary Fine, or Condemning
to Baniſhment or Infamy, the whole power ſeemed to be in the hands of
the Knights, and the Senate reduced to depend on them. Beſides, the Or
der of the Knights contributing to the Election of the Tribunes of the people,
and the Tribunes being ready to return them kindneſs for kindneſs, the Se-
nate began to be ſtartled ; and there wanted very little but by overturning
the whole Frame of the Commonwealth, the Knights had had all the Au-
thority in effect, leaving the Senate only the Honour and Shew: For ſome
time after not only this Supreme Order was ſubmitted to the Knights, but
the Senators daily received Injuſtices from their Judges; who tickled with
the ſweetneſs of the profit they had now tafted, abuſed their Power with
all ſorts of infamy and diſorder. They ſuborned Accuſers againſt the Rich ;
and entring into a Cabal, eluded thoſe Laws made againſt corrupt Judges,
or with ſcorn contemned them. Hence came it, that becauſe no account
was required of their Proceedings, a new Sedition was raiſed, becauſe of
Judiciary Laws, which proved not leſs than others, and likewiſe laſted fome
time. Gracchus likewiſe ſet on work the Levelling, Paving and Repairing
the High ways of all Italy, wherein he employed Multitudes of people liv-
ing only by Day-labour ; whom by this means he perfe&tly gained to at
tempt any thing for his Service. He founded ſeveral Colonies, and obli-
ged the Latines to demand a Right of Freedom of the City; alledging it
was an unworthy thing for the Senate to hinder what people, their Allies,
deſired with ſo much paſſion ; and at laſt he gave to other Allies a Right to
give in their Votes, contrary to ancient Cuſtom, becauſe he hoped to make
ufe
Bbb 2

12
Part II
The Civil Wars
uſe of them in the Publication of Laws he deſigned to prefer. This more
allarmed the Senate than all had paſſed before. Wherefore after a Conſul-
tation the Conſuls publiſhed their Defences, forbidding all perfons not ha.
Five Miles ving Right to vote to ſtay in the City, or to come within the * fifth Stone.
They likewiſe drew in Livius Drufus to oppofe all Laws propoſed by Grac-
chus his Colleague, without giving any reaſon of his Oppoſition before the
people ; which liberty they likewiſe gave to all Oppoſers whatſoever. Laſt-
ly, to ſweeten the Multitude, they granted them twelve Colonies; which
Conceſſion fo charmed their minds, that they began to diſguſt the new Laws.
So that Gracchus fruſtrated of the people ; and Fulvius Flaccus, a Conſular,
who had been made Gracchus his Colleague, went over for the ſame reaſon
into Africa'; where by reaſon of the fertility of the Soyl, a Colony was ap-
pointed to be eſtablished, and Inhabitants expreſly ſent thither, that the Ci-
ty being disburthened, the Senate might in fome meaſure be delivered from
popular Seditions. The Tribunes ſet out the place of their Habitation a-
mong the Ruins of Carthage ; without conſideration that Scipio, when he
demoliſhed it, had decreed it to remain eternally defert, with Imprecations
againſt all thoſe who ſhould attempt to rebuild it. They likewiſe made ac-
count to bring over fix thouſand Inhabitants more than were appointed by
Ordinance of the Senate, to gain ſo much the more the people’s good grace.
From thence they returned to Rome, with deſign to gather together from all
parts of Italy thoſe fix thouſand perſons deſtined for Carthage. But thoſe
who ſtayed in Africa, to lay the firſt Foundations to that Colony ; having
writ to the City that the Wolves had tore away the Mark ſet by the Tribunes,
the Augurs declared it Sacrilege to fend Inhabitants thither, and the Senate
publiſhed an Aſſembly to conſult of the Abrogation of the Law in what re-
lated to that Colony. Whereupon Graccbus and Fulvius having likewiſe
loſt this hope, ran like inad men through the Streets, crying out that the
Prodigy of the Wolves was a lye of the Senate's. The moſt reſolute of the
people took their parts; and armed, they came to the Capitol, where the
Tribes were in Convocation to give their Votes, touching the Colony. Af-
ter the people were aſſembled, and Fulvius had begun to ſpeak, Gracchus,
who to that end had ordered his people to follow, attempted to go up to the
Temple of Fupiter ; but being hindred by thoſe who knew he had fome ill
deſign, he returned no more into the Aſſembly, but retreated into the Porch,
waiting an opportunity to engage the adverſe Party. Mean while a certain
man of the people called Attilius, who facrificed under the ſame Porch, fee-
ing him moved, went to accoſt him: and whether knowing any thing, or
having ſome fufpition, or elſe only by way of entertainment, befought him
to have compaſſion of his Country: Whereupon ſeeming troubled as if he
had been diſcovered ; and looking awry upon the man, one of his followers,
without receiving any Command, or ſtaying for a Signal ; but judging by
his Maſter's Countenance that it was time to ſtrike, and that by beginning
firſt, he would be the more obliged to him; drew his Sword, and run Atti-
lius into the Belly. Whereupon, a great cry being raiſed, when the dead
body was ſeen upon the Pavement, all the people were affrighted, and eve-
ry man fled from the Temple as faſt as he could. Gracchus went into the
Aſſembly, to give an account of this Action ; but when none would hear his
Juſtification, but all looked upon him as impious and irreligious Flaccus
and he, troubled to have loſt the opportunity of executing their deſign, went
to their ſeveral Homes, whither others of the fame Faction retired to them.
The reſt of the people, as it happens in a publick Tumult, being about mid-
night got together in Arms in the place, Opimius, one of the Confuls, who
was

Воок І.
of Rome.
13
was left in the City, at break of day places Guards in the Capitol, gives or-
der to call together the Senate, and himſelf ſeizes on the Temple of Caſtor
ano Pollux, which ſtood in the heart of the City ; that he might be in readi-
neſs, whatever ſhould happen. Things diſpoſed in this order, the Senate
fent to ſummon Gracchus and Flaccus, to come and give an account of their
Actions : but they having betaken themſelves to Arms, haſtned to ſeize on
the Mount Aventine ; hoping if they made themſelves Maſters of that place,
the Senate would not refuſe ſome conditions of Peace. They endeavoured
likewiſe to raiſe the Slaves under promiſe of Liberty, but in vain. So they
fortifyed themſelves in Diana's Temple with thoſe people they had ; from
whence they ſent Quintus the Son of Flaccus to the Senate, to treat of an
Accommodation. Anſwer was given, they ſhould lay down their Arms
and come themſelves, and then they ſhould be heard; but that upon any o-
ther terms they ſhould fend no more. But Quintus again returning, contra-
ry to this Declaration made him by the Senate, Opimius no more conſidering
him as a Deputy, commands him to be Arreſted, and at the ſame inſtant
gaye Order to march againſt Gracchus; who fled over the wooden Bridge,
to the other ſide of Tiber, into a certain Thicket, followed only by one
Slave ; to whom, becauſe he would not fall alive into his Enemies hands, he
preſented his throat. Flaccus eſcaped into a Shop of one of his Friends,
where his Purſuers loſt him; but becauſe they knew not which Houſe he
was run into, they threarned to burn the whole Street: Whereupon, he
who had received him not having the heart to deliver him up himſelf, gave
notice to another, who diſcovered him. So he was taken, and flain upon
the place. The two heads were brought to Opimius, who payed for them
their weight in Gold. Their Houſes were pillaged by the people, and their
Fellow-Confederates ſtrangled in the Priſon by the Confuls Order. As for
Quintus the Son of Flaccus, they gave him leave to chuſe his death. After
which, the uſual Ceremonies for purging the City, polluted by theſe Mal-
facres, were performed; and by Decree of the Senate, the Temple of
Concord was built in the place.
The ſecond Sedition of the Gracchi ending in this manner, ſoon after à
Law was made, by which it was permitted to any to ſell their Lands, con-
trary to the defence made by the elder Gracchus ; ſo that the Poor were foon
thruft out by the Rich of all that they poffeſſed in the Country, either by
Power or Money ; till ſuch time as Spurius Borius abſolutely aboliſhed the
Law of Lands ; leaving the Country in poſſeſſion of the ancient Maſters, on
condition of paying a Tribute to the People, and the Money ariſing thereby
to be divided by head ; which was a great comfort to the Poor, and a Re-
medy againſt unpeopling the Country. Thus Gracchus Laws, very advan-
tagious to the Commonwealth if they could have been executed, being
once ſhaken, another Tribune of the People took off the Tribute; fo that
there remained nothing to the poor People. Hence proceeded it that the
Country became depopulated, Soldiers grew ſcarce, the Revenue of the
Roman People diminiſhed, Military Eſtabliſhments were reduced, the
Laws loſt their Authority, ano Men ceaſed to do Juſtice. And this was fif-
teen years after the Publication of the Law concerning Lands. About the
fame time the Conful Scipio cauſed the Theatre begun by L. Caffins, to be
demoliſhed, though almoſt brought to perfection, (whether he thought it
might breed new matter of Sedition, or whether he thought it not for the
Commonwealths good to accuſtom the People to the Grecians Voluptuouſ-
neſs.) And the Cenfor Q. Cecilius Metellus did all he could to expel Glaucid
and
VII.

14
Part. II.
The Civil Wars
and Apuleius Saturninus, who had been Tribune, out of the Senate, for their
debauched life; but his colleague oppoſing it, he could not ſucceed in the
Attempt. For this reaſon Apuleius, to revenge this Affront of Metellus,
once more demanded the Tribuneſhip, and took the opportunity when
Glaucia, then Prætor, preſided in the Aſſembly. Notwithſtanding, Nons-
us, of Noble Race, having with bloody Reproaches declaimed againſt Ap16-
leins and Glancia, was deſigned Tribune. But they fearing left he having
obtained that Dignity, ſhould handle them roughly, broke up the Aſſembly,
and
preſently flipped after him a Troop of Murtherers, who reached him
as
he was eſcaping into a certain Houſe, and flew him. And becauſe this Mur-
ther ſtruck all the World both with horrour and compaſſion, thoſe of Glau-
cia's Faction being got very early in the morning about him in the place of
the Aſſembly, before the people were come, gave the Tribuneſhip to Apin-
leius : So no more Inqueſt was made after Nonius death, none daring to ac-
cuſe the Tribune of ſuch a Riot. Metellus was likewiſe fent into Baniiliment
by a Cabal of his Enemies, upheld by Marius, now the fixth time Conful,
who bare him a private Grudge. And this was the Trap they layd for
him : Apuleius made a Law touching the Diviſion of Lands in the Province
of the Gauls, out of which Marius had lately driven the Cimbrians ; fo
that now it was under dependence of the Romans, and not of the Gauls: By
this Law it was enacted, that if the People paſſed it, the Senate ſhould
ap-
prove it in ten days, and by Oath oblige themſelves to ſtand to it; and who-
ſoever would not ſwear, to be expelled the Senate, with twenty Talents
Fine. Thus an opportunity of Revenge preſented of it felf; for there was
not any likelihood that many of the Senators, but eſpecially Metellys, Noble
minded as he was, would endure to be forced to fwear. Apuleius appointed
a day of Aſſembly, and mean time fent Meffengers from himſelf, to give
notice to the Tribes in the Country, in whom he had great confidence, be-
cauſe the greater part of them had born Arms under Marius. This Law
which ſeemed made in favour of the Allies, was not very pleaſing to the Ro-
man People. So that no Order was kept in this Aſſembly; and whoſoever
ſtood up againſt it, was thrown headlong down by Apuleius. Hereupon
the People of the City began to cry out that they heard thunder, as often as
which happens, it is Sacrilege to enact any thing. But when Apuleius Par-
ty gave not yet over their Violences, the Citizens truffing up their Gowns,
and ſeizing on the Arms of all they met, diſperſed the Country-men; who,
notwithſtanding, being recalled by Apuleius, Rallyed, and returning to the
Charge with Clubs likewiſe in their hands, made ſuch a buſtle, that at length
the Law paſt. That done, Marius aſſembled the Senate to conſult about
the Oath demanded from the Senators; and becauſe he knew Metellus con-
ſtant and ſteady in his Reſolutions, he ſpoke his opinion firſt, and aſſured
them he would never willingly ſwear Metellus did the like : and the reſt
of the Senate praiſing both one and the other, the Conſul diſmiſſed the Af
ſembly : but on the fifth day, the time preſcribed by the Law to ſwear on,
Marius having about ten of the Clock aſſembled the Senate in great haſte,
told them he was afraid of the People, eager for the Execution of the Law;
but that he had found a device to ſecure them: That they ought to ſwear to
that Law fo far as it was legitimate ; with which the Country People, whom
they had moſt cauſe to apprehend, being ſatisfied, would be gone ; and
then it would be very eaſie to make it appear to be no Law, being publiſhed
by force, and whilſt it thundred, contrary to the Cuſtoms of their Ance-
ftors. And having thus ſaid, without ſtaying to ask any one's opinion, or
ſo much as giving time to think of it; whilft all kept ſilence through fear
and

Book I.
of Rome.
15
and furprize, he riſes up and goes to the Temple of Saturn, where the Trea-
furers of the Exchequer were to ſwear them; and firſt of all himſelf and
Friends oblige themſelves by Oath to the Obſervation of the Law. All the
reſt of the Senators, every one in fear for himſelf, fwore likewiſe, fave only
Metellus, who remained ſtedfaſt and fearleſs in his Reſolution. So Apuleius
next morning cauſed an Ufher to lay hold of him, to make him go out of the
Palace; and when the other Tribunes of the People commanded the Uſher
to let him go, he ran to the Country Men, and told them they could have no
Lands, nor would the Law be of force unlefs Metellus were driven out of the
City. In fo much that it was decreed in the Aſſembly of the people that he
ſhould be baniſhed, and that the Conſuls ſhould forbid him Fire and Water ;
and they allowed one day to the Senate, to conſider of the matter. The Ci-
tizens enraged at this Action, aſſembled with Arms under their Gowns, to
conduct him through the City. But he thanking them for their good will,
with all the Civilities imaginable, told them he would never fuffer his Coun-
try to run any hazard for his ſake. Then Apuleius publiſhed the Ordinance
for his Baniſhment, which Marius foon confirmed by Decree. And thus
this man, eſteemed by all the World, went into Exile.
After this Apuleius was again nominated Tribune of the people for the VIII.
third year, and they choſe for his colleague one, who moſt ſaid, was a Fu-
gitive Slave, and who boaſted himſelf to be Sonto the elder Gracchus, for
whom all the rabble gave their votes with much eagerneſs, out of the re-
ſpect they had to the laid Gracchus. After this, was held an Aſſembly for
the election of Confuls, where Anthony, by general conſent of all the
world was nominated to this Dignity. 'Twas not yet known who of Glau-
cia or Memmius that ſtrove for it, ſhould be his Colleague ; but becauſe
Memmius was of much the better Houſe, Glaucia and Apuleius fearful he
ſhould carry it, cauſed him to be ſet upon in the very aſſembly of the People,
by certain Murtherers, who in the face of the whole world flew him with
Clubs ; fothat by reaſon of this diſorder, the Aſſembly broke up, after ha-
ving beheld the violation of all that reſpect due to the authority of the Laws,
to Juſtice, to Men and to God. On the morrow the people incenſed with
the horrour of the Action, gathered together to punish it in the perſon of A.
puleius, but he aſſiſted by great numbers of the Country people, whom
he had cauſed to come of purpoſe, and taking along with him Glaucia and
C. Sanfeins Quæſtor went to ſeiſe the Capitol. The Senate declares them
Enemies, and Marins with regret arms againſt them; but fo few people,
and fo flowly, that the people tired with his delays, cut the Pipes which
carried water to the Temple, till Sanfeius no longer able to endure thirſt,
gave advice to fire the Capitol
, but Glaucia and Apuleius, out of the confi-
dence they had in Marius, yielded firſt, and Sanfeius after them: but
when the people cryed out with one voice to put them preſently to death,
the Conſul ſhut them up in the Palace, under pretence to puniſh them by
form of Juſtice: the multitude thinking it a Fiētion, climbing up on the
Roof of the Palace, and pulling off the covering, never left throwing
down Tyles on the Heads of thoſe within, till the Quæſtor, Tribune and
Prætor loſt their lives, having yet on the Habits and Badges of their Magi
ſtracy: All the reſt of their party periſhed likewiſe in the ſame tumult,
and among others, the Tribune who faid he was Son to Gracchus on the firſt
day of his
Tribuneſhip. No perſon could any longer promiſe himſelf to
preſerve his liberty, there was now only the ſhadow of a Common-wealth,
no regard being had to Laws or Dignity, or Magiſtracy, fince the holy
and

16
Part II
The Civil Wars
and ſacred power of the Tribunes, which was eſtabliſhed to oppoſe Riots
and Murders, and to protect the people, was become polluted with the
'crimes of thoſe which exerciſed it, and violated by the outrages which
they received from others. After they were thus rid of the Tribunes, all
the Senate and People of Rome began to demand the repeal of Metellus,
ſave only P. Furius, whoſe - Father was but a Freed-man, who
oppoſed it with boldneſs, and would never be moved from this oppoſition,
though Metellus the Son of him baniſhed, befought him on his Knees, with
tears in his Eyes, which was the cauſe that this Son whom all men ſaw in
that condition, ſo worthy of compaſſion, got the Sirname of Pious, and
that C. Canuleius the Tribune, offended at Furius his obſtinacy, undertook
to cauſe him to be condemned to death by the people, and pleaded his ac-
cufation fo vehemently, that without hearing the Accuſed's defence, the
incenſed multitude tore him in pieces : fo ordinary it was now grown, day-
ly to commit ſome new murder, in the place deſigned to do juſtice: at
length they agreed to Metellus's return; and it is ſaid, that when he entred
the City, the whole day was not ſufficient to receive the Complements of
thoſe went to meet him at the Gate. Thus the ſtirs made by Apuleius in
Rome, were the third in orderafter thoſe Tempeſts raiſed under the Tri-
buneſhip of the two Gracchi..
IX.
Mean while began the Social War, by the conſpiracy of all the Nations
of Italy, which not being foreſeen, and increaſing prodigiouſly in a ſhort
time, put ſome ſtop to Domeſtick Seditions, by the freſh terrour it brought.
After it was ended, other flames of Diviſion were kindled between the
chief Heads of the Common-wealth, which were not quenched by making
new Laws, or raiſing fudden tumults; for they charged each other at the
Head of mighty Armies. I have eſpecially thought fit to inſert this War
in this Hiſtory, as well becaufe it took birth from a popular tumult, as be-
cauſe it was followed by another Diſſention, much more pernicious to the
Common-wealth than any of the former. It began then in this manner,
Fulvius Flaccus being Conſul, was the firſt that ever blew up the deſires of
Freedom in the minds of the Allies, out of hopes to be no longer ſubject to
the Romans. but to ſhare with them the Honours and Dignities of the
City; and becauſe he was obſtinate in this propoſition, the Senate ſent him
to a certain War, where the time of his Conſulate being expired, he came to
demand the Tribuneſhip, and prevailed fo, that they gave him young
Gracchus for his Colleague. Both one and the other being ſlain for making
Laws of that kind in favour of the Italians, as we have already related, the
fpirits of the Allies were imbittered more and more, incenſed, that they
were treated rather like Vaſſals than Allies, and that Fulvius and Gracchus
had periſhed ſo miſerably, for declaring themſelves their Protectors. Af-
ter them Livius Drufus Tribune of the People, of Noble Race, upon the
requeſt of the Allies, promiſed, to paſs the Law they deſired ,
touching the right of Freedom: for it was all they longed for, having no
other way to become Maſters as well as the others, to whom now they
were but Subjects. Mean while, the Tribune, to gain the favour of the
People, ſettled many Colonies in Italy and Sicily, in purſuance of an an-
cient Decree which had till that time lain dormant. He undertook like-
wiſe to reconcile the Senate and Knights, mightily imbroiled about the
cognizance of crimes of concuſſion afligned to the Knights. He could not
openly reſtore it to the Senators, wherefore he deviſed this ſtratagem,
whereby he thought to content both one and the other. The number of
the

Book I.
of Rome.
17
the Senators not amounting to above three hundred, by reaſon of all the
paſt Seditions, he made a Law, ordaining the taking a like number of
Knights of the worthieſt men to fill up the Senate, and that all theſe toge-
ther ſhould for the future chuſe Judges, before whiom all that were ſuſpect-
ed of Corruption or Concuſſion, ſhould appear to give account of their
Actions; for that miſchief was now ſo common, that men forbore to ac-
count it a crime, ſo boundleſs was impudence grown. But this deſign fuc-
ceeded quite contrary to his imaginations; for the Senators thought it
ſtrange, that in a moment ſo many Knights ſhould be mountedwith them
to the ſupreme Order, who probably ſeeing themſelves raiſed to a new
Dignity, would never well accord with the ancient Standers. And the
Knights, who had taſted of profit and power, feared, (and that ſurely with
reaſon)left by this means all the authority ſhould be reſtored to the Senate;to
their detriment. Beſides, it raiſed ajealouſie between the Knights them-
ſelves ; for no man could reſolve to yield that to another (as more worthy )
which he thought himſelf well deſerved; and moſt certain it is, no one
could be preferred, but with the Envy and Hate of all the reſt. But no-
thing diſturbed them more than the Proſecutions which ought to be recom-
ced againſt thoſe who had ſuffered themſelves to be corrupted by Bribes, the
practice of which ſeemed quite abrogated. So that though the two Orders
were at no good accord among themſelves, yet they agreed in this point,
equally to hate Drufus ; and there were none but the People fatisfied with
him, and that becauſe of the Colonies. For the Allies themſelves, though
the Tribune had done all theſe things with deſign to ſerve thein, had an
averſion to the Law of Colonies, becauſe if the Lands were not divided;
the rich men ſeiſed them partly by force, and partly by cunning, framing
Intreagucs with their Neigbours to enlarge their own bounds, by driving
them from their proper Inheritances. The contagion of theſe Diſorders
had ſpread it fell even to * Hetruria and * Umbria, whoſe people whom the * Tuſcany,
Conſuls had cauſed to come into the City, (in appearance to oppoſe the * Dutchy of
publication of the Law, but indeed to rid themſelves of Drufus) cryed
Spoletto.
out publickly, that they waited for the Afſembly, which being come to
the Tribunes knowledge, he went very ſeldom abroad in publick, but held
his ordinary audiences
at his Houſe in a kind of a dark Gallery, where one
Evening, as he diſmiſſed the multitude, he cryed out he was wounded,
and at the ſame inſtant falling, was found ſtruck in the Thigh, and a Shooe-
makers Knife in the Wound. Thus Druſus as well as others was ſlain in
his Tribuneſhip
The Knights were not wariting to draw advantages againſt their Ene X
mies, out of Drufus his Deſigns, and to find out matter of Calumny, and
to this effect they perſwaded Q. Valerius Tribune of the People to make a
Law, declaring all ſuch Criminals, who openly or underhand favoured the
Allies, in their deſign to enter into the Government of the Republick, out
of hopes foon to expoſe to their Accuſers the Head Men of the City, to
become the Judges of this crime, ſo odious to all Citizens, to deſtroy their
Enemies,and make themſelves almighty;wherefore when the other Tribunes
oppoſed the publication of this Law, the Knights all drew their Swords:
and preſenting the points to the Throats of the Oppoſers, made them paſs it
by force. That done, they preſently fuborned Accuſers againſt the moſt
conſiderable of the Senate. Beftia, one of the firſt accuſed, would not come
at their Summons, but went of himſelf into exile, rather than ſubmit him-
ſelf to the power of his Enemies. Cotta, called next to judgment after him,
C'ec
appeared

18
The Civil Wars
PART II.
and the Allies when they knew of Drufus's Death, and the cauſe of the Ba-
appeared, but after he had given a brave account of the Employments he
had undergone in the Republick, and declared againſt the Knights, he left
the City without ſtaying for their Sentence.Mummius ſirnamed the Achaick,
after having been fooled by his Judges, who promiſed to abfolve him, was
baniſhed to Delos, where he ended his days. This miſchief falling upon
the worthieſt and beſt men, the People began to be afflicted to ſee them-
ſelves in fo ſhort time robbed of the preſence of ſo many great perſons,
niſhment of ſo many illuſtrious men, thought it was no longer time to ſuffer
their Protectors to be founworthily treated; and ſeeing no other way to fuc-
ceed in their hopes, reſolved to revolt againſt the Roman People, and to
make War upon them with all their power. To this purpoſe they ſent fe-
cret Deputations to each other, figned an Union, and gave reciprocal Ho-
ſtages, of all which they had but late notice in the City, now wholly bu-
fied in trials and tumultş. At laſt when they had advice of it, they ſent
into all corners, the propereſt people they could find out, to diſcover the
truth of this news, under pretence of doing ſomething elſe; one of which e-
ſpying a Child of Afcoly in another City, whither he had been fent for Ho-
ſtage , adviſed Servilius thereof, who governed as Proconful in thoſe
Quarters: from whence we may gather that even from thoſe times the
Countries of Italy were diſtributed to Proconſuls, a cuſtom which many
ages after the Emperour Adrian revived, though not to laſt long after his
death. Servilius came forthwith to Aſcoly, when the Inhabitants happen-
ed to celebrate a Solemn Feſtival, where whilft he thought to frighten them
with his threats, when they perceived the League was diſcovered, they
flew him, and with him Fonteius his Lieutenant. After having begun
with them they ſpared no Roman, but put all to the Sword, and plundered
their Goods. Thus they proceeded to an open Revolt, and all the Neigh-
bouring People took Arms, the Marfians, the Pelignians, the Veſtins and
put the Marucians, who were followed by the * Picenians, the Ferentins, the
* The
Hirpins, the Pompeians, the Venulines, the Apulians, the * Lucanians
Marohes of and the * Samnites, all Nations long time Enemies to the Roman Name.
* Thoſe of And in ſhort, all the people from the River * Liris, which I believe is at
the Balli- this day called Literva, to the bottom of the Adriatick Gulf, as well within
cate. Land, as on the Sea-Coaſts. Their Deputies going to Rome to complain
* Abruzzo. that the right of Freedom was not granted them, though by their aſſi-
* Gariglia- ſtances and Services they had highly contributed to the increaſe of the Em-
pire. The Senate anſwered them very roughly, that when they were re-
turned to their duty, they would hear their Deputations, but otherwiſe
they would give them no audience ; fo fallen from all hopes, they prepared
for War, raiſed Forces, and ſet out a hundred thouſand men as well Horſe
as Foot. The Roman Army was not leſs numerous, comprizing thoſe Al
lies continued faithful to them: Sext.Filius Cafar and P. Ribtilius Lupus
Conſuls, commanded for the Romans; for this Inteſtine War was thought
fo important, that they put them both in Commiſſion. They began to
keep Guards at the Gates for the ſecurity of the City, and likewiſe of the
Neighbours; for fince theſe Novelties were ſet on foot, they knew not
whom to truſt. There was great likelyhood of diviſion, even in the City
it ſelf. To the Conſuls they appointed Lieutenants, the greateſt men of
the Age, A. Rabirius, Cn. Pompey Father to him gained the Sirname of
Great, Q. Cepio, C. Perpenna, C. Marius, Valerius Melala, A. Sextus Ce-
far, P. Lentulus his Brother, T. Didius, Licinius Craſus, Cornelius Sylla and
Marcus Marcellus. To each they aſſigned his Quarter with the authority
of
no.

Book I.
of Rome.
19
of Proconful, and from time to time ſent them Recruits, ſo dangerous did
this War appear: as for the Allies, beſides particular Captains choſen by
every City, they gave command to T. Afranius, P.Ventridius; M. Egna-
tius, Q. Popedius, C. Papius, M. Lamponius, C: Fudacilius, Hirius Aſinius;
and Vetius Cato who likewiſe divided the Forces among them, and took e-
very one his portion to make Head againſt the Roman Forces. There hap-
pened ſeveral Defeats on both ſides, which I will ſuccincty relate. Vetius
Cato killed two thouſand of Sextus Fulius his Men, and forced him to ſhut
himſelf
up in Iſernia, (which remained firm to the Roman Alliance )
with the remainder of his Forces, of whom L. Acilius and L. Scipio got
thence in Slaves Habit, the reſt preſſed with hunger, yielded at diſcretion.
Marius Egnatius took Venafra by treaſon, and cut in pieces two Roman
Cohorts
. P. Preſenteius encountring Perpenna with ten thouſand Men, put
him to flight with the ſlaughter of four thouſand, and taking moft of the
others Arms, who threw them away to haften their Flight. Wherefore
the Conful Rutilius took the Command from Perpenna, and gave the re-
mainder of his Army to C. Marius; M. Lamponius engaging Licinius Cral-
fius, killed eight hundred of his men upon the place, and purſued the reſt
fighting, as far as * Grumentum ; C: Papins poſſeſſed himſelf
of Nola, which
was delivered up, and made offer to two thouſand Romans that were there * Clarimónt:
in Garriſon, to receive them into his Army if they would joyn party with
him, which they accepted all, ſave the Officers, whom he put in priſon
where they died by Famine. The fame took Stabia,Minterna and Salerna,
which were a Colony of the Romans, and gave employment in his Army
to all the Inhabitants of thoſe Towns, and likewiſe to their Slaves, after
which, having ſpoiled all the Country of Nocera, the Neighbouring Cities
yielded to him for fear of the ſpoil, and ſent himn ten thouſand Footmen,
and one thouſand Horſe, which he had demanded of them, with which
Recruits he went and beſieged Acerra : Sextus Cæfar came with ten thou-
fand Gaul Foot, and the Numidian Horſe, and encamped near unto Papius,
who, to debauch the Numidians from the Roman Party, took Oxinta Son
of Fugurtha, formerly King of Numidia, out of the Priſons of Venufa,
where he was kept, cauſed him to be cloathed in Purple, and to ſhew him-
ſelf to his Subjects; inſomuch that the Conſul perceiving that ſome of the
Numidians were dayly running away to their King, fent the reſt into Afri-
ca, as ſuſpected, After this, Papius was fo rafh as to attempt to force the
Roman Camp, and was already pulling down the Paliſade, when a great
Body of Horſe fallying out of the Poſtern Gate, charged him, and flew fix
thouſand of his men. However, this Victory prevented not the Conſul's
quitting that Poft, and marching elſewhere with his Army. In Povilla the
Canufians together with the Venuſians and ſeveral other People, yielded to
Fudacilius, and thoſe who would not ſubmit he ſubdued by force, flew all
the Noble Romans, that he found, and made the Citizens and Slayes ſerve
in his Army. Mean while the other Conſul Rutilius, together with C. Ma-
rius, having built two Bridges over the Liris, not far diſtant from each o-
ther, with intent to paſs over their Armies, Vetius Cato, who was encamp
ed on the other ſide with his Ariny directly oppoſite to Marius his Bridge,
to diſpute their paſſage, laid by night añi ambuſh in a Valley near Rutilius
his Bridge; and after having let him (heedlefs as he did) pafs, on a ſud-
den fell upon him with his Ambuſh, who cut in pieces great numbers of the
Romans, and drove multitudes into the River. The Conſul himſelf was
wounded in the Head, and ſometime after died. But when Marius, who
was ſtill at the lower Bridge, underſtood the misfortune by the number of
Ссс 2
Bodies

20
PART II.
The Civil Wars
Pretexta.
Bodies brought down by the Current, he preſently paſſed with all his Ar-
my, and forced the Enemy's Camp, which had but a flender Guard; ſo
that Cato was forced to ſtay that night on the place where he had gained the
Victory, and on the morrow to march away for want of Proviſions. The
Bodies of the ſlain Conſul and other Perſons of Quality, which were no
ſmall number, being carried to the City to give them Burial, occafioned an
univerſal ſadneſs in Men's minds which was not foon fhook off, fo grieved
they were to behold the loſs of ſo many Citizens. Wherefore the Senate
upon Conſultation enacted, that hereafter the Bodies of all ſuch as died in
Battel ſhould be buried in the ſame place where they were flain, left the
ſight of them ſhould daunt the Courages of others, and diſhearten men from
going to the War. Of which as ſoon as the Enemies had advice, they made
a like Ordinance. No perſon fucceeded Rutilius in the Conſulate for the re-
mainder of the year, Cæfar not having leiſure to go to the City to hold the
Aſſembly: What remained of his Army was divided between C. Marius
and Q. Cepion. But Cepion fuffered himſelf to be deceived by Q. Popedius,
who Commanded a Body of the Enemy's Forces. He came to him as a Run-
away, bringing along with him as Hoſtages two young Slaves, clad in the
* Robe worn by the Sons of Perſons Free and Noble ; and the better to gain
his Confidence, brought him ſome Bars or Pigs of Lead, covered with Gold
and Silver. After which, he perſwaded him to go and charge the Enemy's
Army, whither he would conduct him, and that inſtantly, while there was
no one to command them. So he placed himſelf at the head of Cepion's For-
ces : and when he was come to the place where he had laid his Ambuſh, he
put on his Horſe towards a riſing Ground, as if he would diſcover where the
Enemies were, and from thence gave the signal to his Men; who falling
upon Cepion's, flew him with many others ; thoſe that eſcaped were
by the Senate's Order joyned with Marius. About the ſame time Sextus
Cefar, whoſe Army was compoſed of thirty thouſand Foot and five thouſand
Horſe, having marched among certain difficult Streits, was unexpected-
ly fallen upon by Marius Egnatius ; who drove him into a Valley, and for-
ced him to run away in his Litter (becauſe he was ſick) towards a certain Ri-
ver, paſſable only by one Bridge ; where, after having loft the greateſt
part of his Army, and the Remainder at every Itep throwing away their
Arms, with much difficulty he at length ſecured himſelf in Theana. Hear-
med again as well as he could thoſe men he had left; and with a Recruit
ſent him, took the Field to go and relieve Acerra, which Papius ſtill beſieged;
where encamping near the Beſiegers, they lay a long time without eithers
daring to affault the other.
XII.
For Caius Marius, he bravely repulſed the Marſians who came to en-
gage him, and gave them chaſe to the very Hedges of their Vineyards;
which ſeeing they had clambered over with much difficulty, he would pur-
ſue them no farther. But Sylla, who was encamped on the other ſide the
Vineyards, encountring the Flyers, flew likewiſe a great number of them.
So that that day the Marſians loſt fix thouſand Men, beſides great quantity of
Arms, which the Victors got. Yet this Victory did but the more increaſe
the fierceneſs of the Marſians. They gathered new Forces, and had the
boldneſs to come and offer Battel to the Romans; who, for fear of being o-
verpowered, kept within their Trenches : For this Nation is very Warlike;
and as report goes, never loſt the Day before ; and indeed to this very day
never any triumphed in Rome over the Marſians, or without the Marſians.
On another ſide of the Country about Mount Falernnes, Fudacilius, T. Afra.
nius

Book 1
of Rome.
21
nius and P. Ventidius, with all their Forces joyned together, engaged the
Army of Cn. Pompey; routed him, and purſued him to the very Gates of
Firmo, where he fhut himſelf up : And leaving Afranius to beſiege the C-
ty, the other two went each a leveral way about other Affairs. Pompey
preſently gave new Arms to ſuch as were preſerved from the Defeat, but
he durſť not adventure a Shock till ſuch time as a freſh Army being come to
him, he cauſed Sulpitius to take a Compaſs by unfrequented ways, and gain
the Backs of the Enemy; giving him Orders to fall on in the Rear, whilft
he charged them in Front. They fought ſo well on both ſides, that the Vi-
&tory remained a long time in equal Ballance; but when the Enemies ſaw
their Camp burning, which Sulpitius had ſet on fire, and that Afranius was
Nain upon the place, their hearts failed them, and they fled away in dif-
order; and as many as could, eſcaped to Áfcaly. Pompey forthwith be-
ſieged the Town ; which Fudacilius, who was a Native of it (fearing for
his Country) ſtrove to ſuccour with eight Colorts. He gave advice hereof
to the Befieged, with Orders to make a Sally upon the Beſiegers ſo foon as
they ſhould diſcover him coming at a diſtance, that the Enemy might not
know on which ſide to defend themſelves : But the Inhabitants were ſo
cowardly, that they never ſtirred foot ; which yet hindred not Fudacilius
from forcing a Paſſage through his Enemies, and with as many as could fol-
low him entring the place, where he reproached them with their Cowar-
dice and Diſobedience. After which, deſpairing of the ſafety of his Fel-
low-Citizens, he cauſed all his Enemies to be ſlain, as well out of former
hate as becauſe of the fault lately committed in deſpiſing his Orders, and
giving by their Example occaſion to others to do the like. Then he cauſed
a Pile to be raiſed in the Temple ; upon which ſetting up a Bed, after ha-
ving been very merry at a Feaſt, to which he invited his Friends, he took a
draught of Poyfon; and laying himſelf upon the Bed, deſired them to ſet
fire to the Pile, and ſo died, that he might not ſurvive his Country. Mean
while the time of Sex. Ceſar’s Conſulate was expired, but the Senate pro-
longed his Command for the year following, with the Authority of Conful.
As ſoon as he had his new Commiſſion, he fell upon twenty thouſand of his
Enemies as they diſcamped ; killed eight thouſand upon the place, and car-
ried off the Field an infinite number of Bucklers which the reſt that fled had
left. But his Sickneſs having forced him to ſtay ſome time about Aſcoly, at
length carried him off; and according to his defire, C. Bebius fucceeded in
bis Chargé. Whilft theſe things paſſed on the Coaſt of the Ionian Sea,on the
other ſide the Hetrurians and the Umbrians with ſome of their Neighbou-
ting People, drawn on by the Example of others, inclined to a Revolt. It
was ſoon known at Rome, and the advice of it put them in new fears :
Wherefore the Senate, apprehenſive of ſeeing themſelves encompaſſed by
Enemies on all ſides, cauſed the Coaſts between Cuma and the City to be
guarded by new Forces, in which for want of men, they entertained the
Freed Men, a thing never before done ; and granted to thoſe Allies who had
continued faithful the Freedom of their City, which was the only thing in
the World they deſired. This Decree being publiſhed by all the People a-
bout Hetruria, was received with general fatisfaction. By this Act of
Grace they engaged more firmly the true Friends of the people of Rome,
ſetled in their duty ſuch as were wavering, and made the Enemy more mild,
in hopes of the ſame favour. They diſtributed not theſe new Citizens into
the Tribes, which were already five and thirty, for fear they ſhould out-
number the old ones; but they formed new Tribes, wherein they were put
by Decuries ; fo that they gave laſt of all their Voices, which were often
fuper:

22
PART II.
The Civil Wars
ſuperfluous, becauſe the five and thirty Ancient were more than half the
number of the Tribes. This deſign was not at firſt obſerved; or perhaps
the Allies contenting themſelves at preſent herewith, demanded no more.
Notwithſtanding, being afterwards conſidered, it gave freſh occafion to Tu
mults. The people above the Coaſts of the Ionian Sea, who yet knew not
that the Hetrurians had changed their minds, had ſent fifteen thonfånd Men
to their Aſiſtance, whom they had ordered to march through all the by
ways imaginable. Cn. Pompey, lately made Conful, ſurprized them, kil-
led about five thouſand of them, and the reſt diſperſed, endeavouring to
recover their Countries thi ough rough and craggy ways, and in all the Ri-
gors of a ſharp Winter ; having nothing but Acorns to eat, periſhed almoſt
all with Cold and Hunger. During the ſame Winter Portius Cato, Col-
league to Pompey, going to War upon the Marfians, was flain. After
which L. Cluentins, to brave Sylla, who lay encamped on the Pompeian
Hills, went and encamped within three Furlongs of him: And Sylla, not
able to brook the affront, without ſtaying for thoſe that were gone to Fo-
rage, went out and charged him; but he was beaten and forced to retreat.
The Foragers being returned, he once more fell on, put Cluentius hard to
it, and forced him to remove his Camp further off; whither there com-
ing to him a Recruit of Gauls, he returned once more to try the For-
tune of the Field. As the two Armies were drawn up; a Gaul of very large
Stature advanced, and dared any Roman to a ſingle Combat; but he being
ſlain by a very ſmall Numidian, ſtruck all the reſt of the Gauls into ſuch a
Panick, that they turned their backs; and by the diſorder of their Flight,
cauſed all the reſt of Cluentins Army to do the like, and fly by the way to-
wards Nola. Sylla purſued them ſo eagerly, that he flew thirty thouſand of
them by the way; and becauſe they would not open more than one of the
Gates of Nola, to let them in, the Inhabitants fearing left the Enemy ſhould
preſs.in with them, there were twenty thouſand more ſlain under the Walls;
among whom was Cluentius, performing to the laſt all the Offices of a brave
and gallant Leader. The General going, marched againſt the Hirtians,
and began to beſiege * Equilania. Whereupon the Inhabitants expecting the
Affiſtance of the Lucanians, who were to come the ſame day, demanded
time to conſider about their Surrendry. He who knew their Cunning, gave
them an hours time; during which he cauſed to be brought great quantity
of Bavins of Vine-twigs to the Foot of the Wall, which was only of Beams
of Timber, and the hour being paſt, fet fire to them. So they ſurrendring
only for fear, he gave the Plunder of the Town to the Soldiers as if it had
been taken by Storm; which Example made other Cities of the Hirpins wil-
lingly ſubmit themſelves to the Romans. Thoſe being yielded, he carried
* Abruzzo. the War to the * Samnites; not by thoſe Avenues which were guarded by
Mutilus their Chief, but by fetching a Compaſs through Ways by which
they never thought an Enemy could coine. So that falling in among them,
at unawares, he flew great numbers, the reſt flying every way they beſt
could ; and Mutilus himſelf being wounded, eſcaping with very few into
Iſernia. Sylla, after having pillaged the Camp, marched to * Boviana,
where was held an Aſſembly of the Rebel People ; where becauſe there
were three Forts, whilft the Inhabitants thought only of defending them
ſelves from him, he cauſed ſome Cohorts to march about, with Order to
ſtorm each of theſe Forts on the other ſide, and ſignifie to him by the ſmoak
when they were Maſters of them: Which ſucceeding happily, he approach-
ed the Walls; and after three hours Aſſault, took the Town. This was
what paft under Syla's Conduct during this War; after which he went to
Rome
Boiona.
* Troja.

Book 1.
of Rome.
23
Rome, to demand the Conſulaté. As for Cn. Pompey, he reduced the Mar-
fians, the Marcinians, and the Veſtins. On the other fide C. Cofconius, Pre-
tor, burnt * Salapia after having taken it by force, reduced Čannes under *
Salpe.
the Obedience of the Romans ; and having beſieged * Canufa,which the Sam- * Canofa:
nites came to relieve, after a ſtout and rugged Fight, with great loſs of men
on both ſides, he was repulſed, and forced to retire into Cuma: But he foon
got a Revenge ; for as the Army of the Samnites lay only parted from the
Roman by a River, Trebatius their General ſent to Coſconius, that he ſhould
either paſs the River, and he would retire ; or that he ſhould retire,and him
ſelf would paſs the River, that they might come to a Battel. Coſconius
choſe rather to retire ; and as ſoon as I rebatius was paſſed, defeated him;
purſuing his routed Men to the River ſide, where moſt of them were
drowned : So that the Enemy loft fifteen thouſand men, and the reſt with
Trebatius eſcaped into Canula. Cofconius after this Victory, went to ſpoil
the Countries
of Zarinate, Venufa and Pouilla ; and aſſaulting the Pediculi,
in two days became Maſter of all the Nation, who came and ſubmitted them-
felves. His Succeffor Cecilius Metellus, to whom he delivered up the Army,
defeated thoſe of Pouilla in a Battel, where Popedins, one of the Authors of
the Rebellion, being killed, the Remainder of his Forces came by Bands to
ſubmit to the Conqueror. Thus the War of the Allies continued with much
heat until in the end all Italy obtained the Right of free Citizens of Rome,
ſave only the Lucanians and the Samnites ; who notwithſtanding, foon after
were admitted as well as the reſt, and diſtributed by Tribes, as we have ſaid
before, for fear they ſhould have more Votes than the ancient Citizens, be-
ing indeed more numerous.
About the ſame time there aroſe another Tumult in the City about Debts,
for fome exacted the Intereſt of money lent with more rigor than was per-
mitted by the ancient Laws. For it ſeems the Romans, as well as the Greeks,
abhorred Ufury as a Trade ruinous to the Poor, and an occaſion of Law-
Suits and Enmities. The Perſians themſelves had no better opinion of it;
and made the difference but very ſmall between the practice of it, and
cheating and lying. Notwithſtanding, becauſe Ufury was now permitted
by a Cuſtom introduced fome years paſt
, the Creditors had fome Right to
demand it, but the Debtors delayed Payment under pretence of Wars and
Tumults : Some there were likewiſe, that ſeeing themſelves oppreſſed by the
Ufurers, threatned to have them condemned in a Fine. Afellio the Pretor,
Judge of theſe matters, did all he could to compofe all Differences; but not
being able to compaſs it, he left them to the Law, after having explained to
the other Judges, as in a difficult matter, what was Right, and what was
Cuftom. Whereupon the Uſurers, who could not endure mention ſhould
be made of the old Laws; got rid of the Pretor in this manner : One day, as
he facrificed in the Temple of Caſtor, ſurrounded with a great Croud of
people, as is ordinary, fome one having thrown a Storie at him he fet down
the Cup, and began to fly towards the Temple of Veſta; but being preven-
ted by others who ſtopt his paffage, he ran into a Tavern to liide himſelf,
where they cut his throat. In this Confuſion many who thought he had e-
fcaped into the Cloiſter of the Veſtals, purſuing him with too much heat of
paſſion, ran into thoſe places where men cannot enter without Sacrilege.
Thus was Afellio the Prætor killed in exerciſing his Office, clad in the holy
Habit of Cloth of Gold, worn only on folemn Feſtivals, about two of the
Clock, in the middle of the place, and offering a Sacrifice. The Senate cau-
ſed to be publiſhed by found of Trumpet, that they would give to whoever
ſhould diſcover the Authors of this Murder a Reward in Money, if a Free
man,

24
PART II.
The Civil Wars
oise
slom mong
Man, his Liberty, if a Slave, and Pardon, if one of the Accomplices': Yet
they could never gain any intelligence of it ; for the Ulurers took a courſe
to ſtifle even the Memory of this Riot, which we may likewiſe reckon-a-
mong the Tumults of the City. It was followed by thoſe Differences which
happened between the Chiefs of the Factions, who as in open War aſſailed
each other with formed Armies, each propoſing no leſs price of his Victo-
ry than his Country, of which he pretended to become Maſter. It was im-
mediately after the War of the Allies that theſe Diſſentions took Birth, and
thus they began.
xin.
After that Mithridates King of Pontus, and other Countries had ſeized
on Bythinia, Phrygia, and the neighbouring Afia, as we have faid in one of
our former Books ; Sylla, then Conſul, obtained for his part of the Govern-
ment the Province of Aſia, with Commiſſion for the War againſt Mithri-
dates. Before his departure from the City, Marius, who thought there
would be more profit than danger in this War; and beſides, ſpurred for-
ward with a deſire to Command; engaged by a World of Promiſes P. Sul-
pitius, Tribune of the People, to ſerve him in this Affair ; and at the fame
time put the new Citizens in hopes to raiſe them to an Equality with the old
ones in their Votes, and cauſe them to be diſtributed among the ancient
Tribes. By doing them this kindneſs, he laboured for himſelf, of which,
though he made no fhew, yet was it only for his own ends he fought their
favour. Sulpitius preſently made a Law, which if it had paſſed, had given
Marius the whole Authority in the Commonwealth, fo much would the
New Citizens have out-voted the Old by reaſon of their numbers. The old
ones who perceived it, oppoſed it with all their might ; and at laſt, upon
this difference they grew to ſo much heat, as to come to handy Strokes and
Stones. The miſchiefs increaſing, the Confuls fearing left in the Aſſembly,
which was nigh at hand, they ſhould come to the laſt Extremities, ordained
Feafts for ſeveral days like to the folemnones, with intent to prolong the time
of the Aſſembly, and the danger wherewith the City was threatned: But
Sulpitius, without having regard to the Feafts, gave order to thoſe of his
Faction to meet forthwith upon the place, with Arms under their Gowns,
to make uſe of upon occaſion, even againſt the Conſuls themſelves : And
prepared in this manner, he began to declare againſt theſe Feaſts, as unlaw-
ful; commanding Sylla and Q. Pompey to revoke them at that very moment,
that the People might paſs their Suffrages concerning the Laws. This diſ
courſe raiſed a great Tumult; Swords were drawn as before was agreed on,
and the Points preſented to the Conſuls, who would not yet give way to it,
till ſuch time as Pompey luckily and nimbly getting away, Sylla withdrew un-
pretence to go and conſider of it. Mean while Pompey, Son to the Con-
ful, and Son in Law to Sylla, for having ſpoken ſomething (I know not what)
too freely, was ſlain by Sulpitius Faction, and Sylla returning in a ſmall time
after, revoked the Feaſts, and at the ſame inſtant went away for Capid,
where his Army lay, with deſign to march from thence into Afía, againſt
Mithridates; for as yet he knew not the Plot laid againſt him. The Feafts
being revoked, and Sylla gone, Sulpitius pafled the Law about which fo much
ſtir had been made ; and withal, inſtead of Sylla, gave Commiſſion to Marius
to make War againſt Mithridates. Sylla having advice hereof, reſolved to
defend his Commiſſion with Arms: And to this end draws together his Sol-
diers, who hoped as well as he every man to do his own buſineſs in this Ex-
pidition againſt Mithridates; and judged if Marius went he would employ
others. After having recounted to them all the cauſes of Complaint lie had
againſt
der

Book I.
of Rome.
25
againſt Marius and Sulpitius, without explaining himſelf farther (for he
durft not openly declare himſelf in this matter) he exhorted them to be in a
readineſs to receive his Commands. They who knew his deſign, and feared
to loſe the Booty of the Aſian Expedition, diſcover'd to him what he kept ſe-
cret ; and befought him to take courage, and lead them to the City. He
received this diſcourſe with infinite joy, and forthwith cauſed ſix Legions tờ
march; whoſe Officers not daring to reſolve to bear Arms againſt their
Country, drew off, to preſent themſelves at Rome; ſo that there remained
not in this Army any perſon of Quality but the Queſtor. Upon advice of
this brought to the City, Deputies were fent to meet him, to demand of
him, for what reaſon he came thus armed into his Country: To whom he
anſwered, that it was with intent to deliver it from Tyranny. He made the
ſame Anſwer to all thoſe whom they ſent one after another. Yet in the end,
he promiſed, that if the Senate would aſſemble in the Field of Mars, and
cauſe Marius and Sulpitius to be there, he would come likewiſe, and do all
things that ſhould be agreed on by all the World. As he drew nearer, his
Colleague Pompey came to meet him; and having applauded his Action,
promiſed his Aſſiſtance. As for Marius and Sulpitius, who had not had time
enough to prepare themſelves, they ſent other Deputies in the Senate's
name, who propoſed to him not to advance nearer the City than the fifth
Stone till this Affair were more fully conſidered of. The Conſuls, who dif-
covered the Cheat, granted the Deputies what they demanded; but ſcarce-
ly were they gone but they followed them, and fieſed on the Celimontane
Gate, and the Contiguous Wall with one Legion; Pompey commanding a-
nother, ſieſed on the Little Hill, the third gained the Wooden Bridge, and
the fourth drew up in Battel before the Wall, whilſt Sylla entred the City in
a fighting Poſture. He was recieved as an Enemy, for at firſt they with-
ſtood him with hurling of Darts out of their Windows; but when he had
threatned thoſe in the Houſes to ſet fire to the next Streets, they threw no
Marius and Sulpitius, and the reſt of their Faction, having preſent-
ly armed themſelves, encountred them in the place called the Eſquiline;
where was fought the firſt Battel ever ſeen in the City between two Contrary
Parties; not in diſorder, as formerly in their Tumults; but in open War,
with Enſigns diſplayed, and Trumpets ſounding: For their Animofities had
urged things to theſe Extremities, becauſe no perſon had endeavoured to ap-
ply a Remedy in the beginning. Sylla's Party had at firſt the worſt of it,
and began to give ground; when himſelf took an Enfign, and ran to carry
it into the Groſs of his Enemies. Then the Soldiers, either out of reſpect
they bore their General, or fear of that Infamy wherewith thoſe are brand-
ed that forſake their Colours, quitted all thoughts of Flight, and returned to
the Charge. There was brought to them likewiſe from the Camp another
Body of freſh Men, and another was ſent about by the way of the Suburra,
to charge their Enemies in the Rear. Whereupon Marius Soldiers, who,
already tired, defended themſelves but faintly againſt freſh Men; and who
beſides, feared left they ſhould incloſe them behind, invited thoſe Citizens
who ſtill fought from their Houſes to come down to them, and pronounced
Liberty to ſuch Slaves as would come to their Affiſtance. But when they
ſaw that no one ſtirred to help them they loſt all hope, and went out of the
City, and with them all the Perſons of Quality of their Party. Sylla being
gone into the Via Sacra, (or the Holy Way) where the Soldiers lrad the bold
neſs to take ſomething by force, he cauſed them to be puniſhed in the fight
of all the people: And after having placed Courts of Guard through all the
principal places in the City, he divided with his Colleague the labour of that
Ddd
night,
more.

26
PART II.
The Civil Wars
night, which they ſpent without any ſleeping, ſtill going from Quarter to
Quarter to take care left the Citizens ſhould receive ſome injury from the
victorious Soldier.
XIV.
Next day in the Morning they called an Aſſembly of the people, where
they bemoaned the deplorable eſtate of the Common-wealth, abandoned
for long time to the paſſion of Seditious People, ſaying, they had been con-
ſtrained to do what they had done; and that it was their advice, that for
the future nothing ſhould be brought to the people, without having been
firſt debated in the Senate ; and that to that purpoſe the ancient cuſtom
which they had abrogated ſhould be revived. They propoſed likewiſe the
holding no more Aſſemblies for the creation of Officers by Tribes, but by
Centuries, according to the inſtitution of Servius Tullius. That thus the
firſt deliberation of Affairs depending on the Senate, and being no longer
committed to the ſuffrage of the people, who having nothing to loſe
feared nothing, violence would give place, and good order be eſtabliſhed,
nor would there remain any more matter for Sedition. Having by this
means and many others retrenched the authority of the Tribunes, which
was mounted even to exceſs, becauſe the Body of the Senate was in a man-
ner deſpiſed, by reaſon of the ſmall number of the Senators, they added
to them three hundred of the greateſt and moſt worthy men of all the Ci-
ty: but before all other things they cancelled as void and contrary to the
Laws all that Sulpitius had done ſince the Feaſts ordained by the Conſuls.
Thus from Tumults they came to Murders, and from Murders to Wars;
and never before did any Roman Army enter their Country to commit
acts of Hoftility : but after this time all the Differences that happened be-
tween their Citizens, were determined by Arms: ſometimes one party be-
came Maſters of the City, ſometimes the other, which yet was no hinder-
ance, that in the mean time other places were not beſieged and fack’d, or
that they felt not elſewhere thoſe calamities uſually attendant upon War:
for in fumm, there was no longer any Honour or Conſcience, Love to the
Common-wealth or their Country, which they violated not by number-
lefs Crimes. After all this, Sulpitius Tribune of the People, Marius who
had been fix times Conful, his Son, P. Cethegues, funius Brutus, Cn.and
Q. Granius, P. Albinovanus. M. Leétorius and other Senators, to the num-
ber of twelve, who were gone out of the City, accuſed to be the Authors
of Sedition, and to have called the Slaves to liberty, were declared Ene-
mies to the Roman People, with permiſſion to the firſt that met them, to
kill them unpuniſhed, or to bring them to the Conſuls; beſides which they
confiſcated their Goods, and fent Men into all parts to ſearch for them,
ſome of which found Sulpitius, and flew him. As for Marius, he eſcaped
without Uſher,or without ſo much as a Servant to Minturnum,where, as he
ſlept in a Room into which there came not a ſpark of light, the Magiſtrate
of the City fearing the Decree of the Roman People, whilſt on the other
fide he himſelf could not reſolve to kill a man who had been fix times Con-
ful, and done ſuch great things, gave it in commiſſion to a certain Gaul he
met by chance, whom he furniſhed with a Sword to that purpoſe. But
this man ( as report goes ) drawing near Marius's Bed in the dark, grew
fearful, becauſe he imagined he faw a flame dart out of his eyes; and when
he raiſing himſelf up, cryed out, Dareſt tho kill Caius Marius ? The
Gaul aſtoniſhed, fied haſtily out of the Chamber, roaring with a loud voice,
that he could not kill Marius. Whereupon the Magiſtrate, who before
with much inward trouble had reſolved upon the action, was now touched

with

Book I.
of Romë.
27
with a ſenſe of Religion, beſides, he remembred the prefage which when
Marius was yet an Infant, promiſed him the ſeventh Conſulſhip. For 'tis
faid there fell upon his Boſom ſeven Eaglets, whereupon the Divines fore-
told, that he ſhould ſeven times obtain ſupreme Honour.. Thoſe of Min-
turnium ſeriouſly weighing this, and judging what had happened to the
Gaul, came from above, forthwith led Marius out of the Town to a place
where he might be in greater ſafety, who knowing that Sylla's Horſemen
ſought after him, left that place, and went towards the Sea-ſide through
By-ways, till he found a ſmall Cabbin, into which he entred, and laid him-
ſelf down among the Leaves to repoſe himſelf a little; he had not lain there
long, but he heard a noiſe which made him creep cloſer under the leaves,
but then the noiſe increaſing, he leaped into a Filher-boat which lay there
by chance,out of which he put an old Fellow that was the Maſter of it, and,
then cutting the Boat-rope which faſtened it, and hoiſting Sail left himſelf
to Fortune, he was carried to a certain Iſle where he ſaw by accident paſs
by a Ship in which he knew ſome of his Friends, with whom he went into
Africa, yet he could not land, being hindred by Sextus Governour of that
Province, becauſe of his being declared Enemy; ſo he was forced to ſpend
that Winter on the Numidian Sea. The news whereof being come to
Cethegus, Granius, Albinovanus, Lectorins, and thoſe others condemned by
the fame Judgment, and who leaving the City with Marius the Son had
taken Sanctuary in the Court of Mandreſtal King of Numidia, they em-
barqued and came to Marius, being themſelves likewiſe jealous left that
King ſhould deliver them to the Enemy. They wanted neither good will
nor courage to aſſault their Country after Sylla’s example, but becauſe they
had yet no Army they waited only an opportunity. Mean while, Sylla, who
was the firſt ever made himſelf Maſter of the City by Arms; contenting
himſelf with being revenged on his Enemies, without doing any violence
to the other Citizens, ſent his Army before to Capua, and reſumed the
charge of Conſul. But the Faction of the Fugitives, and principally the
rich, with ſome well monied women no longer ſtanding in fear of Arms,
defired the return of their Citizens ; ſo that they ſpared neither pains nor
coft, nor the attempting the lives of the Conſuls themſelves; for they
thought their deſign would never take effe&t ſo long as they lived. As for
Sylla, he might be ſafe in the midſt of that Army granted him by the Se-
nate to make War upon Mithridates, wlio would not forſake him, though
his Conſulate were expired; but for Pompey his Colleague he was in great
danger, ſo the people took compaſſion of him, and gave him the Govern-
ment of Italy with the Army then commanded by Cn. Pompey. This
mightily troubled Cnews, yet when Quintus was come to the Army, and on
the morrow began to exerciſe his Command, the other ſubmitted to him as a
private man; but a ſhort time after all the Soldiery being crowded about
the Conful, under pretence of hearing what he ſaid, he was flain, and up-
on the action every one flying a ſeveral way, Cn.came in, feigning to be
mightily troubled, as at a Villany committed againſt all Right and Juſtice:
However, his anger laſted not long, but he preſently reſumed the Com-
mand of the Army. When the Conſuls death was known in the City, Syl-
babegan to be fearful of himſelf, and after walked not the Streets without a
good company of Friends, who deſerted him not by night, but not ſtaying
long after, he departed for Capua, and thence took his march towards
Afia.
After this, the Friends of thoſe Baniſhed, fupported by the authority of XV
D d d 2
Cinnan

28
PART II.
The Civil Wars
fet up here.
Cinnaz Succeffor to Sylla in the Dignity of Conſul
, began to let the new
Citizens know the defign Marius had to mingle them among the ancient
Tribes, to the intent, that not giving their Votes laft, they might have as
much power in the Common-wealth as others, which was the firſt cauſe of
Marius and the other Exiles return. The ancient Citizens oppoſed it all
they could, upheld by Octavius the other Conful, while Cinna ſtood for
the new, ſuſpected to have been corrupted by three hundred Talents he
had received. Now thoſe of Cinna's Party came to the place armed with
Swords under their Gowns, where with loud cries they began to demand
their being mixed among the other Tribes, but the beſt part of the people
came in like manner armed about Oſtavius, who attended in his Houſe,
what would be the iſſue of this Tumult. They brought him word, that
the greateſt part of the Tribunes oppoſing the Demand, the new Citizens
* A place fo had with Swords driven them from the * Roftrum,upon report of which he
Beaks of Ships haftens by the Via Sacra, followed by a good company of men of Valour,
called Roftra, and like a Torrent falls in upon the Aſſembly, paſſes over the Bodies of
taken from the thoſe that firſt encountred him, diſperſes the multitude, and after having
terrified the contrary Party, returns to the Temple of Caſtor and Pollux,
without doing any more, for his colleagues fake, to whom
he bore reſpect.
But thoſe which followed him without ſtaying for his command, threw
themſelves upon the new Citizens, and after the killing of many purſued
the reſt to the City Gates. Cinna, who confident in the multitudes of the
Countrymen, had promiſed himſelf Victory when he perceived courage
had made the leſſer number victorious, he ran through the City, and call-
ed the Slaves to liberty; but when he ſaw no perſon joyn with him, he
went out to the Neighbouring Cities to whom the Right of Freedom had
Tivoli,
been granted, as t Tibur,Preneſte, and others as far as Nola; and after ha-
ving ſolicited them to revolt, began to raiſe money to defray the Expence
of the War. Whilft he made preparation for the execution of his Deſigns,
C. Milonius, Q. Sertorius, and another C. Marius Senators of the ſame
Faction came to him. But the Senate declared Cinna, for having forſaken
the Common-wealth in imminent danger and called the Slaves to Liberty,
to have forfeited his Freedom of the City, and Dignity of Conſul, and
ſubſtituted in his ſtead L. Merula then Prieſt of Fupiter, who is the only
Prieſt that goes continually with a Mitre; for the others wear it only when
they ſacrifice. Mean while, Cinna went his way towards Capua, where
lay another Army for the Roman People, being arrived he laboured all he
Military
could to gain the good will of the Officers and * Tribunes, and ſuch Sena-
tors as were there, going to this purpoſe to the Aſſembly in the habit of a
private man, without Rods, and tears in his eyes, he fpake to them in
this manner:
VO
The Oration of Cinna.
On behold me here, ( Gentlemen ) deſpoiled of an Honour I received frona
you. The People gave it me by their Votes; and yet the Senate have de-
a
prived me of it, without asking the conſent of the People. Though this Affront
be done to my perſon, I complain leſs of my own intereſt than yours : for to what
purpoſe now ſhould we court the favour of the Tribes? In what can you be fer-
viceable to as? or to what end are your Aſſemblies or your Votes, ſince they
can cancel what you do, and you your ſelves fo eafily change your minds?
After




Book I.
of Rome.
29
XVI
After having fpoke thus to provoke them to anger, and made many
complaints of the mifery of his condition, he rent his Robe, and leaping
from the Tribunal, threw himſelf upon the ground, where he lay extend
ed a long time, till out of pure compaſſion they raiſed him up, returned
him into the Tribunal-Seat, and having reſtored him the Rods in Quality
of Conſul, deſired him to take heart, and lead them where-ever he had
occaſion for their Service. He accepted their offers, and improving the
opportunity, received the Oath of Officers and Soldiers. Being in this
manner confirmed, he went through the Cities of the Allies, exciting
them as the cauſers of his preſent calamity, and for that reaſon drew from
each good ſums of money. There were likewiſe many principal men of
the City, which came to joyn with him, only becauſe it troubled them at
any time to ſee the Common-wealth at quiet. Whilſt Cinna was thus
wholly employed in making his preparations, the Conſuls Octavius and
Merula, fortified the City, raiſed Engines on the Walls, and levied Sol-
diers as well among thoſe Allies continued faithful to them, as among the
Gauls ; they likewiſe gave order to Cn. Pompey, who was with an Army
on the Ionian Sea, to come ſpeedily to the relief of his Country, which
he forthwith did, and encamped before the Collatine Gate. Too
time
ſoon as Marius had notice of it he came with the companions of his Banish-
ment, and landed in Etruria, whither about five hundred of his Friends
out of the City went to meet him. He appeared in a ſlovenly dreſs, his
Beard and Hair long, untrimmed and unkembed, to beget the more com-
pafſion: thus went he from City to City, talking of his Fights and Victo-
ries againſt the Cimbrians, and (which they hearkened to with more de-
light) promiſing them to employ his utmoſt power and credit to procure
the pafling of the Law in favour of the new Citizens. Having by theſe
means aſſembled fix thouſand Etrurians, he comes and joyns with Cinnaa
who was joyful to have this great man his companion in the War. All
the Forces of that Faction being come up, they encamped in three
Camps on the Banks of the Tiber, Cinna and Carbo directly againſt the
City, Sertorius above it, and Marius to the Sea-ward: they likewiſe
made Bridges over the River to cut off the City from Proviſions. Marius
took Oſtia by ſtorm, which he pillaged, and Cinna took Rimini, whither he
fent part of his Forces, that no relief might come to the Beſieged from the
Province of Gaul. Mean while, the Confuls were extremely difquieted,
becauſe they ſtill ſtood in need of an Army; and ſince they could not re-
call Sylla, who was already gon over into Aſia, they ſent to Metellus em-
ployed in the Remains of the Social War againſt the Samnites, to put ari
end to that Affair upon the beſt conditions he could, and come to relieve his
beſieged Country; but whilft he delayed granting their Demands, Ma-
rius having advice of it, prevented him, and promiſed them all they deſired
ſo the Samnites took Marius's Party. He had likewiſe intelligence in the
City with Appius Claudius the Tribune, who had the command of the
Guard at the Fanicula, who in the acknowledgment of a favour formerly
received from Mariusz opened him one morning the Gate, and gave him
entrance into the City, whither Cinna came likewiſe with him, but they
were foon repulfed by Octavius and Pompey, who came ſpeedily in. Soon
after fell many Thunderbolts into Pombeys Camp, which flew fundry per-
fons of Quality, and among the reſt the Proconſul himſelf. And now that
Marius had taken order that no Proviſion could come to the City neither by
the

30
The Civil Wars
Part II
* Laricia.
bia,
the River nor by Sea, he aſſaulted the Neighbouring Cities, where lay the
Granaries of the Roman People : He took by Stratagem Antium, * Áricia,
City of Lavi- * Lanuvia, and ſeveral others; and became Maſter of ſome by Treafon. So
that having now likewiſe cut them off from Proviſion to the Land-ward, he
was ſo bold as to deſign going to Rome by the Appian Way, before the Be-
ſieged could get any Proviſion from elſewhere, and to this end he with Cuc-
* About twelve ma, Carbo and Sertorius went and encamped at the * twelfth Stone from the
Miles and an City. Octavius, Craffus and Metellus went and encamped right againſt them
balf. on the Alban Hill, to oppoſe their Enterpriſes ; and though they were the
ſtronger both in the Valour of their Soldiers and their Number, yet they
would not engage them, not thinking it convenient to commit the ſafety
of their Country to the hazard of one fole Battel. But when Cinna had fenit
Cryers about the City, to proclaim that he gave liberty to all Slaves that
would come liſt themſelves in his Service, and that they ſaw they went away
by whole Bands; the Senate fearing left by too long want of Vi&tuals the
People ſhould grow mad, changed their mind, and lent Deputies to Cinna,
to treat of Peace. He firſt of all demanded if they came to him as Conſul,
or as a private Perſon, but they finding themſelves perplexed with this
Queſtion, could anſwer nothing, and fo returned: Soon after a great multi-
tude of Free Perſons left the City, and came and yielded to Cinna; fome
for fear of Famine, and others as having no Averſion to his Party, and find-
ing the Occaſion favourable. Wherefore now, no more fearing any thing,
he advanced with his Forces, and came and encamped within Flight-ſhot of
the Walls, which put Ottavins Party into great perplexity: Beſides, they
durſt no more attempt any thing, feeing continually Run-aways and Meſſen-
gers going and coming from one ſide to the other. Mean while the Senate
knew not
what to reſolve on ; they looked upon it as an unworthy thing to
depoſe Merula, whom they had made Conſul in the place of Cinna; a man
who was Prieſt to Fupiter, and never deſerved any Reproach: Yet in the
end they were conſtrained to ſend Deputies to Cinna, to treat with him for
Peace, and to Complement him in the Quality of Conſul. They were not
to propoſe him any Conditions, but only to requeſt him to ſwear he would
not ſlay any in the City : He would not take an Oath in thoſe terms ; How-
ever, he gave his Word, that by his good will,or by his confent, there ſhould
not be a Perſon put to death in the City; and ſent word to Oetavius, who
was entred the City by the Gate on the other ſide, that he ſhould depart,
leſt ſomething might happen to him which he could not prevent. He gave
this Anſwer to the Deputies, feated in the Tribunal like a Conſul. But Ma-
rius, who ſtood up by him, kept ſilence; and by the ſternneſs of his Looks
made it ſufficiently appear what a Slaughter he did intend. After this Word
given, the Senate having recalled Cinna and Marius (for they well perceived
this laſt was the Author, and that the other did but ſubſcribe) Marius an-
ſwered in a ſcoffing manner, that it was not lawful for baniſhed Men to ren
turn into the City : So the Tribunes of the People immediately cancelled the
Sentence of Baniſhment, given againſt him and the reſt, under the Confu-
late of Sylla.
XVII.
Thus they were received into Rome with a publick Confternation, and
preſently they began to plunder the Goods of all ſuch as ſeemed but any way
enclined to the contrary Party, without any perſons forbidding them. Cinna
and Marius had upon Oath promiſed Security to Oétavius. The Divines af-
ſured him he need fear nothing, yet his Friends adviſed him to leave the City;
but he anſwering them that he would never forſake his Country, eſpecially
as

Book I.
of Rome.
31
as long as he was Conſul, retired to the Faniculum, with the moſt Conſide-
rable of the City, and a part of the Army, mounting the Tribunal habited
like a Conful, and accompanied by Lictors with Rods and Axes. And juſt
when Cenſorinus was coming with his Horſe-Men, and that his Friends yet
offered him a Horſe to make his Eſcape on, he vouchſafed not to ſtir, but ex-
pected his death with an admirable Conſtancy. Cenforinus carried his head
to Cinna, who cauſed it to be fixed on the Tribunal for Orations, and this
was the firſt Conſul's head that ever was fixed there. Soon after the heads
of others, who dyed in this raging fury, were likewiſe expoſed as Spectacles
in the ſame place : And this horrible Cuſtom endured long after in all Maſ
Lacres committed at Rome between the Enemy Factions. Every one of the
Victors ſought out his Enemy to deſtroy him; no perſon was defended from
the cruelty of theſe Murtherers neither by the Dignity of Senator, nor that
of Knight; and as many Senators as they killed, they brought their heads
to the Tribunal. There was no longer any reſpect either towards Gods or
Men; and after having committed ſuch dreadful Crimes, they fought to ſa-
tisfie themſelves with Spectacles yet more ſhameful, cutting off the heads of
the Slain, and making a ſhow of their misfortune, whether to ſtrike terror
into, or to give a Criminal ſatisfaction to the
eyes of
the Vulgar. Among
thoſe that periſhed, the two Fulius's, C. and Lucius ; Serranus, Couſin to L4-
cius ; P. Lentulus, C. Numitorius, and M. Bebius, were found dead in the
Streets. Craſſus flying, killed his Son, for fear he ſhould fall into the hands
of thoſe purſued him, from whom himſelf could not eſcape. M. Anthony,
the Orator, eſcaped to a certain Farm-Houſe, where the Farmer gave him a
Retreat, and kept him ſome time concealed; but the Farmer's Servant, be-
cauſe of this Gueſt, going to the Tavern for Wine oftner than he was wont;
the Vintner enquiring the reaſon, he privately told him; who, as ſoon as he
had given him his Wine, gave preſent advice to Marins. Upon the News
of it Marius was fo tranſported with joy, that he would have come himſelf
to have been his Executioner ; but his Friends diffwading him, he ſent a Tri-
bune with Soldiers. Anthony diſcourſed them with ſo good a Grace, and
perſwaded them with ſo many Reaſons, that he gained their Compaffion;
till ſuch time as the Tribune, who had ſtayed below, wondring at this delay,
came himſelf into the Chamber; and whilſt he was yet talking, thruſt his
Sword into his Belly; and cutting off his head, ſent it to Marius. Cornutus
being hid under the Tiles, was ſaved by the Cunning of his Slaves ; who
having found a dead Body, caſt it on a Pile ; and when they ſaw thoſe that
came to ſearch for him, putting fire to it, ſaid, they burnt the Body of their
Maſter, who was ſtrangled. O. Acharins waited an opportunity till Marius
went to the Capitol to ſacrifice, out of hopes that out of Religion to the
place he would grant him Pardon : But as he was coming to do his Reve-
rence to Marius ; as ſoon as he perceived him, he commanded his People
forthwith to cut his Throat, and that in the very Temple ; and his Head fer-
ved for a Spectacle as well as that of the Orator Anthony, and fo many other
Pretorians and Conſulars. Nor was it permitted to give Sepulture to their
Bodies, the conquering Party would have them expoſed to be devoured by
Dogs and Fowls of the Air. The Seditious themſelves did, unpuniſhed, kill
one another at every turn. Some they drove from their Houſes, others they
ſpoiled of their Goods, others deprived of their Dignities, Sylla's Laws they
cancelled, ſlew his Friends; and after having pulled down his Houſe, and
confiſcated his Goods, declared him Enemy of the State. They fought like-
wiſe for his Wife and Children, to put them to deatti ; and they eſcaped but
very narrowly. Thus was the City oppreſſed with all forts of Miſchiefs and
Calamities

32
Part II.
The Civil Wars
Calamities. At length, after ſo many Executions of Perſons without Con-
demnation, they thought it convenient under pretence of obſerving Forms
of Juſtice, to bring Merula, the Prieſt of Fupiter, to his Tryal; and to that
end ſuborned Accuſers. He was not guilty of any Crime ; but Cinna hated
him, becauſe he had been named his Succeſſor, though it was never his ſeek-
ing. At the ſame time they gave a Summons to Lutatius Catulus, who had
been Colleague with Marius in the Cimbrian War, and was obliged to him
for ſaving his life ; but forgetting that good turn, had been his cruel Per-
ſecutor during his Baniſhment. They appointed Guards, which they per-
ceived not to watch their Motions, till the day affigned, which being come,
they were called four ſeveral times by the Uſher, with the Interval of ſome
hours between each Call : And when they ſhould have come to have plead-
ed their Cauſe, Word was brought that Merula had cut his own Veins;
having writ one Tablet, which he left, that he had firſt laid aſide the Mitre,
for it is Sacrilege for a Prieſt to die with the Mitre on. As for Catulus, he
had ſhut himſelf up in a cloſe Room, newly plaiſtered over, and ſtill moiſt;
where cauſing Charcoal to be kindled, he voluntarily fmothered himſelf.
What remains concerns the Slaves called to Liberty by Cinna, and now ſer-
ving in the Militia ; they broke open Houſes, carrying away all they found,
and killing the firſt they met; and ſome of them were found abuſing their
own Maſters. He had tryed ſeveral ways to correct them; but ſeeing he
loſt his labour, he cauſed them all one night, as they ſlept, to be encompaſ-
ſed by the Gaul Infantry, who cut them in pieces. Thus were they puniſh-
ed for their Perfidiouſneſs, as they deſerved. The Conſuls named for the
year following were Cinna for the Second Time,and Marius for his Seventh ;
ſo that in ſpite of his Baniſhment and Profcription, the Augury of the feven
Eaglets was accompliſhed. But whilft he was contriving ways to ruin Sylla,
he was carried away by a Diſtemper in the firſt Month of his ſeventh Conſu-
late. Cinna cauſed Valerius Flaccus to be ſubſtituted in his place, whom he
ſent into Afia; where he dying, he took Carbo for his Colleague.
Mean while Sylla haſtning his Return, to be revenged upon his Enemies;
after (having in a ſhort time vanquiſhed Mithridates (as we have before re-
lated) killed one hundred and fixty thoufand Men in leſs than three Years ;
re-conquered Greece, Macedon, Ionia and Afit, and the other Countries
which Mithridates had fieſed upon ; deſpoiled that King of his Fleet, and
reduced him to the Kingdom of his predecefTors) he begun his Journey to-
wards Italy with an Army that loved him,accuſtomed to Labour, and height-
ned with the happy Succeſs of his Arms. He had likewiſe ſtore of Ships
and Money; and was, in ſhort, in a Power capable of undertaking the
greateſt things ; ſo that his Enemies began to be terrified: And for fear of
him Carbo and Cinna ſent Men through all Italy, to raiſe money and Soldiers,
and lay up Stores of Corn for their Service in the Depending War. They
endeavoured likewiſe to engage on their ſide all Perſons of Riches and Autho-
rity, and to gain the People, particularly the new Citizens ; perſwading
them they had not fallen into the preſent danger, but for eſpouſing their In-
tereſts. They fitted out a Fleet, and gave Orders to guard the Coaſts with
Ships they had cauſed to be brought from Sicily. In ſhort, they forgot no-
thing that could be done to make fpeedy Preparations for their Defence a-
gainſt ſuch an Allarm. As for Sylla, he wrote to the Senate a Letter full of
Anger; wherein after having made an Enumeration of all the Labours he
had undergone for the Commonwealth ; in Numidia againſt Fugurtha, Que-
ſtor; in the Cimbrian War, Lieutenant ; in Cilicia, Pretor; and in the
XVIII.
24
War

Воок І.
33
of Rome.
War with the Allies, Conſul ; beſides thoſe great things he came from do-
ing againſt Mithridates : Amplifying each Action in particular, and princi-
pally, the great number of Provinces he had reconquered from Mithridates;
and reduced under the obedience of the Roman People : But above all, he
put a value upon the Obligation they had to him, for having been the Re-
fuge of thoſe Roman Citizens driven from the City by the violence of Cinna,
and for having comforted and aſſiſted them in their Calamities and Diſtreſ-
ſes. Adding that for a full Acknowledgment of ſo many good deeds his E-
nemies had proſcribed and ſet a price upon his Head, demoliſhed his Houſe,
killed his Friends, and driven away his Wife and Children, who with much
difficulty eſcaped to him; but he ſhould now ſuddainly be in the City, where
he would revenge both private and publick Injuries, and puniſh the Authors
of theſe Diſorders, which notwithſtanding, he did not impute to any of the
Citizens, either Ancient or New. This Letter read in the Senate ſtruck a
terror into all the World ; wherefore they ſent to him Deputies to reconcile
him with his Enemies; with Order to tell him, that if he deſired any Secu-
rity, the Senate would become bound for what they agreed on, provided he
would forthwith declare his Intentions. And in the mean time they forbad
Cinna from making any new Levies, until Sylla had returned an Anſwer
Hereupon Cinna ſaid, that he would put all his Concerns into the hands of
the Senate. But ſcarce were the Deputies gone, but he deſigned himſelf
with his colleague Confuls for the following Year, that he might not be
obliged to return to the City to hold the Aſſembly. That done, they botlı
left Rome ; and coaſting all Italy, enrolled fome Legions, and ſent over ſea
veral Troops, one after another, to Dalmatia, with which they pretended
to go and meet Sylla. The firſt arrived ſafely at thoſe Ports where they de-
ſigned landing, but thoſe who embarked afterwards were by Storms caſt
back on the Coaſt of Italy: where the Soldiers coming again to their Homes,
proteſted that never by their good will would they bear Arins againſt their
Citizens : Which coming to the knowledge of others that were ready to de-
part, they refuſed to paſs into Dalmatia. Cinna enraged at this Refuſal,
gave them order to come to the Aſſembly, thinking to oblige them to obey
by force of threats. They came thither as angry as he; not ſticking to ſay,
that if they were too much preſſed upon, they knew how to defend them-
ſelves. But as he was going away, the Lictor, who marched before to
make way for him, having puſhed one of them to that purpoſe, a certain
Soldier returned him a Blow ; whereupon, the Conſul commanding the
Soldier to be arreſted, a great noiſe ſuddainly aroſe, which was followed by
throwing of Stones; and ſome that ſtood next to Cinna drawing their
Swords, ran him through and through. Cinna thus ſlain in his Conſulate,
Carbo cauſed thoſe Troops carried over into Dalmatia, to be brought back ;
and ſo doubtful he was what to do in this Conjunclure, that he durft not re-
turn to the City, though the Tribunes of the People had fummoned himi
to come, to the end he might in a lawful Aſſembly ſubſtitute another Con-
ſul in the place of him that was fiain. At laſt however, when they threat-
ned to reduce him to the Rank of private Men, he went and appeared at the
day appointed for the Nomination of a Conſul; but becauſe the Birds gave
ill Omens of that day, he adjourned the Aſſembly to a farther day, on whichi
the Thunder falling on the Temples of Luna and Ceres, the Augurs were
the occaſion that the Nomination of a Conſul was deferred till after the Sol-
ſtice, and that till then Carbo remained ſingly in that Dignity. Mean while
Sylla had returned in Anſwer to the Senate's Deputation, That he would
not contract Friendſhip with Men blackned with ſuch horrible Crimes,
Eee
However,


34
The Civil Wars
Part II
* Genouà.
However he would not hinder the People of Rome from giving them fecu-
rity, but there would be much more for thoſe who would joyn with him,
being Maſter of an Army affectionate to his intereſts. This word alone
was lufficient to make them believe he was reſolved to keep his Command,
and that he had a deſign to ſeiſe on the abſolute Dominion; for he demand-
ed likewiſe that they ſhould entirely reſtore his firſt Dignity, his Goods,
his Prieſthoods : and in ſhort, all the Honours that he had ; and indeed he
had ſent with the Deputies of the Senate fome to demand all theſe things,
but when they heard at Brundufium that Cinna was dead, and the Common-
wealth in trouble, they returned to find Sylla without proceeding farther.
Upon this report brought to him, he left Pyræum with five Italian Le-
XIX
gions, fix thouſand Horſe, and the Auxiliary Forces of Macedon and Pelo-
ponneſus, which amounted to about ſixty thouſand Men : from Pyræum he
came to Patras, from whence he paſſed over to Brundufium on a Fleet of
fix hundred Ships. He was received into the Port without any contra-
diction, and in acknowledgment of that feafcnable kindneſs, he granted
to the City an exemption from all kind of Impoſts for the future, which
they enjoy to this day. That done, he ſet forward with all his Forces, and
by the way met with Metellus Pius, who fome years before had com-
manded the Body of an Army in the War with the Allies; but not being
willing to return to the City, for fear of Cinna and Marius, was retired in-
to * Liguria expecting ſome change. Now therefore he came to offer Sylla
what Forces he had, having ſtill the Title of Proconſul; for when once
that Honour is attained, it laſts till he enjoys it returns to his Country.
Some time after Cn. Pompey, who afterwards gained the Title of Great,
Son of that Pompey who was killed with a Thunderbolt, came to him like-
wife. In former appearance he was no Friend to Sylla, but now he made
him lay aſide all ſuſpicion of him, by bringing with him a Legion out of
the Country of † Picene, where he was well beloved in memory of his
† Marches of Father's name, he raiſed two other Voluntier Legions ſoon after, and a-
mong all thoſe that took Syll e's Party none did him more important Ser-
vice : and though yet very young, Sylla had fo high a value for him, that
whoever arrived he was the only perſon for whom he roſe up from his Seat,
that he ſent him into Africa to put an end to the Remains of the War, quell
Carbo’s Party, and reeſtabliſh Hyempſal in his Kingdom, who had been
driven out by the Numidians, and that for the Actions he there did, he
granted him the Honour of Triumph, though he had not yet arrived to
the age preſcribed by the Laws, and was then but a plain Knight. In ſo
much, that after fo fair beginnings, being advanced in age as well as repu-
tation, he was ſent againſt Sertorius in Spain, and afterwards to the King-
dom of Pontus againſt Mithridates. Cethegus likewife came to meet Sylla,
though he had been the greateſt Enemy he had, and was therefore baniſh-
ed with Cinna and Marins, but now he preſented himfelf before Sylla in
the condition of a Suppliant, offering him to ſerve him in all he ſhould be
pleaſed to employ him. Thus beholding himſelf fortified with a great
number of Soldiers and ſtore of illuſtrious Friends whom he made his
Lieutenants, he placed himſelf at the Head of his Army with Metellus,
both being Proconfuls; for Sylla going to the War againſt Mithridates in
Quality of Proconful, had not yet quitted that Dignity, though Cinna had
declared him Enemy to the State. He mortally hated thoſe that had offend-
ed him, but he kept his hatred cloſe, for which reaſon thoſe which re-
mained in the City knowing his temper, were forely terrified. They had
Ancona,

Hot

Book I.
of Rome.
35
not forgot what paſſed the firſt time he entred in Arms, they knew he was
incenſed at the Sentences given againſt him, they faw his Houſe pulled
down, his Goods confiſcate, his Friends killed, and his Family in flight, who
very hardly eſcaped; and therefore thought they muſt reſolve to overcome,
or utterly to periſh, ſo that in this common fear they threw themſelves into
the Conſuls Party, and began to fetch from all parts of Italy Soldiers; Pro-
viſions and Money with all the diligence neceſſary in extreme danger. The
Conſuls C. Norbanus and L. Scipio, and with them Carbo Conlul the year
precedirg (who hated Sylla as much as the others, but feared him more,
out of a remorſe for the injuries he had done him) after having levyed
Soldiers throughout all Italy, took the Field with each his Body of an Army,
They had at firſt but two hundred and fifty Men in each Cohort, but foon
after they found many more; for all people had a far greater inclination for
the Conſuls than for Sylla, becauſe Sylla ſeemed to come againſt the City
like an Enemy, whilſt the Conſuls fought for their Country: but this was
only in appearance, for in truth they laboured only for themſelves. Beſides
the vulgar ſenſible they were ſliarers in the fault, were carried on to defend
it by the ſame fear, and no perſon was ignorant that Sylla had not ſimply
the thought of chaſtiſing, reforming, or itriking terrour, but that he me
ditated upon Sackings, Burnings, Maſſacres, and in a word, the general
ruine of the City. And ſurely, they were not deceived : all places they
foon found facked and filled with ſlaughter
by the continual Fights, in which
there periſhed fometimes ten thouſand, ſometimes twenty thouſand in one
only Engagement, and at once in and about the City fifty thouſand, where
yet the Conquerour forgot no cruelty he could exerciſe on the Remainder
as well in general as particular, till in the end he reduced the Roman Em-
pire under his Dominion, and diſpoſed of it at pleaſure. They received
from on High preſages of theſe miſeries by a great number of Prodigies,
Ghoſts preſented themſelves to an infinite many people throughout all Italy,
as well alone as in company; they ſet themſelves to examine ancient Ora-
cles, where they ſtill found matter of greater fear and diſtraction: a Mule
engendred, a Woman was delivered of a Serpent, a great Earthquake o-
verthrew fome Temples in the City. And though the Senate and People
of Rome keep conſtant watch againſt ſuch Accidents, the Capitol built by
the Kings above four hundred years before was ſet on fire, none could tell
how. And indeed theſe were all Signs which threatened Italy with Mur-
ders and Deſolations, and the Roman People with Servitude, and that
Change which was to happen in the Common-wealth. The beginning of
this War, accounting from the time that Sylla landed at Brundufium, hap-
pened in the hundred ſeventy fourth Olympiad. The Actions of it were
much greater, than the time of its continuance long; for each party run-
ning with fury to the ruine of the other, the loſſes they ſuſtained were ſo
much the greater and more quick, yet it laſted three years, till ſuch time
as Sylla made himſelf Maſter of the State ; and even after Sylla's death it
yet continued a long time in Spain. There was through all Italy many
Fights and Skirmiſhes, Sieges and other Exploits of War in great number,
and very remarkable, as well in Pitch'd Battels as in Rencounters. We
will only relate thoſe Actions are moſt conſiderable, and beſt worthy me-
mory, and that the moſt ſuccinctly we can.
The firſt Battel fought was about Canula between the Conſul Norbanus
and the Proconfuls, wherein the Conſul loft fix thouſand men, and thoſe
of the other Party only ſeventy, but they had many wounded, and Nor-
Eee 2
banus

36
PART II.
The Civil Wars
banus retreated to Capua. After which, the Proconfuls being encamped
near Theana, L. Scipio led againſt them another Army, more difpofed to
Peace than War, which being obſerved by the Chiefs of the contrary Par-
ty, they ſent Deputies to the Conſul to treat of an Accommodation, not
that they hoped to ſucceed, or that they ſtood in need of it, but with de
ſign to fów Diſſention among Troops not very fiercely ſet on, as indeed it
happened; for Scipio, after having received Hoſtages, went into the ad
jacent Fields to confer with the others, whom he found there likewiſe,
They were but three of a fide, ſo that it was not known what paſſed in the
Conference, fave only that they remained of accord, that Sertorius by the
Conſul's order ſhould go and find his Colleague to communicate with him,
and that while they ſtaid for an anſwer, there ſhould be a Ceſſation of Arms.
But Sertorius having feiſed upon Sueſja that held for Sylla, and he making
complaint to Scipio, whether he had conſented to it, or knew not what to
anſwer, ſurpriſed as he was with the unexpected news, he reſigned up the
Hoſtagesto Sylla ; whereupon the Army offended at the Action Sertorius
had ſo unſeaſonably done, and at the redelivery of the Hoſtages, began to
blame the Confuls, and cauſed Sylla to be privately informed, that if he
would draw a little nearer, they would all come over to him. This com-
poſition made, the Conſul found himſelf fo forſaken, that he knew not
what to reſolve, he was taken alone in his Tent by Sylla’s Men, having no
body with himbut Lucius, his Son. But certainly it feems to me a thing un-
worthy of a General not to have the forefight to perceive fo great a Con-
{piracy of a whole Army. Sylla not being able, whatever he could plead to
them, to make the Conſul or his Son take his part, diſmiſſed them both
without any injury done ; and at the ſame time ſent other Deputies to Ca-
pua, to treat the peace with Norbanus, whether he indeed feared, ſeeing
the moſt part of Italy took the Conſuls part, or whether he laid the ſame
ſnares for him he had done for Scipio ; but ſeeing no one came to him, nor
that any anſwer was returned him (for it's probable the Conful took care
not to give his Army occaſion of like ſcandal) he took the Field to march
againſt Norbanus, waſting all the Country as he went ; Norbanus on the
other fide did the like, and Carbo went before to the City, to declare Me-
tellus and all the other Senators who were joyned to Sylla, Enemies to the
Senate and People of Rome. 'Twas at this time that the Capitol took fire,
about which ran divers reports, ſome accuſed Carbo, others ſuſpected the
Conſuls, others ſaid Sylla had cauſed it to be done. But it being hard to
diſcover the truth of ſo uncertain a thing, we will leave it in its incertain-
ty. For Sertorius, who fometime before had obtained the Government of
Spain, after having taken Sueſſa, he went into his Province, where refuſal
being made him of quitting the Command, the Roman Armies had enough
to ſuffer. Mean while the Conſuls Forces increaſed dayly by the great num-
ber of Soldiers that came from the fartheſt parts of Italy and Gaul, about
the Po: and Sylla on his ſide did not ſleep, he continually ſent Meſſengers
to all the People of Italy to draw them to his Party, either by inclination,
or fear, or money, or by the power of promiſes, inſomuch that the reſt
of the Summer was conſumed in theſe Affairs. In the beginning of the
next year were named for Conſuls Papirius Carbo for the ſecond time, and
Marius Son to the Brother of the illuſtrious Marius, of but ſeven and
twenty years old, and becauſe in this Seafon the Colds were too great,
each Party drew into Garriſons, but as foon as the Spring was come on,
there was fought by the River Eſis between Metellus and Carmus Lieutenant
to Carbo, a very fierce Battel, which laſted from Morning to Night,
wherein



Book I.
of Rome.
37
*
wherein the Lieutenant being defeated, with a great loſs of Men; the
Neighbouring Places that held for the Romans yielded to Metellus: but
Carbo having reached Metellus, beſieged him till ſuch time as underſtanding
that his colleague had been defeated in a great Battel near* Prænefte, he
*Paleſtrina.
brought off his Forces to Rimini, purſued by Pompey, who ſorely galled
his Rear-Guard. Now the defeat of Preneſte was thus, Sylla having ſeiſed
on † Setia, Marius drew thither with his Forces, then falling off by little + šezzi.
and little, when he came to Sacriport he drew up in order of Battel; Sylla
having done the like, they fought bravely, till Marius's Left Wing begin-
ning to ſtagger, five Cohorts and two Squadrons, who had turned their
backs of ſet purpoſe, threw down their Colours, and went all and yielded
to Sylla; which was the ſole occaſion of the Rout ; for all the reſt preſently
took their flight towards Prænefte, Sylla ſtill following them cloſe at the
Heels. The Præneſtines let the firſt that preſented themſelves enter; but
becauſe the Enemy was ſo cloſe in the Rear of them, they ſhut their Gates,
and drew up Marius over the Wall with Ropes; and now there was a great
Slaughter before the Walls, and many Priſoners taken, among which all
that were found to be Samnites were by Sylla's command cut in pieces, as
obſtinate Enemies of the Roman Name. About the ſame time Metellus
defeated another Army of Carbo's, five Cohorts having come over to his
Party in the heat of the Fight, which much advanced the VictoryPom-
pey likewiſe beat Marįus about Siena, and took and facked the City. As for
Sylla, after having fhut up Marius in Præneſte, he cauſed the place to be
encompaſſed with a very large Circumvallation, which he gave in charge
to Lucretius Offella, that he might take the Conſul by Famine, there being
no neceflity of Fighting. He ſeeing his Affairs deſperate, and unwilling
his Enemies ſhould furvive him, wrote to Brutüs Prætor of the City, that
he ſhould call the Senate upon any other pretence, and then cauſe Antiftiuss
the other Carbo, with Lucius Domitius and Mutius Scavola the High Prieſts
to be flain. The two firſt according to Marius's order were killed in the
Senate by Murderers ſent thither, Domitius flying, was ſlain at the Door,
and Scavola at ſome diſtance from the Palace. Their Bodies were caſt into
the River ; for the cuſtom was now grown ripe, not to ſuffer Burial to be
given to thoſe were flain, Mean time, Sylla drew off his Forces towards
Rome by ſeveral ways, with order to feiſe on the Gates, and if they were
repulſed to retire to Oſtia, which way foever they marched the terrour of
their Arms made the Cities receive them, and Rome it felf ſhut not her
Gates ; for the Citizens were ftraitened with Famine , and already ac-
cuſtomed no more with ſtubborneſs to refift Calamities at hand. As foon
as Sylla had this intelligence he immediately advanced, and drawing up his
Army in Battalia in the field of Mars before the Gate, entred the City,
where not finding one of the contrary Faction, he forthwith confiſcated
their Goods, and publickly fold them; and aſſembling the people, com-
plained, that he had been forced by the malice of his Enemies to come to
theſe Extremities, exhorting the Citizens to take courage, with promiſe
they ſhould in a few days behold the end of their miferies, and the re-efta-
bliſhment of the Common-wealth.
After having applyed fome remedies to the moſt preſſing Diſtempers, XXI.
and left a Garriſon in the City, he marched
towards * Cluſa, where there * Chinfi.
was yet a Remain of War not to be neglected. Whilſt he was at Rome
ſome Celtiberian Horſe ſent from the Prætors of Spain were joyned with the
Conſul's Army, which occafioned a Fight betwixt the Horſemen near the
River

38
PART II.
The Civil War's
River Glanis, where Silla's Horſemen had the better, he killed about five
hundred of the Enemy, and two hundred and ſeventy Celtiberians came
over to his ſide; all the reſt Carbo cauſed to be cut in pieces, either to re-
Shin venge the treachery of their Countrymen, or for fear his Men ſhould fol-
low their example. At the very inſtant of this Victory, Sylla's Party fight-
ing againſt their Enemies about Saturnia, defeated them, and Metellus go-
ing by Sea to the Borders of Ravenna, reduced under his obedience the
Country of the Uritanians, which is a vaſt Champain very fruitful in Corn,
Another Body of Sylla's Men entring by night into Naples by treaſon put all
to the Sword (ſave a few that eſcaped by flight) and made themſelves
Maſters of all thoſe People's Galleys. As for what paſſed at Clufa, Sylla
fought a whole day together againſt Carbo , and the Field was ſo reſolutely
maintained, that only night parted them, Victory inclining neither to one
fide nor the other. But in the Country of Spoletto Pompey and Craffus both
Lieutenants to Sylla cut in pieces about three thouſand of Carbo's Men, and
kept Carinas, who commanded them, blocked up, till Carbo ſent another
Army to relieve him,of whoſe March Sylla having intelligence,croſſed their
way, and charged ſo briskly, that he left about two thouſand in the place :
but yet Carinas taking the opportunity of a dark and rainy night, eſcaped
from the Beſiegers hands, who though they knew it well enough,yet let him
paſs becauſe of the cruel weather. The ſame Carbo, to reſcue his Colleague
Marius beſieged in Præneſte, and ready to periſh with Famine, fent Marcius
with eight Legions, whom Pompey, that lay in ambuſh for him, ſo vigo-
rouſly aſſaulted, that he flew the greateſt part, and forced the reſt to retreat
to a riſing ground, where he inveſted them; but Marcius cauſing great
Fires to be kindled, to make the Enemy believe he ſtill was there, marched
off cloſely in the dark, but his Army imputing to him the fault committed
in falling into the Ambuſcade, mutinyed, and whether he would or no
took their march towards Rimini, where the greateſt part diſbanding
themſelves, went home ; fo that Marius had but ſeven Cohorts left, with
which after all theſe misfortuues he went to find out Carbo. After this
M. Lamponius, Pontus Telefonus and Gutta of Capua being upon their
March with ſeventy thouſand Men, as well Lucanians as Samnites, to go
and diſengage Marius ; Sylla feiſed of a certain Strait, by which only they
could paſs to go to Preneſte, ſo that they were forced to return without
doing any thing. And now the Conſul falling from all hopes of being re-
lieved, cauſed a Fort to be raiſed in a ſpacious place between the City and
Trenches, whither he brought Engines, and drew together all his Forces
with intention to make Lucretius retire, and open himſelf a paſſage by Sal-
ly: but after divers continued endeavours for many days he ſhut himſelf
up again within the Walls of Preneſte. About the ſame time Carbo and
Norbanus after a long hard March perceived themſelves towards Evening
to be near Metellus his Camp, and though there were but an hour more of
daylight, and that they ſaw all about the Vineyards lay very thick, yet
they drew up their Army in Battalia with more paſſion than prudence.
They thought to fright Metellus by this furprize, but both tiine and place
being diſadvantageous to them, they fell one upon another, and were fo
cruelly defeated, that they left ſix thouſand upon the place, fix thouſand
yielded to Metellus, and the reſt fled every man his way, ſo that a thou-
fand only retreated in order to Arezzo. Upon the news of this defeat a Le-
gion of Lucanians commanded by Albinovanus, joyned with Metellus's
Party, and that in deſpite, as it were, of their General, who yet not lo-
ſing courage, went to find out Norbanus; and yet after all this, having un-
herhand

Book I.
of Rome.
39
derhand treated with Sylla, upon condition to do ſome memorable ſervice,
he invited Norbanus to a Treat with his Lieutenants C. Apuſtius and Flavius
Fimbria Brother to that Fimbria who killed himſelf in Aſia, together with
all the Officers of Carbo’s Party, who being all met ſave only Norbanus, he
cauſed them to be ſlain in the midſt of the Feaſt, and yielded himſelf to
Sylla. After this Treachery Norbanus hearing that Rimini becauſe of this
accident, and of ſome Armies that lay nigh to it had likewiſe fallen off to
Sylla's Party, and believing (as it generally happens to all men in declining
fortune) that he could no longer confide in the friendſhip of any man, em-
barqued on a Veffel belonging to a private man, and got fafe to Rhodes,
whither Sylla having ſent to demand him, whilſt the Rhodians were con-
ſulting about it he flew himſelf in the midſt of the place: Carbo yet ſent
two Legions under the command of Damaſippus to Preneſte, to raiſe that
Siege with all ſpeed poſſible, but they could no more than the others force
Sylla's Men poſted in the Strait. Befide all this, all the Ciſalpine Gauls
yielded to Metellus; and Lucullies encountring another Army of Carbo's
near Placentia, gained the Victory; ſo that this General after ſo many
loſſes, though he had ſtill thirty thouſand Men about Cluſaz the two Legions
with Damaſippus, and two others commanded by Carinas and Marcius, be-
fides a great number of Samnites continually engaging with Sylla’s Men to
drive them from the Strait where they were poſted, loft all hopes, and fled
to Africa with his Friends, in which he certainly committed a great weak-
neſs to leave Italy being Conſul, as if after having loſt it, he could make
himſelf Maſter of Africa. The Army which he left at Cluſa engaging
with Pompey, after the loſs of twenty thouſand Men, diſperfed, and every
man returned home. As for Carinas, Marcius and Damaſippus having joyn-
ed Forces they marched towards the Strait of which we have ſo often ſpoke,
hoping with the aſſiſtance of the Samnites to come to a good iſſue, but not
fucceeding better than others before them, they advanced towards Rome,
which they thought might eaſily be taken, wanting both Men and Provi-
fion, and went and pitched their Camp upon the Alban Hill at the * tenth * Ten miles of
Stone. But now Sylla, who was afraid for the City, cauſed the Vanguard
of his Horſe to adyance firſt to retard the Enemies March, and himſelf
following with the reft of his Forces by great journies arrived about noon at
the Colline Gate, and went and encamped near the Temple of Venus. The
Enemies were likewiſe encamped on the Skirts of the City, fo that though
the Sun were declining, the two Armies came to a Pitched Battel, Sylla's
Right Wing had the better of it, but his Left Wing being over-born, fled
towards the Gates, where the old men that were upon the Walls ſeeing
that the Conquerors and Conquered ran pell-mell together, let fall the
Portcullis, which' by it's fall cruſhed in pieces many Soldiers, and likewiſe
fome Senators. Then the greater Party forced through fear and neceſſity
turned head upon the Enemies, and having continued the Fight all night
cut in pieces a great number, among whom were found Teleſinus and Al-
banus. Their Camp was taken, and Lamponius, Lucanius, Marcius, Cari-
nas and all thoſe Officers of Carbo's ſide that efcaped took their flight feve-
ralways. The number of the dead on both ſides was adjudged to amount
to fifty thouſand, and that of the Priſoners more than eight thouſand: of
which the greateſt part being Samnites, Sylla cauſed them all to be ſlain by
his Bowmen. On the morrow, Marcius and Carinas being taken in their
flight, Sylla pardoned them not, though his Fellow Citizens, but cauſing
their Heads to be cut off, fent them to Lucretius to be carried about the
Walls of Prænefte: When the Beſieged faw them, and underſtood that all
Carbo's

40
The Civil War's
PART II.

Carbo’s Fórces were loſt, that Norbanus was fled from Italy; and in a
word, that the City it ſelf was in Sylli's power, they yielded up the place.
Marius run into a Mine to hide, but there ſoon after flew himſelf. His
Head was carried to Sylla, who ſet it up before the Tribunal for Orations,
with ſome Railleries about the Conſuls Age, who ought to have exerciſed
himſelf at the Oar before he took the Helm. Lucretius become Maſter of
Preneſte, found there many Senators ; ſome of which he cauſed to be ſlain,
others he put in Priſon, till Sylla coming upon the place, put them likewiſe
to death : For the Soldiers, he cauſed them to march into the Field unarm-
ed; and after having picked out ſome that had ſerved him, he divided the
others into three Bands; the Romans were ſet in one place, the Samnites
in another, and the Præneftines in a third : Then he cauſed the Romans to
be told by Cryers, that they had deſerved death, but however he pardoned
them; the reſt were all ſlain, only the Women and Children were ſaved
;
and the City, which was one of the richeſt of thoſe times, was plundered.
Preneſte being treated in this manner, yet the City of Norba held out ſtout-
ly, till ſuch time as Emilius Lepidus getting in one night by Treaſon, the
Inhabitants mad with rage and deſpight, found a way to die; fome by
their own Swords, others mutually killed each other, others died by
ſtrangling, and fome, after having ſhut faſt the Doors of their houſes, ſet
fire to them; which inflamed by a ſuddain Wind, at once devoured them
and all that ſhould have been the Soldiers Prey. The taking of Norba put
an end to this War, which had been the occaſion of ſo many miſeries to
both ſides, and by Fire and Sword to all Italy. And now, the better to fé-
cure the Victorious Party, Sylla’s Lieutenants went through all the Towns,
and placed Garriſons in ſuch as were ſuſpected; and Pompey had Commiſ
fion to go and purſue the Remainder of the War in Africa againſt Carbo,
and in Sicily againſt thoſe ſtill held his Party.
XXII. Sylla now become Maſter of Rome, called an Aſſembly of the People;
where having ſpoken haughtily of his Actions, and ſaid a great many things
to ſtrike terror into the People, he concluded his Diſcourſe with ſaying he
would make the people's condition better than it was, ſo they would obey
him, but he would pardon none of his Enemies; on the contrary, there
ſhould be no Puniſhment nor Calamity which he would not make them un-
dergo : And ſince Scipio had broke his Word with him,would likewiſe do all
he could to deſtroy thoſe had favoured the contrary Party, without ſparing
Pretors, Quæſtors or Tribunes. The Affembly was ſcarce broke up,but he pro-
ſcribed forty Senators and fixteen hundred Knights;for it is ſaid that he was
the firſt Inventor of the Profcription of Heads, and the firſt that propoſed
Rewards to Murderers and Diſcoverers of thoſe Unfortunate Wretches
that hid themſelves, and decreed Penalties againſt thoſe who diſcovered
them not. Some time after he added likewiſe other Senators to the num-
ber of the Proſcribed ; ſome of which were ſlain before they heard
any
thing of it, in whatſoever place they were found; in the Streets, in their
Houſes, in the Temples. They hanged ſeveral whom they came and threw
dead at Sylla's feet; they dragged along others, fet their feet upon their
Throats, whilſt at all theſe horrible Spectacles no one durſt ſay a word.
Some they drove from the City, deſpoiled others of their Goods: And
thoſe ſent into the Country to ſearch for them that fled, ran up and down
every where, ſearched in every hole, and murdered as many as they could
find. The Allies who had obeyed the Orders of Carbo, Norbanus or Mari-
us, or their Lieutenants, fared no better ; all places were filled with Malfa-
cres,




Book 1
of Rome.
41
cres, Plundring and Baniſhment. Throughout all Italy they fer themſelves
to inform of theſe things, as of greate crimes, to be ſeverely puniſhed,
who had born Arms, commanded Iroops, furniſhed Money, or done any
Service againſt Sylla, though it were but giving Counſel to his Enemies; fo
that Men accuſed their Hoſts, their friends, their Creditors and their
Debtors. Some were made criminal for only having given ſome relief to
thoſe of the contrary Faction, and ſome for but travelling upon the Road
with them. But above all, the rich Men were in greateſt danger. After
the Acculations againft particular Perſons were over, Sylla undertook to
puniſh whole Bodies of People, which he did in divers manners; he demo-
liſhed the Forts and raſed the Walls of ſome, layed great Fines upon others,
tormented others with cruel Exactions, tranſplanted others to another
Country, that he might give their Lands to his Soldiers who had ſerved him
in the War; to the end, that they being planted in the moſt commodious
places of Italy, might reduce all people under his Obedience; which fixed
the Soldiery to his Intereſt for the whole Courſe of their life : For they knew
they could not maintain themſelves in thoſe Inheritances, unleſs all that Syl-
la had done ſtood good; and therefore were always ready to maintain his
Authority, even after his death. Whilſt theſe things paffed in Italy, Carbo,
who had eſcaped out of Africa into Sicily, with many Perſons of Quality,
was taken flying from thence to Corcyra by people ſent after him by Pompey,
with Orders to kill all the reſt, without permitting them to ſee him; but for
Carbo, though he had been three times Conſul, he ſuffered him to lie bound at
his feet; where, after he had ſaid a thouſand crue things, he cauſed him to
be put to death, and ſent his head to Sylla. After he had thus treated his Ene-
mies to his hearts content, ſo that there remained none of the contrary Fa-
&tion but Sertorius, and he a great way off, he ſent Metellus into Spain a-
gainſt him, and began to diſpoſe of the Affairs of the City at his pleaſure.
There being now no regard to the Laws, or Votes, or any of the ancient
Formalities; all people hiding themſelves for fear, or at leaſt holding their
peace, the People and Senate of Rome ratifyed all that Sylla had done, as
well in his Charge of Conſul as in the Quality of Pro-Conſul; and cauſed
to be erected for him in the place for Orations a guilt Statue on Horſe-back,
with this Inſcription.
To CORNELIUS SYLLA, Emperor
the Happy.
For his Flatterers called him
happy, becauſe of the continual Succeſs of his
Arms againſt his Enemies; and it was only Flattery gave him that Sir-
name. I my ſelf found in certain Memoirs, that in the fame Seſſions of the
Senate, they gave him the Title of THE GRACIOUS; which I the
eaſier believe becauſe himſelf afterwards took the name of FOELIX, not
much different in ſignification from that of GRACIOUS. There was
likewiſe found an Oracle which confirmed him in the Reſolution of underta-
king all theſe things, and ran thus,
Fff
Believe,

42
Part II.
The Civil Wars
Believe, brave Roman, Venus guides thy Fate,
Knowing the ſprung from Great Æneas Line :
By mighty Actions then
advance thy State,
Sure of Aſiſtance from the Powers Divine.
But let not Gods their Favours caſt away;
Delphian Apollo waits for Gifts of thine.
And when War brings thee to Mount Taurus, pay
A Golden Axe to Carian, Venus Shrine.
However it were or whoever it was that wrote either of theſe two Epi-
thites on his Statue, in my opinion good Raillery might be made of either.
But they ſtopped not here to gain the good Grace of the Conqueror; they
ſent to that place an Axe with a Crown of Gold, and put on it this In-
fcription.
Great Venus, let this Gift Acceptance meet,
Which Sylla, head of Rome, lays at thy Feet,
Dreaming he ſaw thee ready for the Fight:
Provoke his Soldiers to maintain bis Right.
Being then in Effect King or Tyrant, fince he mounted not to this Supreme
Power by the conſent of the People, or the Authority of the Senate, but
by force; yet ſtanding in need of ſome pretence that he might ſeem lawfully
elected, he made uſe of this Artifice.
XXIII.
Formerly in Rome the moſt vertuous were Kings; and when any King di-
ed, the Senators by turns from five days to five days preſided over the Go-
vernment of the Commonwealth, till ſuch time as another, elected by the
Votes of the people, ſucceeded in the Kingdom; and this Five Days-Magi-
ſtrate was called Inter-rex. Afterwards when the Republick was governed
by Confuls, inſtead of Kings; only thoſe Conſuls going out of Office, had
Right to call an Aſſembly for the naming new; and if by any Accident they
happened to be wanting, they created an Inter-rex to preſide in the Affem-
bly. According to this cuſtom Sylla took the occaſion now there were no
Confuls in the Commonwealth, Carbo being cut off in Sicily, and Marius
in Præneſte; and retiring for ſome time out of the City, ſent word to the
Senate, they ſhould create an Inter-rex. The Senate having received his
Orders, gave that Dignity to Valerius Flaccus; hoping that by this means
they ſhould ſoon have an Aſſembly for the Election of new Conſuls. But
Sylla writ to Flaccus, to acquaint the Senate from him, that the preſent E-
ſtate of Affairs required they ſhould name a Dictator; not for a certain time,
as the ancient Cuſtom which had laſted four hundred years required; but
till the Affairs of the City, of Italy, and of the whole Empire, which till
now had been ſhaken with continual Wars, were ſettled and put in better
order. There is no doubt this new Propoſition meant only himſelf, and in-
deed he was not ſhy in ſhewing he deſired it; for in the end of the Letter he
wrote, that if the Fathers thought good, he offered himſelf to render that
Service to the Commonwealth. When this Letter was read in the City,
the Senate and people of Rome were grievouſly perplexed: They ſaw now
they muſt no more hope for a lawful Affembly, and that they were no lon-
ger Maſters; wherefore under the Mask of an Aſſembly, they willingly
accepted of this falſe. Appearance of Liberty granted them, and created

Воок І.
of Rome.
43
Sylla Tyrant, with an abſolute Power for as long time as he pleaſed; for
formerly the Dictatorſhip was a bounded Tyranny, for a certain time of
Short continuance : But having taken away theſe Bounds, there wanted no-
thing to make it an accompliſhed Tyranny. Yet they gave him a more ho-
neft name ; ſaying, that he was created Dictator to make ſuch Laws as he
ſhould judge profitable to the Commonwealth, and to apply neceſſary Or-
ders. Thus the People of Rome, who had been under the Dominion of
Kings about a liundred Olympiads; and almoſt as long under Popular Go-
vernment, where Conſuls preſided, and changed every Year'; returned
under a Form of Royalty in the Seventy fifth Olympiad of the Greeks :
there was now no fighting at the Olympick Games, nor any other Exerciſe
but running: For Sylla, after the War with Mithridates was ended, and
the Inteſtine Diſorders appeaſed, ſent for all the Combatants, and whate-
ver elſe could give any pleaſure to the City, under pretence to recreate the
people, wearied with ſo many Toyls. And that he miglit not ſeem to in-
croach upon the ancient form of Government, he permitted the People to
chufe Confuls. They gave that Dignity to M. Tullius and Cornelius Dolobel-
14, but he, in Quality of Dictator, reigned abſolutely, even over the Con
fuls themſelves for they carried before him four and twenty Axes, as they
did before the other Di&tators, and as formerly before the Kings; and lie
always went encompaſſed with Guards : Beſides, he cancelled Laws, and
made new ones. Among others he made one, by which he enacted, that
none for the future ſhould receive the Office of Prætor till he had been
Quæſtor, nor be Conful till he had been Prætor, nor obtain one Dignity
twice until ten years after he had exerciſed it. As for the Tribuneſhip, he
ſo enfeebled it, that it ſeemed quite under foot; making a Law, by which
it was enalted, that after being Tribune, no Man ſhould be admitted to any
other Dignity; ſo that no Perlon either of Quality, or deſirous of Honour,
would accept that Charge. Yet it is not poſitively certain whether it was
lie that transferred it from the People's Choice to the Senate's, as it is at pre-
ſent. However it were, ſeeing the Senators reduced to a ſmall number by
reaſon of the Tumults and Wars, he added three hundred, whom he took
from the principal Cavaliers ; yet not till having firſt demanded the Suf-
frage of the Aſſembly for each of them. He augmented likewiſe the num-
ber of the People with all the Slaves of the Profcripts, whom he found well
made, and in the Flower of their Age, to the number of ten thouſand, firſt
giving them their Liberty, then the Right df Freedom, with the name of
Cornelians, as their Benefactor. Thus he had always ten thouſand Citio
zens ready at the firſt beck. And to make himſelf Creatures throughout all
Italy, he divided, as hath been ſaid, among twenty three Legions great
Parcels of Land, part Publick, and part confiſcated from the Cities who fa-
voured the contrary Party. But he was fo terrible haſty and cholerickupon
the leaſt occafion, that he cauſed Lucretius Offella, who took Preneſte, and
gave the last ſtroke to the War, to be ſlain in the midſt of the place, becauſe
being only of the Order of Knights, and having never paſt the Degrees of
Quæſtor or Prætor, againſt the new Law, he ſtood for the Conſulate, con-
trary to the Dictator's mind, and in deſpight of thoſe warnings he had gi-
ven him to deſiſt the purſuit of it; grounding himſelf upon this, that he
had ſerved him well in his War. After this Adion, he thus ſpoke in full
Afſembly Hall
si891005 swoq
DE 18)
DO E f f a
v The
Site ovog hotguns zou blauw od stalnost fit!

44
PART II.
The Civil Wars
The Oration of Sylla.
K
Now, Gentlemen, and take my Word for it, that Lucretius was ſlain by
my Order, becauſe he would not do what I commanded him. Then he
added this Fable, A Labourer troubled with Lice that bit him as he wrought,
twice interrupted his Work, to ſearch his Shirt; but finding they bit ſtill, he
pulls off his Shirt, and throws it into the Fire. This I tell you, that the Vanquiſh-
ed may be adviſed, left Firebe the Puniſhment of their third Relapſe.
So that having terrified them by this diſcourſe, he rendred them ever af-
ter abſolutely ſubmiſſive to his Will and Command. After this he tri-
umphed for the Victory obtained againſt Mithridates; and in time of Tri-
umph all men having liberty to ſay what they pleaſe, there were ſome gibe-
ing People that called his Government a diſavowed Royalty ; becauſe,
though he was King in effect, yet he would not take the Title : Others, on
the contrary, called it by its proper name, that is to ſay, a manifeſt Tyran-
ny. This City being fallen into this ſad degree of Miſery by the Civil War,
and Italy in like manner : The Provinces were not exempt, ſome having
been ruined either by the Pyrates or by Mithridates, or by Sylla; others
almoſt undone by new Impoſts, after the Publick Treaſure had been exhau-
fted by the continual Seditions. For all Nations, all Kings in Amity, all
Cities; not only thoſe Tributary, but likewiſe the Allies, and thoſe that
for Services done the State had been made free : In a Word, all that depen-
ded on the Roman Empire, were conſtrained to pay Tribute, and ſubmit to
the Will of Sylla ; in fo much that ſome places, to which by folemn Treaties
they had granted Ports and Lands, were not exempt. We have elſewhere
ſpoke of a certain Alexander, Son to another Alexander, King of Egypt;
who being bred up in the Idle of Coos, the Inhabitants delivered him to Mi-
thridates : Now this Alexander flying for Refuge to Sylla, and gaining his
favour, he gave him to Alexandria for their King, under pretence that
there were no more Males of the Royal Line, and that the Daughters of
the Blood-Royal could not marry, unleſs to one of their Kin; and indeed,
out of hope to draw good ſtore of Money out of ſo rich a Kingdom. But
when this new King, upheld by Sylla's Favour, began to reign too inſolent-
ly, the Alexandrians drew him out of his Palace on the nineteenth day of
his Reign and flew him in the midſt of the Place for Exerciſes ; ſo much
boldneſs they ſtill had, either becauſe of their vaſt Riches, or becauſe they
were ignorant of the Calamities of other Nations, of which they had no ex-
perience. osigo: 1o Limon
KISHA
stoso
vyfoto
The Year following Sylla, thoughi Dictator, permitted the making of
Conſuls, to repreſent fome Form of a Commonwealth ; and was himſelf
Colleague with Metellus Pius: From whence perlaps that Cuſtom took
Birth, which is to this day practiſed by the Roman Emperors; who have
the power to create Conſuls at their pleaſure, to take that Honour to them-
felves, and think it a fine thing to joyn the Conſulſhip to the Sovereign Au-
thority. The Year following, the People, to flatter Sylla, having offered
him the Conſulate, he would not accept it, but gave that Dignity to Servi-
XXIV.
lins

Book I.
of Rome.
45
lius Ifaurius and Claudius Pulcher. And for his part, not long after he de-
poſed hiinſelf voluntarily from his Dictatorſhip, without any Man's propo-
ſing it to him: Which certainly appears to me a thing worthy of all Adini-
ration, that this man, the moſt powerful of the Age he lived in, ſhould of
his own accord quit ſo great an Empire; not to his Son, as Ptolemy in E-
gypt, Ariobarzanes in Cappadocia, and Seleucus in Syria ; but in favour of
thoſe over whom he had exerciſed an inſupportoble Tyranny, and indeed
it ſeems quite contrary to Reaſon; for why ſo much Toyl and Labour ?
Why expoſe himſelf to ſo many dangers, to raiſe him to this high Authori-
ty? Only to lay it down by his own Free Will. And I wonder no leſs at
this; that Rome being ſtill peopled, after having loſt more than a hundred
thouſand Men in this War, of whom ninety were Senators of the contra-
ry faction, fifteen Conſulars, two thouſand fix hundred Knights, com-
prizing thoſe baniſhed of that Order, whoſe Goods had been confiſca-
ted, and many of their Bodies left without Burial. Sylla, notwithſtand-
ing finding himſelf in Security both at home and abroad; without fearing
thoſe whole Forts he had demoliſhed, whoſe Walls he had thrown down,
whofe Goods he had pillaged, whoſe Immunities he had deprived them
of, returns of himſelf to the Condition of a Private Man, fuch was his Bold-
neſs or his good fortune. It is ſaid, that when he depoſed himſelf from
his Dictatorſhip, in the middle of the place he cryed aloud, that he was
ready to render an Account of his Actions to any one that demanded it,
and at the ſame time ſending away his Lictors with their Axes, difmiſſed
his Guards, and walked yet a long time with ſome few of his friends only,
before all the Multitude, aſtoniſhed at this Change as at a prodigy. In
the Evening he returned to his houſe, none preſenting themſelves to com
plain againit him; fave one young Fellow, who not being hindred by any,
had the Impudence to revile him with words: And he who had poured
out his Anger againſt ſo great men, and againſt whole Cities, ſuffered
with patience the reproaches of this Correction, by ſaying as he went in-
to his houſe, either by natural Foreſight or Inſpiration from above ; This
Boy will be the occaſion, that if any after me obtains the like Dignity, they will
never lay it down. The Event of which Prediction ſoon after happened:
For Cæfar mounted to a like Eſtate, would not defcend. Sylla then immo-
derate (at leaſt in my opinion) in all he deſired, being by the favour
of Fortune, from a private man become a Monarch; would from a Mo-
narch become a private man, and ſpend the reſt of his life in the Coun-
try. So retiring to an Eſtate near Cuma, he divertized himſelf with Fiſh-
ing and Hunting, not that he was weary of a private life in the City, or
need be troubled for want of Armies to Command, if he had a deſire to
undertake any thing, for he was yet young and vigorous , and had
throughout all Italy about Sixfcore Thouſand Men bred up in Fighting
under his Banners, and who poſſeſſed Lands and great Eſtates by his Li-
berality; beſides the Ten Thouſand Cornelians of the City fixed to his In-
tereft, with thoſe of his Faction who all together hated and feared by
the contrary Party, and could no way hope to avoid the revenge of thoſe
miſchiefs they had done to others, but by his preſervation. But I believe
that finding himſelf glutted with Wars, and Dominion, and City Affairs,
lie began to love a Country life. After that he had laid down the Sove-
raign Power, the people ſeeing themſelves delivered from Tyranny, and
from the fear wherein they lived, ſuffered themſelves by little and little to
be carried on to new ſeditious, matter to which was furniſhed by the Con-
fuls themſelves, Catulus one of them was of Sylla's faction and his colleague
Emilias

46
Part II.
The Civil Wars
Emilius Lepidus on the contrary party, they mortally hated each other
and from the begiming of their Conſulate, fo little concord was perceived
between them then, that no man doubted but their diviſion would cauſe
new miſeries in the Common-wealth. Mean while Sylla retired in his foli-
tude, dream'd one night that Deſtiny called him ; wherefore as ſoon as it
was light he roſe, and after having told his Friends his Dream, that day
made his Will, which was no ſooner ſealed, but the Fever feiſed him, lo
that the night following was the laſt of his life. His death immediately
gave occaſion of new troubles ; for one ſide were of opinion, that his Bo-
dy ſhould be carried in Funeral Pomp through Italy, and fo being brought
to the City, they ſhould give him Burial in the place at the publick Ex-
pence: which Lepidus and thoſe of his Faction oppoſed : however Catulus
and Sylla's Party carried it. So his Body was brought through Italy upon a
Litter all covered with Gold, and adorned wirh Royal Ornaments, before
which marched at the found of a great many Trumpets Men carrying
Axes and other Enſigns of the Dictatorſhip: the Light Horſe, and Men
at Arms armed Cap-a-pee followed next all about the Litter, which was
followed by his Lieutenants and Tribunes in Arms, all following each other
in their order and Degree to honour his Funerals. The People likewiſe
ran in from all parts in ſuch vaſt numbers, that never were ſuch crowds
ſeen; but when the Corps entred the City, the Pomp augmented much,
before were carried above two thouſand Crowns of Gold, which the Cities
and Legions which he had commanded, and his own particular Friends had
cauſed to be made to preſent him with : beſides there were many other
Magnificencies not to be expreſſed; and becauſe there was ſome reaſon to
fear for the great concourſe of Soldiery which were in the City, endea-
vours were uſed to bring things in order... The Corps then being conduct-
ed by the Prieſts and Veſtals, each in their degree, after them marched
all the Senate with the Officers, adorned with marks of their Dignity, next
a Troop of Roman Knights, and at laſt aomultitude of Soldiers that had
ſerved under him; for upon the report of liis death they made all the hafte
they could to come to his Funerals, with gilt Enſigns and Bucklers inlaid
with Silver, as the faſhion is at this day. There were likewiſe between di-
ſtance and diſtance Trumpets that founded fome mournful air. There was
nothing heard but fortunate acclamations of the Senate, Knights, Soldiers
and People. Some lamented Sylla, others feared him yet, though dead,
and the prefent ſpectacle did not terrifie them leſs than the remembrance of
his paſt actions; ſo that his Friends and Enemies remained of accord in this,
that to the laſt day of his life he was uſeful to the one, and dreadful to the
other : his Corps being fet down in the place for Orations, the moſt elo-
quent Orator of the Age, mounting the Tribunal
, inade his Funeral Ora-
ration, becauſe his Son Fauftus was not yet of age to pay him that Office.
After the Oration, ſome of the ſtrongeſt Senators took the Litter upon
their Shoulders, and carried it to the Field of Mars, where they had been
accuſtomed to give Rights of Sepulture to none but Kings, and whilft the
Corps burnt, the Knights and all the Soldiery kept marching round about
the Pile. stolus larq air di veneris boobben vorrülsid
bois soinino brz is
Win intraban
Scarce were Sylla's Funeral Ceremonies finiſhed, but the Conſuls, as
they returned began to quarrel with each other, and the people of the City
were divided in their favour. Lepidiis, to curry favour with the people of
Italy, having faid, That he would reſtore them the Lands Sylla had taken
away; whereupon the Senate, who feared them both, obliged them to
promiſe
XXV.

Book 1.
of Rome.
47
promiſe upɔn oath they would not take up Arms. Mean while, Lepidus,
to whom Gallia Ciſalpina fell, in dividing the Provinces, fraid till after the
Aſſembly for ele&tion of Magiſtrates, as if the year of his Conſulate being
paſt, he had been diſcharged from his Oath, and free to make War upon
Sylla's Party. But his Deſigns being known to all the world, the Fathers
ſent him command to return to the City, and he knowing the cauſe of his
revocation, ſets forward with all his Forces, with a reſolution to enter
Rome with them, which being forbid him, he cauſes his command to be
proclaimed in the City for all thoſe of his party to take up Arins. Catulus
on his part does the like, ſo there was a Battel fought between them, a lit-
tle diſtance from the Field of Mars. Lepidus was defeated, and forced to
fly into Sardinia, where he died of Sickneſs; and his Army, after having
troubled and over-run ſome places of Italy, mouldred away by little and
little, what remained of it was carried by Perpenna to Sertorius into Spain,
who being the only General remaining of all Sylla's Enemies, made yet
eight years War upon the Romans; they had a vaſt trouble to put an end
to this War, having not only the Spaniards to deal with, but likewiſe their
own Citizens under the conduct of Sertorius, who having obtained the
Government of that Province in the time he commanded Carbo's Forces a
gainſt Sylla, had retired into Spain in Quality of Prætor, after having taken
Sueffa during the Truce. This Government was diſputed with him by thoſe
that commanded, for they were of Sylla's Party, but he having joyned with
thoſe Forces he led out of Italy fome Auxiliaries of the Celtiberians drove
them out, and Metellus himſelf being by Sylla ſent againſt him, he defended
himſelfgenerouſly. At length his valour having gained him a fair reputation,
he formed a Council of three hundred of his Friends, which he called a Se-
nate, in deriſion to that at Rome. Sylla being dead, and ſome time after
him Lepidus, Sertorins recruited with the Forces brought him by Perpenna,
thought himſelf in a condition to march into Italy, and poſſibly he had done
it, if the Senate, who were fearful of it, had not fent Pompey with a new
Army to joyn the firſt: Pompey was yet but a young man, but already in
high eſteem for thoſe brave things he had done under Sylla in Africa, and
likewife in Italy: fo he undertook this Expedition with great courage, and
to paſs the Alpes after the example of Hannibal, he made a new way be-
tween the Springs of the Po and the Rhoſne, which are feparated one from
the other only by ſome ſmall Mountains, from whence theſe two Rivers go
to diſcharge themſelves in two different Seas, the Rhofne into the Tyrhene
Sea, taking its courſe through the Tranſalpine Gaul, and Po into the bot-
tom of the Adriatick Gulf, gliding along the Ciſalpine Gaul. As foon as
lie got to Spain he loft a Legion, which he had ſent to convoy his Foragers
Beaſts of Loading, and Boys ; nor could he hinder Sertorius from taking and
pillaging the Town of Aurona in the fight of him. In the taking of this
Town a certain Woman, exceeding the ordinary ſtrength of her Sex, with
her Fingers thruſt out the eyes of a man that would have raviſhed her,
which coming to Sertorius's knowledge, he put the whole Cohort to death,
though they were all Romans, becauſe they had already committed the like
crimes. Hereupon, Winter being come, the two Armies ſeparated; but
at the beginning of the Spring they again took the Field. Metellus and
Pompey ferting forth from the Pyrenean Hills where they kept their Win-
ter Quarters, and Sertorius and Perpenna from * Lufitania, they met near * Portúgal.
Sucrona, and gave Battel ; where as they were hotly engaged, there not be-
ing a Cloud to be ſeen juſt before, on a ſudden the Air was full of Thun-
der and Lightning, which would have paſſed for a Prodigy with ſome o-
ther

48
The Civil Wars
PART II.
ther Armies; but theſe being all old Soldiers minded it not, nor did it hin-
der them from making a great Butchery on one ſide and the other : Me-
tellus having defeated Perpenna, pillaged his Camp; but on the other Wing
Sertorius having wounded Pompey on the Thigh with a Javelin, routed
him, ſo that it is incertain which ſide had the better. Sertorius had a tame
white Hind which had uſed to go at liberty in the Fields, ſhe having been
ſome days wanting, he counted it an ill preſage, and as long as he thought
her loft, would not fight with the Enemy, who ſcoffed at him; but ſeeing
her come running to him, he took the Field, and rejoycing at her return as
a good Augur, began himſelf the Skirmiſh. Short time after there was
another great Battel fought near † Sagunt am, which laſted from Morning
+ Morviedra.
to Evening, without advantage on one part or the other : but at laſt Pom-
pey was fain to yield, after having loſt fix thouſand Men, and Sertorius three
thouſand; and for Metellus, he likewiſe cut in pieces five thouſand of Per-
penna's Men. The next day Sertorius taking along with him a great num-
ber of Barbarians, went in the Evening to aſſault Metellus his Camp, who
doubted of no ſuch thing; and he had certainly forced it, if Pompey bring-
ing timely relief had not put him by his Enterpriſe. Mean while, the
Summer being ſlipped away, both Armies parted, and went to their Win-
ter Quarters. The year following, which agrees with the hundred ſe-
venty ſixth Olympiad, the Roman Empire encreaſed two Provinces by the
laft Teſtament of two Kings, Nicomedes having left to the Romans Bythi-
nia, and Ptolemy firnamed Apion, of the Race of the Lagides, the Province
of Cyrene : but they had likewiſe great Wars; in Spain this we are now
ſpeaking of; in the Eaſt with Mithridatesz over all the Sea with the Py-
rates ; about Crete with the Inhabitants of the Iſland, and in Italy againſt
the Gladiators, who roſe all upon a ſudden, and gave them a great deal of
trouble. Though they had ſo many Affairs upon their Hands, yet they for-
bore not to ſend to the Army they had in Spain two Legions, which being
arrived, Metellus and Pompey carie down from the Pyrænean Mountains ;
and Sertorius and Perpenna left Portugal to gomeet them; when they drew
near, a great number of Sertorius's Soldiers went and yielded to Metellus,
which ſo angred Sertorius, that he treated many others with great cruelty,
and by his ill conduct got the hate of all the reſt. But the greateſt com-
plaint his Army made againſt him, was, that inſtead of Romans he had ta-
ken Celtiberians for his Guard, and choſe rather to truſt his perſon with
Strangers than thoſe of his own Nation. They could not endure to be ac-
cuſed of infidelity, though they bore Arms under an Enemy of the Roman
People; and that which troubled them the more, was, that he, for whoſe
fake they had been perfidious to their Country, would not truſt them ; be-
fides they thought it very unjuſt, that they ſhould be puniſhed for Runa-
ways, they who had kept conſtant to their duty. Moreover, this gave oc-
cafion to the Celtiberians to tell them upon all occafions, that they doubted
of their fidelity. However, Sertorius was not quite forſaken, the Soldiers
ſtanding in need of ſuch a General; for indeed there was not any in this age
more ſucceſsful, nor that better underſtood War: wherefore the Celtibe-
rians becauſe of his activity and diligence, called him Hannibal, whom
they eſteemed the moſt hardy and moſt prudent General of all the Earth.
Upon theſe wavering inclinations of Sertorius's Army, Metellus went day-
ly our in parties, and never returned without bringing in whole Troops of
Priſoners : and Pompey beſieging Palenza had undermined the Walls, ſo
that they were only ſupported by Stanchions of Timber; but Sertorius
coming on, he was forced to raiſe his Siege, and the beliegers having fet
fire
Book I.
of Rome.
49
that part
fire to the Stanchions, retreated with Metellus. Sertorius having repaired
of the Wall that was fallen, ſet himſelf to purſue the Enemies,
and overtook them on the Borders of Calagyra, and flew three thouſand
Men, and this was all palled in Spain this year. In the beginning of the
next the Roman Generals finding themſelves the ſtronger, affailed without
fear thoſe Cities that held on Sertorius's Party, whoſe Affairs were now in
an ill condition, and their firſt ſucceſſes having heightened their courage,
they made great progreſs, yet there was no ſet Battel; but having conti-
nued the War till the next year, they began to deſpiſe Sertorius in ſuch man-
ner, that they waſted all his Province. For when he ſaw fortune had turn-
ed her back to him he gave ground too, and abandoned himſelf in ſuch
manner to the pleaſure of Wine and Women, that he never afterwards en-
gaged the Enemy but he was beaten. He grew likewiſe extremely chole-
rick, his paſſion took fire on the leaſt fufpicion, puniſhing with cruelty, and
confiding in no man; ſo that Perpenna, who after Lepidus's Death was
come of his own accord to joyn him with conliderable Forces, began to fear,
and having ſuborned ten Soldiers, took a reſolution to deſtroy him, but the
conſpiracy was diſcovered, fome of the Conſpirators puniſhed with death,
and others eſcaped by flight, Perpenna was fo fortunate beyond his own
hopes, as not to be compriſed in the accuſation, which haſtened ſo much the
more the loſs of Sertorius ; for ſeeing he never went unguarded, he invited
him to a Feaſt, where, after having made him drunk, and his Guards too,
he executed his enterpriſe. The Soldiers at the firſt knowledge of it dereft-
ed the Parricide, and changed into good will all the hatred they bore Ser-
torius, as ordinarily all anger is appeaſed by the death of him from whom
we believe we have received an offence, they now ftood no longer in fear
of him, and compaſſion recalled into their minds the memory of his virtue :
beſides, they conſidered the danger to which they were now expoſed to,
Perpenna was deſpiſed by them as a vulgar man; whereas they believed
that on Sertorius's valour only depended the ſafety of the whole Army. In
this general hate of Perpenna the Barbarians were moſt violent, eſpecially
the Portugals, for whom the dead General had always a particular eſteem.
But when after opening his Will they found his Murderer amongſt his
Heirs, it is ſcarce poſſible to believe, how much it added to their horrour
of this Villany, committed upon the perfon, not only of his General, but
likewiſe of his Friend and Benefactor. And poſſibly they had done him
fome violence, if he had not appeaſed them, fome with gifts, and ſome
with promiſes, and killed ſome with his own hands to ſtrike terrour into o-
thers. He went likewiſe from City to City, making Orations to the peo-
ple; and to gain their good Will ſet at liberty thoſe Sertorius had laid in
Irons, and returned the Hoſtages he had taken from the Spaniards. Theſe
good deeds ſweetened in ſome meaſure the minds of men; ſo that they o-
beyed him in quality of Prætor, and Succeſſor to Sertorius ; but yet they
were not quite appeaſed: for as ſoon as he ſaw himſelf ſettled, he grew
extraordinary cruel, killing three Roman Gentlemen had fled to him for
Refuge, and putting to death his Brother's Son. After Sertorius's death,
Mitellus withdrew to the other ſide of Spain, thinking there was no dan-
ger in leaving Pompey alone to deal with Perpenna. They ſeveral times en-
gaged, and for divers days skirmiſhed together to try their Men, but the
Two Armies ſtirred not till on the tenth day, when they had a Battel : both
one Party and the other thinking it convenient to come to an end of the bu-
ſineſs ; for Pompey ſlighted Perpenna, whom he thought no great Captain
and Perpenna fearing left his men would not long continue in good order and
duty,

3
G g 8
The Civil Wars
50
PART II.

peo-
duty, made as much hafte as he could to try the fortune of Arms. The
Fight was not long, Pompey having to deal with an ordinary Captain, and
an Army weak and diſcontented, foon got the advantage : ſo that ſcarce
any Stand being made, Perpenna took his flight in diſorder, and fearing to
fall either into his Enemies, or his own mens hands, he hid himſelf in a
Thicket, from whence he was pulled out by ſome Horſemen that found him.
The Soldiers began to revile him, calling him the Murderer of Sertorius ;
and he began to cry out aloud, that he had many things to diſcover to Pom-
pey, touching the Seditions of the City, whether it were true, or only an
invention to make them carry him alive before Pompey. But Pompey com-
manded them to diſpatch him before he ſaw him; for fear leſt if he told
them any new thing it might occaſion freſh calamities in the City; and
ſurely he did prudently ; and all men praiſed his diſcretion. Thus the
death of Sertorius put an end to the Wars of Spain, which certainly had
laſted longer, and not been fo eaſily determined, had he longer lived.
150203 bidez bon
XXVI. About the ſame time Spartacus a Thracian by Nation, who had former
ly born Arms in the Roman Militia, and was now a Captive in Capua to ſerve
as a Gladiator, perfwaded about ſeventy of his Comrades to fight rather for
their own liberty, than to pleaſe the fpe&ators, and breaking Priſon he gave
them ſuch Arms as he took from Paſſengers, and went and poſted himſelf
on Mount Veſuvius. Store of fugitive Slaves, and likewiſe fome free
ple of the Country flocking to him upon the news of his Revolt, he receiv-
ed them, and began to make Incurfions and Robberies in the Neighbour
ing Places, he made Oenomaus and Crixus two Gladiators his Lieutenants,
and becauſe he equally divided the Prey among his Companions, in a ſhort
time he gathered together ſo great Forces, that firſt Varinius Glaber and
then P. Valerius being ſent againſt him not with formed Bodies, but ſuch
men as they could get together as they paſſed along, were beaten : for the
Roman People eſteemed theſe only a concourſe of Thieves, and not worth
the name of a War. Spartacus in the Fight took Varinius's Horſe, and
there miſt little but that the Gladiator had taken the Pretor. After theſe
Victories ſuch multitudes came in to him, that he ſoon beheld ſeventy thou-
ſand Men under his Command. He then ſet himſelf to provide Arms, and
to make great Preparations, ſo that the Confuls were fent againſt him with
* Mount S. An- two Legions, one of which engaging with Crixus near Mount * Gorganus,
gelo.
the Gladiator was killed with thirty thouſand of his Men, ſcarce a third
part of his Army eſcaping: Spartacus having taken his March by the A-
ventine to gain the Alpes, and thence paſs into Gaul, one of the Conſuls
got before him to ſtop his paſſage, and the other Conſul followed him at
the Heels. He fell upon them one after the other, and made them give
ground, and indeed put them to flight, in which the Vanquiſher having
taken three hundred Roman Priſoners, he cut their Throats, and offered
them in facrifice to Crixus's Ghoſt, his forces being afterwards ſwelled to
fixfcore thouſand Men, he marched directly towards the City, and to make
the quicker way, cauſed all the Baggages to be burnt, his Priſoners mur-
dered, and his Beaſts of Loading ſlain. Upon the way ſeveral Runaways
offered themſelves to him, but he would accept of none. And when the
† Marches of Conſuls to ſtop his March, engaged him once more in the Country of † Pi-
cene, he defeated them with a great loſs of their Mer. However, he
changed his deſign of going to the City, becauſe he found himſelf too weak,
his Army not being fulficiently furniſhed with all things neceſſary for War:
for he was not aided by any Commonalty; and all bis Forces were com-
poſed
Ancona.

Book I.
of Rome.
51
pofed of fugitive Slaves and Runnagate People. He went therefore and
feiſed upon the Mountains, and likewiſe of the City of Turine, and cauſed
Proclamation to be inade, that he forbid all ſorts of Merchants to bring any
Gold or Silver into the Camp, and all Soldiers to keep any: fo with what
they had they bought Iron and Copper, without doing any wrong to thoſe
which brought it, and by this means they got together abundance of Ma-
terials, with which they fixed themſelves up Arms of all ſorts. Meani
while they went dayly out a skirmiſhing, and having once more encoun-
tred the Romans, gained the Victory, together with a good ſtore of Spoil
and Booty. It was now three years that this formidable War had lafted,
which only for having contemned it at firſt, becauſe of the meanneſs of the
Authors of it, was ſo prodigiouſly augmented, and withal the ancient Ro-
man Valour was fo baſtardiſed, that when the Aſſembly was held for naming
of Prætors, there was none found that demanded that Dignity, till Licia
nius Craſſüs a man of Quality, and mighty rich, reſolved to accept of the
Pretorſhip offered ; and with ſix other Legions marched againſt Spartacus,
there were joyned to him the other two Legions which the Conſulş had,
but he firſt decimated them as a puniſhment of thoſe ſhameful loſſes they
had ſuffered : though fome fay, that going to aſſault the Enemies with all
the Legions together, and being beaten by their fault, he then decimated
them without conſidering the great number of
Men, amounting to no leſs
than four thoufand by which he weakened his Army. However it were,
after having managed ſo his Affairs, that his own men were more afraid of
him, than of the Enemy : ten thoufand of Spartacus's Army being en
camped ſeverally, he fell ſuddenly upon them, and made fo great a ſlaugh-
ter, that ſcarce a third part eſcaped into the Groſs, commanded by their
Captain. Soon after he undertook Spartacus himſelf, defeated him, and
drove him to the Sea fide, where, as he laid a deſign to get over into Sicily,
to hinder him, he ſhut him up with a Circumvallation he drew round his
Camp, with a Ditch and Paliſade. Spartacus ſeeing himſelf inveſted, en-
deavoured to break his way out, to get into the Country of the * Samnites,
but Craffus made him turn in again, after having killed him fix thouſand
Men ina Morning, and as many in the Evening, with the lofs of only three
of his own, and ſeven wounded, ſo much did the recent memory of their
chaſtiſement contribute to the Victory. After which Spartacus, who ex-
pected fome Horſe which were to come to him from elſewhere, durft no
more engage with all his Forces, but contented himſelf to incommode
the Beſiegers with frequent fallies, which he made ſometimes on one ſide,
and ſometimes on another, and with throwing flaming Faggots into the
Ditch, to burn the Paliſade, and hinder the Work. Mean while he cauſed
one of the Roman Priſoners to be hanged up in the middle of the Place be-
tween his Camp and Craſſus's Trenches, to let his men know what they
were to truſt to, if they did not gain the Victory. The news of this cruelty
coming to the City, moved their ſpirits to indignation, that a War ſhould
laſt fo long againſt Gladiators. So that judging the Remains of it were not
deſpiſeable, they gave order to Pompey, newly returned from Spain, to go
thither. But Craſſus fearing left Pompey ſhould carry away all the Glory
of the end of this War, did all that he could poſſible to draw Spartacus quick-
ly to a Fight. On the other ſide, Spartacus, who thought it not convenient
to ſtay Pompey's coming, ſent to demand peace from Crafſus, which being
refuſed him as a thing unworthy the Grandeur of Rome, and fome Horſe
being come to him, lie reſolved to try the fortune of a Battel, and having
with all his Army froced the Circumvallation, he took his way towards
Ggg 2
Brundufium


52
The Civil Wars of Rome. PART II.
Brundufium, purſued by Crafſus: but when he underſtood that Lucullus re-
turning to Rome after his Victory againſt Mithridates, was landed, he loft
all hopes of Retreat, and drew his Forces ( which were yet numerous) in-
to Battalia. The Fight was very fierce, Craſſus having to deal with ſo many
thouſand deſperate people, till ſuch time as Spartacus wounded in the Thigh
with a Javelin; fell upon his knees, where ſtill he defended himſelf for a
while, covered with his Buckler, but at laſt was killed with all that were
fighting about him, all the reſt were preſently routed, and there was
ſo great a Butchery, that the dead could hardly be counted, nor could they
find the body of Spartacus. The Romans loft ſcarce a thouſand men. Thoſe
that remained of Spartacus's Men fled to the Mountains, whither Craffus ha-
ving followed them, to give the laſt ſtroke to the Victory, they formed of
what were left forty Battalions, and in that poſture yet defended themſelves
valiantly, till they were all killed, fave fix thouſand, who were afterwards
hanged along the way between Capua and Rome. Craſſus having done all this
in fix Mouths, thought now he yielded nothing to Pompey in Glory, and
kept his Army as well as he. They both demanded the Conſulate, Craffus
having paſſed the charge of Pretor according to Sylla's Law,' whereas Pom-
pey had neither been Pretor nor ſo much as Queſtor, and not above four
and thirty years old, but he promiſed the Tribunes to re-eſtabliſh their an-
cient power. Thus theſe two Generals deſigned Confuls, did not diſmiſs
their Armies, but kept them near the City, and ſhewed their reaſons for it,
Pompey that he waited for Metellus, who ought to triumph at his return
from Spain; and Craffus that Pompey ought firſt to diſmiſs his Forces. Now
the people ſeeing this difference tended to new Diffentions, and that the Ci-
ty was beſieged by two Armies, beſought the Conſuls who were eminent-
ly feated in the view of all in the great place, to be reconciled, at firſt both
the one and the other rejected their Prayers; but when the Divines told
them that the City was threatened with great miſeries if the Conſuls did
agree, the people weeping, and caſting themſelves upon their Knees, re-
newed the fame entreaties, for they had not yet loſt the memory of thoſe
miſeries cauſed by the Diffentions of Sylla and Marius. Hereupon Craſſus
beginning firſt to be moved, riſes from his Seat, and goes to preſent his hand
to his Colleague, as a ſign of reconciliation: the other riſing likewiſe went
to meet him, and having joyned hands, all the people made acclamations of
joy, wiſhing them all happineſs; ſo that before the Afſembly broke up,
both Conſuls diſmiſſed their Armies. Thus was the Common-wealth hap-
pily delivered from the fear of a Civil War. And this happened fixty
years after the death of Tiberius Gracchus the firſt mover of Seditions.
not
The End of the Firſt Book of the Second Part.
APPIAN

53
A P P I A N
OF
ALEXANDRIA,
HISTORY
HIS
OF THE
Civil Wars
OF
R O M E.
PART II.
Boo Κ ΙΙ.
The Argument of this Book.
C
NAtiline's Conſpiracy. II. Cæſar returned from Spain, renounces the
Triumph, and obtains the Conſulate by the means of Craſſus and Pom-
pey. III. During his Conſulate he endeavours to get the favour of the People
and Knights, and
obtains the Government of Gaul. IV. Cicero baniſhed
by

54
Part II.
by Clodius, and recalled by the favour of Pompey- V. Pompey underhand
foments the Diſorders of the Commonwealth, to oblige the Citizens to create
bim Diltator : Milo kills Clodius, and Pompey created Conful without a
Colleague. VI. Pompey, Sole Conſul, iſſues out Warrants againſt thoſe
that had any way abuſed their Charges. VII
. Cafar demands the Conſulate,
which Pompey ſecretly oppoſes. VIII. Curio declares for Cæfar againſt
Pompey; but at laſt in pight of Curio, the Senate gives Power to Pom-
pey to Arm againſt Cæfar. IX. Curio, Anthony and Caſſius, Tribunes,
goto Cxſar; who receives them as Friends. X. Cæfar paffing the Rubicon,
ſtrikes a general terroir into Rome. XI. Pompey leaves Rome, goes to
Capua, the Confuls and moſt of the Senate follow him : He carries over his
Forces to Dyrrhachium, which he makes his Seat of War. XII. Cæfar
comes to Rome; thence goes to Spain, to make War with Petreius and A-
franius. XIII. Curio goes to Africa, is defeated and ſain. XIV. Cæfar
appeaſes a Mutiny of his
Army at Placentia, and prepares to paß into Epire.
XV. Pompey having made his Preparations, makes a Speech to his Ärmy,
and ſends Garriſons into Theſſaly. XVI. Cæfar, after encouraging thoſe
Forces he finds at Brundufium, goes over Sea in Winter, and takes ſome
places. XVII. Cæfar endeavouring to ſeize Dyrrhachium, is prevented
by Pompey. XVIII. Cæſar endeavouring to come over Sea himſelf to fetch
the Remainder of his Forces ont of Italy, being driven back by Storm, ſends
Poſthumus in his ſtead. XIX. Anthony being landed with the reſt of Ce-
far's Forces in Dalmatia, ſome light Skirmiſbes happen. XX. Pompey
gains a great Victory over Cæſar. XXI. Cæfar retreats with his Army into
Theffaly, and encamps about Pharfalia. XXII
. Pompey hopes to overcome
him by Famine, without fighting. XXIII. At length be yields to give him
Battel. XXIV. Number of the Forces on both ſides. XXV. Pompey
and Cæſar encourage their Armies. XXVI. They draw into Battel, and
give Orders
. XXVII
. The Battel of Pharfalia. XXVIII. Pompey e-
Scapes into Egypt, where he is murdered. XXIX. Cæfar follows, revenges
his death, and thence goes againſt Pharnaces in Aſia. XXX. He returns
to the City; where after appeafing his mutinous Soldiers, he reſolves on his
Expedition into Africa. XXXI. He defeats Scipio, and the reſt of Pom-
pey's Party. XXXII. The death of Cato at Utica, and the end of the A-
frican War. XXXIII. Cæfar returns to the City, triumphs, and rewards
his Soldiers. XXXIV. He goes into Spain, and puts an end to the whole
XXXV. He returns to the City, where he takes on him the Sovereign.
Authority
. XXXVI. Lays a Deſign of War againſt the Parthians, and is
thereupon pain in the Senate. XXXVII
. Brutus and Caſſius retire to the
Capitól. XXXVIII. They treat an Accommodation with Lepidus and An-
thony. XXXIX. Queſtion put in the Senate, if they ought to be juſtified
which Anthony with much Artifice oppoſes. XL. He comes to the place of
Orations, where the People applaud him; he ſpeaks againſt Brutus and Caf
fius in open Senate. XLI. Pifo about to produce Cæſar's Will : Brutus and
Caffius endeavour to juſtifie their Astion. XLII. They deſcend from the
Capitol, but are forced to leave the City : Cæſar's Funeral Fionours celebra-
ted. XLIII. His Elegy, and Compariſon between him and Alexander.
War.
The

Book II.
of Rome.
55
1
T
La foto cowbord
choro
og omsorg 9th
He Dominion of Sylla, and all thoſe things which paſſed after-
to e wards in Spain under the Conduct of Sertorius and Perpenna,
han were followed by divers Commotions, till the Civil War of
bir Cefar and Pompey,which ended by the death of Pompey; after
ad bwhich Cæfar himſelf was ſlain in the Senate, as may be ſeen in
this Second Book of the Civil Wars. Now when Pompeyrhad cleared all
the Seas of Pyrates, than whom a greater Number was never ſeen in the
Memory of Man; brought to his end Mithridates King of Pontus, and re-
duced his Kingdom and thoſe other Countries he had conquered into what
Form he pleaſed. Cfar was yet but a very young Man; he was Eloquent,
Capable of great things, Hardy, Preſumptuous, Ambitious beyond his
Power; and being yer but Ædile and Prætor, was run prodigiouſly in debt
to gain the favour
of the People, which is uſually given to the moſt prodi-
gal. Catiline
now likewiſe appeared at Rome, being of one of the beſt Fa-
milies of the City, but of no found Wiſdom; and beſides, of an ill Reputa-
tion, being fufpected to liave committed a Parricide on his own Son, that
he might efpoufe Aurelia Oriftilla, whom he was in Love with, and who
would not contract Marriage with him as long as he had Children. He was
with all this, a great Friend of Sylla's, and very affectionate to his Party
Being fallen into Poverty by his ambitious Profuſeneſs, and yet conſiderable
among inany powerful Perſons, as well Men as Women, he fet himſelf to
demand the Conſulate, as a Step to raiſe him to the Tyranny: But he fell
from his hopes; moft Men having conceived an ill Opinion of him, becauſe
they perceived him affect an Authority not fit to be ſuffered in a Free City.
Being then refuſed the Conſulate, which was given to Cicero, à Man well
ſpoken of, and very eloquent, he began to mock at the Suffrages of the
People who had choſen this Conful, whom out of Raillery he called New
Man (for they had got a cuſtom to give that name to thofe who rendred
themſelves Illuſtrious, not by the Glory of their Anceſtors, but their own
proper Vertue) and becauſe that he was not born in the City, they ſaid that
he was an Inmate, like thoſe that lie in hired Lodgings. After that time
he medled no more with the Government of the Commonwealth ; judging
that it expoſes Men to Trouble and Envy, and ſets them not a Round high-
er towards mounting to the Tyranny. Notwithſtanding, he drew great
Summs of Money from many of thoſe Women, who, weary of their Huf-
bands, hoped to get rid of them if any Change happened in the State : cand
with ſome Senators, a quantity of Roman Knights, Plebeians, Slaves,
nay, very Strangers, formed a Conſpiracy to ſeize on the Commonwealth :
But his greateſt Confidents in this Affair were Cornelius Lentulus and Cethe-
gus, at that preſent Prætors of the City. He fent likewiſe throughout all
Italy people to ſolicite thoſe who being enriched in Sylla's time, had ill ſpent
what they had ill got, and would be very well content to reach at ſuch ano-
ther Fortune. He ſent C. Manlius to Fefule, and others to the Marches of
Ancona, and into Pouilla, ſecretly to levy Soldiers. The firſt advice of all
theſe ſecret Preparations was given to Cicero by Fulvia, a Woman of Qua-
lity, with whom Q. Curins (one of the Conſpi.tators, expelled the Senate
for his ſcandalous life) was deeply in Love : He boaſted to his Miſtreſs, that
in a ſhort time ſhe ſhould ſee him a great Lord. Already the noiſe of the
Attempts of thoſe who had been ſent throughout all Italy increaſed, when
the Conful fet Guards in the City, and ſent certain Perſons of Quality to
the ſuſpected Places. But Catiline, though no one durft yet arreſt him,
becauſe

56
PART II.
The Civil Wars
becauſe the buſineſs was not abfolutely diſcovered, was fearful leſt Delay
ſhould increaſe the Sufpition, and hoping that the greateſt diligence would
be moſt advantageous to him, fent Money before to Feſula, gave Order to
the Conſpirators to kill Cicero, and be night to fet fire on divers Quarters of
the City; and he cauſing Rods and Axes to be bore before him as a Pro-
Conſul, and raiſing Soldiers all the way he paſſed, goes to find out Caius
Manlius, with deſign to fall upon the City as ſoon as it ſhould be ſet on fire
with all the Forces he could get together. As for Lentulus, after having
given to the Conſpirators every one his Quarter, Cethegus and he agreed that
as ſoon as they ſhould have advice that Catiline was arrived at Felule, they
ſhould go with Daggers under their Robes very early in the morning to
Cicero's Houſe, where by reaſon of their Offices they might without diffi-
culty get entrance; and drawing him into a private place under pretence of
Tribune of the fome fecret Conference, ftab him. That at the ſame time * Lucius Sextus
People.
ſhould aſſemble the People, and accuſe Cicero, that being fearful by Nature,
and fufpitious without cauſe, he unfeaſonably and
to ill purpoſe troubled the
City; and that the night following with a Band of Conſpirators they ſhould
ſet fire in twelve places, pillage the City, and kill all the honeſt people they
met with. Whilft Lentulus, Cethegus, Statilius and Caffius, who were the
Heads of the Conſpiracy, formed thefe Deſigns, and waited only for Op-
† Savoy, and portunity to execute them, the Deputies of the † Allobroges being come to
the Dauphinate Rome to complain of their Magiſtrates, were drawn into this Conſpiracy
out of hopes they would cauſe the Gauls to riſe againſt the Republick. Len-
tulus being about to ſend them to Catiline, accompanied with Vulturtius of
Crotona, who carried Letters without Superſcription: The Allobroges, ir-
refolute what they had to do, diſcourſed the matter with Fabius Sanga, Pro-
tector of their City; for it is the cuſtom of the Provincials, that each Nati-
on hath his Protector at Rome. Cicero having received this advice from
Sanga, gave Order to arreſt the Deputies as they were upon their Return,
and with them Vulturtius ; who being brought into full Senate, confeſſed
all that they had negotiated with Lentulus, and atteſted that they had often
heard him
ſay, that the Deſtinies had promiſed the Dominion of the City
to three Cornelius's ; of which Cinna and Sylla had been the two firſt, and
he ſhould be the third. Hereupon the Senate degraded Lentulus of his Dig-
nity of Senator, and Cicero went to cauſe the Conſpirators
to be arreſted,
whom having placed under fure Guards in the Prætors Houſes, he returned
to the Senate to deliberate. Mean while the knowledge of this Affair not
being yet publick, a great Tumult was raiſed about the Palace ; and all the
Accomplices of the Conſpirators took the Alarm ; in ſo much, that the
Slaves and Freed Men of Lentulus and Cethegres having raiſed a great number
of Artiſans, uſed their endeavours to break open the Back Doors of the
Prætors, to take thence their Maſters by force : Which being told Cicero,
he came haſtily out of the Senate ; and having placed Courts of Guard eve-
ry where, returns and preſſes the Senate to give their Judgments. The
firſt whoſe Advice was demanded was Sillanus, deſigned Conſul; for it is
the Cuſtom to begin to demand Opinions by thoſe nominated to that Dig-
nity, becauſe, as I imagine, the Execution of the Senate's Decrees regard-
ing them, they ought to utter their mind with more Circumſpection and
Prudence. His Advice was, the Conſpirators ſhould be puniſhed with
death; in which many others followed him. Nero ſpeaking in his turni,
was of opinion they ſhould for ſome time be kept Priſoners, till Catiline was
defeated, and they more fully informed of the inatter; which was alſo the
Opinion of C. Cefar, who was in ſome kind ſuſpected as if a Partner in their
deſigns,

Book II.
of Rome.
57
deſigns, or at leaſt to have had knowledge of them: of which however,
the Conſul ſpoke not a word; not daring to cope with a Man fo beloved of
the People. He added to Nero's advice, that they ſhould be diſtributed in
the Cities of Italy, ſuch as Cicero ſhould chuſe; and after the War was fi-
niſhed, be called to Judgment; for it was not reafonable to condemn Perfons
of that Quality, without granting them a formal Tryali This ſeemed juſt,
and many returned to this Opinion, till Cato openly declaring his fufpition
of Cæfar, and the Conſul fearing that the night following a multitude of
Conſpirators which were now in the Palace, and in fear for themſelves,
fhould attempt fome deſperate Action, brought back the greateſt part of the
Senators to the Opinion, that the Conſpirators being taken in a Flagrant Of
fence, ought to ſuffer without being allowed the Formality of a Proceſs
. In
ſo much, that before the Senate roſe, Cicero himſelf cauſed the Accuſed to
be brought from the particular Houſes where they were guarded, to the
Priſon; where, without the knowledge of the People, he cauſed the Sen-
tence of death to be executed in his preſence, then going to the place, at-
teſted to all the World, they were no longer among the Living. Hereupont
the reſt of the Conſpirators diſperſed, every one contenting himſelf that he
had eſcaped; and the City was that day delivered from great Inquietude.
Catiline had already aſſembled twenty thouſand men, about the fourth part
of which were armed; with which he took his March towards Gaul, where
he hoped to compleat his Preparations: But Anthony, the other Conful, o-
vertaking him near the Alps, defeated him without much pains; for as he
had laid this Deſign with little Prudence, ſo he as imprudently managed it,
and was forced to figlit before he was prepared. Notwithſtanding, moft
true it is, that neither Catiline nor any of thoſe Perſons of Quality with him
would fly, but were all ſlain fighting in the midſt of their Enemies. The
death of Catiline was the end of this Conſpiracy, from which Cicero's Pru-
dence fecured the Commonwealth : So that being before known only for
his Eloquence, he in this Occaſion made himſelf famous for his Actions ;
and no Perſon doubted but he had ſaved his Country from the Ruin where-
with it was threatned. Wherefore publick thanks were given him : and af-
ter many Acclamations, Cato faluting him, called him The Father of his
Country: Which is indeed an Appellation fo glorious, that Cicero having
been the firſt to whom it was given for his Merit, it is the Cuſtom to this
day to honour only ſuch Emperors with it as are worthy: For as ſoon as any
come to the Monarchy they joyn not this Title' with their other Sirnames,
nor is it granted but by a publick Decree, and as a Teſtimony of accom-
pliſhed Vertue.
As for Caſar, being ready to go for Spain, the Government of which he II.
had obtained, he was arreſted by his Creditors, whom he could not pay,
having dreined himſelf by Ambitious Expences ; and he was heard at that According to
time to ſay, that he wanted * two Millions and five hundred Thouſand De- tation, this will
niers to be worth nothing. He agreed with them as well as he could; and not amount to a-
being entred into his Government, he amuſed not himſelf to go from City Sand Pounds
.
to City to hear talk of Affairs, or to adminiſter Juſtice ; ſuch things had no Plutarch ſays he
Correſpondency with the Greatneſs of his Deſigns: But he began to raiſe wed one bine
Soldiers, and to make War with the reſt of the People of Spain; whom af- Talents ; which
ter having plundred their Territories, he made Tributary to the Romans : according to the
In ſo much, that having fent a great Summ of Money to the Treaſury, the on of Buda, will
Senate granted him the Honour of Triumph. As they were making in the be one hundred
Suburbs Magnificent Preparation for his Entry, the day deſigned for the ninety fiuz thora
Hhh
Election

58
PART II.
The Civil Wars
Election of Conſuls drawing nigh, of neceſſity thoſe who demanded that
Dignity muſt be preſent; and it was not permitted after entring the City
without Poinp, to make another Entry in Triumph. He had a long time
paſſionately deſired the Conſulate, and the things neceſſary for his Triumph
were not yet ready: Wherefore he preſented a Requeſt to the Senate, that
he might have permiſſion to demand that Dignity by his Friends, which he
knew had been granted others, though it were forbid by the Law. The
laſt day being come whereon thoſe that pretend to the Conſulate muſt give
in their Names, and Cato continually oppoſing Ceſar's Requeſt, he renoun-
ced his Triumph, entred into the City, and made his Declaration, expect-
ing the day of the Aſſembly Mean time Pompey, Illuſtrious and Power-
ful, becauſe of the great Actions he had done againſt Mithridates, deman-
ded of the Senate the Ratification of many things he had granted to Kings,
Tetrarchs and Cities, which many oppoled out of the Envy they bore this
Great Man: But eſpecially Lucullus ; who being recalled out of Aſia when
he had quite weakned the Forces of that King, having left the ſame Pompey
that War eaſie to terminate, vaunted that the Honour of that Victory be-
longed to him ; and had drawn Craffus to his ſide. Pompey vexed that his De
ſigns were oppoſed, makes Alliance with Cæſar, promiſing him upon Oath
that he would ſerve him to get the Conſulſhip ; and ſoon after by Cæſar's
means Craſſus was reconciled to Pompey. Thus theſe three great Men ſerved
one another to obtain what they deſired : And the Hiſtorian Varro,who writ
a Book of their Union, calls it the Three-headed Conſpiracy. Wherefore
the Senate beginning to ſuſpe&t their Power, gave to Cæfar, L. Bibulus his
Enemy for his Colleague ; between whom there ſoon happened ſuch a dif-
ference as made them take up Arms, one againſt the other.
III.
But Caefar knowing the Art of Diſſembling, made in full Senate an Ora-
tion to Bibulus upon the Subject of Concord, as if he would prevent their
Diſſentions from cauſing any Inconveniency to the Commonwealth. Now,
whilft it ſeemed in all outward appearance that he endeavoured ſeriouſly for
Peace, and that the other, who doubted nothing, ſtood not upon his Guard,
all on a ſuddain he comes to the Senate accompanied with a great Multitude
of People, and propoſes a Law in favour of the Poor: He diſtributed Lands
to them ; gave to them that were Fathers of three Children Campania, the
moſt fertile Territory belonging to Italy ; and by this means got the Love
and favour of the People, for there were twenty thoufand found under that
Qualification. And when many of the Senåte oppoſed the Publication of
theſe Laws, he withdrew from the Palace, as if not able to endure their In-
juſtice; and all that Year there was no more Seſſion of the Senate. But he
went to the place for Orations; and mounting the Tribunal, demanded of
Pompey and Craffus, who ſtill aſſiſted him, if thoſe Laws did not to them
feem reaſonable, and after having received their approbation, demanded
the fuffrages of the people, who came to that Aſſembly with Arms under
their Gowns. As for the Fathers (for the Senate could not Aſſemble but
by the order of both Conſuls) they held ſome private meetings in Bibulus
houſe, but all that did nothing againſt the Power and Intereſt of Cæfar,
yet they ceaſed not to provoke-Bibulus to oppoſe the Laws of his Čol-
league, whatever ſhould happen by it : That it might rather be ſaid
he was overcome by the Malice of another, than by his own remiſs-
neſs. He ventured therefore upon the place one day as Cæſar was ma-
king an Oration to the people, and a Tumult ariſing about ſome words
they had together, they came to blows. Bibulus his Rods were broken,
and

Book II.
of Rome.
59
and ſome Tribunes that took his part wounded, but he without being
daunted, preſented his naked Neck to Cafar’s Faction, with theſe words;
If I cannot perſwade my colleague what is jull, I will at leaſt by my death make
him Criminal and Execrable. However, his Friends pulled him thence,
and cauſed him to enter the Temple of Fupiter Stator, which is nigh the
place. Then Cato being ſtrong and vigorous, overthrew all thoſe ſtood in
his way, got up into an eminent place, and began to ſpeak; but thoſe of Ce-
far's Party drew him out of the place : which yet made him not give over;
for he returned again by another way, crying out continually againſt Ca-
far; till being again carried away by force, the Conſul got the Laws paſt.
The People having ſworn to obſerve them, they would have the Senators
take the ſame Oath; which ſome by Cato's perſwafion having refuſed to do,
he propoſed to the People, to declare Criminal whoever would not ſwear:
And this Declaration being paſſed, they all took the Oath for fear; even
the Tribunes themſelves, who had oppoſed in vain, ſince the Law was rati-
fied. Mean while a certain man of the People called Vetius ran into the
middle of the place, crying out he was ſent by Bibulus, Cicero and Cato, to
kill Cæfar and Pompey; and that Dagger was to that purpoſe put in his hand
by Poſt humius, Lictor to Bibulus. Though this matter were much ſuſpect-
ed, Ceſar made uſe of it to embitter the Multitude, and referred the Infor-
mation till the next day; but Vetius was the night following killed in Pri-
fon. This Accident admitted of divers Interpretations; but Cæfar caſt the
fault on ſome who had a ſenſe of their being guilty; and managed things fo,
that the People permitted him to take Guards, to ſecure him from ſuch At-
tempts as might be made upon his Perſon. And now Bibulus quitted abfo-
lutely the Government of the Commonwealth, and remained in his houſe
as a private Perſon all the Remainder of his Conſulate. But his colleague
ſeeing himſelf Maſter of all, without troubling himſelf to make any Infor-
mation about Vetius buſineſs, laboured to make more Laws in favour of the
People; and according to his promiſe, made all that Pompey had done to be
approved. In theſe times the Knights, who were the middle Order, be-
tween the Senate and the People; powerful, both by reaſon of their pro-
per Riches, and the Profits which they made of the Impoſts which they far-
med from the People, highly courted Cæfar; in ſo much, that ſupported by
his favour, they preſented their Requeſt to the Senate for an Abatement of
the Rent of their Farms : And when the Fathers demurred upon, and
withſtood it, without taking notice of their Oppoſitions, by the fole conſent
of the People he abated them a third part. Whereupon the Knights ha-
ving received a greater favour than they demanded or durſt hope for, cry-
ed up to the Skies him from whom they had received it: And now Cæfar
grew ſtronger than he was before in the favour of the People, for by this
only benefit he gained a great number of intereſſed Perſons to ſuſtain his
Dignity. Beſides all this, to gain ſo much the more the good Grace of the
Citizens, he gave them often the Divertiſements of Shows and Chaſes; by
which he ran in debt every where, much beyond what he was worth, eve-
ry day ſurpaſſing himſelf in the Magnificence of his Gifts, and the Profuſe-
neſs of his Largeſſes. At laſt he brought Matters fo about, that they gave
him the Government of the Gauls, as well on this ſide as beyond the Moun-
tains, for five Years, with fonr Legions. After having obtained it, know-
ing that he muſt be a long time abſent from the City, and that Envy has
more power than Favour, he gave his Daughter in Marriage to Pompey;
not but that they were already very good Friends, but he was fearful left the
too great Succeſs of his Arms might ftir up Envy even in a Friend. More-
Hhh 2
over,

60
PART II.
The Civil Wars
over, he deſigned for Conſuls the Year following the ſtouteſt of his Faction,
A. Gabinius, one of his greateſt Confidents; and L. Piſo, his Father in
Law, with whom he had lately Allyed himſelf (Cato perpetually crying out
that theſe Marriages tended to a Tyranny) and for Iribunes of the People
he nominated Vatinius and Clodius Pulcher. This Clodius was infamous for
having ſlipped into the Sacrifices of the good Goddeſs, where none but
Women ought to enter: in which place he had layed a Blemiſh
upon
the
Chaſtity of Cæſar's own Wife; who yet never expreſſed any Reſentment,
becauſe this Man was beloved by the People; but however he repudiated
his Wife, there were ſome who afterwards made him come to a Tryal as a
Prophaner of Sacred Things. Cicero pleaded his Accufation, and Celar
himſelf was called in as a Witneſs; but he depoſed nothing againſt him :
On the contrary, he advanced him to this Office of Tribune in hate to Cicero,
Pompey, Craſ who frequently uſed to blame the Union of * theſe three Men, as tending to
the Ruin of the Publick Liberty. Nor thought he much to pardon one of
his Enemies the Affront he had received, fo he might be revenged of ano-
ther, who had only offended him in ſuſpecting he had an ill Deſign ; ſo
much was his Ambition more violent than his Love. And yet there is ſome
appearance that Cæfar received the firſt Obligation from Clodins, who ſerved
him with all his Credit and Intereſt when he demanded the Government of
the Gauls. However it were, this is what paſſed in Cæſar's Conſulate ;
which being expired, he went into the Province in Quality of Pro-
Conful.
fus, Cæfar.
IV.
After his departure from the City, Clodius cauſed Cicero to be called to
Judgment, for having contrary to Law put to death Cethegus and Lentulus
before they were condemned. But he bore this Accuſation with as much
Cowardice, as he had ſhewed Courage in the Noble Action he did; for he
went through the Streets with his Beard grown, his Hair unkembed, clad
in a fad Colour, and begging of every one he met to aſſiſt him, he was not
aſhamed to be importunate with People that were utterly unknown to him;
in fomuch, that ħaving no regard to Decency, whilſt he would have mo-
ved Compaſſion, he made himſelf ridiculous; and that Man who all his
life had managed others Affairs with ſo much Courage, ſuffered himſelf to
fall into the Exceſs of Fear in his own Cauſe. It is reported, the like hap-
pened to Demofthenes in Athens and that Orator who had fo bravely defended
ſo many accuſed, being accuſed himſelf, choſe rather to fly than to defend
himſelf before the Judges. In like manner Cicero ſeeing that Clodius, whom
he followed through the Streets in the poſture of a Suppliant, derided his
Prayers and Submiſſions, and reviled him with words, loſt all hope, and
reſolved to go into a Voluntary Exile, whither many of his Friends follow-
ed him, the Senate having given him Letters of Recommendation to all
Kings and Sovereigns where he deſigned to make his Retreat. Whereup-
on Clodius demoliſhed his Houſes as well in the City as the Country ; and
became ſo fierce and arrogant, that he eſteemed himſelf equal to Pompey,
the moſt powerful Man of that time in the City. Wherefore Pumpey made
an Agreement with Milo his colleague, a Man of Enterprize; to whom
he promiſed the Conſulate, to ſerve him againſt Clodins, and obliged him
to propoſe to the People the Return of Cicero; believing that being retur-
ned, he could talk no more of the preſent Eſtate of the Commonwealth,
that he would have in mind the benefit newly received, and be always rea-
dy to oppoſe the deſigns of Clodius. Thus Cicero baniſhed by Pompey's means,
was by the favour of the ſame Pompey again recalled to his Country, about
fixteen

Book 1
of Rome.
61
I
ſixteen Months after his departure, and his Houſes both in City and Couri-
try were rebuilt at the Publick Charge. When he returned there went ſuch
a 'Concourſe to meet him at the Gates, that the whole Day was ſcarce e-
nough for their Complements; which happened alſo to Demofthenes, when
after his Exile he was received into Athens. Mean while Cæfar, glorious
for the great things he had done in Gaul and Brittany (as we have ſaid,
ſpeaking of the Affairs of Gaul) and loaden with vaſt Riches, repaſſed into
Ciſalpine Gaul, that he might a little refreſh his Army, wearied with conti
nual War. As ſoon as he was arrived there, and that he had ſent ſtore of
Silver to a great many Perſons in the City, the Officers of the Common-
wealth for that Year, together with all the other Governors of Provinces,
and Generals of other Armies, came to ſalute him ; ſo that there was ſome-
times ſixſcore Rods about his Perſon. There came likewiſe more than two
hundred Senators; fome to thank him for Favours received, ſome to get
Money of him, or ſomething elſe of that kind. For now he alone could do
all things, having ſo many forces at his Service, and ſo much Money in his
Coffers; and beſides, he was always ready to oblige all the World. Pom-
pey and Craffus, the Companions of his Power, being come as well as others
to ſee him, they conſulted together about their Affairs; and agreed, that
Pompey and Craſſus ſhould take the Conſulate, and ſhould prolong to Çafar
the Government of Gaul for other five Years; after which they parted. At
the time for Election of Conſuls, Domitius Ænobarbus ftanding up Com-
petitor with Pompey, and the day of Nomination being come, they came
both before Day to the place where the Aſſembly is held; and after ſome
ſharp words, fell to blows. In the Tumult he that carried the Light before
Domitius received a Wound with a Sword, upon which all his People fled,
and he with much hazard eſcaped to his Houſe : Pompey's Robe was alſo
brought home bloody ; ſo much danger did they both run in this ſudden
Broil. Craſſus and Pompey having obtained the Conſulate, gave Cæſar, ac-
cording to their promiſe, the Government of Gaul for five Years longer,
and between themſelves they divided the Provinces and the Armies. Pom.
pey had the Governments of Spain and Africa, whither he ſent Friends to
command in his place, and he ſtayed in the City: And Syria, with all the
Neighbouring Countries remained to Crafns; for his Head run upon a
War againſt the Parthians, as a thing eaſie, and which would yield no leſs
Glory than Profit. But when he left the City to go towards it, there hap-
pened a great many ill Preſages: The Tribunes of the People forbad him to
go to make War againſt the Parthians, from whom the People of Rome ne-
ver received any Cauſe of Complaint : And becauſe he did not forbear at
their defence, they curſed him with publick Execrations ; in contempt of
which having paſſed farther, he periſhed in the Enemy's Country, with all
his Army, together with a Son he had of the ſame name ; for of a hundred
thouſand Men he lead thither, ſcarce ten thouſand eſcaped into Syria. But
we have ſpoke of this Defeat in what we have already writ of the Affairs of
Parthia.
V.
The People about this time being oppreſſed with Famine, gave to Pom-
pey the Superintendence of Proviſions; and as he had done before in the
Pyratick War, ſo now he named twenty Senators for his Lieutenants in this
Einploy: By ſending of whom into the ſeveral Provinces, he in a ſhort time
filled the City with great abundance of all things neceſſary to the Life of
Man; which much augmented his Glory' and Power. At the ſame time
Fulia, Pompey's Wife, dyed great with Child, and by her death left all the
City

62
The Civil Wars
Part II
City in Alarm, for fear teſt the Alliance between Cæſar and Pompey being
exterminate, they ſhould not e'er long take up Arms againſt each other,
for now for a long time there had been nothing but Diſorder and Confuſion
in the Commonwealth. No Dignities were attained to but by Factions, or
by Gifts, or by Criminal Service, and ſometimes by blows of Stones and
ſtrokes of Swords. No man was aſhamed to buy Votes, for the People
fold them in open Aſſembly. In ſhort, there was one, who, to obtain an
About one hun-Office in the Commonwealth, ſpent* eight hundred Talents. Beſides, the
dred and twenty yearly Conſuls now made had no hopes to make War or to command
Sterling
Armies ; being excluded by the Management and Workings of the
three ſworn Friends. Ill men enriched themſelves with publick Mo-
neys, or by taking Bribes from thoſe they deſigned for their Succeſſors;
wherefore no honeſt Man would put in for an Office; in ſo much that in this
Diſorder the Commonwealth was eight Months without Officers. Pompey
ſet his hand to all this, that they might be obliged to claſe a Dictator ; and
it was openly talked already in the Companies, that there was no other Re-
medy for the Preſent Diſtempers, than by giving the Sovereign Authority
to fome Perſon of Probity and Power. This Diſcourſe could mean no o-
ther than Pompey, who commanded great Armies, and feemed affectio-
nate to the Publick Good, reſpectful to the Senate, modeſt, prudent and de-
ſirable by all Men for his Courteſie, whether true or feigned. Pompey ap-
peared by his words, not to be at all rejoyced with the opinion the Citizens
had of him; nay, he ſeemed to be troubled at it: but yet he did all that
was poſſible ſecretly to advance the Execution of his Deſigns. He fomen-
ted the Diſorders of the Commonwealth by leaving it without Magiſtrates :
And though Milo, who was now Tribune, had ferved him in the reducing
of Clodius, yet he hindred him from demanding the Conſulate ; ftill tem-
porizing, till Milo, vexed to ſee himſelf fo deceived, left the City, and re-
tired to Lavinia, the place of his Birth : That City is reported to be the firſt
built by Æneas in Italy, nineteen Miles from Rome. As he was going,
Clodius on Horſe-back was by chance returning out of the Country, to the
City: they met about Bovilles, and paſſed by without faluting each other;
but a Servant of Milo's, whether he had received Command to do it, or
that of his own accord he would rid his Maſter of an Enemy, fell upon Clo-
dius, and with his Sword cut him into the Head that he fell: His Groom
carried him into the next Inn, whither Milo with all his Followers haſting to
him, in the uncertainty he was in, whether he were yet dead, or that there
was ſome life left in him, thruſt him into the Belly ; proteſting, that what
had before paſſed was without his order or conſent, but he willingly finiſhed
a Crime, for which he knew he muſt anſwer. The People aſtoniſhed with
the report of this Accident, ſpent all that night in the place in Arms; and
when it was day, the Body was brought before the Tribunal for Orations :
Soon after it was taken up by ſome Tribunes his Friends, aſſiſted by the
Multitude : Who, whether it were to honour this Man of the Senatorian
Order, or to ſhame the Senate, who by their negligence ſeemed to favour
ſuch Actions, carried him into the Palace; where ſome of the moſt violent
of them, breaking down the Benches, made a Pile; and ſetting fire to it,
burnt not only the Body, but likewiſe the Palace and fome Private Houſes
adjoyning. As for Milo, he ſtill had ſo much boldnefs, that the fear he
ſtood in of being puniſhed for ſuch an Aſſaſſinate was much leſs than his in-
dignation to ſee ſo much Honour payed to the Memory of Clodius. There-
fore taking in his Train great numbers of Country People, together with
his own Houſhold: And having gained the People by Largeſles, and cor-
rupted

Book II.
of Rome.
63
rupted M. Cecilius, Tribune, with Money, he came to the City full of Con
fidence. As ſoon as he appeared, Cecilius arreſted him in the midſt of the
Street, and led him as it were by force into the place where thoſe who had
received his Preſents were aſſembled, under pretence of making him an-
ſwer for his Action. The Tribune ſeemed to be ſo enraged againſt him,
that he would not grant him any time to prepare himſelf for his Defence :
But indeed he preſſed the buſineſs out of hopes that Milo being acquitted by
this Judgment, might not be obliged to anſwer before other Judges. Milo
having at firſt declared that this Death was not premeditated, for had he a-
ny ſuch deſign he would never have taken his Wife and whole Family along
with him to execute it, ſpent the reſt of his time in Invectives againſt Clodi-
us, who he would have paſs for a debauched Caſt-away, and the Head of
thoſe Debauchees who, in burning his Body, had burnt the Palace. Before
he had finiſhed his Speech, the other Tribunes of the People and the Citi-
zens who had not been corrupted by his Preſents, came running into the
place, from whence Cecilius and Milo withdrew diſguiſed like Slaves; yet
they failed not to make a great Slaughter, making no diſtinction between
Milo's Friends and others; but charged indifferently on the Citizens and
thoſe that were none; eſpecially on thoſe were beſt clad, or had about them
any rich Ornaments which they had a mind to; for there being no Form of
a Commonwealth, in the firſt Tumult that happened every Man gave him-
ſelf over to Rage and Paſſion. And becauſe in this Occaſion numbers of
Slaves had taken Arms againſt People that had none, they ſet themſelves to
rob, and run into Houſes to ſee what they could catch, under pretence to
ſeek for Milo's Friends. Thus ſome Days paſſed in theſe Diſorders, where-
in Fire and Stones, and ail other Inſtruments of Fury and Rage were made
uſe of. Mean while the Senate affrighted, aſſembled in the Palace, and
caſt their eyes on Pompey, as if they deſigned him preſentiy Dictator; and
indeed there appeared no other Remedy for the Miſeries wherewith the
Commonwealth was oppreſſed. But Cato diffwaded the Fathers, and
brought them to his Opinion, to make him Conſul without a Colleague
ſo that he might have the Power of a Dictator, diſpoſing all things alone,
but was ſubject to be called to an Account of his Adminiſtration, according
to ancient Cuſtom. Being then the firſt that ever was created Conſul alone,
Governor of two great Provinces, General of an Army, and powerful in
Treaſure ; he obtained the Sovereign Authority in the Commonwealth by
the Advice of Cato himſelf; who gave him his Vote for fear he ſhould hin-
der his Voyage to Cyprus, whither he was to go to reduce that Kingdom into
the Form of a Province. Clodius had got it fo decreed, to revenge himſelf
of Ptolemy, King of that Iſland; who, out of Covetouſneſs, had contribu-
ted but two Talents to redeem him from Pyrates when he was formerly
taken And Cato, when he went, had not much trouble to ſettle the Af-
fairs of Cyprus ; for as ſoon as the King had advice of the Decree of the Se-
hate and People of Rome, he threw all his Treaſure into the Sea, and killed
himſelf.
5
vi.
At firſt Entrance into his Charge Pompey brought to a Tryal all thoſe who
ſtood accuſed of any Crime, particularly of Corruption or Ill Adminiſtra
tion in their offices; for this he thought the Original of all Publick Mife-
ries; and that having purged that Humour, the Commonwealth would
foon recover its former Vigour. He therefore made a Law, by which leave
was given to demand an Account of all thoſe who had exerciſed any office
from the time that he was firſt made Conſul, to his preſent Conſulate. Now
this

64
Part II.
The Civil Wars
this ſpace of time being almoſt twenty years, compriſed likewiſe the Con
ſulate of Cæſar, and thoſe of his Party had ſome ſuſpicion that it was done
to affront him; for why run ſo far back? they remonſtrated therefore to
Pompey, that it was more convenient to provide againſt preſent Evils, than
to go to rip up old fores, and put to pain ſo many conſiderable perſons, as
mong whom they named Caſar himſelf
. He ſeemed to take it amiſs they
had alledged Cafar, as not being ſuſpected with any of thoſe crimes ; not-
withſtanding he reduced the time to begin from his ſecond Conſulate, buc
he would not utterly ſuppreſs the Law, ſaying, that the puniſhment of
theſe crimes was of great importance towards the re-eſtabliſhment of a
perfe& good order in the Commonwealth. After this Law was ratified,
great number of Proceſſes were formed, and that the Judges might be
free from all fear, himſelf fate Preſident, attended by a ſtrong Guard of
Soldiers. The firſt condemned in their abſence were Milo for the death of
Clodins, Gabinius convicted to have violated Humane and Divine Right, by
entring armed into Egypt without the order of the Senate, and againſt the
prohibition of the Sibyls; with Hypfeus, Memmius, Sextus, and many of
tlers for having bought their Offices. As for Scaurus, when many people
tumultuouſly entreated for him, Pompey cauſed the Ulfher with a loud voice
to tell them they ſhould expect the ſentence of the Judges; and becauſe
notwithſtanding they continued to make a great broil with the Accuſers.
Pompey's Soldiers fell upon and killed ſome of them, ſo after filence made,
Scaurus was condemned to Baniſhment; and for Gabinius, beſides Baniſh-
ment his Goods were confiſcate. The Senate after having given praiſes to
Pompey, augmented his Forces with two Legions, and extended his autho-
rity over all the Provinces of the Empire. Some days after, the Law of
Pompey promiſing impunity to whoever would accufe another: Memmius
one of the condemned fummoned to Judgment L. Scipio Father-in-law to
Pompey, and guilty of the ſame crime: upon which, Pompey having chan-
ged habit: imitated hiin; and Memmius, after having complained of the
ill orders in the Common-wealth, let fall his ſuit.
And now as if the time of his Dictatorſhip were expired, Pompey
made Scipio his Colleague for the reſt of his Conſulate. Notwithſtanding
he laboured hard for thoſe were to ſucceed him in that Dignity, keeping
the ſame power he had before, and diſpoſing alone of all things in the
City; for the Senate had ſo great an affection for him, that Caſar grew jea
lous. And indeed in his Conſulate he had not at all conſidered that ſu-
preme Order, whereas Pompey in a little time had reſtored the languiſhing
Common-wealth, without difobliging any of the Senators, unlels where
his Office forced him to it: but though the baniſhed men from all parts
gathered themſelves about Cafar, giving him counſel to have a care of Pom-
pey's Law, of which he was the principal object ; he ſeemed not to believe
any thing of it, and comforting them in their misfortunes, ftill ſpoke of
Pompey with applauſe. However, he obliged the Tribunes to paſs an Or
dinance by which he had leave to make a demand of the Conſulate the ſe-
cond time, though abſent, the which was granted him by the conſent of
Pompey himſelf yet Conſul. But doubting the Senate owed him no good
will, and fearing if he deſcended to the condition of a private man, his E-
nemies would treat him but ill, he contrived all ways poſſible, that he might
not quit his Army till he was deſigned Conſul; wherefore he demanded of
the Senate the continuation of his Commiſſion for ſome time, at leaſt in the
hither Gaul, if he could not obtain it in both. Marcellus, who ſucceeded
Pompey,
VII.

Book II.
of Rome.
65
Pompey, oppoſed it ; whereupon Cafar told him that brought him the news,
This here ſhall gain it: clapping his hand on the Hilt of his Sword. Hé
had formerly founded the new Coma under the Alpes, and given to the City
the Privileges of the Latine Cities, that is to ſay, whoever had been Ma-
giſtrate a whole year together was by right a Freeman of Rome, which
gave another occafion to Marcellits to ſhew his ſpite ; for finding at Rome
an Inhabitant of Coma, who the year before had exerciſed the Magiſtracy,
and was therefore reputed a Citizen of Rome ; to affront Cæſar, he cauſed
him to be beaten with Rods (a puniſhment they never make a Roman Ci-
tizen ſuffer, what ever his crime be ) and treating him as a Stranger, bid
him go find out Cafar and ſhew him the print of his ſtripes. So arrogant
was this man; nay, ſo far did malice tranſport him, that he would have
ſent Succeſſors to Cæfar before the time of his Commiſſion was expired;
but Pompey, whether he thought it diſhonourable for him to ſuffer it, or
that he ſeemed to be Cæſar's Friend, would not let that brave man who had
ſo well ſerved his Country receive an affront for ſo ſhort a time. Beſides,
none doubted but at the time limited he muſt return to the condition of
private perſons; wherefore they deſigned Conſuls for the approaching
year Emilius Paulus, and Clodius Marcellus Nephew to that Marcellus we
were ſpeaking of. And the Dignity of the Tribune of the People was
given to Curio a man in favour with the multitude, and withal very eloquent.
Theſe were three declared Enemies to Cæfar, of whom Clodius would ne-
ver be drawn to his Party what ever money he offered him; Paulus by
means of* fifteen hundred Talents was wrought upon ſo as not to be againſt * about too
him; and Curio, who was almoſt ruined with his debts, gave himſelf hundred and
wholly up to him for ſomewhat a greater fum. Paulus with his money twenty thouſand
built a moſt magnificent Palace, which is ſtill to be ſeen, called by his own
name, and is one of the moſt beautiful Works of the City. Curio, that
he might not appear to paſs all of a ſudden to the contrary Party, propoſed
a Law for the reparation of the High-ways, of which he demanded a Com-
miſſion for five years, he had no thoughts of gaining it, but only ſought an
occaſion of Rupture with thoſe of Pompey's Party, who he knew would not
fail to oppoſe it; in which he was not deceived.
7
Pounds.
VIII.
Clodius then ſpoke of ſending Succeſſors to Cæſar, becauſe the time of his
Commiſſion was paſt; whereupon Paulus kept ſilence: Curio, who ſeemed
concerned for neither Party, applauded Clodius's motions, but he added,
that Pompey ought likewiſe to quit his Provinces, and diſmiſs his Armies,
and thus the Common-wealth delivered from all fear, would be in perfect
liberty. And when ſeveral alledged that not to be juſt, Pompey's time not
being expired, Curio began to cry out aloud, and proclaim to all, that they
ought not to ſend Succeſſors to Caſar, if Pompey did not likewiſe quit his
Governments, and that they being one jealous of another, the City would
never be in peace, but by taking the command from both. He ſaid all
theſe things becauſe he knew Pompey would keep his Provinces and his Ar-
mies; and perceived well that the people had an averſion for him, becauſe
of the Law he had made againſt Largeſſes and Bribes; wherefore the peo-
ple, who thought this opinion generous, highly praiſed Curio, who only for
the defence of the publick liberty, did not ſtick to oppoſe himſelf to the
hatred of boih of them ; ſo that fometimes they brought him to his Houſe
with univerfal applauſes, ſtrewing Flowers in his way as he paſſed, who
like a couragious Wreſtler durſt engage in a Combat ſo hard and adventu-
rous; for nothing was accounted more daring than to oppoſe Pompey :
I i i
yet

66
The Civil Wars
Part II
having
yet at this time he was not in the City, being ſick and gone to take the
Country Air, from whence he wrote to the Senate : his Letter began with
praiſing Cafar for his noble Actions; then he proceeded to amplifie what
he had done himſelf, and that the third Conſulate being offered him, toge-
ther with the Provinces and Armies, he had not accepted of all theſe things,
only to ſettle a better order in the Commonwealth : But, faid he, what I
have accepted almoſt againſt my will, I will willingly reſign to thoſe that would
reſume them, withont expecting till the time limited by the Command be
paſt
. This Letter was writ with much artifice to perſwade all the world of
Pompey's integrity, and make Cafar at the ſame time odious, whoeven af-
ter the time of his power expired, would not lay down Arms. Being re-
turned to the City, he talked after the ſame manner, nay, promiſing at
prefent to depoſe himfelf, and ſaying, that Cefar his Friend and Ally would
not think it hard to do the like; and that it was eaſie to believe, that after
long and laborious Wars againſt the moſt warlike people of the world, and
ſo far extended the Dominion of his Country, he would be content
to paſs the reſt of his life in Honours, in Sacrifices, and in Repoſe, of which
he ſtood in need. He ſaid not all this but with deſign to haſten the ſending
Succeffors to Cæfar, whilſt he contented himſelf to promiſe. But Curio
diſcovering his cunning, told him, it was not enough to make promiſes
if they were not prefently executed, that Cæfar ought not to diſarm unleſs
he difarmed alſo; and that it was neither advantageous for him to foment
private enmities by this authority; nor for the Common-wealth, that ſo
great power ſhould be in one man's hands; whereas being divided between
two, one would curb the pride of the other, if he attempted any thing a-
gainſt the Senate and People of Rome. He purſued his Diſcourſe, decla-
ming againſt Pompey, ſaying, that he aimed at Sowereign Power, and if
the fear of Cæſar could not keep him within bounds of Duty, he would ne-
ver be kept in ; and therefore it was his advice, that if they would not o-
bey the authority of the Senate, they ſhould declare them both Enemies,
and raiſe Forces to make War upon them. Curio deceived all the world
by uttering this his judgment, and quite cancelled the opinion, that ever
he had been corrupted by Cafar's Gift; but Pompey grew angry, and after
having ſeverely threatened him, retired in diſcontent to a Houſe he had in
the Suburbs, that the Senate began to enter into diſtruſt both of the one
and the other. However, they eſteemed Pompey more affectionate to the
publick good; for they had not yet forgot the odious Confulate of Cæfar.
There were likewiſe fome who ſeriouſly believed, that the City could
not
be fecure if Pompey firſt diſmiſſed his Forces, becauſe his Rival puffed up
with the ſucceſs of his Arms was abroad extremely powerful. Curio
thwarted that opinion, by ſaying, that on the contrary they had need of
Cæfar to reduce the other. But ſeeing they could not follow his advice, he
diſmiſſed the Senate without any thing refolved on; for the Tribunes of the
People have power to do it, which gave cauſe to Pompey to repent his having
re-eſtabliſhed the authority of the Tribunes which Syll.i had almoſt utterly
quaſhed. Yet it was agreed in the Senate before they parted, that Pompey
and Cefar fhould each fend a Legion into Syria, to defend that Province,
which might be invaded after the loſs ſuſtained in Parthia. That being re-
ſolved on, Pompey, purſuing his old cunning, fent to redemand of Celar a
Legion he had lent him when Triturins and Cotta his Lieutenants were
Twon'y five defeated; whereupon Caſar, gave every Soldier * two hundred and fifty
Drachms, and fent them to the City with another of his own; but becauſe
danger appeared towards Syria, they paſſed their Winter Quarters at Capua.
Thoſe

C70215.

Book II.
of Rome.
67
Thoſe that led them fowed a great many ill reports of Cæſar, and aſſured
Pompey, that Cæſar's Army tired with long labour, and willing to ſee their
Country, would without any difficulty ſubmit themſelves to him ſo ſoon as
he ſhould paſs the Alpes; which they either ſaid to deceive Pompey, or out
of ignorance ; for Caſar had none but good and faithful Soldiers, whether
it were that being accuſtomed to War they loved it, or that led by intereſt
they were fixed to him, by thoſe profits which ordinarily attend Victories,
together with the liberality of their General. Indeed he gave profuſely to
them to prepare them to the execution of his Deſigns, of which they were
not ignorant, nor therefore became they leſs affectionate to him; but Pom-
pey giving credit to the reports brought him, neither made any Levies of
Men, nor any other preparations capable to ſuſtain ſo great a War. To
proceed, when they next in Senate debated this Affair, and that the Fathers
Ipoke their opinion one after the other, the Conſul by a wile having de-
manded them apart if they were of the opinion to take away Pompey's
Command, many were of a contrary mind, and after asking if they thought
it convenient to ſend a Succeſſor to Cafar, they all agreed to it : But Curio
then asking anew if they would not that both ſhould diſmiſs their Forces,
there was but twoand twenty contradicted it; and three hundred and ſeven-
ty all affectionate to the publick good, followed Curio's judgment: where-
upon the Conful diſmiſſing the Aſſembly, cryed out, Well then, take Cæfar
for your Maſter. Soon after a falſe rumour coming that Cafar had paſſed
the Alpes, and was marching directly to the City, all the World was
allarm’d, and the Conſuls propoſed to the Senate to ſend for the Legions
were at Capua, to employ againſt him as an Enemy of the State. Where-
upon Curio ſaying that the news was falſe, the Conſul grew angry, and ſaid,
Since in conſulting of Affairs with all the Senate, I am hindred
from provi-
ding for the ſafety
of the Commonwelth, I will provide alone according to the
power which I have. After which, going out of the City with his Colleague,
and preſenting a Sword to Pompey: We order you, faid he, my colleague and
I to march againſt Cæſar, and fight for your Country, and to that purpoſe we
give you that Army is at Capua, or in any other place of Italy with power to
raiſe Forces at your diſcretion. He declared he would obey them, becauſe it
was their command, but adding withal theſe words, If no better Expedient
can be found. Which he did craftily to perſwade them of the ſincerity of
his intentions.
Though Curio had no farther power in the Adminiſtration of the Com IX:
mon-wealth, a Tribune not being permitted to go out of the circuit of the
Walls, yet he deplored in all Affemblies of the People the preſent ſtate of
Affairs, and was ſo bold as to demand in full Senate, that all people ſhould
be forbid enrolling themſelves in the Forces levyed by Pompey: but ſeeing
he laboured in vain, and loſt all hopes of being able to ſerve his Friend, the
time of his Tribuneſhip being almoſt paſt, and likewiſe growing fearful for
himſelf, he departed on a ſudden to go and find out Cæfar, who being lately
returned from England, had croſſed that * Gaul which is bounded by the * France,
Rhine, and paſſed the Alpes with five thouſand Foot and three hundred
Horſe : He met him on the way to Ravenna, which is the Frontier of Ita-
by, and the laſt Town of his Government, where he received Curio with
all poſſible teſtimonies of good will; and after having thanked him for the
ſervices he had done him, deſired his counfel in what he had to do. Curio
adviſed him to ſend as ſpeedily as he could for his Forces, and lead them to
the City; but Cafar chofe rather firſt to try ſome way of Accommodation,
Iii 2
wherefore
68
PART II.
The Civil Wars
# About four
bundred and
ter Miles.
wherefore he writ to his Friends that they ſhould endeavour to obtain of
the Senate, that he might only keep two Legions with the Government of
the hither Gaul and Illyria, till ſuch time as he was named Conſul, and that
he would deliver up,to whoever they ſhould ſend for Succeſſor, all the reſt
of the Province, and all the remainder of his Forces. Pompey was content
with this propoſition ; but becauſe the Confuls oppoſed it, Cafar writ to the
Senate a Letter, which Curio, having rode * three thouſand and three hun-
dred Furlongs in three days, gave to the new Conſuls as they entred the
Palace the firſt day of the year. In the beginning he ſpoke in advanta-
geous terms of the great things that he had done ; then he proteſted that
he was ready to quit his command, ſo Pompey would do the ſame, but if
Pompey kept it, he would keep it too, and ſhould ſuddenly be in the City to
revenge the outrages done as well to him as to his Country. When they
heard theſe laft words, they all cryed out that he declared War by this Let-
ter, and immediately nominated for his Succeſſor L. Domitius, who de-
parted foon after with four thouſand Men new levied : and becauſe Anthony
and Caffius, Tribunes of the People, were of Curio’s mind, the Senate grew
ſo much the hotter againſt him, and giving Pompey's Army the name of the
Army of the Common-wealth, declared that of Cæfar Enemy to their
Country. And at laſt Marcellus and Lentulus Conſuls ordered thoſe Tri-
bunes to go out of the Senate, for fear left without having regard to their
Dignity, though ſacred, they ſhould be evilly treated. Then Anthony
leaping from his Seat in Choler, invoked with great cries the faith of men
and Gods, and lamented that an authority which had hitherto been held
facred was no longer in fecurity, and that they ſhamefully drove from the
Senate thoſe who propoſed ſaving advice, as if they had been guilty of
Murder, or ſome other crime. After having ſaid theſe words, he departed
in a fury, foretelling, as if he had been a Divine, the Wars, Profcriptions,
Baniſhments and Confiſcations wherewith the City was threatened, and
making horrible imprecations againſt thoſe who were the cauſe of all their
miſeries, Curio and Caffius withdrew likewiſe with him (for Pompey's Sol-
diers were already come to environ the Palace ) and they departed all three
together in the Habit of Slaves upon hired Horſes, and ſo got to Cafar. He
ſhewed them in the condition they were to his Soldiers, to enrage them the
more, telling them, that after all their great ſervices they were declared
Enemies to their Country, and that thoſe great men had been ſhamefully
driven out of the Senate, becauſe they had only ſaid a word in their de-
fence.




The War being thus declared on both ſides, the Senate, who believed
that the Army out of Gail could not come in a long time to Cæfar, and that
with ſo few Forces as he had he would not take the Field, gave order to
Pompey to ſend for out of Theſſaly thirteen thouſand Men that were of the
old Soldiers, and to enrol men in pay of the moſt warlike Nations circum-
adjacent, with power to take money out of the Treaſury to defray the ex-
pence of the War; and in caſe the publick money ſhould fail, there were
ſeveral private men would advance it, till ſuch time as it could be levyed
upon the Cities of Italy, which they laboured to do with much haſte and
rigour. For Cefar's part he had ſent people to bring his Army, but being
accuſtomed to ſucceed more by diligence, ſtriking a terrour and hardineſs,
than any mighty preparations, he reſolved to begin this great War with his
five thouſand Men, and ſeiſe of ſome places of Italy., were com-
modious for him : firſt he ſent before to Rimini fome Centurions and
Men

Book II.
of Rome.
69
Men who were to enter the City as Paſſengers, and then all of a ſudden to
ſeiſe on that City ( the firſt that offers it ſelf coming from Gaul) and him-
ſelf in the Evening going out as if he had found himſelf ill after a Feaft,
leaves his Friends, and mounting in a Chariot drove himſelf the ſame way,
followed at a diſtance by his Cavalry; when he came to the Banks of Rubi-
con he ſtopped ſome time, looking upon the water, and thinking of the ca-
lamities he went about to be the cauſe of, if he paſſed that River in Arms:
At length turning to thoſe of his Train; My Friends, faid he, if I paſs not
this River immediately, it will be to me the beginning of all misfortunes; and
if I do paſs it, I go to make a world of people miſerable: and therewithal as if
he had been preſſed forward by ſome Divinity, he drave into the ſtream,
and croſſing it, cries with a loud voice; The Lot is caft. From whence
continuing on his way with ſpeed, he feiſed on Rimini by break of day,
and all in an inſtant places Garriſons in all the good places of that Country,
which he reduced either by force or favour. Mean while, as it happens in
theſe unexpected Allarms, the whole Country was filled with people flying,
the Countrymen forſåking their Habitations, and nothing was to be heard
but Cries, and Lamentations, and Groans, yet no man knew from whence
this diſorder came, but all imagined that Cæſar was upon them with all his
Forces. The Conſuls receiving the news, gave not Pompey, who perfectly
underſtood War, leiſure to prepare himſelf, and take his own time, they
began to preſs him to be gone out of the City, and make Levies of Forces
in Italy, as if Rome had been in immediate danger of being taken and plun-
dered. And the Senate furpriſed with fo unlooked for an irruption, were
terrified, and began to repent they had not accepted thoſe reaſonable con-
ditions offered by Ceſar; but this was not, till fear had opened their eyes,
and led them back from Partiality to Reaſon; for now men talked of a
great many Prodigies and extraordinary Signs which had appeared in the
Heavens, that it had rained Blood in many places, that in others the Statues
of the Gods had ſweat, that many Temples had been ſtruck with Thun-
derbolts, that a. Mule had engendred, beſides an infinite of other things
which ſeemed to foretel the change of the preſent ſtate, and the ruine of
the Cominon-wealth, ſo as it ſhould never be re-eſtabliſhed ; wherefore
they made Vows and Prayers as in a publick Conſternation. And the peo-
ple remembring again the miſeries they had ſuffered becauſe of the Dif
ſentions of Sylla and Marius, cryed out, that they ought to take away the
Command as well from Cæfar as from Pompey, ſince that was the only
means to prevent a War: Cicero himſelf was of opinion that Deputies
ſhould be ſent to Cæfar to treat an Accommodation, but the Conſuls abſo-
lutely oppoſed it. Favonius quipping at Pompey becauſe of a word he had
once ſaid with too much arrogance, Bid him ſtamp on the ground with his
Foot, and ſee if any armed Men would riſe. To which Pompey anſwered,
You will want none ſo you will follow me, and are not troubled to leave the City,
and Italy it ſelf if there be occaſion: for people of courage, faid he, do nor
make liberty confift' in the poſſesſion of Lands and Houſes, they cannot want in any
place they come to ; and if they loſe not their courage, will ſoon recover their
Houſes and Lands.
XI.
After having ſaid theſe words, and proteſted he would hold him for an
Enemy, that out of fear to loſe what he poſſeſſed, deſerted the Common-
wealth in extreme danger, he went out of the Palace, and ſoon after out of
the City, to joyn the Army that was at Capua. The Conſuls followed him
preſently, but the other Senators weighed it a little longer, and ſpent all the
night

70
Tbe Civil Wars
Part II
night in the Palace, without reſolving any thing: and at length as ſoon as
it was break of day the greater part followed the ſame way after Pompey.
Mean time, Cefar having reached at Corfinium L. Domitius, whom they
had ſent for his Succeſſor with four thouſand Men; of which he had alrea-
dy loft a part, he beſieged him in the City, from whence endeavouring to
eſcape, the Inhabitants ſtopped him at the Gate, and brought him to Ce-
ſar, to whom the Remainder of his Forces yielded themſelves; he received
them kindly, that he might draw others by their example, and without
doing any wrong to Domitius, he ſuffered him to go whither he pleaſed ,
with all his Equipage, hoping by this courteſie to oblige him to take his
Party, yet without hindring him from going to find out Pompey. Theſe
things being done in ſuch an inſtant, Pompey on the other ſide marches from
Capia to Nucera, and from Nucera to Brundufiur, that he might from
thence paſsto Epire, where he deſigned to eſtabliſh the Seat of the War,
he writ to all Provinces, and thoſe that commanded them, to Kings them-
ſelves, to Sovereigns, and particular Cities, that with all convenient
ſpeed they ſhould fend him what Forces they could fupply him with, in
which every one laboured with all his power. He had his own particular
Army in Spain, ready to march at his firſt command, and for thoſe Legions
he had with him he gave one part of them to the Conſuls, whom he ſent
before into Epire, they embarquing at the ſame time at Brundufium, hap-
pily croſſed the Gulf, and landed at Dyrrachium, which ſome by miſtake
think to be Epidamnum ; for Epidamnus King of the Barbarians, who in-
habited thoſe Countries, built near the Sea the City to which he gave his
own name; and Dyrrachus his Grand-ſon by his Daughter, whom they ſaid
was begot by Neptune, added to this City a Port which they call Dyrrachi,
um. This Dyrrachus being in War with his Brother Hercules, returning
from Erythrea, aſſiſted him on condition to have a part of the Country for
his reward. Hence comes it that the Dyrrachians call him their Founder,
as having part in the Lands which they poſſeſſed, not that they diſavow
Dyrrachus, but they are well pleaſed out of vanity to derive their original
from a God, rather than a Man. 'Tis reported, that in the Fight Hercules
ignorantly flew Ionius the Son of Dyrrachas, and after having payed him all
Funeral Honours, threw the Body into the Sea, which from him was called
Ionian. Some Phrygians having deſerted their Country, ſeiſed afterwards
on this, and on the City it felf, where they remained a long time, till after
them the like was done by the Taulantieni, who are a people of Illyria;
and again by the Liburnians another Nation of Illyria who uſed to rob their
Neighbours in very ſwift Brigantines, which the Romans after-
wards making uſe of, called Liburnicks. The Dyrrachians chaſed away
by the Liburnians, having called to their aſſiſtance the Corcyrians, power-
ful by Sea, drove out again the Liburnians, and received into their City
part of the Inhabitants of Corcyra, to whom in all likelyhood they gave ha-
bitation in the Port ; and becauſe the name of Dyrrachium was thought a
name of ill Augury, they called it Epidamnum, after the name of the City
which ſtands at a good diſtance from the Sea : and fo Thucydides calls it,
though to this day the old name carries it, and it be called * Dyrrachium.
The Conſuls were already arrived, when Pompey led the reſt of his Forces
to Brunduſrum, expecting the return of the Fleet to tranſport them; and
Caſar coming thither to beſiege him, he hindred his forming a Siege till ſuch
time as the Fleet arriving in the Evening, he embarqued, leaving only to
defend the Walls a party of his beſt Soldiers, who mounting the ſame night
on thoſe Ships he had left for them; and having the Wind favourable, foon
reached
* Durazzo.

Book II.
of Rome.
71
XII.
*
Otranto.
reached the other. Thus all Pompey's Forces left Italy, and paſſed over in-
to Epire with their General.
Cæfar hereupon found himſelf at a ſtand, he knew not on which fide
to
turn himſelf, or where he ſhould to his moſt advantage begin the War:
He ſaw that from all parts Forces came to Pompey, and he was fearful left
the Army of old Soldiers he left in Spain, ſhould fall into the rear of him,
if he went to purſue thoſe that ſeem'd to fly from him. In the end he re-
folved to march firſt of all for Spain, and having drawn off five Bodies of
Armies, left one at Brundiſium, another at * Hydrunto, another at T arena
tum for the Guard of Italy; he fent Q. Valerius with another to ſeiſe on
Sardinia, becauſe it was fruitful in Corn; and Ainius Pollio went by his
orders with another into Sicily, where Çato commanded. At his firſt
coming Cato asking him if it were by Decree of the Senate, or Ordinance
of the People, that he thus entred armed into a Province of which another
was Governour, he made him only this ſhort anſwer; He that is now Ma-
ſter of Italy ſent me bither. To which Cato having replyed, That for the
good of the Province he forbore to revenge the affront till anothertime,
embarqued himſelf for Corcyra, to go and ſeek out Pompey. As for Cefar
himſelf having drawn off fome Forces towards the City, he came thither,
and finding the people affrighted with the miſeries they had undergone in
Sylla's time, he reaſfured them, exhorting them to have better hopes, ma-
king them fair promiſes, and juſtifying his clemency to his Enemies by the
example of Domitius, who being fallen under his power, he had ſent away
with all his Equipage, not doing him the leaſt diſpleaſure. After which
he broke open the Treaſury, and notwithſtanding the oppoſition made by
Metellus Tribune of the People, whom he threatened to kill if he gave not
over, carried away that Treaſure which no man till then durft touch. Some
ſay it was put there during the invaſion of the Gauls, with publick execra-
tions on whoever durſt be ſo bold as to touch it, unleſs it were to make War
upon the ſame Gauls: but Cæfar ſaid he delivered the Common-wealth
from thoſe imprecations when he conquered the Gauls; and ſo there was
no more danger on that ſide. He gave to Emilius Lepidus the Government
of the City, and to Marc. Anthony the Command of all the Forces of Ita-
ly, and of Italy it felf. As for the other Provinces he nominated Curio Suc-
ceſſor to Cato in Sicily; to Quintus Valerius he gave the Government of Sar-
dinia, to C. Antonius that of Illyria, to Licinius Craſſus the Ciſalpine Gaul.
He likewiſe gave order for the ſpeedy fitting out two Fleets for the Guards
of the Ionian and Hetrurian Seas, of one of which he made Hortenſius Ad-
miral, and of the other Dolabella. Having thus fufficiently fortified Italy
againſt any attempts Pompey might make , he advanced towards Spain,
where being arrived he ſet upon Petreius and Afranius Pompey's Lieute-
nants, over whom he at firſt got no advantage, being encamped near the
Enemy about * Ilerde in a high place ſurrounded with Rocks, whitherhe
could not cauſe any Corn or Forage to be brought him, but over the Bridges : Lerida
of the River Segre, the River ſwelling on a ſudden with the Winter Rains,
broke down the Bridges, ſo that thoſe who were gone to guard the
Carriages that were to come to Cæſar's Camp, not being able to repaſs the
River by reaſon of this accident, were all cut in pieces by Petreius's Men;
and Cefar himſelf with the reſt of the Army were hardly put to it, to paſs
over the reſt of their Winter, being to fight againſt Famine, ill Weather,
and the Enemy, who in a manner held them beſieged. But Summer being
come, Afranius and Petreius retreating into the farther Spain to joyn ano-
ther



72
The Civil Wars
PART II.
ther Army newly ſet on Foot, Cæfar got before and croſſed them in their
March, continually intrenching himſelf in their way, and gaining the
Paſſages. One Evening part of their Army being advanced with deſign to
chufe a place proper to encamp in, found themſelves inveſted; ſo that fee-
ing no way to eſcape the Soldiers, by lifting up their Bucklers made a fign
that they yielded. But Cæſar, to gain his Enemies by clemency, ſent them
to Afranius, without ſtopping one, or ſuffering a Dart to be thrown at
them, which occaſioned that there was continual entercourſe between the
two Camps, and in common diſcourſe they began to talk of an accommo-
odation, for already were Afranius and many of the Officers of opinion,
that they ſhould quit Spain to Cæfar, fo he would grant them a ſafe retreat
to Pompey, when Petreius running through the Army began to cry out a-
gainſt this propoſition, and to kill with his own hand all ſuch of the con-
trary Party as he found in his Camp, and this in ſogreat madneſs, that he
run hisSword into the Body of one of his own Tribunes who would have
ſtopped him in this fury; whereby the Soldiers enraged at this cruelty did
but the more efteem the clemency of Cafar. It happened by chance that
he cut off their way to go to water, which put Petreius and Afranius into a
neceſſity of demanding a Conference between the two Armies. It was a-
greed that they ſhould quit Spain, on condition that he would conduct them
to the River Var, and from thence would permit them to retreat to Pom-
pey. When they were arrived at the Banks of that River, he cauſed all the
Romans and Italians they had in the Army to be drawn together, and ſpoke
to them in this manner :
The Oration of Cæſar.

YO
Ou know, my Enemies, ( for you will underſtand me beſt by that name )
that I did no injury to thoſe who were ſent before to mark out a place to
encamp in, they yielding to diſcretion: nor to your felves when I had reduced
you to want of water ; though Petreius finding a Party of my Men on the other
ſide the Segre cut them all in pieces: if you think your felves obliged
to any ac-
knowledgments for theſe kindneſſes, pray make report of them to all Pompey's
Soldiers.
XIII.
After having ſaid theſe words, he ſuffered them in all ſafety to paſs the
River, and made Q. Caffins his Lieutenant in Spain.
At the ſame time Actius Varus commanding Pompey's Forces in Africa,
aſſiſted by Fuba King of Mauritania in favour of their amity and alliance:
Curio had a deſign to go make War upon him, and paſſed out of Sicily with
two of Cafar's Legions upon twelve long Ships, and ſome other Ships of
Burthen : being landed at Utica he put to flight ſome Numidians in a ſinall
Engagement of Horſe ; and thereupon ſuffered his Army drawn up in Bat-
talia to proclaim him Emperour. This was an Honour which formerly
Soldiers gave to their Generals as a Teſtimony of their Valour, and which
the Generals accepted after having done ſome exploit in War: but at pre-
ſent, as far as I can underſtand, this acclamation is made to none but who
had ſlain ten thouſand of their Enemies. But to proceed, whilſt Curio was yet
upon

Book II.
of Rome.
73
upon the Sea, the Africans imaginining that he would come and poſt him-
ſelf in that place which is called the Camp of Scipio, as pretending to the
fame Glory which that General had gained in Africa, poiſoned all the wa-
ters thereabouts; and in effect they were not deceived, for Cerio coming to
encamp there, a Sickneſs ſpread through his Army. As ſoon as the Soldiers
had drunk of the water, their fight grew dim, then they were ſeiſed with a
great drowſineſs, which was followed by vomiting, and at laſt by Convul-
fions; wherefore he tranſported his Camp near to Utica with great labour,
making his fick Army march over Mariſhes of ſo great extent. But when
he heard of Cæſar's Victories in Spain, he took heart, and engaged the Ene-
my in a very ſtrait place, where after a fierce Encounter the Eriemy had
fix hundred killed, beſides many more wounded, and Curio loft only one
Man. Mean while, as Fuba came on with his Forces, falfe intelligence was
brought to Curio, that the King was returned from the River Bagrada,
which was not far off, to repulſe his Neighbours, who had made an ir-
ruption into his Kingdom, and had only left Saburra with ſome few Forces:
Curio believed it, and in the greateſt heats of Summer, and about three
hours in the day made his Army march towards Saburra, through ways full
of Sand and Dirt, and no Water; for all Streams were dryed up by the
heat of the Summer; and the King himſelf with Saburra were feiſed of the
River ; whereupon Curio fallen from his hopes, made a ſwift retreat to-
wards the Mountains, equally incominoded with heat, thirſt and weari-
neſs. The Enemies having obſerved it, paſſed the River, and drew up
their Army in Battalia, and he was ſo imprudent as to come down into the
Plain with his Forces, tyred as they were, and bring them to fight. The
Numidian Horſe having inveſted him, he ſuſtained them for ſome time, by
giving ground, yer keeping his Battalions cloſe, but ſeeing the Enemy con-
tinued their charge, he once more regained the Mountains : Pollio fled
in a good hour to the Camp near Utica, for fear leſt Varus taking the oppor-
tunity ſhould make ſome diſorder ; and Curio again raſhly renewing the
Fight was killed, and all thoſe with him; ſo that after Pollio not one re-
turned to Utica. After this ill ſucceſs of Curio's raſhneſs near Bagrada, the
Enemies cut off his Head, which they carried to King Fuba: and when the
news was brought to the Army which he had left near Utica, Flamma who
commanded the Ships got off to Sea with his Fleet before any of the Land
Soldiers could embarque; ſo that Pollio was forced to get into a Boat to go
and entreat ſome Merchants which were about to enter the Port of Utica,
to bring their Ships cloſe to ſhore without the City, and take in his Soldiers:
His prayers were ſo urgent, that ſome of them in the night came near the
Beach, but the Soldiers thronged fo faſt into them, that ſome of them ſunk
to the bottom, and thoſe who got out to Sea were thrown over-board by
the Mariners for the Money they had about them. Thoſe who ſtayed be-
hind at Utica fared not a whit better ; for next morning yielding themſelves
to Varus, Fuba coming thither, made them all be ſet upon the Walls, and
ſaying they were part of his Spoils, cauſed them to be ſlain with Darts, not-
withſtanding all the entreaties of Varus to ſave their lives. Thus two Ro-
man Legions going into Africa under the conduct of Curio periſhed with all
their Horſe, light armed Foot and Baggage: and Fuba thinking he had done
Pompey a great piece of ſervice returned into his Kingdom.
About the fame time Anthony was defeated by Dolobella one of Pompey's XIV.
Lieutenants in Illyria; and another Army of Cæfar's that was at Placentia
mutinyed againſt their Officers, under pretence that they ſpun out the War
K k k
in

The Civil Wars
Part II
CYowns.
74
* About thirty in length, and that they payed not the Soldiers the thirty Minas * a Head,
which Cafar had promiſed them at Brundufium. As foon as he had advice
of it, he haftened from Marfellia to Placentia, where finding the Soldiers
ſtill diſorderly, he ſpake to them in this manner:
datore
doen
Hobbs
The Oration of Cæfar.
Ou know my uſual diligence, and ſee well, that the length of time mbere-
of you complain proceeds only from our Enemies flight, whom we can
not yet overtake ; and yet notwithſtanding, you who have enriched your ſelves
in Gaul, ſerving under me, and are engaged to me not for a part of this War,
but till it ſhall be quite finiſhed, forſake me in the height of the buſineſ, you mu-
tiny againſt your Officers, and would command thoſe you ought to obey; where-
re being a teſtimony to my ſelf of the affection I have always born you, I will
treat you according to Petreius's Law, and decimate the ninth Legion becauſe
they have been the firſt Mutiniers.
At theſe words all the Legion began to weep, and the Tribunes threw
themfelves on their Knees to beg their pardon. At laſt Cafar after fome de-
nyals füffered himſelf to be overcome, and pardoned the whole Legion,
fave only ſix and twenty Soldiers, who appeared to be the Ring-leaders of
the Mutiny, of whom yet he put only twelve to death, to whom the Dice
proved unlucky; and it being made evident, that one of theſe twelve was
abſent at the time of the Mutiny, Cæfar in his ſtead condemned to death the
Centurion who had impeached him. The Mutiny of Placentia thusap-
peafed, he returned to the City, which he ſtruck with a general fear; and
without ſtaying for a Seſſions of the Senate, or the fuffrage of any one Ma-
giſtrate, created himſelf Dictator ; but either thinking this ſupreme De-
gree of Honour might expoſe him to envy, 'or poſſibly judging it fuperflu-
ous, eleven days after (as ſome ſay) he deſigned himſelf Conſul with
Servilius Ifauricus, and made Governours of Provinces, or changed thoſe
already in Command as he pleaſed. To M. Lepidus he gave Spain; to A.
Albinius Sicily; to Sextus Peducæus Sardinia ; and to Decimus Brutus the
new Province of Gaul. He likewiſe diſtributed Corn to the People, then
much ſtraitened with Famine ; and at the requeſt of the ſame people con-
fented to the return of the Exiles, except only of Milo. But when they
demanded a Releaſe of their Debts, into which they had been forced to
run by reaſon of the Wars and Tumults, it being impoſſible for them to
pay, becauſe the inheritances they might otherwiſe ſell to clear themſelves
were now valued at nothing, he abſolutely refuſed it ; yet he created Cen-
fors to put a value on things to be fold, and ordered that the Creditors
fhould take them as ready Money, and in part of ſo much of their Debts
as they ſhould be valued at. That done, about the depth of Winter he
fent Commiſſaries of War to all his Armies, to bring them to the Ren-
dezvous he had appointed at Brundufium; and departed from the City in
the Month of December, without ſtaying for the firſt day of the next year,
as his Quality of Conful obliged him. The people went out in great crowds
to attend him, both to pay him that Honour, and to beg of him to make a
reconciliation with Pompey (for it was more than likely that which foever
of

Воок ІІ.
75
of Rome.
of the two got the Victory would become Maſter of the Common-wealth)
and he by great journies went on towards Brundufium.
XV.
+
Ionian.
Pompey on the other ſide without any intermiſſion cauſed Ships to be
built, Forces to be raiſed, Money to be gathered in; and having taken for-
ty of Cæſar's Ships in the * Superiour Sea, waited for his paſſing over.
Mean while he continually employed his Soldiers in fome exerciſe, where
himſelf was ſtill preſent,and in perſon began any work even beyond what his
age ſeemed to give leave to which gained him all Mens Hearts,who throng-
ed in from all parts as to fome Spectacle to ſee his Exerciſes. Cafar's Forces
were compoſed of ten Legions: and for Pompey, he had five Legions which
went over out of Italy with their Horſe, two of which remained of Craf
fus's Forces which he had led againſt the Parthians, and ſome part of thoſe
who went into Egypt under Gabinius, all amounting to eleven Legions of
Italians, and about ſeven thouſand Horſe, beſides the Auxiliary Troops of
Ionia, Macedon , Peloponneſus, Bæotia, the Archers of Crete, and the
Slingers of Thrace; he had likewiſe ſome Gaul and Galatian Horſe, and
Comagenians fent him by Antiochus, Cilicians, Cappadocians, and ſome
Soldiers of Armenia the leſs, Pamphylia, and Piſidia. He deſigned not to
make uſe of all theſe Strangers to bear Arms, but deſtined the greateſt part
of thein to labour in the Trenches and other Works, wherein he would not
employ the Italians, that he might not divert them from the Exerciſe of
Arms. Theſe were his Land Forces ; for the Sea he had fix hundred long
Ships fitted and armed for War, a hundred of which beſides Seamen were
filled with Roman Soldiers, on whom was the chiefeſt relyance, beſides à
great many Ships of Burthen which carried his Ammunition and Provi-
fions, the Command of all this Fleet was committed to ſeveral Vice-Ad-
mirals, over all whom M. Bibulus was Admiral. Things thus prepared,
he cauſed all the Senators and Knights he had with him to aſſemble toge-
ther, and at the Head of his Army thus fpake to them :
Vocalo od 2
sorlu bist
The Oration of Pompey.
homo homoni ni bilo Singebote
shalb
Dragilib be fool
He Athenians (Gentlemen ) formerly deſerted the Walls of their City,
when they fought in the defence of their Liberty, becauſe they thought
the Men compoſed the City, and not the Buildings, by which means they foon
recovered them, and in a ſhort time after built them much more beautiful than
before. Our Predeceſſors likewiſe went out of Rome, when the Gauls like a Tor-
rent invaded them, and Camillus returning with them from Ardea, regained
it in the ſame condition they had left it. In a word, thoſe that are wiſe think
their Country every where, where they can preſerve their liberty. Theſe exam-
ples and the hopes of a like fucceß have obliged us to come hither, not to for-
Jake our Country, but the better to prepare our felves to defend it, and to re-
venge it's cauſe upon him, who having a long time deſigned to oppreſs it, is be-
come Maſter of it by their means whom
he hath with gifts corrupted. He, 1 ſay,who
being by you declared Enemy to the Commonwealth, hath by his audacious Enter-
priſes invaded the authority of the Senate and Roman People, and given the
Government of your Provinces to thoſe of his Faction, to fome that of the City,
and to others that of Italy. Fudge after this, what violence and cruelty he will
forbear to exerciſe towards his Country, if we be ſo unhappy to let our ſelves be.
K k k 2
overcome
T
76
PART II.
The Civil Wars
overcome. He, who commits ſuch infolencies in the beginning of a War where
of he fears the event, and whilſt he is liable to receive the puniſhment of his
Crimes, which is what we ought to wiſh and hope to ſee by the Divine Apiſtance;
for he hath in his Party none but Wretches corrupted by the Money he hath drawn
out of our Province of Gaul, who choſe rather to be his Slaves than to live en
qually with other Citizens : for my part I never was wanting, nor ſhall not be
wanting to expoſe
my ſelf to all ſorts of Dangers; I offer my ſelf to perform
the Funktion of General or Soldier ; and if I yet have the ſame good fortune
and the same experience which hitherto have made me every where victorious, I
beſeech the Gods they may prove advantageous to my Country, and that I may
not be leſs happy now when the Diſpute is whether I ſhall prevent it's being op
preſſed, than when I extended the Bounds of its Empire. We have reaſon to
Kave confidence in the protection of the Gods, and in the Fuſtice of our Cauſe :
for never can any be more juſt and honeſt to whoever loves his Country and the
Common-wealth. Beſides thoſe great preparations we have made both by Sea
and Land, and the Forces will come in to us from all parts as ſoon as the War
is begun, is ſufficient to encourage us; for all the Levant Nations as far as thoſe
bordering on the Euxine Sea, whether Greeks or Barbarians, are of our fide, and
all the Kings of thoſe people who are either the Romans Friends or Allies or
mine, will ſend us Soldiers, Arms, Proviſions, and all things neceſſary. Let
us gothen, and give to our Country the aſſiſtance it merits, which your Virtue
exacts from you, and my good Fortune demands from me; but remember ala
ways Cæfar's Pride, and with readineſs to obey my Orders.


Pompey's laſt words were followed by a general acclamation of the whole
Army, Senators and other perſons of Quality, who all deſired him to lead
them whither he thought fit. Buthe conſidering that it was the very worſt
ſeaſon of the year; and beſides, imagining that Cæfar impeded in the City
the creation of Conſuls, would not attempt to croſsa Sea uſually tempeſtu-
ous, before the end of Winter, gave order to thoſe commanded the Sea
Forces to guard the paſſage, and ſent his Army into Garriſons in Theſſaly
and Macedon ; ſo little foreſight had he of what might happen.
As for Cefar he departed, as we have ſaid, in the Month of December for
Brundufium, that by this unlooked for diligence he might ſtartle the Enemy,
and finding neicher Proviſions nor Military Preparations, nor indeed thoſe
Men he hoped to find, he aſſembled thoſe were there; and thus ſpoke to
them :
XVI.
sebA
The Oration of Cæfar.

T"
Hough we are now ( Fellow Soldiers ) in the depth of Winter, and that
other Troops that ought to have been here are not yet come, nor ſuch Pre-
parations made as I expected, yet I am ſo firmly perſwaded, that diligence
has been the principal thing has given me ſucceſs in all my Undertakings, and
fomuch aſſured of your Generoſity, that nothing can retard the reſolution I have
taken to paſs over into Epire. Wherefore let us leave here our Baggage and
Servants, that the Ships not being over-peſterd may with more conveniency car
wy.445, and we croſs the Sea without being perceived by our Enemies, let us oppoſe

Book II.
of Rome.
77
our good Fortune to the bad Weather ; and if our numbers be but ſmall
, let
our cour age ſupply that defect, let us furniſh out our wants at the Enemies Exou
pence. All thoſe things they have in ſuch abundance will be ours as ſoon as we
are landed, and we ſhall fall on the braver when we know we have no hopes but in
Viitory. Let us go then and make our felves Maſters of their Munitions, of
their Proviſions, of their Baggage, of their Servantswhilſt the cold ſhuts
them up in their Houſes, and Pompey thinks I am ſpending the Winter in the
City in the pomps of the Conſulate, and in Sacrifices. Your ſelves know how
much ſudden ſurpriſes are advantageous in War. I will perform a brave ex-
ploit only by going before, ordering things neceſſary, and preparing a ſecure re-
treat for thoſe are to follow us. I could heartily wiſh you were already on boardy
that the time I waſte in talking might be ſpent in failing ; ſo great an earneſt-
neſs I have to let Pompey ſee me whilft he thinks I am amuſing my ſelf in exèr-
ciſing the Conſulate in the City. Though I am ſure of your good will, yet I ex-
pect your anſwer
All the Soldiers cryed out he ſhould lead them whither he pleaſed : as
ſoon as he deſcended from the place whence he had ſpoke to them, he cauſed
five Legions and fix hundred choſen Horſe to march towards the Sea, who
being embarqued, rode at Anchor, becauſe of a Storm that happened, as
is uſual in the Month of December. The contrary Winds (do what they
could ) ſtayed them till the firſt day of the following year, when two Le-
gions more coming to Cæfar, he cauſed them to embark on the Ships of Bur-
then; for he had left thoſe few long Ships he had for the Guard of Sicily
and Sardinia. They then ſet ſail all together; and the whole Fleet being
carried by the Storm to the Ceraunian Rocks, there landed them, and went
immediately back to fetch the reſt of the Army. Cafar with thoſe he had
marched towards Orica, but becauſe the ways were rough and narrow he
was often forced to file off; ſo that had there been any fufpicion of his
March, it might eaſily have been prevented, becauſe of the craggineſs of
the ways. At length having about break of day with much labour got to-
gether all his Army, he preſented himſelf before the City, where he that
commanded, by conſent of the Inhabitants, who thought it not convenient
to ſhut the Gates againſt a Roman Conſul, brought him the Keys, and af-
terwards continued on his Party in the ſame Quality of Governour of that
place. Lucretius and Minutius who were on the other ſide of Orica with
eighteen long Ships to guard the Ships of Burthen which carried Corn to
Pompey, hearing of this
Surrender, funk the Ships and Corn to the bottom,
and fled to Dyrrachium. From Orica Cæfar haſtened to Apollonia, where the
Inhabitants having opened the Gates, Tiberius the Governour left the
City
Caeſar wfter theſe fortunate Beginnings, drew together his Forces, and let XVII:
them know how by the means of his diligence and the favour of Fortune he
had ſurmounted the Difficulties of the Seaſon, croſſed a great Extent of Sea,
with Ships, taken Orica and Apollonia without fighting, and already (as he
had foretold) gained from the Enemy what things they wanted, even before
Pompey had knowledge of it. But if now we can, faid he, make our ſelves
Maſters of Dyrrachium, where Pompey's Magazines both of Munition and
Proviſion are, all that he with ſo much Coſt and Pains has been ſtoring up toge-
ther will become your Recompence. Having ſaid theſe words, he went right
to the City, continuing his March Night and Day by long and diificult
ways,

78
The Civil Wars
PART II.
ways. Pompey receiving advice hereof, advances from Macedonia to pre-
venthim, cauſing all along as he paſſed, trees to be cut down, Bridges
broken, and all Proviſions to be burnt, to retard Cæſar's March if he ſhould
come that way; for he thought (as indeed it was true) the preſerving
of his Stores was of no ſmall importance. The Soldiers of both Armies
were ſo eager to gain Dyrrachium firſt, that if in any place they ſaw at a
diſtance either the duſt raiſed by their Fellows, or Fire, or Smoak, they
preſently imagined it was the Enemy, and run as if they had been to run a
race; they gave themſelves neither time to eat, nor to ſleep, but with
Shouts and Hollas encouraged one another, preſſing their companions for
ward to follow the Guides, which in the night carried Torches before them,
and which ſometimes cauſed great tumults, and as often Allarms as if the
Enemy had been upon them; ſome quite tired threw away their Bag-
gage, and others privately withdrawing out of the Body, ſtopped in the
Valleys to take a little repoſe which they ſtood in need of, and preferred be-
fore the fear or danger they might be in of their Enemies. Yet in the end
of this Contention between the two Parties, Pompey got firſt to Dyrrachium,
and encamped near the Walls, he ſent preſently his Fleet to Orioa, which
returned under his obedience, and after cauſed the Sea to be guarded with
more diligence than before. Cæfar pitched his Camp directly againſt him,
on the other ſide of the River Alora, which parted the two Armies, where
yet there happened ſome Horſe Skirmiſhes, now one Party and then
ano-
ther paſſing the River, but neither would engage with all their Forces, be-
cauſe Pompey thought good firſt to exerciſe his Forces that were newly le-
vyed, and Cæfar expected thoſe that were to come from Brundufiume. He
thought if they ſtayed till Spring, and then ſhould come over with Ships
of Burthen (and he had no other they could no way be ſecured, Pompey
having ſuch a number of Galleys to defend the paſſage ; but if they em-
barqued during Winter, they might flip by their Enemies, who now lay
harboured in the Iſlands, or if they were engaged, might open themſelves
a paſſage by the violence of the Winds, and the Bulk of their Vefſels,
wherefore he did all he could to haften their coming.
stils todo
XVIII. And therefore out of impatience that the reſt of his Army came not
from Brundufium, he reſolved himſelf to go privately over, thinking they
would ſooner follow him than any other ; wherefore without diſcovering
his deſign to any one, he ſent three of his Slaves to a River not above twelve
Furlongs diſtant, to ſecure ſome very light Boat, and a good Pilot, as if
he had an intention to fend him upon ſome deſign, and feigning himſelf ill,
roſe from Table where he deſired his Friends to continue, and taking the
habit of a private man, mounting his Chariot, came to the Boat as Ceſar's
Meſſenger. He had given orders to his Slaves to command the Mariners
what they had to do, whilſt he kept himſelf concealed under coverlids and
the darkneſs of the night. Though the wind were contrary, and very ra-
ging, the Slaves made the Pilot put off, bidding him be of courage, and
make uſe of his time to eſcape the Enemy, who were not far from them,
they laboured fo hard, that by force of Oars they got the Mouth of the Ri-
ver, where the Waves of the Sea beating againſt the ſtream of the River,
the Pilot (who on the other ſide was afraid of falling into the Enemies
hands ) did all was poſſible for man to do, till ſeeing they gained nothing,
and the Seamen not able to pull any longer he left the Helm. Then the
Conſul diſcovering his Head, cryed out, Courage, Pilot, fear no ſtorm, for
thor carrieft Cæfar and his fortune. Whereupon the Pilot and his crew a-
ſtoniſhed

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of Rome.
79
XIX.
ftoniſhed at theſe words, redoubling their force paſſed the Mouth of the
River, got out to Sea; but becauſe the Winds and the Waves ſtill drove
thein towards the Lee ſhore in ſpite of all their endeavours, and day
approaching, the Mariners fearing to be diſcovered by the Enemy, Cæfar
angry at fortune that envyed him, fuffered the Pilate to regain the River,
and the Boat preſently running afore the Wind, came to the place from
whence they ſet out: Cefar's Friends admired at his boldneſs, others
blamed him for having done an action more proper for a private Soldier
than a General; and he ſeeing his deſign had not ſucceeded, and that it was
impofſible for him to paſs over without being known, fent Pofthumius in his
place. He firſt had charge to tell Gabinius that he ſhould preſently em-
bark the Army, and bring it to him, and if he refuſed, then to addreſs
himſelf to Anthony, and at laſt to Calenus, and if none of theſe three had
fpirit enough to execute theſe orders, he had a Letter for the Army in gene-
rål, by which the Soldiers were exhorted to come over and follow Poft-
humius, landing at any place they could, without regarding the Ships ; for
he had more need of Men than Ships, ſo much confidence had he in for-
tune, indeed more than in prudence.
cu
Pompey then judging he ought no longer to delay, drew out his Army
in Battalia, and cauſed them to advance againſt Caſar ; but two of his Sol-
diers being entred into the River to found the Ford, and one of Cæſar’s Men
having flain them both, he took this as an ill preſage, and led back his
Forces into the Camp, though many lamented the loſs of fo fair an occa-
fion. As for the Forces at Brundufium, Gabinius refuſing to follow the or-
ders brought by Pofthumius, with all that would follow him, went the
way
of Illyria by Land, taking ſuch long Marches, that his Men being quite
tired, the Inhabitants of the Country cut them all in pieces, for which
Cæſar could not yet be revenged, being engaged in affairs of more impor-
tance. Anthony ſhipped away the reſt, and having the Wirid right aft,
paſſed in ſight of Apollonia with a merry Gale ; but about Noon the Wind
beginning to ſlacken, they were diſcovered by twenty of Pompey's Galleys,
who made up towards them, they were fearful left the Stems of the long
Ships running on board them ſhould pierce through and ſink them; how-
ever, they were preparing to fight, every Man laying hold of his Sling, his
Javelin, or Arms of the like nature: when on a ſudden there ſprung up a
freſher gale than the former; ſo that Anthony ſetting his low Sails, went
fpooning away before, whilſt the others not able to bear Sail, were toſſed
too and fro, where the Winds and Waves pleaſed, and at length driven in-
to the Narrows, and caſt upon Lee ſhores where there were neither Port
nor Harbour. Thus Anthony fafely recovered the Port of Nymphæum
without lofing more than two Ships, which unfortunately running upon
the Flats were taken by the Enemies. Cæfar having now with him all his
Forces as well as Pompey, they pitched their Camps in ſight of each other,
upon eminencies where each entrenched themſelves, raiſing out Forts,
which were often attacqued by one Party and the other, one General ſtilí
ſtriving to block up the others Army, and cut them off from Proviſions,
fo that there happened many Skirmiſhes. In this new mode of making
War, as Ceſar's Men one day proved the weaker in a Fort affailed by the
Enemy, a Centurion called Sceva, famous before for many gallant actions,
being wounded in an eye, leaped from the Rampart, and making a ſign
with his hand for ſilence, as if he had ſomething to ſay, he called to one of
the Centurions of the contrary Party, a Man of Reputation, to whom he
faid,

80
PART II
The Civil Wars
faid, Save the life of one of thy own quality, ſave the life of thy Friend, fend
ſome body to lead me by the hand thus wounded as I am. Whereupon two Sol-
diers ſtepping in to receive him as a Runaway, he flew one before he ſu-
fpected the deceit, and knocked the other down. He did this action out of
pure deſpair he was in of being able to defend the place; but it ſucceeded
better than he imagined; for this happy ſucceſs ſo raiſed the courage of his
Companions, that they repulſed the Enemy, and remained Maſters of the
Fort. Minutius who commanded had a great ſhare in the Glory as well as
in the danger of this Aſſault; for 'tis faid his Buckler was fix and twenty
times pierced through, and he was wounded in the eye as well as Sceva, fo
Cæfar honoured them both with many Military Recompences. Mean time,
he had formed intelligence in Dyrrachium, and upon hopes the place would
be delivered to him, he came with a ſmall company to the Gate which is
near the Temple of Diana ; but his deſign being diſcovered, came off again
without doing any thing. The ſame Winter Scipio, Father-in-law to Pom-
pey, bringing him another Army out of Syria, was ſet upon in Macedon by
C. Calviſius, whom he defeated, and flew him a whole Legion, fourſcore
Soldiers only eſcaping. There came now no more Proviſions to Cafar by
Sea, Pompey being the ſtronger, wherefore the Soldiers were forced to
make Bread of a certain kind of Herbs, pieces of which being by ſome
Runaways brought to Pompey, thinking it would be to him a joyful preſent :
inſtead of rejoycing at it, What ſort of Beaſts, ſaid he, have we to deal
with? Cafar now pinched with neceffity drew together his Forces, reſolv-
ing to engage Pompey whether he would or no; but Pompey being now poſ-
feſſed of ſeveral good Forts, kept cloſe in his Trenches, which ſo much
troubled Cefar, that he undertook a work almoſt impoſſible, and ſcarcely
credible, which was to incloſe all the Forts Pompey had with a Trench drawn
from the Sea, judging that though his deſign took not effect, he ſhould
gain the reputation of a man capable of great things; for this Trench muſt
have been *twelve hundred Furlongs in length. Pompey on his part drew
A hundred Lines and Trenches directly oppoſite to Cæſar's Works: thus one eluded the
and fifty
Enterpriſes of the other.
XX
At length there happened a great Fight between them, wherein Pompey
bravely repulfing Cafar's Men, and having put them to flight, purſued them
to their very Camp. Many Colours they took, and had taken the Eagle of
a Legion, if the Standard-bearer who carried it had not thrown it with all
his force into the Trenches, that he might preſerve it for Cæſar ; for the
Roman Soldiery have a great reſpect for their Standards : Cafar with other
Companies came to the relief of thoſe that fled, but ſo terrified were theſe
too, that as ſoon as they beheld Pompey at a diſtance, though they were near
the Camp, it was not poſſible for Cæfar to ſtop them, nor to make them go
in again, nor ſo much as to hearken to him, the Soldiers fled away in dil-
order without ſhame, without reaſon, or without any thing to oblige them
to it: Cafar might well run up and down, and with reproaches ſhew them,
that Pompey was yet a great way off. This hindred them not from throw-
ing down their Árms, and flying, or elſe ſtanding ſtill filent and immove-
able, fixing their eyes upon the ground with ſhame and confuſion, ſo great
was that panick fear had poſſeſſed them. There was an Enſign who, as
his General would have ſtopped him, preſented him the point of his Jave-
lin, but he was upon the ſpot puniſhed by the Guards as he deſerved. Thoſe
who efcaped into the Camp were ſo caſt down, that they kept no Guard at
the Gates, nor lined the Rampire, but the Trenches were left without any
to defend them. All men believed that Pompey might have thrown himſelf
Miles long.
into

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81
into the Camp with the Flyers, and ſo have made an end of the War; if
Labienus, (for God would have it fo) had not perfwaded him rather to
purſue thoſe he had routed, then march up to the Trenches ; him therefore
he believed, whether it were that he was not in ſuch hafte as to make an
end of all at once, or that ſeeing the Camp defenceleſs, he feared ſome
Ambuſcade, or elſe being victorious, ſcorn’d that little advantage. Going
therefore to charge thoſe were ſtill abroad, he made yet a great Slaughter,
ſo that in two Engagements in one day he gained twenty eight Colours,
and twice loſt the opportunity of ruining bis Enemy beyond redreſs. And
Cæfar himſelf ſtuck not to ſay that that day the War had been ended, had
his Enemy known how to make uſe of his Victory.
Pompey after this glorious Succeſs, wrote largely of it to the Kings and XXI
Commonalties; and conceived hopes that in a ſhort time Celar’s Army, ei-
ther oppreſſed by Famine or terrified with this Diſgrace, would yield them-
ſelves to him; eſpecially the Tribunes, fearful of being puniſhed for a fault
they knew themſelves guilty of. But they and all the Soldiers touched with
Repentance as by Divine Inſpiration, confeſſed themſelves Criminals; and
afficted themſelves the more, that their General ſpoke kindly to them, and
granted them Pardon before they asked it: They would not forgive them-
ſelves; but with a wonderful Change, deſired, as a Puniſhment of their
Fault, they might be decimated, according to the cuſtom of their Ance-
ſtors; but he would by no means admit it; which encreaſed their ſhame
the more, that they ſhould be guilty of ſuch Cowardize in prejudice of the
beſt Man of the World, and who moſt deſerved their Faith and their Ser-
vices. They beſought him that at leaſt he would puniſh the Enſigns, who
had been the Cauſe of this Rout; for in flying they had only followed their
Colours : and ſeeing Cæfar could not reſolve to do that, but with much ado
would conſent to the Puniſhment of a few, his Moderation begot in the
minds of the Soldiers a General Joy. They began all with one voice to cry
out that he ſhould lead them againſt the Enemy, that by gaining a new Vi-
étory they might wipe away their Infamy, and in the fight of their Gene-
ral they ſwore by whole Companies one to the other, never to return from
the Fight but Victorious. Wherefore his Friends adviſed him to take the
Army at their Words, and make tryal of them upon this height of Repen-
tance, before their Zeal grew cooler : But he anſwered them before all
the Multitude, that he would chuſe a time more proper to ſhew them the
Enemy; exhorting them then to remember the good will they now pro-
teſted: and in private he told his Confidents, that it was convenient to let
that fear, which ſo late a loſs had imprinted, be worn a little out of the
minds of the Soldiery ; and by temporizing, let the fierceneſs of his Ene-
mies, heightned by their late Victory, be likewiſe a little cooled. He con-
feſſed withal he had committed a great fault in coming to encamp fo near
Dyrrachium, where Pompey had all things in abundance ; whereas if he had
drawn himſelf farther off, they might have met with equal Difficulties.
After having diſcourſed in this manner, he came to Apollonia, and from
thence privately by Night took his March towards Theſſaly; and on the
way, coming to a little City called Gomphes, that refuſed to open their
Gates, he took it by Storm, and gave the Plunder to his Soldiers ; who ha-
ving long endured Scarcity, fed now beyond meaſure, and filled themſelves
with Wine; eſpecially the * Almains, whoſe Drunkenneſs made them ridi-
Gerinaris.
culous to all the reſt : So that here again in all appearance, Pompey loſt a
fair occaſion of Victory by not purſuing an Enemy lie deſpiſed; but lying
Lil
itill:

82
Part II
The Civil Wars
ſtill, whilſt in ſeven days March he got into Theſſaly, and encamped near
Pharſalia. It is reported there happened at Gomphes a thing very memo-
rable, that in an Apothecary's Shop there were found twenty Old
Men, all
People of Quality, lying groveling upon the Ground, with Caps by them,
in the poſture of Drunken Men, dead without any Wound; and another
ſitting in a Chair, who, acting the Phyfitian, had preſented the Cups to
the reſt.
XXII.
After Cæſar's Departure, Pompey held a Council of his Friends ; where
Affranius Advice was, that he ſhould employ the Sea-Forces, in which
they were the ſtronger, to purſue Cafar now flying and neceſſitous, and to
incommode him what they could, whilſt Pompey with the Land-Army paſt
ſpeedily into Italy, which favoured their Party, and where the other had
no Forces; and placing good Garriſons both in Gaul and Spain without ſtir-
ring from home, ſettle the Seat of the War in the Capital City of the King-
dom. But this Advice, though perfectly good, was not followed ; they
choſe rather to believe thoſe who maintained that Cæſar's Army would ſoon
by Famine be forced to yield to them; or if that happened not, yet after
the Succeſs of Dirrachium, it was no great Task to give Perfe&tion to that
Victory; that beſides, it would be a ſhame to let Cæfar fly without purſu-
ing him, or to let it be ſaid that the Vanquiſhed and the Vanquiſher fled
each their ſeveral ways. Pompey therefore moved by theſe Arguments, but
principally out of Conſideration of the Eaſtern Nation, and of Lucius Sci-
pio, left any diſgrace ſhould happen to him in Macedon; and beſides this,
aſſuring himſelf upon the Alacrity of his Soldiers, who ardently deſired to
fight, followed Cæfar: And as well as he encamped near Pharſalia, at a-
bout thirty Furlongs diſtance from him, Proviſions were brought to him
from all Parts; for he had before fortifyed the Paſſages, the Havens and
the Forts ; ſo that he had continual Supplies by Land, and every Wind
brought him fome by Sea. But Cæfar had no more than what he daily with
much difficulty ſent out to forage for ; yet, for all that, none of his Men
forſook him: On the contrary, as if they had been animated by fome Di-
vine Spirit, they teſtifyed an incredible earneſtneſs to fight. They confide-
red that being all Veterans, trained to War for ten Years together, and ha-
ving to deal only with Raw Soldiers, they ſhould prove the ſtronger ; but
if the War were ſpun out in length, and they forced to labour in Trenches
and other Works, Age already growing upon them, the conſuming more
time would be to their diſadvantage : Wherefore they defired no longer de
lay; thinking it better to try the Fortune of Arms, than to fight longer a-
gainſt Hunger and Famine. On the other ſide, Pompey, who knew all theſe
things, judged there might be danger in coming to an Engagement, and
committing
himſelf to the hazard of a Battel with experienced Men, whom
Deſpair had made capable of attempting any thing; and who were beſides
commanded by Cafar, the moſt fortunate General of the World : But that'
he might more ſecurely and with more facility defeat them, ſtreitned as
they were, and already weakned with want of all things, the Country
where they lay not being over fertile, and they having no Sea-Port, nor fo
much as a Ship to eſcape in : He therefore reſolved, and ſurely with a great
deal of Prudence, not to fight; but vanquiſh his half ſtarved Enemies by
ſtarving them more. But having with him a great number of Senators of
the ſame Quality with himſelf, the Choice of all the Roman Knights, and
many Kings and Potentates, they all exhorted him to give Battel ; fome out
of Ignorance, others having in their Heads the Victory at Dirrachium, o-
thers

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83
thers relying upon the great number of their Forces, in which they had the
advantage; and fome, who, weary of the War, choſe rather to hazard
Victory at one puſh, than attend it from good Conduct
. They ſhewed
him Cæfar provoking him to fight, and always drawn out in Battel
. But he
turned that Example againſt themſelves; and told them, Caefar did that, be-
ing forced to it by Famine, and that he ought the rather to lie quiet, the more
Cæfar was ftreitned for want of Proviſions.
And yet at laſt, ſeeing all the Army, puffed up with the laſt Victory, de- XXIII.
fired to fight; and that many Perfons of Quality reproached him that he
loved to command, and that he ſpun out the War with deſign to maintain
himſelf ſo much the longer above ſo many people his Equals; that they cal-
led him King and Agamemnon, becauſe Agamemnon had likewiſe comman-
ded Kings during the War; he was conſtrained to forego the Reſolution he
had taken. And now Fortune, which had not been over-favourable to him
in many other Accidents of this War, forſook him quite. He grew fainter
and flower than ordinarily he uſed to be; and prepared for this Fight much
againſt his Will, to his Ruin, and the Loſs of thoſe who counſelled him to it.
Cefar had that Night ſent out two Legions to go fetch in Corn; for praiſing
Pompey for temporizing, and believing he would continue to do ſo, he en-
deavoured nothing more than the bringing Proviſions to his Camp from all
fides : But when he had a little notice that his Enemy was diſpoſed to give
Battel, he was very joyful, conjecturing him forced to it by the head-ſtrong
humour of his Soldiers ; and cauſing thoſe two Legions ſent out for Forrage,
ſpeedily to return, he gave all his Men Order to be in a readineſs: About
Midnight he ſacrificed to Mars and Venus his Mother (for it is ſaid, that the
Family of the Fulii had their Original as well as Name from Iulus, Son to
Æneas) and withal, made a Vow to build a Temple in the City in Honour
of that Goddeſs. After the Sacrifice, there having appeared a ſtream of
Lightning, which extended it ſelf from Cæſar's Campover that of Pompey's:
Thoſe of this party promiſed themſelves a bright and glorious Victory; but
Cæſar interpreted it to his advantage; ſaying, he was going with one blow
to extinguiſh all the Glory and Power of Pompey. As Pompey ſacrificed the
ſame Night, the Victims eſcaping, could not be retaken, a Swarm of Bees
came and ſet upon the Altars: There was raiſed a little before Day in Poma
pey's Army a Panick Terror; which yet himſelf going from Quarter to
Quarter, appeaſed, and after ſlept foundly; and when his Friends waked
him, told them, he dreamed he was dedicating a Temple in the City to Ve-
nus the Victorious : His Familiars and his Soldiers, who had heard nothing
of Caſar's Vow, rejoyced mightily at it, they believed the Advantage cer-
tainly theirs, and began to deſpiſe the Enemy, and do things more by im-
pulſe of Paſſion than Reaſon ; in fo much, that ſome crowned their Tents
with Laurel, which is the Token of Victory, and made their Slaves pre-
pare Magnificent Feafts: Nay, fome there were who diſputed among them-
ſelves for Cafar’s High Prieſthood. Pompey, who had great experience in
what related to War, had an averſion for all theſe things, but he let not his
Anger break forth, for it would have been a trouble to liim, neither did he
now think it ſecure to reprove People who loved rather to command than
obey, and who by their Importunity had forced him to act againſt his Judg.
ment. So ſtupifyed was now this Great Man, who had ever before been
ſo happy; whether he were troubled that his Counſel was ſlighted, being
ſo perfectly good, and that he was conſtrained to hazard the fafety of fo
many Men, together with his own Glory, which never yet had any like it ;
LIB 2
S


or

84
PART II.
The Civil Wars
or whether his Genius preſenting to him his approaching Misfortune, appa-
led him, being juſt at the point of loſing in one moment fo great and ſublime
an Authority. However, at length having ſaid to his Friends, that who-
ever gained the Victory that day, would be the Commencement of infinite
Calamities to the Roman People, he began to draw up his Army in Battel :
from whence fome making reflexion on theſe words which on a fúddain heat
eſcaped him, have believed that if he had been Victorious, he would have
made himſelf Maſter of the Commonwealth.
XXIV.
Now, to give an Account of the number of the Forces on both Parts,
without having recourſe to that Multitude of Authors, who ſo ill agree in
this Point, I will follow the grayeſt of the Romans; who report exactly the
number of the Italians, as the principal Force of the Army, and make little
mention of the Auxiliaries, whom indeed they had but little conſideration
of. Cæfar had about two and twenty thouſand Men, of whom about a
thouſand were Horſe ; and Pompey had half as many more, of whom a-
bout ſeven thouſand were Horſe: So that moſt credible Authors ſay, that
there were about ſeventy thouſand Italians in both Armies ; thoſe who are
moſt modeſt ſay, fixty thouſand; and thoſe who are boldeſt, four
hundred
thouſand; of whom fome ſay Pompey's made more than half, others that
Cæſar's were but one third; fo difficult it is, exactly to know the truth. But
however it were, both the one and the other Party placed their chief Rely-
ance on thoſe of that Nation : Not but that Cæfar had good Auxiliary For-
ces; he had French Cavalry, and a great number of Tranſalpine Gauls, and
Grecian Light Armed Foot of the Acarnanians, Etolians and Dolopes. But
Pompey had a great multitude of all the Oriental Nations, as well Horſe as
Foot; out of Greece, the Lacedemonians with their Kings, the other Pelo-
ponneſians and Boeotians;and even the Athenians came to this War.Though
both Parties had cauſed it to be proclaimed by the publick Cryer, that all
Perſons were forbid touching them, being Prieſts to Ceres, the Inventor of
Laws; yet would they come to bear Arms, that they might have the Ho-
nour to fight for the Roman Empire. After the Greeks, came Troops of
almoſt all Nations lying upon the Sea Coaſts of the Levant Seas; from
Thrace, from the Hellefpont, from Bithynia, Phrygia, Ionia, Lydia, Pamphi-
lia, Piſidia, Paphlagonia, Cilicia, Syria, Phenicia, Fudæa, Arabia, Cyprus,
Rhodes; with Slingers from Crete, and all the other Iſles. There were like-
wife Kings and Sovereigns with their Forces: Deiotarus, Tetrarch of Gal-
logræcia; and Ariarathes, King of Cappadocia; Taxiles lead the Armenians
from this ſide the Euphrates ;, and Megabates, Lieutenant of King Artabafus,
thoſe from beyond that River; beſides ſeveral little Sovereigns that brought
what Forces they had. They ſay likewiſe, that Cleopatra and her Brother,
yet a Child, ſent ſixty Gallies; whoſe Forces were not at the Fight no more
than thoſe of the reſt of the Fleet, who lay doing nothing at Corcyra. And
moſt certain it is that Pompey was not ſo prudent as he ought to have been,
in not making good uſe of his Naval Forces; in which he was ſo ſtrong, that
he might always have hindred the bringing from any place Proviſions to his
Enemy; but chuſing rather to fight on Land againſt Men hardened to La-
bour, and accuſtomed to Victory : But it is apparent that the Victory at
Dyrrachium made him ſlacken his Care, and that nothing could have been
more advantageous to Cafar than that loſs; for Pompey's Soldiers, grown
proud with that Succeſs, would no longer obey; and marched againit their
Enemies hand over head. But decreed it was, he ſhould commit this fault,
to give birth to that Empire which extends it ſelf ſo far over the Nations of
the Earth.
The

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of Rome.
XXV.
The Armies being diſpoſed and ready to fight, the two Generals by words
endeavoured to encourage their Men : And Pompey ſpoke to his in this
manner.
The Oration of Pompey.
A
I length, Soldiers, you are put in a poſture to fight, rather by comman-
ding me, than doing what I command: For whereas I was reſolved to de-
ſtroy Cæfar by temporizing, you would needs fight him. Since you, therefore,
are the Enactors of this Battel, and the Arbiters of it, ſhew what you are to
thoſe Enemies you ſo far furpaß in number : Deſpiſe them as young and vigorous
Conquerors ſhould the Vanquiſhed, ſurcharged with Age and tired with Labour.
Beſides, pour advantage over them lies not only in your Preparations and Forces,
but in the Teſtimony of your own Conſciences, and in the
Fuſtice of your Cauſe;
fince we fight for Liberty, for our Country, for the Laws, for Glory, for ſo many
Senators, and ſo many Roman Knights, againſt a Man who aims at Dominion by
his Thefts and Robberies. Let us go on then in good hopes whither your Courage
beads you, and remember the Day of Dyrrachium, when we put to flight the
ſame Enemy; and what a great number of Colours you in one day brought away
your Prize,
Cæfar, in like manner, encouraged his Men in words to this purpoſe.
The Oration of Cæfar.

He moſt difficult part of our Labours is now at an end, Fellow Soldiers, we
are no more to fight with Hunger and Want, we have now only Men to
deal with; aud this day will put an end to all, provided you do but remember the
promiſe you made me at Dyrrachium, and in what manner you (wore to one ano-
ther in my preſence, never to return from the Fight without Victory. Theſe are
the Men we are come to ſeek from as far as the Pillars of Hercules; thoſe who
durft not ſtand us, but fled before us out of Italy; theſe, who, after we had fought
ten Years together for the Glory of our Country, after that we had gained a multi-
tude of Vitories, and added to the Roman Empire four hundred Nations in
Spain, Gaul and Brittany ; would have deprived us of the Honours due to us, of
the Triumphs and other Recompences Our Services merited. In a word, theſe
whom I could never move, neither by the Fuſtice of my Right, nor by the Favours
I have done them ; for you know how many of them I have ſet free without doing
them the leaſt injury, in hopes they would do things reaſonable for me. Remem-
ber then their Injuſtice ; and if ever you did believe I had any kindneſ or good
will for you, if you
have ever experienced my Liberality or received my Largeles,
let this Day's Actions make good your Acknovledgments. It is no hard matter
for Old Soldiers to overcome Hot-headed Young ſiers, unskilled in the Myſterý;
and who like Children, come to the buſineß in diſorder, and deſpiſing their Gene-
gal: for I am certainly aſſured he himſelf leads them trembling, and fore againſt
his mind to this Battel; for ſeeing his Fortune grow old, he is himſelf grown
flothfil and ftirpid, and does not ſo much command as obey the Command of others.
Hitherto

86
PART II.
The Civil Wars
Hitherto I have yet ſpoke to you only concerning the Italians ; for the Strangers,
I would not
have
you trouble your ſelves, nor account them for any thing ; nor
would I have you goto charge the Slaves of Syria, Lydia and Phrygia, only born
for Flight and Servitude : I know it certainly, and you ſhall ſee it, that Pom-
pey will not give them any place in his Battel. Engage therefore only the Itali-
ans; and if the Strangers come to run after you like Dogs, when you have routed
the Italians, ſpare them as your Allies ; bust put all the Strangers to the Sword, to
ſtrike a terror in others. But firſt of all
, to perſwade me that you remember your
promiſe, and that you deſire to die or overcome, as you go out of the Camp I com-
mand yout, that your felves pull up the Paliſſade, and fill up the Trench, that we
may have no hopes left but in Vittory: And that the Enemies ſeeing we have no
more a Camp, may underſtand that of neceſſity we muſt lodge in theirs.
XXVI.
After having thus ſpoke to his Soldiers, he left two thouſand of the old-
eſt for Guard of the Baggage ; and the reſt, as they came out of the Camp,
pulled up the Palliſſade and filled up the Ditch with as little noiſe as might
be : Which being told to Pompey by ſome who thought they prepared
themſelves for Flight ; he knowing their Confidence, began to ſigh, that he
muſt fight againſt fierce Beaſts, whom he might have defeated by Famine;
which is the only way to reduce Beaſts. But now there was no going back;
for as the Proverb ſays, The Knife was at his Throat. Wherefore, leaving
four thouſand Legionary Soldiers for the Guard of the Camp, he cauſed
the reſt to march in Battalia between Pharſalia and the River Enipeus ;
where Cæfar planted himſelf directly oppoſite to him : So that the Front of
both Battels was compoſed of the Legions, in three Bodies, at ſome diſtance
one from the other; whoſe Flanks were covered with two Wings of Horſe,
among whom were mixed Archers and Slingers The Legions, in whom
both Parties placed their chief Hope, being ranged in this Order, they
brought on the Strangers, more for Shew than Service. Pompey had a great
number of divers Languages, out of which he drew apart the Macedonians,
Peloponneſians, Bæotiansand Athenians, as more accuſtomed to keep their
Ranks with filenice, and placed them near his Legions; and for the others,
Cæfar had conjectured he drew them into a Body apart, with Orders to en-
viron the Enemy as ſoon as the Battel was begun, and to do what they could
to break in and plunder Cæfar's Camp, whoſe Works he had ſeen thrown
down. Scipio, Father in Law to Pompey, was in the middle of the Battel,
L. Domitius on the Left Wing, Lentulus on the Right, and Affranius ſtayed
for Guard of the Camp. In Cæſar's Army Sylla, Anthony and Cn. Domitius
commanded; and he, according to his ctiſtom, choſe his place at the Head
of the Tenth Legion: Which the Enemies having obſerved, they oppoſed
againſt him all their beſt Horſe; that being the ſtronger in number, they
might incloſe hiin. Caſar, on the contrary, knowing their deſign, drew
off a Body of three thouſand Men of the beſt of his Foot to releive him upon
occaſion; and commanded, that as ſoon as they ſaw the Enemy come to in-
veſt hin, they ſhould charge them with their Piles, aiming chiefly at the
Face; for young and unexperienced People who put value on their Beauty,
would be fearful to receive any Wound inight render them deformed. And
now the Generals went through the Ranks to give neceffary Orders, exhor-
ting them to fhew their Courage, and giving them the Word for that day;
which on Cæſar's ſide was, Venus the Victorious ; and on Pompey's, Hercules
the Invincible. Thus ſtanding in Battalia, they for a long time kept filence
on both ſides ; each Party keeping his Ground, and expecting when the
other

Book II.
of Rome.
87
on
other ſhould begin the Fight. For they were moved with Compaſſion to
ſee the greateſt number of Forces that had ever before been ſeen together of
the Italian Nation, and all Chofen Men, about to expoſe themſelves to the
Hazard and Uncertainty of a Battel, for the Intereſt and Paſſion of two Ro-
mans, envious of each other : And as the Danger approached, the Ambiti-
wherewith they had hitherto been blinded, began to remit, and give place
to Fear. Reaſon having chaſed away the furious Appetite of Glory, began
to repreſent to them the greatneſs and the Cauſe of the Diſgrace wherein
they might fall. Thattwo Men diſputed for the Preheminence with con-
tempt of their Lives, and yet neither could promiſe to himſelf the living in
the meaneſt Degree, unleſs he got the Victory: And that for their Diffe-
rence ſuch numbers of brave Men were about to hazard their utter Deſtru-
&tion. It came likewiſe into their Minds, that having ſo lately been Friends
and Allies, and endeavoured to render each other mutual Service for the
Support of their Grandeur, they ſhould now draw Swords one againſt ano-
ther, and oblige to be Followers in their criminal Paſſion ſo many Generals
and Officers, among whom nothing but Concord ought to have been main-
tained, being of the fame City, and ſome of them Brethren; for fo they
were, having engaged themſelves unawares, as in two different Parties of
fo many thouland Men of the fame Nation, many extraordinary things muſt
neceſſarily happen. Thus the two Generals making theſe reflections, were
touched with remorſe; and becauſe this Day was to make one of them the
firſt or the laſt of all Men, they could not eaſily reſolve to begin a Fight, the
Succeſs whereof was ſo doubtful. Some report, that both of them ſhed
tears.
The Day was now well advanced, whilſt both Parties thus ſtood viewing XXVII
one another, and the Legions ſtood firm, without moving from their places
till Pompey perceiving that the Strangers, wearied with the delay, kept their
Ranks but ill ; fearing left by their Example the others might take the liber-
ty to do the ſame before the Battel began, commanded firſt to found the
Charge ; which Cafar on the other ſide immediately ſeconded. And now
the Soldiers, heartned by the found of the Trumpets, and the preſence of
their Officers; who going through the Ranks, encouraged them to do well,
began to march one againſt the other with an incredible Vehemence; yet
with deep filence, like People who had often been upon the ſame Occaſions.
When they came within a Dart's Flight the Light-Armed Foot gave the firſt
Diſcharge, and then the Horſe fell on; where after having given great E-
vidences of their Valour on both ſides, Pompey's had the Advantage, as be-
ing more numerous į and went about to inveſt the Tenth Legion. Where-
upon Cafar gave a Sign to his Reſerve appointed for that purpoſe to advance,
which at an inſtant they did, throwing their Piles at the Faces of the Horſe-
men ; who, not able to bear the Brunt of theſe deſperate Men, nor endure
that they ſhould pierce their Cheeks and thruſt out their Eyes, fled away in
diſorder : Which gave Opportunity to Cæſar's Horſe, who before were fear-
ful to be environed, to charge Pompey's Legions in Flank, where they lay
naked, being deſerted by the Horle-men. Pompey adviſed of it, gave Or-
der to his Foot not to advance farther, nor to aſſail the Enemy, nor to throw
any Pile ; but preſenting their Points to thoſe came at them, to fight ſtand-
ing their Ground. Some have praiſed this way of fighting invented by
Pompey, as advantageous to thoſe that are like to be incloſed : But Cæfar diſ-
approves it in his Commentaries ; becauſe, in caſting the Pile the blow is
more violent, and the motion gives life to the Courage of the Soldier, which
grows

88
Part II.
The Civil Wars
grows cold and faint by ſtanding ſtill; beſides, that it is more eaſie to over-
turn thoſe are only planted like Stakes, which now happened, for after Ca-
ſar’s Horſe had charged upon the Flank; Pompey's Right Wing, which lay
naked, and ſtood ſtill whilſt they poured upon them at diſtance whole
Showers of Darts: The tenth Legion came up cloſe to them in Front; and
finding them in Diſorder, made them give Ground; which was the begin-
ning of the Vi&ory. In other places they fought with divers Succeſs, and
every where made a great Slaughter ; yet in a Fight of ſo many Legions
there was not heard the leaſt Cry, either of the Wounded, or of thoſe that
fell, fave only the laſt dying Gaſps and Groans of them who gave up the
Ghoſt in the ſame place where they had fought. The Strangers, Specta-
tors of ſo many noble Actions, were aſtoniſhed to ſee Soldiers ſo reſolutely
keep their Ranks ; in ſo much, that ſurprized with their height of Bravery
as at a Miracle, they durft not ſo much as attempt Cæſar's Camp, defended
only by a few Old People; but ſtood like Stocks, or Men that had loſt their
Senſes. But when they ſaw Pompey's Right Wing, preſſed hard by Cafar,
begin to recoil, yet ſtill fighting in the ſame manner, they ſet a running all
towards the Camp, crying out, they had loft the Day; and after having pul-
led down and plundered the Tents of their own Party, fled every Man which
way they beſt could. The noiſe of this Rout made the other Legions give
Ground, firſt in good Order, and defending themſelves the beſt they might;
but at laſt, charged home by the Enemy, who now found himſelf the ſtron-
ger, they likewiſe betook themſelves to Flight. And now Cafar, to pre-
vent their Rallying, and to make an end at once, not only of this Battel, but
of the whole War, did an Action of great Prudence in cauſing it to be pro-
claimed throughout his whole Camp, that they ſhould ſpare the Citizen,
and put the Stranger to the Sword; for at the ſame time the Vanquiſhers
purſuing the Vanquiſhed, bid them ſtay there in ſafety:And the Proclamati-
on of thoſe Orders having paſſed from hand to hand through both Armies,
that Saying, Stay there in Safety, ſerved as a word to Pompey's Men, to make
themſelves be known; and that the eaſier, becauſe being all Italians, they
wore the ſame Habit, and ſpoke the ſame Language. Thus Cæfar's Soldi-
ers, paffing by their country-men, fell upon the Strangers; of whom they
made a mighty Slaughter, they not being in any pofture of defence. Pom-
pey beholding his Menfly, loft his Courage, retreating by little and little in-
to his Camp; and being entred his Tent, fat ſtill a great while without ſay.
ing a word, like to Ajax Telamon; to whom, as it is ſaid, ſomething like this
happened at the time of the Trojan War. But few of his Men returned in-
to the Camp, becauſe it having been told them at the time of the Defeat,
that they ſhould ſtay there in ſafety ; and their Enemies having done them
no violence, they were diſperſed by Companies on one ſide and on the o-
' ther. Towards the Evening Cefar going through all his Army, began to
entreat the Soldiers not to think of any repoſe, till they had taken Pompey's
Camp; telling them, that if they fuffered the Enemy to rally, they were
only victorious for a day; whereas by making themſelves Maſters of the
Camp, they made their Victory perfe&t, and gave the laſt Stroke to the
Work: Wherefore, ſtretching out his hands like thoſe that ſupplicate, he
began himſelf to advance that way before them all. Though they were ex-
tremely tired, yet Cafar’s Diſcourſe and Authority gave them new ſtrength,
beſides their preſent good Fortune, and the hopes they had to force the
Trenches, which they thought a thing very important; and there is no fu-
rer Remedy againſt Wearineſs than Hope : So they ſtormed the Palliſſade
with ſcorn of thoſe that defended it. When Pompey was told of it,he at length
broke
Book II.
of Rome.
89

broke his profound Silence with theſe words; And how ! Into our very Camp:
And preſently changing Habit, mounted on Horſe-back; and accompanied
by four of his Friends, rid all Night full Speed, and at Break of Day came
to Lariſſa. Cæſar, as he had foretold when he was drawing out his Army,
lodged in Pompey's Camp, fupped with Meat they had made ready for him,
and the whole Army was feaſted at the Enemy's Charge. As for the Dead
on both ſides, as well Romans as Allies, (for the number of the Strangers
was ſo great it was hard to count them; beſides, none took the pains) Cæfar
loft thirty Centurions, and two hundred Legionary Soldiers; or according
to the Account of others, twelve hundred : And on Pompey's ſide theredy-
ed ten Senators, among whom was L. Domitius, who had been ſent into
Gaul, Succeſſor to Cæfar; and about forty Roman Knights of the beſt Fami-
lies of the City; for the Soldiery, thoſe who ſet down the greateſt numbers are
ſay five and twenty thouſand : But Aſinius Pollio, one of Cæſar's Captains
who commanded in this Battel, writes in his Commentaries, that there
were not above fix thouſand ſlain. Such was the ſucceſs of the famous Bat-
tel of Pharſalia. Among thoſe who did beſt, they give the firſt place to
Ceſar ; the ſecond place to the ſame Cæfar, with the Tenth Legion, by the
Conſent of all the World; and the third Honour is due to the Centurion
Craftinus, whom Ceſar, as he went out of the Camp, having asked, what
hopes he had of the Battel ? replyed with a loud voice; We will overcome,
Caſar; and thou Malt this day praiſe me, either alive or dead. And indeed,
all the Army bare witneſs, that they had ſeen him run like a Fury through
the Battalions, and do Actions almoſt incredible. His Body being found a-
mong the Dead, Caſar adorned it with Military Rewards; and in that man-
ner cauſed it to be be buried apart, with a Magnificent Tomb, near the com-
mon Sepulture of others.
Pompey departing immediately from Lariſſa, came to the Sea; and going XXVIII.
firſt into a little Boat, met by chance with a Ship, and got to Mitylene :
where taking with him Cornelia, and lading his Equipage upon four Gal-
leys come to him from Rhodes and Tyre; he would go neither to Corcira, nor
to Africa, where he had another Army and a Powerful Fleet; but choſe
rather the way of the Eaſt towards the King of the Parthians,by whoſe Affi-
ſtance he hoped to recover all he had loſt. He told his Deſign to no one, till
being ready to land in Cilicia, he diſcovered it to his Friends; but they ad-
viſed
him not to truſt the Parthian, againſt whom Craffus had ſo lately to ve-
ry ill purpoſe made War, and was ſtill puffed up with Victory he had gain-
ed againſt the Romans: Beſides, it was not ſafe to carry among Barbarians
a beautiful Woman like Cornelia ; who was moreover, Craffus Widdow :
They therefore propoſed to him either Egypt or King Fuba ; the later they
thought not of fufficient Reputation, but all counſelled his Retreat into +
gypt. They alledged that it was not far off, that it was a Powerful King-
dom, an Excellent Country, where he would want neither Shipping, nor
Proviſions, nor Money; and whoſe Kings, though yet but Minors, were
obliged to ſerve him, becauſe of the good Offices he had done their Father:
So by thoſe Reaſons he was perſwaded to bend his Courſe towards Egypt.
There was at preſent a Diviſion in the Royal Family; Cleopatra, who before
reigned joyntly with her Brother Ptolemy, being driven out, now raiſed
Forces about Syria; and Ptolemy her Brother was encamped near Mount
Caffia, on the Frontiers of Egypt, to hinder her Re-entry into the Kingdom.
It happened that the Wind drove Pompey into that place; who ſeeing fo
great an Army on the Shore, ſtopped; and becauſe he judged, as it proved
true,
Mmm

90
The Civil Wars
PART 11.
true, that the King was there, he fent one to give him advice of the Cauſe
of his coming, and to remember him of his Friendſhip with his Father. He
was yet but thirteen Years of Age; and had for Overſeers Achillas in what
concerned Affairs of War, and Photinus the Eunuch for the Treaſury :
Thoſe began to conſult betwixt them what they ſhould do in this Conjun-
cture ; and having called to counſel with them Theodatus the Rhetorician,
School-Maſter to the Infant King. He propoſed to them an execrable Ad-
vice; which was, to cut off Pompey, to gain the favour of Cæfar: Which be-
ing reſolved on, under pretence that in that place the Sea was full of Shoals,
ſo that greater Veſſels could not approach, they ſent him a wretched Boat,
in which there were ſome Officers of the Royal Houſe, and with them a
Septimius in certain Roman Soldier called * Sempronius, who now bore Arms in Egypty
all other Authors but had formerly ſerved under Pompey. He preſented him his hand on the
Partof Ptolemy; inviting him to enter, and go with him to his Friend, who
waited for him. Mean while the Army was drawn up in Battel on the Sea
Shore; in the midſt of which appeared the King, clad in his Royal Robes,
as if to do Honour to his Gueſt. Though Pompey had already ſome cauſe to
diſtruſt, conſidering this Army in Battel, the pittifulneſs of the Boat, that
the King came not in Perſon to meet him, nor ſent any Perſon of Quality;
yet he went into the Skiff, repeating to himſelf theſe Lines of Sophocles
.
To Tyrants Courts, the Valiant and the Brave;
Though free they enter, ſoon become their Slave.
When he ſaw that after he was got ſome diſtance from his Ships no Per-
fon ſpoke to him, his fufpition increaſed. Wherefore, either knowing
Sempronius for a Roman, or a Soldier that had ſerved under him, or conje-
Eturing it becauſe he only ſtood up, according to the Diſcipline of the Ro-
mans, which permits not Soldiers to fit before their General; he ſaid, tur-
ning towards him, Surely I have known you, Fellow Soldier : Which Sempro-
nius having acknowledged, as ſoon as he turned away, he gave him the firſt
blow, which was followed by many others that took away his Life. His
Wife and Friends ſeeing afar off this Murther, began to cry out; and lifting
up their hands to Heaven, imploring the Gods Revengers of violated Hoſpi-
tality, with all ſpeed took their Flight. Photinus's People cut off Pompey's
Head, which he kept to preſent to Ceſar when he ſhould arrive in Egypt, out
of hopes of a great Reward; but he revenged this Murther as became him.
Some one having found the Trunk of his Body, buried it upon the Sea-
Shore, raiſing over it a little Tomb; upon which ſome other wrote this In-
ſcription;
Scarce ſhould a Temple to hold that fuffice,
Which huddled in a little Sand, here lies.
This Sepulchre being in proceſs of time quite covered over with Sand,
the
Emperour Adrian viſiting that Country, cauſed it in theſe our times to
be fought for ; and after having found it with the Copper Images which the
Inhabitants of theſe Coaſts had dedicated to Pompey, which were fallen with
age in the ruines of a Temple, he cauſed the Rubbiil to be removed, made
the Sepulchre viſible, and ſet up the Images. Thus ended this great Man
his days, after having fortunately put an end to many Wars of great Im-
portance, and augmented the Roman Empire, by which he got the Title of
Great. Never before had he been vanquiſhed, and from his very youth
began



Book II.
of Rome.
91
began to be happy in all his undertakings, for from the three and twentieth
to the eight and fiftieth year of his age, he had in effect the power of a
King, though he took upon him only the quality of a private Citizen, be-
cauſe of the diſpute for preheminence between him and Cæfar.
Lucius Scipio his Father-in-law, and all the reſt of the perſons of Quality XXIX.
that eſcaped from the Battel of Pharſalia, retired to Corcyra, where they
had of purpoſe left Cato with other Forces and three hundred Galleys.
There having divided the Fleet among Pompey's chief Friends, Caffis failed
towards Pontus to engage Pharnaces to take up Arms againſt Caſar; Scipio
and Cato went into Africa, relying upon thoſe Forces Varas had, and the
affiftance they hoped for from Fuba King of the Moors. And Pompey's El-
deft Son, with Labienus Scapula and another part of the Army, went by
great Journeys to Spain, with deſign to draw that Province to their Party,
to raiſe other
Forces of Spaniards, Celtiberians, and even of Slaves, and to
make the greateſt Preparations they poſſibly could; ſo great were yet the
Wrecks of Pompey's Power, which by a prodigious blindneſs he deſerted
and fled. The Soldiers in Africa offered Cato the chief Command; but he
refuſed it, becauſe there were there preſent Lieutenants of Conſular Quali-
ty, and he had never arrived to higher Dignity in the City than the Charge
of Pretor. Wherefore L. Scipio being choſen General of that Army, he
laboured likewiſe in theſe Quarters to encreaſe and exerciſe his Forces; fo
that there were raiſed at the ſame time two powerful Armies againſt Cafar;
one in Africa, and the other in Spain. He for his part ſtayed at Pharſalia
but two days after the Victory, that he might ſacrifice to the Gods in the
Field of the Battel, and ſuffer the Soldiers take ſome repoſe, tired with the
Toil of that Great Day. He likewiſe granted Liberty to the Theſſalians, who
had ſerved him faithfully upon this Occaſion: And the Athenians coming
to demand his Pardon, he forgave them with theſe words ; How often muff
the Glory of your Predeceſſors with-hold you from falling down thoſe Precipices
whither your own faults lead you? The third day he marched towards the
Eaſt, whither he underſtood Pompey was fled: As he paſſed the Hellefpont
upon little Boats for want of Ships, in the middle of the Strait Caffinis (in
his way to Pharnaces) ſuddainly comes up with a great number of Gallies;
and though he might with ſo many Bottoms have eaſily defeated his Enemy,
who was infinitely the weaker ; yet ſuch was the prodigious good Fortune
of Cæfar, that the other was ſo extremely ſurprized, thinking he was come
of purpoſe to meet him, that of his own accord he yielded himſelf into his
Hands, demanded Pardon, and delivered up to him the Fleet; ſo powerful
was the Opinion only of Cæſar's continual Happineſs, for I can find out no 0-
ther Cauſe; and am of Opinion, that in all the Dangers he ever encoun-
tred, his good Fortune never ſerved him to better purpoſe than now, when
Caſſius, a Warlike Man, having ſeventy Gallies, meeting him by chance fo
ill prepared, durft not attempt to fight him; and yet, after he had ſetled
himfelf in the Supreme Power in the City, he who out of a Cowardly faint-
heartedneſs yielded to him in his Paſſage, killed him in the height of his
Proſperities; which proves the more, that Caffius, terrifyed in that manner,
yielded only to the Fortune that advanced Cefar. Thus eſcaping beyond his
Hopes, as ſoon as he was landed, the Ionians, Etolians, and other Nations
inhabiting that great Peninſula, which is called Aſia Minor, fent Deputies
to him, to crave his Pardon; which he granted : And underſtanding that
Pompey was gone towards Egypt, ne failed towards Rhodes; whence, with-
out ſtaying for his Army, whom he had ordered to rendezvouz in this Iland,
M m m 2
he

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he embarked on Caffius his Gallies, and thoſe of Rhodes, with thoſe Forces
he had, and towards the Evening went to Sea: He told no body whither he
deſigned, but only gave Order to the Pylates to follow the Admiral's Light
by Night, and the Flag by Day. And when he was in the Main Sea, he
commanded the Maſter of his Galley to ſtear towards Alexandria ; where
he arrived the third Day after. The King's Tutors, who were ſtill about
Mount Caffia, came forthwith to receive him: And having at his Arrival
but few People about him, he remained for ſome time without doing any
thing. In the mean time he civilly received all ſuch as viſited him, walked
often about the City under pretence of being pleaſed to view it, went often
to Philoſophy Schools; where ſtanding, he would hear the Profeſſors: and
by this manner of living, he gained the Favour and Eſteem of all the People
of Alexandria : But when his Army was arrived he put to death Achillas and
Photinus, for their Villany committed on the Perſon of Pompey; and Theo-
dotus then eſcaping him,Caffius after finding him in Afia, cauſed to be hanged.
The Alexandrians hereupon taking Arms, and the King's Army coming to
oppoſe Cæfar, they fought in ſeveral Engagements with divers Succeſs, as
well about the Palace as the adjoyning Shores; fo that once Caſar, preſſed
hard upon by the Enemy, threw himſelf into the Sea, and eſcaped them by
ſwimming; and his Coat-Armour falling into the Egyptians hands, they
hung it up in the place appointed for Trophies. But in the end, in the laſt
Battel, fought near the Nile, where the King was in Perſon, Cafar remain-
ed Conqueror. He ſpent nine Months in all theſe Affairs, till ſuch time as
he ſetled Cleopatra in the Kingdom of Egypt inſtead of her Brother, and
made a Progreſs with her upon the Nile, followed by four hundred Veffels,
to ſee the Country, or perhaps being in love with that Woman; but we
will ſpeak of thoſe things in writing the Affairs of Egypt. When they
would have preſented to him Pompey's Head, he would not ſee it; and com-
manded it ſhould be interred in the Suburbs, where he conſecrated a Chap-
pel to the Goddeſs Nemeſis, which in our time, when the Emperor Trajan
made cruel War upon them, the Jews pulled down; the demoliſhing it be-
ing of importance to them. Cæfar having done theſe things in Egypt, cau-
fed his Army to march with little noiſe through Syria, againſt Pharnaces,
who had already been ſucceſsful in many Occaſions ; he had ſeized upon ſome
places depending on the Romans; he had defeated Domitius, Cæſar's Lieu-
tenant, in a Set Battel; and puffed up with this Succeſs, had facked the Ci-
ty of Amiſa in the Kingdom of Pontus, and publickly ſold one part of the
Inhabitants, and made Eunuchs of all who had not obtained the Age of Pu-
berty : But frightned at Caeſar's coming, and repenting of what he had
done; when he was come within two hundred Furlongs of him, he ſent to
him Ambaſſadors to treat of Peace; with Orders to preſent him with a
Crown of Gold, and very impertinently to offer him the Daughter of their
King in Marriage. When he had heard the Occaſion of their coming, he
made his Army march; and amuſing the Ambaſſadors with words, adyan-
ces up to Pharnaces Camp; where beginning to cry out, Shall not Parricide
nom be immediately puniſhed, he leaped on Horſe-back, and with the firſt
Shout put the Enemy to Flight, and made a great Slaughter without any of
his Army's drawing their Swords, fave only
a thouſand Horſe that firſt fol-
lowed him when he began the Charge. Some Hiſtorians report that he
ſhould now fay; 0 ! how happy was Pompey, to have gained ſuch Reputation,
with the Title of GRE AT, for having to deal with ſuch People in the Min
thridatick War. And concerning this Victory he wrote to the City; I came,
Saw, I overcame. As for Pharnaces, he was content to retire into the King.
dom

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23
dom of Boſphorus, which Pompey left him ; and Cæfar had not now leiſure
to purſue him, or loſe time in theſe leſſer Affairs, being called elſewhere by
fo many more important Wars; wherefore he directed his Courſe towards
Italy, taking up all along as he marched through Aſia the Tribute-Money,
which much troubled the Commiſſioners, who had raiſed it upon the People
with a thouſand Cruelties, as we have ſaid in writing the Affairs of Aſia.
XXX:
Underſtanding by Letters that he received from Rome, that the City was
extremely tormented with new Seditions ; and that Anthony, General of his
Horſe, had with the Army ſeized upon the Great Place ; he left the Affairs
of Aſia, to make all ſpeed thither. His Preſence forthwith appeaſed the
Tumult of the City, but there was another raiſed againſt himſelf: The
Soldiers required to be payed what was promiſed them at Pharſalia, for ha-
ving expoſed their Lives; and that they might be diſmiſſed, having ſerved
the time appointed by the Laws. He cauſed them in Excuſe to be told, that
the Victory of Pharſalia was not yet perfect, becauſe War ſtill continued in
Africa: but as ſoon as that was ended, he would perform his Promiſe, and
give them over and above a thouſand Drams a Head. They with arro-
gance replyed, that they ſtood not in need of Promiſes, but of ready Mo-
ney ; ſo that Criſpus Saluftus, who was ſent to them, was fain to ſave his
Life by Flight. Upon report hereof made to Caſar, he drew Anthony's Le-
gion, which had been left for the Guard of the City, about his Houſe, and
to the Guard of the Gates, left the Mutineers ſhould in their fury begin to
plunder Private Houſes. And himſelf, contrary to the Advice of all his
Friends, who counſelled him not to expoſe himſelf to the fury of an Incenſed
Multitude; with a ſignal Audacity of Mind, as they were in the Field of
Mars, came ſuddainly upon them: And mounting on a place where he
might be ſeen by all the Mutining Companies, they ran to him, not yet ap-
peaſed, but without Arms; and faluting him, called himn Emperor, accor-
ding to Cuſtom. He commanding them to tell him what it was they defi-
red, they durft not ſpeak of Money, becauſe he ſurprized them with his
Preſence; but out of the hopes they were in, that he yet ſtanding in need of
the Army to make an end of the Remainder of the War, would (if they
deſired to be diſmiſſed) himſelf ſpeak of the Gift he had promiſed them, con-
tented themſelves to cry out all with one Voice, that they intreated him to
diſcharge them: To which, without any delay, he made anſwer, That he
granted their Requeſt; and feeing them ſo much the more aſtoniſhed at this
Anſwer, as they leaſt of any thing expected it, and that they ſtood in a pro-
found filence, he added; I will, notwithſtanding, give you all that I have pro-
miſed you as ſoon as I have triumphed with others. This word filled their ve-
ry Soul with Shame and Jealoufie; conſidering what an Infamy it would be
for them, if after having deſerted their General under pretence of being
weary of the War, new Soldiers ſhould follow his Triumphant Chariot:
Beſides, they ſhould deprive themſelves of the Booty they might get in the
African War, and render themſelves odious both to Ceſar and the contrary
Party. And making theſe reflections, they a long time kept ſilence, hoping
Cæfar would at laſt grant them ſomething more, and change his Mind, be-
cauſe of the preſſing neceſſity. But he continuing filent as well as they
and when his Friends befought him to fay ſomething more to them, and not
leave in ſuſpence People that had ſerved him fo well, as he began to ſpeak to
them, calling them Gentlemen, and not Fellow Soldiers, which is a ſign he
looked upon them as diſcharged, they could not endure to be treated in
that manner, but interrupted him; and by their Cries teſtifying their Re-
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pentance, befought him to permit them to ſtay ſtill in his Service ; and be-
cauſe he refuſed them, and deſcended from the Tribunal, they redoubled
their Cries, intreating him to ſtay and puniſh their fault. Hereupon he
ſtopped a good while, as if he had been in pain what to reſolve on, and at
length remounting the Tribunal, told them he would not puniſh a Man;
but however, he was forely troubled that the tenth Legion, whom he had
always preferred before the others, had begun this Mutiny: And to them
he added, I give you your Diſcharge, and will pay you what I promiſed you as
foon as I return from Africa: And at the end of the War I will give you Lands,
not as Sylla did; taking them from others, or mixing the ufurpers among thoſe
are ſpoiled of them, to nouriſh perpetual Enmity between them; but I will divide
amongſt you the Publick Lands, my own particular Inheritances; and if thoſe be
not enough, I will buy more with my Money
. Whereupon, all the reſt with
Slouts and Acclamations applauded him, but the tenth Legion was quite
caſt down, believing they ſhould never regain Cæſar's favour ; wherefore
they befought him to decimate them, according to the Cuſtom of their An-
ceſtors. Till he, unwilling to afflict them any farther, becauſe he percei-
ved their Repentance ſerious, pardoned them as well as the reſt; and ſhort-
ly after departed to go for Africa.
XXXI.
From Rhegium, paſſing over to Meſſina, he came to Zylibeum ; and un-
ſtanding that Cato with the Fleet and part of the Land Forces had the Guard
of Utica, where lay all the ſtores of the contrary Party, and where ſate a
form of Senate, compoſed of three hundred perſons, who had for ſome time
given orders in what concerned the War, and that L. Scipio their General
and the moſt conſiderable of the Party were at Adrumetumn with the reſt of
the Army, he went to land. There he had advice that Scipio was gone to
meet with King Fuba, wherefore he took the opportunity of his abſence,
and drew up his Army before the Enemies Camp. Labienus and Petreius
Scipio's Lieutenants accepted the defiance and vigorouſly beat back Cefar's
Men, driving them before them with contempt, till Labienus's Horſe
wounded in the Belly, having reverſed and thrown him down, his Efquires
carried him out of the Fight, and Petreius contenting himſelf with having
tried the courage of his Soldiers, believing he could overcome whenever
he pleaſed, cauſed the Retreat to be founded, ſaying to thoſe about him,
We muſt not deprive Scipio our General of the honour of beating them himſelf.
Thus fortune ſhewed it ſelf once more powerful for Cæfar; for his Enemies
cooling in the midſt of the Victory, let the whole fruit of it eſcape out
of their Hands. 'Tis faid Cefar only ſtood his ground, all the reſt fled, and
that with his own hand he was bringing back the Standard of a Legion to
the Front of the Battalia, when Petreius drew off into his Camp, in which
Ceſar willingly imitated him. This was the ſucceſs of the firſt Engage-
ment Cæfar met with in Africa. Some time after a rumour was ſpread,
that Scipio was coming with eight Legions, twenty thouſand Harfe, of which
the moſt part were Lybians, a great number of Targetiers, and thirty E-
lephants, and together with him
King Fuba at the Head of thirty thouſand
Footmen, twenty thouſand Numidian Horſe, ſtore of Darters, and beſides
all, fixty Elephants. The Soldiers were ſtill diſheartened with their late
diſgrace, and the Enemy now ſeemed to them very formidatle, both by rea-
ſon of the number and valour of the Numidian Horſe, beſides they had
not been uſed to fight againſt Elephants, But when afterwards they under-
ſtood that Bocchus another King of the Moors had ſeiſed upon Cirta, the Re-
fidence of King Fuba, ſo that recalled by domeſtick Danger he had made a
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95
fpeedy return into his Kingdom with his Army, leaving only with Scipio
the thirty Elephants, they took ſuch heart, that the fifth Legion defired they
might be placed before the Elephants, and having obtained it, began the
Victory by the defeat of thofe Beaſts, wherefore to this day they carry an
Elephant painted in their Colours ; the Fight was for a long time ftifly
maintained on both ſides, till in the end Cæſar remained victorious. Scipio's
Camp was taken and pillaged, Night prevented the further purſuit of thoſe
that fled, of whom every one ſhifted for himſelf as he beſt could, and Sci-
pio quitting all went away with Afranius by Sea in twelve open Boats. Thus
this Army compoſed of fourſcore thouſand fighting Men, the moſt part old
Soldiers, encouraged by the ſucceſs of the firſt Fight were utterly defeated
in this one Battel, which augmented much the Glory of Cæfar by the con-
feffion of his Enemies themſelves, who attributed this Defeat more to his
good Fortune than their own remiſneſs; but they flattered themſelves, for
this misfortune arrived only by the fault of their Commanders, who had
not the prudence to ſpin out this war in length, whereby they might have
reduced Cafar ( engaged in a ſtrange Country ) to want of Proviſions; and
beſides in not purſuing to the upſhot their firſt Victory.
Three days after the defeat, news thereof coming to Utica, and Cafar fol. XXXII.
lowing it at the heels, all men diſpoſed themſelves to flight, Cato hindred no
Man, nay, he gave Ships to all ſuch perſons of quality as asked him, but for
himſelf he ſtood firm; and when thoſe of Utica promiſed to entreat Cafar for
him before they did for themſelves, he told them ſmiling, he ſtood not in
need of any Interceſſors , and Cæfar knew it well. Afterwards
having put together what Money and Papers he had , he
fealed them up, and diſpoſed them in the hands of the Magi-
ftrates of Utica , towards the Evening he bathed and fupped , ſitting
as he at other times uſed, ſince Pompey's death; he altered not a jot of his
manner of living, but was ſerved after his accuſtomed manner, and diſ-
courſed familiarly with his Servants. He talked of thoſe that were gone, if
they had a good Wind, how far they might be off, and if they believed
that when Cæfar came to morrow they would be got out of ſight. When
he was going to Bed he let nothing extraordinary eſcape him, only he em-
braced his Son with ſomewhat more tenderneſs, but not finding his Sword
near his Bed according to cuſtom, he cryed out he was betrayed by his own
Domeſticks, who had not left him wherewith to defend himſelf, if his E-
némies affailed him by night ; and when they befought him not to make
any attempt upon his life, but to repoſe without his Sword, he told them to
oblige them to believe him: If I had a mind to die, could not I knock my Head
againſt this Wall
, or ſtrangle my ſelf with the Cloaths that I wear, or throw
my ſelf headlong down, or ftifle my ſelf with ſtopping my Breath? With
theſe words and ſome others he perſwaded them to lay his Sword in its
place, that done, he deſired there might be brought him that Book Plato
writ concerning the Soul, which he read quite over, and when he thought
thoſe who kept Guard at his door ſlept, hethruſt his Sword into his Belly.
His Entrails coming out at the wound, ſome groan heard by thoſe at the
door, obliged them to run in with Chyrurgions, who put his Entrails a-
gain ſtill warm as they were into his Body, ſowed up the wound, and after
having laid to it a Plaiſter, and rolled it up, his Senſes being come to him,
he feigned to repent himſelf of the fault he had committed, thanked them
that they had helped him, and told them that now he ſtood in need of
ſome repoſe; but after they were gone, carrying with them his Sword, and
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had ſhut the Door that nothing might diſturb his reſt, whilft they thought
he ſlept he got off by little and little the Roller and Sewing of the Wound,
and pulling out his Entrails, tore them with his Fingers and Nails, and ſo
died in the fiftieth year of his age. He was eſteemed the graveſt and moſt
firm in his reſolution of all men living, who judged not of what was juſt
and honeſt by what the people practiſed, but by ſtrong and generous rea-
ſons. He eſpouſed Martia the Daughter of Philip, who had never befo
been married, he loved her dearly, and had Children by her, and yet in
favour of the Friendſhip he bore to Hortenſius, who had no Children, and
paſſionately deſired to have one, he reſigned her over to him till ſuch time
as his Friend had a Son, and then took her home again, as if he had only
lent her: ſuch was Cato. Thoſe of Utica celebrated for him Magnificent
Funerals; and Cæfar hearing the news of his death, ſaid, Cato envyed the
Glory I might have got by doing a noble Action. And yet when Cicero wrote
a Book in praiſe of his death, and called it Cato, Cæfar wrote another, and
called his Book Anticato. When Fuba and Petreius had heard what had
happened, and ſaw that they had neither hopes of flight or fafety, they
flew each other with their Swords in a Chamber where they had eat toge-
ther. Cæfar made the kingdom of Mauritania tributary, and gave
the
Government to Criſpus Saluftus. He pardoned thoſe of Utica together with
Cato's Son, and finding in that City a Daughter of Pompey's with two Chil-
dren, he ſent her to her Brother without doing her the leaſt unkindneſs.
But he put to death all he could find of thoſe three hundred which they
called a Senate. As for Lucius Scipio General of the defeated Army the
Waves caſt him into the Enemies Fleet, from whence ſeeing no way to e-
ſcape, he run his Sword through his Body, and threw himſelf into the Sea.
Thus Cæfar ended the War in Africa.
XXXIV. Being returned to the City he entred Triumphant over four ſeveral Na-
tions. The firſt Triumph was over the Gauls, many of whoſe people he
had ſubdued and brought under the Roman Empire, and reduced to obe-
dience thoſe that were revolted. The ſecond over Pharnaces. The third
over the Africans that had taken up Arms for Scipio, wherein was led Ca-
ptive the Son of King Fuba, yet a Child who afterwards became an Hiſto-
rian. And the fourth of the Egyptians defeated in a Fight by Water on the
Nile, but this Triumph was placed between the Gaul and the Pontick.
Though he triumphed not over the Romans becauſe they were his Fellow
Citizens, which had been no Glory to him, and a ſhame to the Roman
People, yet in the pomp were carried Pictures of all thoſe Defeats, and the
Pourtraictures of the iven, ſave only Pompey's, which he durit not ſhew
becauſe of the grief all men had for his lofs, yet freſh in memory : yet the
people forbore not ſhedding tears for his misfortune, eſpecially when they
knew L. Scipio General of a Roman Army, with his Breaſt wounded with
his own hand, precipitating himſelf into the Sea, and faw. Petreius periſh
in the Dining Room, and Cato tearing out his Bowels like a fierce Beaſt : ;
for Achillas and Photinus the fight of them was as pleaſing as the flight of
Pharnaces, which made all the world laugh. Tis ſaid that in theſe Tri-
umphs they carried fixty thouſand Talents and a half of Silver Money, with
two thouſand eight hundred twenty two Crowns of Gold, weighing twen-
ty
thouſand four hundred and fourteen Pounds. He diſtributed to every
Soldier five thouſand Attick Drams, to every Captain double, to the Co-
lonels and Captains of Horſe four times as much, and to all the people a
Mina by the Head ; beſides he exhibited divers pleaſant Spectacles, Horſe-
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97
racing, Muſick, Combats on Foot of a thouſand againſt a thouſand, on
Horſeback of two hundred againſt two hundred, and another Fight of
Horſe and Foot together, he made likewiſe twenty Elephants fight againſt
twenty, he repreſented likewiſe a Sea-Fight, wherein were four thouſand
Rowers, and a thouſand fighting Men on a ſide. He likewiſe cauſed a
Temple to be built to Venus, according to the vow he had made before the
Battel of Pharſalia, and near to that Temple built a publick Hall for the
Roman People, not to uſe Traffick in, but for the pleading of Cauſes, and
to render juſtice, and learn how to render it, in like manner as there are
many in Perfia, and by the Goddeſs ſide he cauſed to be ſet up the Statue of
Cleopatra, which is to be ſeen to this day. And laſtly, having taken the
number of the people, he found them one half leſs than they were at the
beginning of the War, fo much had the Differences which had happened
between theſe two Men weakened the Common-wealth.
For himſelf being made the fourth time Conſul, he undertook the Ex- XXXIV.
pedition of Spain againſt the young Pompey, which was a Remain of the
Civil War, he had not reaſon to flight ; for all thoſe people of Quality
that had eſcaped out of Africa got thither, and the Wracks of the Pharſali-
an and African Defeats were here aſſembled, beſides the aſſiſtance of the
moſt warlike Nations of Spain and Celtiberia, and a great number of Slaves
that followed Pompey's Army, who having been four years exerciſed to the
War, offered to ſerve him if he would try the fortune of a Battel. This was
the cauſe of Pompey's overthrow ; for that without delay he would go meet
Cæfar,though the old Captains whom the Battels of Pharſalia and Africa had
made wiſer, counſelled him to prolong the War, being the only means to
ruine his Enemy, who could not ſubſiſt in a Country where he had no con-
veniencies; for Ceſar was come in feven and twenty days,counting from the
day he left the City, and with ſtore of Baggage had performed a wonderful
Journey. Beſides his Army never ſhewed leſs reſolution out of the
thoughts poſſeſſed them, that they were to deal with a multitude of War-
like Enemies, and whom deſpair would make attempt any thing, which
was the reaſon Cæſar made no haſte to engage till Pompey provoking him to
Battel, reproached him with faintheartedneſs, which not able to endure,
he drew up his Army in Battel before Cordond, and that day he likewiſe
gave Venus for his Word, as Piety was that of Pompey's. When the Ar-
mies were going to cloſe,Cæſar ſeeing his Men go on but coldly, and ſeem to
be afraid, invoked all the Gods, beſeeching them with hands lifted up to
Heaven, not to let the luſtre of ſo many glorious Actions be darkened in
one day, and running through the Ranks, encouraged his Soldiers, taking
off his Head-piece that he might be the better known. But do what he
could he could not raiſe their Spirits, till ſnatching a Buckler out of a Sol-
diers hand, he ſaid to the Tribunes were about him, This ſhall be the laſt day
of my life, and of your engagement to the War. And at the ſame time made
furiouſly towards the Enemy : he had ſcarce advanced ten foot but he had
above two hundred Darts thrown at him, ſome of which he avoided by
bending his Body, and others received on his Buckler, when the Tribunes
run with emulation to get about him, and the whole Army thereupon
charging with all their fury, they fought all day with divers advantage,
and at length towards the Evening the Victory fell to Cæſar, and 'tis report-
ed, that hereupon he was heard lay theſe words, That he had often fought
for Victory, but that now he had fought for life. After the Defeat, Pompey's
Men flying into Cordona, Cæfar, to prevent their eſcape thither, left they
Should
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ſhould rally and renew the Fight, cauſed the place to be inveſted by the Ar-
my, where his Soldiers -being ſo tired they could not work in the Circum-
vallation, heaped up together
the Bodies and Armour of the ſlain, which
they kept piled up with their Javelins ſtuck into the ground, and lay all
night under that kind of Rampire. Next Morning the City was taken.
Of Pompey's Captains Scapula getting up on a Pile of Wood burnt himſelf;
the Heads of Varus, Labienus, and other perſons of Quality were brought
to Caſar. As for Pompey he fled froin the Battel with a hundred and fifty
Horſe, bending his courſe towards Cartea where his Fleet lay, he entred
the Port in a Litter, and in the habit of a private Man. But ſeeing the Sea-
men had likewiſe loſt all hopes, he threw himſelf into a little Boat, in which
as he was going out to Sea, his Foot tangling in the Cordage, one of his
people going to cut the Rope, by miſchance cut his Heel, ſo that to cure his
wound he was forced to go aſhore at a ſmall Village, where hearing that
Cæſar's Horſemen were coming, he took his flight through a Country cover-
ed with Thorns and Briars, which added to his wound, ſo that being tired,
and fitting down at laſt under a Tree, he was found by thoſe gave him chaſe,
and ſlain, generouſly defending himſelf, his Head was carried to Ceſar,
who cauſed it to be buried. Thus was this War ended by one only Fight,
contrary to the opinion of all the world. Thoſe who eſcaped from this De-
feat, went to Pompey's younger Brother, ſirnamed Sextus, but he only
made War like a Rover, hiding himſelf, and flying from place to place.
XXXV. As for Cæfar, having now put an end to all the Civil Wars, he returned
to Rome more powerful and glorious than ever any had been before him ;
wherefore all imaginable Honours were done him to gain his favour. All
the Tribes, all the Nations and all the Kingdoms allyed and Friends to the
Roman People made Sacrifices, Shews and offerings in every Temple, and
in every publick place, his Statues were every where to be ſeen ſet up in di-
vers faſhions, fome adorned with Oaken Crowns, as having faved his
Country, like thoſe wherewith the Citizens formerly honoured thoſe who
ſaved their lives, likewiſe by publick Decree they gave him the Titles of Fa-
ther of his Country, perpetual Dictator, Conful for ten years, and of Ho-
ly and Sacred; and it was enacted, that he ſhould adminiſter Juſtice feated
on a Throne of Ivory, or of Gold, that he ſhould wear the Triumphal
Robe at Sacrifices, that on thoſe days whereon he had gained his
principal Victories publick Feaſts and Prayers ſhould be made, and that e-
very five years the Prieſts and Veſtals ſhould offer up Vows for his fafety;
that thoſe who entred into office ſhould ſwear not to oppoſe any of his Or-
ders, and in Honour of his Birth-day.they changed the name of the Month
which they called Quintilis, and named it Fuly. It was decreed likewiſe
by an Act of the Senate, that Temples ſhould be built to him as to a God,
and among others one in common to him and Clemency, where their Statues
ſtood hand in hand. Thus by publick Vows they requeſted his Clemency,
whoſe Dominion they ſtood in aw of, fome likewiſe there were who
would have called him King, but he forbid it with threats, fignifying his a-
verſion for a name which could not but be unhappy after the execrations ful-
minated by the Ancients againſt that Dignity, he likewiſe diſmiſſed from
* Regiment of
about his perſon the * Pretorian Cohorts, of which he had made uſe du-
ring the War, and contented himſelf with the publick Officers. Ashe
gave audience, thus attended in the place, the Senate led by the Conſuls
with the ordinary pomp came to preſent him thoſe Ediets before ſpoken of,
he gave them every one his hand, but when they came in a Body roſe not
from


Gyards.

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99
from his Seat, and fuffered them to ſtand, which gave ſubject of diſcourſe
to them who accuſed him of aiming at the Royalty. After having accept-
ed all the other Honours, fave only the Conſulate for ten years, he deſigned
himſelf Conſul for the next year with Anthony General of his Horſe, and
gave Anthony for his Succeſſor in the charge of his Horſe, Lepidus, then
Governour of Spain who had his Lieutenants in that Province. He recalled
all Exiles except thoſe who were baniſhed for ſome great crime, and par-
doned all thoſe of the contrary Faction, even many who had born Arms a-
gainſt him. At the ſame time he gave to ſome Offices for a year, to o-
thers Governments of Provinces, or Armies to command, which gave the
people occaſion to hope that he would reſtore the Government of the Com-
mon-wealth as Sylla had done, who was mounted to the ſame power ; but
thoſe hopes appeared to be ill founded. After all this, one of thoſe who
would confirm the rumour ſpread abroad concerning the Royalty, having
put upon the Head of one of his Statues a Wreath of Lawrel, interlaced
with white Ribbands, and the Tribunes of the People Marullus and Ca-
Setius having informed themſelves of, diſcovered and impriſoned the Au-
thor of the A&tion, believing thereby to oblige Cæfar, who ſeemed to take
amiſs the ſpeaking of the name of King, he approved their proceedings,
and when in the Aſſembly fome faluting him gave him the Title of King,
perceiving the people ſhed tears, he pleaſantly reproved them, by ſaying,
I am not King, but Cæſar, as if they had miſtaken one name for another ;
but when Marullus iſſued out proceſs againſt thoſe had called him by that
name, and cauſed them to be brouglit before him by the Uſhers as Cri-
minals, he could not brook it, but complained to the Senate of Marullus
and his Colleagues, who out of malice gave him the reputation of affect-
ing the Tyranny, adding they were worthy of death, but he would be ſa-
tisfied that they were deprived of their Offices, and the quality of Senators.
This action confirmed the opinion of all the world, that he was glad to be
called ſo, that he might prove by degrees the minds of the people, and at
laſt mount to the Monarchy; for it was a crime to have called him a King,
and beſides the Office of the Tribunes was hallowed and inviolable, by
Oath of the Ancients, and by old Laws, and beſides they ſtayed not till the
time of their Magiſtracy (which approached) was expired, which
heightened the indignation of all good Men. And as ſoon as he perceived
it, he repented himſelf to have exerciſed his power with too much rigour,
as ſoon as he beheld himſelf in peace, and as ſome fay, gave orders to his
Friends to govern themſelves with prudence, becauſe his Enemies had already
an occaſion to do him hurt; whereupon they asking him if he would not
have the Spaniſh Cohorts continually about his perſon, he anſwered that no-
thing could be more miſerable than to be perpetually guarded, nor any con-
dition of life be more uneaſie : yet all this hindered not the endeavours of
thoſe who would have had him take the Title of King. And as he was
Spectator at the Lupercal Ceremonies feated upon a Throne of Gold in
the place for Orations, Anthony his Colleague in the Conſulate, running
about the City naked, and anointed with Oil ( as is the cuſtom for the
Prieſts of thoſe Ceremonies ) aſcended the place where he fate, and plant-
ed a Diadem on his Head. He laid it down as ſoon as he ſaw how few
people applauded the Spectacle; Anthony put it on once more, and he took
it off the ſecond time. The people looked upon this Debate with filence,
impatient to ſee what would be the iſſue ; but when they at laſt perceiv-
ed"Cafar remained Maſter, the place was filled with Acclamations and
Prayers for his Proſperity.
N nn
2
Aftet

100
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The Civil Wars
After this, whether he loſt all hopes, or that he grew weary of the pur-
XXXVI.
ſuit, he quite gave over this deſign to avoid all envy, and that he might
leave the City, which he began to grow jealous of, becauſe of his Ene-
mies, or elſe for the better preſervation of his health, never more afflicted
with the Falling Sickneſs and ſudden Convulſions than when he lay idle, he
reſolved upon a far diſtant Expedition againſt the Getes and the Parthians.
The Getes being a people hardened to labour, warlike and almoſt border-
ing upon the Roman Empire, he reſolved to prevent their attempts : and
for the Parthians he deſigned to revenge the Murder of Craſſus, which they
had committed contrary to their Treaties. He therefore ſent before ſix-
teen Legions and ten thouſand Horſe which had paſſed the Adriatick Gulf,
and forthwith a rumour was ſpread, that there was an Oracle of the Si-
byls which declared that the Parthians could not be ſubdued by the Romans,
unleſs they were commanded by a King. This made fome talk publickly
that in what concerned the Romans they might all call him Dictator or Em-
perour or ſome other ſofter name than that of King, but in regard of other
Nations taxed under the Roman Empire, there needed no fcruple be made
at the giving him that Title. He having ſtill refuſed it, haftened all he
could to get out of the City where many envied him. But four days before
the day appointed for his departure he was ſlain by his Enemies in the Pa-
lace, either out of malice to ſee him raiſed to ſuch fupreme felicity and
height of Command, or elſe ( as themſelves ſaid ) out of a deſire to re-
ſtore the Common-wealth to its firſt Eſtate; for they feared after having
overcome theſe other Nations nothing could hinder him from making him-
felf King: yet as it appears to me it was only for the name ſake they at-
tempted all things; for in the thing it ſelf there is no difference between
Dictator and King. There were two Chiefs of this Conſpiracy, the Son
of that Brutus whom Sylld put to death, M. Brutus Cepio who came for re-
fuge to Cæfar himſelf after the Battel of Pharſalia, and C. Caffius who
yielded to him the Galleys in the Hellefpont, both of Pompey's Party, and
with them was joyned one of Cafar's moſt intimate Friends Decimus Brue
tus Albinus. He had always treated them honourably, and with great con-
fidence, and when he was going to the War in Africa, had given them
Armies, and the Government of the Gauls, to Decimus Brutus of the
Tranſalpine, and to M. Brutus of the Ciſalpine: Brutus, and Caſſius were
at this time deſigned Prætors, and were in difference for a juriſdiction
which among the Citizens is accounted the moſt honourable of all others,
whether they contended out of ambition, or only feigned to do it, left their
Conſpiracy ſhould be perceived: Cæfar was Arbitrator between them,
and, as 'tis faid, he acknowledged to his Friends that Caffius had reafon, but
yet he would favour Brutus , ſo much he loved and honoured him, for
all men believed he was his Son, becauſe he viſited Servilia Cato's Siſter at
the time ſhe grew with Child of Brutus, wherefore 'tis likewiſe faid, that
in the Battel of Pharſalia he gave expreſs order to his Captains to have a
great a care as poſſibly they could of Brutus's life. However, whether he
were ingrateful, or knew nothing of it, or did not believe it, or that he
thought his Mother's incontinence a diſhonour, whether love of liberty
made him prefer his Country before his own Father, or being of the anci-
ent race of the Bruti who had expelled the Kings, and now pricked for-
ward by the reproaches of the people, who on the Statues of the old Brutus,
and on this Prætor's Tribunal had ſecretly written ſuch words as theſe, Bru-
tus thou ſuffereſt thy ſelf to be corrupted with gifts. Brutus thou art dead,
would
2

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of Rome.
101
would to God thou wert now alive ; either thy Succeſſors degenerate, or thou haſt
not begot them. He, I ſay, young as he was, chafed by theſe and fuch like
things, engaged himſelf in this Enterprize as an Ac worthy his Prede-
ceſſors.
The Diſcourſes concerning the Royalty were not then quite extinct,when
juſt as they were going to the Senate Caffius took Brutus by the hand, and
faid, what ball we do if Cæſar's Flatterers propoſe to make him King ? To
which Brutus anſwered, that He would not be at the Senate. Whereupon,
the other again demanded, what if they ſummon us as Pretors, what jhall we
do then, my Friend? I will, ſaid he, defend my Country, even till death.
Whereupon, Cafſus embracing him, ſaid ; And what Perſons of Quality will
you take for Companions in fo brave an Attempt ? Do you think there are none
but Tavern-People and Artificers that put Writings on your Tribunal? Know
that they are the Prime Men of the City, who expect from other Pretors only
Plays and Shems; but require their Liberty from yout
, as the work of your Pre-
deceſſors. Thus they diſcovered to each other what they had long had in
their thoughts; and began to try their own Friends, and ſome of Cæfar's,
according as they knew them capable of good things. They engaged in
their Deſign the two Brothers, Cecilius and Bucolianus, Rubrius Rex, Q. Zi-
garius, M. Spurius, Servilius Galba, Sextius Naſo, Pontius Aquita
. And
of Cæſar's Friends they drew to their Conſpiracy Decimus, of whom I have
already ſpoken ; Caius Caſca, Trebonius, Attilius Cimber, Minutius and Ba-
fillus. When they thought they had Companions enough, for it was not
convenient to communicate this Deſign to all the World, they gave their
Words one to another without either Oath or Sacrifice, and yet no one chan-
ged his mind, or ever diſcovered the Plot. There was nothing now want-
ing but choice of time and place. The time urged, for within four days
Cæfar was to depart and take Guards. For the place, they thought the Pa-
lace moſt convenient; for they concluded that all the Senators, though they
were not made privy to it, yet, ſeeing the A&tion, would joyfully joyn with
them; which, as it is ſaid, happened at the death of Romulus, after having
changed the Regal Power into Tyranny. Wherefore this Attempt would
have the ſame Succeſs with that, eſpecially being not privily executed, but in
the Palace, and for the Good of the Commonwealth. That they needed
not to fear any thing from Cæfar's Army, being all compoſed of Rornan
People, in concluſion, that the Authors of this great Action doing it pub-
lickly, could expect nothing but Reward. Having all decreed the Palace
for the place of Execution, there were divers Opinions concerning the man-
ner of doing it; fome being of Opinion they ſhould likewiſe make away
Anthony, Cæſar's Colleague, the moſt powerful of his Friends, and well be-
loved of the Soldiery. But Brutus oppoſed that; ſaying, That it was only
by killing Cefar, who was as a King, that they ought to ſeek for the Glory of
deſtroying Tyrants; and that if they killed his Friends too, Men would im-
pute the Action to private Enmity, and the Faction of Pompey. This Ad-
vice prevailing, they only expected the aſſembling of the Senate. Now
the day before Cæfar being invited to ſup with Lepidus, carried along with
him Decimus Brutus Albinus : and during Supper the Queſtion being propo-
ſed what Death was beſt for Man; fome deſiring one kind, and ſome ano-
ther, he alone preferred the ſuddaineſt and moſt unexpected. Thus divi-
ning for himſelf, they fell to diſcourſe of the Morrows Affairs. In the Mor-
ning finding himſelf ſomewhat out of Order with the Night's Debauch, and
his Wife Calphurnia having been frightned with diſial Dreams, the advi-
ſed him not to go abroad, and in many Sacrifices he made, there were
hone

102
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none but affrightful Tokens: He therefore gave order to Anthony to diſmiſs
the Senate. But Decimis Brutus perſwading him that it was more conveni-
ent he went himſelf, to avoid the Opinion might be conceived, he did it out
of Pride or Scorn, he went to diſmiſs them himſelf, coming to the Palace
in his Litter. There were at preſent Plays in Pompey's Theatre, and almoſt
all the Senators were at the Windows of the Neighbouring Houſes, as is the
Cuſtom in the time of Spectacles. The fame Morning the Pretors, Brutus
and Caffius, gave Audience to thoſe made Suit for it, with great tranquillity,
in a Gallery before the Theatre. But when they had heard what happened
to Cæfar in the Sacrifices, and that therefore they deferred the Senate, they
were much troubled. One of thoſe that ſtood there having taken Caſca by
the hand, told him ; You kept it cloſe from me that am your Friend but Brutus
has told me all. Whereupon Caſca pricked in Conſcience, began to tremble;
but the other continuing with a ſmile ; Where then will you raiſe the Money
to coine to the Edility ? Caſca gave him an Account. Brutus and Caſſius them-
felves being talking together, one of the Senators, called Popilius Læna,
drawing them afide, faid, I pray God what you have in your hearts may fuc-
ceed happily, but it is fit you make baſte. At which they were ſo ſurprized,
that they gave him no Anſwer. At the ſame time that Cæfar went to the
Palace in his Litter, one of his Domeſticks who had underſtood ſomething
of the Conſpiracy, came to find Calphurnia; but without ſaying any thing
elſe to her but that he muſt ſpeak with Cæfar about Affairs of importance, he
ſtayed expecting his Return from ti.. Senate, becauſe he did not know all
the Particulars : His Hoſt of Gnidus called Artemidorus running to the Palace
to give him notice of it, came juſt at the moment of his being killed; ano-
ther, as he ſacrificed before the Gate of the Senate-Houſe, gave him a Note
of all the Conſpiracy; but he going in without reading it, it was after his
death found in his hands. As he came out of his Litter, Læna, the ſame
who before had ſpoken to Caſſius, came to him, and entertained him a long
time in private ; which ſtruck a Damp into the Chiefs of the Conſpiracy,
the more becauſe their Conference was long : They already began to make
ſigns to one another, that they muſt now kill him before he arreſted them;
but in the Sequel of the Diſcourſe, obſerving Lana to uſe rather the Geſture
of a Suppliant than an Accuſer, they deferred it ; till in the end, ſeeing him
return thanks to Cefar, they took Courage. It is the Cuſtom of the Chief
Magiſtrates entring the Palace, firſt to conſult the Divines ; and here as
well as in the former Sacrifices, Cæſar's firſt Victim was found without a
heart, or as ſome ſay without the Chief of the Entrails. The Divine here-
upon telling him it was a mortal Sign, he replyed laughing, that when he
went to fight againſt Pompey in Spain he had ſeen the like : and the other
having replyed, that then likewiſe he had run hazard of loſing his Life; but
that at preſent the Entrails threatned him with greater danger. He com-
manded they ſhould ſacrifice another Viểim, which fore-boding nothing
but ill; he fearing to ſeem tedious to the Senate, and being preſſed by his
Enemies, whom he thought to be his Friends, without conſidering the dan-
ger, entred the Palace ; for it was of neceſſity that the Misfortune to befall
him, ſhould befal. They left Trebonius at the Gate to ſtop Anthony under
pretence of diſcourſing ſome Buſineſs with him; and as ſoon as Cæſar was
feated, the other Conſpirators ſurrounded him according to Cuftom, as
Friends, having each his Dagger concealed. At the ſame time Attilius
Cimber ſtanding before him, began to intreat him to grant the Return of his
Brother who was in Exile ; and upon his Refuſal, under pretence of beg-
ging it with more humility, he took him by the Robe ; and drawing it to
him,
Book II.
of Rome.
103

him, hung about his Neck, crying out; Why do yoit delay; riy Friends.
Thereupon Caſca firſt of all reaching over his Head, thought to ſtrike his
Dagger into his Throat, but wounded him only in the Breaſt. Ceſar hay-
ing diſengaged himſelf from Cimber, and caught hold of Caſca's hand, leap-
ed from his Seat, and threw himſelf upon Caſca with a wonderful force
but being at Handy Gripes with him, another ftruck his Dagger into his
Side, Caſſius gave him a Wound in the Face, Brutus ſtruck him quite through
the Thigh, Bucolianus wounded him behind the Head ; and he like one en-
raged, and roaring like a Savage Beaſt, turned ſometimes to one and ſome-
times to another ; till ſtrength failing him after the Wound received from
Brutus, he threw the Skirt of his Robe over his Face, and ſuffered himſelf
gently to fall before Pompey's Statue. They forbore not to give him many
Stabs after he was down, ſo that there were three and twenty Wounds
found in his Body. And thoſe that flew him were ſo eager, that ſome of
them through vehemence, without thinking of it, wounded each other.
After this Murder committed in a Hallowed Place, and on a Sacred Per- XXXVII.
fon, all the Aſſembly took their Flight, both within the Palace, and without
in the City. In the Croud there were ſeveral Senators wounded, and ſome
killed: There were ſlain likewiſe other Citizens and Strangers ; not with
deſign, but without knowing the Authors, as happens in a publick Tumult;
for the Gladiators, who were armed in the Morning to give Divertifement
to the People, ran from the Theatre to the Senators Houſes; the Spectators
affrighted, diſperſed as faſt as their Legs would carry them, the Commo-
dities expoſed to Sale were made Plunder of, the Gates were ſhut, and ma-
ny got upon the Roofs of their Houſes to ſecure themſelves from Violence.
Anthony fortifyed himſelf in his Houſe, judging they had a deſign upon his
Life as well as upon Cefar's : And Lepidus, General of the Horſe, hearing
upon the place what had paſſed, made haſte to the Iſland in the River,
where he had a Legion ; which he drew into the Field of Mars, that he
might be in readineſs to execute the Orders of Anthony; for he yielded to
him, both in the Quality of Cæſar's Friend and Conſul. The Soldiers would
very willingly have revenged Cæſar's death fo baſely murdered, but that
they feared the Senate, who favoured the Murderers, and expected the IL
ſue of things. Cæfar had no Soldiery with him, for he loved not Guards ;
but contented himſelf with Uſhers: Beſides, he was accompanied with a
great number of People of the Robe, and whole Troops of as well Citizens
as Strangers, with Freed Men and Slaves, followed him from his Houſe to the
Palace; but in a moment all theſe Crouds were vaniſhed, there remained
with him only three unhappy Slaves; who putting him in his Litter, and
taking it upon their Shoulders, carried him, who but a little before was Ma-
fter both of Sea and Land. The Conſpirators after the Execution had a mind
to have faid ſomething in the Senate; but no body ſtaying to hear them, they
twiſted their Robes about their left Arms inſtead of Bucklers, and with
their bloody Daggers in their Hands, ran through the Streets, crying out,
they had flain the King and the Tyrant ; cauſing to march before them a
Man carrying a Cap on the Head of a Pike, which is the Badge of Liberty :
they exhorted likewiſe the People to the reſtoring the Commonwealth ;
putting them in mind of the firſt Brutus, and the Oath wherein he had en-
gaged the Citizens, and with them their Poſterity. There were ſeveral o-
thers who were not of the Conſpiracy, who took Daggers, and went with
them through the City; of the number of which were Lentulus Spinther,
Favonins, Aquinins, Dolobella, Murius and Petiſcus; who, inſtead of the
Honour

104
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Part II
Honour they expected, received the ſame Puniſhment with thoſe had been
guilty, but none of the People joyned with them, which begot in them
both trouble and fear. As for the Senate, though all the Senators who knew
not of the Plot had in the Tumult taken their Flight, yet they hoped well
from them, either becauſe they were Kindred or Friends to moſt of that Or-
der, or becauſe they knew they themſelves had an averſion for the Tyranny;
but they had an ill Opinion of the People, and of Cæſar's Soldiers, of whom
there were great numbers in the City; ſome newly diſmiſſed, to whom he
had given Lands; others diſtributed by Colonies ſome time before, who
were returned to follow him : They were likewiſe fearful of Lepidus, be-
cauſe he was Maſter of the Legion of the City; and doubted leſt Anthony,
againſt the Authority of the Senate, ſhould engage the People to deſtroy
them. Things being in this poſture, they with the Gladiators ſeized the
Capitol ; where in their firſt Conſultation it was agreed that they ſhould
tempt the People with Gifts; for they hoped that ſome of the People begin-
ning to praiſe the A&tion, others would follow their Example out of love to
Liberty, and deſire to reſtore the Commonwealth; and they imagined that
the Roman People were ſtill the ſame as they had heard tell they were in the
time of the firſt Brutus, who drave out the Kings : but they conſidered not
that they deſired two things contradictory, that the fame People ſhould love
Liberty, and let themſelves be corrupted with Gifts; the laſt of which was
much eaſier to be hoped for in a Commonwealth long ſince depraved, for
the Multitude of the City was mixed with all ſorts of Strangers; the Freed
Men lived equal to the other Citizens, the Slave was habited like his Maſter,
and except the Habit of the Senators, one Faſhion was uſed indifferently a-
mong all the reſt. Moreover, becauſe of the Corn diſtributed to the Poor
in the City only, all Loyterers, Beggars, and People unskilful in their Pro-
feffions throughout all Italy flocked to Rome : Beſides, there were great num-
bers of disbanded Soldiers who returned not as formerly every one to his
Country; but expecting to be ſent to poſſeſs the Houſes and Lands of others,
quartered together by Bands in Temples and Galleries, under only one Co-
lours and one Captain, who was to be their Conductor to their Colony.
Theſe People, after having fold all that they had to be the lighter to march,
were ready to do any thing for Money: So that the Conſpirators had no
great difficulty to gather together a multitude in the place. But though they
were payed for it, they durſt not praiſe the Action out of the reſpect they
bore to the Glory of Cæfar, and the fear they ſtood in of the Contrary Party ;.
but as if they had in view the Publick Good, they cryed out for Peace, and
demanded it of the Magiſtrates; and by this means they laboured for the fe-
curity of the Conſpirators, Peace not being to be had without an A&t of Ob-
livion. Thereupon Cinna, allyed to Cæfar, and then Pretor, joyns with
them: And advancing into the midſt of them, contrary to the expectation
of all the World, threw off his Prætor's Robe, deſpiſing it as being given
him by a Tyrant: After which he began to declaim againſt Cæſar, calling
him Tyrant, and thoſe who had flain him Tyrannicides; highly praiſing
their A&tion, as parallel to what their Predeceſſors had done ; and at the
fame time commanding they ſhould bring from the Capitol thoſe brave
People who had ſo well ſerved the Commonwealth, to the end to give them
thoſe Rewards they had merited. But whatever Command Cinna gave ,
this Troop ſeeing, the People who had not been corrupted were not there,
would not let them be brought, but contented themſelves to continue their
Cries in demanding Peace. But when Dolobella, a Young Man of great Re-
putation, whom Ceſar ready to depart, had deſigned Conful for the reſt of
the

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105
the Year, being come with his Purple and the Badges of the Conſulate, and
had ſpoke after Cinna violently and with indignation againſt the Author of
his Dignity, pleading hard for the Pardon of a Crime of which he ſaid he
would himſelf have been Partaker of, and propoſing (as fome fay) to conſe
crate that Day as the Day of the Foundation of their City. Then this Af
ſembly of Mercenary People took Courage, ſeeing a Pretor and a Conful
feemed to Authorize them, and they ſent to tell the Conſpirators they ſhould
come down from the Temple. They were glad to hear what Dolobella had
done, believing they had now at need found a Conful young, vigorous, and
of a good Family, to oppoſe againſt Anthony.
Yet only Caffius and Brutus came down, the Hand of the laft all bloody XXXVIII
with a Wound, he had received from the former when they ſtabbed Cæfar.
Being come to the Aſſembly, neither one nor the other ſaid any thing mean
or low; they praiſed each other for what they had done, as if it had been
an A&tion of Honour by conſent of all the World: They declared that upon
it depended the Proſperity of the City, which was this day made happy
gave a glorious Teſtimony of the Prudence of Decimus Brutus, who had ve-
ry opportunely called to them the Gladiators, exhorted the People to imi-
tate their Predeceſſors, who drove out their Kings that had not made them-
felves Kings by force as Cefar had, but were lawfully elected; and adviſed
them to ſend for Pompey, the Son of the great Pompey, Defender of the
Commonwealth, againſt whom Cæſar's Party yet made War in Spain; and
that they ſhould order the Return of Caſetius and Marullsis, Tribunes of the
People, whom Cæſar had interdi&ted their Offices, and ſent into Baniſhment,
where they ſtill remained. Having ſpoken to this purpoſe, they again went
up to the Capitol, for they durft not confide in this Multitude. But their
Servants and Relations being already permitted to go and come to and from
the Temple, they choſe fome whom they deputed to Lepidus and Anthony,
to entreat them to make Peace, to maintain Liberty, and ſecure their Coun-
try from the Miſeries attend on Diſcord. To obtain this, the Deputies
praiſed not the Action (for they durft not, ſpeaking to Caſar's Friends, but
they ſaid, that in their judgments it ought to be born with; that thoſe had
done it were worthy of Pardon, having undertaken it not out of any hate
they bore him, but love to their Country. That the Condition of the City
was deplorable, if being almoſt depopulated by the Seditions wherewith it
had a long time been afficted, they would not ſpare thoſe few good Citizens
left. That it was extremely unjuſt to run the Commonwealth in hazard of
utter Ruin for particular Enmities; and that inſtead of laying hold of this
Occaſion to gratifie their Hatred , they ought to ſacrifice to the
good of the Eſtate all the Offences they might poſſibly have received. An-
thony and Lepidus wanted not Will to revenge Cæſar's death, but they were
fearful of the Kindred and Friends of the Conſpirators, and the Affection
the Senate bore them ; and above all
, of Decimus Brutus, who with an Ar-
my held the Neighbouring Gaul, of which Cafar had given him the Govern-
ment: Wherefore they thought it more expedient to wait for a more favou-
rable Opportunity, and in the mean time try all ways they could to draw
Decimus Army, already well wearied, to their Party. So Anthony anſwe
red them in theſe Terms.
Ooo
The

106
PART II
The Civil Wars
The Oration of Anthony.
IB
I is no particular Hate makes us alt, but only the blackneß af the Action -
Beſides, having promiſed to Cæfar upon Oath we would guard him, or re-
venge all Attempts fhould be made againſt his Perſon, Religion requires, that
thoſe who are ſullied with the Crime of his Death ſhould be driven from among us ;
and that we ſhould rather live fenand innocent, than draw upon our ſelves a Curſe
by leaving this Attempt unpuniſhed. Notwithſtanding, ſince you deſire it, let
us aſſemble in the Palace; and what ſhall be reſolved by a common Deliberation
for the good of the City, let it be executed.
* Terra.
Having made them this Anſwer, they thanked them, and returned with
great hopes all things would ſucceed to their fatisfaction, for they promiſed
themſelves the Senate would heartily eſpouſe their Intereſt. But Anthony
commanded the Magiſtrates to keep Watch by Night in the City, and to take
by turns their Seat in the Tribunal as in Broad Day; having to that purpoſe
given Orders to kindle Fires in all the Streets. The Friends of the Conſpira-
tors ran all Night from Houſe to Houſe to ſolicite the Senators to be favou-
rable to them, and to watch for the Good of their Country. On the
other ſide, the Chiefs of the Soldiers deſtined for the Colonies ran up
and down alſo, making ſtrange threats if they did not ſend them to
the Lands already given them, and thoſe that were farther promiſed them.
Moreover, the Citizens who would not be corrupted, hearing of the
ſmall number of the Conſpirators, took heart; and calling to mind the ex-
cellent Qualities of Cæſar, could not agree with the others. The fame Night
Cefar's Treaſure and Writings were brought to Anthony's, either at Calphur-
nia's deſire for their greater ſecurity, or that Anthony commanded it. As
ſoon as it was Day, the Senate was called by Order of the Conſul in the
Temple of * The Earth, which was near to his Houſe ; for he durft not go to
the Palace becauſe it was under the Capitol, whither the Conſpirators were
retired with the Gladiators; nor would trouble the City by making the Ar-
my enter, which yet Lepidus brought in. At Break of Day came with the
other Senators to the Temple of The Earth Cinna, having reſumed the ſame
Habit which the Day before he had caſt away, as given him by a Tyrant :
Some of the Citizens who had born Arms under Cefar perceiving him, enra-
ged that he who was his Kinf-man had been the firſt who had blemiſhed his
Reputation by a malicious Speech, began to throw Stones at him ; and ha-
ving forced him to ſhelter himſelf in a certain Houſe, brought Wood round
about it to burn him in it, if Lepidus, coming in with the Army, had not
hindred it; which raiſed the Spirits of Cæſar's Party, and appalled the Mer-
cenaries and Conſpirators.
VA
In the Senate all diſintereſſed Perſons condemned the Action, but the
greater part took divers ways to oblige the Conſpirators; and were of Opini-
on that before any thing elſe were done, they ihould come and take their
places in the Aſſembly, having acted fairly, to the end, that from Accuſed,
they might become Judges : Which Anthony did not oppoſe, knowing well
there was no likelihood of their coming, as indeed they did not.
then
XXXIX.
To try

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107
then the inclination of the Senate, ſome with vehemence praiſed the Acti-
on, giving to thoſe had done it the Title of Tyrannicides, and voting them
rewards; others without ſpeaking of reward, which indeed they them-
ſelves demanded not, were of advice only thanks ſhould be given them, as
Having done by it good ſervice to the Common-wealth, and others quite
cutting off the Complements, faid, that what they had done was pardon
able. Thus they argued, to ſee on which ſide the Senate leaned, that they
might better propoſe the reſt. Thereupon the honeſteſt and beſt men ha-
ving deteſted the Affaffinate as an execrable crime, yet faid, that they would
not hinder, but in conſideration of the Families of the Guilty, which were
of the beſt of the City; they ſhould be granted impunity, but they could
never ſuffer them to be honoured, as having well ſerved the State : others
on the contrary ſaid, they ought to be granted all other things, with the ſe-
curity of their perſons. Some one having thereupon ſaid, that the Honour
done to them would defame Ceſar: another replyed, that they ſhould ra-
ther conſider the living than the dead; whereupon another reſolutely af-
firming that they muſt declare Cæfar Tyrant, or give them their lives out of
pure Grace, all the reſt holding to this point required the queſtion to be put
what judgment they were to niake of Cefar. After having firſt every man
ſwore they would ſincerely ſpeak their thoughts, without reſpect to former
Oaths, which neceſſity had forced from them ; for fince he became Ma-
fter of the Commonwealth they had loſt their liberty, and only ſpoke ini
fear, left they ſhould periſh like Pompey and a thouſand others. Anthony,
who obſerved them, conceived preſently their imaginations, and judging
that in this matter many true things might be ſaid that would cumber and
perplex him, thought it beſt to divert them from this deſign, by making
them believe they acted againſt themſelves; wherefore knowing that the
greateſt part of thoſe who talked in this manner had received their Patents
and Commiſſions for Magiſtracies, and Government of Armies from Cæ-
far himſelf; (for being deſigned upon a very long Expedition, he had di-
ſpoſed of all Dignities for five years ) he commanded filence as Conſul,
and then ſpoke to this effect :
The Oration of Anthony.
TI's neceſſary thoſe who purpoſe to adviſe any thing concerning Cæfar, ſhould
know, that if he have governed the Commonwealth as a lawful Magi-
ſtrate, all he has done ought to be approved: but if he have reigned as a Tyrant,
his Body is to be thrown into the common Sewer, and all he has done revoked.
Now ( to ſay all in a word ) the whole Univerſe is concerned in what
he has enacted: nay, ſome things he has done, which though we would, it were
not poſſible for us to diſannul, which I will let you fully underſtand in the ſequel
of this diſcourſe. At preſent I will only in the fire place put the queſtion to
you concerning things that are in our power, and which concern our ſelves alone,
from whence you may give an eaſie conjecture what order is to be obſerved in Af
fairs of more difficulty. Almoſt all of us here preſent have exerciſed or do exer-
ciſe Offices, to which we have been nominated by Cæfar; and ſome there are de-
figned by himſelf to posſeſs them for the future ; for you know that he has for
five years diſpoſed of all the annual Dignities of the City, the Government's of
Provinces, and Command of Armies, if you will all voluntarily lay them down,
OOO 2

108
PART II.
The Civil Wars
that is in your power, therefore let us firſt of all conſult of that, and then I
will ſpeak what remains.
Having by theſe words let them know, that they ought rather to think
of themſelves than of Caſar, he was ſilent, and at the ſame time they all
began to cry out with one voice, riſing up from their Seats, That there
was no neceſſity of giving the people the trouble of calling new Aſſemblies,
for the nomination of Magiſtrates, and that it was much better, every
one ſhould hold the Dignities they had already accepted. Many were the
more vehement in this, becauſe they could promiſe themſelves nothing from
the Aſſembly, being under age, among whom the Conſul Dolobella him-
ſelf was the principal
, for being yet but five and twenty years of age, he
could not obtain the Conſulate without violating the Laws. So the prece-
dent inclinations of the day were changed in a moment, many crying out
aloud that it would be a ſhameful thing, if to favour Murderers, and ren-
der their impunity more glorious, Magiſtrates ſhould be deprived of their
Dignities: others on the contrary endeavoured to perſwade Dolobella and
the reſt, that they might hope for all things from the people, who would
name them to the ſame Dignities, and that there would be no change of the
perfons deſigned, but only the form of Aſſemblies lawfully held, inſtead of
thoſe overawed by the tyranny, beſides it would be more honourable for
them not to be eſteemed leſs worthy thoſe Honours, after the reſtoring the
Common-wealth, than under the Monarchy. As ſoon as they heard theſe
Diſcourſes, fome Prætors depoſed their Ornaments, and the marks of their
Dignities on the Benches of the Authors of this opinion, in hopes to receive
them more legitimately with the others, but the greater part being doubt-
ful of the ſnare, believed, if they once let go what they had in their hands,
they ſhould never catch it again.
XL.
Mean while Anthony and Lepidus went out of the Senate into the place
where ſome were aſſembled, and demanded their preſence; when they
ſaw them coming from above, they began to cry out in confuſion, and af
ter, with much trouble, they were filenced, one of them, whether of his
own motion, or ſuborned, cryed out, that they ſhould prevent the Cities
falling into the like calamities which they had formerly ſuffered. Then
Anthony opening his Robe, ſhewed his Corſlet underneath to incenſe the
multitude, as if the life of the Conſul himſelf were not ſecure without
Arms. Thereupon ſome crying out, that the crime ought to be puniſhed,
and others demanding pardon for the guilty, and peace: he ſaid to theſe,
As for peace, we will conſider of the ways to make it ſo that it may laft; for it is
very hard to find ſecurities for it, fince the Oaths made to Cæfar, and thoſe with
execrations againſt thoſe that violated them, were in vain. Then turning him-
ſelf to thoſe required vengeance for this Murder, having praifed them as
the more religious obſervers of Faith and Piety, he added theſe words, I
would put my ſelf at the head of you, and firſt of all my ſelf cry the ſame thing
if I were not conful, but my charge obliges me to do not ſo much what is jull,
as what is advantageous to the Common-wealth; for ſo it is ordained by all thoſé
in the Palace, though that has been the loſs of Cæfar, who pardoning thoſe he
had overcome in favour of the publick Good, has been murdered by themſelves.
After theſe artificial Diſcourſes made by Anthony to each Party, thoſe who
were for revenging the Murder, would have Lepidus undertake to execute
the vengeance; and when he began to ſpeak to them, the multitude who
were

Book II.
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109
were too far off, cryed out, that he ſhould come down unto the middle of
the place, that the people might more eaſily hear him; whereupon think-
ing there might be ſome change in the minds of the people, he came to the
Tribunal for Orations, where with tears in his eyes, he before all the world
deplored the misfortune arrived to Cæfar ; and in the end added, I was ye-
ſterday with Cæſar in this very place, where to day I am forced to demand your o-
pinion of his death, what would you have medo ! To which many crying out,
Let him be revenged. The Mercenaries on the contrary cryed out, Peace.
To whom he anſwered, We would with all our hearts; but what peace can we
make ? or upon what Oaths can it be ſecured, ſince there are none ſo ſacred by
which we have not ſworn to Cæſar, and yet they have all been violated by thoſe
whom we thought good Men? Then turning to the others; Our Cæſar (ſaid
he) is dead, that perſon truly ſacred, that adorable Man, and we are fearful
his death will cauſe ſome great misfortune to the Commonwealth, but the Fa-
thers will conſider of it,and the moſt part of them are of advice to take order in it.
Whereupon they began again to cry, Do you alone do that. I would, ſaid he,
and can alone undertake it, but it is not ſufficient that you and I would or do un-
dertake it alone. Upon theſe artificial conteſts, the Mercenaries knowing
him inflamed with ambition, praiſed him, and offered him the High Prieſt
hood of Cæſar, which he liſtened to with much joy, and told them, Re-
member what you offer me another time if you thing me worthy of it. The
hopes he conceived of this Prieſthood having given him the boldneſs to ask
with more inſtance for peace, he told them, Though reaſon and Fuſtice for-
bid it, I will do what you deſire. After which words he returned with ſpeed
to the Palace, where in the interim Dolobella had ſhamefully conſumed all
that time in endeavouring to have himſelf confirmed in the Conſulate. An-
thony who expected what the people would do, beheld that with derifion;
and becauſe there was great difference of opinion, contented himſelf to be
a Spectator ; in the end ſeeing the people were not heated with all theſe
things, he reſolved to conſent to the impunity of the Conſpirators, becauſe
indeed he ſaw himſelf conſtrained to it, yet diſſembling the neceſſity, he let
them underſtand, that in ſparing their lives he did them a great favour ;
and as to what concerned Cæfar, he undertook to cauſe all he had done to
be ratified and confirmed by Decree. So commanding ſilence he began to
ſpeak in this manner :
The Oration of Anthony.
WA
Hilſt you
zens,
debated, Gentlemen, about the crime committed by our Citi-
I gave you nothing of my opinion, and when you put it to the
queſtion, and took votes concerning Cæſar, I propoſed you but one thing of all
he had done, which extremely perplexed you, and not without reaſon, for if
we lay down our charges, we tacitly confeſs that we and ſo many great men are
unworthy. Let us now conſider the other things, which it is not eaſie to expreſs.
In ſo great a number of Cities, Provinces, Kings and Potentates ( for almoſt
all the people which Cxfar has ſubdued by his valour and his Forces from the
Eaft to the Weſt have received his Laws, and are obliged to his liberality and
favour.) Can you believe any of them will ſuffer what they poſſeſs to be taken
away, at any leſs rate than blowing is the Flames of War in all parts? you who
think it it convenient to ſave wicked men becauſe the Common-wealth is weak
and

IIO
PART II.
The Civil Wars
and impotent. I will not ſpeak of people far diſtant, whom fear hath hitherto
kept within the bounds of duty. Regard not only our Neighbours, but thoſe who
dwell among us in Italy, thoſe old Soldiers who have received from Cæfar the re-
ward of thoſe Victories for which they expoſed their lives. They are ſtill in
Bodies, and armed, and there are many thouſands of them in the City : what
think you they would do, if what was given be taken from them? Will they
wait for other Colonies and other Lands? You may conjecture by what you ſaw
laſt night ; for as you went through the City to ſolicite for the guilty, you know
how they threatened you: think you they will ſtand quietly, and ſee Cæſar's
Body unworthily draggod, and thrown into the common Sewer (for the Laws
enait that Tyrants ſhould be ſo treated ) do you think it would not move them
who have fought under him? or that they can hope you will let them enjoy the
d'ewards of thoſe Vittories they have gained againſt the Gauls and Britains,whilft
with the extremeſt of infamy you treat him from whom they hold them? What
will the people of Rome? what will all the people of Italy do? will you not
draw upon your own heads the hatred and indignation of men and gods, if 104
condemn to that puniſhment him who has extended the bounds of your Empire
from the Ocean to Nations before unknown? Will not all the world ſay we are
unjuft Fudges, if we decree rewards for thoſe, who in the Palace, in a hallowed
place, in full Senate, being Senators themſelves, murdered a Conſul, a ſacred
perſon, and defame him, who for his Virtue his very Enemies have in venera-
tion: wherefore let me counſel you not to think of theſe things, which are neither
juſt nor poſſible; and as my opinion I declare it, that we ought to ratifie all that
Cæfar has done and ordained, and not approve the altion of thoſe who flew him;
for that is neither juſt nor reaſonable
, and cannot be done with cancelling all he
had done; notwithſtanding if you think good, let their lives be ſaved out of pure
grace for the ſake of their Kindred and Friends, upon condition they acknow
ledge the obligation
After theſe words of Antonies, there was great conteſt in the Senate,
and in the end it was agreed by the conſent of all the Senatours, that there
ſhould be no proſecution of Cæſar's death,and that all that he had done ſhould
be approved for the good of the Publick, which words were added by the
Conſpirators Friends for their greater ſecurity. Anthony himſelf not con-
tradicting it, as if he approved it, rather for the common Quiet than out
of Juſtice. Hereupon thoſe poſſeſſed of Charges, began to demand men-
tion ſhould be made of them as well as of the publick intereſt, and they
confirmed in their Dignities, to which Anthony likewiſe conſented, letting
the Fathers know he did it for fear, and to this Decree was added another,
concerning the Colonies.
XLI.
The Senate being riſen, fome gathered about L. Piſo in whoſe hands
Ceſar had depoſited his laſt Will and Teſtament, to deſire him not to pro-
duce it, nor to make any publick Funerals, Ieſt that ſhould occaſion new
Tumults, which when they could not obtain, they threatened to ſummon
him to Judgment, becaufe he thereby fruſtrated the Publick of a great
eſtate which ought to be brought to the Treaſury, and ſomething they ſaid
concerning Tyranny, whereupon Pifo called out as loud as he could, be
feeching the Conſuls to reaſſemble the Senate, who were not yet feparated,
and then he told them :
The

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111
of Rome.
The Oration of Piſo.
T
Hofe who boaſt they have flain a Tyrant, treat us like Tyrants them
Sélves, and we have many inſtead of one. They forbid us the burying of
a High Prieſt, they threaten thoſe entruſted with his Will, they ſay his Good's
ought to be confiſcated, as if he had been a Tyrant, they would have what he has
done ratified as far as it reſpects them; but where it concerns himſelf they would
difanm it; and 'tis not Brutus and Caffius who do this, but thoſe who ſtirred
them up to commit this murder. Do you conſult concerning his Funerals; and
for his Will I will take care, and never abuſe the truftrepoſed in me, unleſs ſome
one kill me too.
Theſe words raiſed a Tumult and Indignation, eſpecially in the minds of
thoſe who hoped to have ſome advantage to themſelves by the Will. It
was therefore agreed the Will ſhould be publiſhed, and publick Funerals
ſolemnized; and ſo the Senate parted. Brutus and Caffius underſtanding
what had paſſed, ſent to invite the people to come up to the Capitol, where
a great multitude being aſſembled, Brutus ſpoke in theſe terms :
The Oration of Brutus.

TE
F we ſpeak to you now here, who ſpoke to you yeſterday in the place, 'tis not
that we have taken refuge as in a Temple ; for we are not Criminals, nor
as in a Fortreß ; we deliver our ſelves into your hands, but what unlooked for
happened to Cinna againſt all reaſon, bas forced us to retire, and becauſe our
Enemies calumniouſly accuſe us, of having violated our Faith, and troubled the
Peace. I ſhall be well pleaſed to plead our cauſe before you : you I ſay with
whom we hope for the future to confer about all the affairs of ibe Common-wealth.
After that Cæſar upon his return from Gaul entred armed into his Country,
and Pompey who loved the Common-wealth had been treated as you all know,
and after a great multitude of good Citizens retired into Africa and Spain were
periſhed, the tyranny being eſtabliſhed, he would, and not without reaſon, for his
own ſecurity have us (wear to forget what was paſſed, and if he would have cona
strained 15 to promiſe upon oath not only to blot out of our remembrance the inji-
ries we had received, but likewiſe to live under him in perpetual ſervitude; what
would not then thoſe have done who fought our deſtruction ? But I believe for my
part there is no true Roman who would not chuje rather to die an hundred times
than oblige himſelf by oath to ſervitude. If then Cæſar attempted nothing 4-
gainſt our liberty, we are perjured; but if he has left to us neither the diſpoſition
of Offices in the City, nor of Governments of Provinces, nor Command of Ar-
mies, nor Colonies, nor any other Honours, but that Cæſar alone diſpoſed all
theſe things without ſo much as Speaking a word to the Senate, or asking the con-
fent of the people, where is that liberty of which we had not ſo much as the hopes
left? for could we think he would be weary of our ſervitude, or would imitate
Sylla, who after being revenged of his Enemies, reſtored to you the adminiſtra-
tion of the Common-wealth, he who undertaking ſo long an Expedition, antici-
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112
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op-
pated for five years the aſſembly for election of Magiſtrates? What ſhall I
Say of the Tribunes of the people, Cæfetius and Marullus? did he not ſhameful-
ly drive away thoſe Magiſtrates holy and inviolable? The Laws and Oath of our
Fathers permit not the Tribunes of the people to be brought to judgment ſo
long as they are in Office, but Cæfar has judged them, has baniſhed them; who
then, he or we, have violated the reverence due to perſons holy. and Sacred ? un-
leſs poſſibly Cæſar was hallowed and inviolable, he whom by violence, after the
preſſion of his Country and the death of ſo many great Men, we honoured with
that Title, and the power of the Tribunes be not hallowed and inviolable, after
that our Fathers when the Common-wealth was free, voluntarily ſwore them ſo,
and pronounced execrations againſt their paſterity if they violated
it. Whither
was the wealth and riches of the Empire brought ? to whom did the Receivers
give their Accounts? who broke up the Treaſury againſt our will ? who laid hands
on a Fond never any before durſt touch? and who threatened a Tribune with
death that oppoſed it ?' But ſay they upon what Oaths can we be aſſured the peace
now to be made (hall not be violated? I will anſwer them, that if no perſon be a
a Tyrant, there needs no Oaths, and our Predeceſſors never took any. But if a-
ny one aſpire to the Tyranny the Romans ought not to obſerve either Faith or Re-
ligion with Tyrants
. We tell you all theſe things in the midſt of our preſent
danger, and will never ceaſe to ſpeak them for the publick Good; for when Cæ-
far conferred on me all imaginable Honours, I always preferred
my Country be-
fore my own proper Glory. They flander us about the Colonies to incenſe you ;
but if there be any here who have taken poſſeſſion of Lands already aligned to
them, or are ready to go, let them do me the favour to make themſelves known
to me.
your
Thereupon many having made a Sign.
You have done well( ſaid he) to come hither with the other Citizens ; ana
ſurely it is but juſt that you do participate, and ſo are willing to participate equal-
ly of the Honours of the City, you teſtifie likewiſe the affection you
bear
Country. The Roman People gave you to Cæſár to bear Arms in Gaul and
Britain, having ſerved him well you have merited Honours and Military Re-
wards; but he after having exalted an Oath from you, led you whether you would
or no, both againſt the City, and againſt the moſt eminent Citizens in Africa ;
poſſibly you are aſhamed to demand a ſalary for the ſervices you have done in
theſelaft Wars; but becauſe neither envy, time, nor oblivion can blot out thoſe
noble Actions you did in Gaul and Britain, you are ſure to receive thoſe rerrards
the people of Rome do cuſtomarily give their Soldiers. But they for that end
never robbed innocent people, nor divided others Goods to thoſe that ſerved them;
but when they had overcome their Enemies, ſeifed not of all their Country, but a
part of their Lands, whither they ſent the Veterans to inhabit, and to keep the
ſubdued people in awe; and if the conquered Country were not ſufficient, they
added ſome of the Publicks Lands, or bought with the publick Money. Thus
the People of Rome formerly gave Lands without doing injury to any perſon.
But Sylla and Cæſar hawing ſeifèd the Soveraign Power by violence and Arms,
and ſtanding in need of Guards and Armies againſt their Country, have not fent
you every one to his own dwelling, nor bought you Lands, nor divided among
you thoſe they have conquered, nor given the ancient poſſeſſors fome Money to
comfort them, though they had ſuch ſtore which they either took out of the Trea-
fury, or received for Confiſcations. But they ſend you intó Italy it ſelf ,
where they had received no offence, raviſhing away from the ancient Poſeſſors(like
Thieves, and not like Conquerours ) their Lands, their Houſes, their Sepulchres,
their

Book II.
of Rome.
113
and
their Temples, of which we deprive not vanquiſhed Strangers, contenting our
ſelves with the Tenth of their Fruits. But they have divided among you the
Lands of your own Nation, who have born Arms with you under Cæfar himſelf
againſt the Gauls, and offered Vows for the happy Succeſ of the Expedition ;
againſt theſe they have led you, marching in Battel, with Enſigns diſplayed, as to a
War: And indeed you cannot live in Peace, nor abide in Safety with thoſe who
have been forced to give up their Lands ; for be that is driven out and deſpoiled
of his Eftate ſtudies your Deſtruction, and only waits an opportunity. So the
Principal Deſigns of the Tyrants was not that you ſhould have Lands, for that
they might have done by other ways; but that having always Enemies ready to fall
upon you, you might be firm Props to their Pover, to which your Fortunes were
faft bound, ſince Tyrants have no Guards more faithful than the Companions of
of their Crimes and their Fears; and to theſe, Good Gods! they have given the
name of Colonies; that is indeed, the Oppreſſion of our Compatriots, and the R4-
in of an infinite of innocent Perſons, whom with deſign they have made your Ene-
mies for their private Advantage. For our parts, to whom thoſe that at preſent
govern the Commonwealth ſay, they will give us our Lives out of pure Grace, our
intention is, and always ſhall be, that you be confirmed in the Poſſeſſion of your
Lands. We take God to witneſ, that as you do enjoy them you ſhall enjoy them,
and that no Perſon ſhall take them from you ; neither Brutus nor Caſſius, nor all
them have hazarded their Lives for your Liberty. There is yet in this buſineſ
one Difficulty, to which we will apply a Remedy which ſhall
ſecure your Peace with
your Compatriots, and which you ſhall underſtand with joy. We will give Order
as ſoon as may be that the Ancient Poſſeſſors ſhall be payed the Purchaſe of their
Lands out of the Publick Moneys, that you for the future may poſſeſ them, not
only without Contradiction, but likewiſe with Security of your Perſons..
XLII.
All the World, both during the Aſſembly, and after they were all with-
drawn, approved what Brutus laid as perfectly juſt; and admired theſe Men,
fo undaunted and fo zealous for their Country. Thus having gained the
Affection of the People, the Affair was adjourned till the Morrow. As ſoon
asever it was Day the Conſul publiſhed the Aſſembly, where the Decree of
the Senate was read; whereupon Cicero made an Excellent Diſcourſe in
praiſe of the Amneſty, which the People hearkened to with pleaſure, and
forthwith demanded that thoſe retired to the Capitol might come down ;
but they refuſed to come till they gave them Hoſtages: fo they ſent Anthony's
and Lepidus Children. Their Arrival raiſed a General Acclamation and Ap-
plaufe: and when the Confuls would have ſpoke ſomething, the People
would not hear them before they were reconciled, and had embraced each
other: which was done, but begot in the Conſuls great fears and jealouſies
that thoſe Men would for the future have more Power in the City than they.
After this, Cafar's Will being brought, the People would have it immedi-
ately read: Where they found that he had adopted for his Son Octavius;
born of his Siſters Daughter ; given his Gardens to the People, and left to e-
very Roman Citizen ſeventy five Attick Drams. Hereupon the People en-
tred into Fury, underſtanding that he whom they had but now treated as a
Tyrant, had an Affection for his Country: But above all, they looked upon
it as a thing worthy of Compaſſion to conſider that Decimus Brutus, one of
his Murderers, was nominated his Heir by Subſtitution; for it is the cuſtom
of the Romans to nominate a ſecond Heirin caſe the firſt cannot be. It ſtruck
all the World with horror, that Decimus, the ſubſtituted Heir of Cæfar, had
attempted his life. But after that Piſo had cauſed the Body to be brought to
the Place, there ran to guard it a great number of Perſons in Arms, who
with
PPP

114
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Part II
with an Extraordinary Magnificence, and General Acclamation, placed it be-
fore the Tribunal. Then the Lamentations and Tears were univerſal. The
Soldiers made a great noiſe with their Arms, and by little and little the whole
World began to repent them of the Amneſty. Anthony perceiving that,
loft not the opportunity: And becauſe he was obliged by the Duty of his
Office to make his Funeral Oration as he was a Conſul, being Conſul him-
ſelf, and his friend and Kinf-man, (for there was an Alliance between them)
with his uſual Artifices he ſpoke in this manner.
The Oration of Anthony.
IT
T is not juft, Gentlemen, that I alone ſhould undertake the Funer al-Praiſes
of this Great Man; it were fitter hris Country did declare them : Therefore,
I will only with the Foice of the Republick, and not my own, make Recital of
thoſe Honours which whilft he was living the Senate and People of Rome conferred
upon him for his Virtue.
Having ſaid theſe words, he began with a ſad and forrowful Countenance
the Recital of Cæfar’s Glorious Titles ; pronouncing every thing diſtinctly,
and ſtopping more particularly at thoſe whereby they had made him more
than Man, by the Qualities of Sacred and Inviolable, Father of his Coun-
try, Benefactor, Prince, and many others which till that time had never been
given to any Perſon. At every word turning himſelf towards the Body, and
animating his Speech by his Gefture; and when he pronounced any one of
thoſe Titles, adding ſome intermingled Terms of Grief and Indignation :
as when he recited the Decree of the Senate, calling him Father of his
Country. See there, ſaid he, the Teſtimony of your Acknowledgments. And
in pronouncing theſe words, Holy, Sacred, Inviolable, and the Refuge of
the Miſerable, he added ; Never any that fled to him for Refuge, periſbed, but
he himſelf is murdered, though made Holy and Sacred by our Decrees, without ha-
ving exalted thoſe Qualities
from us, or ever deſired thew; and ſurely we are in
a ſhameful Slavery if we give thoſe Titles to unworthy Perſons that never ask
them from us. But, ob, faithful Citizens ! you purge your felves well from this
Reproach by the Honours you now pay his Memory. After this, reciting the Act
of the Oath, by which they were all obliged to guard the Perſon of Cafar,
and to employ all their Forces fo, that if any attempted his Perſon, whoever
expoſed not his Life for his Defence ſhould be execrable, he raiſed his Voice;
and extending his Hands towards the Capitol : Oh Jupiter ! Protector of my
Country ! fáid he, behold me bere ready to revenge, as I have ſworn : and ſince
it is a thing reſolved by the Fudgment of all good Men, I beſeech thee, with all
ather Gods to be favourable to me. A Tumult hereupon ariſing among the Se-
nators, who believed theſe words to be manifeſtly addreſſed to them. An-
thony to appeaſe them changed his Diſcourſe, and ſaid : But Gentlemen, this
Acoident muſt rather be attributed to ſome God, than to Men; and we oughtra-
ther to provide againft the preſent Neceſſities than ſpeak of things paſt, ſince wę
are threatned with extreme Miſery for the future, and are upon the Point of fal-
ling again into our Antient Seditions, and the ſeeing all the Nobility of the City
periſh. Let us then conduct this Sacred Perlon among the Gods, folenenly in
mournful Elegięs finging his Praiſes. After having ſaid theſe words, he
tucked

Воок І.
of Rome.
115
tucked up his Robe as if he had been poffeffed with ſome Spirit ; and gird-
ing it about him that he might have his Hands more at liberty, he went and
placed himſelf near the Bed where the Corps lay, upon an Eminent Place;
and opening the Curtain, and looking in, he began to ſing his Praiſes, as of
a Celeſtial Divinity : And the better to inake him be believed to be of that
Race, he lifted his Hands to Heaven; reciting even to the loſs of breath, his
Wars, his Combats, his Victories, the Nations he had fubdued, the Spoils
he had brought away ; ſpeaking of every thing as a Miracle; and crying out
many times,Thou alone art he who haft returned Victorious from ſo many Fights;
Thou alone art he who haft revenged the Country of the Injuries done her for three
hundred Years together; and conſtrained People till then indomitable, who alone
took and burnt the City, to ask Pardon on their Knees. Having ſaid theſe
things and many more as of a Divine Perſon, he lored his Voice; and in a
mournful Tone, with Tears in his Eyes, lamented the unworthy Death of
his Friend, begging he might redeem his Life with his own; and at length
abandoning himſelf to Grief, he was ſo far tranſported as to diſcover the Bo-
dy of Cæfar, and to ſhew at the top of a Pike his Robe, pierced with the
Stabs he had received, and all ſtained with his Blood. And now the People
joyned their Lamentations with his, and Compaſſion was foon converted in-
to Choler ; for when the Conſul ceaſing to ſpeak, they began the mournful
Airs, after the manner of the Countrey ſinging his great Actions, and after
that his deplorable death, and as if Cæſar himſelf had called by name thoſe
on whom he had heaped his Favours after having been his Enemies, they
heard theſe words which ſeemed addreſſed to the Conſpirators; Muſt I then
Life unto my Murderers give. The People hereupon entred into fury, con-
ſidering that all the Conſpirators, except Decimus Brutus, had been of Pom-
pey's Party; and that Cæſar, inſtead of revenging himſelf upon them, had
given them Dignities, Governments of Provinces, and Armies to com-
mand; and that after that they had conſpired againſt him, and with them
Decimus Brutus, whom he had loved ſo well to make him his Heir. The
multitude being in this fort moved, and already prepared for Violence, ſome
one raiſed up from the Bed the Image of Cæſar made in Wax, for the Body
could not be ſeen being layed within the Bed; but the Image turning upon a
Machine, was viſible to all the World, and every Man might obſerve three
and twenty Wounds, as well on the Body as the Face. Atthis ſad Spectacle
the People giving themſelves over to tears, encompaſſed the place where Ce-
far had been ſain, and ſet it on fire ; ſeeking every where for the Murde-
rers, who were retired. Angerand Grief ſo far tranſporting the Multitude,
that ſome meeting Cinna Tribune of the People, whom for name fake they
took for Cinna the Pretor, who had declaimed againſt Cæſar, he in vain told
them that they were miſtaken, for they tore him in ſo many pieces, thatthe
leaſt part of him could not be found to give Sepulture to. After this they
carried Fire to burn the Houſes of the Conſpirators, but the Reſiſtance of
the Domeſticks and the Prayers of the Neighbours prevented them; yet
not without threats that they would return again in Arms. On the Morrow
the Conſpirators privately departed the City, and the People returned to
the bed where Ceſar lay, carrying it to the Capitol to bury it in the Temple
before the Gods, as already conſecrated ; but the Prieſts oppoſing it, they
brought it back to the place, and upon the fame Ground where formerly
ſtood the Palace of the Kings, gathering together all the Wood they could,
and with the Seats of the place and of all the neighbouring places, raiſing a
magnificent Pile, they thereon placed the Body; and ſome one having caft
upon it Crowns and other Military Preſents, they ſet fire to it, and about it
Ppp 2
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Part II.
The Civil Wars
the People ſpent all the Night: They forthwith erected an Altar, and at
preſent there is a Temple where Cæfar is adored as a God; for after that O-
Etavius, his Adopted Son, who changed his Name into that of Cefar, had
(following his ſteps) taken upon him the Government of the State, he migh-
tily ſtrengthened and augmented that Monarchy of which he had laid the
Foundations, which endures to this day; and to pay him all poſſible Ho-
nours, ranked him in the number of the Gods. From this Example it is,
that to this day the People give the Title of Gods to their Emperors after
their death (if they have neither been Tyrants nor manifeſtly guilty of great
Crimes) they who formerly would not ſuffer them to take the name of King
whilſt living
XLIII. Thus fell Cæfar on the Day which the Romans call the * Ides of March :
* The Fifteenth, an Augur had told him, that day would be fatal to him, but he laughed at it,
and the very fame morning told him
jeſting, The Ides of March are come : to
which the other without ſurprize made anſwer, But not yet gone. Yet the
great Aſſurance of the Augur, nor many other Preſages could not hinder
him from going to the Aſſembly; where he was murdered in the fifty fixth
Year of his Age: Happy in all things, Magnificent; and with juſt reaſon
comparable to Alexander ; for they were both beyond meaſure Ambitious,
Warlike, ready in the Execution of what they had reſolved, and hardy in
Dangers: they ſpared not their Bodies; and in War relyed not ſo much up-
on their Conduct, as upon their Bravery and good Fortune. The one went
a long journey in a Countrey without Water to go to Hammon, happily croſ-
ſed over the bottom of the Pamphilian Gulf, the Sea being retired, as if his
Genius had locked up the Waters : As another time marching in the Cham-
pian, it cauſed it to ceaſe from raining. Navigated an unknown Sea : Be-
ing in the Indies, firſt ſcaled the Walls of a City, and leaped down alone in-
to the midſt of his Enemies, receiving thirteen Wounds; was always Vi-
etorious; and whatever War he was engaged in, he ended it in one or two
Battels. In Europe he ſubdued many Barbarous People, and reduced them
under his Obedience; together with the Grecians, a fierce People, and Lo-
vers of Liberty, who never before obeyed any Perſon but Philip; who com-
manded them for ſome time under the Honourable Title of General of the
Greeks. He carried his Arms almoſt through all Aſia with an incredible
Celerity. And to comprize in a word the Happineſs and Power of Alexan-
der all the Countries he ſaw lie conquered; and as he was deſigning to con-
quer the reſt, he died. As for Cefar, paſſing the Ionian Sea in the midſt of
Winter, he found it calm as well as the Britiſh Ocean, which he paſſed with-
out any knowledge of it, in a time when his Pilots, driven by Storm againſt
the Engliſh Rocks, loſt their Ships: Another time embarking alone by
Night in a little Boat, and rowing againſt the Waves, he commanded the
Pilot to hoiſt Sail, and rather to conſider the Fortune of Cæfar than the Sea.
He threw himſelf more than once all alone into the midſt of his Enemies,
when his Men were all ſtruck with Panick Fear: And is the only General
of the Romans that ever fought thirty times in Pitch'd Bartel againſt the
Gauls, and ſubdued in Gaul forty Nations, before ſo dreadful to the Romans,
that in the Law diſpenſing with Prieſts and Old Men from going to the War,
the Wars againſt the Gauls are excepted, and the Prieſts and Old Men obli-
ged to bear Arms. Before Alexandria, ſeeing himſelf alone incloſed upon a
Bridge, he laid down his Purple, threw himſelf into the Sea; and purſued
by his Enemies, fwam a long time under Water, only by Intervals lifting up
his head to take breath; till coming near his Ships, he held up his hands,was
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Book II.
of Rome.
117
known, and ſo faved. For the Civil Wars, which he either undertook out
of Fear (as himſelf ſays) or out of Ambition, he had to deal with the greateſt
Generals of the Age, fighting at the Head of many great Armies ; not Bar-
barians, but Romans, encouraged by their former Actions, and by their
good Fortune : yet he defeated them all;
and not one of them, but he ruined
in a Fight or two. But we cannot ſay of him as of Alexander, that he was
never overcome ; for he ſuffered once a great loſs againſt the Gauls, under
the Conduct of Íriturius and Cotta, his Lieutenants : In Spain his Army was
ſo near blocked up by Petreius and Afranius, that he wanted but little of be-
ing beſieged: At Dyrrhachium and in Africa they turned their Backs, and
in Spain, againſt the young Pompey, they fled. But for Cæfar himſelf, he
was always undaunted ; and whatever War he engaged in, came off in the
end Victorious : And the Roman Empire which now extends it felf by Sea
and Land, from the Euphrates, to the Atlantick Ocean, was brought under
his Power ; partly by his Valour, and partly by his Clemency. He ſetled
himſelf much better than Sylla, and governed himſelf with more moderati-
on; for being King in effect in ſpite of all the World, he took not that name.
At laſt, making his Preparations for other Wars, he was ſurprized by death
as well as Alexander. Their Armies were alſo alike; for the Soldiers of both
were chearful in Fight and hardy, but ſtubborn and mutinous when over-
wrought with Labour. The Deaths of both of them were equally mourned
and lamented by their Armies, who attributed to them Divine Honours.
They were both well made in Body, and of Noble Aſpects : both defcended
from Fupiter ; one by Eacus and Hercules, and the other by Anchiſes and
Venus. Though they were inflexible when reſifted, they were eaſie to par-
don and be reconciled, and likewiſe to do good to ſuch as they had vanquiſh-
ed; contenting themſelves with the Victory. Hitherto the Compariſon is
juft, ſave only
that their Beginnings were not equal; for Alexander began
with the Quality of a King, in which he had been before inſtructed by his
Father Philip: but Cafar was only a Private Man; and though he were of
an Illuſtrious Race, yet his Fortunes were much incumbred. They both
deſpiſed the Preſages that threatned them, without injuring thoſe Divines
foretold their death : and almoſt the ſame Signs happened to them, and a
like Event; for in the Sacrifices made by one and the other twice, they
found not the Chief of the Entrails of the Victims; the firſt time they were
only threatned with great Danger: Alexander's happened when beſieging
the Oxidrakes, being mounted firſt upon the Wall, and the too great weight
breaking the Ladders behind him, he beheld himſelf deſerted by his Men,
and threw himſelf into the midſt of his Enemies;
where having received ma-
ny
Wounds on his Breaſt, and a great blow on the Neck, he was ready to
die; when the Macedonians touched with ſhame, broke open the Gates,
and relieved him. The like happened to Cæfar in Spain, in the Fight be-
tween him and young Pompey; where, ſeeing his Men went on trembling,
he advanced betwixt the two Armies, received two hundred Darts on his
Buckler ; till ſuch time as Fear having given place to Shame, all the Army
ran in,and ſecured him from the Danger. Thus the firſt Entrails without the
Chief threatned only Danger of Death, but the Second were a certain Pre-
fage of Death it ſelf. Pythagoras the Divine after having facrificed, ſaid to
Appollodorus, who feared Alexander and Epheſtion, that he need fear no-
thing, for they both ſhould ſhortly die. Epheſtion dying ſome time after,
Appollodorus doubting left there might be ſome Conſpiracy formed againſt
the King, gave him notice of the Prediction : He only laughed at it; and
informing himſelf of Pythagoras what thoſe Preſages meant, he told him it
ܪ
was

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PART II.
The Civil Wars
was a sign of Death ; whereupon he again laughed, praiſing Appollodorus's
love, and the Divine's freedom. As for Cæfar, the laſt time he went to the
Senate, as we have ſaid a little before, the ſame Preſage preſenting, he ſaid
ſmiling, he had ſeen the like in Spain: to which the Augur anſwering, that
he was then in danger, but now the Sign was mortal,he yielded in ſome mea-
ſure to that Advice, and offered another Sacrifice ; but tired with the length
of the Ceremonies, entred the Palace, and periſhed. There happened to
Alexander the ſame thing; for when he returned from the Indies to Babylon
with his Army, being come nigh the City, the Chaldeans counſelled him to
defer his Entry; to whom having given this Verſe for Anſwer,
Who promiſes moſt Good's the beſt Divine,
they beſought him at leaſt, that he would not let his Army enter with their
Faces to the Weft; but would fetch a Compaſs, that in entring they might
ſee the Riſing Sun and the City. It is ſaid, he would have obeyed them in
this; but in marching about he met with a Marſhy Ground, which made
him flight the ſecond as well as the firſt Advice, ſo that he entred the City
with his Face to the Weſt. Some time after embarking upon the Euphrates,
and going down to the River Pallacota, which receives the Euphrates, and
carries its Waters into Marſhes and Pools which might happen to drown all
Aſſyria, he reſolved to make a Dam; and it is ſaid, that going down the Ri-
ver he laughed at the Chaldeans, becauſe he had gone into Babylon and come
out of it again in a Boat without any harm : But Death attended him at his
Return from this Voyage. Cæſar's Raillery with the Augur, who told him
the Ides of March were fatal to him, was much alike; he anſwered him
jearing, the Ides were come, and yet he was killed the ſame day. So that
herein there was great agreement between them, both in the Preſages they
received from the Divines without being offended, their Raillery, and the
Event of the Prediction. They were likewiſe great Lovers of the Sciences,
as well of their own Country as Strangers. Alexander conferred with the
Brachmen, who are eſteemed the moſt ſubtil and fagacious of the Indians,
as the Magi are of the Perſians. Cæfar did the like with the Egyptians when
he re-eſtabliſhed Cleopatra in her Kingdom, which occafioned him when the
Peace was made to reform many things amongſt the Romans; and that af
ter the Example of the Egyptians, he regulated the Year by the Courſe of
the Sun, which before was governed by the Moon; and ſo till then were
unequal, by reaſon of the Intercalary Days. It happened to him likewiſe,
that not one of thoſe who conſpired his Death eſcaped, but were all puniſh-
ed as they deſerved by his Son, and as the Murderers of Philip were by Ale-
xander ; but in what manner, we ſhall relate in the following Books.
The End of the Second Book of the Civil Wars
of Rome.
APPIAN

119
Α Ρ Ρ Ι Α Ν
OF
ALEXANDRIA,
HIS
HISTORY
OF THE
Civil Wars
OF




R O M E.
PART II.
Воок І.
The Argument of this Book.


1.
A
Nthony cauſes Amatius who gave himſelf out to be the Son of Marius
to be ſlain, which begets him the ill will of the People; whereupon the
Senate appoint him Guards. II. Brutus and Caſſius ſettle their Affairs,
and leave the City: Dolobella and Anthony get the Governments of Syria
and

120
Part II.
The Civil Wars
and Macedonia to their prejudice. III. Octavius adopted by Cæſar comes
to Rome, and goes to viſit Anthony. IV. His Speech, and Anthony's
Anſwer. V. Cæſar finding Anthony not well diſpoſed to him; labours to
gain the hearts of the People. Dolobella goes into Syria, and puts to death
Trebonius. VI. Cæſar and Anthony reconciled by the mediation of the
Soldiery. VII. Anthony having in prejudice of the reconciliation diſob-
liged Cæfar, the Officers of his Guards declare their reſentment of it.
VIII. Anthony's Anſwer to them, and the ſecond reconciliation between him
and Cæſar. IX. A third Breach between Cæſar and Anthony : four Mace-
donian Legions come to Brundufium for Anthony, and Cæſar raiſes Forces.
X. Anthony's four Legions mutiny againſt him, and after being appeaſed,
two of them come over to Cæſar. XI. Preparations on one ſide and the o-
ther. XII. Anthony being tacitly declared Enemy, Cicero gives reaſons
for it. XIII. Piſo makes an Oration in favour of Anthony. XIV. An-
thony declared Enemy, and an Army decreed to Brutus and Caſſius, which
diſcontents Cæſar, yet he lends a part of his Forces to the Conſuls to help
them to raiſe the Stege of Modena, where Anthony had incloſed Decimus
Brutus. Xy. After ſeveral Engagements before Modena, Anthony rai-
ſes his Siege, and marches over the Alpes. XVI. Cæſar will not ſee Deci-
mus: and Panſa at the point of death diſcovers to Cæfar the Senates inten-
tion to ruine him. XVII. Çaſſius and Brutus grow powerful in Syria and
Macedon. XVIII. Cæſar does all he can to oblige Anthony to a reconcilia-
tion : and in the mean time the Senate nominates Commiſſioners to call An-
thony to account. XIX. Anthony joyns with Lepidus, which terrifies the
Senate. XX. Cæfar by his Soldiers demands the Conſulate, which being re-
fuſed, he marches towards Rome, at which the Senate are ſo affrighted, that
they grant it him. XXI. The Senate repenting of their grant, and prepa-
ring for defence, Cæſar comes to Rome, where he is well received, and ob-
tains the Conſulate. XXII. Cæſar being Conſul condemns the Conſpirators,
reconciles himſelf with Anthony ; and Decimus Brutus is pain in Gaul,
and his Head brought to Anthony.

1
C
Æfar the moſt worthy to reign of all men that ever had lived a-
mong the Romans being in this manner flain by his Enemies,
the People celebrated his Funerals
. But becauſe all thoſe who
any way contributed to his dearh were puniſhed, we ſhall in
this and the Book next following treat of the manner how the
principal Heads of this Conſpiracy periſhed, and after that conclude the
Hiſtory of theſe Civil Wars. Anthony having loſt the good will of the Se-
nate by miniſtring occaſion to the people to violate the indemnity at Cæſar's
Funeral Pomp, and being the cauſe of their running to ſet on fire the Hou-
ſes of the Conſpirators, regained their good eftecm by an action which had
reſpect to the publick Good. There was one Amafius who falſly giving
himſelf out to be the Son of Marius, had taken his name, and only in con-
fideration of his reporting him to be his Father, was beloved of the People ;
for by that ſuppoſition they thought him a Kinſman of Cæfar's; and indeed
he appeared extremely afflicted for his death, erected an Altar in the place
where he was burnt, and attended by a Troop of Hectors terrified the
Conſpirators, of whom the greateſt part having left the City, thoſe to
whom Cæfar had given Governments retired likewiſe. Decimus Brutus to
that Gaul neighbouring upon Italy; Trebonius into Aſia, and Tullius Cimber
into Bitbynia. As for Caffius and Brutus, to whom the Senate bore great
affe&tion,

Book III.
of Rome.
121
affe&ion, they had been deſigned by Cæfar to cońmand the year following,
Caffius in Syria, and Brutus in Macedonia, and at preſent were Prætors in the
City. In the preſent juncture of Affairs they laboured to gain the Soldiers
deſigned for the Colonies, by permitting them among other things to ſell
their ſhares, which the Law prohibited them till after twenty years poſſeſ-
fion. It was reported that Amatius had a deſign againſt their lives, and
waited only for an opportunity to execute it, which being told to Anthony,
he according to the authority he had by virtue of his charge cauſed him to
be arreſted, and with an extraordinary boldneſs put him to death without
any tryal. The Senate were amazed at it, as a violent action, not permit-
ted by their Laws: however, they ſuffered it, becauſe they ſaw no other
way of ſecurity for Caſſius and Brutus ; but the companions of Amatius and
the reſt of the people affected with grief for him, and enraged againſt Anal
thony, that he durſt in that manner treat a perſon whom they loved, think-
ing they ought not to diſſemble it, but gathering together in the place be-
gan to cry out, and rail againſt Anthony, requiring the Magiſtrates to con-
fecrate Ámatius his Altar, and perform the firſt Sacrifices to Cæſar. And
when Anthony's Soldiers would have driven them thence, they grew more
tumultuous, making greater noiſe than before; ſome of them ſhewing the
Balis from whence they had taken Cæſar’s Statues, and one of them cryed
out he could likewiſe ſhew them the Shop where they were melting down,
they preſently followed him, and finding it as he ſaid, ſet fire to the Houſe.
Another Party of Anthony's people coming to quench it, ſome of thoſe
Mutineers were ſlain, and ſome taken, of whom the Slaves were hanged,
and the reſt thrown headlong down the Rocks. The Tumult being ap-
peaſed, that affection people bore to Anthony converted into hatred. On
the contrary the Senate were well ſatisfied; for without this, the Conſpi-
rators had not been in ſecurity of their perſons. But when Anthony pro-
poſed to the Fathers the return of Sextus Pompey (Son of that great Pom-
pey lamented by all men, againſt whom Cæſar's Party yet made War in
Spain) and to give him out of the Treaſury fifty Millions of Attick Drams,
in recompence of the Goods of his Father which had been confiſcate, and
to make him Admiral as his Father had been, with power to diſpoſe of all
the Roman Fleet as he ſhould think fit ; all the Senators were aſtoniſhed,
approved his propoſition, and ſpent the reſt of that day in praiſes of him ; for
no man had ever appeared fo affectionate to the publick Good as the great
Pompey, nor had been ſo univerſally lamented, and 'twas becauſe Brutus
and Caſſius had followed him, that all men ſtill honoured them. Where-
fore Cicero without ceaſing praiſed Anthony, and the Senate who were not
ignorant that he was hated by the people, permitted him to chufe as a Guard
of his perſon as many as he pleaſed of the old Soldiers then in the City. He,
whether he had before provided for it, or that he gladly made uſe of the pre-
fenting occaſion, took ſuch Guards as amounted to fix thouſand perſons ;
nor did he enliſt private Soldiers ; for he thought at a pinch he could eaſily
find them elſewhere, but all experienced Officers, whoſe affection he had
gained in the time they had ſerved under Cæfar, and the moſt conſiderable
of theſe he had made choice of for Tribunes, to whom he ſhewed Honour
and Reſpect, making them partakers in all things fit to be communicated.
The Senate began to grow jealous of his Guards, whether becauſe of their
great numbers, or becauſe they were all choſen Men, and adviſed him to re-
duce them to a certain number to avoid envy, which he promiſed to do as
foon as the Tumults of the people were appeafed. Moreover the Senate
and people having approved all that Cafar had done and decreed of this,
Anthony
Q_99

122
PART II.
The Civil Wars
11.
Anthony had the Regiſter, which when Cæfar had thoughts of departing on
his deſigned Expedition he had left with him, with great numbers of Re-
queſts, on which he had yet made no Order ; fo that
Faberius, Cæfar's Se-
cretary, being perfectly at his Devotion, he added many things in favour
of ſeveral perſons, gave Gratuities to Cities, Potentates, and to his own
Guards, as if done by Caſar's Order, whereas they owed the obligation
only to Anthony: he likewiſe by the ſame means placed many perlons in
the degree of Senators, and performed great quantity of other matters at
the Senates requeſt, that he might leffen the averfion they had to his
Guards: ſuch was Anthony's Conduct.
As for Brutus and Caffius ( ſeeing the people and the old Soldiers continu-
ed their animoſities againſt them, and imagining ſome other might be
found to make an attempt upon their lives, as well as Amatius, and being
beſides ſenſible of Anthony's malice, who now having nothing to ſtand in
fear of, being ſo well guarded, hindred the re-eſtabliſhment of the Com-
mon-wealth) they began to provide for their own ſafety : beſides the firm
relyance they had in Decimus Brutus who was at hand with three Legions,
they wrote to Trebonius in Aſia, and to Tullius in Bithynia, to raiſe Money
with as much ſecreſie as they could, and gave order to ſecure the Soldiery
to them, whilſt they put themſelves in a readineſs to take poſſeſſion of thoſe
Governments Cæfar had commiſſionated them for. But becauſe their due
time for departure was not yet come, they judging it indecent to go take
poſſeſſion of their Provinces before the time of executing their Charges in
the City was expired, and yet had rather ſpend the reſt of the year as
private perſons, than exerciſing the Office of Prætors, whilft neither their
perſons were ſecure, nor they honoured according to their deſerts. The
Senate, knowing their thoughts, gave them Commiffion to cauſe Corn to
be brought from
all parts into the City, till the time limited for their going
into their Provinces, which they did, that Brutus and Caffius might not ſeem
to flie, ſo great care had they of the reputation of thoſe two Men, for
whoſe fake eſpecially they favoured the Party of the Conſpirators. After
that the Prætors were gone out of the City to execute their Commiſſion,
Anthony being thenceforth the only powerful Man, could heartily have
wiſhed the Command of a Province with an Army, and eſpecially caſt his
eyes upon Syria; but underſtanding he ſhould increaſe the jealouſie con-
ceived of him, if he demanded it for himſelf, and that on the other ſide
the Senate had gained Dolobella his Colleague, with whom he had no fair
underſtanding, to oppoſe all his deſigns, he perſwaded Dolobella, who was
young and ambitious, to demand Syria, to the prejudice of Caffius, toge-
ther with the Army deſtined to War upon the Parthians, and not addreſs
himſelf for the obtaining it to the Senate ( for that would prove to no pur-
poſe) but to the people by way of Decree. He gladly embracing the
motion, preſently makes his propoſition to the people: whereupon the Se-
nate complaining, that he attempted againſt what Cæfar had decreed; he
anſwered, That Ceſar had not decreed to any perſon the Commiſſion of
the War againſt the Parthians ; that Caffius to whom he had given Syria
had firſt thwarted his Decree, by permitting the Soldiers to whom he had
given Lands to dwell on, to ſell them without ſtaying the twenty years af
figned by the Law, that however it would be diſhonourable for him if Dolo-
bella ſhould not be preferred before Caſſius in the Government of Syria.
Hereupon the Senate ſuborned Afprenas Tribune of the People to break up
the Aſſembly, under pretence of ſome evil Augury, hoping that Anthony,
who

Book III.
123
of Rome.
who was Conful and Augur, and whom they believed yet an Enemy to
Dolobella, would joyn with the Tribune: but as ſoon as he declared that
there were unhappy preſages (which belonged to anothers Office to do)
Anthony ſaid that he was a knave, and exhorted the Tribes to give their
Votes on Dolobella's propofition. Thus he obtained the Government of
Syria, with Commiſſion to make War upon the Parthians with the Legions
deſigned by Cefar to that purpoſe, and thoſe already marched into Mace-
donia, and thus at laſt they came to know that Anthony and his Colleague
underſtood each other. Dolobella having obtained theſe things from the
people, Anthony demanded Macedon from the Senate, knowing well that
after the grant of Syria to the other, Macedon, where there was no Army, -
would not be refuſed him. So he obtained it to the diſcontent of moſt,
and general wonder of all the Fathers, that he had ſuffered the Army which
was in that Province to be given to Dolobella, who however they were much
better ſatisfied ſhould have the diſpoſe of it than Anthony. Hereupon they
took occaſion to demand of Anthony other Provinces for Brutus and Caſſius,
which he aſſented to, and gave them Cyrene and Crete, or as fome ſay both
thoſe were given to Caſſius, and Bithynia to Brutus. Thus went Affairs
within the City.
III.
Now Octavius Nephew of Cæſar, as deſcended from his Siſter; had been
by his Uncle created General of the Horſe for one year, after he had made
that Dignity annual, to the intent that many of his Friends might enjoy it
one after the other. But becauſe he was yet too young, he had ſent him to
Apollonia a City fituate on the Coaſts of the Ionian Sea, to ſtudy and learn
the Art of War, till ſuch time as he ſhould take him along with him againſt
the Parthians. In the mean time ſeveral Cornets of Horſe that were in
Macedon came by turns to attend him, that he might be the better inſtruct-
ed by exerciſing them, and there came likewife very often Tribunes and o-
ther Officers to pay their reſpects to him in quality of Cæſar's Kinſman, and
he receiving all Men with great kindneſs, reſpect and civility, gained to
himſelf the hearts of the whole Army. He had been now ſix months at
Apollonia, when one Evening news was brought him that Cæfar had been
Nain in full Senate by his moſt intimate Friends, who had at that time great
power in the City, and becauſe there was none that could give him any far-
ther account, fear ſeized upon him, not knowing whether the Senate had
contributed to the action, or whether it were a conſpiracy of particular
Men, whether thoſe guilty of it were puniſhed, or whether they were yet
living, or laſtly, whether the people had declared for them or no. Here-
upon his Roman Friends gave him advice to retire to the Army in Macedon
for his fecurity, where, if he underſtood it an attempt of particular per-
ſons, he might take heart and revenge Cæfar, and ſome Officers there were,
offered to be his Guides, and ſerve him as Guards in the way. But his Mo-
ther and Philip his Father-in-law wrote to him not to be too preſumptuous,
that he ſhould undertake nothing raſhly, but remember that Cafar after ha
ving overcome all his Enemies was ſlain by thoſe Friends he had moſt confi-
dence in, that a private condition, at leaſt for ſome time would beſt ſecure,
him, but that however he ſhould return to Rome accompanyed with ſome of
his faithful Friends. To them he gave credence, and without knowing
what had happened ſince Cæſar's death, bid adieu to the Officers of the Ar-
my, and paſſed the Sea. He would not land at Brundufium ( becauſe not
being ſure of that Garriſon, he was wary of falling into his Enemieg
hands) but at another little City not far diſtant from Brundufium called
Qq2
Lupia,

124
The Civil Wars
PART II
Lupia, where he fojourned ſome time. There receiving Letters which con-
tained the particulars of the Aſſaſſinate , of the forrow wherewith the
people had reſented it, of his Will, and the Decree of the Senate, his
Friends were of opinion, that he would be obliged ſo much the more to
ſtand in fear of Cefar's Enemies being his Son and Heir, and therefore ex-
horted him to refuſe the Inheritance and Adoption, but he judging it
would be an infamy for him not to revenge Caſar, marched towards Brin-
dufium, having ſent ſome of his people before to diſcover if any of the Af
faſſines were there in Ambuſcade. But when the Garriſon of the City
coming forth to meet him, had received him as Cæſar's Son, he took heart,
ſacrificed to the Gods, and forthwith cauſed himſelf to be called Cæfar.
'Tis the Roman cuſtom to take with the name of their Family the name of
their adoptive Father, but he quite changed his, and inſtead of Oétavius
the Son of Octavius, would be called Cæfar the Son of Cæfar. As ſoon as
he had taken this name, the people flocked in from all parts to complement
him, not only his Father's Friends, Freed Men and Slaves, but likewiſe
the Soldiers who convoyed Proviſions and Money to the Army in Macedo-
nia, or which brought to Brundufium Tribute and other Monies levyed in
the Provinces. Being therefore encouraged by the concourſe of fo vaſt a
Multitude, by the glorious name of Cæſar, and by the affection all Men
profeſſed to bear him, he took his way towards the City with a conſidera-
ble Train, which dayly like a Torrent grew greater. So that now he no
more feared open force, but took ſo much the more care to ſecure himſelf
from ſecret ambuſhes, becauſe he knew not the greateſt part of thoſe that
accompanied him. As for the Cities, there were ſome had no great affecti-
on for him, but the Veterans or old Soldiers to whom Cæſar had lately given
Lands ran from the Colonies to offer themſelves to this young Captain.
They deplored the death of their Benefactor, declared againſt Anthony who
had let fo horrid a crime go unpuniſhed, and proteſted they would be the
revengers of it, if he would pleaſe to head them. He praiſed them, ex-
horted them to preſerve this good will of theirs to another Seaſon, and ſo
* Fifty Miles. ſent them home. Being come near to Terracina about * four hundred Fur-
longs from Rome , news was brought him, that the Conſuls had taken
from Brutus and Caffius the Governments of Syria and Macedon, inſtead of
which,and to comfort them they had given them two leffer,to wit,Cyrene and
the Iſland of Crete; that ſome Exiles were returned to the City; that they
had ſent for Pompey, nade fome Senators according to Cæſar's Memoirs,
with many other matters. When he was arrived at Rome he found his Mo-
ther and Faher-in-law and all thoſe who had any care of his Affairs in great
fear and trouble, becauſe of the Senates averſion for Cæſar, the Decree
paſt
for diſcharging the Murderers from crime, and the pride of Anthony now
grown powerful in the City, who had neither gone himſelf nor ſent out
any to meet the Son of Cefar. He quieted their trouble by telling them he
would go himſelf to Anthony as the younger to the elder, and as a private
perſon to a Corful, that he would pay his reſpects to the Senate as he was
obliged in duty, that as for the Decree it paſſed in a time when no Man
oppoſed it, but now that one was found to proſecute, the people would
reach forth a ſtrong hand, the Senate would give life to the authority of the
Laws, the immortal Gods would ſuſtain the juſtice of his cauſe, and perhaps
Anthony himſelf would be concerned for it. As for his part he could not
refuſe the Inheritance and Adoption, without doing injury to Cefar's me-
mory, and.injuſtice to the Roman People, in not paying what had been left
them by his Will, that he had much rather not only hazard himſelf, but
fuffer


Book III.
125
of Rome.
fuffer death it ſelf, than after having been made choice of by Cæfar before
all other perſons in the World, ſhew himſelf unworthy of that Great Man's
Choice. Then turning to his Mother, he pronounced thoſe words of A
chilles to Thetis.
Oh ! let me die; or let my Vengeance yield
Some Satisfaction for my Friend thus kill'd.
He added, that this Diſcourſe had given Immortality to Achilles, eſpeci-
ally being purſued to Effects; and that for his pårt Cæfar had not only been
his Friend but his Father, his Comrade but his Captain ; who had not been
Nain in fair War, but wretchedly maſſacred in full Senate. Hereupon his
Mother changing her fear intojoy, embraced him as alone worthy to be Son
to Ceſar; and with many powerful expreſſions exhorted him to execute his
Reſolutions. However, ſhe adviſed him rather to employ Policy and Pati-
ence, than open Violence. Cafar having praiſed her Counſel, and promi-
ſed to follow it, towards the Evening diſmiſſed his Friends, giving them or-
der to meet him next Morning early upon the place with as much Company
as they could bring. There he comes up to Caius, Anthony's Brother, Pre-
tor of the City, and declared to him that he accepted the Adoption, for it
was the Cuſtom among the Romans to have Adoptions authorized by the
Pretors. After having cauſed his Declaration to be regiſtred, he went off
from the place, to go ſeek out Anthony, who was then at Pompey's Garderis,
which Ceſar had given to him. They let him wait a good while at the
Gate, which made him ſuſpect that Anthony had no kindneſs for him ; but
at laſt being entred, there paſſed nothing but civil and obliging words froin
one to the other : And when Cæfar was to diſcourſe of the Buſineſs about
which he came, he ſpoke in this manner.
The Oration of Cæfar.

M
(6
Y Father (for the Affection Cæfar had for you, and your Acknow-
ledgments, oblige me to call you ſo.) I applaud what you have
“done for him, and ſhall ever own the Obligation : But pray give my Grief
“the liberty to tell you, that there are ſome things I cannot approve. Whilft
Caſar was murdered you was not there, for his Murderers had ſtopped
you at the Gate; otherwiſe you had either ſaved his life, or periſhed with
“him : but if your loſs were inevitable, I am glad that you were not there.
“After this, when ſome endeavoured to decree Rewards to the Murderers,
as if they had ſlain a Tyrant, you gerierouſly oppofed it; for which, like-
"wife, Iam infinitely obliged to you. Though certain it is they liad alſo
reſolved to make a Riddance of you; not as the future Revenger of Cæſar's
“death (which we believe) but as they ſay) for fear there ſhould remain af-
"ter him a Succeſſor in the Tyranny. Though after the Action theſe People
"who ſaid they had Naina Tyrant, being ſenſible they were guilty of Mur-
“der, fled to the Capitol; either as Criminals to ſeek for Refuge in a Sa-
cred Place, or as Enemies to ſeize upon the Fortreſs. How then could
they obtain an Amneſty, and a Decree forbidding any Proſecution of Ju-
“ſtice for this Action, unleſs by corrupting with Money ſome of the Senate
and People ? But being Conſul, you ought to have taken care on whichi
Part
(

126
PART II.
The Civil Wars
$* Amatius.
66
"Part was the Plurality of Voices; and preſiding in the Senate, had you yo
“ted againſt them, you had carried it, and reduced to your Opinion thoſe
“who had been deceived. On the Contrary, you delivered to the Murde-
rers ſome of your own Houſe in Hoſtage, and ſent them to them into the
Capitol ; but I will think you were conſtrained to it by thoſe that were
“ ſuborned. Then when after that Noble Funeral-Oration you made, the
“Will being read, the People who yet had Cæfar freſh in memory, carry-
ing Fire to burn his Murderers Houſes, though then forbearing it in fa-
vour of their Neighbours; when on the Morrow they twice returned to
Arms, why did not you aſſiſt them? Why did not you head them with
“Sword and Torch in your Hand ? Why did you not do Juſtice your ſelf ?
“Did you expect other Judgment againſt Publick Criminals? You the
“Friend of Cæſar, you Conſul, you Anthony, you who could make uſe of the
“Power of your Office to put to death * Marius, have let Murderers eſcape:
Nay, have ſuffered ſome of them to retire into the Provinces, whoſe Go-
vernments they muſt needs unjuſtly hold, having maſſacred him from
"whom they held them. It is true, that being Conſuls, you and Dolobella,
you have done well to take from them Syria and Macedon ; and certainly
“Í had been much obliged to you for it, had you not at the ſame time gran-
“ted them Cyrene and Crete ; giving Governments to Fugitives, to fortifie
“themſelves againſt me. Is it not likewiſe by your conſent that Decimus,
one of the Murderers of my Father, as well as the reſt, holds the hither
"Gaul? You may tell me perhaps it is by Decree of the Senate ; but you
“have approved it, you fat as Preſident; you, who more than any Man
elſe, ought to have oppoſed it, even for your proper Intereſt. Well might
you, in favour of them, aſſent to their Indempnity and Impunity ; but to
give them Governments and Dignities is to do an injury to Cafar, and
“make a ſcorn of your ſelf. Grief makes me ſay things diſproportionate to
my Age, and to the reſpect I bear you : But I ſpeak to the moſt aſſured of
Ceſar's Friends ; to him whom he advanced in Honours and Dignities,
"and who poſſibly had at this preſent been his adopted Son, had he known
you could have reſolved with your ſelf to paſs from the Race of Hercules,
" to that of Eneas; that was his only doubt when he thought of making
“choice of a Succeffor. I beſeech you therefore, Anthony, by thoſe Gods
" that preſide over Friendſhip, by Cæſar's ſelf, that you would yet change
ſomething of what you have done, for you may do it if you will; or at
" leaſt, that you will aid me in revenging my Father's death, with the aſſi-
"ſtance of the People, and of all thoſe who yet perſevere in the affection
they once bore him. If you have any fear of thoſe people, or of the Se-
naté, I only deſire you would not oppofe my deſigns. As for any thing
elſe, you know the ſtate of my Affairs. That I am obliged to pay the people
what my Father left them, and that ſpeedily, left the benefit being delaya
ed, remain without acknowledgment; and that I become the occaſion that
" thoſe who ought to be ſent to the Colonies ſtay longer in the City. Where-
“fore I deſire, that of all that was carried to your Houſe, to be the better
“ ſecured after my Father's death, the richeſt and moft pretious things may
“ be yours ; I only demand that Silver Money he had raiſed for thoſe Wars
“ he was preparing to make, that I may pay thoſe Legacies he left to the
People ; and I ſhall content my ſelf at preſent if you furniſh me with ſo
"much as
as is neceſſary to pay three hundred thoufánd Men what is due to
them by the Head. I would entreat you if I durſt, to lend me wherewith-
"allto pay the reſt, or be my Security for taking it up at Intereſt out of the
Treaſury, till ſuch time as the Goods left by this Succeſſion are ſold, in
“which I ſhall labour Might and Main.
Anthony
60

Book III.
127
of Rome.
Anthony aſtoniſhed at the freedom taken by this Young Man, and at that
noble confidence, which he did not expect from a perſon of his age: And
being offended that he had treated him with no more reſpect; but eſpecially
that he had demanded back the Money; anſwered him in theſe terms.
The Oration of Anthony.
MY
Y Son, if Cæſar with his Succeſſion and his Name had likewiſe left
"you the Empire, you have reaſon to demand of me an Account
" of the Adminiſtration of Publick Affairs, and it is but juſt that I ſhould
"give it you ; but the Roman People having never given the Sovereign
“Power to any perſon by Succeſſion, not to the Kings themſelves, whom
they have expelled, and bound themſelves by Oath never more to ſuffer
"them (a thing which the Conſpirators reproachyour Father with, ſaying,
they have ſlain a King, and not a Magiſtrate) there is therefore no neceſſity
I ſhould give you an Account of what concerns the Publick, and I likewiſe
diſcharge you of all Obligations you are willing to be bound in to me; for
"I have done nothing for your fake, and have only had in proſpect the Pub-
"lick Good in all my Actions, except only one, whereby I have rendred a
fignal Service both to Cafar and to you: For if for my own ſecurity, and
"to avoid Envy, I had permitted them to decree Rewards to the Conſpira-
rators, as having flain a Tyrant, Cæſar had been declared a Tyrant, to
"whom neither Reſpect nor Honour was due ; for the Roman Laws require
“ that Tyrant's Bodies be caſt into the Draught, their Memory aboliſhed,
« and their Goods confifcate. Out of a fear leſt this might happen, Iſtrove
5 hard for Cæfar, to preſerve his Glory immortal, and to cauſe his Funerals
" to be publickly folemnized. I feared neither danger nor envy, though I
"had to deal with violent people, accuſtomed to Murthers, and who (as you
know) had already conſpired againſt me; and that the Senate were incli-
"ned to miſchief againſt your Father, becauſe he had uſurped the Sovereign
Authority over that Body. Yet I choſe rather to run all theſe hazards, and
it ſhould rather have undergone all manner of misfortunes, than have ſuffe-
"red that Cæfar, the Greateſt of Men, and the moſt happy in many things,
and whom I eſteemed the moſt worthy of Glory of any Man of this Age,
“ ſhould have been deprived of Honour and Sepulture. The Dangers to
“which I have expoſed my ſelf have gained you all that Cafar poſſeſſed; his
"Family, his Name, his Dignities, his Goods; and ſurely you ought rather
to thank me, than blame my Conduet, if I have yielded to ſome thing to
content the Senate, or given recompence to thoſe to whom it was due, or
“ done whatſoever it were for any reaſon I thought neceſſary; old as I am,
"and you yet but a young Man. But this ſhall ſuffice as to that matter. As
* for what you would object that I aſpire to the Dominion, I have no ſuch
thoughts, though I do not think my ſelf unworthy ; nor is it any inſup-
portable thing to me to be left out of Cæſar's Will, contenting my ſelf to
“be deſcended of a Race that derives its Original from Hercules. As for
the Money you talk of borrowing out of the Treaſury to ſerve your own
Occaſions, I believe that you do but jeſt; unleſs, as it is probable, you
* have not heard that your Father left the Treaſury empty, and that ſince

128
PART II.
The Civil Wars
“ he made himſelf Maſter of the Empire, all the publick Moneys that were
“ before carried thither, were after carried to his Houſe, where among his
« Goods they will be found when we ſhall decree a Search to be made for
them; which will be done without giving any offence to the dead Cæfar:
" Or were he living, he would not refuſe to give an Account of his Admini-
ftration, as it is but juſt he ſhould. Befides, many private Perſons pre-
“tend a Right to thoſe Goods, and will not quit them to you without Tryal.
“ Nor was there ſo much Silver brought to my Houſe as you imagine, nor
“ have I any of it left ; for it was all divided, as being a Tyrant's Mony, a-
mong the Magiſtrates and chief Men of the City, except only Dolobella
"and my Brethren. And if you ſhould chance to find out any, you will not
if you be wiſe, give it to the people ; but employ it to appeaſe ſuch as may
dammage you: and if they themſelves be wiſe, they will ſend away the
people to the Colonies : For the People, as you may have lately learnt out
of Greek Books, are a thing of no ftability, but ever floating to and fro
“like Waves of the Sea, as it has often happened in our Republick; where
“the People, after having raiſed up to the Skies thoſe that courted their Fa-
vour, afterwards brought them on their Knees.
V.
Cefar angred at theſe words, for the moſt part injurious, retired, invoking
oft times his Father, and calling him by his name. Suddainly after he put
to Sale the Goods come to him by this Succeſſion, and exhorted the People
to affiſt him in the good deſign he had for them againſt Anthony his Ene-
my, who openly oppoſed him ; and againſt the Senate, who had decreed
Inquiſition to be made for Publick Moneys. Many perſons began to fear
Cæſar, as young as he was, becauſe of his Father's Liberality to the Soldiers
and People, whoſe affections he was now abſolutely gaining by the Diſtribu-
tion he was about to make ; fo that moſt judged he would not long continue
in the Condition of a private Perſon : But they feared much more leſt An-
thony coming to an Accommodation with this Young Man, full of Glory
and Riches, ſhould ſeize on the Sovereign Power as well as Cæfar. In the mean
time they were well ſatisfied to ſee them ať this diſcord, becauſe one ſerved
now as an obſtacle to another's deſigns; and by the Inquiſition after Publick
Moneys, of which they believed a great part would be found in Cæſar's Cof-
fers,his Heir would become poor, and the Treaſury rich.Dayly likewiſe were
Proceſſes formed about the Lands poffeffed by Cafar ; fome demanding them
as their particular Right, others pretending they belonged to the Publick, as
being confiſcated from proſcribed or baniſhed Perſons. Anthony or Dolobel-
la, his Colleague, were Judges of moſt part of theſe ; and if ſome liappened
to be tryed before other Judges, Cafar was as hardly uſed out of favour to
Anthony, though he produced Authentick Contracts of the Purchaſe made
by his Father ; and likewiſe pleaded the laſt Decree of the Senate, by which
all that Cæfar had done was ratified. They affronted him likewiſe by a thou-
ſand Inſolencies out of the preſence of the Judges; from which Pedius and
Pinarius, to whom Cæfar had likewiſe by Will left part of the Inheritance,
were not exempt. Upon complaint made to Anthony of the Outrages they,
as well as Cæfar, ſuffered ; ſhewing him the Decree of the Senate; and tel-
ling him, that if there were fome Lands unjuſtly uſurped by Cæfw, they
were ready to pay the value of them; but that it was juſt all the reſt Cæfar
had done ſhould be allowed. He anſwered, that poſſibly the Decree meant
not any thing at preſent in queſtion, and that the very words in which it
was expreſſed ought be interpreted according to the Senate's intention
who

Book III.
of Rome.
129
who having the Indempnity only in view, would not touch upon what was
paſt; not that they approved it, nor in conſideration of death; but becauſe
it was then expedient to actfo, and neceſſary to appeaſe the people. That it
was not equal to have more conſideration of the words of a Decree, than of
the mind of the Judges ; and to deny Audience to ſo many Citizens whom
the Civil Wars had Ipoiled of their Goods, and thoſe of their Predeceſſors,
in favour of a young Man, who now beholding himſelf richer than his con-
dition could inake him hope to be, employed not his Riches in Liberalities,
but in making of Creatures to bring to effeat his ambitious deſigns. Ne
vertheleſs, for what concerned them when they ſhould receive from Cæfar
what part of the Inheritance belonged to them, he would maintain them in
it. After this Anſwer of Anthony's, Cæſar's Coheirs deſired their ſhares of
the Inheritance, for fear of loſing them by reaſon of the many Suits com-
menced; not for their fakes, but Cæſar's: However, foon after they again
reſtored it into his hands. After this, the time of the Plays wherewith Bru-
tus, as Pretor, ought to divert and delight the Citizens, drawing nigh, Caius,
Brother to Anthony, his Colleague, who adminiſtred that Charge in his ab-
ſence, had taken care of them; and to that purpoſe made magnificent Pre-
parations, out of hopes that the People charmed by thoſe Spectacles, ſhould
vote Bratus and his Companions Return. Cafar on his part, the better to
gain the multitude, ſtill as he received any Moneys by the Sale of the Goods
of the Inheritance, put it into the hands of the chief Men of the Tribes, to
diſtribute to ſuch as firſt demanded it: And going to all places where theſe
Sales were made, gave order to the publick Cryers to appraiſe all at leſs than
it was worth, becauſe of the uncertain ſucceſs of the Law-Suits, and that
he might diſpatch paying what he ought by his Father's Will. Theſe cour-
ſes increaſed the People's affection to him, and they were moved to compaſ-
fion for the unjuſt Perſecutións under which he ſuffered. But when they
ſaw that beſides the Goods of this Succeſſion, he likewiſe expoſed to Sale his
own Patrimony, with all that he had elſewhere, and with that his Mother's
Lands, thoſe of Philip, and Pedius and Pinarius ſhares too; and all this to
furniſh him for the payment of Legacies; as if he could not raiſe Money e-
nough by ſelling Cefar's Goods, by reaſon of his Enemies Lets and Vexati-
ons. Then the People, perſwaded that this
Liberality proceeded
from him-
ſelf, and not from the firſt Cæfar, adored this young Man; applauding his
Patience and Generoſity, and proteſting they would not much longer luffer
Anthony's Infolence : And in truth they evidenced it at thoſe Spectacles that
Brutus exhibited at ſuch vaſt Expence ; for when ſome, bribed to that pur-
poſe, cryed out that Brutus and Caſſius ſhould be recalled, and that the reſt of
the Speétators ſeemed inclined to pity them, a great number of the People
running on in a Croud, made the Plays to ceaſe till fuch time as thoſe who
demanded their Return were ſilent. So that Cæfar having made Brutus and
Caffius loſe the hopes of their Return by means of their Plays, they reſolved
to feiže by force of Syria and Macedon, to which they had been appointed
by the Senate, before Anthony and Dolobella. That young Conful being
hereof advertized, ſpeedily advances towards Syria by the way of Aſia,
through which he paſſed to gather in the Money of that Province. But An-
thony judging he ſhould have occaſion of Forces, and not being ignorant that
the Army of Macedon was compoſed of excellent Troops ; that they were
fix Legions, ftore of Archers and Light-armed Foot, beſides the Horſe, and
all Proviſions neceffary; and that this Army ought to be commanded by
Dolobella, to whom the Senate had given Commiſſion for the Parthian War,
to which Cæfar had deſigned it, he began to caſt about how to make himſelf
Rrr
Mafter

130
The Civil Wars
PART 1
Maſter of it, the rather becauſe of the nearneſs of places; for it was but
croſſing the Ionian Sea, to bring it forthwith into Italy. At the ſame time
a report was raiſed, that the Getes hearing of Cæſar's death made Inroads
into Macedon, and ſpoiled the Province, which gave Anthony an oppor-
tunity of demanding the Army of the Senate, to chaſtiſe the Getes againſt
whom Caſar had intention to employ them before he proceeded on his Ex-
pedition againſt Parthia, where at preſent all things were quiet. The Senate
flighted not the report, but fent People into the Province to enquire into
the truth; and Anthony, utterly to remove all fear and all ſuſpicion that
might be had of him, made a Law whereby all perſons were forbid, be it
upon what occaſion foever it would, to propoſe the creating a Dictator, or
to accept of the Dictatorſhip, and that whoever acted contrary to this Law,
might freely and with impunity be by any one ſlain. Thus having deceiv-
ed the Fathers, and promiſed by a Treaty made with Dolobella's Friends,
that he would give him one Legion, he was choſen General of the Army
of Macedon, and forthwith gave Directions to his Brother Caius to make
all ſpeed to the Army with the Ordinance of the Senate. Mean while,
thoſe who had been ſent into Macedon to inform themſelves of the report
ſpread abroad, being returned, ſaid they had ſeen no Getes, but added
(whether it were ſo indeed, or that they were ſuborned to it by Anthony)
that there was reaſon to fear, that if the Army were drawn out of the
Province, that they would make Inroads. Whilſt theſe things paſſed at
Rome, Brutus and Caffius made Levies of Men and Moneys, and Trebonius
who commanded in Aſia fortified thoſe Cities for them. He would not ſuf-
fer Dolobella to enter into Pergamus, nor into Smyrna, but only gave him a
place without the Walls of Smyrna as to a Conſul
. He, incenſed at this re-
fuſal, attempted to force the City, wherein not ſucceeding, Trebonius pro-
miſed to give him entrance into Epheſus, and commanded his people to fol-
low the Conſul at ſome diſtance, but they ſeeing him depart towards the
Dusk of the Evening, thinking there was nothing more to fear, leaving a
few of their companions to follow him, returned to Smyrna. Dolobella
laid an ambuſh for this ſmall company, cut them in pieces, and the ſame
night finding Smyrna defenceleſs, fcaled the Walls, Trebonins ſurpriſed in
his Bed, began to beg the Soldiers to carry him before the Conſul,to whom
he ſaid he would go without conſtraint. But one of the Centurions mock-
ing, told him; Thou mayſt go, but thou muſt leave thy Head; for we have no
orders to carry thee to the Conful, but to bring him thy Head: And fo in good
earneſt cut off his Head, which Dolobella as ſoon as it was day cauſed to be
placed over the Tribunal, where the Pretor was wont to give audience.
The Soldiers and the Pedees mad againſt him, becauſe he was a Partner in
the Conſpiracy, and had entertained Anthony with diſcourſe at the Gate of
the Palace, whilſt they flew Cefar within, uſed a thouſand indignities to the
reſt of his Body, playing with his Head as with a Bowl, which they trówl-
ed to one another upon the Pavement, till it was all in pieces. And this
was the firſt of the Conípirators that was puniſhed.
VI.
Now Anthony had a deſign to bring the Army of Macedon into Italy,
but not finding a pretence to do it, he demanded of the Senate, that in-
ſtead of Macedon they would give him the Cifalpine Gaml, where at preſent
Decimus Brutus Albinus commanded, beſides he remembred that Cæfar
parted from this Province when he began that War wherein he van-
quiſhed Pompey. But now when they ſaw he would march the Army into
Gaul, and not into Italy, the Fathers judging he asked this Province only


Book III.
of Rome.
131
to ſerve himſelf againſt them, began to make diſcovery of his ill intentions,
and to repent that they had granted Macedon: nay, ſome of them wrote
particularly to Decimus, that he ſhould fortifie himſelf in his Province, and
make new Levies of what Men and Money he could, left Anthony ſhould do
him any violence, ſo much they feared and hated him together. Anthony
therefore refuſed by the Senate, reſolved to carry the Province by a De-
cree of the People, as formerly Cæfar had done the ſame, and Dolobella
lately Syria, and the more to terrifie the Senate, he ſent order to his Bro
ther Caius forthwithi to paſs over the Army to Brundufium. Meanwhile
the Ædile Crotonius making
preparation for the Plays, which he would give
to delight the people, Cæfar cauſed a Chair of Gold and a Crown to be
placed for his Father, a thing granted by the Decree of the Senate, to be
done in all Plays to perpetuity. Upon which the Ædile having ſaid that
he would not permit that Honour to Cæſar in Plays he exhibited at his own
charges, he ſummoned him before Anthony in quality of Conſul, and the
Conſul ſaying he would propoſe the buſineſs to the Senate, he angrily an-
ſwered, Propoſe it then, but in the mean time I will place the Chair there as the
Decree permits. Anthony incenſed with this anſwer, not only forbid him
to do it at this time, but in ſome Plays afterwards which Cæfar himſelf ex-
hibited in Honour of Venus, according to his father's Inſtitution when he
dedicated to her a Temple in the place and the place it ſelf. This action of
Anthony's begat him the publick hate, as not proceeding ſo much from en-
vy to the young Cæfar, as ingratitude to his father: wherefore Cæfar fol-
lowed by, a multitude of people as his Guards, went through the City,
ſtirring up againſt Anthony all thoſe who had received benefits from his Fa.
ther, or born Arms under him, beſeeching them not to ſuffer him to be af-
fronted in that manner, nor permit Anthony to do ſo great an injury to their
General and Benefactor, but that they would at leaſt labour for themſelves,
for could they be ſecure of enjoying any thing Ceſar had given them if him
ſelf were deprived of Honours had been granted by Decree of the Senate ?
And when he came into any great place of the City, he might be heard
cry out with a loud voice; Why am not I the only cauſe (Anthony ) that
thou declareſt againſt Cæſar, and in recompence of ſo many Benefits received by
thee, returneſt on him ſuch violent outrages. Diſcharge, I beg thee, thy rage
on me alone ; but touch not his Goods till the Citizens are payed what he by will
left them. After that, take the reſt ; for as for my part, though I be poor, I
ſhall be but too mell contented to be Heir to the Glory of my Father, and of his
liberality to his Citizens, provided it may not be unprofitable to them. Upon
this diſcourſe the whole multitude drew together , and cryed out
publickly againſt Anthony. Whereupon Anthony having uttered
ſome bitter threats againſt Cæfar, and what he threatened coming
to publick knowledge, Mens minds were the more inflamed againſt
him; inſomuch that the very Officers of his Guards who had born
Arms under Cæfar , and who were at preſent in great eſteem with
the Conſul, beſought him to be no more lo vigorous, both for their ſakes
and his own proper intereſt, he having himſelf had command under Cæfar,
and being obliged to him for his fortune. Anthony acknowledging that what
they ſaid was true, and beſides conſidering that he ſtood in need of Ce-
für's credit with the people to obtain the Government of Gaul, yielded to
their Remonttrance, ſwearing that he was not ingrateful towards Ceſar,
and that he had manifeſted this change of affection to no other end, but
that a young Man a little too haughty for his age, and who bore no reſpect
either to Ancients or Magiſtrates ſhould ſomewhat ſtand corrected; for
Rrr 2
that

132
The Civil Wars
PART II.
that in good truth he had need of correction, but yet for the Prayers fake
they had made him, he would lay aſide all animoſity and reſume his former
inclinations, provided Cæfar wculd for the future be more moderate. The
Tribunes ſatisfied with this anſwer, engaged them to an Enterview, where
after ſome complaints of of one another they were reconciled.
VII.
Soon after,. Anthony preferred the Decree touching the Government of
Gaub. The Senate were afraid, and took a reſolution to hinder it, if the
Conſul demanded their approbation, and to oppoſe it by means of the Tri-
bunes, if without ſpeaking to the Senate he fought to have it ratifyed by the
people. Nay, there were ſome Senators of opinion to ſet that Province at
liberty, ſo formidable ſeemed it to them, becauſe lying fo near Rome. An-
thony on the other ſide reproached them that they had given that Province
to Decimus one of Cefar's Murderers, and yet made a difficulty of truſting
him with it, becauſe he had not murdered him that conquered it, and
brought it under their obedience; by which he accuſed them of openly al-
lowing the action. The day for approbation of the Decree being come,
the Senate had given orders that the Votes ſhould be taken by the Tribes,
but thoſe of Anthony's Party having aſſembled the people before day, call-
ed them of purpoſe by Centuries. Though the multitude had an averſion
for Anthony, yet forbore they not now to favour him for Cæfar's ſake, who
was preſent at the aſſembly ſoliciting for him out of fear, leſt Decimus one
of thoſe who flew his Father ſhould command with an Army in ſo commo-
dious a Province, and likewiſe to gratifie Anthony with whom he was new-
ly reconciled, and from whom in his turn he expected ſome favour. In
ſhort, the Tribunes of the People not at all oppoſing it, for Anthony had
gained them, the Decree was ratifyed, and the Conſul having now a plau-
fible pretence cauſed the Army to paſs over into Italy. At length one of
the Tribunes being dead, and Caefar Loliciting for Flaminius who
made fuit
for this Dignity, the people imagining that he did indeed deſire it for him-
ſelf, but durſt not ask it becauſe he was too young , would needs by
Vote declare him Tribune: on the other ſide, the Senate envyed him this
increaſe of Honour, as fearing left being made Tribune he ſhould ſummon
before the people thoſe who had Nain his Father. Whereupon Anthony
violating the Friendſhip he had newly ſworn to Caſar, or in favour of the
Senate, whom he would fain appeaſe, becauſe they were offended at the De-
cree of the People concerning Gaul, iſſued a Decrec of the Conſul, where-
by he prohibited Cafar from conferring Liberalities upon any perſon contra-
ry to Law, upon pain of puniſhment. This Decree which made appear
Anthony's ingratitude to Cæfar, and which was injurious both to the young
Cæfar and the People, ſtirred up the minds of the multitude, and it was ve-
Ty likely, that at the Aſſembly to be called, fome tumult would happen,
ſo that Anthony himſelf was afraid, and contenting himſelf with the num-
ber of the Tribunes already in the City, prevented the aſſembling of the
People. As for Caſar, ſeeing that Anthony declared openly againſt him,
be diſpatched people throughout the Colonies that he had eſtabliſhed, to
let them know the wrong he fuffered, and to found their inclinations. He
fent likewife ſome of his Confidents to Anthony's Army, mixed among thoſe
who had the Convoy of Proviſions, giving them orders to do their utmoſt
to draw the braveſt to his ſide, and privily to drop Libels among the Sol-
diers. Whilft Cæfur was thus employed, the fame Officers of Anthony's
Guards before mentioned laying hold on the occaſion ſpoke to him in this
manner :
The

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of Rome.
one
The Oration of the Officers of Anthony's
Guards.
W
them;
E have a certain knowledge that Cæfar's Murderers hate us as much
as him, us and all thoſe who under his command have extended the
bounds of the Roman Empire, and yet dayly employ all their power to extend
that we are expoſed to their Ambuſhes, and that the Senate favours
them. Nevertbeleſ, after their being chaſed hence by the People we have re-
gained courage, ſeeing Cafarmas not deftitute of Friends, who ſtill remembred
his Benefits,
and preſerved their acknowledgments
. But above all, we are af
jured of the Friendſwip between you, and of your experience in War, being the
greateſt Captain of the Age next him, and the moſt capable to command. But
becauſe our Enemies ſpringing up afreſh, endeavour to ſeiſe upon Syria and Ma-
cedon, and make Levies
of Men
and Money to wage War upon us, becauſe the
Senate cauſes Decimus to prepare againſt you, and that in the mean all your
thoughts and cares are employed in the differences you have with the young
Cæ-
far, we fear, and not without reaſon, that in the War now threatening us, nay,
which indeed we have upon us, there happen not fome diviſion amongſt us, which
may cauſe our Enemies to ſucceed in their Enterpriſes. Wherefore we intreats
you, that in acknowledgments of Cæſar's Favours and Benefits, for the common
ſecurity of allus, againſt whom you have never yet had cauſe of complaint, and
likewiſe for your own intereft, you afſift Cæfar to take vengeance of the Murder-
ers of his Father, whilſt it is in your power to do it, he will be therewith content,
and you will afterwards live withaut trouble, and we diſcharged of our fears for
you, and for our ſelves.
To this Diſcourſe Anthony made Anſwer.
Viti
Anthony's Anſwer to the Officers of his
Guards.

"Y
Ou know with what paſſion I always loved C«far as long as he lived,
s and that there were no dangers to which I expoſed not my ſelf to
preſerve bis Authority. You know it, I ſay, you who followed him e-
very where, and were preſent at all his Actions: and I grant there is no
need of Witneſs to prove that his Affection and Eſteem for me laſted to his
very end. His Murderers having perfect knowledge of all this, had
once reſolved to have diſpatched me at the ſame time, believing whilft I
"letained alive they could never perfe&tly accompliſh their deſign; and
"he that diverted them from theſe thoughts did it not for my fake, but to
"give a fairer Gloſs to their crime, that it might be thought they deſigned
" not ſo much to revenge themſelves of many Enemies, as to kill one Ty-
Who then would think after ſo many obligations as I have receiv-
rant.
66 ed

134
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Part II
66
“ed from Cæſar, I ſhould range my ſelf on his Enemies Party, or that I
“ſhould willingly pardon his death to thoſe who attempted my own life, as
“the young Cafar imagines? How then after Indemnity did they obtain
“Governments ? for you impute to me this fault which the Senate com-
“mitted. Hearken a little how it happened: Cæfar being ſlain in full Se-
nate, fear feiſed all the world, and my ſelf more than any one, becauſe I
was his Friend, and yet knew not exa&tly whether there were a Conſpi-
racy, or who were the Conſpirators. The People were in tumult, the
“Murderers had gained the Capitol with the Gladiators, and ſuffered no
one to enter, the Senate favoured them, which to this day they do, and
were ready to decree them rewards, as having ſlain a Tyrant, which if it
“had come to paſs, we muſt have all reſolved to periſh as that Tyrants
“ Friends. In the midſt of all this turmoil, fear and trouble, 'tis no won-
“der if I loſt my Judgment: however, if you weigh the extremity ir
“which I was with what I have done, you will find I neither wanted bold-
“neſs in the midſt of danger, nor policy when there was a neceſſity to diſ-
“ſemble. The main thing in this Affair, and on which depended all the
sreſt, was the prevention of their decreeing rewards to the Murderers,
“ in which I ſo obſtinately held out, that at laſt I carried it in deſpite of the
"Senate and all the Conſpirators, yet not without running the hazard of
“ loſing my life ; for I judged, that if I only obtained that Cafar were not
“declared Tyrant,we were all in ſafety. But whereas our Enemies and the
Senate feared on their ſide, that if Cæfar were not declared Tyrant, pro-
“ceſs might iſſue out againſt thoſe that ſlew him, and therefore would
ſtand ſtifly to the having it done, I conſented that the Amnesty might
“ be granted to them, but not the Rewards ; nor had I done it, but that I
might obtain on my part what I deſired, and which was of no ſmall im-
portanee. That the name of Cæfar, dearer to me than all things in the
world, might not be aboliſhed; that his Goods might not be confiſcate :
" that that adoption which makes this young man ſo inſolent, might not be
“cancelled: that his Will might be ratified: that his Body might be ho-
« noured with Funerals worthy a King: that the Honours decreed him
“ might endure to perpetuity : that all that he had done might be approved;
“ and that his Son, and we his Friends, his Captains and his Soldiers might
“ be ſecured in our perſons, and honoured by all the World, inſtead of
“that infamy wherewith we were threatened. Do you believe after all
“ this, that in lieu of the Amneſty to which I gave my hand, the Senate
“granted me a ſmall matter; or do you think they would have granted it
if I had not conſented to the Amneſty ? And though this exchange had
“been ſincerely made, what had I loſt by really granting the Murderers a
“pardon of their crime, thereby to render Cefar's Glory immortal, and
put our lives in ſecurity : yet was not that my intention. I did but only
defer their puniſhment; for as ſoon as I obtained of the Senate what I de-
fired, and that the Murderers were freed from their inquietude, I took
courage, and abrogated the Amneſty, not by ſentence of the Senate, nor
“by decree of the People ( for that could not be done) but by a popular
blaze, which underhand I kindled, by cauſing Caſar's Body to be brought
into the place, under pretence of celebrating his Funerals, and there by
“opening his wounds, and ſhewing his Robe pierced through, and bloody,
to excite compaſſion in the multitude, praiſing his Virtues, and particu“
alarly the love he had for his Country, and in ſhort, Mourning for him, as
"dead, yet invoking him as a God : for what I ſaid, and what I did, fo in-
6 cenſed the multitude, that not conſidering the Amneſty, they took fire,
CC
66 and

Book II.
of Rome.
135
૮૮
and carrying it to our Enemies Houſes, drove them out of Rome. This
was done in Ipite of the Senate, and they teſtified their reſentment of it,
“by acculing me of courting the popular favour, by ſending the Murder
“ers into the Provinces, Brutus and Caffixs into Syria and Macedon, where
“they had great Armies : nor did they let them ſtay out the time they
“ought to have done, but advanced it by a feigned Commiſſion they gave
“them of ſending Corn to the City. Hereupon I found my ſelf ſurpriſed
with a new fear, and not having any Army whereof I could diſpoſe, I
“ was afraid left we unarmed ſhould be aſſailed by ſo many armed Men, be-
« ſides I had ſome ſuſpicion of my colleague, with whom I had no right
“underſtanding, and whom I might very well believe an Accomplice in
the Conſpiracy, being come to the City the day that it was executed.
“In this troubleſome Conjuncture I thought it a matter of importance to
“diſarm our Enemies, and to ſeiſe on their Arms, to which end I cauſed
“ Amatius to be put to death, and recalled Pompey, that by this means I
might oblige the Senate to take my part: yet not being thereby fully af-
ſured, I perſwaded Dolobella to demand Syria not from the Senate, but
" from the people, and I upheld him in this Enterpriſe, that from a Friend
to the Conſpirators, as he now was, he might become their Enemy;
“and that after my. Colleague had obtained Syria, the Senate might be a-
"ſhamed to deny me Macedon, which however they had not granted me
by reaſon of the Army that was then in that Province, if they had not
“ before given that ſame Army to Dolobella, who beſides the Government
“ of Syria had got the Commiſſion to make War againſt the Parthians :
“nor had they conſented to the taking away Syria and Macedon from Caffius
“and Brutus, if for their ſecurity other Governments had not been pro-
vided them, inſtead of thoſe whereof they were diſpoſſeſſed. It was
therefore neceſſary and muſt be done, but pray obſerve what compariſon
“there is between thoſe Provinces taken from them, and thoſe wherewith
they were recompenſed. Cyrene and Crete were aſſigned them, fo unfur-
“niſhed of Forces, that they themſelves have deſpiſed them, and endea-
“voured to ſeiſe by force of thoſe taken from them. Thus the Command
of the Army is paſſed from the Enemy to Dolobella by my policy, and by
“fair exchange; for no perſon having yet taken up Arms, we muſt follow
" the Laws. After this, the Enemies having ſet on foot another Army,
I had cccaſion for the Legions of Macedon, but to get them wanted op-
portunity, whereupon a report was ſpread, that the Getes had in a ho-
"Itile manner invaded the Province, which not being altogether believed,
“ſome were ſent to enquire the certainty. During which time I cauſed an
“Ordinance to be publiſhed, by which it was forbid to ſpeak of a Dictator,
to make any propoſition tending to it, or ſo much as to accept of the
“Di&tatorſhip, whereby the Senate, perſwaded of my good intentions,
gave me the Command of the Army; ſo that at preſent I find my ſelf
ſtrong enough to defend my ſelf againft my Enemies, not only againſt
“thofe already declared, as Cæſar imagines, but againſt a multitude of o-
"thers more powerful, who will not yet diſcover themſelves. Having
put my Affairs into this Kingdom, I had yet left ſticking (as I may fay)
"in my very Ribs one of Calar's Murderers, to wit, Decimus Brutus, who
"commanded a great Army in a very commodious Province; and becauſe
“I knew him capable of Action, that I might remove him thence by ſome
“fair pretence, I made an offer in the Senate to give him Macedon in recom-
pence, after having drawn thence the Legions. The Seriate oppoſing it
upon fome miſtruſt they had of my deſigns, and many of that Body having

(ด้
Writ

136
PART II
The Civil Wars
66
writ many things as you know to Decimus, beſides that they were ready
"to ſtir up againſt me the Conſuls, for the next year I took a reſolution to
'ſpeak no more of it to the Senate, but to demand this Province from thie
People, and to make the Macedonian Army paſs over to Brundufium, to
"employ them in things neceſſary, and I hope yet by the aſſiſtance of the
“Gods to make uſe of them to the advantage of my Affairs when oc-
cafion requires. Thus from the fear wherein we formerly were, we
* have reached that ſecurity we deſired, and a condition to ſtrike terrour
"into our Enemies, though when we firſt took up Arms many declared for
“them; yet how you ſee they repent of their fentences given in my favour,
“that they uſe all their endeavours to deprive me of the Government of
“Gaul granted me by the People. You know they continually write to
Decimus, that they folicite the Conſuls to cancel by fentence the Decree
“which gives me that Province. But for my part, reſting aſſured on the
“aſſiſtance of the Gods, Protectors of my Country, on the fincerity of
"my intentions, and on your valour which made Cæfar every where victo-
“rious, I will employ all my foul and all my ſtrength to revenge him. It
was neceſſary, Fellow Soldiers, till now to keep theſe things fecret
“but ſince yon ought to have ſhare in all my Actions, and all my Deſigns,
"Iam content to diſcover them to you, and you may communicate them
"to all thoſe tied by the fame intereft, except only to Cæfar, whoſe ingra-
titude I have already made proof of.
3
Anthony's Officers became firmly perſwaded by theſe words, that all the
artifices he had made uſe of to deceive the Senate, proceeded only from the
paffion he had to deſtroy the Murderers. However, they prevailed withi
himn to reconcile himſelf with Cefar, which he did in the Capitol.
IX.
Some time after Anthony cauſed to be brought into an Aſſembly of his
Friends fome of his Guards, as if Cæſar would have treated with them to
murder him, whether it were a calumny, or whether he believed it indeed,
or whether (having intelligence that Ceſar had ſent ſome People amongſt
his Troops ) he imagined it was to make an attempt upon his life. The ru-
mour of this attempt was ſpread through the whole City, and raiſed a
mighty Tumult, and the People were filled with great indignation; for
fome perſons founding more deeply into the buſineſs, faw well that Åntho-
ny, though he was an Enemy to Cæfar, yet was uſeful to him, becauſe the
Conſpirators feared him, who, if he had been dead had been capable of
enterpriſing any thing, eſpecially ſupported as they were by the Senate,
and this was the judgment of the wiſer fort. But with the
But with the greater part of
the multitude who beheld Cafar every day ſuffering a thouſand wrongs it
was oro hard matter to believe the calumny, and they adjudged it anexe-
crable ſign to make an attempt upon the perſon of a Conful. Upon the
noiſe of it Cæſar ran through all the Streets like a mad man, crying out, that
on the contrary it was a plot laid by Anthony himſelf to rob him of the
good opinion of the People, by whofe favour he had hitherto fubfifted.
He went to Anthony's own Gates, crying the ſame thing,atteſting the Gods,
and making imprecations on himſelf, and requiring them to iſſue out his
Proceſs: and when no perſon came out of the Houſe, I will, ſaid he, make
thy own Friends Fudges. And therewithal endeavoured to enter, but re-
puffed, he began to complain, revile, and grow angry againſt thoſe who
hindred his entrance, telling them 'twas for fear he ſhould convince Anthony
of

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137
of calumny, and fo retiring immediately, he proteſted before all the Peo-
ple, that if any miſchief happened to him, it ought to be attributed to no-
thing elſe but the perfidiouſneſs of Anthony. Theſe words pronounced
with vehemence changed the minds of the Multitude, and many began to
repent themſelves of the opinion they had entertained of him. Though
ſome were doubtful which of the two to credit; and others affirmed 'twas
all but a plot laid between themſelves in the Temple where they were re-
conciled, that by a ſeeming Feud they might better ſurpriſe their Enemies:
whilſt others again ſaid, that it was Anthony's invention only, that under
this pretence he might encreaſe his Guards, and turn away the old Soldiers
hearts from Cæfar. At the ſame time intelligence was privately given to
Cæfar, that both the Army arrived at Brundufium and the old Soldiers di-
ftributed into Colonies were incenſed againſt Anthony, becauſe he delayed
the revenging of Caſar's death, which they offered to employ all their
power to effect, and that upon this occaſion the Conful was gone to Brun-
dufium, which obliged Cæſar, who was fearful left his Enemy returning to
Rome with an Army might oppreſs him defenceleſs as he was, to take ſtore
of Money, and go into Campania to engage in his ſervice thoſe Colonies
there ſettled by his father. Firſt Galatia, and then Silia ſituate on both
ſides of Capua gave him their word: and by advancing five hundred Drams
to each Soldier he raiſed about ten thouſand Men, who were not ſo well
furniſhed as was requiſite for the War, nor enrolled in Companies and
Regiments, but marched all under one Standard as his Guards. And
whereas thoſe in the City were frightned before with the thoughts of An-
thony's return with an Army, hearing of Cæſar's coming at the Head of a-
nother; ſome were now afraid of both, others again were well fatisfied
with the imagination they might employ Cæſar to defend them againſt An,
thony; and others again who had been witneſſes of their reconciliation in
the Capitol, believed all but a fiction, and that they were agreed together
to joyn Forces, to the end, Anthony might feiſe on the Sovereign Authority,
and Cafar revenge the death of his Father. In the heat of this Allarm,
Carnutius Tribune of the People, Enemy to Anthony, and Friend to Cæſar,
went out to meet his Friend, and underſtanding his intentions, came and
aſſured the People that Caſar had took up Arms againſt none but Anthony
his declared Enemy, and that to ſecure themſelves from Anthony's Tyranny
it was requiſite to joyn with Cæfar, the rather becauſe in that Conjuncture
they had no other Army. After this Remonftrance he cauſed Cæfar, who
had lodged the night before in the Temple of Mars, fifteen Furlongs from
Rome, to advance into the City, where, as ſoon as he was entred, he went
and poſſeſſed himfelf of the Temple of Caſtor and Pollux; about which all
the old Soldiers gathered together with their Swords under their Coats:
There Carnutius having firſt made an invective againg Anthony in full Al
ſembly, Caſar proceeded to put them in remembrance of his Father's Vir-
tues, and the injuries which himſelf had received from Anthony, to defend
himſelf from which, and to ſecure his own perſon, he had been neceſſitated
to raiſe an Army, which he promiſed to employ for his Countrys ſervice
wherever there ſhould be an occaſion, and particularly againſt Anthony,
who was át preſent in Arms. After theſe Diſcourfes the People being re-
tired, the Soldiers, whoſe deſign of coming thither had been only the re-
conciliation of Cæfar and Anthony, or at utmoſt to defend Cæſar, and re-
venge the death of his father, were amazed at his promiſing their ſervice
againſt Anthony, who had formerly been their General, and was at preſent
Conſul ; whereupon ſome deſired leave to return home, under pretence of
SIS
fetching

138
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PART II.
* Arezzo.
fetching their Arms, becauſe they could ill do Service with other Arms
than thoſe they had been uſed to ; others ſpoke openly what they thought.
Cæfar ſeeing the matter ſucceeded quite contrary to his expectation, was
ſomewhat ſtartled : Yet hoping to gain them rather by fair means than
force, he granted what they deſired ; ſending ſome home to fetch their
Arms, and diſmiſſing others without any condition. Though this Acci-
dent infinitely troubled him, he kept all to himſelf; and inſtead of ſeeming
concerned atit, thanking them for the Aſſiſtance they had given him, made
them a Preſent of more Money, promiſing to be more liberal for the future;
becauſe if any Accident happened which might oblige him to make uſe of
an Army, he had rather confide in them as his Father's Friends, than em-
ploy other Soldiers. This Carriage might, one would think, have won
them; and yet of ten thouſand that they were, only one thouſand, oras o-
thers ſay, three thouſand (for the number is not certain) ſtayed with him,
and all the reſt went their way. However, fome, after conſidering the toil
of the Plough, and the Profits they had received, and what they hoped for
the future, as Vulgar Spirits are ſubject to Change, they repented them-
ſelves; and laying hold of the plauſible pretence of being only come home
to fetch their Árms, of their own mere motion they all returned armed to
Cæfar ; who having taken more money with him, was gone to Ravenna and
the neighbouring places ; where he inceſſantly liſted Men, daily increaſing
his Forces : whole Rendezvouz he appointed at Arefia.
X. Mean time of the five Legions that were in Macedon, four were come to
the Conful, who angred that he had ſo long delayed revenging Cefar's death,
brought him without any Acclamations to the Tribunal, as if before all o-
ther things they would be ſatisfied in the reaſons of this delay. He offended
at their filence, could not forbear reproaching them of ingratitude, in not
conſidering how much more advantagious it was for them to bear Arms in
Italy, than againſt the Parthians. He complained likewiſe that they had
not brought him thoſe Diſturbers of the Peace which that young Giddy-
brains (for ſo he called Cæfar) had fentamongſt them; whom, however, he
himſelf ſhould find out: That as for his Army, he was going to lead them
into the happy Province of Gaul, the Government of which he had obtain-
ed, and would give to every Soldier one hundred Drams. They all burſt
out a laughing at the meanneſs of this promiſe ; at which he appearing of
fended, the Tumult increaſed, and all began to leave him. Whereupon,
riſing up himſelf, he only ſaid theſe words, You shall learn to obey. And
hereupon he after gave Command to the Tribunes to bring him the Roll of
the Mutineers (for in the Roman Armies every Soldier is enrolled in his Or-
der) that he might decimate them according to Military Diſcipline. How-
ever, he puniſhed not every tenth Man, but only put a part of them to death,
thinking to terrifie them a little; though by this Action he raiſed more their
anger than their fear. Cæfar's people whom he had ſent to corrupt the Le-
gions, obſerving this diſcontent in the Army, began afreſh to ſcatter abroad
their Libels, by which they diſplayed to the Soldiers the Cruelty and Ava-
rice of Anthony ; and withal, repreſenting to them the Clemency of the firſt
Cæfar, invited them to make tryal of the Liberality of the young Man. And
though the Conſul propoſed great Rewards to thoſe who diſcovered them,
and threatned with exemplary Puniſhinent ſuch as harbored them, he
could get no advice who they were ; which infinitely troubled him, as
doubting the whole Army had intelligence with them. Soon after upon the
report brought him of Cæfar's proceedings in the Colonies and at Rome, he
was

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139
was more concerned, and came forth once more to ſpeak to the Soldiers:
He ſaid, It troubled him that he had been forced to puniſh ſome, though it had
been fewer than Military Diſcipline required, and that they knew well that An-
thony was neither covetous nor cruel. But, ſaid he, let us talk no more of A
verſions, or Faults, or Pliniſhments ; we will forget all that is paſt. And as
for the hundred Drams a Head I promiſed you, I would not have you think ſ
meant it as a Donative, that were below the Fortune of Anthony; you ſhall re-
ceive that only as an Earneſt of my Favour at our firſt Meeting, but remember
that both now and hereafter I deſire you would obey me according to the Roman
Law of War. After having made an.end of ſpeaking he gave them not any
thing more, left he ſhould ſeem to prejudice his Quality of General by yiel-
ding too much to his Army; And they likewiſe acquieſced in the promiſes
he made them, either as repenting of what they had done, or out of fear;
yet he changed their Officers, either becauſe they had encouraged the Muti-
ny, or out of ſome ſuſpition he had of them : But as for the Soldiers, he
treated them afterwards more favourably in all occaſions they had to petiti-
on him. He cauſed them to march along the Sea-Coaſts towards Rimini one
after another; but for himſelf, having choſen out the propereſt and brisk-
eft Men he could find among all the Legions, and formed them into a *Re- * Pretoriah @ds
giment of Guards; he took his way towards Rome, from thence intending hors.
to go meet the Legions. Being come nigh to Rome he quartered his Horſe
in the Suburbs, and with his Foot entred the City in a poſture as if he had an
Enemy to engage ; cauſing them to keep Guard about his Houſe, and giv-
ing the Word, and dividing the Watches as if he had been in the Field.
Soon after having fummoned
a Senate to make his Complaint of Cæſar's En
terprizes, News was brought him to the Palace Gate that one of the four
Legions, called the Legion of Mars, was revolted to that young Captain
Whereupon, being at a ſtand, and perplexed in mind, another Meſſenger
came to tell him that the fourth Legion had followed the Martial : Which ti-
dings put him into ſuch a fright, that only entring the Palace as though he
had called together the Fathers for ſome other reaſons, he ſaid little to them,
but ſpeedily going out of the City, marched directly towards Alba, to en-
deavour to regain thoſe that had deſerted his Party ; but ſeeing they ſhot at
him from the Walls, he ſent five hundred Drams a Man to the reſt ; and
brought thoſe Forces he had, with all his Train of Munition ordinarily uſed
in War, to Tivoli, for the War was already declared, Decimus having refu-
ſed to part with Gaul.
XII
He had not been long at Tivoli, but almoſt all the Senate, a great part of
the Knights, and many of the moſt conſiderable of the People came to com-
plement and give him Teſtimonies of their Good Will. And as there he
was adminiftring the Oath to the Soldiers he had with him, and likewiſe to
the Veterans, a great number of which were come voluntarily to joyn with
him, they of their own accord ſwore with the reſt, and promiſed him Fide-
lity ; ſo that it ſeemed a wonder where thoſe Men were who a little before
had fo fiercely declaimed againſt him in the preſence of Cæfar. Thus An-
thony magnificently accompanied, advanced towards Rimini, a City fcitu
ate on the Entrance into Gaul. Beſides his new Levies, he had three Mace-
donian Legions (for the fifth was now arrived) and a great number of Vete-
rans, whom he eſteemed as much again as his new Soldiers. So that he
found his Strength to conſiſt in four Legions, all tryed Men, with their
Horſe and Light-armed Foot; without reckoning the Regiment of Guards,
and the Soldiers newly entertained. Beſides, Lepidus was in Spain with
SIS
four

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PART II.
four Legions, Aſirius Pollio with two, and Plancus in the Tranſalpine Gaul
with three;all which would in all appearance ſide with Anthony. As for Cefar,
his Force conſiſted of thoſe two Legions revolted from Anthony, one of the
new Soldiers, and two of Veterans, which would not have been compleat,
had he not filled them up with New. Having rendezvouzed them at Alba,
he gave advice thereof to the Senate, who extremely rejoyced at it; ſo that
now again it was hard to find out the Men that had accompanied Anthony.
Not but that they were troubled that theſe Legions had not rather yielded to
themſelves than to Cæfar. However, after having applauded their Good
Will, and that of the other Legions, they promiſed that as ſoon as the new
Magiſtrates were entred upon their Charge they would employ them in ſuch
things as ſhould be effectually for the Good of the Republick. Now it was
apparent their hopes were to employ theſe forces againſt Anthony, having
no other particular Army, nor having power to raiſe one without the Au-
thority of the Conſuls ; wherefore they temporized till ſuch time as the new
Officers were entred upon the Management of Affairs. Mean time Cafar's
Soldiers offered him Axes and Lictors; beſeeching him to take the Title of
Propretor, and command them in that Quality, becauſe they were accuſto-
med to pay their, Obedience to Magiſtrates. He much applauded them for
the Honour they would have conferred on him, but remitted the matter to
the Senate's diſcretion. Nor could all the Entreaties they made him prevail
with him to conſent, but ſo far as that they might ſend Deputies to Rome a-
bout it ; telling thein, The Senate will of themſelves tbe more willingly confer
upon me this Dignity when they ſhall bear that you offered it me, and I would
not accept it. At length, though with much difficulty, he prevailed over
them. “And when the Officers complained to him that it was a kind of de-
ſpiſing them, he gave them theſe reaſons for his Conduct. Tbe Senate de-
clares on my ſide, not out of any kindneſ to me, but becauſe they are afraid of
Anthony, and have at preſent no Army ; they only wait till Anthony.be defea-
ted, and that the Murderers of my Father, who are Kindred and Friends to
moſt of the Senate, have drawn together their Forces ; which being ſo eaſie to be
perceived, I diſſemble a Submiffion to them, and it is requiſite they ſhould pre-
ſerve that Opinion of me': But ſhould I ufurp the Title of Magiſtrate, they
would accuſe me of Treaſon and Violence, whilſt governing my ſelf with modeſtý,
they will perhaps of their own motion give it me for fear left I ſhould accept it
from yout. Having ſpoken in this manner, he went to ſee the two revolted
Legions exerciſe ; who performed one againſt the other all that could be
practiſed in a Fight, except killing, in ſuch an excellent manner, that Cæfar
was infinitely pleaſed with the ſight of it; and taking thence occaſion to ex-
erciſe his Liberality, he gave once more to every Soldier five hundred Drams,
with promiſe that in caſe there was a neceſſity of their engaging in Fight,
and he gained the Victory, he would give them each five thouſand; by
which Bounty he engaged them to attempt any thing for his Service.
XII. Mean time Anthony being marched into Gaul, had ſent his Commands
to Decimus to go for Macedon, according to the Decree of the People, and
for his own ſafety. Whereupon Decimus ſent him the Senate's Letters, and
Word withal, that Decimus ought no leſs obedience to the Orders of the Se-
nate, than did Anthony to the Decrees of the People. And when Anthony
had fixed a day, on which if he departed not the Province he would creat
him as an Enemy, Decimus deſired him to prolong that time, for fear left
before that himſelf might be declared Enemy of his Country. After this,
though Anthony might eaſily have defeated Decimus his Army, which now
kept

BOOK III. .
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141
kept the Field, yet he choſe rather to go about to the Cities, not any of
which refuſed him their Gates. Whereupon Decimus, afraid left he ſhould
find none to give him entrance, feigned to have received Orders from the
Senate to return with his Army to Rome, and took his March towards Italy.
All the Cities in his way received him as only pretending to paſs through;
but when he came to Modena, a Noble City, he ſhut the Gates, ſeized on
the Stores of the Inhabitants for Proviſions for his Army, killed and falted
up all the Baggage Horſe for the ſame uſe in caſe the length of the Siege op-
preſſed him: And now become Maſter of a great number of Gladiators,
and three Legions; one of which were New Levied Mer, and the other
two having
ſerved formerly under him, very affectionate to him, he in that
,
Poft expected Anthony, who preſently came in great rage before the place,
and began to work in the Circumvallation of it. Decimus being in this man-
ner beſieged, the very firſt day of the next Year the new Conſuls, Hirtius
and Panſa, after the uſual Sacrifices, aſſembled the Senate in the ſame
Temple, to conſult about the Affairs with Anthony. There Cicero and thoſe
of his Cabal adviſed the declaring him an Enemy to his Country, for that
he had ſeized by force, and in deſpight of the Senate, of Gaul, to the end he
might fortifie himſelf againſt his Country; and for having drawn into Italy
that Army they had given him Command of againſt the Thracians. They
added, that he aſpired to Supreme Dominion after Cefar; having been pub-
lickly attended through the City by Soldiers as Guards of his Body, having
fortifyed his Houſe like a Cittadel; and in ſumm, behaved himſelf in many
things with more Pride and Infolence than became a Magiſtrate, whoſe
Power was to continue but a Year. But L. Piſo, one of the moſt conſide-
rable Citizens of Rome, who had Charge of Anthony's Affairs in his abſence,
with others, Friends to him or Anthony, or elſe ſeriouſly thinking what they
ſpoke ; ſaid, That they ought firſt to Cite him to ſtand to a Tryal, and not
condemna Roman Citizen without a Hearing. Beſides, that it would be a
ſhameful thing to declare that Man Enemy to his Country to day, who had
yeſterday been Conſul; eſpecially after ſuch publick Applauſes of fomany
ſeveral Perſons, and even of Cicero himſelf. Thus the Senate ſpent that day
in debate, without concluding any thing. The next Morning the Fathers
aſſembled very early in the Palace, where Cicero's Party proved the ſtrong-
er ; ſo that Anthony was upon the point of being declared Enemy by Decree,
if Salvius, Tribune of the People, had not hindred, and put a ſtop to the Af-
fair; for among theſe Officers, he whoſe Voice oppoſes carries it. Cicero's
Party fretted at theſe Proceedings, bitterly reviled him; and running to
the place to ſtir up the Multitude againſt him, aſſigned him to give in the
Reaſons of his Oppoſition before the People. He went without any fear;
but the Senate hindred him out of a doubt left he ſhould pervert the People
by putting them in mind of Anthony. For the Fathers knew well they con-
demned an Illuſtrious Perſon without bringing him to a Tryal; and that the
Province, for the Uſurpation of which they condemned him, had been gi-
ven him by the People: Only their fear for the Conſpirators made then
bear ill Will to Anthony, who had fruſtrated the Indempnity granted them
by the Senate; and for this reaſon they had joyned with the young Cafar
againſt him: To which Cafar, who perceived their intentions, had eaſily
confented, being willing firſt to get rid of Anthony. But though the Senate
were thus animated againſt him, they delayed giving Judgment becauſe of
the Oppoſition of the Tribune. Notwithſtanding, a Sentence paſſed by
which they approved the Action of Decimus, in not delivering up Gaul to
Anthony : To which they added, that joyritly with Hirtius and Panſa, Caſar
fhould

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Part II
ſhould cominand the Forces he already had ; that a Statue of Gold ſhould
be erected for him ; that for the future he ſhould have a Voice among Per-
fons of Conſular Degree, and have Right to demand the Conſulate ten Years
before the time preſcribed by the Laws; and that the Donative Cæfar had
promiſed to the two Legions revolted from Anthony if they gained the Vi-
&tory, ſhould be payed out of the publick Treaſury. Theſe things thus a
greed on, the Senate broke up as if Anthony had in effect been declared E-
nemy, and that the Tribune could find nothing more to ſay on the morrow.
But Anthony's Mother, Wife and Son (yet very young) with their friends
and Domeſticks, run about all night to the Houſes of the Senators, to ſolicite
them in his behalf. And Day being come, they plucked them by the Robe
as they paſſed along to the Senate ; and all together in mourning Habit, as
the Fathers entred the Palace, caſt themſelves at their Feet before the Gate,
weeping and lamenting like deſpairing Perſons. So that theſe fad Objects
and this ſuddain Change had already ſtirred up a Sence of Pity in the Breaſts
of moſt of the Judges; when Cicero fearing the Succeſs of the Affair, ſpoke
to them in this manner.
The Oration of Cicero.
WA
E paſſed yeſterday what we had to decree in the Caſe of Anthony; for by
declaring his Enemies worthy of Honour and Recompence, we have ta-
citely declared him Enemy to his Country. As for Salvius, who alone oppoſes, it
follows, that either he is wiſer than us all, or that he does it out of Friendſhip, or
elſe underſtands not the preſent ſtate of Affairs. Now it were a ſhameful thing
to have all of us together thought to have leß Wiſdom than one ſingle Man, and
it would prove diſhonourable to Salvius to prefer a private Friendſhip before pub-
lick Good; we are then to believe that he knows not the ſtate of Affairs : but he
ought not to give credit to his own
Fudgment before that of ſo many Conſuls, Pre-
tors, Tribunes, his Colleagues, and all the reſt of the Senators; who being ſo nu-
merous, and ſo great Men both for Age and Experience, know Anthony better
than Salvius can do ; for in all Fudgments, that Sentence that is carried by moſt
Voices onght to be eſteemed moſt jull. However, if he ſtill have a deſire to hear
now the Reaſons of our Fudgment, I will repeat the principal of them in fem
words. Anthony has ſeized himſelf of our Treaſure after the death of Cæſár:
Having obtained from us the Government of Macedon, he is marched into Gaul
without the Senate's Order: We gave him an Army to oppoſe the Thracians, and
he, inſtead of employing it againſt them, has brought it into Italy againſt our
ſelves: And has done things by his own Authority after having, to put a Cheat
upon us, asked our conſent, and been denyed it by the
Fudgment of all the World.
Being at Brundufium be took a Regiment of Guards like a King, and has been
publickly attended by his Soldiers through the City, placed Guards about his Houſe,
and given them the Word, as in time of War : He had likewiſe ordered the reſt
of his Forces hither; and was putting himſelf in a poſture of doing with more ve-
hemence than the firſt Cæſar the ſame things that he had done. But being pre-
vented by the young Cæſar, who had another Army, he was afraid, and went to
poffeß himſelf of Gaul, as on a Province convenient for his deſigns ; from whence
Cælár fell into Italy, and made himſelf Maſter of us and the Republick. To
theſe ends it is he terrifies the Soldiers with his Cruelty, to make them obedient to
whatever he has a mind to; to this end he decimated not Mutineers nor Run-a-
ways

Воок ІІІ.
of Rome.
143
ways, or whom 'only the Law admits that Punifoment to be inflicted, and which
few Commanders have done but in dangerous Wars and in extreme neceſſity;
whilft he for a fit of laughter puts Citizens to death, not the Guilty, but the un-
fortunate. This Cruelty has occafioned thoſe who could eſcape to leave him (and
yeſterday you decreed them Recompence as for a good Action) and thoſe who are yet
stayed with him do it for fear, and now by his Orders plunder your Province, and
beſiege your Army and your Pretor, to whom you have written that he ſhould ſtay
in the Province; and Anthony will have him thence. Why do we not then with
Alacrity declare Anthony our Enemy, who already makes War upon us? But
this is what the Tribune will not know, till ſuch time as he has defeated Decimus,
and made himſelf Maſter, together with that great Province which lies ſo near
us, of Decimus his Army; with hopes thereby more eaſily to oppreß us. Then
perhaps the Tribune will conſent that he ſhould be declared Enemy; but he would
have us ftay till he be too powerful for us.
Cicero having ſpoken in this manner, his Friends began to make ſuch a
noiſe, that it was impoſſible for any to be heard that would anſwer him,
till Piſo roſe up; out of reſpect to whom, not only the reſt of the Senators,
but even Cicero's Party kept ſilence, and then he declared himſelf in theſe
terms.
The Oration of Piſo.
XTIL
He Laws (Conſcript Fathers ) require that the Accuſed ſhould hear his Ac-
cufation impleaded before him; and after having made anſwer, expect his
Sentence : This is what Cicero, that mighty Accuſer, cannot deny me. Where-
fore, ſince he has not accuſed Anthony of any thing while he was preſentbut would
now value himſelf upon this opportunity of his abſence to blacken him with a mul-
titude of Crimes, I preſent my ſelf to make appear the falfity of his Accuſations ;
which I hope to do in few words. In the firſt place he ſays that after Cæſar's
death, Anthony ſeized upon the publick Moneys; but the Laws have ordained.
particular Puniſhments for Thieves, but never declared them Enemies to their
Country. Beſides, Brutus having flain Cæſar, dccuſed him in a publick Aſſem-
bly of the People of having waſted the Publick Treaſure, and drained dry the Ex-
chequer. Some time after Anthony ordered an Inquiſition to be made ; you ap-
proved his Ordinance, and promiſed the tenth Penny to the Diſcoverers ; and we
ſubmit our ſelves to pay double if any one can convičí Anthony of having been a
Partner in that Crime. So much for what concerns the Publick Moneys. As
for the Government of Gaul, it is true you did not give it to Anthony ; but he
obtained it by Decree of the People in the preſence of Cicero, as others obtained
other Provinces, and as Cæſar himſelf obtained the fame. It is ordered by the
Same Decree, that if Decimus refuſe to part with Gaul, Anthony may have li-
berty to conſtrain him by force; and to employ to that end the Army deſigned a-
gainſt the Thracians, provided they made no attempt on Macedon. But Cicero
accounts not Decimus an Enemy, who is in Arms againſt the Ordinance of the
People; and yet would have Anthony be ſo, whom the People ordered to make
this War. So that blaming the Decree, he blames the Authors; but he ought ra-
ther then to have diffwaded them, than now revile them having given his conſent
he ought rather to have prevented the giving that Government to Deci-
to it;
mus

144
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Part II.
mus whom the People had chaſed hence as a Murderer, than deprive Anth
ony
whom they had gratified. In Jumm, it is ſome imprudence to oppoſe the Ordinan-
ces of the People in ſuch a perillous time, without remembring that in the begin-
ning of the Commonwealth they were Fudges of theſe things, and declared Friends
or Enemies whom they thought worthy ; for by the Ancient Laws the People were
the ſole Arbiters of Peace and War. And there is no doubt but had they a Head,
they would reaſſume this Anthority, and abſolutely deprive us of it. But Anthony
has put to death his Soldiers; he has acted according to the Power given him by
your Commiffion : Nor did there ever General give account of ſuch matters to any
Man; for the Legiſlators never thought it for the Commonwealth's Advantage,
that a General ſhould own his Soldiers for Fudges of his Actions : Beſides,
nothing is more dangerous in an Arnthan Soldiers Contempt of their Comman-
der, which has proved the deſtruction of many in the midſt of Victory. Beſides,
none of the Kindred of the decimated either have or do yet complain, and yet Ci-
cero accuſes him of Man-ſlaughter ; and not content with the uſual Puniſhment
of that Crime, treats him as a publick Enemy : Pet conſtantly affirms he has un-
dergone ſtrange affronts from his Soldiers, in that two Legions whom you com-
manded to obey him, deſerted him contrary to the Law of War; not to yield them-
ſelves to you, but to Cæfar. Notwithſtanding all which, Cicero thinks their
Action good, and yeſterday adviſed they might be rewarded
at the Expence of the
Publick. God grant the Example may not one day prove dreadful : but however
it be, Cicero's Heat and Animoſity has carried him to a manifeſt Contradiction
for be at once accuſes Anthony of aſpiring to the Tyranny, and of ill treating his
Soldiers : And certain it is, that thoſe who pretend to ufierp the Sovereign Power,
inſtead of ill treating Military Men, do all they can to gain their favour.
Iwever, ſince he has had the confidence to impoſe this Calumny upon Anthony,
Swing Cæſar's ſteps, he aimed at the Tyranny, let us examine all his A-
étions particularly. Has he put any one to death without due Proceſ, as Tyrants
uſe to do; be, who is himſelf in danger of being condemned without being heard ?
Has he chaſed out of the City, or calumniouſly accuſed any Perfon before you?
And is there any appearance he that has done no private Wrong, ſhould attempt
Publick? But pray Cicero, when was this done? Was it when he publiſhed
the Indempnity; or when he propoſed the recalling the Son of your Pompey, and
making good to him his Father's Eſtate out of the Publick Moneys ? or when he
cauſed to be arreſted and put to death the falſe Marius, who troubled our Peace;
for which he was praiſed by all the Senate ? (and, my Lords of the Senate, this is
the only Action Cicero durſt not blame, becauſe you applauded it.) Or, in fine,
was it when he paſſed that Decree, by which it is prohibited to make Dictators ?
For this is the Summ of all his Management of Publick Affairs during the two
Months which after Cæfar’s death he ſtayed in the City; during which the People
Sometimes fought for the Murderers to put them to death, and you your ſelves
were often in fear and trouble of what might arrive; had he then been an ill Citi-
zen, could he ever expect a Conjuncture more favour able to his Deſigns ? But
he never abuſed that Power and Charge of the Conſulbip: How ſo? Has not be
XII.
alone governed the Commonwealth, Dolobella being gone for Syria ? Kept he
not armed Men about him for his ſecurity, which you your ſelves appointed ?
Kept he not a Guard by Night in the City, even about his own Houſe, which yet
was only done to warrant him from the Ambuſhes of his Enemies? Had he not a
fair opportunity upon the death of Cæſar bis Friend, his Benefactor, beloved by
all the People? And did there not one yet fairer preſent it ſelf when he entertai-
med Guards to defend his life againſt thoſe Murderers that attempted his, though
he never put to death or baniſhed one of them; yet ſtill he pardoned them ſo far
As in civility he could, nor ever hindred the giving of them Governments. Theſe
(Conſcript

Book III.
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145
(Conſcript Fathers) are the great Crimes, the manifeſi Crimes wherewith Cicero
accuſes him. Nor is he content to make Anthony's Actions only paß for Crimes.
He divines, and ſays, he had deſigned to bring his Army into the City, but that
he was afraid of Cæſar, who had already with another Army poſſeſſed it. How
comes he then who had only deſigned it to be an Enemy to his Country, whilſt he
that had really done it, and does in a manner ſtill hold us beſieged, is none ? Or
why did not he come if he had deſigned it, unleß being at the Head of thirty thon-
Sand well diſciplined Men, he were afraid of three thouſand diſordered and diſar-
med, which were then with Cæſar; and who were only come to reconcile them to-
gether, and left him as ſoon as they knew he would employ them in a War ? Or if
he durſt not come with thirty thouſand Men, how happened he to come afterwards
accompanied only with a thouſand; With whom, when he went from Rome to Ti-
voli, how many of us did attend him ? How many ſwore Fidelity to him without
being required? And what Applauſe did Cicere himſelf give bim? In ſhort,
had he deſigned any thing againſt his Country, why left he with us thoſe Hoſtages
yet at this Palace Gate, his Mother, his Wife, and his Son; who are at preſent
weeping for fear, not of the Accuſations brought againſt bim, but of the power
of his Énemies ? Thus much I thought convenient, to make you underſtand the
Innocence of Anthony, and the Inconſtancy of Cicero: and have now nothing
more to ſay, but to exhort all good Men not to offend the People, nor do Injuſtice
to Anthony, for fear of ſuch trouble as may enſue to the City, the Commonwealth
being yet ſo weakly eſtabliſhed, that it is ready to relapſe into its firſt diſorders,
if not timely relieved. However, it is my opinion, that we ſecure to our ſelves
Forces for the Defence of the City before any Attempt be made upon us from
broad. Then you may take order for ſuch things as are neceſſary, and decree what
you judge convenient, when it ſhall be in your
power to put thoſe Decrees in Exe-
cution. But how is this to be done? You need only leave to Anthony the
Province given him by the People; and after having recalled Decimus with his
three Legions bither, ſend him to Maccdon, and keep his Army. And if thoſe
two Legions revolted from Anthony, have ſubmitted to us, as Cicero afförms,
let us withdraw them from Cæfar, and order their Return to the City. Thus has
ving five Legions at our diſpoſe, we may iſſue what Orders we think requiſite with-
out courting the grace or favour of any Man. This I ſpeak to thoſe who liſten to
me without envy or hatred. As for thoſe who ſuffer themſelves to be tranſported
by their Paſſions and particular Animofities, I exhort them not to give too raſh
Fudgment againſt Great Men, and Commanders of great Armies, left we force
them to make War upon us : Let them remember Marcus Coriolanus, or rather
what ſolately happened to us in the Perſon of Cæſar, who likewiſe commanded
an Army. He offered us reaſonable Conditions ; yet we by rably declaring him
Enemy, forced him indeed to become his Country's Foe. Let them likewiſe conſ-
der the intereſt of the People who having been ſo lately enraged againſt Cæfar's
Murderers, may well think themſelves deſpiſed when we give thoſe their Provin-
ces; and praiſing Decimus, who would not ſubmit to their Decree, declare An-
thony Enemy, becauſe he from them required the Government of Gaul. In
Mort, I exhort all honeſt nsinded Men to reduce others to reaſon, and do bea
Jeech the Conſuls and Tribunes to appear more affectionate in providing againſt
thofe Evils wherewith the Commonwealth is threatned.
XIV.
Thus ſpake Piſo for Anthony; and doubtleſs, his reproaching of Cicero
and the terror he imprinted in Men's minds were the cauſe he was not de-
clared Enemy. However, he could not prevail with them to leave him
the Government of Gaul, for the Kindred and Friends of the Conſpiratori
pie-

146
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prevented it. They feared left Anthony being at Peace, might reconcile
himſelf with Cæſar, to revenge the death of his Father; and therefore did
all they could to foment their Diviſion. It was therefore decreed to offer
him Macedon inſtead of Gaul; and as for the other Orders of the Senate,
the Fathers either over-reached or deſigning it, gave Commiſſion to Cicero
to put them in writing, and ſend them to him. He drew them up after his
own fancy in theſe Terms : That Anthony ſhould forthwith raiſe his Siege
before Modena, foregoing Gaul to Decimus, at a limited day repaſs the
Rubicon, which divides Gaul from Italy, and ſubmit himſelf to the Autho-
rity of the Senate. Cicero ſent theſe Commands in this ſpiteful manner to
Anthony, contrary to the Senate's intention : Yet did he it not out of any
particular hate, but ſeemed di&tated by Fortune, which had determined to
change the Face of the Republick, and to ruin Cicero. And this happened
at the ſame time that the Remains of Trebonius Body were brought to the
City; and that the Senate underſtanding how infamoufly he had been trea-
ted, forthwithdeclared Dolobella Enemy to his Country. The Commiſſi-
oners ſent to Anthony, aſhamed to have brought him ſo inſolent a Com-
mand, delivered it into his hands without ſaying a word. At fight of it
he fell into a rage, and uttered many violent expreſſions againſt the Senate,
but eſpecially aginſt Cicero : Thatit amazed him that Cæfar, who had done
ſuch mighty Services for the Roman Empire, ſhould be eſteemed a Tyrant
and a King; and that Men ſhould not have the fame opinion of Cicero, who
having been made Priſoner of War by Ceſar, and by him releaſed without
any dammage or affront, preferred now his Murderers before
his Friends.
He who hated Decimus whilft he was Cæſar's Friend ; now he is become his
Murderer, favours the fame Decimus who had received the Government of
Gaul from the fame Cæfar, and declares him Enemy who held it of the
People.
The Oration of Anthony.
T
He Senate having given me fome Legions(faid he)Cicero decrees Rewards
to the Revolters, and corrupts thoſe ſtand firm in their duty; whereby hê
wrongs not me ſo much as he does Military Diſcipline. He granted the Amneſty
to Murderer, to which I conlented for the ſake of two Men
I reſpected, and de-
clares Anthony and Dolobella. Enemies for holding what has been granted
them; for no other reaſon is there : And if I would grit Gaul, I ſhould no lon-
ger be either Enemy to my Country, or Affeltor of Tyranny. But I proteſt too-
verthrow that Indempnity, with which they will not reſt content.
S.
Anthony having vented many ſuch paſſionate things, wrote in Anſwer to
the Senate, that he ſubmitted to their Authority for the Affection he bore
his Country: But as for Cicero, who had himſelf compoſed the Order fent
him, he anſwered him in theſe Terms : The People having by their Decree
given me the Government of Gaul, have likewiſe given me leave if Decimus
would not yield it up,to force him to it, and in his Perſon to puniſh all the reſt of the
Murderers; and by his death purge the Senate of a Crime of which they are par
takers becauſe Cicero abets it. Upon report made to the Senate of what An-
thony had ſaid and writ, they at that very inſtant not only declared himn Ene-
iny,

Book III.
of Rome.
147
my, but his Army likewiſe, if they immediately left him not : And to Mar-
cus Brutus they gave Macedonia and Illyria; with the Forces yet remaining
in thoſe Provinces, till ſuch time as the Commonwealthwere ſetled. He
had already a particular Army, beſides fome Forces he had received from
Apuleius : He had likewife fome Shipping, as well Galleys as Veffels of
Burthen; about fixteen thouſand Talents of Silver, and a great quantity of
Arms foundat Demetriade, where Caſar had long before layed up his Stores:
of which the Senate had by Decree given him the Diſpoſition, with power
to employ what he judged neceſſary for the good of his Country. They
likewiſe conferred on Calſius the Government of Syria, with Commiſſion to
make War upon Dolobella, and Command to all the Provinces depending
on the Roman Empire, from the Ionian Sea to the Eaſt, to obey the Orders
of Brutus and Caffärs. Thus in a ſhort time without much labour their Par-
ty grew prodigiouſly powerful. This News coming to Caſar's ear ſtrange:
ly perplexed him : He thought the Amneſty granted by the Fathers had
fome colour of humanity and compaſſion to their Relations and Peers in
Dignity ; that thoſe leſſer Governments given them were only for their ſe-
curity : And he obſerved that only to maintain Decimus in Gaul, they accu-
ſed Anthony of aſpiring to the Tyranny, and by the ſame invention engaged
himſelf to take the contrary Party. But when he ſaw they had declared
Dolobella Enemy for deſtroying one of thoſe who had ſlain his Father ; that
they had given Brutus and Caſſius abſolute power in many great Pro-
vinces, and ſeveral Armies, with vaſt Summs of Money, and power to raiſe
more among all they commanded beyond the Ionian Sea, he no longer
doubted but it was their deſign to ruin Cæſar's Party, and re-eſtabliſh that
of Pompey. He likewiſe now plainly perceived, that by their Cunning
they had made the Young Man of him; that they had given him a Statue,
with the Right of Precedency, and Quality of a Pro-Pretor, but that in-
deed they had ſtripped him of his Army; for where the Conſuls command
together, the Pretor is nothing. In ſhort, that having only given Rewards
to the Legions that deſerted Anthony, it was a ſcorn of the reſt of his Army:
and in the concluſion the War muſt needs turn to his diſhonour, the Senate
only ſerving their own ends upon him till they were rid of Anthony. Upon
theſe thoughts which he diſcovered to none, he ſacrificed as it is uſual to
do upon the Entrance into any Charge ; and that done, ſpoke thus to his
Army. I believe (Fellow Soldiers) that it is from you I hold that Office which
I this day receive, and as the Effects of your former Offer; for the Senate had not
given it me but that you deſired it: Wherefore know, that to you I owe the whole
Obligation, and will teftifie it abundantly if the Gods favour my deſigns. Theſe
obliging words he ſpoke to gain the Hearts of the Soldiery. As for the
Conſuls, Panfa went to raiſe Forces in ſomie Corners of Italy, and Hirtius
came to Cafar to make Diviſion of their Forces. He had received private
Orders from the Senate to demand for his Portion thofe two Legions that
had deſerted Anthony, knowing them to be the moſt conſiderable part of
the Army; which Cæfar yielding to, after the Diviſion made they went to
take up their Winter Quarters together. Towards the end of Winter De-
cimus being forely oppreſſed with
Famine, Hirtius and Ceſar marched fud-
dainly to Modena, to raiſe the Siege ; but finding Anthony too well intren-
ched, they durſt not attempt forcing
the Lines till Panſa were come up to
them. There happened mean while ſome Horſe-Skirmiſhes, in which An-
thony, though much ſtronger in Cavalry, got not much advantage by rea-
ſon of the many Brooks that croſſed the Country. Affairs being in this
poſture at Modena, Cicero, becauſe of the Conſuls abſence, ſtrove to gain
Itt a
the

148
PART II.
The Civil Wars
Ancona.
the people of the City by frequent Aſſemblies, making proviſion of Arms,
which the Artificers furniſhed gratis, and raiſing Monies, in the levying
which, he made Anthony's Friends pay exceffive Contributions; yet they
payed them without grumbling, for fear of expoſing themſelves to Ca-
lumny, till ſuch time as Pub. Ventidius, who had been an Officer under
Cæfar, and was now Anthony's Friend, no longer able to endure the perſe-
cution, went to Cæſar's Colonies, where he was known, and raiſed two
Legions for Anthony, with which he marched towards the City, deſign-
ing to feiſe upon Cicero. He put all into ſuch a fright, that many fent a-
way their Wives and Children, as if they had been in utter deſpair, and
Cicero himſelf retired; which Ventidius having notice of, advanced towards
Modena to joyn with Anthony, but his way being cut off by Hirtius and
* Marches of Cæfar, he turned into the Country of* Picenum, wherehe raiſed another
Legion, waiting to ſee which way Affairs would go.
XV. Now Panfa drawing nigh to Modena, Hirtius and Cafar ſent Carfaleius
to meet him with Cefar's Regiment of Guards, and the Legions of Mars, to
fecure his paffage through the Straits. Anthony had forbore to ſeife on
them, left thereby he might put a ſtop to his great deſign, which was to
come to a Battel; wherefore not expecting any great effects from his Horſe
in a Marſhy Plain full of Ditches; as ſoon as he had notice of Carſuleiu's
March, he placed two of his beſt Legions in ambuſh in the Mariſhes, on
each ſide of a narrow Cauſway, over which the Enemies were to paſs,
Carſuleius having croſſed the Straits by night, and in the Morning early the
Legion of Mars with five Cohorts being entred upon the Cauſway, on
which there was not a Man ftirring, looking upon the Mariſhes on both ſides
of them, they perceived the Buſhes to wag, which gave them ſome fu-
ſpicion, and ſoon after the brightneſs of the Shields and Helmets dazling
their eyes, they forthwith beheld Anthony's Regiment of Guards coming to
charge them. The Legionary Soldiers perceiving themſelves ſurrounded,
ſo that they could not make their retreat, obliged the new Soldiers to ſtand
Spectators of the Fight, without engaging, left their want of experience
ſhould breed diſorder in the Buftle; and to Anthony's Guards they oppoſed
Cæfar’s, for themſelves they divided into two Bodies, one commanded by
Panſa, the other by Carſuleius, and thus parted, went each into his ſide of
the Mariſh: fo that in the two Mariſhes were fought two Battels, ſo near,
that nothing but the Caufway hindred the one from ſeeing what the other
did, befides the third which was fought by the Guards on the Caufway it
ſelf. Anthony's Soldiers burnt with a deſire of revenging themſelves on the
Legions as Traytors and Runaways; and the Martials were no leſs eager to
have ſatisfaction for the injury they had done them in ſuffering their Com-
panions to be put to death at Brundufium, and knowing well that in them
conſiſted the principal force of both Armies, they hoped by this one Fight
to put an end to the War. The one Party were incited by the ſhame it
would prove to them, being two Legions, to be worſted by one ; and the
other ſpurred on by the hopes of the Glory they ſhould obtain, if, being
but one Legion, they defeated two. Thus preſſed forward by mutual hate,
and conſidering more their own Honour than their Generals Intereſt, they
fought for themſelves: and being all old Soldiers they began not the Fight
with a ſhout to frighten their Enemy, nor in the heat of the Fight did any
let drop a word, whether he fell or overcame, and not having by reaſon of
the Ditches in the Mariſh any room either to wheel or gain ground, they
kept firm footing without making any retreat, ſo that griping one the o-
ther

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149
ther like Wreſtlers, they ſtruck not a blow but did it's execution, the
ground was covered with wounded and dying perfons, not crying out, or
groaning for grief of their wounds, but fighing that they could do no more
as ſoon as one fell, another ſupplyed his place: there was no need of advi-
ſing or encouraging them, for by reaſon of their long experience every
man was his own Captain ; and when they found themſelves quite tired like
Wreſtlers in the Gymnick Games they ſtood ſtaring on each other to gain a
little Breath, and then fell on afreſh, to the great aſtoniſhment of the young
Soldiers, to ſee them do ſuch brave things, and with ſo much ſtedfaſtneſs
keep their Ranks, in ſo profound a filence. At length having done on all
parts Aēts more than humane, Ceſar's Guards were all cut in pieces, as for
the Legion of Mars, that part commanded by Carſuleius, gave ſome ground
to the Legion that oppoſed them, vet not with diſhonour, but by little and
little, making a fair retreat. Thoſe who fought under Panfa were in like
manner oppreſſed by their opponents, yet ſo as they couragiouſly defend-
ed themſelves, till ſuch time as the Conful receiving a wound with a Pile in
the Thigh, was carried off the Field to Bolonia. Then they began to re-
tire by little and little, and after that ſomewhat faſter, almoſt flying out-
right; which as ſoon as the young Soldiers obſerved, they took their
flight in diſorder towards an Entrenchment which the Quæſtor Torquatus
had cauſed to be raiſed to ſerve in caſe of neceſſity. Here whilſt the reſt
were yet fighting, theſe young Soldiers ſhut up themſelves in a ſtrange
fright and confuſion, though they were Italians as well as the Martialiſts,
ſo much does Exerciſe and Diſcipline more than Birth contribute to the ma-
king Men valiant. The Martialiſts would not enter the Intrenchment for
fear of blaſting their Glory, but went and planted themſelves at ſome di-
ftance thence, where, wearied as they were, they ſtood expecting a freſh
Charge, refolved to defend themſelves to the laſt gaſp; whereupon An-
thony judging it would be too hard a task to vanquiſh them, turned upon
the new raiſed Forces, of whom he made a horrible Slaughter. Hirtius,
who was in the Confines of Modena, about fixty Furlongs from the place
where this Battel was fought, hearing the news, made all the ſpeed he
could thither with the other revolted Legion, and as towards Evening
Anthony's Men were returning ſinging for the Victory, he ſurpriſed them
in diſorder, with his Legion freſh, and in a poſture of fighting; they drew
into the beſt order of Battel they could, and again acted wonders, but at
length quite tired they gave ground, yet the greateſt part of them were left
upon the place. Hirtius would not purſue the others, for fear of engaging
himſelf in the Mariſhes, beſides, night came on, ſo he cauſed the Retreat
to be founded. The whole Mariſh was covered with Arms, dead, dying
and wounded Men, and ſome that were fallen among the reſt only out of
pure wearineſs, wherefore Anthony's Cavalry ſpent the night in gathering
up the Wracks of their Party, cauſing fome to mount on their led Horſes,
others to get up behind them, and perſwading others to take hold of their
Horſe tail to help them in marching, that they might the footer get off
And Anthony being after ſo brave a Fight defeated by Hirtius, went and
lodged at a Village near the Field of Battel, called the Market of the Gauls,
where there was no Intrenchment: on either ſide near half the Army was
loft, with all Cæſar's Regiment of Guards. Hirtius loſt few, and on the
morrow they all retired into their Camps before Modena. Anthony after
this lofs reſolved not to fight, though the Enemy ſhould provoke him, but
to weary them with frequent Skirmiſhes, till ſuch time as Decimus oppref-
fed with Famine ſhould be conſtrained to yield. Hirtius and Ceſar on the
contrary

150
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PART II
contrary were the more eager to engage, and becauſe they could not draw
Anthony to a Battel, they raiſed their Camp to go on the other ſide of Mo-
dena, where the Trenches were weaker by reaſon of the ſituation of the
place, reſolving to force the Lines, and ſo gain an ent.fance into the City.
Anthony fent forth his Horſe only, againſt which likewiſe they ſent only
theirs, and held on the March with the reſt of the Army: inſomuch that
Anthony fearing to loſe Modena, drew out againſt them two Legions whom
they made a halt for, and ſo had a Battel as they deſired. Thereupon An-
thony ſent for his other Forces, but by reaſon they expected not this Al-
larm, and were quartered at ſome diſtance from the place of Battel, they
could not come lo ſuddenly but that the Enemy had firſt gained a Victory.
Hirtius in perfon entred Anthony's Camp, and bravely fighting before the
Generals Tent, was ſláin, Cæfar coming in brought off his Body, and made
himſelf Maſter of the Camp; but being ſoon beat out again by Anthony,
they each ſtood all night in Arms. Anthony having now again received this
Defeat, held at the ſame time a Council of his Friends, who were of o-
pinion that he ſhould continue the Siege, without fighting, the loſs being
almoft equal, Hirtins being flain, and Panſa being wounded, himſelf the
ſtronger in Horſe, and Modena in ſuch want of all things, that it could
not long ſubſiſt without ſurrendring; and ſurely this counſel he ought to
have followed, but Fate hindred it. He was fearful left Cæfar ſhould throw
himſelf into the City, as he had atteinpted to do the day before; or elſe ha-
ving conveniency for all Engines thereabout,ſhould beſiege himſelf, and ſo
make his Horſe uſeleſs. I hen, ſaid he, Lepidus and Plancus will deſpiſe
me, as a man loft beyond repair ; but if I raiſe my Siege, Ventidius will forth-
with bring us three Legions from the Country of Picenum, and Lepidus and
Plancus will come joyn with us numerous Forces. And in ſhort, after having
thus ſpoken, this Man, hitherto fearleſs in all dangers, preſently departs
from before Modena, and takes his March towards the Alpes.
XVI.
The Siege being raiſed, Decimus began to fear Cæfar, for the Army be
ing no longer commanded by the Conſuls, he thought him his Enemy,
wherefore before it was day he cauſed to break down the Bridge, and di-
ſpatched fome to Ceſar, to acknowledge the obligation he had to him for
his deliverance, and to intreat him to come on the other ſide the River,
where in the preſence of all the Inhabitants, he would convince him that
he was engaged in the Conſpiracy more by misfortune than by fault. Cæ-
far having hearkened to thoſe who brought this meſſage, anſwered in an-
ger: That he deſired him not to own any obligation to him; for he came not to
ſerve him, but to make War upon Anthony the Enemy of his Country: that na-
ture forbad his ſeeing or ſpeaking to him; however, he was ſafe ſo long as he
pleaſed them who commanded at Rome. This anſwer being brought to Deci-
mus, he went to the River ſide; and after having called Cafar by his name,
he read with a loud voice the Decree of the Senate which gave him the
Government of Gaul, forbidding him to paſs the River, or enter into his
Province without the Conſuls, nor ſo much as to purſue Anthony any far-
ther; for that himſelf was ſtrong enough to defeat him. Though Cefar
ſaw well that Decimus durſt not have talked ſo boldly to him, had he not
been inſpired by the Senate, ſince that he could with one fole command
of his reduce him under his power, which yet he would not do, but going
to Bolonia where Panſa was, he wrote to the Senate how all things paſſed,
as Panſa alſo particularly did. Cicero read Panſa's Letters in a full Aſſembly
of the People, and thoſe from Cæfar in the Senate only, where he cauſed
IC

Book JI.
of Rome.
151
to be ordained fifty days Feaſt for Anthony's Defeat, though ſo many were
never ordained in any War, no not for any Victory gained from the
Gauls. He farther adviſed, that ſince Panja was thought irrecoverable,
though he were yet living, they ſhould give Decimus command of the
Conſul's Army, with Commiſſion himſelf alone to proſecute the War a-
gainſt Anthony; and that publick Prayers ſhould be made for the proſpe
rity of his Arms, ſo much was Cicero tranſported againſt Anthony ; beſides
which they confirmed the gift of five thouſand Drams a Head, promiſed to
the Legions that had quitted Anthony, payable out of the Moneys of the TX
Treaſury, after the Victory, (as if it had been already gained) and per-
mitted them hereafter upon Holy-days to wear Crowns of Olive-branches.
In this Decree not ſo much as mention was made of Cæſar's name, ſo much
they already contemned him, out of a belief they had Anthony could never
make Head again, having to this purpoſe writ to Lepidus, Plancus and A-
nius, who were at no great diſtance to complete his ruine. Whilſt thoſe
things paſſed at Rome, Panſa ready to die of his wound at Bolonia, calling
for Cæfar, ſpoke to him in this manner :
The Speech of Panſa, being ready to die,
to Cæfar.
En
I
Loved your Father as my ſelf, but after his death could not poſſibly re-
venge him, nor oppoſe myſelf to the judgment of the moſt, to whoſe authori-
ty you have likewiſe prudently ſubmitted your ſelf, though you had an Army
As at firſt they feared nothing more than you and Anthony, who had ſo great
an affection to your Father, ſo they were well ſatisfied with your Diviſion,
hoping you would deſtroy one the other; and when they ſaw you Maſter of an
Army, they flattered you as a young Man, with ſpecious Honours, which had
nothing in them but fbew,but
after they had examples of your Gallantry and Mode-
ration, by the refuſal of thoſe Honours offered you by your Army, they were ſtart-
led, and
gave you a power equal to us, that they might by this means draw ont
of your diſpoſal two excellent Legions, out of hopes that one of you being de-
feated, the other which remained would not be conſiderable : and thus Cæfar's
Party being ruined, Pompey's might be re-eft abliſhed. This was the fubftance
of their thoughts. As for Hirtius and my ſelf we had followed their order till
we could have abated the pride of Anthony ; but after having overcome him,
deſigned to reconcile him with you, that we might pay to Cæſar's memory this
teftimony of our Friendſhip and Acknowledgments, by acting what might be
moſt advantageous to his Party. It was not convenient till now to impart this
deſign to you ; but now ſince Anthony is defeated, Hirtius dead, and I a dying,
I thought it time to diſcover it to you. I demand not that after my death
you
Should think your ſelf obliged to me ; but ſince your Actions make it known that
you are born under fortunate Stars, Itell it you, that you may bethink your ſelf
what you have to do, and that you may know what Hirtius and I deſigned to do
for you, and what we have been conſtrained to do againſt you. It is therefore
juſt to reſtore to you that Army you gave up to us; and I now reſtore it to you.
As for the new raiſed Forces, if you can gain them to ſerve you, I will give
them to you: but if either the Soldiers are too fearful of the Senate, becauſe
their Officers have in charge to obſerve us ; or that you think you either may be
blamed, or ſtand in no need of them, Torquatus our Treafurer ſhall take them
in charge.
After

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Áfter having ſaid theſe words, and delivered over the new Forces to
the Treaſurer or Quæſtor, he died. The Quæſtor by the Senates order
delivered them over to Decimus, Ceſar folemnized magnificent Funerals
for Hirtius and Panſa, and ſent their Bodies with pomp to Rome to be
buried.
XVII.
At the ſame time that this was done in Italy, things paſſed thus in Syria
and Macedon, C.Cæfar paſſing through Syria, and having already in his
thoughts the War againſt Parthia, had left in this Province a Legion which
he had given in charge to Cecilius Baſſus, as Lieutenant to Sextus Fulius his
Kinſman, yet very young, and who going to take his pleaſure in the Coun-
try, made his Soldiers accompany him againſt all decency and order,
Baſſus having one day reproved him, he reviled him; and at another time
having fent for Baffus, becauſe he came not fo foon as he expected, he gave
order to bring him by force. This Command having raiſed a Tumult,
Blows enſued, and the Soldiers no longer able to endure Fulius his Infolence,
flew him with their Javelins. They at that very moment repented the act,
being afraid of Cæfar; wherefore they immediately ſwore one to another,
that if pardon and ſecurity for their perfons were denyed them, they would
defend each other to the death; they likewiſe forced Baſſus to be of the
Conſpiracy; and having raiſed another Legion, exerciſed them according
to the Roman Diſcipline. Thus write ſome concerning Baſus. But Libo
faith, that having born Arms under Pompey, after his death he retired in-
to Tyre, where he remained ſome time as a private Man, and where at laſt
by his Money gaining ſome Legionary Soldiers, he prevailed with them after
they had ſlain Sextus to chuſe him for their Captain. However it were,
Sextus Murcus haing been ſent by Cefar againſt them, was repulſed, till ſuch
time as he called to his aſſiſtance Minutius Criſpus with three Legions
brought by him out of Bithynia, where he commanded. Theſe had now
blocked up thoſe two Legions, when Caffius coming unexpectedly received
them forthwith into his Service; and at the ſame time thoſe ſix Legions
that beſieged them, voluntarily ſubmitting to him, acknowledged him for
Proconſul; for, as we have ſaid before, the Senate had ordained by Decree
that all the Soldiers of thoſe Provinces ſhould obey Caffius and Brutus,
ſome time before Dolobella had ſent Allienus into Ægypt, from whence he
was leading back four Legions, the Remains of the Defeats of Pompey and
Craſſus, or of thoſe which remained in the Service of Cleopatra when Ce-
far left Ægypt. Caffius ſurpriſing him in Paleſtine, forced him to take his
Party; for be durft not reſiſt eight Legions with four; ſo that Caffius
beheld himſelf, beyond all imagination, Maſter of twelve Legions, be-
fieged and forced Dolobella, who returning out of Aſia with two Legions,
was received as a Friend into the City of Laodicea; news,which the Senate
received with joy. As for what concerned Macedon, Caius, Brother to
Anthony, diſputed that Government againſt Brutus with one only Legion ;
and becauſe he was not equal in numbers to Brutus, he laid an ambuſh for
him, which Brutus efcapiirg, laid another in his turn, wherein Caius fall-
ing with all his People, he did them no diſpleaſure; but on the contrary,
commanded his Soldiers to falute them, and though they would neither
return nor accept the Salute, yet he let them go without any farther inju-
ry. After which, taking a turn with his Army by other ways, he ſurpri-
fed them again among the Straits, where inſtead of falling on, he a ſecond
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153
time faluted them : whereupon admiring this Man's goodneſs and clemency
to his Fellow Citizens, they returned the Salute, and joyned with him,
Caius likewiſe embraced his Party, and Brutus treated him with much Ho-
nour, till after being convicted of having ſeveral times folicited the Army
to revolt, he put him to death. Thus Brutus had raiſed his Forces to fix
Legions, beſides two that by praiſing the Macedonians he raiſed in Macedon,
whom he learn'd to exerciſe according to the Diſcipline of the Ro-
mans.
XVIII
Thus went Affairs in Syria and Macedon. Mean while in Italy, Cæfar be-
ing offended, that in prejudice of him the Command of the Army againſt
Anthony was given to Decimus, diſſembling his diſcontent, demanded the
Honour of Triumph, and being diſdainfully refuſed by the Senate, as a
thing diſconſonant with his age, and fearing, that after Antbony were ab-
ſolutely defeated, they would treat him more ſcornfully, he deſigned a
reconciliation with him, according to the advice given him by the dying
Panſa. To bring this about he treated favourably all the Priſoners he had
in his Army, as well Officers as Soldiers, received into his ſervice ſuch as
were willing to be entertained, and ſent away the reſt, that he might not
appear to have an irreconcileable hatred. After which encamping near
Ventidius, Anthony's Friend, who had only three Legions, he was content
to fright him; but making no hoſtile attempt, gave him either free leave
to joyn with him, or go in ſafety to find out his General, on condition that
he would tell him from him, that he knew not what was good both for the
one and t’other, which Ventidius accepting, marched forward to find out
Anthony. Another of his Captains called Decius, who had been taken
Priſoner before Modena, remaining ſtill with Cæfar, who held him in good
eſteem, he was permitted to return to Anthony if he deſired it, and the
Captain asking him what thoughts he had of Anthony; he made anſwer,
he had already given ſufficient teſtimonies of them to perſons capable to
judge of Affairs, and for others 'twas in vain to give any more. After ha-
ving done theſe things which might eaſily make appear his inclinations to
Anthony, he writ to Zepidus and Aſinius, directly complaining againſt the
affronts he had received from the Senate, by what they had done in ſtrength-
ning againſt him the Murderers of his Father, that they for their parts
might have reaſon to fear, left in favour of Pompey's Faction they ſhould
one after another perfecute them, as now they did Anthony, who through
imprudence and want of foreſight was fallen into misfortune : wherefore
he counſelled them to ſeem in appearance to ſubmit to the Senate, but really
to unite themſelves one to the other for their common ſecurity, whilſt yet
it was in their power, and to reprove Anthony for the fault by him com-
mitted in not doing it. In ſhort, that they ought to imitate the Legionary
Soldiers, who disband not as ſoon as the War is done, for fear of expoſing
themſelves to the Ambuſhes of their Enemies, and had rather be all toge-
ther led to fome Colony, than return every Man to his own Country. Mean
while, Sickneſs feiſed on the Army which had been ſhut up with Decimus
in Modena, the moſt part of the Soldiers glutting themſelves too much af-
ter ſo long a Famine, ſurfeited, and the new raiſed Men for want of Exer-
ciſe were not fit for ſervice : yet Plancus being joyned to them with what
force he had, Decimus wrote to the Senate, that Anthony not well digeſting
what he had already taſted of the War, hid himſelf, but that at length he
would fall into his hands. 'Tis incredible how Pompey's Party were re-
1
V v v
joyeed

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PART JI
joyced at this news: they made loud outcryes that now their Country had
indeed recovered their Liberty, and every one offered Sacrifices, and ten
Commiſſioners were nominated to take account of Anthony's Adminiſtra-
tion, which was only a pretence to cancel all that Cæfar had ordained; for
Anthony had done nothing, or very little of himſelf, acting always accord-
ing to Cafar's Memoirs. The Fathers knew it well enough, but having al-
ready in fome occaſion given judgment without any relpect to Cafar's do-
ings, they thought at this time abſolutely to annul all that ever he had
done or decreed, to which end the ten Commiſſioners preſently publiſhed
an Ordinance, by which all perfons that had received any thing
from An-
thony, were injoyned to bring it in, in writing, under pain of exemplary
puniſhment. At length ſome of Pompey's Party demanded the Conſulate
for the reſt of the year, in the places of Hirtius and Panſa. And Cæfar
had a great deſire to it, he ſolicited not the Senate about it, but wrote to
Cicero, praying him to endeavour that they might be Colleagues in the
Dignity, and that he would leave to him the Adminiſtration of all Affairs,
as being moſt capable, by reaſon of his long experience, and would con-
tent himſelf with the Quality, that he might with more Honour lay down
Arms, having before to that end demanded T'riumph. Cicero who loved
Command, was tickled with this propoſition. He therefore told the Fa-
thers, that having underſtood they conſulted an Accommodation between
the Governours of the Province, his advice was, that they ſhould by ſome
good Office appeaſe a Man they had offended, and who was at the Head of
a powerful Army, that for his part he thought it better, that before the age
allowed by the Laws, they ſhould nominate him
to a charge to be exerciſed
in the City, than behold him in the Field at the Head of an Army, capable
to revenge himſelf: nevertheleſs, that he might act nothing contrary to
the authority of the Senate, he exhorted them to give him for Colleague
ſome aged and prudent perſon to ſerve as a Guide to his youth. The whole
Senate laughed at Cicero's ambition, but above all, the Kindred of the Con-
ſpirators oppoſed him, out of the fear they had, left if Cæfar obtained the
Conſulate, he ſhould ſtudy revenge; inſomuch that the Aſſembly was no
more fummoned, becauſe a lawful one could not be called for fundry
reaſons.
XIX.
*
Mean while Anthony having croſſed the Alpes by conſent of Culeo, who
guarded the paſſage by order of Lepidus, came and lodged his Army on a
River ſide by him, without fortifying his Camp; but as one Friend fits
down by another there ſeveral times their People went and came from
one to the other, Anthony put Lepidus in mind of their Friendſhip, of what
he had done for him, and adviſed to beware left all thoſe who had been of
Cafar's Party were not oppreſſed one after another,and Lepidus excuſed him-
ſelf upon the Orders of the Senate, which commanded him to make War,
though it would trouble him to come to extremities with him. But Lepidus his
Soldiers, whether they had a reſpect for Anthony,or elſe perceived ſome Ne-
gotiations, or otherwiſe took delight to ſee that unfortified Camp, mixed
with thoſe of Anthony, at firſt privately, and at laſt publickly, as going to
ſee their Countrymen, and ſometime Comrades: in vain did their Officers
forbid it. And to the end they might more eaſily converſe together, they
made a Bridge of Boats over the River; and the tenth Legion which had
formerly been commanded by Anthony, carried him from Lepidus his
Camp all things neceſſary. Laterenfis one of the moſt confiderable Senators
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155
perceiving it, gave notice to Lepidus, and when he would believe nothing
of it, deſired him to divide his Army, and ſend one part to any place where
he might feign employment for them, and others elſewhere, thereby to try
the faith or perfidiouſneſs of his Soldiers. Thereupon he drew his Forces
into three Bodies, and commanded them to depart by night to go and con-
voy the Quæſtors, who were not far off. But they about the third Watch
arming themſelves as for a March, ſeiſed on the Trenches, and went and
opened the Gates to Anthony. He run directly to the Generals Tent, led
by Lepidus's Soldiers, crying out, that he ſhould make peace, and pardon
his miſerable Fellow Citizens. Upon the noiſe hereof he leaps out of Bed,
and quite unready runs to meet them, promiſing to do what they wɔuld
have him, and embracing Anthony, craved pardon for what he had been
forced to do. Nay, ſome ſay he fell on his Knees to Anthony: but that he
was ſo baſe and cowardly, all Authors do not affirm : and in my opinion it
ſeems ſcarce credible, for he had as yet committed no act of Hoſtility a-
gainſt Anthony, which might occafion him to be ſo fearful. Thus Anthony
became more powerful and more formidable to his Enemies than ever he
had been before; for beſides the Forces brought from Modena, among
which he had exeellent Horſe, Ventidius had by the way joyned with him
with other three Legions, and now Lepidus with ſeven more, furniſhed
with light armed Foot, Horſe, and a conſiderable train, all which went in
Lepidus's name; but indeed Anthony was Maſter of them. This news
having reached the City, wrought in a moment a wonderful change. Thoſe
who deſpiſed him before now feared him, and they who feared before, be-
gan now to take heart, with ſcorn they tore down the Ordinances of the
Commiſſaries, fixed in the publick places, and prorogued to a farther
time the Aſſembly for election of Conſuls. The Senate moſt heavily per-
plexed with fear, left Cæfar ſhould make an Accommodation with Anthony,
deputed two of their Body, Lucius and Panſa to Brutus and Caſſius, to aſſiſt
them in what they could, under pretence of overlooking the Eſtate of
Greece: of the three Legions Sextus had in Africa they ſent for two over,
and gave the other to Cornificius, who commanded in a part of that Pro-
vince, and was firm to the Senates intereſts, though the Senate were jea-
lous of theſe Forces, which they knew well had ſerved under Caſar : but
neceſſity forced the Fathers to this, as well as moſt ſhamefully to give Ce-
Sar joynt Command with Decimus of the War againſt Anthony, becauſe
they were afraid he ſhould joyn with Anthony.
XX
But Cæſar did all he could to incenſe his Soldiers againſt the Senate, as
well for the injuries himſelf had received, as becauſe they were ſent upon
a ſecond Expedition, without being payed the five thouſand Drams a Head,
due for the firſt; inſomuch that upon his advice to ſend Deputies to Rome
to demand that Money, they gave Commiſſion to their Centurions. The
Senate knew well he had ſet them on, and therefore ſaid they would give
an anſwer by other Commiſſioners of their own. And indeed they ſent
them with orders to addreſs themſelves to Anthony's two Legions; without
ſpeaking to Cæfar, and to adviſe them not to place their hopes upon One
inan alone, but rather rely on the power of the Senate, which was immor-
tal, and to march over to Decimus, where they ſhould find the reſt of
their Money; for to the end they might the more eaſily ſpeak to them, they
had brought half the Money, and deputed ten Commiſſioners to diſtribute
it, without ſo much as naming Cæfar for the Eleventh: but the Legions re-
fuſing
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fuſing to hear the Deputies, unleſs Cæfar were preſent, they went away
without doing any thing. Hereupon Cafar thinking it no longer fit to delay,
or to declare his mind by others, aſſembled the Army to ſpeak to them
himſelf, where after having related all the injuſtices of the Senate, he told
them that all was done tended only to the ruine of Cæfar’s Party one after
another, that they ſhould beware of fighting for their Enemies, or fuffer-
ing themſelves to be engaged in endleſs Wars, wherein they employed
them only, that they might periſh in Fight, or be ruined by Seditions,
which was the reaſon why after they had all ferved together at Modena,
they offered reward only to two Legions, that they might raiſe a jealoufre
and diviſion amongſt them.
The Oration of Cafar to his Army.
YO
Ou know, ( ſaid he ) why they have of late made War upon Anthoriy,
in what manner thoſe of Pompey's Faction have in the City treated ſuch
as have received kindneſſes from my Father; and pray judge after that whe-
ther they will let you enjoy the Lands and Money he gave you, or can there be
any ſecurity for my perſon, so long as the Kindred of the Murderers are lo
powerful in the Senate. As for my part I will endure with patience whatever
can happen to me; for 'tis & Glory for me to ſuffer for my Father; but I am
troubled for your concerns, you that for my intereſt and my Father's Honour
dayly expoſe your felves to ſo many dangers: you had an evidence I had then
no ambition, when I refuſed the Office of Pretor offered by you ; but now there
is but one only way to preſerve us all. It is by your means I may obtain the
Conſulate, then will be confirmed to you the benefits received from my Father,
then will be given you Colonies and other rewards due to you; and I will pro-
ceed in judgment againſt the Murderers, and diſpenſe with you from going to
any other Wars.
Theſe Words were attended with a general Acclamation of the whole
Army, who preſently deputed their Centurions to Rome, to demand the
Conſulate for Cæfar. The Senate objecting that he was not of age, re-
quired by Law, they anſwered (as they were prepared) that Corvinus
was formerly created Conſul as young as he, and Scipio after him, who as
young as they were had both done ſignal ſervice for their Country. They
alledged likewiſe the freſher examples of Pompey and Dolobella; beſides
that a Decree had already paffed permitting the ſame Ceſar to demand the
Conſulate ten years before the appointed age. Whilft the Centurions re-
ſolutely offered theſe reaſons, ſome of the Senators offended at the freedomi
of their ſpeech, interrupted them, by ſaying they talked too high for Peo-
ple of their Quality, which being reported to the Army, ſo highly incenſed
the Soldiers, that they deſired to be led directly to the City, where them--
ſelves holding the Affembly they would make Ceſar's Son Conful, to whom
at the fame inftant they gave a thouſand praiſes. Cæfar feeing them thus
diſpoſed, preſently drawing together his Army, raiſes the Camp withi
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157
eiglit Legions, good Horſe, and all other things neceſſary, paſſes the Rubia
con that divides Gaul from Italy, from whence foi merly his Father had be:
gun the Civil War. There he divides his Army into two Bodies, leaving
one in the Rear to follow him at leiſure, and at the Head of the other who
were all chofen Men, marching by great journies directly towards Rome,
that he might ſurpriſe his Enemies before they could be prepared. Having
advice by the way, that upon the fame Road Commiſſioners ſent by the se-
nate with the Soldiers Money were coming to meet him, he was jealous
left any of his Men might be tempted by this reward, wherefore he private-
ly ſent Scouts towards them, who fo terrified them, that away they fled
with their Money. The news of his approach filled all the City with Tu-
mult and Terrour; ſome run through the Streets in diſorder, others car:
ried away their Wives,Children, and choiceſt Goods into the Country, or
to the ſtrongeſt places of the City. For it not being certainly known if he
only demanded the Conſulate, upon the rumour that he came in a hoſtile
manner at the Head of an angry Army, every thing appeared dreadful to
them. Especially in the Senate the confternation was great, becauſe they
had not at preſent any Army to defend them. Some (as it happens ever
in like Allarms) accuſed others, either that they had injuriouſly taken
from him the Legions they had given him to make War upon Anthony, or
that they had denyed himn the Triumph due to him, or that out of envy to
him, when they ſent the ten Commiſfioners to pay the Army, they had
not ſo much as named him for the eleventh, or that they had not payed the
Money promiſed the Soldiers, either not in time, or at leaſt not in full
, and
thereby had given them caufe to revolt. But that which they moft of all
blamed, was the difobliging Cafar in an ill Conjuncture, Brutus and Caffius
being at a great diſtance, and as yet but meanly prepared, and Anthony
and Zepidus both at hand, and ready to fall upon the City, who, if they
entertained but the thoughts of making an Accommodation with Cefar,
might complete its ruine. Cicero himſelf
, who appeared moſt officious in
all other matters, now ſhewed not his Head : inſomuch that ini a moment
the face of all things was fo utterly changed, that inſtead of two thouſand
five hundred Drams offered to every Soldier, it was ordered by Decree of
the Senate, that five thouſand ſhould be payed them, not for two Legions
only, but for eight, of which Cafar himſelf ſhould have the diſtribution,
and the ten Commiſſioners. As for Cæfar, though he were abfent, they
gave him the Confulate, and diſpatchedaway Commiſfioners poft to carry
him the news of it.
XXI.
But ſcarcely were they got out of the City when the Senate repented,
moſt of them began to cry out, that it was a ſhame they ſhould ſo coward-
ly ſuffer themſelves to be trod under foot, and ſuffer the ſetting up of a
new Tyranny without ſhedding of Blood, or ſhould accuſtom pretenders
to the Conſulate to demand it with Arims in their hands, and Soldiers to
command their Country. That therefore they ought preſently to arm,
and oppoſe the authority of the Laws to thoſe who offered them violence;
and if they repented them not (as it was not credible they would) endure
a Siege, expe&ting the coming of Plancus and Decimus to relieve the City,
and in the mean time figlit to the laſt gafp, rather than ſubmit to ſervitude
without defending themſelves. They alledged hereupon example of things
which their Predeceſſors had undertaken, executed, and ſuffered, to main-
tain their Liberty: and when they ſaw the two Legions they had ſent for
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PART II.
out of Africa arrive at the Port that very day, they thought the Gods con-
cern'd themſelves in their defence;inſomuch that they confirmed themſelves
in their repentance, and Cicero beginning to appear, the Decree was abſo-
lutely changed. They made a Roll of all the youth capable to bear Arms,
to joyn with the two Legions newly come from Africa, a thouſand Horſe,
and another Legion which Panſa had left them, they gave Quarters to all
thefe Troops, one part guarded the Faniculum with the Riches there ftored
up, another the Bridge over Tiber, under the Command of the Pretors of
the City, and others kept within the Port Boats and Veſſels laden with
Money, ready, if neceſſity required, to flie towards the River, and gain
the Sea, making theſe preparations with a countenance of defending them-
ſelves, they hoped Ceſar might take his turn to be in fear, or that they
Should perſwade him to come, and demand the Conſulate without bringing
his Army, or that at laſt they ſhould repulſe him by force, and that the
queſtion being the preſervation of common liberty, all contrary Parties
might unite. But when after having made a long ſearch both publickly and
privately for Caſar's Mother and Sifter, and not finding them, their fears
returned, beholding themſelves robbed of ſuch mighty Hoftages, it being
unlikely that thoſe of Cæfar’s Party would joyn with them in the common
defence, who had ſo well concealed his beſt friends. Whilft Cæfar was
yet in conference with the Deputies, came other to tell him, that the Se-
nate had changed their reſolution ; ſo that the firſt returned loaden with
fhame and confuſion, and he with an Army incenſed at theſe proceedings,
marched towards the City, troubled for his Mother and his Siſter, and
fearfulleſt any miſchief ſhould befal them. He ſent before fome Horſemen
to aſſure the People, who trembled for fear; and to the great aſtoniſhment
of all the world came and encamped over againſt Mount Quirinal, whilft
none durft either oppofe or hinder him. At his arrival likewiſe a ſudden
change aroſe in the minds of Men, the Nobility went in throngs to do him
reverence, and the People ran by whole companies to welcome the Sol-
diers, who for their parts committed no more diſorders, than in time of
the profoundeſt peace. On the morrow leaving his Army in that place,
he fet forward towards Rome with an indifferent Train, which increaſed in-
finitely as he went, by the concourſe of multitudes of perſons, who came
from all parts to complement him, and to pay him all the teſtimonies of
refpect and ſubmiſſion poſſible. His Mother and Siſter who had taken
Sanctuary among the Veſtals , received him with extreme joy in the
Temple of that Goddeſs; and the three Legions that were in the City,
without taking notice of their Officers, fent their Deputies, and ſubmitted
themſelves to him, and after them the Officers themſelves made their
compoſition, and ſwore fidelity to them, ſave only Cornutus, who flew
himſelf. Cicero underſtanding how things went by the intermiſſion of Ce-
far's Friends, had leave to ſee him, who made an Oration to him, prai-
fing him that he demanded the Conſulate, concerning which he had be:
fore made a propoſition to the Fathers, to all which he in Raillery an-
ſwered, That he was the laſt of his Friends that came to ſee him. The night
following a rumour was raiſed, that the Legion of Mars, together with
the fourth were coming towards the City to feife it by ſupriſe, which the
Pretors and Senate too eafily believed: and though Cefar's Army was all
at hand, they imagined that they alone with the principal Citizens couli
for ſome time make reſiſtance till other Forces from elſewhere might come
to their relief: fo that very night they ſent away Acilius Craffus to go and
raiſe Men in the Country of Picenum, and gave order to Apuleius one of
the

Воок П.
of Rome.
159
the Tribunes to go through the City, and declare this news to the People ;
and at the fame inſtant aſſembled themſelves in the Palace, where Cicero
received them at the Gate ; but when the report proved falſe, fled away
in his Litter out of the City: Cefar laughed at their weakneſs, and cauſed
his Army to advance into the Campus Martins, yet offered no affront to
the Pretors, not ſo much as to Craſus, who was going to raiſe Men againſt
him, though brought to him diſguiſed in the Habit of a Slave, but freely
pardoned all, that he might beget in the Citizens an opinion of his Cle-
mency. In the mean time he cauſed to be brought to him all the publick
Treaſure that was in the Faniculum, or elſewhere, of which according to
Decree of the Senate paſſed before by the advice of Cicero, he diſtributed
to each Soldier two thouſand five hundred Drams, promiſing to be ac-
countable for the reſt, and that done he went out of the City, expecting till
the day for election of Confuls.
In concluſion, he was nominated to that Dignity, and with him (ac-
cording to his deſire) Quintus Pedius, who had given him his part of the
Inheritance left by Cefar. He entred Rome as Conſul, and offered the Sa-
crifices accuſtomary upon ſuch occaſions, during which there appeared o-
ver the City twelve Vultures, in like manner, as it is ſaid, there appeared
to Romulus when he founded it. After having performed theſe Sacrifices,
he declared himſelf Son of Cæfar in the Aſſembly of the Tribes, that he
might confirm his Adoption by the People ; for the People are divided into
Tribes in Rome, in the ſame manner as the Phratrians among the Greeks.
Now this formality obſerved in the Adoptions of thoſe who have no Fa-
ther, gives them the fame advantages and the ſame right that natural
Children have in reſpect to the Kindred and * Freed Men of their Fa- * The Patron
thers;
wherefore becauſe Cæfar beſides the great Wealth he left, had ma- and son of the
ny Freed Men very rich, I am of the mind, that the Son not content with water to the
his firſt Adoption , thought the ſecond neceſſary. He revoked likewiſe Freed Mart
.
the Decree by which Dolobella was declared Enemy, and permitted all
perſons whatſoever to become parties againſt thoſe who were guilty of
his Father's Murder. There preſently appeared great numbers of Ce-
far's Friends, who formed their accuſations not only againſt thoſe who had
an immediate hand in the Action, but likewiſe againſt many who were
privy to the plot, but were not in Rome when it was executed, nor
were otherwiſe guilty, than in not diſcovering it. Having all been pub-
lickly ſummoned to appear on the ſame day, they were condemned by
default, Cæfar ſitting in Judgment, and not one of the Judges arguing
for their Diſcharge, except one of the moſt confiderable, to whom no-
thing was ſaid at preſent, but not long after he was proſcribed with
About the ſame time one of the Pretors of the City
named Quintus Gallius, Brother of Marcus Gallius, who was with Antho-
ny, having obtained from Cæfar the Government of Africa, and after
ſtanding convict of an Attempt againſt the life of his Benefactor, was de-
poſed from his Charge, by his Brethren in Office, the People plundered
his Houſe, and the Senate condemned him to death. However, Cæfar
commanded him to go and find out his Brother, and he embarquing
himſelf to that purpoſe, was never ſeen more. After theſe Exploits
Cefar's whole thoughts were employed in reconciling himſelf with Antho-
ny, becauſe he certainly knew that Brutus and Caffius had twenty Legions,
fo
many others.

160
PART II.
The Civil Wars
ſo that ſtanding in need of him, he went out of the City , 'and by
ſmall Journies marched towards the Ionian Sea, that he might find
out how the Senate ſtood affected. For in the abſence of Caſar, Pe-
dius adviſed the Fathers to an Accommodation with Anthony and Le-
pidus before the Animoſities that were between the Parties became ir-
reconcileable. They ſaw well ſuch an Accommodation was neither
for theirs, nor their Countries Advantage, and that by it Cæfar only
aim'd at ſtrengthening himſelf againſt Caſſius and Brutus : yet they
beheld themſelves in a neceſſity to confent ; wherefore they repeal-
ed the Decrees by which Anthony and Lepidus with their Armies
had been declared Enemies, and ſent them aſſurances of their good
will. Cafar wrote Letters of Congratulation to the Senate, and fent
to Anthony, that if he ſtood in need of his Arms againſt Decimus,
he was ready to ſerve him: ånd Anthony returned Anfwer, that
he made War againſt Decimus as a Traytor to Cæfar, and againſt
Plancus as an Enemy to Anthony; and therefore if he pleaſed, he
would joyn Forces with him. After the mutual fending and recepti-
on of the Letters, as Anthony purſued Decimis, Afinius Pollio came and
joyned with him with two Legions, and by his interceſſion Plancus
reconciled with Anthony brought him three more; ſo that he became
mighty powerful. As for Decimus he ſtill had ten Legions, four where-
of compoſed of experienced Soldiers, were yet fick after the Famine
they had undergone in Modena, and fix were newly levyed, neither
trained, nor inured to hardſhip; wherefore thinking it imprudence
to bring them to action, he reſolved to retreat to Brutus in Macedon,
and took his March not by the Ciſalpine Gaul, but by Ravenna or
Aquileia, and yet at laft becauſe Ceſar was to come into thoſe Quar-
ters, he attempted a longer and more incommodious March by going
over the Rhine to croſs a Country inhabited by Barbarians. The
difficulty of this unknown way at firſt fight fo affrighted his new For-
ces, that they left him , and ſubmitted to Caſar, and not long after
the four old Legions went over to Antbony, with all the reſt of his
Forces, except only the French Horſe deſigned for his Life Guard.
Reduced to this ſmall number, he gave licenſe to all that had yet a
mind to depart, making them fome preſent of Money, and with three
hundred Horſe only came to the Banks of the Rhine, but by reaſon of
the difficulty of paſſing the River, they by little and little forfook him,
except only ten, with whom, habited after the faſhion of the Gauls,
and ſpeaking their language, he began again to travel, and without
fetching fo great a compaſs, took the Road to Aguileia, where he
thought he might paſs unknown, becauſe of his Nender Train. In
the way being taken by Thieves, and bound, he asked them how they
called the Lord of that Country; and when he underſtood it was
Camillus, for whom he had done ſome ſervices, he intreated them to
carry him before him. When Camillus ſaw him, he received him with
much civility before the People, ſharply reproving thoſe that brought
him bound, that through ignorance they had affronted fo great a
Man, but in private he gave advice to Anthony, who had ſo much com-
paſſion of his fortune, that he would not ſee him. However, he ſent
to Camillus for his Head, which after having viewed, he gave to ſome
of his People to be buried. Thus ended Decimus, who had been Ge-
neral of the Horſe to Çefar, Governour of the Tranſalpine Gaul under
him,

Book III.
of Rome.
161
him, deſigned by him for Conſul the year following, and with it
provided of the Government of the Ciſalpine Gaul. He was the ſea
cond that periſhed for murdering Cafar. And about the ſame time
Minutius Baſilius, who was likewiſe of the Conſpiracy, was ſlain by
his Slaves for making ſome of them Eunuchs by way of puniſh-
ment.
The End of the Third Book of the Civil Wars
of Rome.
XXX
APPIAN

162
bie, bis spainola
lol PA
CoA
A P P I AN
liang
OF
ALEXANDRIA,
HIS
HISTORY
OF THE
Civil Wars
OF
R O M E.
PART II.
BOOK IV.
.
UA
The Argument of this Book.
1. THE
1. "The Author's Deſign in this Book : The Accommodation of Cæſar, An-
thony and Lepidus. II. Diſmal Preſages of future Miſeries : Pe-
dius begins the Profcriptions; and Cæſar, Anthony and Lepidus are named
Triumvirs. III. A Copy of the Edict of Profcription. IV. The general
Cruelties,

Book IV.
of Rome.
163
Cruelties committed in the Execution of it. V. Many Particularities of
ſuch as ſuffered. VI. The Triumph
of Lepidus : Profcription of the Women:
and Hortenſia's Oration for her Sex. VII. Particulars of ſeveral eſcaped
the Profcription. VIII. Defeat of Cornificius, Lelius and Ventidius in
Lybia, by Sextus Cæſar's Lieutenants. IX. Caffius beſieges and takes Do-
lobella in Laodicea, and does many other things in Syria. X. Caſſius a-
bout to beſiege Rhodes, Archelaus endeavours to difſwade him: XI: Caſſius
anſwers him, and beſieges and takes Rhodes. XII. Brutus beſieges the Xan-
tiens, and takes the City. XIII. After which Patara yields to him ; and
Murcus, who fides with him, is beſieged by Anthony near Brundufium.
XIV. Sex. Pompey coming into Sicily, fights at Sea againſt Salvidienus
with equal Advantage. XV. Murcus and Domitius Ænobarbus ſie ze on
the Paſſage of the Ionian Sea ; and Ciditius and Norbanus, Lieutenants
to Cxíar and Anthony , march by Land againſt Caſſius and Brutus.
XVI. Brutus and Caſſius having drawn together their Army; Caſſius makes
an Oration to them. XVII. Brutus and Caſſius go and encamp near Phi-
lippi. XVIII. Anthony and Cæſar encamp hard by them ; they engage ;
Brutus gets the better, but Caſſius is worſted. XIX. The Death of Callius:
Murcus and Ænobarbus defeat Domitius Calvinus. XX. Brutus Speech tó
his Army, to oblige them to temporize; and Anthony's, to encourage bis to
the Battel. XXI. Brutus's Army force him to fight. XXII. The Battel :
Brutus defeated. XXIII. The Death of Brutus: Praiſes of Brutus and
Caſſius; and End of this Book:
H
Aving in the former Book declared how two of Cæſar's Mur-
derers perished in their Governments; to wit, Trebonius in
Afia, and Decimus in Gaul ; in this we ſhall ſet forth how
Brutus and Caffius, the principal Authors of the Conſpiracy,
were puniſhed. Men, that were Maſters of all the Provin-
ces from Syria to Macedon, who commanded mighty Armies both by Sea
and Land; having more than twenty Legions, great number of Shipping,
and abundance of Money. And this was done at a time when Profcripti-
ptions were dreadful at Rome ; and that as many proſcribed Perſons as could
be found were miſerably put to death. So that the like had never been ſeen
or known among all the Tumults and Wars of the Grecians, nor yet a-
mong thoſe of the Romans,if you except the time of Sylla, who was the firſt
proſcribed his Enemies : for Marius only flew ſuch as fell into his Hands
whereas Sylla not only permitted any that would to ſlay thoſe he had pro-
fcribed, but propoſed Rewards to the Murderers, and decreed Puniſhments
againſt any durſt give fuccour to a profcribed Perfon. But of all thoſe
things we have diſcourſed in writing what paſſed in the time of Marius and
Sylla; let us proceed to our order of Hiſtory.
Cæfar being reconciled to Anthony, it was determined to have a Confe-
rence together. The place deſigned for it was near Modena, in a little flat
Iſand of the River Labinia: whither they came with each five Legions;
which taking their Stands on each ſide the River, the two Generals, accom-
panied only by three hundred Men each, advanced to the Bridges that went
over the Streams. Lepidus, who was before gone into the Iſland to ſee that
there were no Ambuſcade, having made them the Signal by ſhewing his
Coat-Armor, they left all their Train at the Bridges; and advancing on to
the higheſt part of the Iſland, they three fat down; Ceſar in the middle, be-
cauſe of his Quality of Conſul. After two whole Days Conference they
X X X 2
came

164
The Civil Wars
PART II.
came to this Reſult: That Cæſar ſhould for the reſt of the Year quit the Con-
ſulate to Ventidius : That to put a ſtop to the Civil Wars there ſhould be
created a new Office, which Anthony, Lepidus and Cæſar ſhould exerciſe
joyntly for five Years, with
the ſame Power as the Conſuls (for they would
not make uſe of the name of Dictator, perhaps becauſe of the Law Anthony
had ſo lately made to aboliſh
the Dictatorſhip.) That as ſoon as they had
taken Poſſeſſion of this new Dignity, they ſhould defign for five Years the
Annual Officers of the City. That the Provinces ſhould be parted among
them: Anthony fhould have all the Gauls, except only that confining upon
the Pyrenean Mountains, called Antient Gaul; which, together with
Spain, ſhould remain to Lepidus ; and that Cæfar ſhould take Africa, with
Sicily, Sardinia, and all the other adjacent Iſles. In this Diviſion of the Ro-
man Empire among themfelves, they forbore ſharing the other Provinces,
becauſe Brutus and Caffius yet held them. They agreed therefore together,
that Anthony and Cæfar ſhould make War upon them: That Lepidus, de-
figned Conſul for the Year following, ſhould remain in the City, that he
might provide them of all things neceſſary; and ſhould govern Spain by
his Lieutenants : That of the ten Legions that compoſed his Army, he
fhould keep three for the Defence of the City, and give three to Cæfar and
four to Antbony ; by which means each of them would have twenty Legi-
ons. And that they might encourage the Soldiers, beſides the Recompence
uſually referred till after the Victory, and other Donatives; they aſſigned
them for Colonies eighteen of the beſt Cities of Italy, as well for the beau-
ty of the Buildings, as Fertility and Riches of the adjacent Soil, whoſe Hou-
ſes and Fields they ſet out amongſt them, as it is uſual to divide a conquered
Country. The chief of theſe were
Capua, Rhegium, Venoſa, Beneventum,
Luceria, Rimini. Thus was the beſt part of Italy deſtined a Recompence to
the Soldiers. They reſolved likewiſe that before all things elſe they would
rid themſelves of their particular Enemies, left they ſhould be a hindrance
to their Deſigns when they were gone out of the City. Theſe things being
all agreed to, and put in writing, Ceſar as Conſul, read them publickly be
fore all the Forces (except only that coricerning the Profcriptions, which he
kept ſecret) who received them all with a general Acclamation; and forth-
with both Armies ſaluted each other in token of Reconciliation.
VOL bon
II. Mean while many dreadful Prodigies appeared at Rome. All the Dogs
of the City howled like Wolves, which is accounted an unhappy Preſage.
The Wolves, which do not uſually come into Cities, came now into the
Great Place. An Ox ſpoke with a Man's voice. A Child ſpoke as ſoon as
it was born. The Statues of the Gods fweated, fome Water, and ſome
Blood. The crics of Men, clattering of Arms, and running of Horſes
were heard ; yet not feen. Many frightful Signs appeared about the Sun.
It rained Stones. Thunder fell upon ſeveral Temples, and ſome of the ve-
ry images of the Gods were ſtricken. Hereupon the Senate fent for Di-
vines out of Tuſcany; the eldeſt of which told them, that the Royalty ſhould
be re-eſtabliſhed, and they all Slaves but only He: and therewith ſtopping
his Mouth, held his Breath fo long, till he fell down dead in the place. This
Triumvirate then after their Agreement made, began to contrive among
themſelves the Roll of the Profcribed; wherein they inſerted all thoſe
whoſe too great power they were jealous of, and all their particular Ene-
mies; abandoning their own Friends and Relations to one another, ſo they
might by that means be revenged on thoſe they hated. And this they did,
not only at preſent, but even afterwards ; for they proſcribed an infinite
number

Book IV.
of Rome.
165
number one after another, either out of fome old Grudge, or fome light of
fence, or for beirig Friends to their Enemies, or Enemies to their friends, or
becauſe they were rich. And indeed they ſtood in need of ſtore of Money
for the War, Brutus and Caſſius having received abundance from the Tri-
butes of Aſia,beſides what thoſe Kings and Potentates furniſhed them with;
whereas theſe had none to receive, but only out of Europe and Italy, already
drained dry by Exaétions and Wars. In fo much, that to raiſe Money,
there was no Perſon to the moſt miſerable of the People, without excepting
the very Women, who ſuffered not a thouſand Violences from the Tax-Ga-
therers, if they were but informed they had any thing. There were ſome
likewiſe profcribed for the beauty of their Houſes or Gardens. In ſhort, the
Roll of the Proſcribed, with Confiſeation of Goods, amounted to three
hundred Senators, and two thouſand Roman Knights ; among whom ſome
were Brethren and Uncles to the Triumvirs, and Officers that had ſerved in
their Armies for having diſpleaſed the Generals or their Lieutenants. They
deferred the reſt of the Profcription till ſuch time as they came to the City :
and in the mean time reſolved to begin the Execution by twelve (or as ſome
ſay) by ſeventeen of the Principal, among whom was Cicero. To this pur-
pofé they ſent ſome of their People, who forthwith flew four whom they
found either at their Tables or in the Streets. The others were fought for
in Temples and Houſes ; in ſo much, that all that Night there was a great
Tumult : People running up and down the City with ſuch cryings and
howlings, as if the Enemy had been in the midſt of them; for hearing of
ſome being taken, and not knowing of any Perſon yet proſcribed, every
Man thought the next he met ſought for him. So that in a general Deſpair
ſome diſpoſed themſelves to ſet fire, either to their own Houſes, or the
Publick Buildings, that before they died they might do ſomething worthy
of Memory: And they had done it if the Conſul Pedius, running about to
all parts, had not exhorted them to be in good hopes, and to expect till
Day gave better knowledge of the Cauſe of the Diſorder. Morning being
come, without ſtaying for the Triumvirs Orders, he proſcribed thoſe ſe-
venteen Men as the only Authors of Inteſtine Miſchiefs, and the only Men
condemned ; promiſing Security to all others, becauſe he knew not what
had been agreed upon; and after dyed of a Diſtemper cauſed by the too
much labour undergone that Night. Three days following arrived one af-
ter another, Cæfar, Anthony and Lepidus, each with his Regiment of Guards
and one Legion ; and immediately the City was filled with armed Men,
and Courts of Guards placed in the moſt convenient Stations. Then were
the People aſſembled, and Publius Titius the Tribune propoſed the Law for
Creation of the Triumvirate ; to which he nominated Lepidus, Anthony
and Cæfar to govern the Commonwealth for five Years, with the fame
Power the Conſuls had (this is what the Greeks call Harmoſtates, and the
Lacedemonians Reformers) and without giving the People time to delibe-
rate, or to appoint a Day for holding another Aſſembly, the Law was at
that inſtant ratified. The Night following beſides the ſeventeen before
there were found one hundred and thirty more, whoſe Names were fixed
up in divers places of the City ; ſoon after one hundred and fifty others
were added, and at laſt the Roll was dayly augmented with names of new-
ly condemned People, or of thoſe who had been ſlain by miſtake, that they
might not be thought to be killed without Cauſe. Thoſe likewiſe who kil-
led any proſcribed Perſons were commanded to bring their Heads to the
Triumvirs ; and to this purpoſe Rewards were decreed them, to the Free
Men Money, and to Slaves Freedom and Money. Nothing was barred
against

166
PART II
The Civil Wars
againſt thoſe that ſought for them, becauſe it was forbid under the like
pain, either to receive them, or conceal them, or deny entrance into the
Houſe to any that ſought after them, with a like Reward to any gave In-
formation of all theſe things.
The Ordinance for Profcription was conceived in theſe Terms
i
ret
i
Marcus
odo
detta
color

Book IV.
167
MARCUS LEPIDUS
)
MARCUS
ANTONIUS
A N D
OCTAVIUS AUGUSTUS
Deputed for the
Reformation & Re-Eſtabliſhent
Of the
COMMONVVEALTH
To the PEOPLE of
R O M E.
U.
F by an extraordinæy Infidelity wicked Men who had re-
ceived Pardon had not become Enemies to their Benefa-
ctors ſo far as to attempt againſt their Lives, and that
they had not murdered Cæfar; who after having reduced
them under bis Pover, Javed them, honoured them with
his Friendſhip, and loaded them with Honours, Favours
and Dignities; we had not been forced to come to Extre-
mities to revenge our ſelves of the Injuries they have
done iis, in declaring is Enemies to our Country. But
nov that after ſo many Ambafbes laid for us, and the Murder committed on the
Perſon of Cæſar, we are bound to believe that their Malice cannot be overcome
by fair means, we have choſe rather to prevent our Enemies, than to wait till
they deftroy us. Wherefore, whoever ſhall conſider in what manner they have
treated
seaza

168
Part II.
The Civil Wars
treated Cæfar, with the Injuries that we have ſuffered,will not find in our proceed-
ing either Pallion, Injuſtice or Cruelty. Since Cxfar their General, their High
Prieſt, who had ſubdued Nations ever before formidable to the Roman People :
Had firſt of all croſſed an unknown Sea beyond the Columns of Hercules, and ope-
ned to the Romans a way to a New World; has been murdered in a Sacred Place,
in the midſt of the Palace, in the ſight of the Gods, baſely ſtabbed with three
and twenty Wounds of Daggers, by people whoſe lives he had ſaved after having
made them Priſoners at War: Nay, Some of which he had by Teſtament made
his Heirs. Whilſt inſtead of puniſhing this Attempt, others tranſported by the
Same hatred, have made them Governors of Provinces ; or elſe abuſing their
Power, have ſeized upon the Revenues of the Commonwealth, raifed Arms 4-
gainſt us ; calling to their Aſſiſtance Barbarians, perpetual Enemies to this Em-
pire; and burning, ſacking and raſing ſome Cities under our Obedience, that would
not ſubmit to theirs; and forcing others by threats and terror to take Arms &-
gainſt us and their Country. Some of theſe we have already puniſhed, and by
God's Affiſtance you fball ſee us puniſh others
. But becauſe after thoſe great
things we have done for the ſecurity of Spain, Gaul, and the Heart of the Re-
publick, there yet remains a troubleſome Affair, which is the Expedition againjt
Cæſar's Murderers: To effect which we muſt croß the Sea ; being ready, for the
Service of the Publick, to carry our Arms into a remote Country, we cannot
think it either ſecure or advantagious for us to leave behind us our Enemies, who
will not fail to make their beſt uſe of our abſence, and of the uncertain Succeß of
War. There may likewiſe be danger in delay; wherefore we have reſolved to de
ſtroy them, ſince they have begun to perfecute us by declaring us Enemies of our
Country. And though neither reſpect to Gods, nor fear of Men reſtrained them
from endeavouring to deſtroy with
us ſo many thouſand Citizens, yet will we not
imitate them, nor offend any of the people; nay, nor ſo much as hold all thoſe
for Enemies who have took part againſt us, or have diſobliged us. We will af-
Sault no perſon becauſe of his Riches and Dignities, nor put ſo many to death as
did another who had the ſame power before us; and who having, as well as we,
undertaken to remedy the Miſchiefs cauſed by Civil War, deſerved the Title of
HAPPY, for the happy Jucceſ of his Enterprizes ; though it cannot be ima-
gined he could have ſo many Enemies as we three
. We will therefore only pu-
niſh ſuch as are the moſt criminal, and moſt guilty of thoſe Miſchiefs the Com-
monwealth groans under ; which will be no leß advantagious to you than to our
ſelves : for as long as our Diſſentions laſt, it will be impoſſible for you, whilſt
things hang between two, not to ſuffer extraordinarily. Beſides, it is conveni-
ent to ſatisfie the Soldiery offended, that without reaſon you have declared them
Enemies. And though we could without notice puniſh thoſe we think worthy of
it, yet we think fit rather to proſcribe than to ſurprize them ; which indeed we do
for your fakes, left the Soldier's anger might tranſport him againſt thoſe are un-
condemned, or to deſtroy others with thoſe whoſe Names are fixed up in publick
places. For theſe reaſons we forbid all perſons the receiving into their Houſes 4-
ny of thoſe whoſe Names are inſerted in the Roll of the Profcribed, or to conceal
or ſend them to any place of ſecurity, or to furniſh them with Money, under pain
that all that shall be found conviéted of having ſecured or relieved them, ſhall
be put themſelves into the number of the Profcribed, without hopes of Pardon.
We ordain likewiſe thoſe who have ſain any of the Profcribed to bring to us
* Eight bun- their Heads ; for each of which he ſhall be payed * five and twenty thouſand
dred and ſeven- Attick Drams if he be a Free Perfon brings it; and if he be a Slave he ſhall
ty Pound Stero receive * ten thouſand, with the fame Liberty and Right of Burgeſsbip his Ma.
* Three hundred ſter enjoyed. We promiſe likewiſe the ſame Reward to al! Informers ; nor ſhall
the Name of any receives it be recorded in our Regiſters, that it may remain ſe-
Such
and twelve
Pounds Sterling
cret.

Book IV.
169
of Rome.
Such was the Ordinance of Proſcription made by the Triumvirs. Lepis IV.
dus proſcribed the firſt, and his Brother Paulus was the firſt Profcript. An-
thony proſcribed the ſecond, and his Uncle Lucius was the ſecond Proſcript;
becauſe they had firſt given their Opinions when they were declared Ene-
mies of their Country. The third and fourth Proſcripts, whoſe Names
were put in another Table, were the two Conſuls deſigned for the follow-
ing Year, Plotius, Brother of Plancus, and Quintus, Father in Law to Aſi-
nus; who were not named with the firſt only becauſe of their Prehemi-
nence, but to ſtrike terror, and make Men loſe all hopes of eſcaping. And
indeed, Thoranius was found among the Proſcribed; he who, as it is ſaid,
had been Cefar's Tutor. The Profcription being publiſhed, Guards were
forthwith placed at the Gates; and all the Avenues of the City, at the Sea-
Ports, and in the Marſhes, and in all places where there was any likelihood
an unhappy Man might ſhelter himſelf : Beſides; Centurions were com-
manded abroad, to make ſearch in the Country, which was done all at an
inſtant ; fo that both within and without the City many perſons dyed ſud-
dainly of ſeveral kinds of Deaths. The Streets were filled with the fad Spe-
&acle of Heads carrying to the Triumvirs, to receive the Reward; and e-
very ſtep ſome Perſon of Quality endeavouring to ſave himſelf; was met
Thamefully diſguiſed; fome running down into Wells, and others into Pri-
vies ; ſome hiding themſelves in the tops of the Chimneys, or under the
Tiles, where they durft not utter a ſigh or groan; for they ſtood in more
fear of their Wives, or Children, or Freed Men, or Slaves, or Debtors, or
Neighbours that coveted ſome of their Goods, than of the Murderers them-
ſelves. All private Grudges were now diſcovered ; and it was a ſtrange
change to ſee the prime Men of the Senate, Conſulars, Pretors, Tribunes,
or Pretenders to theſe Dignities caſt themſelves at the feet of their Slaves
with tears in their eyes, begging and careſſing them, calling them their Sa-
viors and Patrons ; and which is moſt deplorable, not be able with all theſe
ſubmiſſions to obtain the leaſt favour. The moſt pernicious Seditions and
cruelleſt of Wars never had any thing in them ſo terrible as the Calamities
wherewith the City was now affrighted; for in War and Tumult none but
Enemies were feared, and Domeſticks were confided in; whereas now
Domeſticks were more dreadful than Enemies, becauſe having no cauſe to
fear for themſelves, as in War or Tumult, from Familiars they became of
a ſuddain Perſecutors ; either out of a difſembled hate, or out of hope of
Recompence publickly propoſed, or becauſe of fome Silver or Gold hid in
the Houſe : So that no perſon found himſelf fecure in his Houſe, Servants
being ordinarily more fènſible of Profit than of the Affection they owe to
their Maſters ; and though fome might be found faithful and kind, yet they
durft not aſſiſt a Profcript, nor conceal him, nor ſo much as ſtay with him,
for fear of falling into the ſame misfortune. There was now much more
danger than when the ſeventeen firſt profcribed were fallen upon ; for then
no perſon being publickly profcribed, when on a ſuddain they ſaw ſome
killed, one Man defended another, for fear left the fame ſhould happen to
him. But after the Profcription was publiſhed, thofe comprized in it were
preſently forſaken by all the World, fome that thought themſelves ſecure,
having their minds bent on Profit, fought them to deliver them to the Mur-
derers, that they might have the Reward; others piflaged the Houſes of
thoſe that had been killed, and with the preſent gain comforted themfelves
againſt the Publick Miſery. The moſt Prudent and Moderate ſurprized
st a thing ſo extraordinary, ſtood like Men aſtoniſlied, conſidering that o-
ther
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The Civil Wars
170
PART II.
ther Cities turmoiled with Diviſions were re-eſtabliſhed by the Concord of
their Citizens : Whereas the Romans, already afflicted with Civil Dif-
ſentions, compleated their Ruin by this Reconciliation. Some were killed
defending themſelves; others, who thought themſelves not condemned,
without any defence : Some let themſelves die with hunger, or hanged,
or drowned themſelves, or threw themſelves headlong from the tops of
Houſes, or caſt themſelves into the Fire, or run to meet their Murderers :
Others again fought to protract the time; and either hid themſelves, or
begged ſhamefully, or fled, or offered Money to ſave their Lives. Many
likewiſe were flain contrary to the intention of the Triumvirs, either by
miſtake, or out of ſome particular grudge; but the Bodies of the Profcripts
might be known from the others, becauſe they wanted the Head, which
was cut off, and carried before the Tribunal for Orations, where they pay-
ed the Reward. On the other ſide, wonderful Examples were to be ſeen
of the Affection of Wives, Children, Brethren and Slaves; who found out
a thouſand inventions to ſave their Husbands, Fathers, Brethren or 'Ma-
ſters ; dyed with them when they were diſcovered, or killed themſelves
upon thoſe Bodies they were not able to defend.. Of thoſe that eſcaped the
Profcription, fome, purſued by their ill fortune, periſhed by Shipwrack;
others ſaved beyond all probability, came afterwards to exerciſe Dignities
in the City, to have Command of Armies, and arrive at the Honour of
Triumph. Such wonderful things were to be ſeen in thoſe days which do
not happen in an ordinary City, or in a ſmall Kingdom; but in the Miſtreſs
of the world, as well by Sea as Land: Providence diſpoſing it foto reduce
things to that excellent order wherein you now ſee them. Not but that
Rome felt the ſame miſeries under Sylla, and before him under Marius; and
we have in writing of them
reported many Actions of Cruelty, even to the
depriving their Enemies of Burial: But what paſſed under the Triumvirs
made much more noiſe, becauſe of the height of their Reputation; and
particularly the Valour and Good Fortune of him, who having fixed the
Foundations of this Empire, has left it to thoſe of his Race and Name, even
to this preſent. I will therefore relate what was now done moſt remarkable,
and moſt cruel ; which I can the eaſier do, becauſe the length of time has
not yet quite effaced the memory of theſe Actions. Yet I will not write
all ; for a common death, or the flight of ſome private Men, who after ob-
taining Pardon of the Triumvirs, returned and ſpent the reſt of their Lives
without appearing, ſeems not to me worthy being recorded : But I will re-
late ſome extraordinary Examples, that the Reader may be perſwaded of
the truth of what I have before faid. Many Roman Authors have hereof
wrote particular Books ; out of which I have extracted what appeared moſt
credible, to compoſe a Summary, which may well make the happineſs of
our Times be admired.
V.
The Maſſacre unhappily began with the Magiſtracy, of whom the firſt
ſlain was Salvius, Tribune of the People ; though by the Laws the Tri-
bunes were holy and inviolable ; and ſo powerful, that ſometimes they
have impriſoned Confuls. This Man when they were about to declare An-
thony Enemy oppoſed it, but afterwards he took part with Cicero. There-
fore when he knew the Triumvirs were agreed, and marched towards the
City, he made á Feaſt for his Domeſticks, as having now but a ſhort time
to live with them. The Soldiers entring the place where they were eat-
ing, all the people affrighted, began to riſe up; but the Centurion comman-
ding them to keep their places, took Salvius by the Hair, drew him over
the

Book IV.
of Rome.
171
as
he gave
The Table, cut off his Head, and forbid the others from ſtirring; for if
they made the leaſt noiſe he would ſerve them in the ſame manner : At
which they were ſo affrighted, that after the Centurion was gone they
ſpent moſt part of the Night by the Body, without ſpeaking a word.
After Salvius, was ſlain the Pretor Minutius. Upon notice brought him
Audience in the place, that the Soldiers were coming towards
him, he roſe ſuddainly to ſeek out ſome place to ſhelter himſelf in: and ha-
ving changed Cloaths, went to hide himſelf in a Shop; but his People, and
thoſe that carried the Marks of his Dignity, whom he commanded to leave
him, ſtaying there ſome time out of a fear and affection they liad for him,
were the occaſion, without deſigning it, that the Murderers did the more
eaſily find him.
Annalis the other Pretor,as he ſolicited the People for his Sơn,who deman-
ded the Queſtors Office; his Friends and Lictors underſtanding that he was
in the Roll of the Proſcripts, all of a ſuddain left him: Whereupon he fled,
and retired into a wretched Houſe that one of his Creatures had in the Sub-
burbs ; where, becauſe the place was utterly contemptible, he was for a
while ſecure ; till ſuch time as his own Son,having ſome doubt he was gone
thither, ſhewed the way to the Executioners of the Profcription : In reward
whereof the Triumvirs gave him his Father's Eſtate, and the Office of X-
dile, but he enjoyed not either long; for returning drunk from a Debauch,
upon fome reviling words given to the Soldiers who had killed his Father,
they killed him too.
For Thoranius, who was not Pretor, but had been; he was Father to a
wretchleſs Youth, who yet had a great deal of power over Anthony. He
therefore entreated the Centurions to delay his death but ſo long till
his Son
had begged him of the Triumvir. To which they laughing, anſwered,
He has already begged yout, but it is in another manner. Which the Old Man
hearing, prayed them but to give him ſo much time as to ſee his Daughter ;
and having ſeen her, forbad her from pretending any thing to his Eſtate,
left her Brother ſhould beg her likewiſe of Anthony. The end of this wic-
ked Son was no better than the others; for after having conſumed his Pa-
trimony in all forts of Debauchery, he was accuſed of Theft, and condem-
ned to Baniſhment.
As for Cicero, who had ruled in the Affemblies of the People after Cæfar's
death; he was profcribed, with his Son, his Brother, and all their Servants,
Clients and Friends. He was embarked on a ſmall Boat to make his Eſcape
by Sea;but not able to endure the toſſing of the Waves,he returned to a Mea-
dow that belonged to him
near Capua ; which upon occaſion of writing this
Hiſtory, I would needs ſee. As he repoſed himſelf, and that thoſe that
fouglit him were not far off (for of all the Profcripts, Anthony cauſed him to
be fought with moſt diligence) a Flock of Crows flying over the place
where he ſlept, waked him
with their Cries, and began with their Beaks to
pull the Covering from off him; till his Slaves thinking it an Advertiſe-
ment of the Gods, returned him
into his Litter, and took their way towards
the Sea, through the thickeſt of the Foreſt. Preſently after ſeveral Soldi-
ers coming to that place one after another, and demanding of thoſe they
met if they had not feen Cicero, they all, out of the compaſſion they had for
him, anſwered, that he was embarked, and was already a good way off at
Sea : But a Shoo-maker called Cerdo, a Creature to Clodius, formerly a
mortal Enemy to Cicero; having ſhewed the Centurion Lana, followed but
by a few Soldiers, the way he had taken, he preſently purſued him. Cicero
was accoinpanied with more people diſpoſed to defend him, than Lana had
Y yy 2
with

172
The Civil Wars
Part II.
with him to aſſault him. Wherefore having overtaken him, he made uſe
of policy; and began to cry out as if he had called to other Centurions be-
hind him; Come on, Gentlemen, come on. Whereupon the people of the
Profcript imagining that they were about to be over-preſſed by numbers,
grew fearful, and deſerted him. Then Lana, though Cicero had formerly
pleaded for him in a Cauſe wherein he overcame, drew his Head out of the
Litter, and cut it, or rather hewed it off
, at three blows; ſo unhardy he
was. He likewiſe cut off the Hand wherewith he had writ the Orations,
accuſing Anthony of Tyranny; which after the example of Demofthenes, he
called the Philippicks : And at the ſame inſtant diſpatching away Expreſſes
both by Sea and Land to carry this pleaſing News to Anthony, he himſelf
followed them to Rome ; where finding Anthony in the place, ſeated in the
Tribunal, he ſhewed him at a diſtance the Head and Hand of Cicero. And
he raviſhed with joy, put a Crown upon the Centurion's Head, and gave
* Almost eight
him for a Reward * two hundred and fifty thouſand Attick Drams; as ha.
thouſand Pound. ving freed him.of the greateſt of all his Enemies, and from whom he had
received the higheſt injuries. His Head and Hand ſtood a long time for a
Spectacle before the Tribunal, where he uſed to make his Orations : And
more flockcd now thither to ſee him, than did before to hear him. It is ſaid
likewiſe, that Anthony at a Collation cauſed the Head to be ſet upon the
Table that he might contemplate it more at leiſure, and fatiate himſelf (as
we may fo ſay) with the view of it. Thus was Cicero ſlain ; to this day in
great Efteem for his Eloquence : And who, when he acted in the Quality
of Conſul, had done ſignal Services to his Country; yet after his death he
was thus unworthily treated by his Enemies.
His Son was already eſcaped to Brutus in Greece, but his Brother and
Nephew were unhappily taken by the Soldiers. The Father begged he
might die before his Son, and the Son requeſted he might die before his
Father, and they having promiſed to ſatisfie them both, took them apart,
and flew them at the ſame inſtant.
But Egnatius and his son embracing each other, died together; and
their Heads being both ſtruck off at one blow, the two Bodies kept ſtill their
hold of each other.
Balbus deſigning to eſcape with his Son by Sea, ſent him before, think-
ing that by not going together they would not ſo eaſily be known ; and him-
ſelf foon after ſet forward to follow him at a diſtance : but ſome one, either
out of malice or miſtake, having told him that his Son was taken, he retur-
ned of his own accord to offer himſelf to the Executioners, and his Son pe-
riſhed by Ship-wrack : So much did fortune contribute to the Calamities
of theſe times.
Aruntius had a Son that could not reſolve to fly without him ; yet at
length he prevailed ſo far as to perſwade him, that being young, he ought
to ſurvive him. The Mother having been his Guide as far as the City
Gates, returned ſpeedily to give Burial to her Husband whom they had
Nain. And fome days after hearing her Son was ftarved to death at Sea,
ſhe flew her ſelf.
Hitherto we have propoſed Examples of good and evil Children.
As for Brothers. Thoſe two called Ligarii, profcribed together, lay hid
in an Oven, till ſuch time as being betrayed by their Slaves, one was ſlain
at the ſame time; and the other who flipped from the Executioners, know-
ing his Brother was dead, caſt himſelf from the Bridge into the River.
Some Fiſher-men that thought he fell in by miſchance, and not deſignedly,
came

Book IV.
of Rome.
173
came in to ſave him; from which he defended himſelf ſome time by plung-
ing himſelf to the bottom of the Water: till ſuch time as they pulling him
out, do what he could, he told them; You do not ſave me, but loſe your ſelves
with a Proſcript. Yet, ſay what he could, they were reſolved to ſave his
Life. But the Soldiers who had the Guard of the Bridge underſtanding he
was a Profcript, came in and cut off his Head.
Of two other Brothers, one having caſt himſelf headlong into the River,
his Slave, after having fought the Body five days, at length found it; and
in the condition he was, being hardly to be known, cut off his Head, and
carried it to the Tribune to have the Reward. The other being hid in a
Privy, was betrayed by another Slave; and becauſe the Soldiers vouchſafed
not to go down, they ſlew him with Javelins, drew him out; and in the
condition he was cut off his Head without waſhing it.
Another ſeeing his Brother ſtopped, ran in ; and without knowing that
he likewiſe was profcribed, cryed out, Kill me firſt
. Whereupon the Cen-
turion, who knew the order of the Roll, made anſwer ; You ask but rean
fon, for your Name does indeed ſtand in the Roll before his : And therewith
new one after the other.
Theſe are Examples of Brothers.
As for Wives. Ligarius his Wife had hid him; and went from time to
time to ſee him, attended only by one Maid ; who betraying him, ſhe fol-
lowed thoſe who carried away her Husband's Head, crying out ; It is I
that hid him, the Concealers are condemned to the ſame Puniſhment. And be-
cauſe no one would either kill or accuſe her, ſhe went and diſcovered her
ſelf to the Magiſtrates: who not judging her guilty for loving her Husband,
The ſtarved her ſelf to death.
I have ſpoke of her in this place, becauſe, having in vain endeavoured to
ſave her Husbands Life, ſhe would not ſurvive him: for as for thoſe whoſe
Conjugal Affection had better ſucceſs, we will reſerve them to another
place, when we are to ſpeak of thoſe eſcaped.
Here therefore we ſhall now only relate Examples of ſuch as made
wretched Attempts upon the Lives of their Husbands; among whom Septi-
mius Wife ſhall have the firſt place. It was a long time before that one of
Anthony's Friends had abuſed her Husband's Bed : But ſhe deſiring rather
to be his Wife than his Miſtreſs, he prevailed ſo far by the Credit he had
with Anthony, that Septimius was found among the number of the Pro-
ſcripts. He was advertized of it by her own ſelf : And knowing nothing
of the diſhonour of his Houſe, diſpoſed himſelf to Flight. But ſhe, like
a kind Wife, ſhut the Doors ; and kept him very diligently, till the E-
xecutioners came to rid her of him; and the ſame day of her Husband's
death eſpouſed the other.
Salaffius had eſcaped; but out of a belief the danger diminiſhed, was ſo
imprudenit as to return by Night into the City. In the mean time his Houſe
was fold, and there remained in it of all his People none but the Porter,
who was comprized in the Sale : So that he alone knowing him, made him
come into his Lodge, promiſed to keep him cloſe, and to feed him the beſt
he could. He was no ſooner entred but he ſent for his Wife, who was
lodged elſewhere : who profeſſed a great paſſion to ſee her Husband; but
excuſing her ſelf upon the fear of the Night, and the ſuſpicion ſhe had of
the fidelity of her Servants, ſhe ſaid, ſhe would not come till the Morrow:
As

174
The Civil Wars
Part II.
As ſoon as it was Day ſhe went to ſeek for Executioners, and the Porter
went to find her to deſire her to come : which was the occaſion that Salafi-
us miſſing the Porter, began to fear ſome treachery ; and got up to the top
of the Houſe to expect the event : whence beholding not the Porter, but
Soldiers coming under his Wife's Conduct, he precipitated himſelf from top
to bottom.
In like manner Fulvius having fought for refuge in the Houſe of a certain
Woman, who having been his Slave and Concubine, he made free and mar-
ried: for ſo many good turns ſhe betrayed hiin, jealous that he had eſpou-
ſed another woman. But I have ſaid enough of wicked Women.
Statius the Samnite, who had performed many great Services for his
Country in the War with the Allies : After which, by his worthy Acti-
ons, Riches and Birth, he was arrived to the Dignity of Roman Senator :
being preſcribed at the age of fourſcore Years only for his Riches, cauſed
his Houſe to be ranſacked by the People and his Slaves, who carried away
what they could, the reſt he himſelf threw into the Street ; and barring his
Doors, fet fire to his Houſe, wherein he was burnt with a good part of the
City.
Capito having half opened the Door of his Houſe, ſo that but one at a
time could enter, ſlew with his own hands many of the Soldiers; till at laft,
over-powred by numbers, he was himſelf ſlain.
Vitulinus aſſembled about the Country of Regium great Forces, compo-
led of proſcribed Perſons, and others who came to take Sanctuary under
him, together with the Inhabitants of thoſe eighteen Cities deſtined for the
Soldiers Reward after the Victory ; which made them deſperate : And
with theſe took the Field; where he cut in pieces all the Centurions he
could meet with that were ſearching for Proſcripts. But the Triumvirs
having fent greater Forces againſt them, he, without loſing heart, croſſed
over into Sicily, where Pompey then commanded, the Refuge of all ſuch Pro-
fcripts as could eſcape out of Italy. After which generouſly returning to
renew this ſort of War, being defeated in ſeveral Engagements, he em-
barked his Son, with other Profcripts, to ſend them before him to Meſſina;
but his own Boat ſcarce reaching the middle of the Straits, till he was
furrounded by Enemies, he there honourably dyed.
Naſo having been betrayed by a Freed-man, by whom he had been abu-
ſed, ſnatched the Sword out of one of the Soldiers hand; and after having
ſlain the Traitor, offered them his own Throat.
A certain faithful Slave had left his Maſter hid in a Sepulchre, while he
went to the Sea to hire a Boat. His Return happened to be juſt at the in-
ftant that the Soldiers were murdering his Maſter ; to whom, ſeeing him
ready to die, he cryed out, Stay a little, my dear Maſter : and at the fame
minute falling upon a Centurion, flew him firſt, and then himſelf; ſaying,
Now Mafter, you have ſome cauſe of Comfort.
Lucius having two Freed-men, upon whoſe fidelity he relyed, gave them
his Money to carry to the Sea, where he deſigned to embark: but they run-
ning away with what they were intruſted with, he returns ; and condem-
ning himſelf to death, delivers himſelf up to the Murderers.
Labienus, who in the Profcription of Sylla had taken and deſtroyed ma-
ny, had been a Coward if he had not bravely born what he had made o-
thers ſuffer. Wherefore, coming out before the Gates of his Houſe, he
fat him down in a Chair, expecting ſome who would come and cut off his
Head.
Ceſtius,

Book IV.
of Rome.
175
Ceſtius, who lay concealed in a Country-houſe with faithful Slaves, ſeeing
armed Centurions daily paſs by carrying of Heads, could no longer endure
to live in that continual fear; but having commanded his Slaves to raiſe a
Pile of Wood, and ſet fire to it, that they might tell thoſe that paſſed they
burnt the Body of Ceſtius, threw himſelf into it in good earneſt.
Apomius was in a place of Security: But not able to accuſtom himſelf to
ſuch courſe Proviſions as were brought him, went out to ſeek his death.
Another publickly waiting for the Executioners; becauſe they came not
foon enough, ſtrangled himſelf before all the People.
Lucius, Father in Law of Aſinius now Conſul, having eſcaped by Sea ;
not able to endure the toſſing of the Waves, threw himſelf over-board.
Sifinius being purſued by Soldiers; and crying out he was not profcrib?
ed, but they had a mind to deſtroy him for his Riches, was led to a place
where the Names of the Profcripts were affixed, thrt he might ſee his owns
which having read, they cut off his Head.
Æmilius not knowing himſelf was of the number of the Profcribed, and
ſeeing another that fled, asked the Centurion who that Profcript was: Up-
on which the Centurion knowing him, replyed ; Thou art one as well as he :
and ſo flew them both.
Cilon and Decius being informed as they came out of the Palace, that
their Names were in the Roll of the Profcripts; before any one ſet upon
them, took their way towards the Gate fo affrighted, that their Flight alone
made them known to the Centurions, had the Guard of the Avenues.
Icilius, the ſame that in the Judgment of Brutus and Caffius, when Cafar
ſate Preſident, when all the other Judges gave privately their Votes to con-
demn them, alone durſt publickly argue for their Diſcharge, remembred
not himſelf in this occaſion of that great Generoſity; for ſeeing a dead Bo-
dy carrying out of the City, he ſet to his Shoulder with the reſt, that ſo he
might gain a paſſage in favour of the Bier : But the Guards at the Gate
perceiving there more people than were uſually employed in that office;
yet without doubting of them, would only know if they did not carry a live
Body inſtead of a dead: Which occaſioned that Icilius being diſowned by
the reſt, was known, and at the ſame time ſlain.
Varus being betrayed by one of his Freed-men, fled; and taking the way
of the Mountains, got to the Marſhes of Minturnum, where he hid himſelf
to take a little repoſe. Mean time thoſe of Minturnum coming by chance
to ſeek for Thieves who often run thither for Shelter, ſeeing the Leaves of
the Buſhes ſhake, diſcovered him. So that being taken, and confefſing
himſelf to be a Thief, they condemned him to death : But ſeeing that they
went to put him upon thc Rack, to make him confefs his Companions, he
told them, I give you notice, my Maſters, that I have been Conſul, and am
proſcribed in which Onality 1 am more confiderable to thoſe that now govern,
that you ought not have the boldneß either to torment or put me to death; for
ſince my death is inevitable, I had rather die by my Equals. The Judges had
much ado to believe him, and thought it only a Fiction, when a Centurion
arriving, knew him, cut off his Head, and left the reſt of his Body to the
People of Mintarnum.
Largus found in the Country by Soldiers that fought for another, they
had pity of a Mani fallen into their Hands unlooked for, and let him eſcape
into the Woods; where being met and purſued by others, he run again to
the firſt ; crying out, Kill me, you that would have ſaved me ; for I had ra-
ther you than others ſhould have the Rewards. Thus dying, he made his ac-
kuowledgments of their good will.
Rufus,

176
The Civil Wars
PART II.
Rufus, who was Neighbour to Fulvia, Anthony's Wife, having a very
fine Houſe which formerly he had refuſed to ſell her, though now he would
gladly have given it her, was found among the number of the Profcripts.
His Head being brought to Anthony, he ſaid, it belonged not to him ; and
ſent it to his Wife: who cauſed it not to be nailed up in the Publick Place;
but before the ſame Houſe.
Another having a Houſe of Pleaſure in the Country with a magnificent
Garden, wherein was a deep and beautiful Grotto, which had been the
cauſe of his Proſcription. One day, as he was refreſhing himſelf in his
Grotto, one of his Slaves eſpying the Soldiers afar off, hid him in the obſcu-
reſt part of the Cave; and taking his Cloaths, preſented himſelf to the Sol
diers in ſuch a frightful poſture as if he indeed had been his Maſter : And
certainly he might have paſſed for him, had not another of his Slaves diſco-
vered the Deceit. Thus the Mafter being flain, the people incenſed againſt
the Traytor, never left impertuning the Magiſtrates till he was hanged,
and that the other had obtained his Liberty.
Aterius being likewiſe hid, one of his Slaves diſcovered him; and for it
had his Liberty. But not content therewith when the Goods of the Pro-
ſcript were publickly ſold, and that the Children would have bought thein,
he not only out-bid them, but reviled them with words; which they ſeem-
ed not at all to reſent, but ſtill followed him every where with tears in their
eyes, till ſuch time as the people were ſo much incenſed, that the Triumvirs
condemning his Avarice, revoked his Liberty, and remitted him under the
power of the Children of the Profcript.
One would have thought this Cruelty ſhould have been exerciſed only
upon perſons grown, at leaſt to full years; it extended it felf even to Or-
phan Children, with intent to ſpoil them of their Riches. And one was
killed as he went to School withi his Maſter ; who held the Child ſo ſtrong-
ly embraced, they could not pull him out of his arms.
Another, called Attilius, had the fame day taken the Robe Virile; and
his Friends conducted him to the Temple, to offer Sacrifices, ordinary up-
on thoſe occaſions : when he was inſerted in the Roll of the Profcripts, his
Slaves and Friends all preſently fled every one his way; and he remaining
alone, forfaken of all his great Train, retired to his Mother; who was ſo
frighted, that ſhe refuſed him her Houſe. So that not daring to apply him-
felf to any other perſon after being ſo treated by a Mother, he fled to the
top of a Mountain : whence Hunger forcing him to deſcend, he fell into
the hands of one of thoſe Thieves who ſteal Free Perſons to make them
Slaves. This Young Man, tenderly bred, and not able to undergo Labour
and Hardſhip, eſcaped chained as he was, and recovered the publick Road;
where preſenting himſelf to the firſt Centurion paſſed by, he ended his
life.
VI.
Mean white Lepidus triumphed over the Spaniards; and to that purpofe
publiſhed an Ordinance drawn up to this effect. All Perſons of what Degree
ſoever are enjoyned to employ this day in Feafts, Sacrificing and Rejoycing, un-
der pain of Proſcription. After that he mounted in Triumph to the Capitol,
accompanied by all the moſt remarkable Perſons of the City; chearful in
appearance, but with Souls oppreſſed with Hate and Anger. As for the
Goods of the Profcribed, they plundered their Houſes, but they found few
Purchaſers of their Lands; for moſt Men were aſhamed to add to their
Misfortunes, and believed ill luck would attend themſelves ſhould they deal
in

Book IV.
of Rome.
177
in ſuch Goods. Beſides, there was no ſecurity for ſuch as were known to
have Money ; and it was ſo dangerous to make new Acquiſitions, that no
Man was fécure of what he held from his Anceſtors. There were there-
fore none but very bold Men that bought: and becauſe they were but few,
they had them for a ſmall matter. So that the Triumvirsz who thought
that the Moneys hereby raiſed would ſerve for the Expence of the War;
found it to fall ſhort *two hundred Millions. They thereupon in the Aſ
ſembly acquainted the People with their Wants, and profcribed fourteen * Of Drams
hundred of the richeſt Women of the City; to whom they commanded to
come and declare what Riches they had, to be employed in the Neceſſities
of the State, as the Triumvirs thought convenient : and ſtrictly forbidding
all Concealments whatſoever, or valuing things below their true Value, un-
der pain of Puniſhment ; with promiſe of a Reward to any that ſhould in-
form of ſuch an Omiſſion, whether Free Man or Slave. The Women, as
ſoon as they had notice of it, having reſolved to become Suitors to the Kin-
dred of the Triumvirs, to ſolicite them in their behalf, were favourably re-
ceived by Cæſar's Siſter, and Anthony's Mother, but Fulvia, his Wife, ſhut
the Gate againſt them. They were ſo concerned at the Affront, that they
came in a Body to the Place; and the People and Guards making way for
them, they advanced to the Tribunal of the Triumvirs : where Hortenſia,
before prepared to that purpoſe, ſpoke to them in this manner, in the name
of all the reſt.
The Oration of Hortenſid.
B
Eing obliged to make to you our Remonftrances; as we are Women, we had
recourſe to your Women ; which ſurely was no more than what was decent :
But having received from Fulvia an affront which even Decency and Good Mana
ners forbid her to put upon us, we are forced to come hither to ſpeak for our
ſelves. You have deprived us of our Fathers, our Children, our Husbands, and
our Brothers, accuſed of the Crime of having offended you ; if after that you
spoil us of our Goods, you will reduce us to Extremities unbecoming our Birth,
our Qiality, and our Sex. If you perhaps ſay we have offended you as well as the
Men, proſcribe us in the ſame manner : But if none of you have been declared
Enemy by the Women ; if we have neither demoliſhed your Houſes, nor defeated
your Armies, nor given your Dignities to others, nor hindred you from being
preferred to Honours and Magiftracies, why are we equally puniſhed? Why do
you exa&t Contributions from us, who pretend nothing to Dignities, nor Honours,
nor Command of Armies, nor Government of the State, nor all thoſe things for
which you diſpute among your ſelves with ſo much Heat and Obſtinacy? But it is
becauſe you have War you infliet this on us : Was the World ever without War?
And were Women ever made contribute to it, whom Nature diſpenſes with by the
general Conſent of all Nations upon Earth ? I know well that in the time of our
Anceſtors, our Mothers derogating from the Privileges of their Sex, contribus
ted to the Expence of the War ; but it was but once, and in a time when the Ro-
man Empire and the City it ſelf were in hazard of becoming a Prey to the Cartha-
ginians. This too they did voluntarily, and ſold not for it either their Lands;
or their Houſes, or their Foyntures ; without which free Women cannot ſubfift.
They were content to contribute thoſe Mozables which only ſerved for Orna-
ment, not to be employed for any certain Uſe ; nor after Rewards promiſed to
Z Z Z
thoſe

178
PART II:
The Civil Wars
con-
thoſe that accuſed them, nor by conſtraint, but as much as they pleaſed. Should
the Gauls or Parthians invade Italy, and we be demanded to defend our Country,
we ſhall not be leſs generous than our Mothers; but think not that we will
tribute our Eſtates for Civil Wars, and to maintain one againſt another. In
the War of Pompey nothing was demanded, neither did Marius nor Cinna exact
any thing from us : no, nor Sylla himſelf though he had oppreſſed that Common-
wealth which you pretend to be the reeſtabliſhers of.
The Triumvirs were nettled at theſe words of Hortenſia's, and
thinking it ſtrange, that where Men were filent, Women ſhould
dare to ſpeak , and be ſo bold as to demand of the Magiſtrates an
account of their Actions, and refuſe to contribute Money to a War,
to which Men payed their perſons, commanded the Uſhers to make
them withdraw from the Tribunal; but the multitude beginning to
cry out, the Uſhers ſtopped, and the Triumvirs adjourned the buſineſs till
the morrow. As foon as it was day, of fourteen hundred Profcripts they
retrenched a thouſand, and only taxed four hundred; and for the Men it
was decreed, that whoever had more than one hundred thouſand Drams ef-
fective; whether he was Citizen or Sojourner, Freed Man or Prieſt, of
what Nation foever he was, without excepting perſon, ſhould give in a
Declaration of it, of which the fifteenth penny ſhould be taken at intereſt,
and one years Revenue towards the charge of the War, under pain of pu-
niſhment to the Tranfgreſſors, and promiſe of reward to the Informers.
Whilft theſe Ordinances were publiſhed at Rome, the Soldiers contemning
their Officers, committed greater diſorders in the Country, for the power
and ſecurity of the Triumvirs depending upon them, they demanded ei-
ther the Houſes, Lands, or confiſcated Goods of the Proſcripts; others
would have rich perſons to adopt them, others of their own Motion flew
Men uncondemned, or plundered the Houſes of private Men, inſomuch
that the Triumvirs deputed one of the Conſuls to chaſtiſe them, but he
durft not touch the Soldiers, for fear of incenſing them againſt himſelf, on-
ly took cccafion to hang a few Slaves, who.in Soldiers habit committed the
fame Violences.
VII.
After having related the miſeries of the Profcripts, I think it expedient
to ſpeak of thoſe who eſcaped beyond their own hopes, or came after-
wards to Dignity in the City, ſuch Examples not being unprofitable to the
Reader, who from thence may learn not to loſe courage in the worſt of
misfortunes. A great part of theſe who could get out of Italy made their
retreat to Brutus and Caffius, and ſome to Cornificius, who likewiſe ſtood
for the People in Africa, but the greateſt part eſcaped into Sicily, which is
nigh unto Italy, where Pompey took care to receive them, and did in this
unhappy occaſion great ſervices to theſe miſerable People ; for in the firſt
place he cauſed it to be publiſhed, that whoever would make their retreat
to him, ſhould be welcome, and that he would give to thoſe who ſaved a
Profcript, whether he were Freeman or Slave, double the reward which
the Triumvirs promifed to the Murderers. Then he appointed great
numbers of Barques and other Veſſels to go out and meet ſuch as might be
eſcaped toʻSea, and his Gallys continually cruiſed along the Coaſts, making
Signals to all that paſſed, and receiving all ſuch as would embarque on
them, whom at their landing he in perſon received, furniſhed them with
Cloaths and Neceſſaries, and to ſuch as were worthy gave Command in his
Army

Book IV.
of Rome.
179
come.
Army by Sea or Land, and declared lie would never come to an Accom-
modation with the Triumvirs, unleſs thoſe who had fled for refuge to him
were compriſed in it. Thus he beneficially ſerved his Country, and be-
ſides the Glory derived from his Father, made himſelf illuſtrious by his
own Virtue. Others that fled or hid themſelves in Country Houſes, or in
Sepulchres, or in the City it felf, lived miſerably, and in perpetual fear, till
the perſecution was overpaſſed, which laſted a good time, during which
were found wonderful examples of Friendſhip, of Wives for their Huf
bands, of Children for their Parents, and even of Slayes to their Maſters,
of which we will relate the moſt memorable.
Paulus Brother to Lepidus being proſcribed by himſelf, the Centurions
had yet reſpect for him as he was their General's Brother, ſo that he re-
treated in ſafety to Brutus, and after Brutus's death to Miletum, from
whence, though after the peace he were recalled, he vouchſafed not to
Lucius, Anthony's Uncle; was received into his Siſter's Houſe, who
kept him a long time without concealing him, becauſe the Centurions ré-
ſpected her as Mother to their General ; yet at laſt when they would have
entred, ſhe run to the place, and Anthony with his Colleagues being ſeated
on the Tribunal, I accuſe my ſelf, Sir, (faid ſhe) that I have received and
will receive Lucius into my Houſe till ſuch time as you put us both to deaths
together, ſince the Profcripts and thoſe that receive them are equally guilty. An-
thony anſwered her, that ſhe was a good siſter, but an ill Mother, and
that ſhe either ought not now to ſave Lucius, or have hindred him before
from declaring her Son Enemy; yet he took ſuch order, that the Conful
Planchs exempted him from punishment by a Decree of the People.
Melala, a young Man of nobleſt Birth, having made his eſcape to Bru-
tus, the Triumvirs, who feared him becauſe of his Generoſity, revoked
his Profcription in theſe terms: Since the Kindred of Meffala have atteſted to
us that he was not in the City when Cæſar was killed, we have decreed that he be
erazed out of the Roll of the Profcripts. But he would not accept their kind-
neſs: and yet after Brutus and Caffius were killed in Thrace, when the
Army being yet in a good condition, and wanted neither Ships nor Money
nor hopes, had choſen him General, he refuſed it; nay, on the contrary,
perſwaded the Soldiers to yield to fortune, and take part with Anthony
After which he was one of his particular Friends, till ſuch time as affronted
by Cleopatra. he withdrew to Cæfar, who made him Conful in the room of
Anthony after he was declared Enemy the ſecond time. After which he
ferved under Cæfar at the Battel of Astium; and in concluſion Cæfar having
ſent him againſt the revolted Gauls he defeated them, and deſerved the Ho-
nour of Triumph.
Bibulus, who gained Anthony's favour at the ſame time with Melala,
and was ſome time Admiral of his Fleet againſt Cæſar, got at laſt the Go-
vernment of Syrie, where he died.
Acilius, who was dragged out of the City, having been delivered to the
Soldiers by one of his Slaves, perſwaded them by hopes of great gain to
ſend ſome of their company to his Wife with the tokens he gave them.
They going, ſhe ſhewed them her Jewels, and told them ſhe would give
them all, on condition they would releaſe him, which they promiſed to do,
and though ſhe doubted of their promiſe, yet her friendſhip to her Huf
band was worthy not to be deceived, and the Soldiers hired a Boat for Aci-
lius, and ſent him for Sicily.
Lentulus being watcired by his Wife, for fear he ſhould fly without her,
Z Z Z 2
and

180
PART II.
The Civil Wars
and he was unwilling ſhe ſhould hazard her ſelf in the danger with him, e-
ſcaped ſecretly into Sicily, where being made Pretor, he wrote to her the
happy ſucceſs of his flight, and the Honour he had received from Pompey.
When ſhe knew where her Husband was, ſhe ſtole from her vigilant Mo-
ther, and only with two Slaves and her ſelf in the habit of a Servant came
with much trouble and labour to Rhegium, from whence towards Evening
The got paſſage to Melina; where having eaſily found the Pretor's Houſe,
ſhe found Lentulus, not in the Equipage of a Pretor, but lying on the
ground upon a Mattreſs, with untrimmed Hair and a flender Supper, all out
of grief and impatience to ſee his Wife.
Apuleius's Wife threatned to have him taken if he fled away alone; fo
that he was conſtrained to carry her along with him, which made none be
fufpicious of his flight, feeing him march publickly with his Wife, Men,
and Maid-Seryants. And Antius his Wife wrapped him in Coverlids, and
made him be carried like a Pack to the Sea ſide, from whence he eſcaped
into Sicily.
Reginus his Wife made her Husband by night go down the Privý, of
which he ſmelt ſo ſtrong next Morning, that the Soldiers loath to come
near him, the next day ſhe cloathed him like a Collier, giving him an Aſs
loaden with Charcoal to drive before him, and ſhe at a ſmall diſtance went
before in her Litter. One of the Soldiers that had the Guard of the Gate
had ſome ſuſpicion of the Litter, and would needs ſee what was in it. Re-
ginus, who was in fear for his Wife, came up praying the Soldier (as in
paſſing) not to affront Women: and the Soldier having at firſt given him
a ſurly anſwer as to a Collier, at laſt knowing him, for he had born Arms
under him in Syria, ſaid to him, Save your ſelf without fearing any thing,
my General, for it is yet reaſonable that I call you ſo.
Copponius by means of his Wife, who had been chaſte hitherto, got his
pardon of Anthony; but fhe remedied one miſchief by another.
Geta's Son made a Funeral Pile for his Father's Body, as if he had ſtrang-
led himſelf, and ſent to hide him at a Town he had lately purchaſed in the
Country, where the old man, the better to diſguiſe himſelf
, clapped a
Plaiſter on one eye: and after the Peace was concluded, found that for
want of making uſe of his eye, he was indeed blind of it.
Oppius refuſing to flie, becauſe he was already old and infirm, his San
took him upon his Shoulders, carried him out of the City, and laboured
ſo long, that ſometimes leading, and ſometimes carrying him, he brought
him at laſt to Sicily, without any ones having the leaſt ſuſpicion, or doing
them the leaſt injury. Thus we paint Æneas, reſpected by his Enemies
themſelves, for carrying his Father. The People afterwards gave the Æ-
dility to this young Man, out of reſpect to his Piety, and becauſe his Fa-
ther's eſtate being confiſcate, he had nothing to defray the expence of thoſe
Plays, the Artizans with one accord ſupplyed him gratis with whatever he
wanted from each ſeveral Trade, and every Spectator caſt what Money he
pleaſed on the Stage, ſo that he became rich.
Arrianus likewiſe by Will ordered this Epitaph to be engraven on his Se-
pulchre:
Here lie the Aſhes of a Proſcript, whoſe Son not proſcribed, concealed, accom-
panied in his flight, and ſaved from the Profcription.
There lived in theſe times two Metellas's, the Father and the Son,
whereof the Father having command under Anthony at the Battel of Aiti-
um,

Book IV.
of Rome.
181
um, was taken without being known, the Son ſiding with Cæfar had Com-
mand under him in the ſame Battel: When Cæfar being at Samos would
needs ſee the Priſoners ; this old man was brought among the reſt, his
Hair long, and ſo filthy, that he was not to be known; but when they
called him in his order of the Roll, the Son who was ſeated near Cæfar,
hearing the name of Metellus, leaped from his place, and ran with tears
in his eyes to ernbrace his Father, whom he ſcarcely knew, and then re-
ftraining his tears, ſpoke thus to Ceſar : He bore Arms againſt you, I have
ſerved you: he deſerves puniſhment, I reward, 1 beſeech you then either para
don my Father in conſideration of the ſervices I have done you ; or let me die
with him for the offences he has committed againſt you. This Diſcourſe mo-
ving all the Aſſembly to compaſſion, Ceſar promiſed to give life to Metellus,
though he had been his greateſt Enemy, and that he could never by any of
fers he made, oblige himn to ſerve againſt Anthony.
The Slaves of Maricius were fo faithful, and ſo fortunate as to keep him
in the Houſe all the time of the Profcription, inſomuch that when the dan-
ger was over, he came out of his Houſe, as if he came out of Baniſh-
ment.
Hirtius being eſcaped out of the City with his Slaves, went throughout
Italy, releaſing Priſoners, gathering together Fugitives, and at firſt plun-
dering ſmall Towns, afterwards greater, till ſuch time as he beheld him-
felf at the Head of conſiderable Forces, and ſubdued the Brutians, but the
Triumvirate ſending againſt him a potent Army, he retreated with all his
People to Pompey.
Reſtion thinking to flie alone, was privately followed by one of his Slaves
born in his Houſe, whom formerly he had uſed kindly, but ſince branded
in his Face with a hot Iron for his Roguery. His Maſter as he was lying
down in the Marches, ſeeing him come, was much affrighted, which the
Slave obſerving, told him the Brand he had ſet in his Face touched him not
ſo much as the memory of his former Benefits: and at the ſame time hiding
him in a Cave, fed him by his labour in the beſt manner he could ; and af-
terward perceiving the Soldiers who were not far from the Cave, and
were coming thither upon ſuſpicion fome one might be there hid, he fell
upon an old Man that paſſed by, flew him, and cut off his Head, where-
upon the Soldiers wondring at the action, and laying hold on him as a Mur-
derer, he told him: It is Reſtion my Maſter whom I have thus fain, to re-
venge theſe marks of Infamy ; whereupon they preſently took from him the
Head, that they might have the reward, which, whilſt they in vain went
to ſeek at the City, he removed his Maſter thence, and got him a paſſage
into Sicily.
Appius being in Bed in a ſmall Country Houſe, whither the Soldiers came
to ſeek him, one of his Slaves pulled off his Cloaths, which making him
put on, he lay down in the Bed as if he had been the Maſter, and was wil-
lingly ſlain for him, Appius ftanding by in the Habit of a Slave.
In the ſame manner Menemius being beſieged by the Soldiers in his
Houſe, one of the Slaves went into his Litter, and cauſed himſelf to be
carried out by fome of his Comrades, who contributed to his deſign, and
ſo was killed for his Maſter, who by that means eſcaped for Sicily.
A Freed Man of Funius, called Philemon, who dwelt in a magnificent
Houſe, hid him in a publick Room in a ſtrong Cheſt made to keep Writings
or Plate, and fed him by night till the time of
peace.
Another Freed Man to whom was committed the keeping of his Ma-
ſter’s Sepulchre, whoſe Son was likewiſe proſcribed, kept there both Fa-
ther and Son.
Lucretius

182
PART II.
The Civil Wars
Lucretius having wandered ſome time up and đown the Fields with two
faithful Slaves, was at laſt by hunger forced to return and ſee his Wife,
cauſing himſelf to that end to be carried by the Slaves in his Litter as a fick
Man, one of thoſe that carried him having broke his Leg, he purſued his
way, ſupporting himſelf upon the other. But when he came near to that
Gate where his Father, proſcribed by Sylla, was taken, and ſaw a compa-
ny of Soldiers coming towards him, his heart upon the omen of the place
miſgave him, and he went and hid himſelf in a Sepulchre. Certain Thieves
uſed to rob Sepulchres, coming thither, he let himſelf be ſtripped. The
Slave while his Maſter lay cloſe was gone towards the Gate, where he
waited for him, and when he came, covering him with ſome part of his
Cloaths, carried him in that manner to his Wife. There was in his Houſe a
Room double floored, where ſhe hid him, , till by the interceſſion of his
Friends he got pardon from the Triumvirs, and after peace was made, ob-
tained the Conſulate.
Sergius remained
fore time hid in Anthony's own Houſe, who at laſt ma-
naged Affairs ſo, by the means of the Conful Plancus, that his return was
aſſented to; wherefore when Cæfar and Anthony after fell at odds, when
the Senate declared Anthony Enemy, Sergius was the only man that openly
oppoſedit.
As for Pomponius, he took the Habit and Enſign of a Pretor, and having
cloathed his Slaves like Uſhers, went as a Pretor all the length of the City
with his Litters, his Officers crowding cloſe about him for fear he ſhould
be known by others; being got out of the Gates he mounted in one of the
publick Coaches, and marching in this Equipage through Italy, was every
where received as a Pretor deputed from the Triumvirs to make peace with
Pompey, till ſuch time as he paſſed into Sicily upon one of the publick Gal-
leys.
Apuleius and Aruntius acted the Centurions, armed their Slaves like
Soldiers, and run about the City as if they had purſued fome Profcripts.
At length ſeparating, they began to releaſe Priſoners, and to gather toge-
ther Fugitives, till having levyed fome Troops, cach beheld himfelf with
Enſigns, Arms, and a certain kind of Army; both one and the other ſtrove
to get the Sea ſide, and therefore came to encamp on certain eminencies in
view of each other, one mightily afraid of the other. Morning coming on
they took one the other for Enemies, came down from the Hills, and en-
gaged each other, till at length, knowing their errour, they threw down
their Arms, and with tears embraced, caſting this accident on fortune
which had been croſs to them in all things. After that they embarqued and
made their retreat, Aruntius to Pompey, with whom he returned to the Ci-
ty, and Apuleins to Brutus, whoſe Lieutenant he was in the Government
of Bithynia, which after Brutus's death falling to Anthony, he permitted
him to return to his Houſe.
As ſoon as Ventidius was proſcribed, one of his Freed Men bound him,
as if it were to deliver him to the Executioners, the Night following he
armed all his Slaves like Soldiers, and as if he had been Centurion brought
forth his Patron, and managed his buſineſs with ſo much cunning, that croſ-
fing in this manner all Italy as far as Sicily, they lodged often in the ſame Inn
with other Centurions, under pretence of ſearching
for Ventidius.
Another whom his Freed Man had hid in a Sepulchre, being ſtruck with
horrour at ſuch a Lodging, went and hired a wretched Chamber next to
one hired by a Soldier, where not able to endure to live in continual fear, he
paſſed from infinite terrour to prodigious boldneſs, and cauſing himſelf to
be

Book IV.
of Rome.
183
Hist
be ſhaved, went and kept a School in Rome it ſelf, till fuch time as peace
was made.
Volufius being profcribed whilft he was Ædile, had a Friend, Prieſt to the
Goddeſs ifis, who lent him a Linnen Robe that covered him to the very
Heels, ſo that paſſing through the Country in the habit of a Prieſt to that
Goddeſs, and every where performing the uſual Ceremonies, he eſcaped
to Pompey.
po
Sittius a Native of Cales, as he was very rich, ſo he had been at great ex-
pence in the ſervice of his Countrymen, in acknowledging of which they
took Arms in his defence, threatened his Slaves with death, if any ill hap-
pened to him, and permitted not the Soldiers to approach their Walls, till
ſuch time as the miſchief diminiſhing, they fent to the Triumvirs, and ob-
tained from them that he might ſtay in his own Country, baniſhed from a-
ny part of Italy. So Sittius became the only perſon of all mankind that e-
ver was in exile in his own Country.
Varro a Philoſopher, Hiſtorian, Soldier, and General of great Reputa-
tion, was alſo profcribed, poffibly for being ſo, as an Enemy to Monarchy.
All his Friends were at ſtrife who ſhould have the Honour to ſecure him,
Calenus carried it, and kept him in a Country Houſe of his, where Anthony
often divertiſed himſelf as he paſſed by; yet none, either of Varro's or Can
lenus's Slaves diſcovered him.
Virginius a fair ſpoken Man perſwaded his Domeſticks, that if they flew
him for a ſmall gain, which yet they were not ſure of, they would be af-
fliated with eternal remorſe of conſcience; whereas on the contrary by ſa-
ving his life they might expect immortal Glory, and hope for rewards
greater and more certain ; wherefore, as if they had been one of his
companions, they followed him in his flight, wherein being known by the
Soldiers, he talked to them in the ſame manner, he told them that there
was no hate between them for which they ſhould kill him, and that doing it
only for Money, they might get more and more honeſtly if they would go
with him to the Sea ſide, whither his Wife was to bring all he had. They
believed him, and went along, and indeed his Wife had been there accord-
ing to, agreement betwixt them, but Virginius ſtaying too long
The believed, that coming there before her he was embarqued, and
therefore embarqued to follow him, yet leaving a Slave on the Shore to
give Virginius notice, if he were yet behind. The Slave ſeeing Virginius
coming, ran to meet him, and ſhewed him the Veſſel wherein his Wife
was, not yet out of ſight, and withal talked to him of his Wife, his Money,
and the reaſon why ſhe left him. The Soldiers were ſo abſolutely perſwa-
ded, that when Virginius entreated them either to ſtay till he could make
his Wife return, or to embarque with him to go after her, and receive their
Money, they entred with him into the Veſſel, and themſelves ſetting hand
to the Oars brought him into Sicily, where after having received what he
had promiſed them, they continued in his ſervice till the time of the
Peace.
Rebulus being in a Veſſel that was to carry him for Sicily, the Pilot began
to demand Money of him, threatning to diſcover him if he gave it him
not, to whom Rebulus made a like anſwer, as Themiſtocles had done in his
flight that he would have ſaved a Proſcript for Money, inſomuch that the
Pilot affrighted with the anſwer, brought him ſpeedily to Pompey.
Murcus was likewiſe profcribed becauſe he had Command in Brutus's
Army, and being taken after Brutus was defeated, he feigned himſelf a
Slave: Barbrla bought him, and becauſe he faw him a&tive, gave him the
Government

184
The Civil Wars
PART II.
no-
Government of all his other Slaves, and withal made him his Caſh-keeper.
Murcus behaved himſelf in this Employment with more prudence than na-
ture ordinarily gives to Slaves, his Mafter hereupon had ſome ſuſpicion
of him, and exhorting him to courage, promiſed to ſecure him, though
he were one of the Profcripts, which he conſtantly denyed, telling him
out of his own invention his Name, his Family, and his former Maſters.
Barbula thereupon carried him to Rome, thinking if he were one of the
Profcripts he would be loath to go: however he followed him ; but ſome
time after as Barbula was before one of the Conſul's Gates, one of his
Friends knowing Murcus in his Train in the Habit of a Slave gave him
tice of it, and he by the interceſſion of Agrippa deſired his pardon of Cæfar,
who cauſed him to be erazed out of the Roll of the Profcripts, eſteemed
him afterwards as his Friend, and employed him not long after in the Battel
of Actium againſt Anthony. Barbula ſerved under Anthony, and fortune
had ordered each of them his turn; for Barbula after Anthony's Defeat
was taken priſoner, feigning himſelf a Slave, Murcus bought him as if he
had not known him, and gave advice of it to Caſar, from whom he obtain-
ed power to return him like for like; and this conformity of fortune be-
tween them continued ever ; for they were afterwards Colleagues in one
of the higheſt Digoities of the City.
Some time after Lepidus reduced by Cæfar to the condition of a private
Man from a Sovereign, that he was conſtrained by a like neceſſity to fub-
mit to Balbixus, who eſcaping the Profcription returned with Pompey, and
was now Conſul, and thus it happened, Mæcenas had accuſed Zepidus the
Son, of a Conſpiracy againſt Ceſar, together with the Mother as an Ac
complice; for Lepidus himſelf he deſpiſed as weak. The Son being ſent to
Cæfar then at Artium, Mecenas cauſed it to be ordered, that if the Mother
would be diſpenſed with from the toil of the Journey, ſhe fhould give in
ſuch ſecurity as the Conſul ſhould approve, but none being found would
be bound for her : Lepidus having often in vain preſented himſelf before
Balbinus's Gate, and ſometimes too before the Tribunal, from whence the
Officers had forced him to retire, had ſcarce the liberty at laſt to ſay theſe
words : The accufers themſelves are teſtimonies of my innocency, by ſaying I
am no Abettor with my wife and Son. 'Twas not I proſcribed you, and at this
day I am my ſelf under the power of Proſcribers; wherefore let me beg you to
conſider the inſtability of humane things, and to accept my ſecurity for my Wife,
or ſend me priſoner along with her. Lepidus having thus ſpoke, Balbinus
moved at this great change, diſcharged his Wife
from the ſecurity de-
manded.
Cicero the Son of the Orator being ſent into Greece by his Father, who
foreſaw the miſeries that afterwards happened, retired firſt to Brutus, and
afterwards to Pompey, and had both under one and the other very honoura-
ble Employments in the War. At laſt Cafar to make it appear he had not
conſented to his Father's death, made his Son firſt Pontifex or High Prieſt,
ſome time after Conſul, and in the end Proconſul of Syria : and then when
Cæfar after having defeated Anthony at Actium, wrote news of it to Rome:
Cicero as Conſul read it in full Aſſembly, and fixed a Copy before the Tri-
bunal for Orations, where formerly his Father's Head had been expofed.
Appius after having depoſited what Goods he had in the hands of his
Slaves, embarqued himſelf to go with them into Sicily. A Tempeſt a-
riſing, the Slaves who were deſirous to enrich themſelves with his Money,
perſwaded him there was more ſecurity in the Boat, and prevailed with
him to go into her. But fortune would that againſt all probability he was
faved, and the Slaves all periſhed,
Publius

Book IV.
of Rome.
185
Publius, * Queſtor to Brutus, who had been ſolicited by Anthony's Peo- *Treasurer,
ple to betray his General, and was proſcribed by the Triumvirate for not
conſenting, returned at laſt to Rome, and was beloved by Cæfar to that de-
gree, that when Publius ſhewed him Pictures of Brutus in his Houſe, he
yet
eſteemed him the more. Theſe are the moſt memorable accidents happen-
ed to ſome Profcripts who eſcaped the danger.
Whilſt theſe things paſſed at Rome, all the reſt of the Empire concern'd VIII.
either for one or the other party was filled with Wars, eſpecially in Africa,
between Sextus and Cornificius, in Syria between Caffius and Dolobella, and
in Sicily againſt Pompey, in which Actions many Cities were forced, as Lao-
dicea, Tharſus, Rhodes, Patara and Xant, not to ſpeak of others leſs con-
ſiderable ; the particulars whereof we will relate in the briefeſt method
poſſible. The Romans divide Africa into two Provinces, of which, they
call that the old which they conquered from the Carthaginians, and that
whereof Cæfar had newly deſpoiled King Fuba they call the new, that is
Numidia. Sextius ſent into this laſt in quality of Cæſar's Lieutenant, gave
Commands to Cornificiws to ſurrender to him the old, becauſe by the divi-
fion made among the Triumvirate all Africa belonged to Cæfar : Cornificius
made anſwer, that he knew nothing of any ſuch Diviſion, and could not
without orders of the Senate quit the Government of a Province they had
given him in charge, whereupon they declared War: Cornificius had an Ar-
my both better diſciplin'd, and ſtronger in Men than Sextius,who having only
light armed Foot made incurſions into Cornificius's Government, and dayly
drew ſome to his Party, till ſuch time as Ventidius Lieutenant to Cornificius
coming againſt him with more Forces than he had, belieged him, and Le-
lius the other Lieutenant of the ſame Cornificius entred into Sextius his Pro-
vince,and beſieged Cirta. Mean time both parties ſent to demand alliance of
King Ar abion, and thoſe they call Sittiens, for the reaſon we are going to re-
láte, Sittius accuſed of crimes at Rome,not daring ſtand a trial,fled,and gathe-
ring together ſome Forces as well in Italy as Spain, went over into Africa:
There happened then to be war between the African Kings, wherein Sittius
taking ſometimes one part,and ſometimes another,and ſtill carrying Vi&ory
to that fide he joyned with, foon gained a fair reputation, and by exer-
ciſing his Army made it capable of great Attempts. He ſerved likewiſe
C. Cæſar when he came to make War upon thoſe who took part with Pompey,
and flew Saburra Lieutenant to King Fuba , in acknowledgment of
which ſervices Cæſar gave him the confiſcation of Manaſſes's Eſtate, yet not
all of it, but the better part. Manaſſes was Father of this Arabion, and for
having aſſiſted King Fuba; Cæfar divided his Country between Sittius and
Bocchus King of the
Moors. Sittius diſtributed his part
to his Soldiers, and
Arabion werīt over into Spain to Pompey's Sons. After Cæſar's death he re-
turned into Africa, from whence he continually ſent freſh Troops of Afri-
cans to Sextus the Son of Pompey, who being returned from Spain well ex-
perienced, he drove out Bocchus, and got rid of Sittius by treaſon, and
though he had an inclination for Pompey's Children, becauſe of the good
Offices lie had received, yet would he no longer oblige himſelf to that Par-
ty which he faw forſaken by fortune, but choſe rather to declare for Sex-
tiüs, by whoſe means he hoped to gain Cæſar's favour, and the Sittians in
conſideration of his Father's kindneſs to them, did the ſame : Sextius en-
couraged by ſuch a reinforcement went and charged Ventidius, routs his
People, cuts the moſt part in pieces, and takes a great many Priſoners: News
whereof being brought to Lelius, he raiſes the Siege of Cirta, and returns
A a a a

186
Part II.
The Civil Wars
to joyn with Cornificins. Sextius puffed up with this ſucceſs, marches a-
gainſt Cornificius, who lay near Utica with much greater Forces ; and en-
camps cloſe by him. There Lelius being commanded out with his Horſe,
to make diſcovery of the Poſture of the Enemy, Sextius gives Order to A
rabion to go charge him in Front with his Horſe ; and he with his Light-ar-
med Foot gains the Flank, whilft he thought to have to deal only with
Horſe. He charges him fo home, that Lelius, before he received farther
diſgrace, fearing to be ſurrounded, and his Retreat cut off, goes and ſeizes
upon an Eminence in the midſt of the Campain ; where Arabion in his Rear
having ſlain many of his Horſe-men, inveſts him. Cornificius ſeeing that,
fallies out of the Camp with his beſt Troops : Sextius falls in his Rear: He
faces about ; and during the Fight, wherein he is hard put it, Arabion ſends
privately to his Camp people uſed to clamber up Rocks; who make them-
felves Maſters of it. Roſcius, who had the Guard of it, makes one of his
people kill him. Cornificius tired out with fighting, not knowing his Camp
was taken,haſtes towards the Eminence to make good his Retreat to Lelius
but Arabion getting between him and his mark, he was cut in pieces. Ze
lius, who beheld all this from the place where he was, kills himſelf. The
Army ſeeing their Commanders dead, made every Man the beſt way he
could. The Profcripts that were with Cornificius fled, fome to Sicily, others
where beſt they might. Sextius gave to Arabion and the Sittians great
quantity of Spoils; and pardoning the Cities, received them under the O-
bedience of Cæfar. Thus ended the War in Lybia between Sextius and Core
nificius ; which was thus Ahort, as it ſeems, by reaſon of the heat of the
Commanders.
IX.
We will now ſpeak of what was done by Brutus and Caſſius
, after having
made ſome ſhort Repetition of what has been ſaid before, for the better un
derſtanding the whole. Cafar being ſlain, the Conſpirators ſeized the Ca-
pitol, from whence they defcended after the Senate had proclaimed the In
dempnity. Afterward, the people moved for Cæſar's death, took Fire-
brands from his Funeral-pile, and clapped them to the Houſes of the Con-
ſpirators, which defending themſelves from above, repulſed the multi-
tude, and ſoon after every one of them retired into the Governments which
Cefar had given them. Caffius and Brutus exerciſed ſtill the Office of Pre-
tors in the City, and had been deſigned Pro-Pretors by Cæfar; Caffius of
Syria, and Brutus of Macedon. But becauſe the time appointed for their
going to their Provinces was not yet come, and that without fear they
could not ſtay in the City. The Senate ſent them out honourably, under
pretence of giving them the Superintendence of Proviſion, leſt otherwiſe
they ſhould ſeem to have fled. After they were gone the Governments of
Syria and Macedon were given by Decree to the Conſuls, Anthony and Dolo-
bella, againſt the mind of moſt of the Senate; and yet in ſome manner to
recompence Brutus and Caffius, they granted them Crete and Cyrene. But
they deſpiſing theſe Governments becauſe they were too ſmall, began by
Money to aſſure themſelves of Forces, with intent to fieze upon Syria and
Macedon. To this end they were labouring, when Trebonius being ſain by
Dolobella, and Decimus beſieged in Gaul by Anthony, the Senate offended,
declared Anthony and Dolobella Enemies, confirmed Brutus and Caffius in
their firſt Governments, added Illyria to that of Brutus ; and gave Com-
mand to all Governors, and all Soldiers of the Oriental Provinces, to re-
ceive the Orders of Caffius and Brutus. After which Caſſius, without conſi-
dering Dolobella, advances to poffefs himſelf of Syria, with the Enligns of
Com-

Book IV.
of Rome.
187
Command, together with twelve compleat Legions of Old Soldiers, who
had ferved their Apprenticeſhip under Cafar. For Cafar having already in
his thoughts the War againſt the Parthians, had left one in Syria under the
Charge of Cecilius Baffns, as Lieutenant to Sextus Fulius, his Kinſman, yet
very young: who roving about the Country to take his pleaſure, uſed to
carry his Legion along with him, contrary to all Decency: which when
Baſſus repreſented unto him, he reviled him. And another time when he
fent for Balus, becauſe he came not immediately, he commanded to bring
hirn by force : This Command raiſed a Tumult
, and the Tumult a Scuffle,
wherein the Soldiers no longer able to bear with Fulius inſolence, flew him
with their Javelins : But at the ſame inſtant they repented themſelves, for
they feared Cofar; wherefore they ſwore mutually to one another, that if
he granted them not a Pardon for this Action, they would defend them-
ſelves to the death. They likewiſe forced Baſſus to be of the Conſpiracy
and raiſed another Legion, whom they exerciſed after the Roman way of
Diſcipline. Sextus Marcus, ſent by Céſar againſt them with three Legions,
was repulſed; till ſuch time as having called to his Affiſtance Minutius Cri-
spus, with three other Legions out of Bithynia , Baſſus found himſelf be-
lieged by fix Legions, when Caffius coming that way, Baffus Army volunta-
rily ſubmitted to him, and ſoon after the fix Legions commanded by Marcus
and Minutius; whether they had an inclination for him, or elſe were wil-
ling to obey him in compliance with the Senate's Decree. Allienus fent
ſome time before by Dolobella into Egypt, now brought thence four Legions
of the Remains of Pompey's and Craſſus Defeats; or of thoſe which Cæſar,
at his departure from Egypt, had left in Cleopatra's Service. Caffius ſurpri-
zed him
in Paleſtine, and forced to take part with him ; for he durft not re-
fiſt eight Legions, having but four. Thus, beyond all expectation, he
found himſelf Maſter of twelve Legions, beſides a great number of Parthian
Archers on Horſe-back, who were come to offer themſelves to him out of
the great Eſteem he had gained among them, when being Queſtor to Craf-
fus, they judged him more prudent than his General. Dolobella, fince Tre-
bonius death, had ſtayed in Ionia; where he exacted great ſtore of Money
from the Cities, and prepared a Fleet of Ships which Livius Figulus hired
from the Rhodians, Lycians, Pamphilians and Cilicians. So that having
made theſe Preparations, he attempted to ſeize upon Syria; and to that
purpoſe took his March by Land with two Legions, and gave order to Figu-
Ius to follow him by Sea : But when he underſtood the State of Caſſius his
Power, he turned into Laodicea, a City affectionate to his Intereſts, and ſci-
tuate on a Peninſula fortified to the Land ; and whereof the Port was very
commodious to enter with Proviſions, or to go out again when ever they
had a mind to ſet Sail. As ſoon as Cafius had notice hereof, that Dolobella
might not eſcape him, he cauſed to be raiſed at the Neck of the Peninſula,
which was two Furlongs over, a Bulwark of the ſame length, raiſed with
Stones and other ſorts of Materials, which he took from the Houſes and Se-
pulchres that were in the Suburbs. He fent likewiſe to require Shipping
from the Phenicians, Lycians and Rhodians; who all refuſed him : But
though only the Sidonians ſent theirs to him, he forbore not with them to
affault Dolobella’s Navy. There was in this Fight a great many Ships funk
of one ſide and the other ; nevertheleſs, at laſt Dolobella got five, with all
the Sea-men and Soldiers in them. Caffius ſent afreſh to demand Aid of
thoſe had refuſed him at firſt, and beſides them, to Cleopatra, Queen of E
gypt; and to Serapion, who commanded for her in Cyprus. The Tyrians,
the Aradians and Serapion (without the Queen's Order) ſent him all they
had:
Аааа2

188
PART II.
The Civil Wars
had: But the Queen pretended that Egypt was afflicted with Famine and
Plague to excuſe her ſelf, though indeed, for the firſt Cefar's fake, ſhe was
concerned for Dolobella, had already ſent him four Legions by Allienus,
and had likewiſe at that preſent a Fleet in readineſs to relieve him, which
only ſtayed till the foul Weather Seaſon was paſt. As for the Rhodians and
Lycians,they made Anſwer, that they would ſerve neither Brutus nor Caffrys
in a Civil War ; and that they had lent their Ships to Dolobella for paſſage
only, not believing he would make uſe of them in War. After this Anſwer,
Caſſius, with thoſe Forces he had, returned to give an Aſſault to Dolobella's
Fleet; where the advantage was very doubtful at firſt, but at laſt Dolobella
ſuffered ſome loſs. At the ſame time the Bulwark being finiſhed, they
planted Batteries ; and whilſt they played at the Wall, Caffius laboured to
corrupt the Guards : And not being able to gain Marſus, who commanded
the Guard by Night, he prevailed with the Centurions that did it by Day;
who, when Marſus was gone to his Repoſe, let in Caffius at many little Po-
ſterns. The City being taken, Dolobella commanded one of his people to
cut off his Head, and carry it to Caffius, to fave his own: He obeyed in the
firſt point, but after killed himſelf upon his Maſter's Body: Marſus like-
wiſe flew himſelf. Caffius took an Oath from Dolobella's Army, plundered
the Temples and Treaſuries of Laodicea, put to death the principal Inhabi-
tants, and taxed the reſt in vaſt Summs; ſo that he reduced the City to ex-
treme neceſſity. From Laodicea, he took his March towards Egypt, upon
the News that Cleopatra was going with a great Fleet to meet Cæfar and
Anthony. He hoped to hinder that Queen's
Voyage, and to revenge him-
ſelf of her: and indeed, he was very deſirous to have fiezed upon Egypt,
then oppreſſed with Famine, and disfurniſhed of Men of War, Aienus ha-
ving lately drawn thence the four Legions. And it is probable ſomething
might have been done, but Brutus ſent for Caffius in haſte, becauſe Cafar and
Anthony had paſſed the Ionian Sea. Thus Caffius diverted from the Expedi-
tion of Egypt, of which he had great hopes, diſmiſſed the Parthians with
Rewards, and ſent Ambaſſadors to their King, to demand a greater Succor;
which arriving after the Defeat, over-run Syria and the Neighbouring Pro-
vinces, as far as Ionia, and ſo returned. After this, having left his Nephew
in Syria with one Legion, he ſent his Horſe before into Cappadocia ; ſurpri-
zed Ariobarzanes, under pretence that he had deſerted Caſſius, and defeated
him, and brought to the General all his Treaſures and Proviſions which he
had made ready for the War. Thoſe of Tarſus being divided into two Fa-
&tions, the one had firſt received Caffius, and made him a Preſent of a
Crown ; the other ſome time after payed the fame Honours to Dolobella;
and both acted in the Name of the Community : So that by having receiv-
ed ſometimes one and ſometimes the other, they expoſed their City to be
puniſhed by both for their Inconſtancy; and at laſt Caffius, after Dolobella's
death, taxed them in fifteen hundred Talents. They were already fo poor,
that they had not wherewithal to pay this Summ; but the Soldiers tormen-
ted them with a thouſand Cruelties to make them find it : They fold firſt
all the Publick Goods; then things conſecrated, even to the Ornaments of
the Temples, and the Offerings had been made : Which yet amounting not
to the leaſt part of the Summ, the Magiſtrates fold the Free Perſons ; firſt
the Maids and Children, then the Women and Old Men, who yielded but
little ; and after all, the Young Men, many of which ſlew themſelves. At
laſt Caffius returning from Syria, had compaſſion on their miſery, and re-
mitted the Remainder of the Tax. Theſe were the Calamities wherewith
Tarſus and Laodicea were afflicted.
Cames

Book IV.
189
of Rome.
X
Caffius and Brutus conſulting together what they were beft to do; Brutus
was of Opinion they ſhould go into Macedon, and give Battel to the Ene-
mies, who had forty Legions; eight of which had already paſſed the loni-
an Sea. Caffius judged on the contrary; that the Enemy being fo nume-
rous were not to be dreaded, ſeeing they would ſcatter of themſelves for
want of Proviſions ; and therefore, that it were better to begin the War
with the Rhodians and Lycians, who held for the Enemies, and were very
ſtrong in Shipping, left they ſhould fall into their Rear whilſt they were en
gaged with Cafar and Anthony. This Opinion was followed ; Brutus un-
dertook the Lycians, and Caffius thoſe of Rhodes, where he had been educa-
ted, and had ſtudied thoſe Sciences taught in Greece. And becauſe he had
to deal with People very expert in Sea-Fights, he fitted up all the Ships he
had, manned them both with Sea-Men and Soldiers, and exerciſed them at
Mynda. As for the Rhodians, the moſt prudent of them were fearful to
come to Extremities with the Romans; but the People made inſolent with
thoſe Victories, which they remembred to have gained againſt People, to
whom the Romans were no ways comparable, were very glad of it; and
began to ſet in order three and thirty of the beſt Veſſels they had. Howe-
ver, they ſent Deputies to Caffius to deſire him not to contemn Rhodes,
which had always revenged it ſelf on thoſe that had deſpiſed them : Nor to
violate the Treaties between the Romans and the Rhodians, by which they
had promiſed not to bear Arms one againſt the other. That if he found
fault with them for refuſing their Ships, they would ſend Deputies to the
Senate; and if the Senate ordered it, they would aſſiſt him with all their
Forces. To this Caffius made Anſwer, that now it was no more time to
make uſe of Words, but Arms: That as for thoſe Treaties which obliged
them not to bear Arms one againſt another, they had firſt violated them by
aſſiſting Dolobella againſt him: That the ſame Treaties contained likewiſe a
Promiſe of aſſiſting one the other; and that when Caffius demanded theirs,
they mocked him with a pretence of ſending Deputies to the Senate, now
diſperſed into all parts in their flight from thoſe Tyrants had made them-
ſelves Lords of the City ; Tyrants which he would puniſh as well as the
Rhodians their Abertors, if they did not ſuddenly ſubmit themſelves. This
Anſwer increaſed the fear of the Wiſe Men : But the People ſuffered them-
ſelves to be led by Alexander and Mnaſeus ; who encouraged them by put-
ting them in mind how Mithridates, and before him Demetrius, had in vain
attempted Rhodes with far greater numbers of Shipping. Wherefore they
made Alexander Prytane, which is the chief and moſt powerful Magiſtrate
of the City; and Mnalens they made Admiral. However, they again de-
puted to Caffius, Archelaus, under whom he had ſtudied the Greek Learn-
ing; who, as one that had lived familiarly with him, taking him by the
hand, ſpoke thus.
ha
The


190
PART II.
The Civil Wars
The Speech of Archelaus to Caffius.
W
Ill you that love the Greeks, ruin a Greek City; and that fight for Li-
berty, take it from Rhodes that is a Free City ? Are you envious of
the Glory of the Dorick Nation, which never yet was overcome; or have yous
forgot thoſe Noble Stories you learnt at Rhodes, and at Rome it felf? At
Rhodes the mighty Actions the Rhodians, when aſſaulted in their City, have
done againſt a number of Kings; and above all, againſt thoſe were thought in-
vincible, Demetrius and Mithridates, for the Defence of that Liberty for
which you ſay you are now in Arms? At Rome, the important Services we
have done the Romans, eſpecially againſt King Antiochus; the Monuments of
you may there behold engraven in Copper? This I ſay to oblige you to conf-
der our Nation, the Honour of our City, its good Fortune which never yet a-
bandoned it, its Affection to the Romans, and the Aſſiſtance it has offered them.
But as to what may concern your ſelf, Caffius ; you ought particularly to bear
Some reſpect to a Citywherein
you have been educated, taught, cured of your Sick-
neſ, and where you have a long time ſojourned, and that even in my School;
which makes me hope that the pains I have formerly took in inſtructing you, will
not prove unprofitable to my Country, in diſpenſing her from engaging in a War
with her Nurſing and Scholar ; wherein of two things, one muſt be inevitable;
all the Rhodians muſt periſh, or Caffius muſt be overcome. I will add a little
Counſel to the Requeſt I make you. In the important
Affair wherein you are en-
gaged for the Publick Good, take the Gods for the Guide of all your Actions ;
thoſe Gods by which you (wore, when by Cæſar's intermiſſion we laſt renewed the
Alliance between us; and after we had ſworn mutually, gave hands in token of
that Faith which ought to be kept, evento Enemies ; but with much more reaſon
to Friends, and thoſe from whom we have received our Education. Beſides, we
ought not only to conſider the Gods, but alſo take care to preſerve our Reputation
for the ſake of Men; for thoſe who violate Treaties are abhorred of all the
World, and after having once broke it, neither Friends nor Enemies have
any
more Relyance on their Word.
XI.
After theſe words the Old Man let not go his Hand, but wet it with his
tears; which Caffius could not ſee without bluſhing: and yet at laſt he made
this Anſwer.
oba
bov
Cafius's Anſwer to Archelaus.
F you diſſwaded not the Rhodians from affronting me, you have affronted me
your ſelf; and if you told them your thoughts, becauſe they did not believe
you,
I will
I revenge you. Now, it is manifeft they have affronted me, firſt in re-
fuſing that Aſiſtance I demanded, in which they have deſpiſed me Me that
have been bred and educated in their City. Secondly, In preferring Dolobella
before me, who was neither fed nor bred there : And what is yet more odious ;
whilft Brutus, and I, and all the reſt of the Senators that fly from Tyranny, la-
bour
2

Book IV.
of Rome.
191
bour as you ſee to reſtore our Country to Liberty; and that Dolobella and others,
whoſe Party you favour, oppreß it. You, Gentlemen of Rhodes, that are ſuch
mighty Lovers of Liberty, you make a pretence that you will not concern your
ſelves in our Civil Wars; though this be no Civil War, ſince we pretend not
to the Sovereignty. It is a declared War againfi Tyrants, and the Republick de-
mands your Aſiſtance ; you decline it by deſiring to be left in Liberty, under co-
lour that you have Alliance with the Romans, and yet have no compaſſion for ſo
many Romans unjuftly condemned to death, and proſcribed, with Confiſcation of
their Goods ; feigning that you expect the Orders of the Senate, now ſo oppreſ-
Sed, that it is in no power of defending it ſelf : Yet it is a long time ſince youre-
ceived thoſe Orders by Decree, commanding all the Oriental Provinces to obey
Brutus and I. As for you, Archelaus, you ſet a great value upon the Services
the Rhodians have done us in the increaſe of our Empire, and of which you have
received ample Recompence : But you ſay nothing to what you owe to our Alift-
ance, now that we fight for Liberty and the Safety of our Country; though the
Dorians, had we never had any Commerce together, ought to gain the Romans
Friendſhip, defend from Oppreſſion the Roman Commonwealth. If without con-
fidering any of theſe Reaſons, you ſtand upon the terms of Alliance made between,
us by Julius Cæſar, the Founder of the I granny ; it exprefly ſays that the People
of Rome and the People of Rhodes ſhall altijd one the other in neceffity. All
therefore the Romans in the Extremity wherein they now are ; Caſſius fum-
mons you to it according to the terms of the Treaty: He is a Roman, and
Commander over the Romans, authorized by Decree, which commands all the
People of the Eaſt to receive his Orders : Brutus requires the Execution of the
fame Decree ; and Pompey too, appointed by the Senate to the Superintendence
of Sea Affairs. Add to theſe the Prayers of all the Senators who are eſcaped,
part to Brutus and me, and part to Pompey; though by the Treaty the
Rhodi ans are to help any ſingle Roman that calls to them for Aid. But if you
take not us either for Pretors, or ſo much as for Romans but treat us like
Strangers or Fugitives, or as the Tyrants call us, for condemned Men ; you
have indeed no Alliance with us, but with the People of Rome : But we Stran-
gers that are not comprehended in this Treaty, will make War upon you till you
pay us an abſolute Submiffion,
After this Anſwer Caffius diſiniſſed Archelaus with much Civility : And
after his Return Alexander and Mnaſens, the Commanders of the Rhodians
went to Myndus with their three and thirty Ships, to out-brave Caffius; and
it may be too, they had ſome hopes of Victory, the remembrance how
they dealt with Mithridates near this place begetting thoughts in them that
they might now likewiſe come off with ſucceſs. The firſt day they were
ſatisfied with ſhewing their skill at the Oar, and fo returned to Gnidus :
The next day they came again reſolved to fall upon Caffius Fleet : The Ro-
mans wondring at their boldneſs, weighed, and went to meet them; and
now they fought bravely on both ſides. The Rhodians by nimble rowing
hither and thither, with their lighter Veſſels charged the Romans fome-
times in the Bow, and ſometimes on the Broad-fide , but when the Romans
could grapple with them, they fought with them hand to hand, as if upon
firm Ground. At laſt, Caffius having a greater number of Ships than the
Enemy, ſurrounded them in that manner, that they could no more turn a-
bout in that nimble manner as before ; but if charging the Romans a Head,
they went preſently off again, they muſt needs come to dammage, being
cloſely blocked up : And the Rhodian Prows not being able to pierce the
ftrong

192
The Civil Wars
Part II.
ſtrong built Roman Ships, whereas the Roman gave ſhrewd ſhocks when
ever they joyned Board and Board to the lighter Rhodians. So that at laſt
they had three Ships taken with all their Gang, and two funk, the reſt efca-
ped to Rhodes, but in an ill condition ; and the Romans retreated to Myn-
dus, where they refitted ſeveral of their Ships that had come to dammage.
Such was the Succeſs of the Sea-fight between the Romans and Rhodians
near Myndus ; where Caſſius was not in perfon, but beheld it from the top
of a Hiſt
. After he had refitted his Ships, he came to Zorymaz a Fort ſtan-
ding upon the Continent, but by the Sea fide, and belonging to the Rhodi-
ans. From hence he tranſported his Land Army, commanded by Fanius
and Lentulus, upon Ships of Burthen into the Iſland; and himſelf with
fourſcore Galleys, went and anchored near the City, beſieged now by Sea
and Land; where he for ſome time remained without doing any thing, in
hopes the Enemy would ſubmit : But they charged him as fiercely as at
firſt ; and again with the loſs of two Ships, found themſelves inveſted on
all ſides. The Walls were immediately lined round with Soldiers; to de-
fend themſelves from Fanius, who at the ſame time ſtormed the City by
Land; and from Caffius, who approached with his Fleet and all things ne-
ceſſary for an Attack. For foreſeeing he ſhould ſtand in need of them, he
had brought along Towers of Wood ready framed; which were foon ſet
together and mounted. Thus Rhodes, after the ill ſucceſs of two Fights,
was beleagured by Sea and Land; unprepared to ſuſtain a Storm, as is u-
ſual in unexpected Surprizes ; ſo that in all likelihood the Enemy would in
a ſhort time become Maſter of it, either by Force or Famine. The moſt
prudent of the Inhabitants had no doubt of it ; and were already capitula-
ting with Fanius and Lentulus, when they were all aſtoniſhed to ſee Caffius
with the choiceſt of his Forces in the midſt of the City, without perceiving
any Violence, or that he had made uſe of any Scaling Ladders. Many
thought, and not without reaſon, that ſome of his Friends in the City had o-
pened him the Wickets to ſave it from Plunder, or before it ſhould be forced
yield for want of Proviſions. Rhodes being thus taken, Caffius ſeated him-
ſelf in a Tribunal, upon which was fixed a Spear, as if he had taken the Ci-
ty by Force : and having drawn up his Army to a ſtand, he publiſhed a
Proclamation forbidding
the Soldiers to plunder or commit any violence
upon pain of death. After which he called by name about fifty of the Inha-
bitants of Rhodes, whom he put to death ; and five and twenty others which
abſented themſelves, he condemned to Baniſhment. In concluſion, he
ſpoiled all the Temples, and all the Publick Places of all the Riches, and of
all the Gold and Silver which he could find ; and moreover, commanded
every particular Perſon to bring in all he had at a prefixed day; with
threats to put to death thoſe that concealed any thing, and promiſe to re-
ward the Informer with the tenth Penny if he were Free, and with Liber-
ty if he were a Slave. At firſt many ventured upon Concealments, ima-
gining the threats would not be executed with ſeverity ; but when they
law the Reward given to the Informers, they grew fearful, and requeſted
that the time might be prolonged ; which being granted, fome dug up
their Money from under Ground, others drew it up out of Wells, others
out of Sepulchres; ſo that they brought much greater quantities than be-
fore. To ſuch calamity was the City of Rhodes reduced, in which Lucius
Varus was left Governor. Caffius extraordinarily well ſatisfied to have ta-
ken it in ſo ſhort a time, and to get withal ſo much Money, gave Command
to all the other Provinces to pay him in ten Years Tribute ; which was rea-
dily performed. Mean time a report was brought that Cleopatra with a
mighty

Book IV.
of Rome.
193
3
mighty Fleet, and great Warlike Preparations were at Sea to gojoyn Cafar
and Anthony : for having formerly underhand favoured their Party for old
Cæſar's ſake, ſhe now openly declared her ſelf for the fear ſhe ſtood in of
Caffius. Wherefore he cauſed Marcus to embark with the beſt Legion he
had, and fome Archers; and in ſixty Ships ſept him to Peloponneſus, giving
him Order to poſt himſelf about Tenarus ; from whence himſelf had taken
off all the Cattel and other Proviſions in the Peninſula.
We will now relate the Exploits of Brutus in Lycia : But here it will like XII.
wiſe be neceſſary to look a little back, the better to revive the remembrance
of things. After that he had received from Apuleius thoſe Forces he had,
with fixteen thouſand Talents; and gathered in the Tributes of Aſia, he
came to Beotia : Where the Senate having given him order to employ this
Money for his preſent Neceflities, with the Command of the Armies in
Macedon and Illyria; Ventidius, his Predeceſſor in the Government of this
laſt Province, delivered up to him three Legions, whereof the Illyrian Ar-
my was compoſed. He took at the ſame time one from Caius, Anthony's
Brother, whom he found in his Government; and after raiſed four Legions
more of new Troops. • All which together, made eight Legions; among
which were many of Cæſar's Veterans, and great numbers of Macedonians,
whom he cauſed to be exerciſed in the Roman Diſcipline : And all this
without comprizing his Horſe, which were in no ſmall numbers ; and his
Light-armed Foot, and Archers. Whilft he was endeavouring to raiſe Men,
and gather up Money, there appeared an Adventure to him from part of
Thrace. A King of that Country being ſlain by his Enemies, Polemocratia
his Widdow, who was fearful for her Son, came to Brutus ; recommending
her Infant to him, and delivering into his hands the Treaſures of her dead
Husband. He ſent the Infant to the Cyzicenians, to take care of him till he
had leiſure to go and reſtore him to his Kingdom : But finding in thoſe
Treaſures a prodigious quantity of Gold and Silver, he cauſed it to be coyn-
ed into Mony. - When at the Conference with Caffius they had agreed to-
gether, that before all other things they would make War upon the Lycians
and the Rhodians; he undertook to fall upon the Lycians, by the Siege of
the City of Xanthus. The Inhabitants pulled down their Suburbs, left Bru-
tus ſhould lodge in them, or,out of them furniſh themſelves with Materials
for the Seige: And fortifying their City, defended themſelves by the fa-
vour of a Ditch fifty Foot deep, and proportionably broad; in ſo much that
thoſe on either ſide could do each other no hurt, unleſs with Slings or Ar-
rows; for they ſtood as if parted by a deep River. Brutus reſolving to fill
this Ditch, cauſed Mantelets to be made to ſecure his Men's Approach, and
divided the Work by night and day amongſt the whole Army; beginning
to labour in good earneſt
, cauſing Materials to be with all ſpeed brought
from far, and omitting no care or diligence neceſſary on ſuch an occaſion.
In ſhort, though at firſt it ſeemed likely that either the Enemies would hin-
der the Work; or, at leaſt, that it would take up ſome Months time; yet
it was finiſhed in few days, and Brutus found himſelf at the Foot of the
Wall; where he cauſed his Machines to be raiſed, and the Gates ſtormed by
his Foot, continually releived by freſh Companies ſent one after another.
Yet for all this did the Befieged, though almoſt all tired out, and the moſt
wounded, defend themſelves as long as their Walls ſtood. There was al-
ready fome Breaches made, and their Towers were all ſhattered; when
Brutus well foreſeeing what would happen, gave over the Storm at the
Gates, and cauſed his Men to retreat from the Affault
. Whereupon, the
Bbbb
Inha

194
The Civil Wars
Part II.
Inhabitants imagining this Retreat proceeded from the Negligence or
Cowardiſe of the Beſiegers, made a Sally by night upon their Enemies with
Torches in their hands. The Romans, who expected them, running in up-
on them, they took their flight towards the Gates, which thoſe that had
the Guard of ſhut, for fear left their Enemies ſhould enter with them; fo
that there happened a great Slaughter. . Some time after thoſe that remain-
ed in the City ſallyed out at Noon day; and having beaten off the Guards,
fired all the Machines. The Gates being left open becauſe of the misfor-
tune that happened before, there entred with the Inhabitants about two
thouſand Romans; and as the reſt were thronging in after them, the Port-
cullis all on a ſuddain fell upon them; whether by order of the Xanthians,
or that the Ropes that held them broke. Thus of the Romans that had en-
gaged themſelves too far, ſome were loſt, and the reſt found themſelves in-
cloſed, not being able to lift up the Portcullis for want of Cordage: fo that
knocked down from above by the Xanthians in thoſe narrow Streets, they
with much difficulty gained the Publick Place, which was not far off;
where ſtill extremely tormented with the Arrows ſhot at them: and ha-
ving neither Bows nor Arrows, they retreated into the Temple of Sarpe-
don, for fear of being at laſt over-preſſed by the multitude. Mean while the
Romans troubled, and fearful for thoſe ſhut within the City, attempted all
ways poſſible to relieve them: And Brutus went from Quarter to Quarter,
to encourage his Soldiers; but they could not break open the Gates, almoſt
covered over with Bars of Iron ; and their Ladders and Towers of Wood
were burnt. Notwithſtanding, ſome applyed themſelves to make new
Ladders; others raiſed Perches, Forks and other pieces of Timber againſt
the Walls to ſerve inſtead of Ladders; others faftned Iron Hooks
upon
Ropes, caſt them over the Battlements; and when they catched hold, climb-
ed up by help of the Rope. The Oenandes, Neighbours and Enemies to
the Xanthians; and therefore now ſerving under Brutus, began to ſcramble
up the Rocks and Precipices, where the Romans with much pain followed
them; and though many tumbled back, yet ſome gained the Wall, and o-
pened a little Gate, before which was a Paliſade of very ſharp Stakes; over
which ſome of the braveſt, affifted by thoſe already within, paffed : So that
now being a conſiderable number, they attempted to break open a great
Gate, which was not on the inſide lined with Bars of Iron ; to which effect
thoſe without laboured likewiſe. The Xanthians were at the ſame time
fighting with thoſe ſhut up in the Temple of Sarpedon, who made a great
noiſe, which made thoſe who both within and without were endeavouring
to break open the Gate to make one great puſh for all; which effecting their
buſineſs, they about Sun-ſet entred pell mell into the Town, ſhouting out as.
loud as they could, that thoſe in the Temple might hear them. The City
being taken, the Inhabitants retreated to their Houſes; where they flew all
thoſe they loved beſt, who of themſelves came to offer themſelves up to
death. Brutus hearing the cries and groans which this fury cauſed through-
out the City, thought the Soldiers hadbeen plundering; and by Proclama-
tion forbad it : Bnt when he underſtood the true cauſe, he had compaſſion
of People fo fond of their Liberty, and ſent to offer them Compoſition: but
they with Darts and Arrows drove back thoſe that came to ſpeak with them;
and after having ſlain all their Domeſticks, and layd their Bodies upon
Piles, they ſet them on fire; and then ſlaying themſelves, they burnt with
the reſt. Brustus preſerved from the fame all the Temples he could, and
took Priſoners only a few Slaves, and about one hundred and fifty Virgins
and Women who had no Men to kill them. And this was the third time
the

Book IV.
195
of Rome.
the Xanthians were deſtroyed for defence of their Liberty: for being be-
ing beſieged by Harpalus the Median, Lieutenant to Cyrus, they chofe raa
ther to die than yield, and their City ſerved them for a common Tomb ;
which Harpalus put not himſelf to the trouble to hinder. And under Ale-
xander, the Son of Philip, they fell under the like misfortune ; refuſing to
ſubmit to that Conqueror of fo many Nations.
From Panthus, Brutus went down to Patara, which ſeemed to be the XIII.
Port of the Xanthians ; inveſted the City, ſummoned the Inhabitants to
ſurrender, under
the penalty of being treated like their Neighbours : And
the better to perſwade them, brought before them Priſoners of Xanthus ;
who making a Recital of their Miſery, exhorted them to be wiſer. The
Patarans making no Anſwer, Brutus gave them the reſt of that day to con-
ſider of it, and retreated. The next morning he returned before the
place; when the Inhabitants cryed out from the Walls, that they were rea-
dy to follow his Orders, and opened to him the Gates. Being entred, he
neither put to death nor baniſhed Perſon, but cauſed be brought to him all
the Publick Mony of the City; and commanded likewiſe every particular
perfoni to bring in what he had, under the ſame Penalties and the ſame Re-
wards as Caſſius; after the taking of Rhodes, had decreed to the Concealers
and Informers : which was exerciſed fo punctually, that there was not a
Concealer, fave one who was accuſed by his Slave. After this Traytor
had ſhewed to the Centurion that was ſent, the place where the Mony was
hid, as they carried away all the Family before Brutus, the Maſter ſaid not
a word ; but his Mother followed crying out, to ſave his life, that it was
the that had hid it. Upon which the Slave, without being asked, ſay-
ing, that the Mother lyed, for that it was her Son himſelf had hid it, Brus-
tus praiſing the Son's ſilence and the Mother's affection to her Son, ſent
them away with their Mony without any Puniſhment; but for the Slave
that would have deſtroyed both Maſter and Miſtreſs, he cauſed him to be
hanged. At the ſame time Lentulus ſent to Andriac, which is a Port of the
Myrians, broke the Chain which croſſed over the Port; went up to Mirag
which was ſurrendred to him by the Inhabitants ; and after having taken
their Mony, as was done at Patara, returned to Brutus : whither came
the Lycian Deputies, promiſing him to ſerve him and aſſiſt him to the ut-
moſt of their power. He impoſed on them a certain Tribute, ſent back to
Xanthus all the Free People, gave order to the Lycian People to meet him
at Abydog whither having ſent his own Ships, he marched himſelf by
Land, there to wait for Caſſius, who was to come from Ionid, that they
might together paſs over to Seſtos. Mean while Murcus, who had poſted
himſelf about Peloponneſus, with deſign to engage Queen Cleopatra's Fleet if
ſhe paſſed that'way; underſtanding that ſhe had been driven by Storms up-
on the Coaſts of Zybia, and that ſome of her Wracks were brought as far
as Lacedemon; ſhe her ſelf being furprized by Sickneſs, being forced to
make her Retreat into Egypt ; he, that he might not loſe time and do nothing
with ſo great a number of Ships, croſſed over to Brundufinm; where he ſeiz-
ed upon the Iſland that makes a part of the Harbor ; from whence he hir-
dred the Remainder of the Enemy's from being tranſported over into Ma-
cedon, or Proviſions to be carried to thoſe were there. But Anthony beſieg.
ed him with thoſe few long Ships he had ; raiſing to this purpoſe Towers
upon Rafts of Timber, whilſt he made his Companies, one after another,
go aboard the ships of Burthen , and taking the opportunity of the
Wind off Shore (for fear of being ſurprized in their paſlage by Murcus
Bbbb 2
Fleet)

196
PART T.
The Civil Wars
XİV
Fleet) put out to Sea. Yet he found that this Seige would prove very pain-
ful; wherefore he called Caſar to his Aſſiſtance, who was now fighting
with Pompey on the Sicilian Sea for Sicily it ſelf. But it is neceſſary that I
ſay ſomething of this Pompey, the youngeſt of the Children of the great
Ротжреу. .
After that his Brother was killed in Spain, Cæfar deſpiſed him as a young
Man, unexperienced and incapable of attempting any great matter : and
indeed, he was retreated towards the Ocean, at the Head of a few High
way-Men, with whom he rambled the Country, not known to be Pompey.
But at laſt a greater number of Vagabonds joyning with him, ſeeing him-
felf Commander of pretty conſiderable Forces; and declaring himſelf for
Pompey's
. Son, all the Soldiers who had ſerved under his Father or under
his Brother, and had neither Employ nor certain Reſidence, came to him
as to their General. Arabion likewiſe came from Africa after having been
expelled his Father's Eſtates, as we have heretofore ſaid. The name of
Pompey ſoon ſpread it ſelf through all Spain, the greateſt of the Roman Pro-
vinces : And he ſhewed himſelf ſometimes in one place, ſometimes in ano-
ther; yet not daring to adventure a Battel with Caſar’s Lieutenants. When
all theſe things were known at Rome, C. Cafar ſent Carinas and greater For-
ces to defeat Pompey : But he with his flying Army fell upon Carinas when
leaſt looked for, and then made his Retreat to places of Security ; for he
had already got ſome Towns, both ſmall and great. Wherefore Cæfar
ſent to ſucced Carinas, Aſinius Pollio; who made no farther Advances than
his Predeceſſor had done : And Cæfar being dead, the Senate recalled Pom-
pey; who came thereupon to Marſilia, to attend what courſe the Affairs of
the City would take. Afterwards the Superintendence of Sea-Affairs be-
ing given to him, with the ſame Power that formerly his Father had; in-
ſtead of returning to the City, he went and gathered together ſuch ship-
ping as he found in ſeveral Ports ; and with a conſiderable Fleet fet Sail
from Spain. At the beginning of the Triumvate he landed in Sicily; where
Bithynicus, who was Governor, refuſing to ſurrender to him the Govern-
ment, he beſieged him in the Ille; till ſuch time as Hirtius and Phanius,
Proſcripts, who eſcaped, perſwaded Bithynicus to yield to Pompey. Thus
he foon beheld himſelf extremely powerful in Sicily; Maſter of a great
number of Ships, of an Iſland commodious for Italy, and of a mighty Ar-
my; compoſed as well of the People he had at firſt, as thoſe which the
Proſcripts brought him, Free Men and Slaves, or which came to him from
thoſe Cities of Italy decreed by the Triumvirs for a Reward of their Sol-
diers after the Victory; for the Inhabitants of thoſe Cities abhorred nothing
more than the name of that Vi&tory. Wherefore, they fecretly oppoſed it
all they could poſſible ; forſaking their Country, which they now held
no more for their Country; and retreating to Pompey, who was their
Neighbour, and now in the eſteem of all the World. Beſides, he had Sea
men, Africans and Spaniards, very expert Men; ſo that he wanted neither
Officers, nor Soldiers, nor Ships, nor Mony. Cefar having notice of thefe
things, ſent away Salvidienus with his Fleet, to go drive Pompey out of Sici-
ly, as if it had been an eaſie thing; and himſelf followed with his Land-
Army through Italy, to Rhegium, where he had ordered the Navy to meet
him. But Pompey met Salvidienus with a great Fleet, and engaged him in
the Entrance of the Streights, near Scylla. Pompey's Ships were the nimbl.
eſt, and his Sea-men the moſt skilful ; whereas the Roman Veſſels were
heavy, and therefore not ſo yare in working : Beſides, the Sea, which was
very

B00K IV.
.
of Rome.
197
very boyſterous in the place where they fought, was leſs troubleſome to
Pompey's Sea-men, who were uſed to it, than to Salvi dienus's, who perhaps
had never paſt that Strait; and therefore were not able to keep any ſted-
dy courſe, for they could neither row nor ftere
. Towards Evening Salvia
dienus firſt retreated, and Pompey drew off ſoon after. The loſs of Ships
was equal : Salvidienus refitted his Ships in a Port called Balara, nigh unto
the place where they fought, and whither he at firſt retired ; and Cefar be-
ing arrived in thoſe Quarters, gave his promiſe to thoſe of Rhegium and Vi-
bone, that he would except their Cities from the number of thoſe which
were to be given in reward to his Soldiers; which they were ſorely afraid
of, becauſe they lay ſo nigh the Strait of Sicily.
Thereupon, Anthony having ſent in hafte for him, he embarked for Brun- XV
duſuum ; leaving Sicily on the Right Hand, and referring to another Seaſon
the reducing of that Ifland, and the War againſt Pompey. Murcus having
intelligence of his coming, that he might not be ſurrounded by Cæſar's and
Anthony's Powers, at once quitted Brundufium, to go and watch in their paf-
ſage for thoſe Ships of Burthen that carried the Enemy's Army to Macedon.
They were convoyed by Gallies; but the fair Wind contributed more to
their Security than their Convoy. Murcus troubled to ſee his hopes fruſtra-
ted, watched once more to ſurprize them as they returned empty; but both
then, and afterwards, when they were loaden again with more Forces, they
eſcaped him with full Sails, till the whole Army, together with Çafar and
Anthony, were got over... Though Murcus believed Fortune oppoſite to his
deſigns, yet he ſtayed ſtill in his Poft to hinder, as much as in him lay, the
tranſportation of Ammunitions, Proviſions, or the new raiſed Forces. Thi-
ther, as to a convenient place, came to joyn Forces with him Domitius Æ-
nobarbus, fent by Caffius and Brutus with fifty other Ships, onę Legion, and
ſome Archers: For becauſe the Enemy could have but ſmall ſtore of Provi-
fions elſewhere, they thought it a matter of importance to hinder the tranſ-
portation of any out of Italy : And indeed, Murcus and Anobarbus with
one hundred and thirty long Ships or Gallies, a great number of ſmaller
Veſſels, and a conſiderable Army, did very much annoy Cæfar and Antho-
ny by guarding this Paſſage. Mean while Ceditius and Nörbanus, whom
the Triumvirs had fent before into Macedon with eight Legions; having
from Macedon, advanced by way of the Mountains, towards Thrace; after
fifteen hundred Furlongs March, were got beyond the Philippi's, and went
and ſeized upon the Strait of Torpides and Salapees, in the Eſtates of Rt-
ſcupolis, which were then the only known Paſſages from Europe to Aſia.
And this was the firſt ſtop that preſented it ſelf to Brutus and Cafius, who
were croſſed over from Abidos to Seftos. This Raſcupolis and Raſcus, his
Brother, Princes of the Blood-Royal of Thrace, and Sovereigns of a certain
Country, were of different Parties; and with a thouſand Horſe each, Raf-
cus held for Anthony, and Rafcupolis for Brutus and Caffius. When there-
fore Caſſius and Brutus informed themſelves of the Ways, Raſcupolis told
them that the Ways of Aena and Maronia were the greateſt Road, and the
ſhorteſt and moſt ordinary Way to go to the Straits of Salapees, then pof-
ſeſſed by the Enemies; and that to fetch a turn about the March would be
thrice as long, and very difficult
. Upon this Advice, they judging that
the Enemy had not ſeized upon the Poſt, ſo much to cut off their paſſage,
as that thereby they might have the greater conveniency of forraging and
fetching Proviſions out of Thrace than Macedon, they ſet forward on the
way of Aena and Maronia, and from thence went to Lyſimachia and Cardia,
which

198
PART II.
The Civil Wars.
Portugals.
which ſerve as Gâtes to the Neck of the Thracian Cherſonefus; from whence
the next day they came to the Black Gulf. Here they muſtered their Ar-
mies, and found they had nineteen Legions, nine for Caffius, and eight for
Brutus, which were not quite full, and two which they diſtributed into the
others to make them complete, ſo that the whole amounted to about four-
ſcore thouſand Foot ; as for Cavalry Brutus had four thouſand Gaul and
* Luſitanian Horſe, and two thouſand Thracians, Illyrians, Parthians and
Theſſalians, and Caffius had two thouſand Spaniards and Gauls, and four
thouſand Archers on Horſeback, Arabians, Medes and Parthians, beſides
the Kings and Tetrarchs of the Galatians in Aſia, who brought with them
good ſtore of Foot, and five thouſand Horſe. Theſe were the Forces Bruse
tus and Caſſius had at the Black Gulf, and with which they fought the Bat-
tel, the remainder of their Forces being employed upon other Affairs.
The Army being here purged with the uſual Ceremonies, they payed what
they had promiſed to thoſe who had not yet received it, for they had taken
a courſe not to want Money, becauſe indeed they ſtood in need of it, to
gain by force of gifts the hearts of the Soldiers, and eſpecially of the Vete-
rans who had born Arms under C.Cefar, for fear left at the ſight or name of
his Son they ſhould change their minds. Beſides they thought it conveni
ent the Army ſhould be ſpoke too ; and at the ſame time cauſed to be e-
rected a great Tribunal, whereon the Generals with the Senators
only being mounted, and all the Army as well their own Forces
as the Auxiliaries, drawn round about them, they took great delight
to view one another, The Commanders began to take heart, and to hope
well in the great number of their Soldiers, and the Soldiers began to grow
in love with their Commanders ; for there is nothing unites hearts for
much as common hopes. Now becauſe there was a great noiſe made by ſo
vaſt a multitude, filence was commanded by found of the Trumpet, and
then Caſſius, who was the elder of the two, advancing ſomewhat out of
his place, ſpoke in this manner :
The Oration of Caffius.
XVI.
T
(5
*Hat danger which is common to us, Fellow Soldiers, obliges us to
“ be faithful one to another, beſides that you are farther engaged
" by receiving the Donative we had promiſed you, which ought to beget
"a belief in you that we will keep our words with you for the future, and
you ought to hope for a happy ſucceſs of this War from your own va-
"lour, from our Conduct, and from the Generoſity of theſe great Meri of
"the Senate, whom you ſee here ſitting. We have as you well know
"great ſtore of Munitions, Proviſions, Arms, Money, Ships, and many
"Provinces and Kingdoms, which declare for us. Wherefore we need not
"make uſe of words to exhort to reſolution and concord thoſe whom com-
mon defence and intereſt obliges. As for the Calumnies which our two
Enemies caſt upon us, you know them, and 'tis that knowledge binds
you fo firmly to our Party : yet I ſhall be well content to give you this
day an account of our Actions, that you may the more clearly underſtand,
never was any War more honeſt and juſt than this we are now going up-
on. By ſerving with you under Cæſar in many Wars, in ſome of which
"we likewiſe commanded, we contributed to his Greatneſs, and therefore
were

Book IV.
of Rome.
199
(
were always his Friends, that no Man may think we attempted his life
out of any particular grudge. Peace being made, as he was Criminal, he
ought to have been accuſed, not by us who were his Friends, and whom
he had raiſed to Honours in the City, but by the Laws, and by the Com-
mon-wealth ; but becauſe neither the Laws, nor the Determinations of
“the Senate, nor the Decrees of the People were now any more of any
account, but he had thrown down all thoſe things inſtituted by our Fore-
“fathers, when they expelled Kings, and ſwore never again to fuffer the
Regal Power, we being their Succeſſors have prevented the violation
“ of their Oath, we have diverted from our ſelves, and caſt off from our
own Heads thoſe imprecations they pronounced, by not ſuffering one
Man, though fo much our Friend and Benefactor, to be longer Maſter of
"the Treaſures and Forces of the Republick, or have the diſpoſe of all
Dignities and Governments, to the ſhame of the Senate and Roman Peo-
"ple: or in ſhort, change the Laws according to his fancy, ufurping over
the People and Senate and abfolute power and Sovereign Authority ; pof-
ſibly in thoſe times you did not make fufficient reflections on theſe things,
"but regarded only in him the quality of Generaliſſimo. But now you may
better underſtand what I fay, by what particularly concerns you; you
are of the People, during War you obey your General, and in Peace
“have the right of giving your vote. The Senate firſt deliberates all mat-
ters, that you may not be deceived, but it is you, who in your Aſſemblies,
“either by Tribes or Centuries create Conſuls, Tribunes of the People,
"Pretors, who give Sovereign Sentences, and decree to us either Rewards
or Puniſhments, according as we have well or ill behaved our felves in
our Charges. Thus for giving to every Man according to his deſert, our
Empire owes to you its felicity; and when you diſtribute honours to thoſe
“deſerve them, they have likewiſe to you a particular obligation. 'I
was
" by this very power you made Scipio Conſul, to whom in teſtimony of his
“valour you gave the firname of African, by this you created annual Tri-
“bunes of the People, who had power to oppoſe the Senate, when it was
“neceſſary for your advantage. But what need I relate things, your felves
ſo well know. Since Cæfar made himſelf Maſter of the Common-wealth,
you have not by your Votes nominated any Magiſtrate, neither Pretor,
nor Conſul, nor Tribune of the People, you have given no perſon a teſti-
“monial of his Virtue, nor have had the power to grant him any reward.
In ſhort, no perſon is obliged to you, neither for his Government, nor
“ for Judgment given in his behalf, and what is yet more worthy of com-
paſſion, you have not been able to ſecure from outrage the Tribunes of
“ the People, who are your particular Magiſtrates, and whom by your
“Decree you have declared ſacred and inviolable. But thoſe inviolable
“perfons you have beheld infamouſly degraded from a facred Dignity,
“deveſted of a ſacred Habits without any legal trial, by the command of
“a ſingle perfon, and that for maintaining your rights, and declaring their
indignation againſt thoſe who would have given him the Title of King.
“The Senate ſuffered it with regret for your fakes only ; for the Office of
Tribune belongs to the People, and not to the Senate. But not having
“the power to accufe, or bring to judgment this Man, becauſe of the great
“Armies whereof he made himſelf Maſter, to the prejudice of the Roman
People, to whom they belonged, weapplyed the only remedy left for the
chaſing away the Tyranny, by conſpiring all together againſt his perſon;
for it was requiſite this Affair ſhould be aſſented to by all honeft Men,
though it were executed but by a few. And immediately after the Action
56 the

200
PART II.
The Civil Wars
૯૮
the Senate declared it done by common deliberation, when they forth-
“with propoſed us rewards as for having ſlain a Tyrant. But Anthony op-
poſing it under pretence of appeaſing the tumult, and we our ſelves not
deſiring any greater reward than the ſervice of our Country, they were
not ordered becauſe they would not defame Caſar, being content to have
“thrown down the Tyranny. However, they decreed a general Indemni-
"ty, with prohibitions to all perfons of profecuting in form of Juſtice for
"the action done; and a ſmall time after, becauſé Anthony incenſed the
multitude againſt us by his Orations, the fame Senate gave to us
the greateſt Provinces of the Empire, with the command of Armies, and
an abſolute power over all their Territories from the Ionian Sea to Syria ;
was it to puniſh us as Villains and Murderers, that they thus honoured
us with the ſacred Purple, with Rods and Axes? 'Twas for the ſame
“reaſons they recalled from Baniſhment the young Pompey, who had no
“hand in the Conſpiracy, but only was the Son of that great Pompey who
"firſt took up Arms for the Common-wealth, and did in ſome meaſure op-
"poſe the Tyranny, by concealing himſelf in Spain. That they ordered
the value of his Father's Eſtate ſhould be payed him out of the publick
“Monies: that they made him Admiral over all Seas, to the end, that
having a love for the Common-wealth he might not be without com-
mand. After all theſe, can you deſire more ample teſtimonies to incline
you to a belief, that the Senate knew and approved our Action, unleſs
poſſibly you expect they themſelves ſhould tell you ſo; but they will tell
it you, and with telling it you reward your ſervices, as ſoon as they ſhall
“have again attained the power of ſpeaking, and giving rewards. For you
“know in what condition the Senators Affairs Itand at preſent, they are
“profcribed without any form of Juſtice, their Goods are confiſcated, and
without hearing them ſpeak they are flain in their Houſes, in the Streets,
“in the Temples, by the Soldiers, by their Slaves, by their Enemies; they
“are dragged out of their Coverts, and hunted from place to place, that
they may have no way to eſcape. We never were uſed to bring our E-
“nemies Heads into the place, but only their Arms, and the Prows of their
Ships: now they expoſe there the Heads of the Conſuls, Pretors, Tri-
bunes of the People, Roman Knights, and reward thoſe commit ſuch
“Villanies. For 'tis a dreadful diſorder. The enmities which have a long
“time layn hid, now declare themſelves openly, and many of the Pro-
"feripts periſh by the private hatred of their Wives, Children, Freed Men
“and Slaves, ſo many cruelties has this Plague occafioned in the City, to
“which the Triumvirs gave the firſt examples, by proſcribing their Bro-
“thers, their Uncles and their Tutors. 'Tis ſaid, that Rome formerly be-
came a Prize to the moſt Barbarous Nations upon earth; but the Gauls
cut off no Heads, nor abuſed not dead Bodies, nor were troubled that
“their Enemies fled, or hid themſelves : and we our ſelves in all the Cities
we have taken, have neither acted, nor heard that ever were acted the
“ leaſt of thoſe cruelties which are now acted, not in a vulgar City, but in
“the Miſtreſs of the World, by Magiſtrates created to reform and reſtore
“the Common-wealth. Was ever the like committed by Tarquin, who
only for acting a violence upon a Woman he loved, was driven out of
Rome by our Fore-fathers, and for that ſole Aation the Royalty aboliſhed ?
yet after all this, Citizens, we are treated as execrable perſons by the Tri-
“umvirs, who ſay they revenge the death of Cafar, by profcribing perſons
“who were not in the City when he was ſlain, ſeveral of whom ſee
here, who were only proſcribed for their Riches, or Birth, or affection
you
66
to

Bouk IV.
of Rome.
201
“to the Commonwealth. Why was Pompey profcribed with us, he who
was in Spain at the time of the action, unleſs it be becauſe he is a Son to a
« Father that loved the Common-wealth ; becauſe the Senate recalled him
“and gave him the Admiralty, therefore the Triumvirs judged him wor.
" thy of Profcription ? Were the Women confederate in the Conſpiracy
“ thoſe whom they have taxed with ſuch immenſe Contributions? Had
“the People committed any crime, for the puniſhment of which they had
“reaſon to command every Man that was worth above a hundred thouſand
Drams to make Declaration of it, under a penalty, if he failed. And
yet with all theſe cruelties, all theſe exactions, they have not been able to
raiſe Money to pay that Donative they promiſed to thoſe Soldiers that
ſerve them; whilſt we that have done nothing but what is reaſonable,
“have ſatisfied you the rewards we promiſed you, and have greater pre-
pared for you. The truth is becauſe we have reſpect to Juſtice in all our
"actions, the Gods favour our Deſigns. The Gods (I ſay ) after whoſe
"example you ought to conſider humane Affairs, look upon your Fellow
Citizens, under whoſe Command you have often fought, and who have
“with applauſe adminiſtred the Conſulate, you ſee as well as we whither
they have been forced to flie for Refuge, becauſe they have been good
“Men, and Lovers of their Country. They embrace our Party, offer up
“Vows for the proſperity of our Arms, and will never decline our intereſts.
“Therefore have we propoſed a greater and juſter reward to thoſe ſhall
" ſave them, then our Enemies promiſe to their Murderers. On the other
“ ſide the Triumvirs imagine, that after having ſain C. Cafar, becauſe he
“alone uſurped the Sovereign Power, we will ſuffer them to divide it a-
“mongſt them , inſtead of reſtoring the Government of the Common-
"wealth to the People, according to the eſtabliſhment of our Predeceſ-
“fors. But as our intentions are different in this War, theirs tending only
to Dominion and Tyranny, as their Proſcriptions have already made
eap-
pear, and we having no other aim but the liberty of our Country, in
"which we ſhall content our felves to live equal with other Citizens, un-
“der the authority of the Laws, there is no doubt but Gods and Men will
“eſteem our Party the moſt juſt; and there's nothing in War gives better
hopes than the juſtice of the cauſe. Nor let any one make a ſcruple that
he has formerly ſerved under Cæfar ; for he ſerved not him but his Coun-
try: nor was it he gave you rewards, but the Common-wealth, in the
“fame manner as you are not now the Army of Caffius or of Brutus, but
“the Army of the Romans: we are only your companions, and if we com-
“mand you, it is only in the name of the Senate and People of Rome.
“ Had our Enemies the fame intentions with us, how eaſily might we all
diſarm with ſecurity, and ſurrender up to the Common-wealth their Ar-
mies, to be employed for the publick Good, we would our ſelves become
ſuppliants for it, if we thought they would accept of theſe conditions.
“but becauſe they have no heart to do it, nor can hope to find ſecurity for
themſelves, after their Proſcriptions and other crimes they have com-
mitted; Let us go, Fellow Soldiers, let us go fight with courage and
“cheerfulneſs for the Senate and People of Rome, and having no other end
“but Liberty.
Here all the Soldiers cryed with one voice ;
Let us go whither you think fit to lead us.
cccc
And

202
Pars II.
The Civil Wars
fent us
And Caſius glad to ſee them ſo well diſpoſed, as foon as ſilence was made,
continued to ſpeak in this manner : chosodi do enost
ballage (22
assood111
sood: 01 soemabs
fost stole sont let
cals Aussen
"May the Gods, who preſide over juft Wars, reward my Fellow Sol-
"diers your Faith and Affection. As for that foreſight your Generals, as
they are Men, ought to have, obſerve but how much we are at this pre-
"ſent ſtronger than our Enemies: we are equal in number of Legions,
though we have left Men in many places where we judged it neceſſary :
we have far the greater number of Horſe, Ships and Auxiliary Forces
from Kings and Nations, extending as far as the Medes and Par-
thians. Our Enemies can only aſſault us before, whereas we can like-
"wiſe fall upon them behind, for we have Pompey in Sicily, and Mürcus in
“the Ionian Sea, beſides Ænobarbus has his Fleet well fleſh'd with Seamen,
with two Legions, and good ſtore of Archers, who do ſorely annoy
them, whereas behind us, all is peaceable, both on Sea and Shore. As
“ for Money, which fome call Nerves of War, they have none at all, not
being able to pay what they promiſed their Army, that brought in by
“Proſcriptions not anſwering their expectations, for no honeſt Man would
buy thoſe Lands, the purchaſe of which would render him odieus to all
“the world : and they can have none elſewhere, Italy being drained dry
" by Seditions, Exactions, and Profcriptions, whereas we have taken ſuch
"effectual care, that we have it in ſuch abundance, that we are able to give
you another Donative; and the Provinces we have left behind us will ſuf-
ficiently ſupply us. - As for Proviſion which occaſions all the difficulty for
“the ſubſiſtance of great Armies, they can be ſupplyed only from Mace-
don, a Mountainous Country, or Theſaly, a Province of ſmall extent,
"and that by Land with incredible labour, and if they pretend to have it
“ brought from Africa, Lucania or Povilia, Pompey, Murcus or Ænobar-
“ bus will cut off their paſſage. For our parts we have already pleniy, and
more will dayly be brought by Sea from all the Iſlands, and all the Pro-
vinces between Thrace and the Euphrates eaſily, without the oppoſition of
any perſon, we having no Enemy behind us. Theſe are, Fellow Sol-
“diers, the works of humane fore-fight, we expect the reſt from you, and
the Gods. For our parts, beſides what you have already received, we
will
pay you what we have promiſed, and as we have already rewarded
your fidelity with a Donative ; ſo by God's aſſiſtance, after having gained
"the Victory, we will recompence you with ſomething worthy your fer-
vices. And in the mean time, the more to encourage you, and becauſe
"I ſee the whole Aſſembly diſpoſed to do well, as ſoon as I deſcend from
"this Tribunal, we will give every Soldier fifteen hundred Italian Drams,
to every Centurion five times as much, and to every Tribune propor-
tionable.
XVII.
After having thus ſpake, and gained the hearts of the Army by Aations,
by Words, and by Gifts, he diſmiſſed the Aſſembly, which yet would not
break up till after many Acclamations to Brutus and Calſins with promiſes
of good ſervice, immediately they diſtıibuted in ready Money what they
had promiſed, gratifying with ſomewhat more, ſuch as had ſignalized
themſelves upon any other occafions, and as they received their Money they
ſent them forward on their march towards Dcriſca, whither in few days
the Ceneral followed them. At the ſame time two living Eagles came and
pearched

Book IV.
of Rome.
203
pearched upon the Siver Eagles of the Standard-bearers; and pecking at
them (as ſome fay) and covering them with their Wings, there ſtayed.
The Generals cauſed Food to be given them till the day before the Batte!,
when they fled away. After two days March on the Banks of the Black
Gulf, the Army came to Atna, and from thence to Doriſca, and other
Maritime Cities, as far as Mount Serria, which advances it ſelf into the Sea,
from thence the Army turned into the Land; and Tullius Cimber was com-
manded, with the Fleet, one Legion, and ſome Archers, to proceed on the
way along the Coaſt. Now this Coaſt was formerly uninhabited, though
the Land were excellent good, becauſe the Thracians made no advantage of
the conveniency of the Sea, nor ſo much as came near the Shore, for fear
of Ships that paſſed by. Afterward the Chalcidians and other Greeks u-
ſing the Sea, inhabited, tilled it, and ſettled a Trade, beſides that many
Thracians were well ſatisfied to change the Mountains for ſuch a Reſidence,
till ſuch time as Philip the Son of Amyntas chaſing away the Chalcidians
and others, there remained no other marks of its ever being inhabited, faye
the pavements of fome Temples. Tullius then coaſting along this deſert
Shore, according to his Orders; when he came near the Straits of Salapeas
he began to ſet out the Lines of a Camp, and to chuſe out certain Caves in
the Shore might ſerve to harbor his Ships, that Norbanus thinking it needleſs
to guard both Paſſes, might quit them. And indeed part of what he had
projected, happened; for as ſoon as Norbanus ſaw the Ships, fearful left he
alone ſhould not be able to defend the paſſage of Salapeas, he fent preſently
to Ceditius to quit that of Torpides, and come to his aſſiſtance, which he did,
and thus Brutus and Caffius finding the Strait of Torpides deſerted, paſſed it.
But the deceit being diſcovered, Norbanus and Ceditius ſo well defended
that of Salapeas, that Brutus's People not being able to force it were diſ-
heartened, growing fearful leſt at laſt they ſhould be forced to go that great
way about, which at firſt they had declined, and withal return back all the
ground they had gone ; beſides that Summer was far ſpent. Whilft they
were in this trouble, Raſcupolis told them, that he would find out a way by
which in three days they ſhould croſs all the Mountains of Salapeas, which
never any before had paſſed, by reaſon of the craggineſs of the Rocks,
of Water, and the thickneſs of the Woods, but if they would reſolve
to carry Water with them, and cut a way through the Wood large enough
for them to paſs, they ſhould march under covert without being ſeen by any
Man, nay, not ſo much as by the very Birds, and on the fourth day ſhould
arrive at the River Arpeſſa, which falls into the Heber, from whence in
day they might reach Philippi, and ſo incloſe their Enemies, that it would
be impoſſible for them to eſcape. Though no advice could be propoſed,
in the execution whereof there could be more difficulty, yet this was fol-
lowed, the Soldiers being chiefly encouraged to it, by the hopes they had in
ſo ſhort a time, to behold ſo great a number of Enemies in their power.
Lucius Bibulus having then together with Raſcupolis taken upon him the
charge of preparing the way, they cauſed one half of the Army to move,
who, though it were with much labour and difficulty, marched on briskly
and cheerfully, eſpecially after thoſe who were ſent before to diſcover,
brought word, that from the tops of the Hill they might ſee the River; but
the fourth day the Soldiers ſpent with travel, and tormented with thirſt,
becauſe the water brought with them failed, began to make reflection upon
what had been told them (that it was but three days marchere they ſhould
find water) and to ſuſpect ſome treaſon: not but they believed thoſe who
aſſured them they had ſeen the River, but they imagined they were led out
CCC 2
want
one
of


204
The Civil Wars
PART II.
* Kẹºvụ
of the way, and therefore afflicted themſelves, as thinking they were be-
trayed; and when Raſcupolis came to encourage them, they railed and
threw ſtones at him. At length Bibulus entreating them in the name of
the Gods, to wait with patience the cloſe of that day, towards the Even-
ing thoſe that were in the Front perceived the River, whereupon with
ſhouts of joy giving the word back, it ſoon reached thoſe in the rear.
Brutus and Calſins having advice that a part of their Army was happily
paſſed, cauſed the reſt to file off the ſame way, yet they could not conceal
their march from the Enemy, nor did they incloſe them as Raſcupolis had
made them hope. For Rafcus his Brother having heard ſome fhouts, grew
ſuſpicious, and going himſelf upon the ſcout, made a perfect diſcovery,
with wonder that ſuch mighty Forces had paſſed through a Country ſo dry,
and where the Wood was ſo thick, that he ſcarce believed the very Beaſts
could have found a paſſage; and immediately giving notice hereof to Nor-
banus, he the ſame night deſerted Salapeas, and with what People he had
fled towards Amphipolis, infomuch, that in all the Armies nothing was ſo
much ſpoke of as theſe two Thracians, of the one for having been Guide
to the Army through ſuch an unknown way; and of the other for diſcove-
ring it. Thus Brutus and Caffius's Forces by a wonderful Adventure came
to Philippi, whither Cimber being likewiſe arrived, they had a general Ren-
dezvous. This City was formerly called Data, and before that * Crenides,
fignifies a four- becauſe of the many Springs about the Hill on which it is ſeated. Philip,
tain or spring. who found this place convenient to make War upon the Thracians, fortified
it, and called it by his name. On the North lie Woods, through which
Raſcupolis brought the Army: on the Eaſt are the Straits of Salapeas and
Torpides: and on the Weſt vaſt places which reach as far as the Cities of
Murcina, Dorabiſca, and the Strymon, which is about * one hundred and
* Near twenty fifty Furlongs diſtant. The Soil is good, and the Country pleaſant, and
Pris faid that heretofore a young Damſel, as ſhe was gathering Flowers,
was raviſhed by a God, and that in paſſing a River hard by, the Yoke of his
Chariot broke, whence the Greeks called that River Zyg aſbes: from Phi-
lippi to Amphipolis is an eafie deſcent, ſo that Men go up hill from Amphi-
polis, and down from Philippi. At ſome diſtance from Philippi is another
eminence, ſaid to be conſecrated to Bacchus, where are Mines of Gold,
called Alples, thence advancing ten Fulongs are found two other Eminen-
cies diſtant from Philippi eighteen Furlongs, and eight one from the other,
upon which Brutus and Callius pitched their Camps; Caſſius on the Sou-
thern, and Brutus on the Northern. They purſued not Norbanus in this
flight, becauſe word was brought that Anthony came on apace, having left
Cæfar fick at Epidamnum. The Plain was very proper for a ſet Battel, and
the Eminencies commodious to encamp on; for on one ſide were Mariſhes
and Pools of Water as far as the Strymon ; on the other inacceſſible Straits.
The ſpace between both of eight Furlongs was as it were the Paſſage or
Gate out of Europe into Aſia, they cauſed Walls to be built from one Camp
to another, and left a Gate in the middle to joyn together when they plea-
fed. Hard by they had a River called Gangna or Gangira, and on their
Backs they had the Sea, by which they brought their Proviſions from
Thaffa, not above one hundred Furlongs diſtant, where they kept their
Stores, and for their Gallies they left them at Nea, not above ſeventy Fur-
longs diſtant, inſomuch that they were extremely ſatisfied with having
found a place fo commodious, and where they could with ſo great advan-
tage poſt themſelves.
Mean

B00K IV. .
of Rome.
205
Mean while Anthony advanced by great Marches to pofſefs himſelf of XVIII
Amphipolis, which he had deſigned to make the Seat of the War. And be-
cauſe he found Norbanus had fortified it to receive him, wherewith he was
extremely well pleaſed : He left there all his Stores, with a Legion com-
manded by Pinnarius, to keep the Guard of them; and with an aſtoniſhing
boldneſs advancing ſtill forward, went and encamped in the Plain, eight
furlongs diſtant from the Enemy. Now was plainly to be ſeen the advan-
tage that Brutus and Caffius had over Anthony in the Seat of their Camps :
For they were encamped upon Hills, he on the even Plain ; they fetched
Wood from the Mountains, he from a Mariſh ; they watered at a River, he
at a Well which himſelf dug; their Stores were at Thaſa, not far diſtant ;
his at Amphipolis, *three hundred and fifty Furlongs from the Camp: So * Ahøve forty
that in all appearance Anthony ſeemed to have encamped there out of pure
Miles.
neceſſity, all the high Ground being ſeized upon, and the reſt of the Plaini
fo low, that ſometimes the River overflowed it. And indeed, in ſinking
Wells, they found abundance of freſh Water. However, though this
boldneſs were an effect of neceſſity, yet it ſtroke ſome kind of terror in the
Enemy; who were amazed to ſee him, after ſo long a March, as ſoon as he
arrived, come, and with ſo much ſcorn encamp ſo nigh them. Where-
fore they raiſed a great number of Forts, with Ditches, Paliſſadoes and
Walls, whilſt he only wrought upon the Lines of his Camp. Caffius, for
his part ſeeing this raving fury of Anthony's, cauſed a little ſpace of Ground
that lay betwixt his Camp and the Mariſh, which before he had neglected,
to be now fortified, that he might omit nothing for the ſecurity of the
Camps ; for the outmoſt ſide of Brutus’s was defended by Rocks, and that
of Calſins’s by the Mariſh; and the ſpace between both ſhut up with Ditch-
es, Palliſſadoes, Walls and Gates. Whilſt the one and the other were buſie
at their Intrenchments, their Horſe and Light armed Foot made tryal a-
gainſt each other in ſome Skirmiſhes : But after that their Works were
brought to perfection, and Cafar was come (though he had not yet recove-
red ſo much health as to be able to fight in Perſon, and was fain to be carri-
ed about the Ranks in his Litter) all their Forces drew out in order of Battel.
On the other ſide, Brutus likewiſe drew out his Army upon the Hill, but of
fered not to come down, for he had no deſire to fight, being in hopes the E.
nemy would ſoon be in want of Proviſions. There were on each ſide nine-
teen Legions; of which, thoſeon Brutus ſide were not compleat, whereas
in thoſe of Cæſar's there were Supernumeraries. As for the Horſe, accoun-
ting the Thracian Auxiliaries on both ſides; Anthony and Cæfar had thirteen
thouſand Horſe, and Brutus and Caffius had twenty thouſand : So thiat both
for the number of Men, the bravery and valour of the Commanders, the
Arms and Artillery, it was a glorious fight to ſee theſe two Armies. Yet
they lay ſeveral days without doing any thing; for Brutus and Caffius
would not fight, but rather ſtarve their Enemies ; they having for them-
ſelves Aſia and all the Countries adjacent to furniſh them with all things ne-
ceſſary, which were brought to them by Sea ; whereas the Enemy neither
had Proviſions, nor any place whence to fetch them ; for the Merchants
could not bring any from Egypt, at preſent afflicted with Famine : Pompey,
Murcus and Anobarbus ſtopped their coming from Africa, Italy and Spain ;
and Macedon and Theſſaly, who only fed the Army, were not long able to
maintain it. Caffius and Brutus knew all this very well, and were therefore
in no hafte to give Battel ; but Anthony, who was apprehenſive of Famine,
reſolved to force them to it. He imagined that if fecretly he could contrive
the making of a way croſs the Mariſh, he might cut off the Enemy's Paſſage
for

206
PART II.
The Civil Wars
for their Proviſions brought them from Thala. Having therefore ſeveral
times cauſed the Army, with all their Enſigns, to draw out into Battel, as if
all his Force had been there ; wrought night and day with a Party he had
drawn out of the Groſs, to make a little way through the Mariſh; cutting
of Buſhes, and raiſing a Caufway; fupported with Walls on both ſides, leit
it ſhould tumble down; and driving in Piles on thoſe places he could not fill
up, on which he placed Bridges of Wood with ſuch a profound filence,
that the Enemy perceived nothing; for the Buſhes they left on both ſides
the Caufway hindred their Proſpect. The Work being finiſhed in ten days,
he ſent by night a great number of Cohorts to the other ſide; who ſeizing
on ſome advantageous Poſts, raiſed Forts which they foon brought into a
condition of defence. Caffius was aſtoniſhed at this Undertaking, and at
the ſecrecy of its Execution : And to put the change upon Anthony, by hin-
dring his Communication with his Forts: He undertook likewiſe a like
Work quite croſs the Mariſh, from his Camp to the Sea. They therefore
began to raiſe Terraſſes, and to place Bridges of Wood on Piles in the
deepeſt places, as had been done by Anthony; and already the Cauſway
which he had made was broken, ſo that thoſe which were paſſed over had
no way of Return, nor could he, though he knew it, releive them. This
put him in ſuch a rage, that, though it was already Noon, he immediately
made his Army which was on the other ſide march to the Intrenchment
which firſt Calſins had made between his Camp and the Mariſh; making
them bring with them Spades, Pick-axes and Ladders ; refolving after he
had carried it, to ſtorm Caffius his Camp. Mean while, as Caſar's Men
made their Bravadoes in that Space which was between the two Camps,
Brutus's Men thinking it a ſhame for them, if, armed as they were, they
ſuffered their Enemies, unpuniſhed, to affront them to their very Beards;
without any other Orders than that of a Tribune, ſallyed out; and charg-
ing them in Flank, killed as many as they could reach : and having once be-
gun the Fight, turned upon the Groſs of Cæſar's Army, which was march-
ing towards them; put them to flight, and purſued them to the very Camp,
and at laſt became Maſters of the Camp it ſelf, which was in common be-
tween Cafar and Anthony. Cafar was not there becauſe of a Dream, by
which he was advertized to abſent himſelf that day, as himſelf has writ in
his Commentaries. But Anthony ſeeing the Fight grow hot, was very glad
to ſee the Enemy engaged, for he was mighty fearful of wanting Proviſions ;
yet he would not return into the Plain for fear of diſordering his Ranks in
countermarching his Army, but continued his March towards the Hill;
which, in ſpite of the Darts lanced at him from above by the Enemy, he
mounted, and came to handy ſtrokes with Caffius's Army, which was
there drawn up, and ſtood amazed at an Attempt fo little judicious. Ha-
ving preſently broken them, and put them into diſorder, he aſſaulted the
Trench between the Camp and the Marſh ; and with an incredible brisk-
neſs pulled out the Palliſſadoes, filled up the Ditch, beat down the Ram-
part, cut in pieces the greateſt part of thoſe that defended the Gate, paſ-
led over the Bellies of the reſt, and threw himſelf into the place. Many
of his People entred by the Breaches of the Rampart, ſome clambered o-
ver heaps of dead Bodies : And all this was done in ſuch a moment of time,
that thoſe who were at work in the Mariſh came not to the Afliftance of
their Companions till their Trench was gained ; and then Anthony and
thoſe that entred with him charging them with fury, drove them back in-
to the Mariſh; and returned to alfault Calſins his Camp, whilſt the reſt of
the Army were ſtill fighting with Caffius's People without the Trench. The
Camp,

Book IV
of Rome.
207
XIX,
Camp, becauſe it was ſtrong of it ſelf
, was very flenderly guarded, and
therefore ſoon forced; whereupon, thoſe who defended themſelves with
out, and were before hard put to it, ſeeing now their Camp in the power
of the Enemies, betook themſelves to a ſhameful flight. Thus the Advan-
tage became equal on both ſides; Brutus beat the Enemy on the left Wing,
and took their Camp; and Anthony on the other ſide, by a wonderful bold-
neſs took Caffius's Camp, after having ſlain great numbers of his Men. The
duſt flew fo thick in the field of the Battel, that one Party knew not what
had happened to the other. And when the Soldiers came to know the
place where they were, they called to them their Fellows, who looked ra-
ther like Day-labourers than Soldiers; being fo befineared with duft, they
could ſcarce be known; and certainly had one Party of them met another
loaden with Booty, they had again fought for their Spoil. It is thought
that on Caffius's ſide there might be ſlain about eight thouſand beſides Lac-
quies, and on Cæſar's fide twice as many more.
po y ello
fod
room
Caſſius having loſt his Camp, and all hopes of regaining it, retreated to
a Hill hard by Philippi to ſee what paſſed, but becauſe the duſt was ſo
thick that he could ſee nothing but that his Camp was taken, he command-
ed Pindarus his Eſquire to kill him. As Pindarus was excuſing himſelf
from doing it, there came a Man from Brutus, to tell him that Brutus on his
{ade had the better, and was Maſter of the Enemy's Camp: To which he
made only this ſhort Anſwer ; Tell him I wiſh him an entire Vittory. And
turning at the fame time towards Pindarus; Why delay you, faid he, diſpatch
and free me from this Infamy. Pindarus thereupon ran him with his Sword
into the throats and fo died Caffius, according to the opinion of ſome. Q-
thers fay, that ſome Horſe-men coming to bring him the News of Brutus's
Victory, he imagined they were Enemies, and ſent to Titinius to know the
certainty; and that thoſe Horſe-men having received Titinius as Caffius his
Friend, with Careſſes and Shouts of joy, he believed Titinius was fallen in-
to the hands of the Enemy; and ſaying, We have ſtayed to ſee them take 3-
way our Friend, retired with Pindarus into his Tent, and was no more ſeen:
wherefore, ſome think he flew his Maſter without having any Command
to do it. However it were, Caffius died on his Birth-day after this Battel,
which paſſed as we have deſcribed. Titinius likewiſe flew himſelf for grief
that he was not come ſooner, to give him an Anſwer: And Brutus, weep-
ing over Caffi:us's Body, called him the laſt of the Romans, whoſe Vertue
would never find its Equal ; lamented his haſte and precipitation, and yet
eſteemed him happy in being delivered from thoſe cares and troubles in
which he was engaged,and of which he knew not the Succeſs. At length,
having delivered the Body to his Friends to be privately diſpoſed, left the
light of it might fadden the Army; without taking any food, or ſleeping,
he ſpent the night in rallying Caffius's Troops. On the Morrow the Enemies
appeared in Battel, that they might make it be thought they had no diſad-
vantage: but knowing their thoughts, Let us arm too, ſaid he, and by alike
Fiction conceal our loß. But the Enemy retreating at the ſame time that he
drew up his Army in Barrel, he jeſtingly ſaid to his Friend ; Theſe people
who came out to fight us, thinking us wearied, durft not make the Experiment.
The ſame day of this Battel of Philippi, there happened on the Ionian Sea a
memorable Defeat. Domitius Calvinus was bringing over to Ceſar upon
Ships of Burthen, two Legions ; one of which was for its valour honoured
with the Title of Martial; with a Pretorian Cohort, or Regiment of two
thouſand Men, four Troops of Horſe, and other choice Foot, which were
Con-

208
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The Civil Wars
convoyed by ſome Gallies. Murcus and Enobarbus engaging them with
one hundred and thirty long Ships, part of the Ships of Burthen eſcaped at
firſt with a freſh Gale ; but the Wind ceaſing all on a ſuddain, the reſt were
ſurprized with a Calm, and were not able to ſtir; as if God had delivered
them
ир to their Enemies; who began to aſſault them one after another,
and to ſend them to the bottom; for the Gallies, which were but few in
number, could not releive them, being kept off by the long Ships : Not but
that, in the danger wherein they were, they did all that was poſſible for
Men to do ; they at firſt lafhd their Ships faſt together with Booms and
Cables, that the Enemy might not ſeparate them. But when this ſucceed-
ed well for a while, Murcus at length caſt into them great numbers of fla-
ming Darts , which forced them to caſt off as faſt as they had got together,
and Itrive to get clear of one another, left they ſhould all burn together.
So that they again ſaw themſelves expoſed to the ſhock of Murcus Prows,
or elſe were ſoon encompaſſed each one by a great number. The Soldiers
were in deſpair, eſpecially thoſe of the Martial Legion ; that, brave as they
were, they muſt die unrevenged. Some flew themſelves for fear of being
burnt; others leaped into the Enemies Ships, and were cut in pieces fight-
ing: Some Ships half burnt rowed a long time upon the Water, with the
Men wherewith they were laden ; ſome whereof periſhed by the Fire, O-
thers by Hunger and Thirft. Others graſping Malts or Planks, were caft
either
upon
Rocks or deſert Shores. Some were ſaved beyond all hopes;
and ſome there were remained five days upon the Sea, licking the Pirch,
or eating Sails and Cordage ; till at laſt the Waves caſt them on Shore.
Many overpreſſed with ſo many misfortunes, yielded themſelves with their
Veſſels; among which were ſeventeen Gallies, whoſe Sea-men and Soldiers
turned to Murcus's Party, and ſwore Fidelity to him. Calvinus their Ca-
ptain, whom all Men thought loft, returned the fifth day to Brundufium
with his ship. And this, that may be called Ship-wrack or Sea-fight, hap-
pened on the Ionian Sea, the ſame day that the Battel of Philippi was fought,
to the wonder of all the World that knew it.
XX.
As for Brutus, having drawn together his Army, he ſpoke to them in
this manner.
The Oration of Brutus.
IM
N what paſſed yeſterday, Fellow-Soldiers, we gained the advantage of our
Enemies in all points ; for you begun the Fight chearfully, though you had
no Command to do it; cut in pieces the fourth Legion, drawn up of purpoſe in
that Station becauſe of its Valour; and purſued them into their Camp, which
you took and plundered : So that this Victory very much exceeds the Loß we
ſuffered on the Left Wing. You might have made it perfect, had you not thought
it better to rifle the Enemies Carriages, than utterly to ruin them ; for moſt of
you let the Men eſcape, to fall upon the Baggage. In which, yet we had the bet-
ter ; for of two Camps we had, they took but one ; whereas, we became Masters
of all they had : ſo that in that point their loſs was twice as great as ours. Hi-
therto then, we have had all the advantage of the Fight. And now, to know
the whole of our Strength, you need only ask the Priſoners ; they will tell you
how ſcarce Viftuals are in their Army, how dear they coſt, with what difficulty
they

Book IV.
of Rome.
200
-
they are brought to them, and that they can ſcarce find any more to bring :
For Pompey, Murcus and Anobarbus, who keep the Sea with two hundred
and fixty Ships, prevent the bringing any from Sicily, Sardinia, Africa and
Spain : They have already dr ained Macedon, and now only Theſſaly affords
them a Subſiſtance ; and pray judge you if that can laſt any long time. Where's
fore, when
you behold them urging you to fight; know that, ready to periſh with
hunger, they ſeek an honourable death : Therefore our endeavours ought to be to
fight them firſt with Famine, and when we ſee it convenient for our purpoſe we
may fall on; and ſhall then find them ſo weak and feeble, they will not be able to
defend themſelves; but let not us permit our Courage to tranſport us before it be
time. If any one ſay this is retreating inſtead of advancing, let him look upon
the Sea behind us ; which brings us abundance of all Conveniences, offers us an
opportunity of overcoming without danger, provided you can but have patience,
and not grow hot when they come to make a Bravado, and defie you to the Battel:
For it is not Generoſity in them, as yeſterday's Fight made appear ; but that they
may deliver themſelves of another fear. But though I now deſire you to moderate
your Courage, yet pray remember to act with the ſame warmth and vigour when I
ball demand the effects of it. And I promiſe you, when it ſhall pleaſe God to
give us a perfect Victory, to pay you punctually the Rewards we have promiſed;
in the mean time, for thoſe brave things you did yeſterday, I will this day give e-
very Soldier a thouſand Drams, and the Officers proportionably.
Theſe words were followed by the diſtribution of the Donative to each
Legion ; to which fome fay, he added the Promiſe of giving them the Plun-
der of Lacedemon and Theſſalonica. On the other ſide, Cæfar and Anthony
foreſeeing well that Brutus had no deſign to fight, drew together their Ar-
my; to whom Anthony ſpoke in this manner.
The Oration of Anthony.

T
Hough when our Enemies talk of yeſterday's Action, they may ſay, that in
part they gained the Victory, becauſe they put ſome of ours to flight, and
took our Camp; yet in reality they confeß you to be abſolutely victorious; for I
dare aſſure you that neither to morrow nor in a long time after it, they will not
dare to engage you again unleſ they are forced to it, which is an indubitable
proof of your yeſterday's victory, and their preſent fear. As Wreſtlers in the
Gymnick Games, when they decline the ſtrife, acknowledge themſelves the weak-
er. They have indeed aſſembled all this mighty Army only to come and encamp
in the paſſages into Thrace, and there continue : for the ſame fear that made
them fortifie themſelves at our firſt coming ; hinders them from drawing out
after the diſgrace they yeſterday received, which was ſuch as obliged the moſt
ancient and moſt experienced of their Generals to kill himſelf, a moſt ample
Teſtimony of their diſorder. Theſe are the reaſons why they come not dowx
when we defie them, but truſt more in their Rocks
than their Arms. Now brave
Romans make your gallantry appear, and force them to fight as yeſterday you
forced them, and certainly it would be diſhonourable for you not to dare to af-
Sault Cowards trembling with fear, or to ſuffer it to be ſaid that men like you
were of leß ſtrength than Walls. For we are not come hither to remain all
our lifetime in the Field, where we cannot fubfift, for all proviſions will foam
Dddd
fail

210
PAŃT II.
The Civil Wars
7
fail us, and if that were not, yet every wile Man will put an end to War with
the fooneſt, and enjoy the ſweets of peace the longeſt he can poſſibly : we will
therefore give orders to lay hold on time and occafion.
We I ſay whole cour age
and conduct you repent not to have yeſterday followed, and you for your parts
let
your Generals jee your bravery, now that they demand the effects of it, and
tronble not your felves
for the baggage you yeſterday loft ; for our
riches confíft not
in that, but in the victory,which if we gain will not only reſtore what our Enemies
took from us, but make all they have ours ; if therefore you are in haft to recover
them, make hafte to fight. Not but that yeſterday we recovered a great deal, it
may be more than we loft ; for they had in their Camp all the riches of which they
had robbed Aſia; and you, when you came from home, left behind you whatever
was precions, and bronght nothing but what was neceſſary. So that if there
were anything valuable in our Camp, it was your Generals Equipage, a loſs they
are fo far from conſidering they are ready to venture all that they have left to make
you perfectly viitorions: nor ſhall that hinder us from giving as a reward of
your Victory five thomfand Drams to every Soldier, five and twenty thoufand
to every Centurion, and to every Tribune fifty thouſand.
On the morrow he drew out his Army, but the Enemies not coming
XXI. down, he was troubled, yet he continued every day to do the ſame; Bru-
tus on his fide always kept one part of his Army at their Arms, in caſe he
ſhould be forced to fight, and planted the other upon the way by which the
Victuallers brought their Proviſions to favour their paſſage: there was a lit-
tle Hill near Caffius his Camp, of which the Enemies could not poſſeſs them-
ſelves but with difficulty, becauſe from the Camp they might be galled
with Darts and Arrows ; yet Caſſius had placed a Guard there for fear left
ſome might be ſo bold as to come and lodge there. Brutus having ſlighted
it, Cæfar's People one night ſeiſed upon it, bringing
with them great quan-
tities of Hides and Hurdles to defend them from the Darts. This
Hill being
taken, ten other Legions went and encamped five Furlongs off, near the
Sea, and two Legions advancing four Furlongs further, pofted themſelves
ſo, that they might reach to the very ſhore. Their deſign was to make
an attempt either upon the Shore, or croſs the Mariſh, or by ſome other
invention to cut off the paſſage of Proviſions to Brutus, but he took care to
prevent them by building Forts directly oppoſite to the Enemies Camp,
which gave them no ſmall vexation; for they were manifeſtly afflicted
with Famine, which dayly more and more growing upon them, as much
increaſed their fears. Theffaly was not able to ſupply them with Proviſions
enough, and by Sea they could not hope to have any, Brutus being Maſter,
beſides the news of the Sea Fight on the Ionian Sea was come to both Ar-
mies, which gave them freſh occaſions of fear, and Winter approaching, it
would be an unfufferable annoyance if they ſhould be forced to endure it,
encamped in the Mariſhes. To make the beſt proviſion in theſe ſtraits they
could, they fent a Legion into Achaiato get in what proviſion they could,
and ſend it away ſpeedily to the Army, but that could not all warrant them
from the dangers wherewith they were threatned. Wherefore ſeeing
all their endeavours could not oblige the Enemy to a Fight, and that in vain
they every day drew out into the Plain, they advanced up to the very
Trenches with ſhouts and revilings to incenſe Brutus's Men, who they re-
folved not to beſiege, but to force to fight at what rate foever. But Brutus
continued firm in his firſt reſolution, the rather, becauſe he knew they were
ready to periſh with hunger, and becauſe his Fleet had got the better in the
Sea


Book IV.
of Rome.
Sea Fight, fo that perceiving the deſpair the Enemies want had brought
them to, he choſé rather to ſee himſelf befieged, or endure any thing than
fight with hunger-ſtarved and deſperate Men, who expected no other re-
lief than froin their Arms. But to this the Soldiers could not conſent, nor
endure to be thus ſhut up like Women, without doing any thing. Ihe
Officers themſelves complained not that they diſapproved Brutus's deſign,
but that aſcertaining themſelves upon the diſpoſition they beheld in the Sol-
dieis, they believed they ſhould advance the Victory. The mildneſs and
courteous temper of Brutás to all Men occaſioned much of this; for Caffius
was ſevere and imperious, the Officers of his Army executed his Orders
without asking a reaſon of them; and though they did not approve them,
durſt not contradict them. But Brutus, was willing to do all things with
the approbation and conſent of thofe commanded in the Army. Atlaſt the
Soldier's began to gather in Companies, and to ask one another, Why has
our General ſo ill an opinion of ass? what fault have we committed? have we
not beaten and put to-flight our Enemies, cut in pieces their beſt Companies, and
forced their Camp? Yet he ſtill diſſembled it, and would not ſpeak to them
for fear of doing any thing might reflect on his Honour, by ſuffering him-
ſelf to be led by a blind multitude, eſpecially the Strangers, who as uncon-
ſtant as Slaves would every day be changing Maſters, and on the firſt occa-
fion would defert him. But when he ſaw himſelf importuned by the Tri-
bunes and the Centurions, who adviſed him to take that opportunity,
whilſt the Soldiers burning with a deſire to fight, would poſſibly do ſome-
thing great, (beſides, if any misfortune happened, they could retreat with
in their Trenches, and defend themſelves.) he grew angry that his Officers
ſhould give him ſuch counſel, and ſuffer themſelves to be ſo eaſily carried a,
way by the impatience of his Soldiers, who chofe rather to hazard the lofs
of all, than to overcome without danger. However, he conſented, though
to theirs, and his own ruine ; faying only this ſhort fentence, I fee I am re-
duced to make Iar as Pompey did, and rather to be commanded than to coma
mand. For my part I believe he ſaid no more for fear of diſcovering what
he moſt of all feared, left the Army which had formerly ſerved under Cam
far ſhould upon diſcontent go over to the Enemy. For this was what both
Caſſins and he had from the beginning ſome ſuſpicion of, and therefore took
care not to give the Soldiers any cauſe of diſſatisfaction.
XXII.
Thus Brutus drew his Men out of the Camp much againſt his will, and
drew them up in order, but ſtill forbad them going too far from the Hill,
that their retreat might be more eaſie, and that they might from above
charge the Enemy more advantageouſly with their miſſile Arms. Both Par-
ties were in a brave and fighting condition, and therefore came reſolutely
forth to the Battel, animated by reaſonable conſiderations ; on the one ſide
the fear of Famine, and on the other by a juſt Shame, for having forced
their General to fight before he had a mind to it. Wherefore they burn'd
with deſire to make him ſee in their deeds the fame Bravery and Courage
they had boaſted in words, for fear left he ſhould reproach thein of having
been carried away rather by raſhneſs than prudence. Brutus going on
Horſeback froin Quarter to Quarter with a ſevere look, put them in mind
of it, and the better to imprint it in their thoughts, as time gave leave,
ſpoke theſe words, Yox warld needs fight, and have forced me to conquer in d-
nother manner than I deſired. But have a care you do not deceive both your
ovn hopes and mine: you have the advantage of the Hill
, which fights for yo”,
all behind you is on your fide, whæreas the Enemy are to defend ihemſelves both
D d d d 2
againſt

212
PART II.
The Civil Wars
againſt you and Famine. To which diſcourſe which he made as he went up
and down the Army, they anſwered him with ſhouts of joy and promiſes
of well doing. Cafar and Anthony in the mean time went each on their
fide through the Ranks, encouraging their Soldiers with hand and voice,
without flattering them, or diſſembling the condition wherein they were,
being certain to die by Famine if they got not the Victory, which was a
powerful motive to ſpur them on: We have found our Enemy, ſaid they,
and have got him now, Fellow Soldiers, out of his Trenches. from whence we
have taken ſo much pains to draw him; but after having provoked him by ſo
many defiances, have a care of your Honour, and let your Actions make good
the threats you have uttered. Chufe now either to fight againſt hunger an in-
vincible Enemy which gives no Quarter, or againſt Men who cannot ſtand be
fore you, if you employ but your Arms, your Courage,, nay, your very Deſpair,
as you ought to do. For our Affairs are in ſuch a condition, they admit of no
delay, this day muſt put an end to the War, either by an entire Victory, or a
glorious death. If you come off victorious, you will in one, ſole day and one only
Fight get Proviſion, Treaſure, Fleets, Arms, and beſides all the Donative we
have promiſed you for the Viitory, which will ſurely be ours, if in giving the
onſet we remember the neceſſity to which we are reduced; and after having put
them in diſorder, ſeife the Gates of their Camp, and drive them, either among
the Precipices, or into the Plain, ſo that they can no more rally, or ſhut thein-
ſelves up in thoſe Trenches, where, by a cowardiſe unheard of yet in any Enemy,
they place their hopes not in fighting, but in not fighting at all. By theſe
words Cæfar and Anthony fo encouraged their Soldiers, that they would
have bluſhed not to have anſwered their Generals expectation, beſides there
being no other way to remedy their want of Proviſions, which
was aug-
mented by what had happened on the Ionian Sea ; they choſe rather to un-
dergo the worſt that could befal them in Fight, than to periſh by a miſery
inevitable, Upon theſe. Motives the two Armies were inflamed with an
incredible ardour. The Soldiers no more remembred they were Fellow
Citizens, but threatened each other as if they had been two Nations that
had been at a perpetual enmity. Such power now had anger got over
them above either reaſon or nature. And in ſhort, both Parties divined
that this Battel would decide the deſtiny of the Roman Empire, as in-
deed it did. After having employed one part of the day in preparing
themſelves about nine of the Clock two Eagles began to fight between the
two Armies, who obſerved them with a profound filence, till ſuch time as
that on Brutus's ſide turning tail, gave occaſion to the contrary Party with
great ſhouts to run on upon their Enemies. The Charge was fierce and
cruel, for they threw away, as uſeleſs, their Piles and all other Weapons
ordinarily uſed in Fight, to come to the Swords point; they gave neither
blow nor thruſt in vain, and each ſide endeavoured to break through, and
diſorder the oppoſite Ranks, the one Party fighting for ſafety more than
for Victory; and the other for Victory only, remembring that by their
importunity they had forced their General to engage. Nothing was to be
ſeen but ſlaughter, nor heard but groans : as ſoon as any one fell
, thoſe of
his Party drew him off, and another freſh Man ſtepped in out of the next
Rank to ſupply his place. Mean while the Generals acted wonders, they
run from place to place, and ſhewed themſelves every where, encouraging
thoſe whom they ſaw had the advantage, and exhorting others whom they
perceived overpreſſed, yet to hold out a little till they could ſend freſh Men
to diſengage them. Thus the Front of the Battel was always full: yet at
laſt Caefar's People either preſſed forward by their fear of Famine, or ſpur-
red

Book IV.
of Rome.
213
red on by his good fortune (for Brutus's Men were no way faulty) made
the firſt Line of the Enemies a little recoil, who gave ground without any
trouble or diſorder as if it had been a great Machine removed at once; but
at laſt the firſt Rank being broken, thoſe who fought in it retreated more
nimbly into the ſecond, and thoſe of the ſecond into the third, that it begat
fome confuſion, for they were both preſſed upon by the Enemies and thoſe
of their own Party, ſo that they betook themſelves to a diſorderly flight.
And now Cæfar’s Men, according to the command they had received, feiled
upon the Gate, though with a great deal of danger; for they were forely
galled by Darts from the Rampart, and by thoſe who yet ſtood their
ground without, till ſuch time as the Enemy, utterly defeated, and put to
the Rout, not being able to gain entrance, fled ſome towards the Sea, o-
thers to the Mountains by the Valley of the River Sygaſtus. The Generals
parted betwixt the Remainder of the Work; and Cæfar ſtaying to oppoſe
thoſe who made offer to fally out of Brutus's Camp,and to guard their own;
Anthony took upon him the whole Function of General: he purſued the Fu-
gitives, cut in pieces thoſe who yet made any reſiſtance,and fearful left the
chief Commanders eſcaping from this Defeat Thould get on Foot another
Army, he ſent his Horſe to all the Avenues, ſome to one ſide, and ſome to
another: one Party under the Command of Raſcus the Thracian, who
knew the Country, fetched a turn about the Mountains, ſo that the
Trenches and Precipices of the Camp were ſurrounded on all ſides by
Guards placed by Anthony, to hinder any perſon from retreating, and if
any did come out, they hunted them like Beaſts: others followed Brutus
upon full ſpeed, and were not far from him when Lucilius Lucinus ſeeing
them come,ſtopped,and as if he had been Brutus,prayed them to carry him
to Anthony, and not to Cæfar, which confirmed their opinion that it was Bre-
tus indeed, becauſe he would not fall into the hands of his mortal Enemy:
Anthony having notice that they were bringing him, went forthwith to meet
them, making reflection upon the Fortune, Dignity, and Virtue of the
Man, and conſulting with himſelf how he ſhould receive him. When he
was near, Lucinus advancing, fiercely told him, Brutus is not taken, nor ſhall
balenefs ever make a Priſoner of Virtue: for my part, I only deceived thoſe
that would have taken him, and behold me now in your power. Whereupon
Anthony ſeeing the Horſemen that brought him aſhamed at their miſtake,
comforted them with theſe words : The Prize you have taken is not of leſs
value then that you thought to have made ; nay, 'tis rather of much greater, as a
Friend is worth more than an Enemy. And at the ſame inſtant delivering Lu-
cinus into the hands of ſome of his Friends to have a care of him, he after-
wards treated him like a perſon in whom he had confidence.
XXIII.
As for Brucus he eſcaped into the Mountains, where rallying ſome con-
ſiderable Forces reſolved to return by night into his Camp, or get down to
the Sea fide; but becauſe the Enemy had feiſed of all the Paffes, he ſtayed
there all that night in Arms with the People he had: and it is ſaid, that
looking up to the Stars he pronounced this Verſe:
Thou know?j?, O Jupiter, who cauſes all theſe woes. :
Meaning it by Anthony: and indeed as fome relate, Anthony himſelf, when
in his own misfortune he was touched with repentance, acknowledged,
that whereas he might have made an accommodation with Brutus and Cof-
Suus, he made himſelf Serjeant to Octavius. That fame night Anthony en-
camped

214
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PART II
camped directly oppoſite to Brutus, without other intrenchment than heaps
of Arms and dead Bodies, which ſerved him inſtead of Ramparts; and
Cæfar having watched till Midnight, being ſick withdrew, and left the
Guard of the Camp to Norbanus. On the morrow, Brutus ſeeing that the
Enemy quitted not their Poſt, and that he had with him but four
Legions,
and thoſe too not complete, he believed it not ſecure for him to ſpeak to
them himſelf, but ſent the Tribunes, alhamed of the fault they had com-
mitted, to found the minds of the Soldiers, and know of them whether
they would undertake to open themſelves a way through their Enemies to
regain their Camp where their Companions ſtill guarded their Equipage:
but theſe people went fo chearfully to the Fight, and had ſo long and loge-
nerouſly ſuſtained the Enemy, as if God had now forſåken them, returned
anſwer to their General, that the counſel he gave them was worthy of him,
but that for their parts they had ſo often tempted fortune, that they would
not now quite loſe all hopes of making conditions for themſelves. Then
ſaid Brutus to his Friends; I can do my Country no farther ſervice, if they
have taken ſuch reſolutions. And at the faine time he called Strato the Epi-
rot his Friend, whom he intreated to kill him; Strato adviſing him to think
more ſerioully upon it, he called to one of his Domeſticks, upon which
Strato faid, Brutus, ſince you are reſolved, you have a Friend more ready to exe-
cute your laſt command than all your Slaves. And ſaying ſo, thruſt his Sword
betwixt his Ribs, which he received without moving. Thus ended Bru-
tus and Caffius the moſt generous and illuſtrious of the Romans, whofe Vir-
tue had never been equalled, had it not been ſullied with Cæſar's Blood,
who though they were of Pompey's Party, from Enemies had made them
Friends, and afterwards loved them like his Children. The Senate had al-
ways a great inclination for them, and after their death did much compaſ-
fionate their misfortune : for their fakes only they had paſſed the general
Amneſty and when they left the City gave them Government for fear they
ſhould paſs for baniſhed Men. Not that all that compoſed this noble Body
hated Cæfar, or were ſatisfied with what was done ; for living they had
been admirers of his Virtuee and Fortune; and dead, they had folemnized
his Funeral at the publick Charge, confirmed all that he had done, and
granted places and truſts in the City according to the Memorandums by
him left, not thinking it poſſible for themſelves to diſpoſe of it more pru-
dently: and yet the affection they bore theſe great Men, and the care they
took of their ſafety, gave occaſion to ſuſpicions and ſcandals, ſo mightily
they were favoured by the Senate. And the greater part of the Exiles pre-
ferred them before Pompey himſelf; for Pompey being near the City might
incline to an Accommodation, whereas they were far off and implacable.
Moreover, when they ſaw themſelves forced to take up Arms, they had in
leſs than two years got together more than twenty Legions, almoſt twenty
thouſand Horſe, more than two hundred long Ships, and conſiderable Stores
of all warlike Proviſions. They had raiſed likewiſe vaſt Sums in Afia, ei-
ther by good will, or by force : and in thoſe Wars they waged with divers
Cities who held on the adverſe Party, they almoſt continually came off vi-
&torious, till they became Maſters of all tliat Country extending from Ma-
cedon to the Euphrates : and all thoſe with whom they had mad War ranged
themſelves on their Party, and continued faithful to them. They likewiſe
made uſe of many Kings and Princes; nay, of the Parthians themſelves,
though Enemies to the Romans ; but this was only in matters of ſmall con-
ſequence, for in the great Affairs when all was diſputed, they ſtayed not
their coming for fear of teaching a Barbarcus Nation, and always an Enemy,
how

BOOK IV.
of Rome.
215
how to fight with the Romans. But what moſt of all ought to be admired
at, is, that the greateſt part of their Army was compoſed of Soldiers that
had ſerved under Cafar, and that after his being ſlain, the affe&tion of the
Soldiery was unhappily tranſported to theſe his Murderers fo firmly, that
they afterwards were more Itedfaſt in obſerving their faith to them againſt
his Son, than to Anthony himſelf who had commanded them
under Caſar,
for none of them deſerted Brutus or Caffius, even in their utmoſt misfortune,
whereas all
of them revolted from Anthony at Brundufium in the very begin-
ning of the War he had with Oétavius. They made their pretence of ta-
king Arms, both now and in Pompey's time not private advantage, but the
name of the Commonwealth; fpecious indeed, but uſually of little effect,
and when they thought themſelves no longer ſerviceable to their Country,
they equally deſpiſed their lives. As for their particular conduct, Caffius
like the Gladiators which mind only their Enemies, had fixed his thoughts
upon War, and thought of nothing elſe. But Brutus who in all times and
occaſions was a Philoſopher, was pleaſed to look into, and underſtand many
things; yet when all is faid that poſſibly can be to aſſure them great Men,
the affault they made upon Cæſar's perſon was the only cauſe none of their
defigns proſpered: and certainly it was no ordinary crime, nor of little
conſequence, for they had unhappily murdered their Friend, their Bene-
factor, one who by right of War might have diſpoſed of their lives, and
yet had faved them, tlieir General in the Senate, in a ſacred place, cloath'd
in his holy Robes, the moſt powerful of all the Romans; and which is moſt
of all, the Man of all the world moſt ſerviceable to the Empire and his
Country: And Heaven accordingly fent tokens of its anger, and preſages
of their ruine: for when Caffius offered Sacrifices to purge his Army, one
of the Lictors put a Crown reverſed upon his Head; a Golden Image of
Victory, which he then offered, fell down of it ſelf, many Flocks of Birds
of Prey came and ſet about his Camp without making any noiſe, and al-
moſt dayly they faw Swarms of Bees. They ſaw likewiſe that Brutus cele-
brating at Samos, in the midſt of their Jollity and Feaſting, wherein he
was not uſed to be out of temper, with a ſudden paſſion uttered theſe Ver-
fes : on
state But 'twas Latona's Son, and angry Fate
Advanc'd my death.
And that when he was deſigning to paſs out of Aſia into Europe with his
Army, as he watched by night, and his Candle almoſt ſpent, there appear
ed to him a Ghoſt with a ſtrange kind of countenance, at which not moved,
he asked what it was, God or Man, to which the Ghoſt anſwered ; Brutus,
I am thy evil Genius, thou ſhalt ſee me again at Philippi. And in truth, 'tis
faid, it appeared to him the day before the laſt Battel, and that when he
drew his Army out of the Camp an Ethiopian met him, whom preſently
the enraged Soldiers cut in pieces. This was likewiſe a token of their miſ-
fortune, that Caffius after a Fight, wherein the loſs had been almoft equal,
fell fo eaſily into deſpair ; and that Brutus, forced to violate the prudent re-
folution he had taken, to temporize, yet engaged with ſtarved People,
whilft he had abundance of Proviſions, and the conveniency of the Sea.
Though theſe two Men lad often been in many perillous occaſions, yet they
were never wounded, but they murdered themfelves as they had murdered
Cæfar, and ſo received puniſhment for the crime they had committed. An-
thory finding Brutus's Body, covered it with a Purple Robe, and after having
burned

216
PART II.
The Civil Wars
burned it, ſent the Aſhes to Servilia his Mother; his Army which yet con-
ſiſted of fourteen thouſand Men, as ſoon as they knew of his death fent De-
puties to Cæfar and Anthony, who having pardoned them, divided them
betwixt them. Soon after, thoſe that were in the Forts yielded likewiſe,
but on condition that the Plunder both of the Forts and the Camp ſhould be
the Prize of Cæſar's and Anthony's Soldiers. As for the perſons of Note
and Quality who had fided with Brutus, fome fell in the Fight, others like
their Generals flew themſelves, and others forced their deaths from their
Enemies hand, of which number were L. Caſſius Nephew to the General,
and the Son of the famous Cato of the ſame name, who ſeveral times threw
himſelf into the midſt of his Enemies, and at laſt took off his Head-piece,
either that he might be the eaſier known, or the eaſier killed, or both: La-
beo known for his wiſdom, and for being Father to that Labeo to this day
holding a prime degree among the famous Doctors of Law, cauſed a hole
to be dug in his Tent, to the proportion of his Body, and after having given
his Orders to his Servants, and writ to his Wife and Children Letters, which
he gave to his Slaves to carry, took by the Right Hand one of the faithful-
eſt of them, and having made him walk round about him, according to the
Roman cuſtom when they enfranchife a Slave, commanded him to take a
Sword, and preſented him his Throat, and ſo made his Tent his Grave.
The Thracian Raſcus brought back many people from the Mountains;
and for all the ſervice he had done Anthony and Caefar, asked only the par-
don of his Brother Rafcupolis, and obtained it; which vas enough to figni-
fie, that at the beginning of the War theſe Thracians had no private dif-
ference, but ſeeing two great Armies coming into their Country to make
War, not knowing which would have the better, one took one part, and the
other the other, that happen 'what would he on the conquering fide might
make his Brother's compoſition. As for Portia Brutus's Wife and young
Cato's Siſter, when ſhe heard they were both in this manner loft, in ſpite of
all her Servants care to prevent her death, ſhe ſwallowed burning Coals,
and died. Many perſons of Quality being eſcaped to Thala, ſome of them
embarqued to retire elſewhere, others with the remainder of the Army
choſe Meſſala Corvinus and Lucius Bibulus for their Chiefs, to whom they
promiſed to do what they pleaſed; and the reſt treating with Anthony's
Men, as ſoon as they came to Thaſſa delivered into their Hands all the Mo-
ney, Proviſions, and ſtore of other warlike Preparations. Thus by a ha-
zardous boldneſs Cafar and Anthony in two Fights won the greateſt Victo-
ry that ever till now was gained; for never did two ſuch Roman Armies
fight together. Nor were their Forces raiſed in haſte out of the Citizens,
but all chofen Men, not Apprentices, but old Soldiers, experienced both
in Foreign and Civil Wars, all ſpeaking the ſame Language, all exerciſed
in the fame Military Diſcipline, equal in experience and valour, which
made it not eaſie for them to vanquiſh each other: beſides never in any
War did ſo many Citizens once Friends and Comrades fight with ſo much
heat and courage, which is ſufficiently proved in that, conſidering both
Battels, the Vanquiſher loft not leſs than the Vanquiſhed. However,Cam
far's and Anthony's Men found the predi&tion of their Generals true; for
in one day, and one Battel they were not only delivered from the danger of
Famine, and the fear they were in of periſhing, but this glorious Victory
gave them likewiſe all things in abundance, and the conceptions of many
Mens minds when they went to fight, that this day would decide the ſtate
of the Empire, were accompliſhed; for the Common-wealth was never
inore reſtored, nor was there any more need for the Citizens to come to
theſe

Book IV.
of Rome.
212
theſe extremities, except in the quarrel between Cafar and Anthony, which
was the laſt of the Civil Wars; for as to what happened in the mean time,
when after the death of Brutus, Pompey and all thoſe who eſcaped from the
Defeat, having yet conſiderable Forces renewed the War, there was no-
thing parallel to it, either for Gallantry, or affection of Cities, or Soldiers
towards their Generals, beſides no perſons of Quality were concerned, nei-
ther did the Senate declare for them, nor had they ever ſuch Reputation
and Glory as Caffius and Brutus.
The End of the Fourth Book of the Civil Wars
of Rome
3
Eeee
APPIAN
A

218
Α Ρ Ρ Ι Α Ν
OF
ALEXANDRIA,
HIS
HISTORY
OF THE
Civil Wars
OF
R O ME
PART II.
Book V.
The Argument of this Book.
1.
A
Fter Caſſius and Brutus's death Cæfar comes into Italy, and Anthony
goes into Afia. II. The Actions of Anthony in Afia: III. Cleopa-
tra comes to viſit him in Aſia, with whom he falls ſo deeply in love, he goes
and ſpends the Winter with her in Alexandria. IV. Cæſar endeavours to
ſettle

Book V.
of Rome.
219
ſettle the Colonies, but finds it a matter of much difficulty. V. The Soldiers
infolence, with the cauſes of it. VI. Lucius Anthony's Brother, Fulvia
his Wife, and Manius fall at variance with Cæſar. VII. An Accommo-
dation vainly endeavoured, they take up Arms. VIII. The beginning of the
War with the Siege of Peruſia by Cæſar. IX. Lucius loſes all hopes of de-
fending himſelf, and capitulates. X. Lucius's Speech to Cæſar, yielding
himſelf at diſcretion. XI. The taking and burning of Peruſia: XII. The
end of this War. XIII. Anthony and Cæſar diſtruſting each other, make
preparations. XIV. Brundufium beſieged by Anthony. XV. Agreement
between them by Cocceius's intermiffion. XVI. Mutiny of the People a-
gainſt Cæſar, ſuppreſſed by Anthony. XVII. Accommodation between
Cæfar and Pompey. XVIII. Anthony's Preparations againſt the Parthi,
ans. XIX. The Accommodation between Cæſar and Pompey broken, and
Cæfar prepares for War. XX. Sea Fight between Cæſar's and Pompey's
Lieutenants
. XXI. Another Sea Fight between Cæſar and Pompey, where-
in Cæſar has the worſt. XXII. Cæſar loſes moſt of his Ships by ſtorm.
XXIII. Difference happens between Cæſar and Anthony, which is accommo-
dated by Octavia’s intermiſſion. XXIV. Cæſar invades Sicily with three
Armies. His Fleet again ſcattered by Tempefts, ſo that he is forced to put
off the War till the next year. XXV. Pompey thinking himſelf freed
from the War by Cæſar's misfortunes at Sea, calls himſelf the Son of Nep-
tune : and Menodorus his Admiral goes the ſecond time and Jubmits to
Cæſar. XXVI. Cæſar again invades Sicily, and Agrippa his Admiral
engaging Pompey's near Myles, gains the Victory. XXVII. Cæſar going
in perſon into Sicily to beſiege Tauromenia is aſſaulted by Pompey by Sea
and Land , leaves Cornificius encamped, and about to repaß with his
Ships, is defeated by Pompey, himſelf hardly eſcaping. XXVIII. Corni-
ficius with much loß rejoyns with Agrippa. XXIX. Cæſar lands all his
Forces in Sicily, and cuts off Pompey from Proviſions. XXX. The laſt
Sea Battel between Cæſar and Pompey where Pompey is defeated. XXXI.
Pompey flies towards Anthony: and Lepidus endeavouring to ſeiſe Sicily,
is by Cæſar reduced to the condition of a private Man, and ſent to Rome.
XXXII
. Cæſar's Soldiers mutiny, who disbands one Party, and contents the
other. XXXIII. He ſettles Sicily, returns to Rome, where he is received
with general applauſe. XXXIV. Pompey would deceive Anthony, but is
diſcovered. XXXV. He makes. War upon Anthony's Lieutenants in Aſia.
XXXVI. He is at lengthtaken and Nain.
A
A
Fter the death of Brutus and Caffius, Cæfar went into Italy, and
Anthony into Afia, where meeting with Cleopatra Queen of
Egypt, he no ſooner beheld her but he became inflamed with a
love proved ruinous to them both, and occaſioned multitudes
of miſeries to all Egypt, wherefore the Egyptian Affairs will
make a part of this story, yet without bearing that Title ; for I have yet
much to treat of the Civil Wars, which continued long after the death of
Brutus and Caſſius, though without any Head or General obeyed like them,
till Sextus the youngeſt Son of Pompey the Great, who had got together
the Remains of Brutus and Caffius's Party, being dead, and Lepidus de-
ſpoiled of that part of the Empire he pretended to all the Sovereign Power
remained divided between Cæfar and Anthony : which things paſſed in this
manner; Caffius ſirnamed the Parmeſan was left in Aſia by Caffius and Bru-
Ееее 2
tas,

220
PART II.
The Civil Wars.
tus, with a Fleet and an Army to officiate there as Superintendent of the
Revenues. After Caffius's death, in hopes that the like would not happen
to Brutus, he made choice of thirty of the Rhodian Ships, which he thought
himſelf able to manage with Seamen and Soldiers, and burning all the reſt
except the Sacred Galley, that he might deprive the Rhodians of attempt-
ing any thing, took the Sea with this Fleet. Clodius whom Brutus had ſent
into that Iland with thirteen Ships, finding it revolted (for Brutus was
Nain at the time of his arrival) drew off three thouſand Men that were
there in Garriſon, and went to joyn with the Parmeſan. Torilus came
likewiſe to them with many other Ships, and all the Tribute Money he
could gather at Rhodes. To this Fleet, grown already in ſome meaſure
powerful, flocked all thoſe diſperſed throughout Aſia to exerciſe any of-
fice, bringing with them all the Soldiers they could, and to that end ma-
king Levies of Slaves, Captives, and the Inhabitants of the Iflands where
they touched, Cicero the Orator came thither likewiſe, and with him all
the Perſons of Quality eſcaped from Thaffa; ſo that in a ſhort time great
multitudes were aſſembled of conſiderable Forces, both by Sea and Land,
with Officers to command them. At length taking with them one Lepidus,
whom Brutus had left in Crete with ſome Forces for Guard of that Íſland,
they ſteered their courſe towards Murcus and Ænobarbus, who had a
powerful Fleet on the Ionian Seas: there dividing themſelves, one part
joyned with Murcus, and went towards Sicily, which was a conſiderable
recruit to Pompey zand the other ſtayed with #nobarbus, who deſigned to
forma party by himſelf: thus out of the ruines of Brutus and Caſſius ſprung
up two new Armies. Mean while Caſar and Anthony made magnificent
Sacrifices to the Gods for the Victory at Philippi, teftifying their acknow-
ledgments to the Soldiers by praiſes, till they could be able to give them
the promiſed Rewards. To this end Cæfar took his way forthwith into Italy,
undertaking the charge of diſtributing Land to them, and giving them
Houſes, a charge which he thought the leaſt toilſome, and fitteſt for him,
not being well in health, whilft Anthony went into the beyond Sea Provin-
ces, to get together mony to diſcharge their promiſes. After this they
made a new diviſion of the Empire, and beſides thoſe Provinces they alrea-
dy had, parted between them thoſe which were Lepidus his ſhare : for Ce-
far deſigned to make the Tranſalpine Gauls free, according to the intention
of his Father, and Lepidus was accuſed of holding intelligence with Pom-
pey. However Cafar had reſolved to give him other Provinces, if the in-
formation made againſt him proved not true. They diſmiſſed likewiſe all
the Veterans, fave only eight thouſand Men, who defiring to continue in
the ſervice, were ſhared betwixt them, and added to the Pretorian Co-
horts. Their Forces compriſing likewiſe thoſe which had quitted Brutus's
Party, ſtill conſiſted of eleven Legions, and fourteen thouſand Horſe, of
which Anthony, becauſe of his Expedition, took fix Legions and ten thou-
fand Horſe; ſo that Cefar had left him only five Legions, and four thouſand
Horſe, with ſome Troops Anthony had left in Italy under the Command of
Calenus, to whom he gave order to deliver them to Cæfar, inſtead of thoſe
taken from him, and this done, Cæfar began his March towards the Ionian
Sea.
II.
Anthony arriving at Epheſus, offered moſt magnificent Sacrifices to the
Goddeſs, and pardoned all thofe of Caffius and Brutus's Party that had taken
Sanctuary in the Temple, fave only Petronius , one of the Con-
ſpirátors againſt Cæfar, and Quintus who had delivered Dolobella to Caffius
at

Book V.
of Rome.
221
at Laodiced. After which the Greeks and all the other Nations inhabiting
Aſia on the Confines of Pergamus, having ſent Deputies to him to treat
their compoſition, he aſſembled them together, and ſpoke to them in this
manner:
The Oration of Anthony.
Ou know, Gentlemen, that Attalus your King having by teſtament given
you to the People of Rome, you foon found our Government more eaſie
and more advantageous than his : for we remitted you all thoſe Tributes you were
uſed to pay him, till there riſing up among us fome diſturbers of the publick
Peace, we were forced to lay ſome Contributions upon you: we impoſed them up-
on you, not according to your Eſtates, or to continue the payment of them after
the danger was paſt, but we taxed you only in ſome part of your Revenues, to
the end we might participate together in the publick charge. After which,
when the Commiſſioners ſent by the Senate to collect them oppreſſed you, making
you pay more than demanded by us, C. Cæſar diſcharged you of a third of all
the impoſitions, and ſettled orders, that no more injuſtice ſhould be done you by
committing to your felves the colletting of the Moneys from the Country. Not-
withſtanding which, that great Manto whom you were obliged being ſain as a
Tyrant by our * good Citizens, you have fupplyed with vast Sums the
Murderers
of your Benefaltor againſt us who did all we could to revenge him. Wherefore * By way of 1
Fortune favouring the juſter canle
, and having decided it, not as you would rony.
eve had it, but according to reaſon, we ſhould have puniſhed you more rigo-
rouſly if you had aſſiſted them with your Arms ; but becauſe we are willing to be
lieve that you have done nothing but what you were forced to, we ſhall deal the
more gently with you.
We ſtand now in need of Money, of Lands, and of
Cities, to diſcharge our ſelves of the promiſes made to our Soldiers to reward
them after the Victory. Our Army is compoſed of twenty eight Legions, which,
accounting the light armed Foot, amount to one hundred and ſeventy thouſand
Men, beſides the Horſe and ſome other Companies : you may therefore judge
what Money we are obliged to raiſe for ſo great a number of Men. As for the
Lands and Cities, Cæſar is gone into Italy, to diſtribute them, and to ſpeak is
in a word to change all the habitations of that people; ſo that to the end you be
not forced to quit your Lands, your Cities, your Houſes, your Temples, and
your Sepulcbres: you muſt furniſh us with Money, but yet not all for you can-
not do that ) but a part, and the leaſt part too: and I believe when you know our
Demands, you will go away ſatisfied. You have in two years payed our Enemies
ten years Tribute, we ask no more of you; but it muſt be payed in a year, for ne-
ceffity preſſes us, beſides we favour you, and you cannot but confeſ the penalty
is leßthan the crime.
Thus fpake Anthony with deſign to raiſe Money to pay eight and twenty
Legions, though at the time of their * Accommodation at Modena they
had promiſed rewards to three and forty complete Legions, but the War
had reduced them to that number. Scarcely had he pronounced his laft
words, but the Greeks proftrating themſelves upon the ground, humbly
repreſented to him, that after the violences they had ſuffered from Bru.
tas and Caius, they were not worthy of puniſhment but pity, that they
would

222
PART II.
The Civil Wars
would willingly have given to their Benefactors all their Goods, if they
had not been robbed of them by their Enemies, whom they had not only
been forced to furniſh with all their ſtamped Money, but likewiſe to deliver
up all their Plate and Goldſmiths Work to be by them coined. At length
they prevailed with him that they ſhould only pay nine years Tribute in two
years; and beſides this Taxes were layed upon the Kings, Potentates and
free Cities according ro their Eſtates. As he went from Province to Pro
vince,Lucius Brother to Caffius,and all who were afraid of him hearing of his
clemency at Epheſus came to ask pardon. He forgave all fave only thoſe who
had a hand in the Conſpiracy againſt Caſar,for to them he remained implaca-
ble. He comforted thoſe Cities had ſuſtained the greateſt loſſes, exempt-
ed the Lycians from Tribute, exhorted the Xanthians to rebuild their City,
gave the Rhodians Andros, Tino, Naxos and Mynda, which foon after he
again took from them becauſe they uſed them hardly, he declared thoſe of
Laodicea and Tharſus free and exempt from all Impoſitions, and by Ordi-
nance which he cauſed to be proclaimed, diſcharged from ſervitude all the
Thracians had been ſold. The Athenians coming to wait upon him, he
gave them firſt Tino, then Egina, Icono, Zea, Sciatha and Pararetha. Af-
ter which paſſing through Phrygia, Myſia, Galatia, Cappadocia, Cilicia,
the Lower Syria and Paleſtine, he charged them with great Impoſitions.
To whatever place he came he took cogniſance of all differences between
the Cities and the Kings. As in Cappadocia between Syfinnus and Ariara-
thes, where he adjudged the Kingdom to Syſinnus for his Mother Glaphyra's
fake, who was very beautiful
. And in Syria, whence he expelled all the
Tyrants who had ſet themſelves up in every City.
III.
Being in Cilicia
, Cleopatra came to him, to whom having complained,
that ſhe had not aſſiſted Cafar, ſhe made no other excuſe, but that at the be-
ginning of the War ſhe had ſent four Legions to Dolobella, that afterwards
having fitted out a Fleet, ſhe was prevented by Tempeſts, and the ſudden
death of that young Conſul. That though Caſſius had twice with threats
demanded her aſſiſtance, ſhe had refuſed it. That when they were upon
the Ionian Sea, ſhe was her ſelf embarqued upon a magnificent Fleet, to
come and joyn with them, without any conſideration either of Caſſius or
Murcus's Naval Power, but that bad weather and other loſſes with her own
ſickneſs had made her return into Egypt, where ſhe received news of the
Victory. Here Anthony, wounded in the very ſoul by the charms of this
Queen, became as fooliſhly in love as if he had been a young Man, though
he were now above forty years of
age. True it is, he is reported to have
always had a natural inclination for this paſſion, and that formerly when
She was but a child he conceived a love for her, having ſeen her at Alexan-
drid, when he ſerved under Gabinius as General of the Horſe. Anthony
therefore all upon a ſudden neglecting the care of his Affairs, Cleopatra di-
{poſed of all things at her pleaſure, without conſidering either reaſon or
juſtice, inſomuch that Arſinoe her Siſter having taken Sanctuary at Miletum
in the Temple of Diana Leucophryna, Anthony ſent ſome thither who flew
her, and commanded the Tyrians to deliver up to Cleopatra, Serapion Go-
vernour of Cyprus, who was fled into the Sanctuary at Tyre, becauſe he had
taken part with Caſſius; and gave the fame order to the Aradians, touch-
ing another who had fled for refuge into their City, becauſe the Brother of
Cleopatra, overcome by Celar in a Naval Engagement on the Nile, being
feen

Book V.
of Rome.
223
ſeen no more, this unhappy Man had told the Aradians, that he was Prole-
my; and at laft ordered the Epheſians to bring before him Megabyzes the
High Prieſt of Diana, becauſe he had received Arſinoe as a Queen; but the
Epheſians having befought Cleopatra in his behalf,ſhe pardoned him. Thus
in a ſhort time inight a ſtrange change be perceived in Anthony's ſpirit;
cauſed by that paſſion which was the beginning and end of all thoſe miſe-
ries afterwards befel him: for after Cleopatra's return to Egypt he ſent his
Horſe to Palmyra a City near the Euphrates, to ſack it; his pretence for
doing it being very ſlight, for he could accuſe the Inhabitants of nothing,
but that being ſituated between the Dominion of the Romans and that of
the Parthians, they ſtrove to accommodate themſelves the beſt they could
with one and t’other; and indeed it was a City of Trade, through which
were tranſported from Perfia to Rome all the commodities of India and A-
rabia, but his main deſign was to enrich his Cavalry. The Palmyrians fore-
ſeeing it, had cauſed all they had of value to be carried to the other ſide of
the River, on the Banks of which they planted good Archers to defend the
approach, (for there are the beſt Archers of the world) fo the Cavalry
finding not a perſon in the City, returned without drawing their Swords, or
making any purchaſe. The Parthian War which happened foon after,
ſeems from hence to have taken its birth, many of the Tyrants of Syria be-
ing retired with them: for Syria till the time of Antiochus the Pious, and
his Son of the ſame name, had been
governed by Kings of the race of Se-
leucus Nicator (as we have already ſaid, writing the Affairs of Syria) but
this Province being reduced by Pompey's Arms, he placed therein Scaurus
for Governonr, to whom the Senate ſent others for Succeſſors, among
whom was Gabinius, who went to make War againſt the People of Alexan-
dria: to Gabinius fucceeded Craffus, who was ſlain by the Parthians,and after
him Bibulus. At length after the death of C. Cæfar, during theſe troubles
which were almoſt univerſal, there roſe upin every City Tyrants, ſupport-
ed by the Parthians; for after Craſſus's misfortune they had ſpread them-
ſelves into Syria, and had intelligence with the Tyrants, which Anthony
now forced to retire to them, whom after he had expelled, charged the
People with Impoſts, and made this impertinent attempt upon the Palmyri-
ans,he took no farther care how to appeaſe the troubles wherein he beheld the
Province, and put his Army in Garriſon, and went to find out Cleopatra in
Egypt, where being magnificently received, he ſpent the Winter, without
any mark of Command, both habited and living like a private Man, whe-
ther becauſe he was in a Country dependant on another, and in the Royal
City, or that he might the more pleaſantly paſs away the time whilft Win-
ter lafted : for he baniſhed all manner of care, and diſpenſed with the Of-
ficers, put off his uſual habit to wear a ſquare Robe after the Greek Faſhion,
with white Attick Hoſe, ſuch as are worn by the Prieſts of Athens and of
Alexandria, which they call Phæcaſion and only viſited the Temples, Schools,
and Philoſophy Aſſemblies, holding converſation with none but the Greeks
in ſervice of Cleopatra, for whoſe fake alone he had undertook this Jour-
ney.
Meani while, Cafar going to Rome was very much diſtempered in Body, IV.
eſpecially at Brundufium, where the danger was ſo great, that a report was
raiſed of his being dead : but at length by degrees the Diſtemper diminiſh-
ing, he entred the City, where ſhewing Anthony's orders to thoſe who had
charge of his Affairs, they preſently ſignified to Calenus, that he ſhould de-
liver to him the two Legions, and wrote to Sextus in Africa to ſurrender up
the

224
The Civil Wars
PART II.
the Province, which was performed. After which C«far finding that Le-
pidus was not guilty of what he had been charged with, quitted to him A-
frica, inſtead of thoſe Provinces that had been taken from him, and expofed
to fale what were left of the Goods of the Profcribed. But when it came to
the point of ſending Soldiers to Colonies and giving them Lands,many diffi-
culties preſented themſelves. The Soldiers pretended they ought to give
them the beſt Cities of all Italy, according to the promiſe made them be-
fore the War. And the Cities demanded that all Italy Ihould contribute to
this charge, or that others ſhould draw lots with them, and that for the
Lands the Generals ſhould pay the purchaſe ; but there was no Money in
the Treaſure. There were dayly to be ſeen coming to Rome young and
old, Women and Children, who aſſembling in the great place, or in the
Temples, with tears in their eyes cryed out: That being Italians, without
having committed any fault, they were driven from their Lands, and their
Houſes, as if it had been a conquered Country. The Romans had com-
paſſion on them, and their deplorable condition drew tears from a multi-
tude of People, eſpecially when they conſidered that this War had not
been undertaken for the publick good, but to ſatisfie the ambition of the
Chiefs, who had no other aim than the feiſing of the Empire. Beſides,
they were ſenſible, that they gave not the Soldiers the recompenſe promiſed
after the Victory, nor ſent them into Colonies with any other intent, but
that the Commonwealth ſhould never more get Head again, the Uſurpers
of the Government having fo many people, obliged by their good turns,
ready to take up Arms at their firſt command. Caſar made excuſe to the
Cities from the neceſſity conſtraining theſe things, telling them withal he
was much afraid the Soldiers would not be ſo content neither. And indeed
they were not content; for they oppreſſed their Neighbours, and took not
only more than the Lands ſet out to them, but likewiſe the beſt they could
pick out. And in vain did Caſar reprove them, orgave them other things
to hinder them from theſe violences; for their Generals ſtanding in need of
them to ſecure their Dominions, they ſtood but in little awe. Moreover,
the five years of the Triumvirate drawing to an end, they ſtood in each o-
thers aftiſtance for their common ſecurity, the Generals, that by the Sol-
diers means they might keep their Command, and the Soldiers, that by
their means they might keep poffeffion of what had been given them; for
all their hopes being that the grant would ſtand good ſo long as the Donors
were Maſters of the
Empire, they were concerned to atttempt any thing for
the maintenance of their power: wherefore Cafar gave many other gifts
to the maimed Soldiers, borrowing for this purpoſe Money from the Tem-
ples, which increaſed the affection of the Soldiery to him, who found them-
ſelves obliged by his having gratified them with Cities, Land, Money and
Houſes. Thoſe who were deſpoiled of all theſe things made great cla-
mours, and continuall railed againſt him, but however they affronted him,
he bore all to content the Soldiery.
Lucius Brother to Anthony now Conſul, Fulvia his Wife, and Manius,
V.
who had the charge of his Affairs in his abſence, obſerving Cæſar's Con-
duct, and to the end that all might not ſeem to be his doings, or the whole
obligation be owned to him alone, and conſequently he have all the thanks,
to Anthony's prejudice, uſed all the artifices poſſible , to delay the fending
the Soldiers to the Colonies , till his return out of Aſia : but when
they could not fucceed in that deſign, becauſe of the earneſtneſs of the Ar-
my, they required of Cafar liberty to be themſelves the Conductors of An-
thony's

Book V.
of Rome.
225
thony's Forces. By the agrrement made with Cafar he had quitted to him
the employment, but they denyed it, and Fulvia going her ſeifto the Head
of the Legions with Anthony's Children, beſought them not to ſuffer their
General to be deprived of the Glory and ſatisfaction to teſtifie his good will
to them: beſides, Anthony's reputation was very great among the Soldiery,
and high in eſteem with all the world; for Cefar being fick at the time of
the Battel at Philippi, all the honour of that Victory ſeemed due only to
Anthony. Though Ceſar ſaw well this was a violation of their
agreement;
syet in favour to his Aſſociate in the Empire, he conſented, and ſo they con-
ducted the Legions to their Colonies, where they committed ftrange diſor-
ders; for that Cafar might not ſeem more indulgent than thoſe who con-
ducted them, they gave them all manner of Licenſe. Many Cities neigh-
bouring on thoſe where they had Lands ſet out, having received much in-
jury, came to complain to Cæfar, telling him, that the Colonies were
much more injuft than the Profcriptions; for they proſcribed only
their Enemies, whereas by means of the Colonies multitudes of innocent
perſons were ruined, Cæfar was not ignorant of the injuries done, but he
could not remedy them, for he had no Money to pay the old Proprietors
the purchaſe of their Lands, and he would not delay the recompence pro-
miſed to their Forces, becauſe of the Wars they were ſtill engaged in :
Pompey was powerful at Sea, and able to ſtarve the City by cutting off Pro-
viſions : Ànobarbus and Murcus were fitting out another Fleet, and ano-
ther Army, fo that if Cæfar and Anthony performed not their promiſe, they
had reaſon to fear they ſhould be but ill ſerved by their Soldiers. Add to
which that the five years of the Triumvirate was near expired, and they
had therefore ſtill more reaſon to gain the good will of the Army; where-
fore they paſſed by many things patiently, and feemed as if they did not ſee
their inſolencies; till ſuch time that one day as Cæfar was at the Theatre, a
Soldier who could get no room in the place appointed for them, had the im-
pudence to go ſeat himſelf with the Roman Knights. The People having
obſerved it, Ceſar cauſed him to be taken away, whereät the reſt were ſo
enraged, that when the Plays were done, gathering about Cæfar they de-
manded their companion, becauſe not having ſeen him afterwards they
thought him dead. The Soldier coming in at the ſame time they imagined
him brought out of Priſon, and though he denyed it, and told them
the matter as it paſſed, they told him he lyed, had been ſuborned, and was
a Traytor to betray his Comrades. Such was their inſolence in the Thea-
tre, as a conſequence to which, he having appointed them a day for their
meeting in the Field of Mars, for the diviſion of Lands, they were ſo haſty
that they came thither long before day-light. And fretting at Cæfar that he
came not ſo ſoon as they thought fit, Nonius a Centurion freely reproving
them,and repreſenting to them the reſpect they oughtto their General, who
made them not wait out of any pride or fcorn, but becauſe he was ſick,
they began to rail at him, and call him flatterer, and by degrees their fury
increaſing, proceded to affront and throw ſtones as him. He thereupon fled,
they purſued him, he threw himſelf into the River to make his eſcape,
but there they killed him, and drawing his Body out of the Water, brought
it and layd it in the way by which Cafar was to paſs. His Friends here-
upon counſelled him not to gc and expofe himſelf to thefe Bedlams, but
leſt abſence might more increaſe their fury, he went, and ſeeing Nonius's
Body, turned off by another way. There as if this had been the crime
only of fome particular Men, he exhorted them for the future to ſpare one
another, made diviſion of their Lands, permitted thoſe had done good fer-
Ffff
vice

226
Part II.
The Civil Wars
vice to demand the uſual rewards, and gave tliem likewiſe even againſt his
own judgment, to many that were unworthy, inſomuch that the multi-
tude admiring his gravity, began to repent and be aſhamed, and withal to
demand that thoſe guilty of Nonius's death might be puniſhed , upon
which he told them he knew them well, but that he was content with their
confeſſion and repentance, and would remit the puniſhment. Thus ha-
ving obtained not only pardon for their fault, but likewiſe gifts and re-
wards, they all upon a ſudden changed their anger into applaule and accla-
mations. Theſe two examples choſen among many others make it evi-
dently appear how difficult it is, to govern in ſuch times as thoſe the fpirits
of the Soldiery, which is occaſioned when Generals are not commiſſion-
ed to the Command of their Armies by lawful Authority and Nomination
as ordinarily happens in Civil Wats, and when Armies are not raiſed ac-
cording to ancient cuſtom, for the ſervice of their Country. And in reali-
ty all thoſe People bore not Arms for the Roman People, but for thoſe that
had ſet them on foot, not by order of War, but by private promiſes, not
againſt the Enemies of the State, but to ſatisfie particular animoſities, not
againſt Strangers, but againſt Citizens their Equals in Birth and Dignity:
all theſe things ruined Military Diſcipline. The Soldiers conceited not they
made War, but did ſervice to particular perſons that would oblige them,
and from whom they hoped for acknowledgments, and the Commanders
made uſe of them as they had occafion for their own advantage. And
whereas the ancient Romans never pardoned any Runaways, they now
gave them rewards; for the Pleas were equally ſpecious, each party deem-
ing the other Enemy to the State, the Leaders themſelves making the ſame
pretence, and all ſaying they had no other end than the ſervice of their
Country. Thus the Soldiers were his, gave moſt; as well as whole Armies
and many illuſtrious perſons, thought they did not deſerve the name of Run-
aways, which things cauſed often ſhifting of fides ; for on what ever par-
ty they ranged themſelves, they ſtill ſerved their Country: wherefore the
Generals that were ſenſible of this, were fain to wink at many things, and
confided not ſo much in the fidelty of their Soldiers, or the authority of
the Laws, as in the power of their Largefſes, fo ordinary were tumults
and mutinies now in Arinies.
VI.
Mean while Rome was diſtreſſed for want of Proviſions ; for Pompey hin-
dred the bringing any by Sea, and in Italy they had almoſt given over Huſ-
bandry, becauſe of the continual Wars, and that little Corn there was the
Arinies conſumed. There were likewiſe committed in the Cities many
Robberies and Violences by night, after which no inqueſt was made, be-
cauſe they layd all upon the Soldiers; wherefore the People ſhut up their
Shops, and drove away the Magiftrates, as ſtanding no more in need of
Officers or Artificers in a miſerable City, where all things were expoſed to
Robbery and Plunder: Lucius a Lover of the publick wellfare, and Enemy
to the power of the Triumvirate, which ſeemed to laſt beyond the time
preſcribed by its eſtabliſhment, had often ſharp words with Cofar; and
when the old Proprietors of Lands came to complain to the Magiſtrates of
the oppreſſion of the Soldiery, he alone would hear their complaints, and
promiſe them his protection, and they on the other ſide engaged them-
ſelves to ſerve him in what ever he would employ them. This gave occa-
fion to Anthony's Soldiers, and to Cefar himſelf, to reproach him that he bu-
fied himſelf againſt his Brother, and to give advice to Fulvia to have a care
of kindling an unſeaſonable War. Notwithſtanding which Manius ma-
liciouſly

Book V.
of Rome.
227
liciouſly cunning, having buzzed in her ears, that as long as Italy was in
peace her Husband would ſtay with Cleopatra, but if once there were War
would preſently come away, ſhe ſuffered her 'ſelf to be perſwaded, and
out of her womanly paſſion obliged Lucius to ſeek fome occaſion of a
Rupture. To which effect Cæfar being gone to ſettle the reſt of the Colo-
nies, ſhe fent along Anthony's Children together with Lucius, that it might
not be thought he alone had the authority. And he happening to com
mand ſome part of his Cavalry to march ſpeedily to the Sea Coaſt of the
Brutians, left Pompey ſhould plunder them, Lucius either fearing or dir-
ſembling that he was afraid theſe Horſe were drawn off againſt him and his
Nephews, fled forthwith to Anthony's Colonies, defiring of them Guards
for his ſecurity, accuſing Cæfar of infidelity towards their General: Cæfar
on the contrary ſent to tell them that there was no ſhadow of change in the
Friendſhip betwixt them and Anthony, but that Lucius fought a pretence to
make them arm againſt each other, becauſe he was an Enemy to the Tri-
umvirate in the maintenance of whoſe power the Soldiery were to be con-
cerned, if they would not be driven from their Colonies, and that for his
Horſe they were ſtill in the Country of the Brutians executing his orders.
The principal Officers of Anthony's Army underſtanding well all theſe
things met together at Theana with Cæfar, where a Treaty was made on
theſe conditions : That the Triumvirs ſhould not diſturb the Conſuls in the
Government of the Common-wealth; that they ſhould give Lands only to
thoſe had ſerved at Philippi : that Anthony's Forces in Italy ſhould as well as
Cæfar's have a ſhare of the Profcripts Money, and in the produce of the ſale
lately made of their Goods : that for the future no one ſhould conſtrain
them to ſerve out of Italy, except two Legions which Cæfar might employ.
in the Expedition againſt Pompey: that thoſe Cafar ſhould ſend to Spain
might paſs the Alpes without being impeded by Afinius Pollio, and that
Lucius fatisfied with theſe conditions ſhould diſmiſs his Guards, and follow
the functions of his authority with all ſecurity. Theſe Articles being a-
greed upon by the Officers of Anthony's Army, there were but two of them
executed, and Salvidienus paſſed the Alpes in ſpite of thoſe would have hin-
dred him : infomuch that the performance of the reſt being delayed, Lus-
cius retired to Preneſte, ſaying, that having no Guards, he was afraid of
Cafar, who was always accompanied with Soldiers, becauſe of his quality
of Triumvir. Fulvia likewiſe fled for refuge to Lepidus, out of fear, as
ſhe ſaid, for her Children, and ſhe had a better opinion of him than of Ca-
far. However it were, both one and the other wrote to Anthony, and ſome
of their Friends who could lay open all the Affair carried the Letters, of
which I could not find the Copies, though I have made a curious ſearch. Things
ſtanding in this poſture, the principal Officers of both Armies met together
to terminate the differences yet between their Generals by an equitable
judgment, reſolved to force to a compliance thoſe that would not ſubmit,
and they invited Lucius his Friends to joyn with them; upon their refuſal,
Cæfar to render them odious, began to vent his complaints in all places as
well to the Officers of the Armies, as the principal Citizens, which occa-
fioned a great many perſons to go from the City to Lucius, tó befeech him
to have compaſſion of Italy, almoſt ruined by Civil Wars, and to make
choice of ſome, who, with them, or with the Officers might endeavour an
accommodation. Lucius had both a reſpect for them and the matter
whereof they ſpoke. But Manius anſwered fiercely, that whilft An-
thony amuſed himſelf to raiſe Money among Strangers , Calar by
his cringing and flexibility ſecured to himſelf all the Militia, and all
Ffff 2
the

228
The Civil Wars
Part II.
the ſtrong places of Italy. That to this purpoſe, to the damage of Antho-
ny, to whom Gaul appertained, he had enfranchiſed it, and that in-
ſtead of eighteen Cities deſigned to reward the Veterans, he had granted
them almoft all Italy, and that whereas Lands were due only to twenty
eight Legions that had ſerved, he had given to four and thirty ; that he
had taken Money out of the Temples, which had never before been done
whatever Famine were in the City, and that on pretence of a War againſt
Fompey, but indeed to gain himſelf Soldiers to employ againſt Anthony :
beſides he had appraiſed the Profcripts Goods at ſuch low rates, that it was
rather giving than felling them : wherefore if he really deſired peace, he
ought firſt to give an account of what he had done, and do nothing for the
future but what ſhould be reſolved upon common deliberation. Thus Ma-
nius by this arrogant anſwer would have had Cæſar no more to have the ar-
bitrement of any thing, but that the agreement made between him and An-
thony (by which each had an abſolute power in things whereof he took
charge, and what one did the other was to approve) ſhould be utterly
void. Wherefore Cæfar ſeeing they were abſolutely determined for War,
began to prepare likewiſe. Iwo Legions that were in the City of Ancona
having advice hereof, they having formerly belonged to Cæſar, and ſince
to Anthony, and having ſtill reſpect for both, ſent Deputies to Rome to en-
treat them to conſent to an Accommodation : whereupon Cæfar anſwering
that he had no deſign againſt Anthony, but that Lucius would make War
upon him, the Deputies and Officers of Anthony's Forces joyned together,
deputed fome to Lucius, to perſwade him to admit of a determination of
the Differences between C&får and him, by the way of Juſtice, letting
him know, that if he would not fubmit, they would take the matter into
their own hands. After having obtained of Lucius what they defired, the
City of Gabes was made choice of for the meeting, being the halfway be-
twixt Rome and Preneſte, where Benches were ſet up for the Judges, and
two Tribunals, from whence to plead Cauſes: Cafar who came firſt had
ſent fome Horſe on the way which Lucius was to come, to diſcover if there
were no Ambuſh; theſe met with ſome of Anthony's Horſe which Lucius
had likewiſe ſent to ſcout before, and flew ſome of them: Lucius retreat-
ed thereupon for fear (as he faid) of Ambulhes, and never afterwards
notwithſtanding all the prayers of Anthony's Officers, and all their aſſu-
rancesto be his ſafe conduct, would return, ſo that thoſe who laboured for
Peace, not ſucceeding, it came to an open War, and they began already to
tear one another in pieces by bloody Declarations. Lucius's Forces were
compoſed of four Legions he had raiſed when he entred into the Conſulate,
beſides the eleven Legions of Anthony's commanded by Calenus, and all
thoſe were in Italy: and Cafar had four Legions at Capua and his Pretorian
Cohorts with fix Legions Salvidienus brought him from Spain. For Mo-
ney, Anthony's Provinces where there was no War, furniſhed Lucius ;
and Cefar drew from all his except Sardinia, at preſent engaged in War,
and borrowed from all the Temples with promiſe to pay the intereſt, till he
reſtored it to the Temple of the Capitol in Rome, at Antium, at Lavinia,
* Of Arýci- at the * Foreſt, and at Tibur, in all which Temples there are to this day
a, where was ſtore of conſecrated Treaſure.
the Nymph
FEgeria.
Nor were all things quiet out of Italy, for Pompey's Force and Reputati-
VII. on was much increaſed by the Procripts, the old Inhabitants of the Colo-
nies, and even by this breach with Lucius ; for all thoſe who either feared
their own ſafety, or were deſpoiled of their goods, or had any diſlike to
the

Book V.
of Rome.
229
the preſent ſtate of Affairs, flocked in to him ; beſides a great number of
Youth, who fought their Fortune by War, and thought it indifferent to en-
gage under one or another General, ſince they were all Romans came in
to him, as judging his cauſe the more juſt: Beſides he was grown rich with
Prizes taken at Sea, and had ſtore of Shipping with all things neceſſary;
Murcus likewiſe had brought him two Legions with fourſcore Ships, and
there was coming to him another Army from Cephalonia, which makes
ſome think that if he had now invaded Italy
, he might eaſily have become
Mafter of it, oppreſſed, as it was, with Famine, and rent in pieces with
Inteſtine Diviſions : but Pompey by an inexcuſable imprudence chofe rather
to defend himſelf, than aſſail others, which proved in the end his own lofs.
As for what happened in Africa, Sextus, Lieutenant to Anthony, accord-
ing to Lucius Command, had delivered up his Army to Fagio, Cæſar's
Lieutenant, afterwards having received Orders again to withdraw it; up-
on Fagio's refuſal to return it, he declared War againſt him, and having
raiſed conſiderable Forces of disbanded Soldiers and Africans, with ſuch
aſſiſtance as he had from the Kings of that Country, goes to charge the
Enemy, cuts in pieces the two Wings of his Army, and makes himſelf
Maſter of his Camp; fo that Fagio deſpairing, and thinking he was be-
trayed, flew himſelf. Thus Sextus repofſeiled himſelf of both the Pro-
vinces of Africa, and Bocchus, King of the Moors, by Lucius perfwafion
went to make War againſt Carinas, who commanded in Spain for Cæfar.
On the other ſide Anobarbus, with ſeventy Ships, two Legions, a great
number of Archers and Slingers, fome light armed Infantry, and Gladia-
tors, cruiſing on the Ionian Sea, waſted all thoſe Coaſts that acknow-
ledged the Triumvirate; and coming nigh to Brundufium, took part of Ce-
far's Galley's, burnt others, and having forced the Inhabitants to ſhut
themſelves up within their Wall, ſpoiled their Country. Cefar fent thi-
ther one Legion, and commanded Salvidienus to haſten out of Spain
whilſt both perſons laboured to raiſe men in Italy, where there happened
ſome fights, fome skirmiſhes, and many ſurpriſes. The people had a
far greater inclination for Lucius's, then for the adverſe party, becauſe they
made War againſt the new Colonies, and not only the Cities , whole
Lands they had divided to the Soldiers, declared for him; but likewiſe all
Italy, who feared the like oppresſion, ſo thoſe that Cafar had ſent to bor-
row the conſecrated Mony, being driven out of the Cities, and ſome of
them ſlain, the Inhabitants became Maſters of their Walls, and declared
for Lucius. But if theſe took his part, the new Poffeffors of Lands fided
with Cafar, as if both one and the other had only regarded their proper
intereſts. Affairs ftanding thus, Cæfar aſſembled in the Palace the Sea
nate and Roman Knights, and thus ſpoke to them.
The Oration of Cæfar.
I
Know I am contemn’d by Lucius party, as weak and infirm; and I know
that contempt will increaſe upon this my conventing you ; but I am yet af-
Jured I have a ſtrong and powerful Army, as well that which Lucius wrongs
by detaining from them their due rewards, as the other which fights under my
Command ; nor is there any thing wanting to me, but good will, for I cannot
eafily reſolve on a Civil War, unleſs conſtrained, or deſire to engage thoſe Ci-
tizensa

The Civil Wars
230
Part II
tizens, remaining to deſtroy each other ; but eſpecially, I delight not in a War
like this, which is not to be in Thrace or Macedon, but in the very heart of
Italy, and which muſt occafion infinite miſeries, though no man were to be
Nain, wherefore I have hitherto temporized, and do now proteſt, that I neither
complain of Anthony, nor have given him cauſe to complain of me: 'Tis
your intereſt, and you ought to let Lucius and his Counſellors know they are
in the wrong, and let me intreat you to reconcile us together. If they will not
believe
you,
but continue obſtinate, they ſhall ſoon find my delay was an effect
of my prudence, and not of my fear, and you may bear witneſs for me to An-
thony, that I am forced to what I do, by the infolence of Lucius.
VIII.
Cæfar having ſaid theſe words, they fent forthwith to Lucius to Pre-
neſte, who made them no anſwer, but that blows had already been ſtruck
on both ſides, and that Cæfar deceived them, having already ſent a Legi-
on to Brundufium, to hinder Anthony's landing, beſides Manius ſhowed
them a Letter from Anthony, whether true or forged is uncertain, com-
manding them to defend his Authority by Arms, whereupon the Depu-
ties of the Senate demanding, if any had invaded Anthony's; for if fo they
would make them do reaſon by ways of Juſtice. Manius thereupon pro-
poſed many other things, ſo they went away without doing any thing;
yet they went not together to return Cæfar any anſwer of their Legation,
whether they had given him an account of it privately, or that they were
aſhamed, or for ſome other reaſon.
Thus War being declared, Cafar took the Field, leaving Lepidus with
two Legions for guard of the City, at which time many perſons of qua-
lity declared their diſlike of the Triumvirs, by going over to Lucius.
Now what paſſed moſt conſiderable in this War was thus : Two of L14-
cius his Legions quartered at Alba mutined, and having turned away their
Officers, were upon the very point of revolting, when both Lucius and
Cæfar were upon their
way thither; Lucius
got there firſt, and by the
force of Money and Promiſes, kept them in their Duty. After which, as
Firmius brought him another Army, Cæfar fell upon his Rear-guard, and
forced Firmius to an Eminence; from whence eſcaping the next night
into a City of his faction, called Sentia; Cafar would not purſue him, for
fear of an Ambuſh, but on the morrow beſieged the place and the Army.
On the other ſide Lucius having a deſign upon Rome, ſent before three
Regiments, who with wonderful diligence entred the City privately by
night, himſelf followed with the flower of his Horſe and the Gladiators ,
and was received by Nonius, who having that day the guard of the Gate,
with all his Soldiers ſubmitted to him, and Lepidus went out to meet with
Ceſar; Lucius thus entred the City, aſſembled the people, and told them
that Anthony and Lepidus ſhould in few days give an account of the vio-
lences committed in their Magiſtracy, and that Anthony was diſpoſed to
quit that unlawful power, to accept of the Conſulate, that is to ſay, a
Dignity eſtabliſhed by their Anceſtors, inſtead of a tyrannical Dominion.
Theſe words were received with the univerſal joy of the people , who
already imagining the Triumvirate aboliſhed, made acclamations to Lu-
cius, giving him the Title of Emperour. Soon after he left the City to
march againſt Cefar, paſſing by his Brother's Colonies, where he raiſed a-
nother Body of an Army, and fortified all the Cities he found affectionate
to his Party: but Barbarius Queſtor to Anthony being returned upon forne
difference

Book V
of Rome.
231
difference he had with his General, told all Men, that he was mightily in-
cenſed againſt thoſe made War upon Cæfar, to the ruine of their couimon
power, which made many that diſcovered not Barbarius's deceit, deſert L.is-
cius, and joyn with Caſar. Lucius then marched to meet with Salvidienus,
who was coming with an Army of Gauls to Cefar, followed in the rear by
Alinius and Ventidius, two of Anthony's Lieutenants ; ſo that he could not
well paſs farther, when Agrippa, one of Cæfar`s beſt Friends, fearing left
Salvidienus ſhould be incloſed, went and ſeiſed upon. * Inſubria , from * Dutchy ös
whence Lucius drew great Succors, thinking thereby to oblige Lucius to Milan.
turn his Arms upon him, and quit his deſign upon Salvidienus, who would
not fail to follow him in the rear, nor was he deceived in his imagination:
Lucius therefore fruſtrated in his hopes, would willingly have joyned withi
Afinius and Ventidius, but Agrippa and Salvidienus lying on each ſide him,
forely annoyed him, and had given good order for guarding the Straits;
when he ſaw himſelf engaged in this manner, not daring to venture a Bat-
tel, he retired nighto Perugia a ſtrong City, where he encamped, ſtaying
for Ventidius. Agrippa, Salvidienus and Ceſar himſelf coming in at the ſame
time, with the three Armies there beſieged him, Ceſar having ſpeedily
drawn together all his Forces, that Lucius who was the Head of the War
might not eſcape him. He ſent likewiſe ſome Forces towards Afinius and
Ventidius to retard their march, though they made no great haſte, for they
approved not of this War, and did not well know Anthony's mind; beſides
there was jealouſie between them, and being of equal Dignity each was
ambitious of the ſole Command of the Army. Mean while, Lucius thus
beſieged durft not hazard a Battel, being the weaker both in number and
quality of Soldiers, his Army conſiſting for the moſt part of new raiſed
Forces, nor durſt he take the Field, or adventure a Retreat, being on all
ſides ſo belayd; wherefore he fent Manius to Ventidius and Afinius to
haſten them to come to his relief, and gave order to Titinnius to go with
four thouſand Horſe to waſte the Country under Cæſar's protection, that he
might oblige him to raiſe his Siege, whilft he ſhut himſelf up in Perugia,
reſolved if he were forced to it to ſpend the Winter there, or at leaſt ſo
much time till Ventidius came up to him with the other Army, but Cæfar
prefently ſet his Men to work on the Circumvallation, which he was forced
to make ſix and fifty Furlongs in circuit, becauſe of the Hills, among which
the City is ſeated, from whence he drew two Lines down to the Tiber to
hinder any thing from being brought to the City. Lucius on his part cau
ſed the foot of the Hills to be fortified with Trench and Paliſado like to the
Circumvallation, whilft Fulvia fent freſh diſpatches to Ventidius, Afinius,
Ateius and Calenus to haſten them with all ſpeed to his relief, and withal
raiſed a new Army, which ſhe ſent to him under the Command of Plan-
cus, who meeting with one of Cefar's Legions on their March to the City,
cut them in pieces. As for Ventidius and Afinius doubtful of Anthony's
mind they temporized, and yet preffed to it by Fulvia,they began to marchi
on and to come to diſengage Lucius,Cafar together with Agrippa preſently ſet
forward to meet them, after having placed a very good Guard before Pe-
Tugia, but they not being able to joyn Plancus, or put themſelves into a con-
dition to fight, retired one to Ravenna, the other to Rimini, and Plancus to
Spoleto; and Cafar having left a part of his Forces to hinder their con-
junction, returned to the Siege at Perugia. There he with all poſſible dili-
gence
cauſed to be made a double Ditch of thirty Foot wide, and as many
deep, on which he raiſed a Rampire, with fifteen hundred Towers of
Wood, fixty Feet diſtant one from the other, with ſtore of Redoubts, and
ati

232
T be Civil Wars
PART II
all things neceſſary for defence as well againſt the Beſieged, as thoſe thag
would force his Lines; this was not done without frequent Sallies, and ma-
ny Engagements, wherein Cæfar’s Light-armed Foot did wonders in lancing
their Javelings; but when Lucius's Gladiators could come to a clofe Fight
with them, they made a great flaughter. The work being brought to per-
fection, the Beſieged began to be afflicted with Famine, which augment
ed from day to day, for neither Lucius nor the Inhabitants had made any
Proviſion of Viétuals, which coming to Cæſar's knowledge, he cauſed the
Lines to be guarded with double care and diligence. Now on the Eve of
New-years-day, being a föleinn Feſtival, Lucius, imagining they would not
have ſo much care of the Watch as ordinarily, went and ſtormed the Gate
of their Trenches, believing, that by opening this paffage, he might gain
an entrance into the City for thoſe other Forces he had in divers Quarters.
But the Legion then upon the Guard preſently running in, and Caſar him-
ſelf with the Pretorian Cohorts, Lucius after a long Fight refolutely main-
tained, was forced to a Retreat: and this happened at the ſame time that at
Rome, where they had layed in ſtores of Corn for Proviſion for the Sol-
diers, the People deteſting both the Wars and the Victories, ran to all the
Magazines, and pillaged them of all the Corn. After this Ventidius and
thoſe with him judging it ſhameful for them not to relieve Lucius, periſh-
ing with Famine, let forward to their aſſiſtance, and at firſt over-run thoſe
Forces which Cafar had left to oppoſe their Deſigns, but Agrippa and Salvi-
dienus coming in with a greater power, they were fearful of being fur-
rounded, and ſo turned off to Fulcinia, a little City about one hundred and
fixty Furlongs from Perugia, where Agrippa having beſieged them, they
gave Lucius notice of there being there, by great Fires which they kindled
in the Night time, Ventidius and Alinius were of the mind to fally out and
fight: Plancus on the contrary ſaid they had better ſtay a while, for fear of
engaging themſelves between Agrippa and Ceſar; ſo the Beſieged in Peru-
gia, who had rejoyced at the firſt ſight of the Fires, ſeeing their Compani-
ons came not, imagined they had met with ſome obſtacle, but when the
Fires were quite extinct, then they believed them abſolutely defeated;
whereupon Lucius oppreſſed with Famine, would once more attempt an
Affault by night, and from the firſt Watch till it was light did all he could
to force the Lines
, but being every where repulſed, he retreated into Peru-
gia, where having taken an exact account of the Proviſion remaining, he
forbade giving any to the Slaves, whom yet he ſet Guards over, left fly-
ing to the Enemy they ſhould betray the extremities of the Garriſon; fo
that whole Troops of thoſe poor wretches might be ſeen walk ſtaggering
through the City, and as far as the Rampire, eating Graſs, or green Leaves,
or whatſoever they could find; and when they were dead, Lucius cauſed
them to be interred very deep, leſt if he ſhould have burnt them, the Ene
my ſhould have knowledge of it, or letting them lie, they ſhould putrefie,
and by their corrupt ſtench engender the Plague. But when there appear-
ed no end either of Famine or Funerals, the Soldiers quite wearied out, de-
fired Lucius they might once more attempt the Enemies Trenches, promi-
ſing themſelves this time to carry them, he approved their reſolution, and
told them: In our laft Aſſault we fought not ſo ſtoutly as the preſent occaſion
and our neceflity did require: now we have no other way but either to yield, or
if that ſeemn worſe than dying, to fight it out to the death. All of them cou-
rageouſly accepting of theſe conditions, they befought him to lead them on
in open day, that if there were any Cowards among them the night might
not keep them from being known. Lucius made his Sally about break of
day,

Book V.
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233
day with a great quantity of Iron Inſtruments, many kind of Ladders,
Tools of all ſorts to fill up the Trenches, with portable Toivers to lay
Bridges over to the Walls, all kind of miſſile Arms, with Stones and Bun-
dles of Oliers or Wattles to throw upon the Stakes. They then began the
Aſſault with ſuch fury, that they preſently filled up the Ditch, paſſed the
Paliſade, and gained the Foot of the Wall
, which ſome laboured to under-
mine, and others brought Ladders to ſcale, others drew cloſe up their Tow-
ers with a wonderful contempt of their lives, though there fell upon them
Showers of Stones, of Darts, and of Leaden Bullets. They aſſaulted the
Lines in ſeveral places at once, ſo that the Enemy diſtracted, could not ſo
vigorouſly apply themſelves to the defence of all : whereby it hap-
pened in one place Lucius's Men having brought up a Tower, had caſt their
Planks upon the Wall, where, though fighting in extreme danger, as be-
ing galled both in Front and Flank by the Enemies miſſile Arms, they at
length forced their way, and ſome of them gained the Wall, followed pell.
mell by others; and poſſibly their deſpair had met with a happy fuccefs, if
the Enemy, knowing there were not many of theſe Machines, had not op-
poſed the moſt valiant of Cæſar's Soldiers, to theſe weak and tired Men,
who foon tumbled them down the Walls, and having broken in pieces their
Machine with contempt, wounded them from above: yet with broken
Arms and wounded Bodies, their very voices almoſt failing them, they
ſtill reſolutely ſtood to it; but when they ſaw the Bodies of thoſe who had
been flain upon the Wall ſtripped and thrown after them, the contůmely
feemed unſufferable, and they ſtood like Men ſtruck dumb, or like Wreſt-
lers at the Gymnick Games that would breath themſelves a while: ſo that
Lucius ſeeing them in this condition, took compaſſion on them, and ſound-
ed a Retreat. However, when Cefar's Soldiers, joyful for their ſucceſs,
made a great noiſe with their Arms as a mark of Victory, they reentred
with fury, and bringing out Ladders (for they had no more Towers ) in
a deſperate mood attempted to ſcale the Wall, but all in vain, and indeed
it was impoſſible; wherefore Lucius running about to all places, befought
them not to caſt themſelves away, and brought them off weeping, and
much againſt their wills. After this fierce Aſſault
, Cæſar, to prevent the
Enemies from making the like upon his Trenches, lined his Walls with
Courts of Guard, giving order that at the firſt ſignal they ſhould mount the
Rampire, ſome in one place, and ſome in others: and this they did conti-
nually, though none aſſailed them, with deſign to exerciſe the Soldiers,
and ſtrike terrour into the Enemy.
IX
Mean while Lucius's Soldiers began to be quite out of heart, and to neg.
leet their Guards, as it often happens after ſuch unfortunate repulſes; and
many, not only of the Soldiers, but Officers went and ſubmitted themſelves
to Cafar. Lucius himſelf, touched with pity to ſee ſo many Men fo miſer-
ably ending their lives, would willingly have conſented to an Accommoda-
tion, if he had not had with him fome particular Enemies of Cæſar's, who
were fearful to fall into his hands; but when it was known that he kindly re-
ceived the very Runaways,all Mens minds grew more inclinable to peace;fo
that Lucius fearing, left if he alone reſiſted, they would deliver him to
Cæfar; wherefore ſeeing ſome appearance of hopes, he thus ſpoke to his
Army:
Gggg
The

234
The Civil Wars
PART II
The Oration of Lucius to his
obrtista
har alle bill Army.
Sharon
Had a deſign, Fellow Soldiers, to reſtore my Country to liberty, ſeeing the
Triumvirate changed into a Tyranny, and that this Authority thought to
be only eſtabliſhed againſt Brutus and Caffius, continued yet after their deaths;
for Lepidus being deprived of his part of the Empire, whilſt Anthony is gan
thering up Money in the remote Provinces, this Man who beſieges us diſpoſes all
things at pleaſure, and the Roman Laws, which he makes a mock of, ſerve him.
but for a pretence : but when to remedy this diſorder, and redeem the Common-
wealth from Slavery, I requeſted that after having given the promiſed Recom-
penſes to the Soldiery he ſhould lay down the Sovereign Authority, not obtaining
it by requeſt, I fought to conſtrain it according to the power inveſted in me by
the quality of Conſul, but he raiſed a report among the Soldiers that I oppoſed
the Colonies in favour of the ancient poſſeſſors: it was a long time ere I knew he
flandered me in this manner; and when it was told me, I could not believe it,
ſince I had my ſelf appointed Commiſſioners to divide the Lands among you: ne-
vertheleſ the greater part giving ear to this Calumny, joyned themſelves with
Cæfar's
Faltion to make War upon us;but have made War againſt themſelves as
time will make it appear. For your part I am your witneß, that having adhered to
the jufter cauſe you have ſuffered infinitely, and at laſt we are not overcome by
our Enemies, but by Famine, which has forced our Officers to defert us. True
it is, it would be much for my Glory to fight for my Country, even to the laff
extremities, and my good will would be recompenſed with immortal praiſes, bus
I cannot reſolve it, out of my affećtion to you whoſe Safety I prefer before my
own Glory. I will therefore ſend Deputies to the Conquerour to defore him
to deal as he pleaſe with me, ſo he will but pardon you who are his Fellow
Citizens, and have been his Soldiers, who have committed no fault in fighting
for a cauſe ſo apparently juft, and who have not been overcome by Arms, but by
want of Proviſions.
ΓΙΑ ΣΕ
After theſe words, he chofe three out of the principal Men of his Army,
and ſent them to Cæfar, which drew tears from the eyes of all the reſt, de-
ploring either their own, or their Generals condition, who having ſuch noble
and generous thoughts for his Country was yet reduced to that ſhameful
neceſſity. The three Deputies repreſented to Ceſar, that they were all of the
fame Country, had formerly fought under the ſame Colours, that the Chief
of both Parties had been good Friends, and that he ought to imitate the Ge-
neroſity of the Ancients, who were haters of deadly diſſențions, with
many other things tending to the fame purpoſe. Cefar who well knew the
Army was compoſed of Veterans and new raiſed Soldiers, cunningly an-
fwered, that he would pardon Anthony's Men for their Generals fake, but
for the reſt they ſhould yield upon diſcretion. This he ſpoke publickly,
but drawing apart Furnius one of the three Deputies,he gave him hopes of
a general pardon, excepting only his particular Enemies, but thoſe who
thought themfelves of that number, ſuſpecting this private conference be-
tween Furnius and Cæſar was to their prejudice, reviled him at his return,
and befought Lucius either to obtain a general Peace, or to continue the
War

Book V.
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235
-qu
War without Quarter, ſince it had not been undertaken for any particular
animoſities, but for the Commonwealth. Lucius moved to compaſſion for
perſons of equal quality with himſelf, praiſed their reſolution, and promi-
ſed to ſend other Deputies; but after ſaying he could find no Man fitter
for that Negotiation than himſelf, he went without a Herauld, only ſome
running before to give Cefar notice Lucius was coming. Cafar preſently
came forth to meet him, and when they were in ſight of each other, at-
tended by their Friends, and in the habit of Generals: Lucius ſtopped his
Train, and taking with him only two Lictors came forward, thereby ma-
king known his intention : Cafar having obſerved it, imitated his Modeſty,
the better to give him aſſurance of his future good will; and when he ſaw
Lucius advanced to the Trenches in token he yielded to diſcretion, he came
out himſelf, that Lucius might ſtill be at freedom to diſpoſe of his Affairs :
theſe ſigns of their good inclinations they by turns gave each other at their
approach: but when they were met near the Trench, after mutual ſaluta-
tions, Lucius thus began :
The Speech of Lucius to Cæfar.
C
my ſelf
Yæfar, had I made this War with Strangers, I ſhould have thought it
baſe to have been overcome, but much baſer to have thus yielded
and ſhould ſoon have found a way to have freed me from that infamy ; but ha-
ving to deal
with a Citizen of my own quality, and for my Country, I think it no
Mame to be vanquiſhed in ſuch a tanſe, and by ſuch a Man : I ſay not this that
I would refuſe to ſuffer what ever you pleaſe (for I come to you without a He-
rauld ) but to obtain pardon for others, which as it is juſt, will be no leſ pro-
fit able to your Affairs, which to make you the more clearly underſtand, I will
ſeparate my interest from theirs, that being fully perſwaded I alone am the cauſe
of what has paſſed, you may diſcharge all your anger upon me; yet think not
whatever I ſay I would have offended you that would have been unſeaſonable )
only let me ſpeak, truths cannot be diſſembled, I undertook this War againſt
you, not to ſei
ſe the Sovereign Power after your defeat, but to reſtore to the Se-
nate the Government of the Common-wealth, of which the Triumvirate de-
prived them, ſince when yon eſtabliſhed it, you confeſſed your Government not
lawful, but neceſſary for a time, ſo long as Brutus and Caffius, with whom you
could make no peace, ſnbſifted. After the Heads of that Diſſention were dead,
the Remains of their Party (if yet there be any Remains ) being ſtill in Arms,
not againſt the Common-wealth, but becauſe they feared you, and the five
years
of the Triumvirate being expired, I demanded the reſtoration of the Magia
ſtrates power, according to the ancient order, preferring the good of my Country
before mine own Brother, becauſe I hoped for his conſent at his return, and in
the mean time to finiſh the work whilft I was in authority; which had it proceed-
ed from you, you alone had had the Glory of it; but not being able to perſwade
you, I went to the City where I thought I might by force effect it, being a Citi-
zen of conſiderable Birth, and withal Conſul. This is the ſole cauſe of this
War, which ought neither to be attributed to my Brother, nor to Manius, nor
to Fulvia, nor to the diſtribution made of Lands to thoſe Soldiers had ſerved at
Philippi, nor to the compaffion I might have conceived for thoſe turned out of
their Beings, ſince I my ſelf ſent Commiſſioners on the places to ſettle my Bro-
ther's Legions in their Colonies, and to drive out the old Proprietors: but it
Gggg 2
was

236
PART II
The Civil Wars
was your inveniion to throw upon me and the Colonies the cauſe of the War,
and an artifice by which gaining the hearts of the Veterans you have got the
Victory; for being perfuaded I was their Enemy, they have done all they could
gainſt me, and you had reaſon to make uſe of this policy, being in open War
with me. Now you have got the Victory, if you are an Enemy to your Coun-
try treat me likewiſe as an Enemy; for I had a deſign to ſerve it, if I had not
been hindred by want of Proviſion. Theſe things I ſpeak yielding my ſelf ( as
I have ſaid ) freely up, to uſe at your diſcretion, and coming alone to you, that
you may perceive what thoughts I have heretofore had of you, and what I fill
preſerve. Thus far touching my ſelf : for what concerns my Friends, and all
the reft of the Army T if my advice may not be ſuſpected by you ) I will give
you what shall be for your advantage. Let me counſel you not to uſe them hard-
ly for any difference between us, left, being ſtill a Man expofed to the reach of
Fortune, you make thoſe ſerve under you backward in hazarding themſelves to
danger, when by your example they ſhall have learn’d there is no hopes of Safety
but in Victory. But if the counſels of an Enemy are not to be liſtened to, I be-
ſeech you not to puniſh my Friends for my fault, or misfortune; but rather lay
all the Load on me, who am the only cauſe of all that has happened. I have on
purpoſe left them behind me, for fear leſt if I had ſpoke in their preſence it might
have
looked like an Artifice to gain favour for my ſelf
Towhich Cæfar anſwered:
The Anſwer of Cæfar to Lucius.
Hen I saw you, Lucius, coming to me without a Herald, I preſently
came out of my Trenches to meet you; that you being ſtill Maſter
of your ſelf might ſtill be at liberty to reſolve, ſay and do what you judged moſt
advantageons for you; but ſince acknowledging your fanlt you yield to diſcre-
tion, there is no need of a reply to what you impute to me with a great deal of
cunning, and little truth. From the beginning you have had a deſire to van-
quiſh me, and you now have done it : for had you deſired to capitulate, you had
defervedly met with a ſevere Conquerour, but now without any conditions you
come to yield up your ſelf, your Friends and Army, you have taken away all an-
ger, taken away all advantage I had over you; for I am now to conſider not ſo
much what you deſerve as what becomes me,which I am glad to have the
opportunity
of doing, out of refpet to the Gods, for my own intereſt, and for your ſake, Lu-
cius, who ſhall not be deceived in that opinion of me which brought you hither.
Theſe are near upon
the
very
fame words as I found them in the Com-
mentaries of thoſe times.
XI.
In theſe paffages Cæfar admired the generous and unſhaken mind of Liam
cius ſo well biaſſed with prudence ;- and Lucins the great clemency and ex-
peditious brevity of Cafar, and others read in both their Faces the tenure
of what they had ſpoke: Liicius preſently ſent his Tribunes to receive or-
ders from Céſar, who brought him the Muſter-Rolls of the whole Army,
according to the cuſtom to this day when a Tribune comes for Orders, he
preſents

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of Rome.
237
preſents the General with a Counter-roll of thoſe ſerve under him. After
having received Orders, they ſet
the Watch as before, it being Cæſar's plea-
ſure that for that night each Army ſhould lodge in their own Camp : on
the morrow he offered Sacrifices, and Lucius ſent him all his Forces in
Arms, and ready to march upon ſervice. As ſoon as they came in ſight of
Cæfar they faluted him, calling him Emperour, and that done, drew up by
Legions the Veterans apart from the new raiſed Men in a place by him ap-
pointed. After having performed the Ceremonies of the Sacrifices, Ca-
far ſeated himſelf upon a Tribunal with a Wreath of Laurel on his Head,
which is the Badge of Victory, and commanded them all to lay down their
Arms, then he gave order for the Veterans to draw near, that he might
terrifie them with reproaches of ingratitude ; but his mind being known,
all Cafar's Soldiers, whether ſuborned, or moved with affection towards
their Fellow Citizens in diſtreſs, ſtepped out of their Ranks, and advancing
towards Lucius's Men, who had formerly been their Comrades, began to
embrace them, weeping and emploring Cefar for them, continuing their
cries and their embraces, till ſuch time as the new raiſed Men being touch-
ed with a like compaſſion, the whole place became the object of univerſal
ſorrow; wherefore Cæfar changing his deſign, having with much difficul-
ty ſilenced their cries, thus ſpoke to his own Men:
The Oration of Caſar.
VO
Tou have always, Fellow Soldiers, fo behaved your felves to mezthat you can
ask nothing I can deny : Ibelieve the new Soldiers may have been forced
to ſerve Lucius ; but for thoſe there who have ſo often born Árms with yout
, and
with whom you now petition me, I would fain ask them what injury I have done
them, or what they ever requeſted of me that I refuſed them, or what advantage
they could hope from others might oblige them to take up Arms againſt me, an
gainſt you, and againſt themſelves; for there is no labour to which I have not
expoſed my ſelf for ſettling of the Colonies, in which they are to be ſharers; but
take it not amiß if their infolency make me be no further concerned for
them.
But they inſtantly intreating him not to give over his care of them, and
renewing their intreaties for their pardon.
I grant you, faid he, whatever you deſire, let them be pardoned, provided
for the future they be of one mind with you.
Which after they had all promiſed, they with acclamations gave thanks
to Cæfar, who permitted fome of his to entertain the others as their Gueſts,
and ordered the multitude to encamp apart in the ſame place where they
had firſt drawn up, till ſuch time as he appointed Cities for their Winter
Quarters, with Commiſſioners to conduct them. After which, before he
roſe from the Tribunal, he cauſed to come.to him Lucius, and all the per-
fons of Quality with him, among whom there were many Senators and
Roman Knights, all caſt down, and ſorrowful for this ſudden and extraor-
dinary change, who were no ſooner come out of Perugia , but a Gar-
Tifon

238
PART II.
The Civil Wars
* Tuſcans.
perſwaded others to do the like, to purge the City from that abominable vil-
riſon entred the City: when they were come before Cæfar,he cauſed Lucius
to be ſet down by him, and his friends and Centurions took charge of the
reſt, after being advertiſed to treat them honourably, but yet to have à
care to ſecure their perſons. He ſent likewiſe to the People of Perugia,
who begged pardon from their Walls, to come to him without their
Senators,and he pardoned them, but their Senators were all impriſoned, and
not long after ſlain, except only Lucius Emulus, who being at Rome one of
the Judges of Cæſar's Murderers, openly gave ſentence againſt them, and
Iany. Caſar had reſolved to give the plunder of Perugia to his Soldiers.
But Caftius one of the Inhabitants, a crack-brained Fellow, who becauſe
he had bore Arms in Macedo» ſtiled himſelf Macedonicus, fet fire to his
Houſe, and threw himſelf into the Flames, which the wind driving throughi-
out the whole City, it was in a moment reduced to aſhes, all but the Tem-
ple of Vulcan, ſuch was the end of Perugia, a City famous for its antiqui-
ty; for it is ſaid to be one of thoſe twelve Cities built by the ancient *E-
truſcatis
, at their firſt coming into Italy, wherefore they formerly adored
Funu after the manner of the Etruſcans; but now thoſe who divided a-
mong themſelves the ruines of the City, took Vulcan inſtead of Funo for
their Tutelar Deity. The day following, Cæfar paſſed a general pardon;
but the Army ſtill grumbling and growing tumultuous againſt fome, for-
bore not till they were ſlain, who were all mighty Enemies to Cæfar, ſuch
were Canutius, C. Flavius, Clodius Bythinicus and others.
XII.
This concluſion had the Siege of Perugia, together with the War againſt
Lucius, moſt certainly a very perillous one, and which in all likelyhood
might a long time have tormented Italy. For Afinius, Plancus, Ventidius,
Craffus, Ateius, and others of this Party, who had in all conſiderable For-
ces, amounting to thirteen Legions, and fix thouſand five hundred Horſe,
reputing Lucius the Head of this War, retired every one a ſeveral way
towards the Sea , part to Brundufium , part to Ravenna , part to Tam
rentum, ſome of which went to ſeek out Murcus and Ænobarbus, others
Anthony, ſtill followed in the rere by Cæſar's Men, who offered them peace,
which they refuſing, were by them much infeſted in their March; but
two of theſe Legions left by Plancus at Cameria, Agrippa gained by fair pro-
miſes. Fulvia likewiſe with her Children fled to Puzzoli, and from thence
to Brundufium, convoyed by three thouſand Horſe, fent her by her Huf-
band's Lieutenants. At Brundufium ſhe embarqued on five long Ships, ſent
for out of Macedon, and departed with Plancus the future companion of her
Voyage, who through cowardiſe deſerted the reſt of the Army, of
which Vextidius after took the Conduct. Aſinius drew Ænobarbus to An-
thony's Party, which they both gave him aſſurance of by Letters, and be-
cauſe he was to come into Italy, they ſecured convenient places for his land-
ing, and laid in ſtores of Proviſion. On the other ſide, Anthony having
ſtill other Forces near the Alpes commanded by Calenus, Cæfar deſigned to
make himſelf Maſter of them, out of a jealouſie he had of Anthony, to
keep them for him if he proved his Friend, or to ſtrengthen himſelf againft
him if it were true that he was not; but whilft he was ſeeking a plauſible
Occaſion to do it, Calenus died; fo that Cæfar laying hold of the opportuni-
ty, goes with all celerity and ſeiſes upon the Army, and with it of Gaul
and Spain two of Anthony's Provinces, Fulvius Son to Calenus out of fear
yielding up all without oppoſition. Thus Cæſar being at one puſh ſtrength-
ened with eleven Legions, and theſe great Provinces, after having re-
moved

Book V.
of Rome.
239
moved the Commanders, and put his own Creatures in their places; re-
turned to Rome.
But Anthony detained the Deputies of the Colonics fent to him, either XIIL
.
becauſe of the Winter Seaſon or that they might not diſcover his
Deſigns. At the beginning of Spring parting from Alexandria he came
to Tyre, from thence paſſing to Cyprus, Rhodes, and the Province of Aſia,
he heard of the ſucceſs of the Siege of Perugia, for which he blamed his
Brother, his Wife, but eſpecially Manius. At Athens he met with Ful-
via, flying from Brundufium, and Fulia his Mother, whom Pompey ( tó
whom ſhe was fled for refuge ) fent upon long Ships, accompanied with
the chief Men of Quality in his Party, Z. Libo his Father-in-law, Saturninus
and others, who beholding Anthony's Magnificence, would have perſwa-
ded him to an alliance with Pompey againſt Cæfar: to which he anſwered;
That indeed he was obliged to Pompey for ſending to him his Mother, which
he would acknowledge in due ſeaſon; and if he muſt make War with Cæſar,
would embrace his alliance; but if the friendſhip betwixt them ſtood firm, he
would do his endeavours to reconcile Pompey to Cæſar. Thus Anthony then
anſwered: but when Cæfar returned to the City out of Gaul, underſtanding
that ſome had failed from Pompey to Athens, but not hearing what anſwer
they brought back, he began to make the old Soldiers and new Inhabi-
tants of the Colonies jealous of Anthony, as if Ponspey were ready by his
allowance to come and drive them out, and place in their ancient poſſeſſi-
ons the old Proprietors, of whom many indeed had fled to him for refuge,
which though eaſily believed, yet could not the affection of the Veterans to
Anthony be lo eaſily withdrawn, ſo much credit had the Battel of Philippi
got him in the hearts of the Soldiers. Cafar, though he thought that he
Thould be ſtronger than Anthony, Pompey and Ænobarbus all together in
the number of Legions, for he liad already above forty ; yet neither ha-
ving Shipping nor time to build any, he was much afraid that if they with
five hundred
Sail ſhould come and cruiſe about all the Coaſts of Italy, they
would in a ſhort time ſtarve him; wherefore though many Virgins were
offered him in Marriage he wrote to Mecenas that he ſhould treat for him
with Scribonia Siſter to Libo Father-in-law of Pompey, that by this means if
it were neceſſary he might make peace withi Pompey: this was no fooner
known to Libo, but by Letters he gave order that the Marriage ſhould
forthwith be concluded. Henceforwards Cæfar when at any time he con-
ceived a jealouſie of any of Anthony's Friends or Forces under his Coms
mand, he fent them to ſeveral places out of the way, and Lepidus he di-
ſpatched with ſix of Anthony's Legions he had in ſome fufpicion, into Africa
the Province deſigned for him. He ſent likewiſe for Lucius, whom after
he praiſed for his piety to his Brother, that what by his orders he had
done, he would take the fault off upon himſelf; he yet accuſed him of in-
gratitude, that after ſo great an obligation he would not confefs to him
what every one talked publickly; that Anthony had entred into League with
Pompey againſt him.
# Bb cod
mobile or did
The
nobot bor
oi wa
podignuta og VNICY

240
PART II
The Civil Wars
The Speech of Cæfar to Lucius.
CT
Ertainly, ſaid he, truſting to your words, after Calenus's death i
pre-
ſerved for Anthony by the means of my Friends thoſe Legions and
Provinces that he might not be left without command ; but now perceiving his de
Signs againſt me, I take them all as my own; but you, if you pleafe, may ſecure-
ly go to your Brother.
Cafar ſpoke thus either to try Lucius, or that what he ſaid might be told
to Anthony : but Lucius anſwered him as he had done before.
The Anſwer of Lucius to Caſar.
I
Knew, ſaid he, I muſt confeſ, the mind of Fulvia aſpiring to Dominion,
and I made uſe of my Brother's Forces with hopes to ſuppreß the power of
you all; and if now my Brother comes to ſubvert Monarchy openly or privately,
I will go to him, once more to make War for my Country againſt you, though
ſo highly obliged to you ; but if he ſeeks Aſociates to maintain his tyranny, 1
will ſerve you
againſt him ſo long as I ſhall believe you affect not the Monarchy;
for I ſhall always prefer my affection to my Country before either Friend or Ren
lation.
Caſar now again admiring Lucius, told him, that whatever offers he
made, he ſhould not accept of his ſervice againſt his Brother ; but that he
thought ſuch a Man as he fit to be entruſted with the whole Province and
Army of Spain, in which he ſhould have Peduceius and Luceius for his Lieu-
Thus he ſent Lucius out of the way with Honour, having given
private orders to his Lieutenants to watch him narrowly,
tenants.
XIV.
Anthony having left Fulvia fick at Sycione, fet fail from Corcyra to paſs the
Ionian Sea with two hundred Ships he had built in Aſia, wherein he had but
very ſlender Forces. Upon advice that Ænobarbus came to meet him with
a great Fleet and a mighty Army, ſome were jealous that he would not
prove faithful to the new made peace, becauſe he had been condemned as
an Abettor of Caſar’s death, and therefore put in the number of the Pro-
ſcribed, and had taken part againſt Cæſar and Anthony in the Battel of Phin
Tippi. But Anthony, that he might not ſeem to diſtruſt any thing, held on
his courſe with five of his beſt Ships, commanding the reſt to follow at a
diſtance ; when Ænobarbus with all his Fleet and Army were come in
fight, Plancus, who was on board of Anthony, began to be afraid, and ad-
viſed him to ſtop and ſend ſome before to make tryal of the Faith of this
doubted Man. But Anthony made anſwer; That he had rather perib by the
violation of a peace, than ſave himſelf by betraying the leaſt fear. They
were now.come ſo nigh, that they knew eaſily each other, and the Admi-
ral's

Book V.
of Rome.
241
rals Ships ſtood Stem to Stem with their Flags aloft; when Anthony's chief
Ličtor ſtanding on the Prow, according to cuſtom, whether he had forgot
that they were making towards a Man, whoſe Faith was in ſome queſtion,
and who had under his Command an Army of his own, or moved by the
cuſtomary duty of Subjects and inferiours to their Superiours, he command-
ed them aloud to ſtrike their Flag, which they obeyed, and brought up
their Ship along Anthony's fide; then the Commanders having faluted
each other, £nobarbus's Soldiers called Anthony Emperour, and Plancus
with much ado recovered out of his fright. Anthony having received Æ.
nobarbus into his Ship, they failed to Paleonta where Ænobarbus's Land
Forces lay, where he reſigned up his Tent to Anthony as his General.
From thence embarquing they failed to Brundufium, kept with five Cohorts
for Cafar, where the Inhabitants ſhut their Gates againſt them, againſt
Ænobarbus as their ancient Enemy, and againſt Anthony for being in their
Enemies company : Anthony enraged at this refuſal, and thinking it only a
pretence, and that indeed Caſar’s Men by his orders hindred his entrance,
went and feiſed upon the Neck of the Peninſula, drew a line croſs, and
fortified it; for the City ſtands in a Peninſula in form of a Creſcent; ſo that
now there was no coming to the City by Land, the Line being drawn from
one Sea to the other: he likewiſe raiſed Forts round the Port, which is ve-
ry ſpacious, and in the Iſlands wherewith it is encompaſſed, and ſent along
the Coaſts of Italy to ſeiſe of all commodious places, and diſpatched withal
at the ſame time to Pompey to oblige him as much as poſſibly he could with
his Fleet to infeſt Italy. He very gladly ſent Menodorus with a ſtrong Fleet
and four Legions into Sardinia, which then held for Cafar, where he drew
two Legions to his Party, ſcared with the agreement between Anthony
and Pompey. In the mean time Anthony's Men took Saguntum in Auſonia,
and Pompey beſieged Thuria and Conſentia, and ſent his Horſemen into their
their Territories. Cæſar aſſailed in ſo many places at once, ſent Agrippa to
relieve thoſe in Aufonia, who, paſſing by the Colonies,commanded the Vete-
rans to follow him, as if he were to lead them againſt Pompey; but when
they were told he acted by Anthony's orders, they ſtole away every Man to
their Houſes, which moſt of all terrified Caſar. However, he went in perſon
to Brundufium with another Army, and by feaſonable Careffes drew the
Veterans to their duty; they now following him out of a real reſpect and
reverence to his perſon, and yet holding among themſelves ſecret confe-
rences of reconciling him with Anthony, whom if they found obſtinate, to
make War, they would then defend their General's honour, who was now
fome days detained at Canufium : in Men he much outnumbred Anthony ;
but when he ſaw Brundufium ſo beleaguered, that he could no way force the
Lines, he contented himſelf to encamp near it, to view the Enemy, and
wait a favourable occaſion. Though Anthony was ſo well fortified in his
Trenches, that he could well have defended himſelf againſt much greater
Forces than Cafar’s, yet he ſent with all ſpeed for his Army out of Mace-
don: and in the mean time by this ſtratagem amuſed Caſar, he ſent by
night on board the long Ships and Veſſels of Burthen great numbers of
Countrymen and Servants, and in the day time landed them again one
after another all armed in the ſight of Cæfar, as if they had been armed out
of Macedon. And now his Machines being in a readineſs, he began his
Batteries upon Brundufium, to Cæſar's great grief, who could no way re-
lieve the place, when towards the Evening news was brought to both Par-
ties that Agrippa had retaken Tiguntur, and that Pompey repulſed from
Thuria, continued the Siege of Confentia, which much troubled Anthony ;
H hh h
but

242
The Civil Wars
PART II
but when he heard that Servilius with twelve hundred Horſe was gone over
to Cæfar, he could not contain himſelf
, but riſing from Supper he mounted
with ſuch of his Friends as were in a readineſs, and accompanied only by
four hundred Horſe with a ſingular boldneſs beat up the Quarters of fifteen
hundred near Uria, and fo ſurpriſed them, that they yielding, he brought
them the ſame day before Brundufium, ſuch an opinion of his being invin-
cible had the Battel of Philippi got him. The Pretorian Soldiers height-
ened by this fuccefs, went afterwards one after another up to Cæſar's
Trenches, upbraiding their ancient Comrades for bearing Arms againſt
Anthony, who had faved their lives at Philippi. Whereupon the others
anſwering, that on the contrary they made War upon them, they came at
length to Conferences, wherein they began their reciprocal complaints ;
on one ſide that they had refuſed them entrance into Brundufium, and cor-
rupted Calenus's Army ; and the other, that they had beſieged Brundufium,
nade inroads into Aufonia, treated with Ænobarbus one of Cafar's Mur-
derers, and with Pompey their common Enemy. At length Cæſar's Men
diſcovered their inclinations to the other, that they followed Cæfar without
having forgot the Virtues of Anthony, and that their deſign was to pro-
cure a reconciliation between their Generals, to which, if Anthony would
by no other means be inclined, then they muſt repel force with force; all
which they went and publiſhed even before Anthony's Trenches.
XV. Whilſt theſe things paffed, the opportune news was brought of the
death of Fulvia, who not able to bear her Husband's reproofs, was fallen
fick with diſcontent that he was angry with her, for he had left her fick,
and at his departure not vouchſafed to viſit her, which haftened her end.
All Men believed her death commodious for both Parties; for ſhe was a
Woman of a turbulent ſpirit, and who only out of her jealouſie of Cleo-
patra had kindled this War. However, Anthony feemed much grieved at
the accident, as believing himſelf the cauſe. There was one Lucius Cocceius
intimately a Friend to both Generals, whom the Summer before Cæfar had
fent with Cecinna as his Envoy to Anthony then in Phænicia, Cecinna forth-
with returning, he had till now ſtayed with Anthony. Thus Cocceius lay-
ing hold on the occafion, feigned that he was recalled by Cæfar, and de.
fired audience to take his leave, and Anthony permitting him to depart, he
trying him farther, asked whether he would not write to Caſar, having re-
ceived Letters from him by the fame Cocceius, to which Anthony replyed :
What can we now write to one another being Enemies, unleß it be mutual re-
proaches; beſides I then returned him anſwer by Cecinna, the Copies of which
you may take if you pleaſe. To this cavil Cocceius made retort that Caſar
was not to be called an Enemy, who had ſo favourably treated Lucius and
other Friends of his. But me, ſaid Anthony, he has fhut out of Brundulium,
feifed upon my Provinces, and Calenus's Army. As for his favour [bewed on
ly to my Friends, that has not ſo much preſerved their Friendſhip to me, as made
them my Enemies by his kindneſ. Cocceius hearing him enter upon com-
plaints, would no farther move an angry Man, but went to Cæfar, who
ſeeing him, and wondred he was returned no ſooner, Is it ( laid he to
him) becauſe I ſaved your Brother's life that you are become my Enemy?
Cocoeius anſwered; Is it ſo you call your Friends Enemies, and take away
their Provinces and Armies ? Cæfarhereto replyed; After Calenus's death
ſhould I have left in the hand of fich a young Man Forces of ſuch conſequence,
Anthony being abſent, Lucius diſcontent, Aſinius and Ænobarbus hard by.
and ready to employ them againſt us? 'Twas the ſame reafon made me haften

Book V.
of Rome.
243
to get Plancus's Legions into my hands, left they ſhould have joyned with Pom
pey, as the Horſe did who went over into Sicily. To which Cocceius made
anſwer, that things had been otherwiſe repreſented to Anthony, yet he did
not believe them, till as an Enemy he was ſhut out of Brundufium. That
was not done by any command of mine, replyed Cæfar, nor could I divine that
he was coming to land there, or dream that he ſhould come along with Enemies.
The Inhabitants of Brundufium, and the Officers left there in Garriſon to op-
poſe the attempts of Ænobarbus, did without orders from me but their Gates
againſt Anthony, newly confederated with Pompey our common Enemy, and
bringing along with him Ænobarbus a Parricide, condemned by publick. ſen-
tence, proſcribed, and who after the Battel of Philippi beſieged Brundufium,
and to this day waſtes all the Coaſts of the Ionian Sea, who burnt my
Ships, and planders all Italy. To which Cocceius made reply: You re-
ſerved to one another the liberty to treat with whom you pleaſed; Anthony has
no more made peace with any Murderer of your Father than your ſelf, he has too
great an honour for his memory, Ænobarbus was none of the Parricides, but
condemned by malicious Fudges, when not conſcious of the conſpiracy. And if
we think him unworthy of favour for being a Friend to Brutus, we muſt have a
care left we make all Men our Enemies. The peace was made too with Pom-
pey not with deſign to quarrel with you, but that if you made War upon Antho-
ny, he might have him for an Aſſociate, and if you did nut, to reconcile you
together, as being a Man you can impeach with no crime. In this too, you are
in the fault; for had there been no motion of War in Italy, they durft not have
ſent Deputies to Anthony. Thereupon Ceſar purſuing his complaints, ſaid,
'Twas Manius, Fulvia and Lucius made War upon me and Italy, and never
durft Pompey before with his Forces attempt the Coaſts till he was encouraged to
it by Anthony. Not only encouraged, ſaid Cocceius, but commanded, for i
wil bide nothing from you : he will with his Fleet invade the rest of Italy, now
deftitute as it is of Shipping, unleſ you make peace. Whereto Cæſar, who
had not without reflections liſtened to this diſcourſe of Cocceius : ſaid, How-
ever, Pompey bas but little to brag of, being repulfed from Thuria. Here-
upon Cocceius having now a full inſight of their controverſies, made men-
tion of Fulvia's death, how not enduring her Husband's diſpleaſure, ſhe
fell fick, and her Diftemper increaſing by a continual melancholy, that An-
thomy was ſo unkind as not to viſit her in her ſickneſs, it had haftened her
end. And now fbe is dead, ſaid he, there needs nothing more than that
you
explain your mutual (wſpicions to one another. Ceſar mollified by this diſcourſe
of Cocceins, made him his Gueſt for that day, who entreated him as the
younger to write to Anthony his elder: he denyed writing to his Enemy,
from whence he had received no Letters, but complained that his Mother
whom he had always ſo perfectly honoured, as his Kinſwoman, had fled
out of Italy, as if ſhe could not have commanded him as if he had been her
own Son; fo under this pretence Ceſar wrote to fulia. As Cocceius was
going out of the Camp many Centurions diſcovered to him the mind of the
Army, who with all the reſt told this likewiſe to Anthony, that he might
underſtand what a Warhe was about to engage himſelf in if he made not
peace with Cæfar. Wherefore he adviſed him to remand Pompey, who
waſted Italy, into Sicily, and to ſend Ænobarbus into ſome other part, till
rew Leagues were made. To this Fulia his Mother joyning her prayers
and intreaties; there was nothing ſtood in the way but the ſhame Anthony
feared he ſhould be expoſed to, if the Peace not ſucceeding he ſhould a-
gain be forced to have recourſe to Pompey's aſſiſtance; but his Mother put-
ting him in hopes, confirmed by Cocceius partaker of Cefar's privacies,
Hhhh 2
Anthony

244
The Civil Wars
PART II
Anthony confented, cauſed Pompey to return to Sicily, proiniſing to take
care of all matters agreed on between them, and ſending Ænobarbus Go-
vernour into Bithynia; which as ſoon as Cæfar's Army knew, they choſe
Deputies to go to both Generals, whom they befought to refrain from ac-
cuſing each other; for they were not made choice of to judge, but to re-
concile them; ſo that making Cocceius Friend to both for Arbitrator, and
nominating Pollio for Anthony, and Mæcenas for Cæfar, they decreed a mu-
tual oblivion for all paft offences, and perfe& friendſhip for the future.
And becauſe Marcellus, Husband to Octavia Cæſar's Siſter, was lately
dead, the authors of the peace deſired Caſar to give his Siſter in marriage to
Anthony : The was foon promiſed, with happy auguries, for theſe accom-
modations were atttended with univerſal acclamation of both Armies, with
vows for their proſperity, and continued rejoycings, which held all that
day and the next night.
XVI. Then Cæfar and Anthony made a new diviſion of the Roman Empire,
ſetling for the bounds of eithers Dominion Scodran a Town in Illyria, which
feemed feated in the Center of the Adriatick Gulf; from whence Eaſt
ward as far as the Euphrates all the Provinces and Iſlands were to be under
the command of Arthony; and Cæſar was to have all Weſtward as far as the
Ocean, except Africa which was left to Lepidus under the ſame conditions
he had received it from Cæfar. They agreed likewiſe that Cafar ſhould
make War with Pompey, if ſome change happened not, and Anthony a-
gainſt the Parthians to revenge Craftes's death; that Ænobarbus ſhould be
received into league by Caſar, on the ſame conditions Anthony had before
granted him. And that both Generals might have equal power to raiſe
Soldiers in Italy. In theſe Heads conſiſted the laſt league between Cæfar
and Pompey: ſoon after which they ſent away their Friends to diſpatch ur-
gent Affairs, Anthony ſent Ventidius into Aſia to oppoſe the attempts of the
Parthians and the young Labienus, who being joyned with them, infeſted
Syria as far as Ionid, taking the advantage of the Civil Wars. But how
Labienus and the Parthians were puniſhed, we have writ in the Book of
the Parthians War. About the ſame time, Menodorus Pompey's Admi-
ral again drew out of Sardinia Helenus one of Cæfar’s Lieutenants, which
was the main reaſon of Cæfar’s being ſo incenſed, that he would not admit
of Anthony's intermiſſion to reconcile him with Pompey. Afterwards be-
ing returned to the City, the Nuptials were folemniſed, and Anthony put
Manius to death for exaſperating Fulvia againſt Cleopatra, and making her
the author of ſo many miſchiefs. Helikewiſe diſcovered to Cæfar how Sala
vidienus, who commanded the Army in Gallia Narbonenfis, would have re-
volted to him, and to that purpoſe had ſent an expreſs to him at the Siege
of-Brundufium : all Men did not much applaud him for it, but he revealed
this ſecret to ſhew his frankneſs and the reality of his reconciliation : Cæfar
forthwith ſent command to Salvidienus to make haſte to him, as if he had
fomething of importance to communicate, after which he would ſend him
back to the Army; but at his arrival reproaching him with his treachery,
he put him to death, and gave his Army, being jealous of it, to Anthony.
Mean while, the People were much oppreffed with famine ; for the Mer-
chants could bring nothing from the Eaſt, for fear of Pompey and Sicily,
"nor from the Welt, becauſe Sardinia and Corſica were in the pofleffion of
Pompey too. Nor out of Africa, becauſe of the Enemies Ships cruiſing in
the
open Sea ; wherefore the People attributing the cauſe of their want of
Bread to the diviſion of thoſe who commanded, continually reviled them,
urging

BOOK V.
of Rome.
245
urged them to make peace with Pompey. But when thus neither they could
not incline Cæfar to it, Anthony counſelled him to laſten the War to reme-
dy the preſent diſtreſs : but becauſe there was no Money to make the pre-
paration, they made an Edict by which Maſters were taxed in twenty five
Seſterces for every Slave they had (the like whereof had been before in
the War with Caſſius ) and withal a certain part to be payed out of new
Inheritances. The People enraged, tore down this Edict whereever it
was fixed up, growing furious, that after the treaſury was exhauſted, the
Provinces drained dry, and Italy ruined by continual Impoſts and Confif-
cations, the Citizens ſhould be taxed for what they had yet left, and that
not to employ in foreign Wars, where the Honour of the Empire might
lie at ſtake, but to revenge particular Mens quarrels, and increaſe their
power, to which they were mounted by Profcriptions and Murders, and
for which the People were fain to ſuffer Famine and Miſery. They gather-
ed together by Troops, railing in the Streets, throwing Stones at thoſe
who would not joyn with them, and threatening to plunder and ſet fire on
their Houfes, till at length the whole multitude was got into a Body. Ce-
far going with his Guards and ſome Friends to appeaſe them, and give
them reaſons for what he had done, as ſoon as they ſaw him they let fly their
Stones, and though he ſtirred not, but ſtood their Blows, yet they had no
reverence nor reſpect to him; of which Anthony having notice, ran ſpeed-
ily to his relief, as he came up the Via Sacra none threw Stones at him, be-
cauſe he was diſpoſed to makė Peace with Pompey, they only warned him
to be gone; but when that prevailed not, the Stones flew likewiſe about his
Ears. Whereupon he ſent for the Soldiers who were without the City,
and when the People forbore not their violences, the Soldiers having en-
compaſſed them on both ſides came up the croſs Streets upon them in the
place, and in the great Street, charging the firſt he met with, who not able
to flié becauſe of the Crowd, and not being in a poſture of defence, the
Streets were ſoon filled with dead and wounded Men, and the Windows
with cryes and lamentations. Thus Anthony hardly eſcaping himſelf, with-
drew Cæfar from manifeſt danger, and brought him to his Houſe. The mul-
titude being put to flight,they commanded the Soldiers to caſt the Corps into
Tiber, not to expoſe the ſad ſpectacle to the Citizens view, but this cauſed
a far greater affliction, when they beheld them carried away with the
ſtream, or ſtripped by the Soldiers, among whom were mingled ſeveral
Brokers, who carried away thoſe were beſt clad, as if they had belonged
to their family. However, this miſchief at length had an end, but not
the multitudes hate and malice to theſe Men, nor yet the Famine which
the miferable People underwent with groans and tears.
ch ki
1. Anthony hereupon gave advice to Libo's Friends to invite him out of Si- XVII.
cily, to rejoyce with his Relations, and poſſibly do a work of greater im-
portance, promiſing to be ſecurity for his perſon. They preſently wroté
to him, nor did Pompey at all detain him. In his Voyage he landed in an
Mand formerly called Pithicula, and at preſent Anario, which as ſoon as
the People heard of, they again affembled, befeeching Ceſar with tears
in their eyes to ſend a Paſs-port to Libo who came with Propofals of Peace,
which though with ſeeming unwillingneſs he granted. That done the mul-
titude ran to Mutia, Pompey's Mother, threatening to burn herif ſhe did not
go to her Son, and diſpoſe him to a Peace. Libo perceiving their Enemies
not ſo hot againſt them as formerly, deſired a conference between the Ge-
nerals, to the end they might compofe all matters between themſelves,
which

246
The Civil Wars
PART II.
which after the Peoples earneſt prayers had obtained, Cæfar and Anthony
went to Baie. Pompey's Friends all with one voice adviſed him to Peace;
except only Menodorus, who wrote to him from Sardinia, that he ought
rather now to make War,or at leaſt temporize, whilſt Famine fought for
them, that when they judged it fit to conclude a Peace, they might do it on
more advantageous conditions, he likewiſe warned him to have a care of
Marcus, who counſelled him to make Peace only for the advancement of
his particular fortune; wherefore Pompey, who was before jealous of
Murcus's experience and authority broke now utterly with him, and no
longer took his counſel in any thing: fo Murcus in difcontent retired to Syra-
cuſé, where perceiving ſome of Pompey's Guards that followed him by his
orders, he in their preſence railed at and reviled him, this haſtened his
end; for Pompey having corrupted one of his Tribunes, and one of his
Centurions, fent People to ſlay him, giving out that he was murdered by
his Slaves, whom they hanged to give the more credit to the cheat. How-
ever, after what had happened to Bithynicus, Men eaſily believed this fe-
cond attempt committed on the perſon of a Man famous for his experience
in War, a conſtant Friend to Pompey's Faction from the very beginning,
who had done him ſignal ſervice in Spain, and of his own accord came to
him in Sicily. After his death all Pompey's Friends exhorted him to
Peace, accuſing Menodorus of being in love with Command, conſidering
more his cwn than his Maſters intereſt, finding it profitable to govern a
Province with an Army; fo Pompey embarqued for Ænaria with many
choice Ships, and himſelf on a moſt beautiful Galley of fix Banks; and
thus in great ſtate came failing towards the Evening by Puteoli, in view of
the Enemy. As ſoon as day next Morning appeared, they drove Piles in-
to the Sea, at ſome diſtance one from the other, and thereon laid two
Bridges, upon one of which to the Land-ſide mounted Cæfar and Anthony,
and Pompey and Libo on the other, which was ſeparate on the firſt by a ſmall
interval of water; fo that without ſpeaking aloud they could hardly hear
each other, Pompey pretended to be Affociate in the Empire, in the room
of Lepidus; and the others would only grant him the liberty to return to
Rome, ſo they parted without doing any thing : yet their friends kept on
foot the Negotiation, making divers Propoſitions on the one part and the
other; Pompey in behalf of the Profcripts had fled to him for refuge, de-
manded that ſuch as were culpable, or Abettors of Cefar's Murder might
be in ſecurity in their Exile, and that the others might with Honour be re-
called into the City, and put into poſſeffion of their Eſtates : upon this de-
mand Famine, and the People urging for Peace, Anthony and Caſar agreed
that they might redeem from the new Poffeſſors a fourth part of their E-
ſtares only, and they wrote to them about it, as ſuppoſing they would be
V therewith contented, and indeed ſo they were, for they began now to ſtand
in fear of Pompey, inſtructed by Marcus his misfortune, going therefore to
him, and perſwading him to Peace, he rent his Robe, ſaying, he was be-
trayed by thoſe for whom he had expoſed himſelf, and calling by name Me-
nodorus as the ſole Man worthy of Command, and the only
Friend he had.
At length by the inftigation of Motia his mother, and Fulia his Wife, they
metagain only they three on a little Eminence, encompaſſed on all ſides by
the Sea, about which they had placed Guards with Ships for their common
ſecurity. Here they agreed to theſe Conditions; That all War ſhould ceaſe
between them, both by Sea and Land, that there ſhould be a free trade and
commerce in all places, that Pompey ſhould withdraw all his Garriſons
out of Italy, that he ſhould harbour no more Fugitives, that his Ships
ſhould

Book V.
of Rome.
247
ſhould cruiſe no more on the Italian Coaſts ; that he ſhould haye the com-
mand of Sicily, Sardinia and Corſica, with the other adjacent Iles for ſo
long as Anthony and Cæſar held the Sovereign Power, but with condition of
ſending to Rome what Corn thoſe Iſlands ought to the Citizens, and that
beſides
all this he ſhould have the Peloponnefus ; that being abſent he might
exerciſe the charge of Conful by one of his Friends, and ſhould be re-
ceived into the Colledge of the High Prieſts; that all perſons of Quality
might return to the City except the Conſpirators who had been condem-
ned by publick ſentence; that the Goods of all thoſe fled to Pompey without
being profcribed ſhould be reſtored, except the Moveables; and for the
Profcripts that they ſhould have a fourth part; that all who had ferved un-
der Pompey ſhould be rewarded, if Slaves with Freedom, and if Freemen,
when they had ſerved the time appointed by Law, with the ſame recom-
pences as the Veterans of Cæfar and Anthony received. Theſe were the
Articles, which after being ingroſſed and ſigned, were ſent to Rome to be
depoſited in the hands of the Veſtals. This done, they by lot feafted each
other: Pompey began, who laying his Galley ſide to the Rock therein re-
ceived his Gueſts; the days following Anthony and Cæfar treated him, pitch-
ing Tents on the ſame Rock, with pretence that the Feaſt might be diſtri-
buted better to the Shore, but perhaps that their mirth might be more ſe-
cure; for there was nothing remitted of the uſual care, both the Ships
were in their ſtations, and the Guards at their poſts, and the Gueſts them-
felves had Daggers under their Robes. 'Tis reported, that Menodorus,
when they feaſted in the Galley, fent to adviſe Pompey, that taking this ad
vantage of his Enemies, he ſhould revenge the wrongs his Father and Bro-
ther had ſuffered, and recover the authority they had taken from his Father,
and he would be anſwerable that not one ſhould eſcape out of the Ships.
But Pompey made him an anſwer worthy his Birth and the preſent Affair:
Would to God, ſaid he, Menodorus could have done this without me ; for
perjury may become him, but never Pompey. At this Supper Pompey's
Daughter, Neice to Libo, was contracted to Marcellus, Nephew to An-
thony, Cear's Siſter's Son. The day following Conſuls were deſigned for
four years: firſt of all Anthony and Libo, but to Anthony with leave to
make a Subſtitute, then Cafar and Pompey, then Ænobarbus and Sofus, and
laſtly Cæfar and Anthony again, who being now to be Conſuls together the
third time, it was hoped they would reſtore the ancient Adminiſtration of
the Common-wealth.
XVII
Things thus concluded on, they departed, Pompey by Sea to Sicily, and
Cæſar and Anthony by land to Rome. Upon the news of the Peace an uni-
verfal joy was ſpread through the City and all Italy, Men were tranſport-
ed to ſee themſelves delivered from an inteſtine War,from being often pick-
ed out, and forced to go,from the infolency of the Garriſons, from the flight
of Slaves, from the waſting of their Lands, and lying fallow of their
Fields, but above all from Famine, which began to grow infupportable :
wherefore whereever the Generals paſſed, Sacrifices were made to them
as to the Saviours of their Country. And the City had prepared a magni-
ficent entry, had they not rather choſe to go in by night, that they might
not put the Citizens to charge. All ſhared in this general joy, fave only
thoſe who were poſſeſſed of any Lands of the baniſhed, which by the
Treaty were to be reſtored, for they believed they ſhould have but ill Neigh-
bours of them, and that upon all occaſions they would ſeek their de-
ſtruction. And indeed all the Fugitives who had hitherto followed Pompey,
except

248
The Civil Wars
Part II
except only a very few, after having taken their leave of him at Puteoli,
embarqued and came for Rome, at whoſe arrival the People conceived á
new joy, which they made appear by thoſe Acclamations wherewith they
entertained ſo many illuſtrious perſons, beyond all hopes returned to their
Country. After this Cæfar marched into Gaul, where there were happen-
ed fome Commotions; and Anthony diſpoſed his Affairs to go againſt the
Parthians. In the firſt place he cauſed the Senate to approve not only what
he had done, but whatever he ſhould do for the future, ſent away his Lieu-
tenants into all parts, and diſpoſed what elſe he thought fit at pleaſure.
Then he gave Kingdoms to ſeveral, upon condition of paying Tribute.
To Darius Son of Pharnaces and Grandfon to Mithridates the Kingdom of
Pontus: to Herod Idumea and Samaria : to Amintas. Piſidia : to Polemon
part of Cilicia : and in ſhort, to many others other Nations which he e-
rected into Kingdoms. As for the Army that was to winter with him, that
he might accuſtom them both to the profits and exerciſes of War, he fent
one part of them into the Country of the Parthians a Nation of Illyria,
neighbouring upon Epidamnum, formerly very affectionate to Brutus: and
another Party into the Country of the Dardanians, who are another People
of Illyria uſed to make Inroads into Macedon, and gave orders to the reſt
to tarry for him in Epire, that he might have them all about him, being re-
folved himſelf to winterat Athens. He likewiſe fent Furnius into Africa to
cauſe Sextius's four Legions to march againſt the Parthians; for as yet he
underſtood not that Lepidus had taken them from Sextius. Things thus or-
dered, he ſpent this Winter at Athens with Octavia, in the ſame manner as
he had done the former with Cleopatra at Alexandria, all his buſineſs being
only to look upon the Letters brought him from the Army, he laid aſide
his Imperial Robe, cloathing himſelf again in the Attick Cloak and Hoſe,
having no Guards at his Gate, and walking through the City like a private
perſon, without any Enſigns of his Dignity, and accompanied only with
two Friends and two ſervants, with whom he went to the Schools to hear
Diſputes and Orations; he likewiſe ſupped the Winter after the Greek
manner, having always Greeks in his company, and aſſiſting at their Ce-
remonies, to the great content of Octavia, of whom he was very fond; for
he was naturally inclined to the love of Women. But Winter being paſt,
he ſeemned no more the ſame Man, he reſumed the Imperial Habit, and
took the Enſigns of his authority, his Gates ſeemed now as it were beſieged
with Lictors, Officers and Guards, to beget an awe of his power, he gave
audience to Embaſſadors, whom before he would not admit, adminiſtred
juſtice to private perfons, and ſent for Ships from all parts, and made a
mighty noiſe with his preparations,
XIX.
Whilft he was buſied in theſe things, there happened ſome diſturbances
of the Peace between Cæfar and Pompey, for what certain cauſes not known,
but thoſe that publickly appeared were theſe, Anthony had quitted the Pelo-
ponnefus to Pompey on condition he ſhould pay what the Peloponneſians
ought, or promiſe to pay it, or elſe give ſome time for the recovery of it;
but Pompey would not receive it in on theſe terms, thinking the Province
quitted to him with all its debts ; wherewith, through diſcontent, (as Ce-
Par ſaid) or through infidelity, or out of envy to others who had great
Armies, or becauſe he truſted Menodorus, who ſaid they had not made a
Peace but a Truce, he prepared again and fitted out a Fleet, and in a ſpeech
to his Army told them, there was more need than ever of new preparations.
He likewiſe encouraged Pyrates underhand to infeſt the Seas, ſo that little
Or

Book V.
of Rome.
249
or no remedy was brought to the Famine in the City, and the comfortleſs
People cryed out, that by this Peace they had not redreſſed any of their
miſeries, but only added a fourth perſon to the Tyranny. Hereupon ſome
Pyrates being taken, Ceſar cauſed them to be brought to the wrack, where
they confeſſed they were ſet on by Pompey, which Cæſar made known to the
People; he wrote about it likewiſe to Pompey, who ſtoutly denying it,
made his complaints about the Peloponneſus. But ſome Noble Men that
were about Pompey perceiving that he always followed the the counſel of his
Freed Men, corrupted ſome of them, either of their own free motion, or
for Cæſar's ſake, to incenſe Pompey againſt Menodorus as a Man command-
ing his Maſter. They were eaſily drawn to do this, out of the envy they
bore this powerful Favourite, ſo they ſoon begot in Pompey an averſion to
Menodorus. It happened that at the ſame time Philadelphus Cefar's Freed
Man came to Menodorus to buy Corn, and Mycilius; Menodorus confident
went to Rome to treat with Cæfar about his revolt, to whom he offered Sara
dinia; Corſica, three Legions and many of his Friends: whether Ph lel-
phus had procured Cæfar this good fortune, or elſe it proceeded from Pom-
pey’s diſguſts of Menodorus, he made difficulty of accepting it, yet did it;
judging the Peace already broken. He diſpatched forthwich to Anthony at
Athens to defire him to come by an appointed day to Brundufium, to confer
with him about this War, he cauſed long Ships to be brought from Raven-
na, and ſent in all haſte for his Army out of Gaul with all its ſtores of war-
like Furniture, one part of which he ſent to Brundufium, and the other to
Puteoli, reſolved to invade Sicily on both ſides, if Anthony approved it :
Anthony came at the ſame time prefixed with a ſlender Train, but not
finding Cæfar there, would not ſtay, whether he approved not this War
undertaken againſt folemn Leagues, whether he were not pleaſed to ſee
the great preparations of Cæfar, (for being Competitors for Empire, they
were always jealous of each other ) or whether he was frightned by a
prodigy, for one of thoſe who were upon the Guard about his Quarters,
was found eaten up by Beaſts, all but the Face, as if that had been left to
know him by, without ever ſo much as crying out, or the leaſt knowledge
of thoſe that flept by him. All that could be diſcovered, was, that they
of Brundufium ſaid, that in the Morning they ſaw a Wolf come out from
among the Tents. However, Anthony wrote to Cæfar he ought not to
break the peace, and threatned to clap Menodorus in Irons as his Fugitive
Slave, for he had been Slave to Pompey the Great, whoſe Goods Anthony
bought under tlie Spear by right of War. Yet Cafar fent Men into the
Iands of Sardinia and Corſica to take poffeffion of them from Menodorus,
and cauſed Forts to be built upon all the Coaſts of Italy to hinder Pompey
from making any ſpoil, giving orders for building other Ships at Ravenna,
and ſending fora powerful Army that was in Illyria, and when Menodorus
came to him, from one enfranchiſed made him abfolutely free, by giving
him the Command of the Fleet he brought with him, yer but in quality of
Lieutenant to Calvifius his Admiral. Though things were thus well diſpo-
ſed, yet he would make greater preparations before he began the War,
complaining of Anthony, that he had not ſtaid for him : however, he gave
order to Cornificius to bring what Ships he had in readineſs from Ravenna to
Tarentum; in his paſſage there aroſe a furious Tempeft, in which there yet
perifhed only the Admiral, built on purpoſe for Caſar himſelf, which was
made an Omen of what was to happen, for moſt men thought this War re-
newed by the violation of the Treaty; to remove which fufpicion, Ceſar
wrote to the Roman People, and ſpoke in perſon to the Army, telling
I iii
them

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250
Part II
them Pompey had broke the League, by infeſting the Sea with Pyrates,
which was evident, both by confeſſion of the Pyrates themſelves, and of
Menodorus, of which Antonius was not yet ignorant, and thefore delivered
not up to him the Peloponnefus.
When all his preparations were in a readineſs, he embarqued at Taren-
XX.
tum to go and invade Sicily on one ſide, whilſt Calviſius, Sabinus and Me-
nodorus, who ſet ſail from Etruria, inveſted it on the other; and the Land
Army marched towards Rhegium with wonderful diligence. Pompey perceiv-
ed not that Menodorus had revolted from him to Cæfar, till he came before
Sicily. However, ſeeing himſelf aſſailed on both ſides, he reſolved to ex-
pect Cæfar at Meſſina, and oppoſed againſt Calviſius and Menodorus a great
Fleet under the Command of Menecrates his Freed Man, who out of mu-
tual emulation was a mortal Enemy to Menodorus. Menecrates comes out
to Sea, preſenting himſelf about Evening to the Enemy, who retired in-
toa Gulf above Cuma, where they anchored that night, and he ſteered his
courſe towards the Iſland of Anaria. As ſoon as it was day, the Enemy
coaſting about the Bay, drawn up in form of a Creſcent, for fear of being
broken, Menecrates appeared in light, and made towards them ; but ſeeing
they would not be drawn off from the Shore-ſide, and that he could not do
what he deſigned, with a fierce charge he drove them a ground; fo with
their ſterns aſhore, and their Prows to Seaward, they lay upon their de-
fence in ſuch manner, that it was eaſie for the Enemy to come and give
them a ſhock, and then tacking about to ſtand off to Sea, and fo return a-
gain upon them with freſh and freſh Ships, they had likewiſe the Rocks to
ſtruggle with, on which many ſtuck ſo faſt, that neither moving Head
nor Stern, it ſeemed like a kind of Sea-fight againſt a Land Force, one of
which could neither flie, nor the other purſue. Mean while Menodorus
and Menecrates having diſcovered each other, leaving the reſt of the Fight
with mutual ſhouts and fury begin an aſſault, and in all appearance which
of theſe two got the better would carry the Victory for his Party. In the
charge they met fo fiercely, that both Ships were diſabled, Menodorus loft
* Roftrum.
his * Beak-head, and Menecrates Oars were broken. At length, having
caſt their Graplings on Board, they laſhed their Ships faſt together, and
began a Fight, as if on dry ground, and nothing was wanting, either of
alacrity or dexterity to gain the Victory, they made uſe of all ſorts of Arms,
Arrows, Stones, Darts, and caſt Planks from Ship to Ship to board
each other, but becauſe Menodorus's Ship was the talleſt, it was much ea-
fier for his Men to board the other, and the Darts they threw fell with more
violence and execution. At laſt many being ſlain, and almoſt all the reſt
wounded, Menodorus had his Arm pierced through with a Dart, which
was ſoon drawn out; but Menecrates being ſtruck into the Thigh with a
Barbed Iron Javelin, made after the Spaniſh Faſhion, which could not eaſily
be drawn out, he became unable to do more, yet ſtill with his voice he en-
couraged his Men, till his Ship being taken, he threw himſelf over-board;
Menodorus faſtening bis Prize to his Poop towed it into the Road, and was
all he could do that day. This was done on the Left Wing. On the Right
Wing which fought againſt the Enemies Left, Calvifius cut off ſome of
Menecrates's Ships from the reſt of the Squadron,and purſued them out to
Sea : but Democrates another of Pompey's Freed Men charging the reſt of
Calviſins's Ships, put ſome of them to flight, and drove the reſt upon
the
Rocks where they were beat to pieces, and the Men forced to caſt them-
felves into the Sea, and thoſe which remained whole he had burnt, had not
Calviſius

Book V.
of Rome.
251
Calvifius returning from the Chaſe of the Enemy, and bringing along with
him fome of his Ships that had fled, ſaved one of them. Night coming
on, each party retreated to the ſame places where they rode the Night
before, and ſo ended this Sea-Fight wherein Pompey had much the better.
Yet Demochares was ſo much concern’d for Menecrates’s death,which he e-
ſteemed a mighty lofs (for Menedorus and Menecrates were two of Pompey's
principal Officers at Sea ) that he left all, and ſteered his courſe directly to
wards Sicily, as if he had not only loſt Menecrates and one Veſſel, but the
whole Fleet. As for Calviſius, as long as he thought Demochares would
return to him he kept his ſtation, being in no condition to fight, for
his beſt Ships were ſunk, and the reſt diſabled; but when he heard his
Enemy was gone for Sicily, he refitted his Ships, and held on his courſe,
keeping the Shore cloſe aboard, and not ſo much as croſſing over any
Bay.
XXI:
On the other ſide, Cæfar being come from Tarentum to Rhegium with a
great Fleet and a mighty Army met Pompey near Meſſina, who had but for-
ty Ships; wherefore his Friends adviſed him not to let flip this opportuni-
ty, but to aſſault theſe few with his whole Navy, now in ſuch good order,
before more Ships came to Pompey, but he would not hearken to their
coun-
fel, expecting Calvilius, and not thinking it prudence to expoſe himſelf to
danger, whilſt he expected greater Forces. Mean while, Demochares
coming to Melind; Pompey gave him and Apollophanes, another of his Freed
Men, the Command of the Fleet inſtead of Menecrates and Menedorus
and Ceſar underſtanding the loſs he had ſuffered near Cuma, ſet forward
through the Strait to go meet Calviſius, having got through the better part,
as he was paſſing by the place called Stylida to turn
about the Rock of Sylla,
Pompey coming out of Meſſina firſt fell
upon his Rear, and after came up
with the reſt of the Fleet to provoke Caſar to give him Battel; and though
Cæſar's Ships were forely infeſted, yet they ſtirred not from about the Ad-
miral, he having forbid it, whether he durft not fight in the Strait, or
whether he was firm to the reſolution of not fighting without Calviſius, he
only gave them orders to get cloſe under Shore, and there coming to an An-
chor defend themſelves from the Forecaſtles, if any came to aſſault them.
But Demochares coming with two Ships to charge each Ship of Cæſar's, put
them all into trouble and diſorder, fo that ſome were ſplit againſt the Rocks
others falling foul of each other, ſunk; and in ſhort, many periſhed moſt
cowardly, for in the ſame manner as at the Battel at Cuma they ſtuck faſt,
whilſt the Enemies charging, and then falling off, oppreſſed them in a
ſtrange manner, nor was fortune wanting to aſſiſt the Enemy: Cæfar him-
ſelf in this confuſion leaped out upon the Rocks, where he received thoſe
that ſaved themſelves by ſwimming, and led themn himſelf to the next
Mountains. But Cornificius and the reſt of the Captains encouraging one
another, without their General's order, cut their Cables, and went out to
Sea to charge the Enemy, judging it better to die fighting, than thus to be
expoſed to Blows without any
defence. Cornificius firſt of all with a dan-
gerous boldneſs clapped on board the Admiral Ship of Demochares, and
took her, forcing him to leap into another. Whilſt in this Fight a world
of Men periſhed, Calviſius and Menodorus appeared, coming with full
Sails, not towards Cæſar's People, who were either caſt on More, or en-
gaged at Sea, but towards Pompey's, who being far off from Land, as ſoon
as they ſaw them, retreated, for tired, they durft not engage freſh Men,
and beſides, 'twas almoſt night; yet the chance was happy for thoſe yet in
I iii 2
danger

252
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Part II
danger. Night coming on, many deſerted their Ships, and fled to the
Mountains, where they kindled many Fires for Signals to thoſe yet at Sea,
ſo they ſpent the night without meat, without ſleep, and in want of all
things, yet they comforted themfelves with the prefence of Cæfar, who no
better ſupplyed than they, went from place to place, exhorting them to
have patience till Morning. They knew not yet Calvifus was fo nigh,
and had no hopes in their own Ships, forſaken becauſe of the Wrack; but
by good fortune the thirteenth Legion, which had taken their March over
the Mountains, and was not far off
, having heard of the diſaſter, by crag-
gy ways making towards the Fires, found their General and thoſe with
him hungry and weary. The Soldiers took what care they could of their
companions, and the Officers forthwith brought their General (left with-
out any of his Houſhold Servants diſperſed in the tumult of the Night) to
a Tent there pitched, whence ſending all about to give notice he was ſafe,
news was brought him that Calviſius was arrived, and ſo unexpectedly re-
freſhed with this ſecond good tydings, he took ſome repoſe. As foon as it
was day, caſting his eyes upon the Sea, he ſaw Ships flaming, others burnt,
and others half burnt, others floating upon the Sea in the midſt of pieces of
Wracks, Mafts, Sails and Yards, and many that remained, forely ſhatter-
ed near the Shore; wherefore ordering Calviſius's Fleet to come near, he
took care for neceſſaries to patch up ſuch Ships as yet might be made fer-
viceable, while the Enemy gave them leiſure, who were retreated, either
out of fear of Calviſius, or becauſe they had rather fight him in open
Sea.
While things were in this condition, about Noon roſe a Wind from the
XXII. South, which foon began to make the Waves roar in a Sea naturally mo-
ved with little wind. Pompey was now ſafe in the Harbour of Melfina;
but Cafir's Ships on a Lee ſhore, craggy Rocks, and without any Port,
were either daſhed againſt the Rocks, or againſt one another, beſides want
ing many neceſſary Tacklings, they were not eaſie to govern. Menodorus
therefore fearing left the wind ſhould yet every hour grow freſher,got out at
firſt into the open Sea, and came to an Anchor, becauſe in deep water the
Waves broke leſs, and not ſo violently, and with the force of Oars he eaſed
his Cables, left his Anchors ſhould give way: ſome others imitated him,
but the greater part imagining the Storm would ſoon be over, as is uſual in
the Spring, moor’d their Ships with an Anchor to Sea, and another to the
Shore, and with Booms kept them off from falling foul of each other :
but the wind raging more and more, all fell into confuſion and diſorder, for
their Cables breaking, they either fell foul or run afhore one after another
ſeveral cries and lamentations and howlings were mixed with Commands
and Exhortations, which were only uttered to deaf people, there was now
no difference between the Pilot and the Sailer, neither for induſtry, skill,
nor obedience. They periſhed all alike, whether they ſtayed in their Ships, or
leaped over-board,they were killed by the piecesof Timber which the Waves
beat againſt the Ships; for all the Sea was floating with the Wrack of the
Ships, and with Bodies fome dead, and ſome living, of which, if any
ſwum to Shore, they were miſerably beat in pieces among the Rocks, but
when the Sea began to fwell with a contrary wind, as it ordinarily happens
in this Strait, new terrours ſeiſed theſe people who were not accuſtomed to
it, and their Ships toſſed now this way, and then the other, fell foul, do all
they could; beſides towards the Evening, the wind doubled its violence,
to double their grief by making them perith in the dark; ſo that all Night
long

Book V.
of Rome.
253
long the air was filled with dreadful Shouts and Crys. Thoſe upon the
Shore ran up and down calling their Friends they thought engaged in the
Shipwrack by name, and when they anſwered them not, believed them
loſt, and wept: others lifting their Heads above the Waves, called to their
Friends on Shore to help them, but there was no manner of way to affift
them ; for as it was dangerous for thoſe ſtaid in the Ship, or leaped into the
Sea, ſo it was no leſs upon the Shore ſide, becauſe of the Waves driven up
by the Winds, which all that came near were fearful to be carried away
with. Thus by an extraordinary effect of the Tempeſt thoſe who were
near Land, feared the Land, and yet durft not go farther off to Sea, than
to ſecure themſelves from beating in peices againſt the Rocks; for the place
narrow by nature, the difficulty of the paſſage, the tumbling of the
Waves, the Whirlwinds cauſed by the circumjacent Hills, and the ſwallow-
ing Whirlpool by the fierceneſs of the Current ſuffered them not to ſtay in
one place, nor yet to retire back, beſides the horrour of an extreme dark
night added ſtill to their affliction. Thus they periſhed without ſeeing one
another, ſome crying out, others filently expe&ting death, and others
through deſpair haftening it, for the expectation is but an addition of pain;
and now they were all out of hopes of any ſafety, when on a ſudden to-
wards break of day the wind began to duller, and about Sun-riſing there
was little or none, yet the Sea ſtill continued in a rage. The Inhabitants
of the Country remembred not to have ever ſeen ſo furious a Tempeſt.
Thus the greateſt part of Cæſar's Ships and Men periſhed, and he beſides
the loſs fuſtained in the firſt Sea-Fight, having received theſe two afflictions
one in the neck of the other, retreated the ſame night with all haſte to
* Vibone, by the Mountain Way, not enduring longer to look on that mis- *Now Mon-
fortune to which he could apply no remedy.
teleon.
From thence he wrote to all his Friends, and all his Commanders to re- XXIIL
pair ſpeedily to him, for fear left, as it ordinarily befalls the unfortunate,
ſome new deſign ſhould be laid againſt him, he likewiſe ſent all the Land
Forces he had with him along the Coaſts of Italy, for fear leſt Pompey puffed
up
with this ſucceſs ſhould make ſome attempt; but he thought nothing
of it, no, nor ſo much, as when the Sea was ſtill
, of falling upon the re-
mainder of the Shipwrack, neither while they lay there, nor when they
were upon departure. On the contrary, he ſuffered them to gather toge
ther whatever they could ſave of Ships or Rigging, and make a ſafe re-
treat before the wind to Vibone, whether he thought he had beat them fuf-
ficiently, or that he knew not how to make uſe of his advantage; or elſe,
as we have ſaid elſewhere, was cow-hearted upon an Affault, and content
only to defend himſelf, Cæfar had not above half his Ships left, and thoſe
but in ill condition, yet leaving Forces to guard them, he went much trou-
bled in mind into Campania, for he had no more Ships, nor time to
build any, though he ſtood in great need of them, the Famine growing
Sharp, and the people crying out inceſſantly for peace, and deteſting this
War, as undertaken contrary to a ſolemn League, beſides, he wanted
Money, which was ſcarce at Rome. The Citizens would pay nothing,
nor permitany to be raiſed on them. At length, being very politick in the
conduct of his own Affairs, he diſpatched Mecenas to Anthony, well in-
ſtructed to clear all new differences might have happened between them,
and to draw him to be his Aſſociate in the War, which, if it ſucceeded
not, he reſolved to tranſport his Legions into Sicily upon Ships of Burthen,
and there fight Pompey by Land, without any more hazarding a Sea-fight.
Whilft

254
The Civil Wars
Part II
Whilft he was perplexing himſelf with theſe cares, news was brought
him that Anthony had pafled his word to ſerve him; that Agrippa, his Lieu-
tenant in Gaul had gained a great Victory againſt the Aquitains, and that
his Friends and ſome Cities promiſed him Ships, which were already build-
ing; whereupon taking heart, he began to make greater preparations than
before. About the beginning of the Spring Anthony fet Sail from Athens,
and arrived at Tarentum with three hundred Sail, to aſſiſt Caefar according
to his promiſe ; but Cæſar
having now changed his mind, would now ſtay
till the Ships, building for him were in a readineſs. And when he was
urged to employ Anthony's Fleet, which was ſufficient to put an end to this
War, he excuſed himſelf that he was engaged in other Affairs : which
made it apparent, he either had ſome new cauſe of quarrel with Anthony,
or elſe ſcorn'd his aſſiſtance, contenting himſelf with his own Forces.
Though Anthony was offended at this proceeding, yet he ſtaid ſtill in the
ſame place, and ſent to him once more, for whereas his Fleet lay at a great
charge, and he ſtood in more need of Italian Soldiers for the Parthian
War, he had thoughts of changing his Fleet for Legions. Though by the
League each had power of raiſing Men in Italy; but becauſe it was fallen
to the others diviſion, he imagined it would be more difficult for him.
Wherefore Octavia her ſelf came to Cæfar to be as it were Arbitreſs be-
tween them. He told her, that being deſerted by Anthony, he had been
in danger of loſing his life in the Sicilian Strait. She anſwered, that had
been already diſcourſed and declared to Mecenas. He then objected that
Anthony had ſent Callias his Freed Man to Lepidus to make a League toge-
ther againſt him. To which ſhe anſwered, that to her knowledge, Callias
was ſent to Lepidus to treat a Match; for Anthony being about to go to the
Parthian War, would before his departure have his Daughter married to
Lepidus's Son, according to his promiſe. Octavia affirming this, and An-
thony ſending Callias to Cæfar to tormerit him, if he pleaſed, and know the
truth from his own mouth : he would not receive him, but fent word he
would meet Anthony between * Metapontum and Tarentum, and diſcourſe
* Tore de with him himſelf. Through the place appointed runs a River, called like-
Mare. wiſe Metapontum : and they both by chance arriving at the ſame time,
Anthony lighting out of his Chariot, leaps alone into a little Skiff he found
there, to go meet Cæfar, confiding in hiin as his Friend; Ceſar emulating
that Generoſity, did the ſame; ſo meeting in the middle of the River,
they diſputed a long time who ſhould go to the other ſide; at length Cafar
prevailed, having reſolved to go to Tarentum to fee Octavia ; he therefore
mounts withi Anthony in his Chariot, lights at his Lodgings, and without
any Guards, lies there all night. Anthony on the morrow repays him with
the ſame confidence, fo fudden were their changes, ambition of Empire
raiſing reciprocal Jealouſies, and the neceſſity of their Affairs obliging
them to confide in each other. Cæfar then put off the War againſt Pom-
pey to the next year ; but Anthony not thinking fit longer to delay the War
againſt the Parthians, they made an exchange, Anthony gave Ceſar ſixſcore
Ships, which he forthwith delivered him, and Cæfar promiſed to ſend him
twenty thouſand Legionary Soldiers : Octavia likewife gratified her Bro-
ther with tеn Galliots (a ſort of Vefſel between a Galley and a Ship of
Burthen) which ſhe begged of Anthony, and he in return gave a thouſand
choſen Men for Guards, which Anthony himſelf picked out. And be-
cauſe the time of the Triumvirate was near expired, they prolong-
ed it for five other years, without ſtaying for the fuffrage of the Peo-
ple, ſo they parted, Anthony making with all diligence towards Sy-
ria,

Book V.
of Rome.
255
ria, leaving Octavia, and a little Daughter they had, with her Bro-
ther.
In the mean time, whether that Menodorus were naturally perfidious, XXIV:
or that he was fearful of Anthony, who had threatened him with Shakles
as his Fugitive Slave, or were not rewarded to his expectation, or elſe
moved with reproaches of his infidelity, which Pompey's other Freed Men
(after the death of Menecrates ) continually loaded him with, exhorting
him to return to his duty, he demanded ſafe conduct, which being grant-
ed him, he returned into Pompey's ſervice with ſeven Veſſels, whilſt Calvi-
fins, Cæfar's Adiniral perceived nothing of it; wherefore Céſar took away
his Command, and gave it to Agrippa. After that Caſar’s Fleet was finish-
ed, he purged it in this manner, Altars were erected in the Sea a little off
the Shore, the Ships with all their Crews aloft in a profound ſilence, rank-
ed in order before them, the Prieſts ſacrificed ſtanding in the water, then
placed the Victimes in a Pinnace, with which they rowed thrice round the
Fleet, accompanied in other Boats by all the principal Commanders, all to-
gether praying, that if the Fleet were threatned with any misfortune, it
might fall upon the Vi&times, which after dividing in two, they caſt one
part into the Sea, and burnt the other on the Altars, whilſt all the multi-
tude made their Prayers. And this is the form the Romans uſe in the pur-
gation of their Fleets. It had been reſolved, that Cæfar parting from P4*
teoli
, Lepidus from Africa, and Taurus from Tarentum, Mould invade Si-
cily with three ſeveral Fleets, to encompaſs the Enemy on three ſides of
the Iſland, Eaſt, Weſt and South ; and that to this end, Cæfar ſhould
give notice to the others what day he would embarque, which was appoint-
ted on the tenth of the Summer Solſtice, which the Romans call the Ca-
lends of the Month formerly called Quintilis, and fince named Fuly in the
Honour of the firſt Cefar, which day he pitched upon, judging it would
prove fortunate, becauſe his Father had thereon been always victorious.
As for Pompey, he oppoſed to Lepidus Plenius with one Legion, and ſtore
of other Infantry at the point of Lilybæum, fortified the Sea Coaſts of the
Iland to the Eaſt and Weſt, and more particularly the Iſlands of Lipari
and * Coſſyra, left they ſhould prove Ports of Retreat, Coffyra to Lepidis,
and Lipari to Cefar, from whence they might at all times affault Sicily. All
*Pantalarea:
his beſt Forces he rendezvouzed at Meſlina, that they might be in a readi-
neſs to march where-ever there ſhould be occaſion. The two Chieftains
being in this manner provided, and the firſt day of Fuly come, Cæſar's
Party all embarqued about break of day. Lepidus ſet ſail out of Africa
with a thouſand Veſſels of Burther, and ſeventy Galleys, twelve Legions,
five thouſand Numidian Horſe, and all things neceſſary for their ſubſiſtence.
Taurus from Tarentum with one hundred and two Ships, of the hundred
and thirty Anthony had left Cæſar, the Rowers of the reſt being dead of
the Plague the laſt Winter. And Cefar from Puteoli, having firſt facri-
ficed in the Admiral, and thrown the Entrails into the Sea, that the winds
might be fair, Neptune propitious, the Sea calm, and all favourable to
him againſt his Father's Murderers. Some Ships went before to found the
depth of Water, and Appius with good Forces brought up the Rear.
The third day after their embarquing it blew very hard at South, and ſe-
veral of Lepidus's Veſſels of Burthen foundred, yet he reached Sicily,
where he beſieged Plenius in Lilybæum, and took ſeveral places, ſome by
force, and ſome by ſurrender. Tauris as ſoon as it began to blow returned
back to Tarentum. Appius as he doubled the Cape of Minerva loſt one
part

256
PART II.
The Civil Wars
part of his Squadron, another part were driven upon the Flats, and the
reſt diſperſed here and there with great lofs. Celar at the beginning of
the Storm got to Anchor with all his Ships in the Gulf of Elæa in ſafety, all
but only one Galley of fix Oars to a Bank, which was caſt away near the
adjoyning Promontory, but the Wind on a ſudden clapping about to the
Weſt, to which this Gulf lies open, they were ſorely battered with the
Tempeſt
, for the Wind blowing right in, they could neither get out, nor
ride there. In vain they plyed their Oars, and in vain let drop their An-
chors, they were driven upon the Rocks, or fell foul of one another, beſides
night coming on, made the danger much more dreadful. At length the
ſtorm being blown over, Cæſar cauſed the dead to be buried, the wounded
dreſſed, and cloathed thoſe who had caſt themſelves into the Sea to ſave
their lives, giving them other Arms, and immediately iſſued orders to refit
his Fleet, as well as he could for the preſent, he had loft fix great Ships,
* Brigari-
two and twenty leſſer, and a great number of * Liburnicks. Thirty days
tines. it required beſides to repair the damage this ſtorm had done, and Summet
was far advanced; wherefore he found it convenient to put off the War
till the next year. Mean while, becauſe the People were put to hard fifts
for want of Proviſions, he preſently cauſed his Ships to be drawn afhore
to refit, fent thoſe Seamen had eſcaped the ſtorm to Taurus, who wanted
them, and fearful leſt this diſaſter ſhould work ſome change in the minds
of thoſe who had not yet loſt the memory of the great Pompey, he ſent
Mecenas to Rome, whilſt himſelf went through all Italy from Colony to
Colony, aſſuring the Veterans there was no fear of any thing, and then
paſſed to Tarentiim, to ſee in what condition Taurus’s Fleet was, and thence
to Vibone, where he encouraged his Legions, and haſtened with ſuch dili-
gence his Naval Preparations, that in a ſhort time he was ready to make
a fecond attempt upon Sicily.
Pompey not yet thinking fit to make any advantage of ſo many Ship
XXV. wracks, was contented only to facrifice to Neptune and Salacia, whoſe Son
he ſuffered himſelf to be called, as perſwaded the Enemy had not been
thus twice battered by Tempeſt in Summer time, without divine affiſtance.
'Tis likewiſe reported, that puffed up with this ſucceſs, he changed his
Coat of Arms, which was of Purple, and took Blew, as the adopted Son
of Neptune. He hoped after ſo many loſſes Cafar would lie quiet; but
when he heard he had refitted his Fleet, and was ready to come into Sicily
that very Summer, his heart failed him, thinking he had to deal with a
Man whoſe courage was invincible, and whoſe treaſure inexhauſtible, yet
he ſent Menodorus with the ſeven Ships that he had brought him to diſcover
in what readineſs Cæſar's Fleet were, and do what elſe he could. But he an-
gry that he was not reſtored to the Command of the Fleet, and perceiving
they truſted him with no more than his own ſeven Ships, becauſe they
had a jealouſie of him, reſolved once more to change ſides. To this pur-
poſe imagining, that whatever happened, it would be for his advantage to
do ſome brave and valiant action, he diſtributed all the Money he had a-
mong his companions, and having in three days come ſeventy five Furlongs,
he falls like a Thunderbolt among the Guard-ſhips of Cæfar's Fleet, where
they were at work, then going off, and upon a ſudden falling on again, he
carried away ſometimes two, and ſometimes three, he engaged likewiſe
either in their Ports, or upon the Sea, with ſeveral Ships loaden with Corn,
fome of which he ſunk, others burnt, and took others, and in ſhort, filled
all the Coaſt with terrour and tumult, both Cæfar and Agrippa being abſent,
the

Book V.
of Rome.
257
the laſt gone into the Foreſt to provide Timber. So bold he grew, that he
came to an Anchor in a Shoal Bay, where he lay as if he had been faſt in
the Ouz, till the Enemies running down from the Mountains as to an aſſu-
red Prey; tacking about, he rowed off, laughing at, and deriding them;
to the grief and aſtoniſhment of the whole Army. After he had thus made
known of what importance it was to Cafar to have him for a Friend or E-
nemy, he gave liberty to a Senator, called Rebilus, who he had before ta-
ken, that he might go before and prepare matters, raiſing a report among
his People, that they ſhould ere long have a Fugitive of conſequence, which
was Vinidius Marcellus, an intimate Friend of Cæfar’s, whoſe affection he
himſelf had gained, when he before quitted Pompey's ſervice, and after
that drawing near to the Enemy, and defiring to have ſome conference
with Vinidius, in a certain Iſland, touching an Affair of Importance to
both Parties. Having obtained it, when they were alone he told him,
that when he left Caſar's Party to go to Pompey, he had been forced to it
by the injuries he dayly received from Calviſius then Admiral ; but that
now Agrippa had the Command of the Navy, he was ready to return to
Cæfar's ſervice, of which he could not complain, provided Vinidius would
bring him a ſafe conduet from Meſjala, who in Agrippa's abſence com-
manded the Fleet, promiſing by ſome ſignal Action to repair his fault
.
However, till he had his fafe Conduct, he muſt, to avoid ſuſpicion, make
War upon C«far's Party as before. Meſſala at firſt ſcrupled the doing it,
as diſhonourable, yet at length he granted it, whether yielding to the ne-
ceſſities of the War, or before well informed of Cafar's mind, or that he
foreſaw he could not be diſpleaſed at it. So Menodorus once more changed
Parties, and going to Cæfar caſt himſelf at his Feet, begging pardon for
his fault, without telling what obliged him to commit it. Cafar pardoned
him becauſe of Mefali's word paſſed to him, but gave orders narrowly to
watch him, and permitted the Officers of his Galleys to go whither they
pleaſed.
XXVI.
Cæſar's Fleet being now ready he came to Vibona, where he gave order
to Meſſala to paſs over into Sicily with two Legions to joyn Lepidus's Ar-
my, and that he ſhould land in the Gulf againſt Tauromenia: he ſent three
likewiſe to Stylida, which is the very extremity of the Strait, to wait a fair
opportunity, and commanded Taurus to fail about with his Fleet from Ta-
rentum to the Promontory of Scyllace, which is directly oppoſite to ſ auro-
menia. He came prepared to fight both on Sea and Land; for his Land
Army followed him, before whom marched his Horſe, with orders to
make diſcoveries from the Land, as the Liburnick Brigantines did at Sea.
As he was advancing in this manner, Caſar came; and after having ſeen
him near Scyllace, and approved the order he kept, returned to Vibona:
Pompey, as we have ſaid, had placed good Garriſons in all places of the I-
ſland where any Forces might land, and kept his Fleet at Meſſina; ready to
go and relieve who ſtood in need. Whilſt theſe Preparations were made
on both ſides, Lepidus having ſent for out of Africa for the remainder of his
Forces, which conſiſted in four Legions, Papia, one of Pompey's Lieute-
nants met them in open Sea; and whilit they ſtaid for him as a Friend,
gave them chace, they took them for the Ships Lepidus was to ſend to meet
them ; and indeed he did fend, but coming out too late, when the Ships of
Burthen ſaw them, they took them for Enemies, and would not approach
them, whereas now ſtaying for Papia, fome were taken, ſome burnt,
fome funk, and others recovered Africa, of the four Legions two periſhed
K k k k
in

258
The Civil Wars
Part II
in the Sea, and if any Soldiers faved themſelves by ſwimming, Tifienus,
another of Pompey's Lieutenants, cauſed them to be maſſacred as faſt as
they came on ſhore. The reſt of the Army came either now or afterwards
to Lepidus, and Papia returned to Pompey. Cafar with all his Fleet paſſed
from Vibone to Strongyle, one of the five Æolian Illes, and ſeeing on the
Coaſt of Sicily great ſtore of Forces at Pelora, Miles, and Tyndari, he be-
lieved Pompey was there in perfon, wherefore leaving Agrippa his Admiral
in the Poſt
, he returned to Vibone, and ſoon after joyned with Meſſala,
with deſign to lay hold of the opportunity of Pompey's abſence to ſurpriſe
Tauromenia, and fo fall upon him two ſeveral ways. Agrippa therefore
goes from Strongyle to Hiera, and driving out the Garriſon takes the
* Melazzo.
place, refolving next day to attempt * Miles, and Demochares the Admiral
who lay there with forty Ships ; wherefore Pompey fearing Agrippa’s fuc-
ceſs, fent other forty Ships from Meſſina to Demochares, under the Com-
mand of Apollophanes another of his Freed Men, who was followed by
Papia with ſeventy others. Agrippa before day weighed with half his
Ships, as if he were only to fight with Papia, whom he had ſome intelli-
gence he might meet ; but when he ſaw Apollophanes's Fleet followed by
another of ſeventy Sail, he ſent preſently to give notice to Cæſar that Pom-
pey was at Miles with the greateſt part of his Naval Force, and placing
himſelf in the middle of his great Ships, ſent to the reſt at Hiera with all
ſpeed to follow him. Theſe two Ships thus magnificently equipped, and
having Towers in Poop and Prow, being come up with each other, after
the Signals given, and their Men encouraged to do well, charged
with great violence, ſome ſtem and ſtem, and others ſtanding off to gain
their Enemies Broad-ſide, and fall on with greater terrour, great was the
noiſe made by the Ships ſhocking againſt each other, and greater the
Shouts of the Men. Pompey's Ships were middle fized, light, and eafie
to go about, and ſo much more active againſt the Enemy, and by their
ſwiftneſs fit to take all advantages in boarding; but Ceſar’s being greater
and heavy, were of conſequence much leſs nimble, but on the contrary,
ſtronger, both to give the Shock, and abler to receive it. Cafar had the
beſt Soldiers, and Ponapey the moſt skilful Mariners; wherefore theſe
charged not right forwards upon Cæſar's great Ships, but fhearing by them,
ſometimes broke a whole Gang of Oars, and ſometimes carried away
their Rudders, and ſometimes likewiſe ſuddenly bringing about, they
charged them with their Beak Heads, giving no leſs a Shock than they re-
ceived: but when Cæſar's Ships could reach any of theſe light timbered
Veffels, they preffed upon them ſo furiouſly with their Beak Heads, that
they either ſtaved them, or bored them through and through; and if
they came at any time to fight Board and Board, the great Ships miferably
knocked them down with miſlile Arms thrown from aloft, and caſting in
their Grapnels, eaſily ſtopped them, ſo that the ſervice being too hard to
be born, the Adverſary had no way to ſave themſelves, but by leaping into
the Sea, where Skiffs appointed for that purpoſe took them up. Mean
while, Agrippa, whoſe main deſign was upon Papia's Ship, gave him ſo
cruel a Shock in the Bow, that'he funk him, for he opened all his Keel,
and thoſe in his Fore-Caſtle preſently fell, and the Water entring, all the
lower Bank of Rowers were drowned, the reſt upon Planks ſaved them-
felves by ſwimming: Papia, received into the next Ship, again renews
the Fight. When Pompey, who from the top of a Mountain law that his
People could very hardly defend themſelves, and that they never came near
any of Cafar's Ships, but they loft Men, and that the reſt of Agrippa's
Fleet

Book V.
of Rome.
259
Fleet whom he left at Hiera were coming to his aſſiſtance, made á Signal
for them to retreat, which by little and little they did, ſtill fighting, but
being cloſe preſſed upon, they fled, not into the Ports, but the Rivers
Mouths, where the Mud and Sand brought down by tlie conſtant ſtream
makes Shoal Water, wherefore Agrippa’s Pilots adviſing him not to ha-
zard his great Ships upon thoſe Flats, he came to an Anchor in ſight of
them in the open Sea, as if he deſigned to attack them in the Night
but his Friends admoniſhing him not to be ruled more by anger than reaſon,
nor to over-haraſs the Soldiers by too great Labour and Watchings, nor
yet to be too confident of the calmneſs of the Sea, he retreated towards the
Evening, and Pompey's Ships got into Harbour. They loſt in this Battel
thirty of their Ships, and ſunk five of Cæſar's, beſides many other loſſes
which they as well as the Enemy ſuſtained. Pompey commended them for
having ſo well defended themſelves, having to fight not againſt Ships but
Walls, nor were his rewards leſs than if they had been victorious : he gave
them hopes, that fighting in the Strait as their Light Ships would eaſier
ſtem the Current, ſo they would certainly be victorious, promiſing withal
to add ſomewhat to the heighth of their Ships. Such was the ſucceſs
of the Battel between Agrippa and Papia near Melazzo.
After which Pompey judging what indeed was, that Caeſar was gone to XXVII
Taurus's Camp, becauſe he had a deſign upon Tauromenia, as ſoon as he
had fupped he ſet Sail for Meſſina, leaving at Melazzo a part of his Ships,
to make Agrippa believe he was ſtill there. Agrippa on the other ſide ha
ving given a little repoſe to his Men, failed towards Tyndari, which had
promiſed to ſurrender; where he was received by the Inhabitants, but the
Garriſon defended it fo generouſly, that they drove him thence, yet fome
other Towns revolting to him, received his Garriſons, and towards Even-
ing he returned to the Fleet. Mean while, Cæfar being well aſſured that
Pompey was gone from Mesſina to Melazzo becauſe of Agrippa, came from
Scyllace to Leucopetra, from whence he refolved to paſs by Night to Tauro-
menia; but after he heard the ſucceſs of the Sea-fight, he changed his
mind, believing he need not conceal his embarquing, but boldly go on in
broad day, for he imagined Pompey would not come far from Agrippa.
Day then beginning to appear, he took a view from the Mountains as far as
his light could reach into the Sea, and fpying none of the Enemies Ships
he went on Board, loading his Ship with all the Soldiers he could ſtow;
and leaving the reſt with Meſſala till the Ships returned to fetch them:
being come near Tauromenia, he ſummoned the place, but the Garriſon
refuſing to ſurrender, he paſſed beyond the River Onobola; and the Temple
of Venus, and landed near Archigetes, where having made his prayers to
the Gods, he encamped to beſiege Tauromenia; now Archigetes is a ſmall
Statue of Apollo, which the Naxians, when firſt fent a Colony into Sicily,
dedicated. There as Cafar ſet foot on ground he fell, but foon got up a-
gain; he was beginning to work upon the Circumvallation of the Camp
when they ſaw Pompey coming with a great Fleet, to the aftoniſhment
of all the Army, who thought him quite ruined by Agrippa : along the
Shore likewiſe came Horfemen, riding, ſtriving in ſwiftneſs to out-paſs
the Fleet ; and in ſeveral parts were ſeen great Bodies of Foot. Cæſar's
People ſeeing themſelves thus ſurrounded by three Armies, were utterly
diſmayed, Cæſar himſelf was afraid, becauſe he could not now have the
aſſiſtance of Mejſala. The Horſe firſt fell among Cæjar's Men ſtill em-
ployed in their Trenches. And if the Fleet and the Foot had come on at
K k k k 2
the

260
The Civil Wars
PART II.
the fame time, perhaps Pompey had gained an important Victory, but be-
ing unskilful in military Affairs, and ignorant of the fear their Enemies
were in, loth to come to a Battel in the Evening, they retreated, the
Fleet to the Promontory of Coccyna, and the Foot, who durſt not lodge
near Ceſar's Camp, to the Town of Phæniffa, whilft the night following
the lay quiet, the Cæfarians fortified their Camp, but with extreme labour
and watching had made themſelves utterly unfit to fight; they were three
Legions, five hundred Horſemen without Horſes, about a thouſand light
armed Foot, and two thouſand Veteran Voluntiers, beſides the Sea-Forces.
Cafar left with Cornificius all the Land Forces, with order to defend himſelf
as well as he could, and before day himſelf embarqued, left he ſhould like-
wiſe be ſhut in by Sea. He placed Titinius on the Right, and Carcius on
the Left, and himſelf in a Brigantine went from one part of the Fleet to the
other, exhorting all Men to do their beſt; and after that (as being in ex-
tremity of danger) ftruck his Flag. Pompey preſently coming to aſſault
him, they charged through twice, and the Fight laſted till Night. But
Ceſar’s Ships were many burnt and ſunk, and many of them ſetting their
ſmall Sails, fled towards the Coaſt of Italy contrary to, and in contempt
of Orders, ſome of Pompeys Ships purſued them, and ſoon putting them
in diſorder, took or burnt them as well as the reſt, thoſe that fwum aſhore
were either ſlain or taken by Pompey's Horſemen, ſome few eſcaping to
Cornificius's Camp, who ſent only his light armed Foot to receive them;
for he did not think it convenient to go out with his Legions, in that ill
po-
ſture wherein they were, whilft a Land Army of the Enemies lay fo nigh,
whom the ſucceſs at Sea had puffed up, as is ordinary after Victory. Cæfar
rowed a great way in the night in a ſmall Galley, deliberating with
himſelf, whether he ſhould endeavour to paſs through the midſt of his E
nemies, and get again to Cornificius, or go to Meſſala. At length by good
fortune he reached the Port of Abala, where he landed with one Eſquire,
deſtitute of Friends, Servants or Guards, whom fome that were come up
to the Mountains to ſee how things ſtood, found afflicted both in
Body and Mind, whom changing from Boat to Boat that they might the
better deceive the Enemy, they at length brought to Mefjala's Camp,
which was not far diſtant. As ſoon as he got thither, before he would
take any food, he diſpatched a Brigantine to Cornificins, and ſent to all parts
of the Mountains to let thoſe they found there know he was in ſafety, ad-
vertizing them to prepare to relieve Cornificius; and he wrote to Cornificius
that he would ſuddenly be with him, and bring him relief. After he had
eat a little, and taken ſome ſmall repoſe, he went by night to Stylida, con-
voyed by Meſſala to find out Carinas, who being ready to fail with three
Legions, he gave him order to paſs over to Lipari, and there ſtay for him ;
and writ likewiſe to Agrippa, that conſidering the danger Cornificius was in,
he ſhould with all ſpeed ſend to him Zaronius with the beſt of his Forces.
He likewiſe fent Mecenas the ſecond time to the City, upon intelligence
they were contriving ſome Novelty, the Authors of which were publickly
puniſhed: and Meſſala he ſent to Puteoli, where the firſt Legion lay to
bring them to Vibone. This was that Meffala who was proſcribed at Rome
by the Triumvirs, with promiſe of rewards both of Money and Liberty
to thoſe ſhould ſlay him; and who eſcaping to Brutus and Caffius, after their
death delivered up on Compoſition their Fleet to Anthony: which I the
rather mention in this place as a great example of Roman Virtue, ſince
Meſſala having now in his power him who proſcribed him, without atten-
dance, and in a deplorable condition, received him as his General, and
ſaved his life.
As

Book V.
261
of Rome.
As for Cornificins, though he could have defended himſelf in his XXVIII.
Trenches, yet being ſtraitned for want of Proviſion, he drew out to pro-
voke the Enemy to fight : but Pompey would not hazard the fortune of a
Battel againſt People had nothing but their Arms to truſt to, and whom
he hoped to reduce byFamine; yet Cornificius having placed thoſe eſcaped
from the Sea-Fight, and who were without Arms in the midſt of the Le-
gions, marches on, forely infeſted in the Plain by the Horſemens miſſile
Arms, and by the African Foot in places inacceſſible for the Horſe, who
being lightly armed, though he ſent off ſeveral Parties to engage them,
he could do no good againſt them. The fourth day of his March he came
upon a dry ground, which the Inhabitants thereabout call The Torrent of
Fire, reaching quite to the Sea, all waters falling on it being evaporated
with the very heat of the ground; ſo that the People thereabouts never
travel over it but by night to avoid the heat and duſt. Cornificius's Men not
knowing the Country durft not, eſpecially in a dark Moon, adventure to
paſs by night, for fear of an ambuſh; and by day they could not defend
themſelves from their Enemies, heat and duſt ſuffocated them, and the
ſcorching ground (being now in the heat of Summer ) tormented the
foles of their Feet, eſpecially thoſe were naked; thirſt no leſs afflicted
them, not ſuffering them to retard their March to go charge thoſe light
armed Foot who continually infeſted them; ſo that they were expoſed to
wounds, without making any defence. At laſt, when they drew near to
a Strait at the end of this burning ground, they met with other Enemies;
wherefore leaving behind their fick, and ſuch as could not fight, they ad-
vanced furiouſly to the Charge, and gained the Paſs; but when they ſaw
before them other Straits which the Enemy was likewiſe poſſeſſed of, they
loft all heart, and made a ſtop, being quite ſpent with thirſt, heat and la-
bour; yet when Cornificius perſwaded them to take courage, by telling
them there was a Fountain cloſe by, they renewed the Fight, and with con-
fiderable loſs of theirs drove the Enemy from the Poſt, but other Enemies
were ſtill Maſters of the Fountain, ſo that now they gave themſelves over
to grief and deſpair. In this extremity Laronius appeared afar off with
three Legions which Agrippa had ſent to their relief, they were not fully
aſſured he was their Friend; however, the fight put them in ſome hopes,
eſpecially when they ſaw the Enemy deſert the Fountain, for fear of be-
ing encloſed on both ſides, then they began to ſet up Shouts of Joy, which
Laronins having anſwered, they ran all to the Fountain, where notwith-
ſtanding all the good counſel of their Officers to make them more tem-
perate, they drank fo exceſſively, that ſome of them died upon the
place.
Thus Cornificius when he was quite paſt hopes ſaved himſelf and the reſt
XXIX
of the Army, and went and joyned with Agrippa, who in the mean time
had taken Tyndari, furniſhed with good ſtore of Proviſions, and ſo com-
modious for this War, that Caſar landed there all his Horſe and Foot, which
were no ſmall number, for he brought into Sicily one and twenty Legions,
twenty thouſand Horſe, and more than five thouſand light armed Foot.
Pompey ſtill held Melazzo, Maulochus, Pelora, and all that Sea-Coaft
with good Garriſons, who out of the fear they were in of Agrippa, kept
continually Fires, as if they would burn the Ships that approached them.
He was likewiſe ſeiſed of the Paſſages from Tauromenia to Melazzo, and
had fortified all the Avenues of the Mountains ; fo that he kept Cafar at a
Bay,

262
PART II
The Civil Wars
Bay (who had a deſign to enlarge his Quarters beyond Tyndari) and yet
adventured not a Battel. But having advice that Agrippa was about to
land at Pelora, he haftened thither, deſerting the Paſſes of Melazzo, of
which Cafar ſeiſed, and of Melazzo it felf, together with Artemiſiá, a
little City, famous for the Oxen of the Sun, taken away by Ulyes's com-
panions whilſt he ſlept. But when the news of Agrippa's coming proved
falſe, and Pompey heard of the Paſſes being loft, he ſent for Tiſienus with
his Army, whom Caſar going to meet, ſtrayed out of his way about My.
cono, where he ſtaid all night without any Tents, in a violent rain, as is
uſual in Autumn, with no other covering ſave a Gallick Shield which the
Soldiers held over his Head. Here they heard the horrible noiſe and
dreadful roarings of Mount Ætna, and beheld the mighty Flames, which
forely affrighted the whole Army, eſpecially the Germans, who ſtarting
from the places where they were laid down, were no longer ſcrupulous of
believing the wonders told of Mount Atna, eſpecially of the Torrents of
Fire. After this Cæfar went and ſpoiled the Country of the Paleſtins,
where meeting with Lepidus,and being ſupplied with Corn, they went both,
and ſet down near about Mellina. But when there happened only light
Skirmiſhes through all Sicily, and no memorable Fight, Cafar weary of
it, fent Taurus to cut off Pompey from Proviſions, by ſeiſing upon thoſe
Cities that ſupplyed them, which made him reſolve to give Battel; but
becauſe he was afraid of Cæfar’s Land Forces, and thought himſelf ſecure
in his Ships, he ſent a Herald to offer him a Sea-Fight. Though Cæfar of
all things abhorred to have do with Salt Water, where he had ever been
unfortunate; yet thinking it dishonourable to refuſe any thing, he accept-
ed the Challenge, and a day was appointed, when they were to meet
with three hundred Ships each, arined with all ſorts of miſſile Arms,
Towers and Machines that could be imagined. 'Twas now Agrippa in-
vented the Harpagon, which is a piece of Timber of five Cubits long,
bound about with Iron, at each end having two Rings, at one of which is
the Harpago, or Hook of Iron, and at the other many Cords faſtened in
Pulleys to draw it back, with a Catapulta or Sling to dart it forcibly into
the Enemies Ships.
XXX.
But the day of Battel being come, the whole Gang of Rowers began to
ſhew their skill, not without great Shouts and Acclamations, then follow-
ed the flying of miſſile Arms, ſome thrown out of Engines, ſome out of
Hand, as Stones, Javelins, Arrows, Fire-brands, and flaming Darts, the
Ships run Board and Board, ſome in the Waſte, ſome on the Bows, and
ſome ran with their Prows fo fiercely at others, that they over-ſet thoſe
ſtood on their Fore-Caſtles, and made their own Ships unſerviceable. O-
ther lighter Veſſels contented themſelves only to skirmiſh, lancing as they
paſſed by unto each other Darts, Javelins, and other miſſile Arms, other
ſmaller were appointed to take up ſuch as fell into the Sea. The Soldiers,
Rowers, and Seamen did wonders, aſſiſted by the skill of the Pilots, heart-
ned by the encouragements of the Commanders, and the continual play-
ing of the Engines : but the Harpagon was moſt of all approved, being
light enough to fly at a diſtance into the Enemies Ships, it ſtuck faſt, eſpe-
cially when they drew it back with the Cords; they could not cut it, be-
ing bound about with Iron Hoops; and the Cords they could not reach to,
becauſe of its length, beſides, this Machine being yet unknown, they
were not provided of any long Bills to cut the Ropes. There was but one
way in this unprepared condition they could think of, and that was by
force

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of Rome.
263
force of Oars to ſtrive to get looſe from it, but then the Enemy pulled up
too, both ſtriving one way, the Harpagon ſtill did its office; wherefore
coming to a cloſe Fight, they leaped into one anothers Ships, and were of
ten ſo mixed together, that it was hard to know which party any were of,
for they wore all one kind of Habit, and moſt ſpoke the Latine Tongue ;
and the Word for that day was known by both Parties. And in this con-
fufion when no perſon trusting to anothers giving him the Word, if he did
not know him, there was a horrible Slaughter, and the Sea was preſently
covered with Bodies, Arms, and Wracks of Veſſels; for they left nothing
unattempted beſides Fire, which after the firſt ſhock, and that they came
to fight Board and Board, they made no more uſe of. Both Armies from
the Shore beheld this dreadful Fight not without fear and paſſion, as think-
ing them engaged for every one of their particular ſafeties; but how in-
tentive foever they were they could diſcern nothing; for it was impoſſible
in a long Train of ſix hundred Ships, from whom they heard fhouts and ac-
clamations, ſometimes from one ſide, and ſometimes from the other, to
diſcover any thing diſtinctly. At length Agrippa judging by the Colours
upon their Towers, which was the only mark of difference between
them, that there were more of Pompey's Ships periſhed than theirs, encou-
raged thoſe about him, as if already victorious, to renew the Charge, and
not give over preſliug upon the Enemy, which they did, till thoſe oppoſite
to him were firſt forced to give way; and beating down their Towers,
Thewed him their Poops, and fled towards the Strait, to the number only of
ſeventeen Ships, moſt of the reſt cut off by Agrippa, who got between
them and the Flyers from going the ſame way, run violently on Shore,
where ſticking faſt, they were either got off by the Enemy, or there
burnt, which thoſe that were yet fighting in open Sea ſeeing, yielded.
The Cæſarian Sea Forces ſoon proclaimed their Victory by their Shouts
and Acclammations, which were anſwered by the Land Army on Shore :
whilft Pompey's Men groaned out of grief and deſpair. As for Pompey
himſelf, he departed in haſte from Naulochus to go to Meſſina, fo aſtoniſh-
ed, that he had no thoughts at all of his Land Ariny, which made them led
by Tifienus furrender to Cæfar upon good conditions, which example was
likewiſe followed by the Horſe perſwaded by their Officers. There were
in this Battel three of Cæfar's Ships ſunk, and twenty eight of Pompey's,
and all the reſt burnt, taken, or ſplit upon the Rocks, ſave only thoſe ſe-
venteen that fled.
XXXI.
Pompey, as upon the way he heard of the defection of his Army, laid
down his Imperial Robe, and took a private habit, ſending ſome before to
Meſſina, to load what they could upon his Ships, for he was prepared for
this a long time before, and ſending to Plenius who was at Lilybæum with
eight Legions to come preſently to him, Plenius forthwith ſet forward,
but all his Friends, and all his Garriſons having yielded to the Conquerour,
and his Enemies being already in the Strait to come to Meſſina, he did not
think it convenient to ſtay for Plenius in the City, though it were a very
ſtrong place, but embarquing upon thoſe ſeventeen Ships he had, made
Sail towards Anthony, whoſe Mother he had favourably received in a like
misfortune, and Plenius arriving at Meſſina after Pompey's departure,
he there ſhut himſelf up, reſolving to ſtand upon his defence. Now
after the Victory Cafar ſtaying in his Camp near Naulochus, had given or-
der to Agrippa to go and befiege Meſſina, which together with Lepidus he
did. Plenius having ſent out to them Deputies to capitulate, Agrippa
was

264
The Civil Wars
PART II
was of the mind to defer the buſineſs till next day that Cæfar came thither
but Lepidus himſelf received them upon compoſition, and to get the Ar-
my of Plenius into his own poſſeſſion, gave them ſhare in the plunder of
the City equal with his own ; fo that beſides pardon which they only asked
for, they had found a Booty they did not expect, they that very night
plundered the City with Lepidus's Men, and delivered themſelves up to be
his. So that Lepidus by this recruit beholding himſelf Maſter of two and
twenty Legions, and a brave Body of Horſe, raiſed his hopes, and laid a
deſign upon ſeiſing upon Sicily. This project he founded upon his
firſt having landed in the Iſland, and having taken more Cities than Ceſar;
wherefore he gave Command to his Garriſons not to receive any Forces
but his own, and feiſed upon all the Paſſages. On the morrow Cæfar
being arrived at Meſſina, ſends ſome of his Friends to Lepidus, to make
his complaint of theſe proceedings, and to repreſent to him that he was
come into Sicily only to ſerve Cafar, and not to conquer for himſelf. To
which he anſwered by a reciprocal complaint: That they had taken from
him his part of the Empire, which Cafar had uſurped all to himſelf, and if
he would reſtore that, he would willingly part with Africa and Sicily. Ce-
far, angry at this anſwer, goes to him himſelf
, reproaches him with in-
gratitude, and after ſome mutual threats they part, and from that inſtant
begin to keep Guard apart, and the Ships went and anchored at fome di-
ſtance from the Port, becauſe, as was reported, Lepidus had a deſign to
burn them; and the Soldiers deteſting theſe Diſſentions, believed they
were again falling into another Civil War. Not that they made any com-
pariſon of Lepides with Cefur ; Lepidus's own Soldiers did not do that, they
admired Cæfar's Virtue, and blamed Lepidus’s baſeneſs, thinking it a high
injuſtice done them, to equal the Vanquisher and the Vanquiſhed in the
plunder of Meſſina. Cæfar having notice of their thoughts ſent under
hand to folicite them by his Agents, who gained many, eſpecially of thoſe
who had ſerved under Pompey, for they thought the pardon granted them
ineffectual, unleſs Cæfar confirmed it. Lepidus knew nothing of this
Negotiation, ſo that before he perceived any thing, Ceſar comes
unlooked
for to his Camp, with a ſtrong party of Horſe, which he left before the
Trenches, and entred with a ſlender Train, and advancing towards the
middle, calls all the world to witneſs that he was forced to make War
againſt his Will. The neareſt to him having ſaluted him, calling him
Emperour, all Pompey's Men who were made to the purpoſe ran to him,
and begged his pardon. To which he anſwered, that he wondered they
Vfhould ask pardon before they had done what they ought: they under
ſtood what he meant, and preſently ſome took their Colours, and car-
ried them to Cæfar's Camp, whilſt the others made up the Tents. Lepi-
dus hearing the Tumult, comes out of his Tent armed, and falls on, ſo
that one of Cefar's Eſquires being ſlain, and Cafar himſelf ſhot with an
Arrow in the Corſlet, though it went not to the quick, he got by running
to the place where he had left his Horſe. As he ran, ſome of thoſe who
were upon the Guard in one of the Forts at Lepidus's Camp made a mock
of him; whereon he immediately fell upon that Fort, and took it with
his Horſe. Thoſe who commanded in the reſt yielded, ſome at the ſame
time, others the night following, ſome without being ſummoned, and o-
thers after a flight aſſault made by the Cavalry to ſerve for a pretence of
their Surrender: but fome there were who bravely ſtood to it before they
would ſubmit; for Lepidus continually ſent relief to all parts; but at laſt
theſe reliefs deſerted him likewiſe; nay, even thoſe who had an inclina-
tion

Book V.
of Rome.
265
tion for him at firſt changed their minds. Firſt, all thoſe of Pompey's Par:
ty, who had till then ſtood firm for him, left him by whole Bands, and
when Lepidas cauſed others to take Arms to ſtop them, thoſe thus com-
manded took their Colours, and carried them to Caſar's Camp with the
others. Lepidus threatened, intreated, ſtopped the Enſigns, and faid
he would not ſuffer them to depart, till one of the Enſigns telling him
plainly, that he ſhould ſuffer it either alive or dead, he was ſo terrified
that he let them go. The Horſe left him laſt : but before they parted,
they fent to ask Ceſar whether he would have them kill Lepidus, whom
they acknowledged no longer for General ; but he would by no means per
mit it. Thus Lepidus ſeeing himſelf unexpectedly, and in ſo ſhort a time
deſerted by ſo great an Army; and fallen from ſo mnighty a Fortune;
changed Habit, and went to Cæfar, whither all the world run as to a
Spectacle. Cæfar roſe up to receive him, and would not ſuffer him to fall
on his Knees before him, but he ſent him to Rome in the ſame Habit, re-
duced to that of a private Man, without any power or quality, ſave that
of High Prieſt. So that this Man who had ſo often been General of Ar-
mies, had reigned in the Triumvirate, made ſo many Magiſtrates, pro-
fcribed fo many of his Equals in Dignity, returned into the degree of á
fimple Citizen, and ſpent the reſt of his life fubmitted to authority, and to
the power of many of thoſe he had profcribed.
As for Pompey, Cafar would not purſue him, nor permit it to be done, XXXII.
whether he thought it not convenient to follow him into Anthony's Domi-
nion, or whether he had a mind to ſee what Anthony would do; for if he
did not as he ought, he had juſt occaſion to break with him ( for both pre-
tending to Sovereign Power, either had a long time thought that when all
other were overcome they ſhould fall upon one another) or elſe, as Cæfar
faid afterwards, becauſe Pointey was none of his Father's Murderers.
All the Forces being now joyned together, there were five and forty Les
gions, five and twenty thouſand Horſe, thirty ſeven thoufand five hundred
light armed Foot, fix hundred Ships of War, and a prodigious number of
Merchants Ships, all which he ſent to their owners. He gave likewiſe to
the Soldiers the reward due to them for Victory, with promiſe of greater
Liberalities for the future, diſtributed Crowns, and other honourable Re-
compenſes to thoſe he thought worthy, and pardoned the Officers had
ſerved under Pompey. This great Proſperity was worthy of Envy, and
Fortune was not wanting to be jealous of it, and to intermix it with trou-
ble: for the Army,and particularly his own mutinied, the Soldiers demand-
ed their Diſcharge, and to have the fame Recompenſes they had received
after the Victory at Philippi; whereupon, though the ſervice they had
done againſt Pompey ſeemed not in his opinion comparable to the other, yet
he promiſed them to reward them honourably, and equal with thoſe now
ſerved under Anthony at his return, and yet according to Military Diſci-
pline he repreſented to them with ſome threats the fault they committed
againſt the Laws of War, and againſt the Oath they had ſworn to. At
length, ſeeing that inſtead of ſubmitting they grew more infotent, he for-
bore threatning, left thoſe who were newly come to his Party ſhould raiſe
fome Tumult: only he told them he would diſcharge them with Anthony as
ſoon as he could, aſſuring them in the mean time he would no more em-
ploy them in Civil Wars, ſince they by God's Grace were quite extinat;
L111
but

266
PART IT
The Civil Wars
but that he would lead them againſt the Illyrians, and other Barba-
rous Nations who had broke the Peace with them, from whom they
would all return rich. To which they told him plainly, that they would
ſerve no longer, unleſs he preſently gave them thoſe Rewards and Honours
their paſt labours deſerved. He anſwered them, that as to the Honours
there ſhould be no delay in them ; for beſides the Crowns he had already
diſtributed, he had others to beſtow among every Legion, and to the Cen-
turions and Tribunes Robes of Purple, with the Quality of Senator, every
Man in his Country. Whilft he was offering theſe things and many others,
fit a Tribune named Ofilius began to cry out that Crowns and Robes were
to quiet Children, but that muſt have Soldiers Money and Lands. The multi-
tude by their Acclammations ſignifying they approved this diſcourſe, Ce-
far in a rage went down from the Tribunal ; but for the Tribune thoſe a-
bout him praiſed him, and reviled the others for not joyning with him,
he told them that he alone was ſufficient to defend fo juſt a cauſe, yet theſe
words coſt him dear, for the next day he diſappeared, and was never more
ſeen. After which accident no particular perſon durſt utter a word, but
the whole Army went together to demand their Diſcharge, and Cafar for
his part did all he could to appeaſe them by careſſing their Officers. At
length he diſmiſſed thoſe had ſerved him at Modena and Philippi, who a-
mounted to twenty thouſand, for indeed they had ſerved longer than the
time appointed by the Laws of War ; but for fear left thoſe ſhould corrupt
others, he ſent them preſently out of the Iſland, after having told apart to
thoſe had ſerved him at Modena, that though he had diſcharged them, he
would not fail to ſatisfie what he had promiſed. As ſoon as they were ſhip-
ped, he drew the reſt together to ſpeak to them, where he took them for
witneſſes of the perjury of the others, whom he called Runaways, becauſe
they had forced a Diſcharge from him, praiſed thoſe preſent for their fide
lity, made them hope that ere long they ſhould be diſcharged, and that ſo
rich, no one perſon ſhould repent his having continued in the ſervice,
and with all this he gave them five hundred Drams a Man.
XXXIII .
After this Broil was over, he laid a Tribute of Sixteen hundred Ta-
lents upon Sicily, and ſettled there Pretors as well as in Africa, left an Ar-
my divided betwixt thoſe two Provinces, ſent Anthony's Ships to Taren-
tum, and ſending part of the reſt of his Forces before him into Italy, fol-
lowed himſelf with the other. When his return was known in the City,
the Senate gave him by Decree all the Honours imaginable, referring to
his diſcretion the accepting all, or as many of them as he pleaſed. All
the Senators, and likewiſe the People, crowned with Flowers, went a
great way to meet him, brought him firſt to the Temple, and then to his
Houſe. The next day he recited in full Senate, and before the People, two
Orations which he had compoſed, and which he afterwards made pub-
lick, wherein he orderly declared what things he had done, and his
Conduct in the Government of the Common-wealth, from his firſt un-
dertaking the Charge till now, cauſed the Peace to be publiſhed,
the Civil Wars being now quite extinct, remitted what was remain-
ing due upon Impofitions, diſcharged the Receivers of what they
ought, and releaſed the Farmers of what they had not yet payed in
of their publick Farms. Of all the Honours the Senate offered him
he accepted the nobleft, that on all thoſe days whereon he had been
victorious,

Book V.
of Rome.
267
victorious, there ſhould be Anniverſary Feſtivals. That there ſhould
be placed before the Tribunal for Orations his Statue in Gold, repre-
ſenting the life, with this Inſcription,
For Peace after tedious War, reſtored both by Set
and Land.
Beſides all this, the People would have taken away Lepidus's High
Prieſthood, and obliged him to accept it; but he refuſed it, becauſe
the Laws forbid the depriving a man of that Dignity, as long he
lived; whereupon the People would have Lepidus put to death, as
his Enemy, but he would not permit it. Afterwards he ſent to all
his Armies ſealed Letters, with Directions they ſhould be all broken
up in one day, and the Orders they found in them obſerved, which
were concerning the Slaves, who, during the Tumult and Diſorders,
had run away from their Maſters, and liſted themſelves in the Army.
The Senate had granted them all Freedom by the Peace made with
Pompey; but they being now taken all in one day, and ſent to the
Cities, Cæfar return’d them into the hands of their Maſters, or their
Maſters Heirs, and if none came to claim them, they were put to
death in the ſame Cities from whence they had fled: the like he did
in Sicily. All Men now thought the Civil Wars quite at an end, and
that they owed the obligation of it to Caſar, then twenty eight years
of age; wherefore the Cities conſecrated him, and placed him in the
number of their Gods. Mean time, not only Rome, but likewiſe
Sicily was infeſted with numbers of Vagabond Raſcals who robbed
with ſo much inſolence, that Cæfar was forced to give a Commiſſion
to Sabinus to ſuppreſs them, many he took and hanged; but it re-
quired a whole years time to purge all the Countrys clear of them.
At this time, as it is ſaid, were eſtabliſhed thoſe Cohorts of Watch
and Ward which continue to this day. This timely and ſpeedy reme-
dy got Ceſar much reputation, who now began likewiſe to appoint
many annual Magiſtrates in things that concerned the Adminiſtration
of the Common-wealth, according to the cuſtom of their Anceſtors,
he likewiſe cauſed to be burnt all Letters writ in the time of the
War, left they might kindle new Troubles, and promiſed to reſtore
the Government to the People, as foon as Anthony returned, becauſe
he knew well that he had deligned to lay down his Authority as ſoon
as the Civil Wars were ended. Upon theſe promiſes, the Citizens
perſwaded of Caſar's good intentions, made him perpetual Tribune of
the People, as if by this new Dignity they would invite him to lay
down the former: about which he privately wrote to Anthony, giving
his Letters in charge to Bibulus, who was upon his return to him, to
deliver ; he fent likewiſe Governours into the Provinces, and made
Preparations for the Illyrian War, whither he deſigned to go in per-
fon.
As for Pompey, having left Sicily to ſeek a refuge from Anthony, XXXIV,
L1112
he

268
PART II
Tbe Civil Wars
he landed on the Promontory of Lacinia, where he took out of Fino's
Temple all the Offerings of an ineſtimable value. Thence getting to
Mitylene, he fojourned ſome time in that City, where his Father in the
War with Cefær had left him then a Child with his Mother, and whither
after his Defeat he retreated. Anthony being at this time in Media fight-
ing againſt the Medes and Parthians, Pompey reſolved to throw himſelf
into his Arms at his return, but hearing he was defeated, and that news paf-
ſing for a truth in the opinion of all the world, he began to fancy new
hopes, that either he might ſucceed Anthony, if he were dead, or ſhare
power with him if he return’d, beſides he was encouraged by Labienus's
example, who but a little before had made ſtrange Incurſions and Spoils
throughout all Aſia. Whilſt theſe things run in his Head, news was
brought him that Anthony was returned to Alexandria ; wherefore pur-
ſuing the reſolution he had taken, he ſent Deputies to offer him his Friend-
ſhip
and Alliance; but this was but a Trick, for indeed they went only to
pry into his Affairs. In the mean time he privately diſpatched others to-
wards the Princes of Thrace and Pontus, reſolved to retire towards the
Kingdom of Pontus into Armenia, if he obtained not what he pretended to
from Anthony, for he had likewiſe ſent to the Parthians, out of hopes that
in the War which was not yet terminated, they would be glad to accept
him for his General againſt Anthony, being a Roman, and more, the Son of
the
great Pompey. Beſides he fitted up great ſtore of Shipping, and kept
in Exerciſe his Sea-Forces, under pretence of being afraid of Cæfar, or of
making theſe preparations for Anthonies fervice; But Anthony, who foon
perceived his deſigns, and ſent Titius with all the Fleet and Army of Syria,
to oppoſe him with open Force, if he would make War, or to conduct
him Honourably, if he had any intention to come to him as a Friend. Now
Pompey's Deputies ſpoke to Anthony in this manner.
The Oration of Pompey's Deputies to
Anthony.
T"
Hough if Pompey had deſigned to continue the War, he might have
gone into Spain, a Province where he is beloved for his Fathers ſake, of
which he had good Teſtimony in his Youth, and who fill offered him their .
ſiſtance. Yet becauſe he had rather live in Peace with you ; or if there be
neceſſity to make War, fight under your Colours, he has ſent us hither to offer you
bis Friendſhip and Alliance. 'Tis not a de fure of a days ſtanding, you know that
when he was Maſter of Sicily, and made Inroads into Italy, when he ſent
your Mother to you, he made you the ſame offers; And certainly had you accepted
them, neither bad Pompey been driven out of Sicily. For you had not aſiſted
Cæſar with your Fleet, nor you had not come off with ſuch diſadvantage againſt
the Parthians, becauſé Cæfar ſent you not thoſe Forces he promiſed yoH; Nay,
you might have reduced Italy to your Obedience. However, though you refuſed
them in a time when they might have been uſeful to you, he beg's you yet to
have a care left Cæſar who bas ſo often deceived you, do not do it at laſt be-
yond repair. Remember but how contrary to a ſolemn League, he made War
upon

Book V.
of Rome.
269
expon Pompey, who was likewiſe his Aly, though he had not the ſame pretence:
How he has deprived Lepidus of his part of the Empire, without in the leaft
making you partaker of his Victories. You are now the only obſtacle ſtands in
his way to that Monarchy to which he has ſo long aſpired; and already, if
Pompey had not ſtood between, you had been engaged one againſt the other.
'Tis more your concern than any mans to look into theſe things, yet Pompey
out of his love to you would not refrain his advice. Beſides knowing you good
and generous he has more eſteem for your friendſhip than for all could be pro-
miſed him by a man he knows for a cheat and a deceiver. He thinks it not
ſtrange you lent your Ships to Cæſar, becauſe he knows you were urged to it by
the want you ſtood in need of Forces for the Parthian War, but he would
willingly have you remember how much the not ſending that Army did you pre-
judice. In a word, Pompey yields himſelf up to you with that Fleet bebas
left, and a faithful Army never deſerted him in diſtreſ. If you have
peace, it will be no ſmall Glory for you to have protected the Son of the
great Pompey; and if you engage in that War which in all likelyhood yolu
diſpoſe your ſelf to, the Forces be delivers up to you will not be uſer
leſs.
The Deputies having done ſpeaking, Anthony let them underſtand the
Orders he had given to Titius, and for a full anſwer told them, that if
Pompey made theſe Offers ſincerely, he would come along with Titius.
In the mean time, Pompey's Envoys to the Parthians were taken by An-
thony's Captains, and brought to Alexandria, where having confeſſed all,
Anthony ſent for the Deputies had ſpoke to him on Pompey's behalf, and
ſhewed them whom he had arreſted. They were extremely ſurpriſed;
yet they befought him to pardon a young Man reduced to the lart extre
mities, and who out of a fear of being refuſed, had been forced to ſeek a
Retreat among Nations always Enemies to the Roman Name ; for had
he been well aſſured of Anthony's mind, there had been no need to
have had recourſe to others, or to uſe other arts and ſolicitations, An-
thony believed them, being by nature free from Malice, and of a clear
and magnanimous temper.
In the mean time, Furnius, Anthony's Lieutenant in Afia, made at XXXV.
firſt no oppoſition againſt Pompey, who was come over thither in a
peaceable manner, whether he were not ſtrong enough to hinder him,
or that he knew not Anthony's mind; but when he ſaw he exerciſed his
Soldiers, he levyed what Force he could himſelf in that Province, and
ſent to Ænobarbus, who was not far off with an Army, and to Amynt as
to come to his affiſtance. They being preſently drawn together, Pompey
began to complain they treated him like an Enemy, whilſt he was waiting
what anſwer Anthony gave his Deputies, yet all this while he was plot-
ting to make Ænobarbus his Priſoner, whom one of his Familiars called
Curitis, was to deliver up to him, hoping he might ſtand him in good
ſtead, if an Exchange of Priſoners ſhould happen; but the Treaſon
being diſcovered, and Curins convicted, he was executed by ſentence of
the Council of War, and Pompey put to death Theodorus, one of his
Freed Men, who alone he made privy to this Plot, ſuſpecting he had
diſcovered

The Civil Wars
PART II.
270
diſcovered it. This defign not fucceeding, he loſt all hopes of deceiving
Furnius, but lie took by treaſon Lampſacus, where C.Cæfar had planted
a Colony of Italians, whom by force of Money he got to engage in his
Party; ſo that ſeeing himſelf two hundred Horſe, and three Legions
ſtrong, he went and aſſaulted Cyzica by Sea and Land, but was both
ways repulſed by ſome of Anthony's Forces, who had the Guard of the
Gladiators, kept there for the Peoples Divertiſement. He therefore
returned to the Port of the Acheans, to make Proviſion of Corn, whither
Furnius following, without offering to fight him, encamped always as
near him as he could with ſtore of Horſe, and thus hindred him from fo-
raging the Country, or beſieging Towns. Pompey, who had not Horſe
enough to take the Fields, went and aſſaulted his Camp in Front with one
part of his Forces, againſt whom Furnius coming to the Charge, the o-
thers whohad taken a great compaſs not to be diſcovered, fell in behind,
forced the Camp, and put them all to the Rout. All Furnius's Men fled
through the Plains of Scamandria, and not being able to run very faft, be-
cauſe the ground was moiſtned with the Rain, there was made a great
Slaughter. Thoſe who ſaved themſelves eſcaped into places of ſecurity,
being too weak to ſtand Pompey, till ſuch time as new Recruits were come
from Myſia , Propontis, and other places. Mean while, the Country
People ruined with Taxes, took Arms, and joyned with Pompey, now
grown famous by the Victory, gained at the Port of the Achæans. But
ſtill wanting Horſe, he often came by the worſt in going to gather in
Corn and Forrage. Wherefore upon intelligence that a Body of Italian
Horfe were coming to Anthony, which Ottavia, who wintered at Athens,
ſent him, he diſpatched away ſome of his Agents with Money to corrupt
them ; but the Governour of Macedon taking theſe Suborners, diſtribu-
ted their Money to the Horſemen: yet Pompey took Nicea and Nicomedia,
where he got ſtore of Wine, beſides many other happy ſucceſſes he had
beyond his own hopes : but Furnius always encamping at ſome diſtance
from him. About the beginning of Spring there came to him from Sicily
ſeventy Ships, the Remainder of the Fleet Anthony had lent to Cefar a
gainſt Pompey; for the Sicilian War being ended, Cafar returned them.
At the ſame time Titius arrived out of Syria with ſixſcore other Ships,
and a great Army, and all together landed at Proconeſus. Thereupon
Pompey ſomewhat daunted, burnt his Ships, and armed his Rowers and
Seamen, whom he thought would do him better ſervice on ſhore. But
Caſſius of Parma, Nafidius, Saturninus, Thermus, Antiſtius, and all the
moſt conſiderable of Pompey's Friends, and even Fanhius himſelf, for
whom he had the greateſt value, and Libo his Father-in-law, ſeeing that
after the coming of Titins, to whom Anthony had given Commiſſion
either to make War or Peace, he was ſtill obſtinate to continue the
War againſt one more powerful than himſelf, left him, and making
their own compoſition ſubmitted to Anthony : being deſerted by his
Friends, he advanced through the mid-land of Bithynia, with deſign, as
Ptis ſaid, to get into Armenia : Furnius, Titius, and Amynt as having no-
tice that to this intent he had quitted his Camp by night, followed him,
and made ſuch hafte, that before day was ſhut in, they overtook him
near a certain Eminence, above which they encamped ſeparately with-
out entrenching, becauſe it grew late, and their Men were over tired.
Pompey feeing them in this poſture, drew off three thouſand Men,
who went and charged them in the dark night ſo briskly, that they
flew

Book V.
of Rome.
271
New a great number, ſome in Bed, and others riſing, and the reſt for the
moſt part naked, ſhamefully took their flight: ſo that if Pompey had fallen
on with all his Forces, or had but given them chaſe, he might have com
pleted his Victory, but his adverſe fortune put it out of his thoughts, and
he reaped no mone fruit of this Victory, ſave the continuing his March in-
to the Uplands.
The Enemies being rallied, followed him cloſe at the Heels, and
very forely tormented him, that being reduced to want of Proviſions, XXXVI.
he deſired a Conference with Furnius, Friend to the great Pompey, and
beſides that, the moſt conſiderable of all the other Commanders, and
the honeſteſt Man. Being in order thereunto come to the Bank of a
River that run between them, Pompey told them, that having ſent De-
puties to Anthony, and having in the mean time no Proviſions, nor
no perſon that would furniſh him with any, he had been forced to do
what he had done.
The OR A TION of
P O M P E Y
to F V R N I V S.
B"
Ut for your part, added he, if it be by Anthony's Orders you make
War upon me, he is ill adviſed, not foreſeeing a conſiderable War
hanging over his Head; but if it be of your own motion, I beſeech yout
to expect the return of my Deputies, on to carry me to Anthony, after
having paſt your word for my ſecurity : for Furnius, 'tis you only I confide
in, and put my ſelf into your hands, provided you promiſe me upon your
Honour to deliver me in ſafety to Anthony.
This he ſaid as confident of Anthony's good nature, and fearing only
ſome misfortune might happen to him in the Journey, Furnius made
anſwer :
The

272
The Civil Wars
PART II
The
A NSW ER of
CELE
F U R N I U S
to POMPE Y.
"IF
better
F you had any intention to yield your ſelf to Anthony, you ought
“in perſon to have gone to him at firſt, or have ſtaid his An-
“ſwer at Mitylene ; but you deſigned War, and have done all you
could; for why ſhould you deny things we certainly know? Yet if
you now repent, we are three that command here for Anthony, do
not create any jealouſie among us, but deliver your ſelf up to Titius,
“who only has Commiſſion concerning you : you may require of him
“the ſame ſecurity you do of me; for his Orders are, if you obſtinately
“hold out, to kill you; but if you ſubmit, to ſend you honourably to
Anthony
Pompey was angry at Titius, as an ungrateful Man, to undertake this
War againſt him whom he had ſo kindly treated when he was his
Priſoner; beſides, he thought it diſhonourable for Pompey to yield him-
ſelf into the hands of Titius, a man of mean extract, and whom he
was jealous of, either diſtruſting his Principles, or conſcious of ſome in-
jury he had done him before the laſt kindneſs; wherefore he offered
himſelf once more to Furnius, and begged him to receive him ; and
when that could not be obtained, he deſired that at leaſt he might yield
himſelf into Amynt as's Hands. But Furnius telling him that Amyntas
would not do that which would prove injurious to him who had Antho-
ny's Commiſſion for this purpoſe, the Conference ended. Anthony's
Lieutenants believed that Pompey would next morning for very want be
forced to yield himſelf to Titius; but as ſoon as it was night he cauſed
Fires to be kindled, and gave orders to the Trumpets to found at every
Watch of the Night, according to cuſtom, and he without any noiſe
went out of his Camp with the Flower of his Forces, not telling any
one of them his deſign, which was to return to the Sea, and ſet fire on
Titius's Fleet, and poſſibly he might have done it, if Scaurus, who deſert-
ed him, and run to the Enemy had not given him notice of his depai -
ture, and the way he had taken, without being able to ſay more.
myot as preſently followed him with fifteen hundred Horſe, for whom,
Pompey's being all Foot, it was no hard matter to overtake. As ſoon as he
appeared, all Pompey's Men forſook him, fome privily, others openly
ſo that almoſt deſperate, and fearing his own Domeſticks, he yielded
himſelf to Amyntas without conditions, who had refuſed the Compoſition
offered by Titius. Thus was the laſt Son of the great Pompey taken.
He had loſt his Father when he was a Child, and when he grew fome-
what elder, his Brother, after whoſe death he lay concealed a long time,
living

Book V. I be Civil Wars of Rome.
273
living like a Bandito in Spain, till ſuch time as a multitude of looſe Pea-
ple underſtanding he was Pompey's Son, flocked to him, and then he
began to over-run and plunder the Country. After the death of C. Cafar
having got a good Army, Ships and Money, he made a War, and be-
came Maſter of ſome Iſlands, after which he was created Admiral of
the Weſtern Sea, and then forely annoyed Italy, almoſt famniſhing his
Enemies, and forcing them to Peace on his own Conditions: but what
is moſt conliderable, in that dreadful time of Proſcriptions at Rome, he
was the only Refuge of the Miſerable, and ſaved many perſons of
Quality, who were obliged to him for their return to their Country:
but as if Fortune had deprived him of Judgment, he never would give
the onſet upon any Enemy, but loſt many fair opportunities, content on-
ly to defend himſelf. Such was the Pompey now taken. Titius received
an Oath from his Army in Anthony's name, and ſent him to Miletum,
where at Forty years of age he put him to death, either becauſe the
old injury had more power over him than Gratitude for a later kind-
neſs, or becauſe he had Anthony's Orders for it. Though ſome ſay An-
thony gave no ſuch Order, but it was done by Plancus Governour of
Syria, who in Affairs of great Importance was wont to ſet Anthony's
Hand and Seal. Others believe that Plancus indeed might write it, but by
private Orders from Anthony, who would not do it himſelf, becauſe of
the name of Pompey; or for fear to diſpleaſe Cleopatra, who eſteemed
Pompey for his Father's fake: others ſay again Plancus did it of his own
accord, fearing Pompey might raiſe ſome new difference between Cæſar
and Anthony, or that Cleopatra might fall in love with him. Let it be
how it will, after his death Anthony took another Expedition into Ar-
Amienia ; and Cæfar went to make War againſt the Illyrians, who waſted
the Coaſts of It aly, ſome of whom were never ſubject to the Roman Em-
pire, others caſt off their Yoak in the time of the Civil Wars. But be-
cauſe the Illyrian Affairs are not ſo well known to me as to compoſe there.
of a perfect Volume ; and that likewiſe I cannot ſpeak of them more
properly, than when writing of the time that Province was abſolutely
reduced under the Roman Power; I have deſigned to referit till I write
what paſied under Auguftus, and now only make a Summary to be an-
nexed to the Hiſtory of Macedon, thoſe Provinces being contiguous.
M m m m
F 1 N 1 S
.
}
C
376375
UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN
3 9015 08660 5089

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作者​: C